Class HISTOKICAL MEMOIKS MY OA¥N TIME. BY SIR N. W. WRAXALL, BART., AUTHOR OF " POSTHUMOUS MEMOIRS.' Igitur iibi Animus requievit, non fuit Consilium Socnrdia atqiie Desidia bonum Otium conterere; neque vero Agrum colendo, aut venando, servilibiis Officiis intentum, /Etatem agere. Sed a quo incepto Studio me Ambitio mala detinuerat, eodem resressus, statui Res gestas carptim, ut qua;que Meiiioria digna videbaiitur, perscribere : eo magis, quod milii a Spe, Metu, Partibus Rei- publics, Animus liber erat. Sallust. PHILADELPHIA : LEA AND BLANCHARD. 18 45. V > V » * .• * • '• '\s »*. ^<^» .o\a ^z^%^ PEEFACE. Having been sent to the King's Bench Prison, in May, 1816, for a most unintentional act of inadvertence committed in the first edition of these Memoirs, I immediately stopped the sale, which has been suspended nearly two years. During that period of time, I have endeavoured, by very atten- tively revising and correcting the present edition, to avoid a similar error. While making those corrections, I have added a vast variety of new matter which suggested itself to me, and remodelled the whole work. I have prefixed to this edition, my " Three Letters in Answer to the Re- viewers." Not from the slightest consideration or respect for their calum- nious criticisms ; but, as the best vouchers that I can offer to posterity, for my general impartiality, accuracy, and veracity. To posterity I look for my reward, perfectly satisfied if I can secure their approbation. N. WM. WRAXALL. Charlton, near Cheltenham, 2d May, 1818. AN ANSWER THE CALUMISIOUS MISREPRESENTATIONS OF THE "QUARTERLY REVIEW," THE " BRITISH CRITIC," AND THE " EDINBURGH REVIEW," CONTAINED In their Observations on Sir A''. William WraxalPs Historical Memoirs of His Own Time. After the very severe personal at- tack made upon the author of these '' Memoirs," and upon the work itself, by the writers of the " Quarterly Re- view;" — an attack in which they have been followed, though wilh somewhat diminished asperity, by the " British Critic ;" — it might appear like conscious acquiescence, if I left it wholly without reply. Yet, as I am intimately persuaded that no panegyric can permanently ele- vate a mean work, and that no censures can long depress a book of merit, I should perhaps have left those strictures to their own intrinsic weight, if the editors of the " Quarterly Review" had not wan- tonly made Sir Jolin Macpherson the object of their illiberal and pointed sar- casms. Independent of the high cha- racter, the public services, the financial resources, and recognised disinterested- ness, whicli Sir John displayed when Governor-General of Bengal; — facts too well established in the memory of h-is countrymen to stand in need of my testimony; — I shoidd have imagined, that if any portions of the present work could have challenged respect. Sir John's communications would have been en- titled to it. Can they consider the par- 1* ticulars given relative to the Emperor Leopold the Second; a prince who was known to have honoured Sir Jolin Mac- pherson with his confidence and friend- ship; as destitute of interest? The title of these facts to belief is irresistible, and they develope the secret policy, feel- ings, as well as character of tliat sove- reign. From what information more authentic, can contemporary history be generally drawn ? The anecdote of his present majesty and William, Duke of Cumberland, that of Hyder Ally, and many others, derived from the same source, which are scattered over the two volumes, speak for themselves. Contu- melious irony and insulting epithets should be well weighed before they are applied ; and when applied without ob- vious or apparent reason, they lead us to suspect some concealed motives for their adoption. Can any such have been of- fered and accepted in the case before us ? Tne world will judge for them- selves. To have censured inc with se- verity, is explicable, perhaps deserved, in all cases natural, and in the common order of things. But, it is more diflScult to account on ordinary principles, for the fact of honourable men exercising the ANSWER, ETC. function of literary censors, incapable therefore of prostiliiling or selling iheir suffrage; heaping contemptuous expres- sions on a distinguislied individual, mere- ly for having contributed some passages to the work under their examination. When one reflects on these circum- stances, one is almost led to imagine that the article in question was madeybr them, not by them ; and though it is impossible to form even a conjecture of the quarter from whence such acrimo- nious comments could originate, yet is one tempted to exclaim with Faulcon- bridge in " King John," applying the words to the literary fathers of the " Quarterly Review," " Sir Robert mi^ht have eat his part in me, Upon Good Friday, and ne'er broke his fast. — — Sir Robert never hoip to make this leg" The charges made against myself may be reduced to three ; namely, my want of ability, and utter inaptitude for ex- ecuting the work, that I have under- taken ; my immorality, and lastly, my deviations from truth, sometimes re- sulting from gross ignorance, sometimes destitute even of that apology. Heavier imputations can hardly be aflixed on an author. Let us see how they are sus- tained. The " Quarterly Review," after stating that I have " egregiously mistaken the amount of my resources and of my ability," compares me, for incapacity and self-importance, to " P. P. Clerk of this Parish," whose " Memoirs" furnish so much ludicrous entertainment in the works of Pope: while the " British Critic" chaiacterizes the book as " mere gossip, and languid imbecility." It would not become me to appreciate the rank which my own understanding holds in the scale of intellect: but, either the public does not think so meanly of the '' Historical Memoirs," and their author, or they manifest a most incorrigible ob- stinacy and inattention to the friendly admonitions reiterated by their literary fruides, who exert every endeavour to prevent their readers from throwing away "eighteen shillinafs on a new edi- tion in octavo of the daily advertiser." Now I can assure these gentlemen, that the first edition of this imbecile vvork, consisting of one thousand copies, was sold in thirty-three days, between the 14th of Aprd and the 17th of May of the present year; though the jirice was, not eighteen, but six and twenty shil- lings. No efforts of the press could bring out a second edition betore the mid- dle of June : but, of theit edition, very nearly as many have been already sold. How are we to account for this fact? — "Audacious charges against distinguished persons," — " stories resting on no basis of truth or probability," — " flippant and offensive reports," — followed by "pom- pous gossip, and inflated trash ;" — how could men be found so weak as to pur- chase such a compilation of absurdity, plagiarism, and matter already belter fjiven in the Annual Register, or the Court Calendar? I leave the solution of this pecuniary enigma to the gentle- men reviewers, who will doubtless ex- pose the juggle that has evidently been practised on the understandings and on the pockets of the British public. Nor is it merely my defect of natural capacity, but, my utter unacquaintance with the sources, from which alone authentic materials for composing " Me- moirs of My Own Time" could have been drawn, that disqualify me, as they assert, for so delicate a task. " It is very clear," says the Quarterly Review, " lliat Sir Nathaniel was not at all in the secret of any party, and the face of the political world was to him like the town clock. He saw the hand move, and heard the bell strike ; but, observed nothing of the springs which impelled, and knew nothing of the principles that regulated the machine." The " British Cniii;" observes, " in fact Sir William Wraxill is not qualified as the author of Historical Memoirs of My Own Time. He has not been behind the curtain, and seen the wires of the puppets worked. To write Memoirs, so that they may form legitimate materials for history, it is necessary for men to be able to say, Quoratn Pars magna fui.^'' On reading these aninnidversions, one is almost templed to doubt whether the reviewers had perused the work which they so severely criticise. It will not be disputed that I lived in daily and intimate friend- ship with the late Lord Sackviile, then Lord George Germain, who continued ANSWER, ETC. to be Secretary of State, down to January, 1782. From him I surely might have known much of the secret of the time ; and that I actually did know some par- ticulars not unimportant, may be seen in the " Memoirs" themselves. From the Duke of Dorset, who was appointed embassador to the Court of Versailles, in December, 1783, and whose confi- dence, as well as correspondence I en- joyed during the whole period of his embassy, 1 might have derived similar information. As I lived almost always had been entrusted by the Queen Ma- tilda. Every fact here enumerated can be authenticated by persons who are still living, some of whom are of very high rank. But, though above forty years have elapsed since the decease of that amiable and unfortunate princess, I have never alluded in any of my publications to the negotiation in which 1 was con- sulted and employed by her majesty. Yet, if disclosed, it would excite great interest; — for it resembled, in many particulars, a story of romance ; and ao- in London, and attended the House of cording to the principle laid down by the Commons regularly ; unless I laboured under insurmountable stupidity, I 7nust have caught some warmth from the mate- rials and persons that 1 approached. But I differ on another point from the reviewers. For, I think, that if I had been '• in the secret of any party ;" if I had "been behind the curtain, and seen the wires of the puppets worked ;" if I had been ofHcially entrusted with facts or documents of stale, I could not have divulged them during the life of George the Third, My very ability to compose Memoirs of My Own Time would have constituted my disqualifica- tion. Lord Clarendon, Burnet, Doding- ton, Horace Walpole, were all dead, before their Memoirs or reminiscences were given to the world. I am, in my reviewers, it would " form legitimate ma- terials for history."" But, those worthy gentlemen and I see objects through op- posite ends of the telescope. I come next to the charge of immo- rality and indecency, respecting which the " British Critic," after severely ar- raigning the work on this ground, says, " To the other sex, and the youth of our own, it is a sealed book, on account of its gross indecencies." It is to be regret- ted that the reviewers should not have glanced at the passages to which allusion is thus made. Such general and sweep- ing censures, without specifying any particular stories or parts, must be con- sidered as very unfair. On what foun- dation are they preferred ? Is it on the anecdote rehited of Marshal Saxe and own person, an instance and a proof ofj Mailemi''' de Chantilly ? — But, it will the position that I here maintain. Dur- ing the years 1774 and 1775, I had the honour to be employed most confiden- tially by the late Queen of Denmark, Caroline Matilda, who then resided in the Hanoverian dominions, at the Castle of Zell. By that princess I was re- peatedly sent over to his present majesty, charged with despatches of a very in- teresting nature, with whose contents I was intimately acquainted. So strong a sense did ilie king entertain of my ser- vices rendtM-ed to his sister, that he was graciously pleased, through the meilium ofLord Noi ih himself, then first minister, to send uk; a present of a thousand guineas, accompanied with assurances of employment. Lord North delivered the message lo me at Bushy Park, to which place he honoured me with an invitation for the express purpose. That nobleman knew from his majesty's own lips the nature of the negotiation with which I not be contended that in relating the marshal's conduct, I have spared the strongest epithets of abhorrence and indignation, which are so justly excited by his depraved treatment of a^i unpro- tected female. If it is meant to insinu- ate, that I convey improper information to the other sex, then, the works of Shakspeare, Otway, and Congreve, must be interdicted ; and still more, the pro- ductions of Pope, of Swift, and of Prior. Nay, every newspaper must be careful- ly removed: — for, they disclose far more than can be found in my two volumes. But, there remains still a minor imputa- tion, whicli the " Quarterly Review" qualifies with the terms " of filthy and indecent garbage." Probably they have in view the series of facts mentioned after the account given of Ferdinand the Fourth, King of Naples, which are illus- trative of Neapolitan and of French man- ners. But, are these fastidious critics 8 ANSWER, ETC. aware, or are they ignorant, that in De Tliou, Sully, Davila, and D'Aubigne similar " garbage" is found ? Are not Smollett, Gibbon, and Hawkesworth, full of such details? Sir John Dalrym- ple, by express permission, nay, under the sanction of his present majesty, has published letters far more exceptionable in point of delicacy (as, for instance, the memorableletter of Charles the Second to his sister, Henrietta, Duchess of Orleans, dated " Whiihall, 27th Feb., 10G9," relative to which, Dalrymple himself says, that " it could hardly have been expected from a royal hand"), than any thing to be met with in ray " IVlemoirs." It remains to meet and repel the at- tack made on my veracity : which im- putation, the "Quarterly Review" en- deavours to sustain by selecting out of the two volumes about fourteen promi- nent instances of error, or as he denomi- nates them, falsity. That my work is not exempt from many mistakes, I readi- ly admit : but the reviewers, while cen- suring me, should have been careful not to fall into the very predicament which they reprobate. Great triun)ph is as- sumed, because I have named the Duke of Dorset as having informed me of the circumstance attending Lord Camden's being invested with the order of the garter. No doubt I erred in thinking that I received the account from the Duke. But even tlie reviewers dare not assert that the anecdote itself is false. They "never read," they say, " a more impertinent story-" Impertinent sto- ries may liowever be true stories. In fact, though the duke of Dorset could not have related it to me, there are ten persons now living who know and are ready to depose to its truth. How, in- deed, could 1 invent it? I did not even know that Lord Camden's christian names were John Jiffertys, except in consequence of the King's remark. Here then, though 1 was partially mis- taken, 1 vvas radically accurate. In a-notlier assertion, namely, that I met Mr. Pitt in company with Mr. Rose, on his way to Piris, ut Antwerp, in Au- gust, 1783, I have likewise erred. On appealing, as 1 did, to Mr. Rose himself, a few weeks ago, for the truth of the fact, he wrote me, " I vvas at Antwerp in, or about the month of August, 1783, with Lord Thurlow, on a tour though a part of the continent. Mr. Pitt was not with me ; but I met him, 1 ihfnk, in October, at Paris, where he went after a short stay at Rheiras." — It appears therefore that in this matter likewise I fell into a partial mistake. In all the other instances brought to prove my de- viation from fact, the reviewers are either mistaken, or ignorant, or they substitute their own narration as more worthy of credit than mine, though without addu- cing any proof. But, what shall we say to men, who are so utterly unacquainted with the very matters on which they presume to decide and to accuse, as to assert that " Robinson's counter-sign- ing, as secretary of the treasury, on the refusal of Lord Weymouth, the secre- tary of stale, an order for the attack on Pondicherry, in 1778, is a perfect impos- sibility :'^" Mr. Robinson, writing to Sir John Maopherson, from " Wyke House, Isle- worth, " 23d May, 1800," in a letter, which has been long since printed, ex- pressly says, " My correspondence with the Nabob (of Arcol) shall be produced, if desired, which it fell to my lot (though not within my province) to carry on : as also, in concert with the chairman and deputy chairman, as a special com7nit- tee, to write out orders to the governor and council of Madras for the capture of Pondicherry, which was eflected so ex- peditiously, ivhen his majesty's secre- tary of state would not sign such or- ders.''^ I leave this letter to be denied, or contradicted, by the reviewers.* With similar boldness, but with as ill success, they pronounce on Mr. Eraser's presenting to King George the Second, when under secretary of state, a paper for his majesty's signature : — "A duly," say they, " which never by any chance, could have devolved on Mr. Fraser, or any other person in his situation." What ! Not in case of the secretary of state's illness, or necessary absence, or dismission, or under pressing circum- stances, in order to expedite the despatch of public business ? Do these gentle- men reviewers know or recollect, that * The printed letter has been left with jMessrs. Cadell and Davies for general inspec- tion, ever since August, 1815. It still remains in their possession. ANSWER, ETC. on the 18th of December, 1783, this same Mr. Fraser, and Mr. Nepeaii (now Sir Evati), us under secretaries of state, by command of his present majesty, brought and delivered up into the king's liand, not merely papers, but the seals of Lord Norlli's and Mr, Fox's departments, on their dismission from ollice I It is evident that the editors of the " Quarterly Revievi'" have either got out of their depth, or have hoodwinked their own judgment, and modulated their own opinions in submission toothers. Alter garbling, not citing, the ac- count that I have given of the late Lord Liverpool ; and omitting, for reasons which will be obvious to every reader, some of the most discriminating circum- stances of that nobleman's ordinary de- meanour described by me ; the " Quar- terly Review" says, " In this character of Lord Liverpool, though it may be in the main tolerably correct, there are some errors which prove that Sir Nathaniel had no personal acquaintance with the person whose portrait he draws. For instance, nothing can be less accurate than th^ statement, that his lordship's education was narrow, and that he was more read in men than in books." I not only was knovvn to Mr. Jenkinson with great familiarity, from 1781 down to 1780, when he went up to the House of Peers ; but I was in constant habits of meeting and conversing with him. I have dined at his country seat, Addiscombe Place, near Croydon in 1784 ; as, probably, the Dowager Coun- tess of Liverpool, and the present Duchess of Dorset, who were both there, may remember. Even down to a much later period of his life, he con- tinued to honour me with his regard ; and as late as 1797, he presented me, himself, in the queen's drawing room at St. James's, to the Princess of Orange. So much for my " personal acquaint- ance" with the Earl of Liverpool. As to his "university education," and his having " continued all his life, what is called a bookish man," which the re- viewers assert ; I can only repeat, that though he might be " a classical scholar," and might " have possessed a great variety of reading," yet his whole life, his speeches in parliament, and his 9 he elevation, sufficiently prove, that had read men more tlian books." If I do not descend to answer and refute the other instances adduced of pretended error or falsehood, it is, be- cause the examples cited are either in themselves of little moment, or must rest on the degree of credibility due to the reviewers, as opposed to my own testi- mony. Let the public decide between us. It is not of very material conse- quence, whether " the Royal George" went down in the midst of Portsmouth Harbour or at Spilhead. Nor is it very important, whether Lord Bute sold his house in Berkeley Square to Lord Shelburne, before he inhabited it, or afterwards. The " Royal George" perished in an instant, by the effect of fatal negligence ; and the Earl of Bute constructed the magnificent mansion which was purchased by Lord Shel- burne. These constitute the leading facts in both cases. There are other passages, where the reviewers have, either wilfully or unintentionally, mis- stated and misinterpreted my meaning. 1 have never asserted, as they affect to suppose and to assume, that " the cabinet of 1801 considered peace with France as impolitic, unsafe, and unwise:" but, that his majesty was known so to regard it ; and therefore that "Lord Hawksbury affixed his sig- nature to the articles, not only without the king^s consent or approbation, but without his knowledge." The cUffer- ence between the two statements is ob- vious. The "Quarterly Review" arraigns severely the details into which I have entered when discussing the characters or public merits of eminent men. " He seems to consider it necessary," say they, " to write a professed reviev*^ of the manners, morals, talents, and Ees gestx of each. In this way, Lord North and Lord Sackville are spread over forty pages ; and Pitt and Fox have, each, near thirty to their respec- tive shares." On reading this charge, one is tempted almost to doubt whe- ther it can be serious. Do not me- moirs necessarily include biograpliy in their range ? What constitutes the pe- culiar charm of Plutarch, except the very circumstance, that he enters mi- 10 ANSWER, ETC. nutely into the domestic and private becoming apology. If decency and life, as well as into the official acts of liberality of mind did not restrain the his heroes? Even Suetonius, a writer pens of these critics, or moderate their of very inferior merit in m^iny points of: virtuous indignation, other considerations view, yet awakens attention by the ^ might and ought to have imposed limits anecdotes that he recounts of the on them, Are they aware, that by Caesars, because he conducts us into attempting, through the medium of the their apartments, and renders us fa- press, to influence the public mind, and miliar with them. De Thou and to anticipate the supposed judgment of D'Aubigne descend to similar details, a court of criminal law on a matter Even Grammont, St. Simon, and pending and not yet come to hearing ; Horace Walpole, interest us on the they are guilty of a far more heinous same principle. If Fox and Pitt, if oflence than the one which it is falsely Lord North and Lord Sackville, if affected to attribute to me? For the Burke and Dunning do not challenge purity and majesty of English jurispru- minute investigation, who can deserve dence discountenances, reprobates, and it? Lord Clarendon and Burnet are punishes every appeal to the passions of liable to the same accusation, which i the multitude, as subversive of the first constitutes indeed their greatest claim principles of equity and justice, ♦o be read by posterity. It will not, I Having now so far finished my de- hope, be said that I am comparing my- fence at the bar of literary criticism, I self to these distinguished writers, be- will candidly confess the inherent, in- cause, like Z'rincz/Zo in " the Tempest," delible, and inexpiable faults which I attempt to " creep under their gabar- pervade every page of the " Historical dine," in order to avoid the storm. I Memoirs," and of which I own myself only endeavour to justify my attempt, culpable: nay, from which I principally by setting up their precedent. | claim for the work any tide to be read The "British Critic" is indeed at I either by the present or by the future variance nn this point with the '' Quar- ; age. They are, terly Review;" — for, the former of j these publications, when speaking of! Its freedom, impartiality, and truth. " the characters of the principal political leaders of the day," adds, " these we I am well aware that these qualities esteem by far the best part of his work." never yet did recommend, and never They retract, it is true, their approbation will recommend, to the favour of princes, in the next sentence, by subjoining that ministers, or of the great. They de- ihe characters " are written in a loose, precate all disclosures ; hardly ap- prolix, ivordy style." But, can we proving even panegyric, unless re- annex any value to the praise, or any strained within cautious, humble, and importance to the blame of men, who, guarded limits. Party, and party only, arrogating to decide on literary merit, can, in this country, support the man are not even exempt from errors of orlho- j who ventures to spurn these prudent graphy ? Of men who write Vullois, for ! boundaries. But I have not secured Valois ; Luzinska, for Leczinska, j that protection. Though nine years Malgrida for Malagrida, Haydue for have scarcely elapsed since Pitt and Heyduc, Vintrimille for Vintimille; Fox, both, paid the debt to nature; and many others ? I forbear to make 1 though the first officers of the state, and any comment on the manner in which I the benches in either House of Parlia- both these reviews have mentioned the ^ ment, are still filled with their respective prosecution commenced against me by | enemies, relatives, and adherents; I Count Woronzow, for having inadver- ' have (most imprudently I own) spoken tently mentioned his name in a way hurtful to his feelings; — a circum- stance wiiich could not have arisen from any intention to injure or off'end, which I regret, and for which, as soon as 1 was apprised of it, I made him every of them, as I would do of the ministers of Queen Anne ; of Lord Godolphin, and Lord Bolingbroke. So have I done of George the Third, as if I were writing of William the Third, or of Elizabeth. All the affectionate ve- ANSWER, ETC. 11 Deration necessarily inspired by his virtues, all the admiration excited by the rectitude of his intentions, has not induced me to attempt to conceal or to deny, that almost from the period of his accession down to the termin.^tion of the American war, his present ma- jesty did not enjoy popularity. He might have merited it, but he did not possess it. AVhere then, 1 would ask, can this work lind protectors, except in those who respect truth as the only quality that can render history valuable ? 1 well know tliat I have neither con- ciliated the followers of Pitt, of Fox, or of Lord North. Of course, in the spirit of parly, I can hope for no asy- lum. I look beyond the present gene- ration for my reward, namely, public approval. That liope, whether falla- cious or not, has hitherto sustained me under literary and legal attacks. It will animate me in the future pro- gress of these Memoirs ; which, what- ever may be their errors or defects, and whatever treatment their author may experience from the age in which he lives, will, he confidently trusts, be favourably received by posterity. N. WiLLM. Wraxall. Charlton, near Clieltenham, 'Z'id August, 1815. I had scarcely finished my Answer to the " Quarterly Review" and " British Critic" when 1 find myself attacked by a still more formidable, because a more voluminous, and, if possible, a more acrimonious antagonist, in the pages of the " Edinburgh Review." Though, as coming after the two former, he can only glean the field which they have reaped, and has only repeated the same charges or accusations which they had already preferred ; yet hav- ing thought it necessary to bestow on my work, in order, as he says, " to ex- pose its worthlessness," near two and forty pages of his loyal and high prin- cipled review, he claims from me a sepa- rate and appropriate reply. He begins by animadverting on my account of Catherine the Second. His words are, speaking of the second edition, " The deaths of the Emperor Peter, of Prince Ivan, of the supposed Princess Tarra- kanofT, of the Grand Duchess the first wife of Paul, and indeed, that of the Princess of Wirleniberg, are still laid to the charge of the empress. Such a series of murders, including that of a husband, of a boy, and of three young women, one of whom was a daughter in-law, has not been charged on any in- dividual, at least in the modern history of Europe." Now, in order to expose the injustice and falsity of the two first of these ac- cusations, namely, that of Peter the Third and of Ivan (which latter prince, though he was born in 1740, and killed by his guards in 1764, the " Edinburgh Review" no doubt from ignorance, de- nominates a hoy), I have only to cite my own account. No man disputes that Catherine ascended or assumed the Russian throne by the deposition of her husband, which was followed, a few days afterwards, by his death. I have said, when mentioning him and Ivan, " Sir Thomas Wroughton always spoke to me of Catherine's participation or acquiescence in the death of Peter the Third as involuntary, reluctant, and the result of an insurmountable neces- sity. He even considered her knoio- ledge of the destruction of the unfortu- nate Emperor Ivan, who was stabbed by his own guards at Schlusselbourg in 1764, with a view to prevent his beino- liberated by Mirovitsch, as exceedingly problematical.'''' This is almost tlie only mention that I have made either of one or of the other of those princes throughout the whole work ; except that I elsewhere say, " Peter the Third disappeared in 1762, as the unfortunate Emperor Ivan did in 1764." What re- ply can these worthy Scotch reviewers set up, after such an exposal of their calumnious misrepresentation ? Their zeal to rescue Catherine's memory from imputation, even at the expense of truth, would indeed be ludicrous, if it did not excite indignatfon. One would almost imagine that it was " the great Napo- leon,'" or the virtuous Carnot, in whose defence they had drawn their pen. While I am speaking on this subject, I will further add, that all the information which I ever received at Petersburgh 12 ANSWER, ETC. ill 1774, when Ivan had been dead only ten years, and Peter the Third scarcely twelve ; went to confirm Sir Thomas Wroughton's opinion, of Catherine's repugnance to sanction or permit any violence being used towards the deposed emperor, her husband. She long re- fused, even with tears, to authorize mea- sures of rigour, and he fell a victim to revolutionary military necessity, sus- i tained by the fears of the conspirators I who had placed Catherine on the throne, I She was only a passive agent in the ' business. Nor is it in any manner proved that she was acquainted with Mirovitsch's attempt to liberate Ivan. The empress received the intelligence of that tragical event while in public com- pany at Riga ; and opinions were great- ly divided on the subject at the time. But, whether she was guilty or inno- j cent, 1 have no where given even an } opinion throughout this whole work. Yet, these constitute two out of the " series of murders," which '• the Edin- burgh Review" says, I have " laid to the charge of the empress." Relative to the death of the supposed Princess Tarrakanoff, it is not necessary for me to make any defence, having only alluded briefly to Castera's account of that event, published in 1797 ; and having given, at some length. Sir John Dick's explanation of his share in the transaction; leaving the judgment to be formed respecting it, to the reader. Far from aggravating Catherine's cul- pability in the part which she acted to- ward the female in question, I have ra- ther defended her conduct. My words are, " It is even very diflricnlt altogether to condemn the Empress Catherine for endeavouring to gel possession of her person." And I have stated my reason for so thinking, namely, that impostors were nearly as dangerous to a czarina placed on the throne of Muscovy by a revolution, as a rightful pretender to the crown. " These considerations," I have added, " must, at least in a politi- cal point of \\ew,jiisfify Catherine for taking measures to prevent the lady in question from being made an instru- ment in the hands of vindictive or am- bitious individuals, to accomplish their projects of vengeance against herself." / have neither asserted nor denied, that the pretended Princess Tarrakanoff was drowned by the waters of the Neyi entering her prison. Castera says that she did so perish. Sir John Dick ad- mits that she died in prison: but he as- serts, her end was produced by chagrin. Let the reader judge between the two accounts. And now I would calmly ask the " Edinburgh reviewers," how they can so disgrace their own charac- ters and profession, as to lend themselves to such attacks as these ? Their own feelings, and the public condemnation, will amply avenge me, by exposing them to general censure. I come to the fourth charge against me, that of the death of the grand duch- ess, first wife of Paul: — a charge drawn up with elaborate malevolence, and sup- ported with no ordinary degree of histo- rical and critical ability. " No murder recorded in civilized history," say the Edinburgh reviewers, " approaches this. Paul is involved in it, as much as his mother ; for it varies the atrocity very slightly, whetlier he acted from subser- viency to the empress, from adoption of her flagitious policy, or from resent- ment at the supposed gallantries of his wife." — They add, " to publish such stories lightly, is no small offence." — Who, on perusing these passages, would not be led to imagine, that 1 had now for the first time revealed to the world this story ; or at least first published it through the medium of the press? But, unfortunately for the reviewers, as they themselves are obliged to admit, the whole narration has been given in print, eighteen years ago, in French ; a lan- guage much more universally read than English ; printed at Paris, in 1797, im- mediately after the empress Catherine's decease, and circulated all over Europe. Paul had then newly ascended the Rus- sian throne, and scarcely twenty-one years had elapsed since his first wife's death. Neither he, nor his ministers, could be ignorant of the existence of the work in question ; and the lapse of time was not sufficiently great to have carried off all the individuals who might have elucidated the nature of the grand duch- ess's end. Even Levesque, who men- tions the event, though more doubtfully, and in a manner that leaves his own opinion of it uncertain, published his ANSWER, ETC. 13 work in 1800. Yet Paul never attempt- ed to answer these calumnious niisre- presentalions, tlioiigli he reigned down to 1801. It has been truly said that "an injudicious friend is the worst of enemies." 'I'lie Edinburgh reviewers stand in this predicament. For, tliey must either be compelled to admit that Paul, linowing iiiniself and the empress liis mother lo be innocent, yet calmly acquiesced in the accusation ; not parii- cipating the anxiety manifested by his present advocates, and utterly regard- less of his reputation; or they must be reduced lo suppose that he had reasons for not stirring the business of his first consort's death. I leave them to choose between the two alternatives. They cannot pretend to believe that Paul, even though he had been actually implicated in the grand duchess's end, could have wanted venal and prostitute pens to have undertaken his defence. The historic, as weJI as the poetic muse, frequently indeed succeeds best in fiction. The application of these remarks will be easily made by the Edinburgh review- ers. Let us now advert to my own account of the event under discussion. It is given on the testimony of two princes of Hesse Philipstahl who were at Vienna in 1778, and seemed to derive some pro- bability or confirmation, from the cir- cumstance of the person named as the grand duchess's lover being then resi- dent in the Austrian capital. Bull have contented myself with relating the story, without asserting that I believed the empress or Paul to have committed the act attributed to them. It is true that I have added, " When we contemplate the history of the imperial family of Russia, from the reign of Peter the first inclu- sive, down to the present time, we shall find iiotliing in the story above related, either improbable in itself, or inconsist- ent with the measures to which the so- vereigns of that empire have continually had recourse, under similar circum- stances, in various instances." Do not the reviewers know that the wife of the Czarowilz Alexis, only son of Peter the Great, perished or disappeared in 1715, cious treatment of her husband ? She was in the fiower of youth, beautiful, virtuous, and at least as much an object of compassion, as the first wife of Paul, Did not Alexis himself disappear in 1719, under circumstances which have no parallel in modern history, except Philip the Second's execution of Don Carlos ? Contemplate the arbitrary acts of barbarous power, exercised under Elizabeth, Catherine's predecessor ; when women of quality, siripl, were exposed to the lash of the executioner, and expired under the punishment of the kaoitt, on a public scafi^old. They excite horror, and may justify us in sup posing that events, which never could be credited, if the scene lay at Stock- holm, at Berlin, or at Madrid, might possibly have been true at Petersburgh. If, nevertheless, 1 were called on to state my own opinion respecting the death of the grand duchess in question, I owe it to my love of truth to say, that 1 believe it resulted from natural causes, and was not accelerated by any violence. But, as no measures were ever adopted either by Catherine or by Paul, to disprove the reports circulated under the former, and printed under the latter sovereign, ac- cusing them of having accelerated her end, the subject must remain matter of historical doubt and discussion. It is a duty incuinbent on the " Edin- burgh reviewers," not merely as calling themselves impartial and honorable lite- rary censors, but, from rei^ard lo their moral character as men; to explain on what ground they have thought proper to accuse me of laying to Catherine's charge the last of this " series of mur- ders." I mean, that of the Princess of VVirlemberg. They must either have done it from a systematic sacrifice of truth, to oilier motives best known to themselves; or they never can have read the remarks rnaile by me on the event in que-tion : — for my opinion and obser- vations are altogether favourable to the empress, and lend to acquit her of any participation in that princess's death, even on the supposition that it was not natural: — a supposition whicii I by no means sanction. That the illustrious precisely like Wilhelmina, princess of and unfortunate lady was confined in the Hesse Darmstadt, in childbed; — an interior of Muscovy, for some asserted event wliich was produced by the fero- errors of conduct ; that she there expired 14 ANSWER, ETC. at the end of about eighteen months; that her body was refused to be deliver- ed up to her parents ; that no proces verbal, or authenticated account of her disorder and decease, was ever publish- ed by the court of Pelersburgh, or of Stiitgard; that injurious reports respect- ing her end were circulated throughout Europe, and obtained considerable belief even in this country; — on all these points, there is no difference of opinion. They are universally admitted. Now, ■what have 1 said? — After stating t!ie suspicions entertained of poison, or other means having been resorted to, I add, " It is natural to ask, why did Catherine cause the princess to be imprisoned or poisoned? Her gallantries, however culpable or notorious they might be, yet constituted no crime against the empress of Russia; who exhibited in her own conduct an example of emancipation from all restraint and decorum on the article of female irregularities of deport- ment." — "In the case of the two emperors, Peter the Third and Ivan ; as ■well as in the instances of the pretended Princess Tarrakanoff, and of the first grand Duchess of Russia; the motives for her commission of a crime, by de- priving them of life, are obvious. But none siirh appear in the instance before «s." — What answer can the review- ers make to this charge of wilful misre- presentation and false accusation, which I bring against them ? Having thus vindicated myself, as I trust, satisfactorily, from the five im- putations of the Edinburgh reviewers, respecting the Emjjress of Russia, and retorted on theiTiselves the calumnious accusations with which they have loaded 1 me ; 1 will only add that I perfectly acquiesce in the conclusion to which they come at last. They say, " the probability seems to be, that this prin- cess, at tne oesire of her husband, for real or supposed indiscretions, was re- legated to a provincial prison, in a coun- try wiiere the secret death of an illustri- ous prisoner, though really natural, miglit be plausibly imputed to assassination." That the present king of Wirtemberg proved to George the Third, by docu- ments and papers the most authentic, that he had not any knowledge of, or participation in, his first wife's death, is incontestable. His majesty, as I have stated, "after a full inspection of them, became perfectly convinced of his having had no part in that dark and melancholy transaction." This fact I have given on the authoiity of a gentleman who well knew, and liad seen, those proofs. He is the same individual whom the Edin- burgh reviewers contemptuously call my " Informer," and of whose interest- ing recital they speak, as " a long and very dull story." These reviewers are inconsciously treading on verv delicate ground, and should be reminded of Ham- let's advice to the players, " not to say more than is set down for them." " His majesty's reluctance and " hesitation" to conclude the union of the prince of Wir- temberg with his eldest daughter, to which I allude, probably arose only from parental attachment. And, without having recourse to any supposition of violence, we may easily conceive that the decease of the first princess might have been caused by her own situation, shut up in a Muscovite castle, deprived of her German attendants, male and fe- male, a prey to solitude and chagrin. Such circumstances are usually of them- selves sufficient to abbreviate the term of human life. I shall now endeavour with calmness, — for truth is a powerful buckler ; — to repel some of the minor calumnies or distortions of fact, in which the review- ers indulge themselves. Joseph, king of Portugal, they represent me to have de- sciibed " as a drunken old Moor." My words are these. " In his checks he had a high scorbutic humor, attributed commonly to excesses of wine ; though it might partly arise from violent exer- cise constantly taken under a burning sun. His face, indeed, was nearly as dusky as that of a Moor." With simi- lar regard to veracity, these gentlemen say, " Sir Nathaniel's hero, among the sovereigns of the eighteenth century, is Louis the Fifteenth :" — an assertion contradicted by the Memoirs under our review. I have, indeed, spoken of a portion of Louis's reign with the warm- est approbation. So I shouhl have done, when writing of the " Quinquennium Neronis,'''' the first five years of Nero, if I had composed the history of that exe- crable monster's life. Bht, I have de- ANSWER, ETC. 15 pictured Louis the Fifteenth during the concluding years of his government, as a man sunk in every degrading gratifica- tion or pursuit. Afier staling that " Louis, during his last years, excites disgust, unqualified by any sentiment of pily, or of respect ;'" I add, " his deaili, which took place under these circum- stances, was hailed by the French as the aera of their iiberaiion from a yoke equally di«ijraceful and severe." Re- viewers, who thus unbhishingly trample on truth, must set little value on charac- ter, or must hold the understandings of mankind in great contempt. I have else- where said, when mentioning Louis the Fifteenth, " Unquestionably, the four last years of his reign were passed in a man- ner worthy of Sardanapalus ; oblivious to his public duties, insensible to na- tional glory, and lost to every sentiment of private virtue, or even of deco- rum." And this is the king whom I am represented as having made my *' hero." Nor have they less misrepresented my assertion, that " Louis covered himself and his country With military glory." The paragraph in question is as follows noticed it. Indeed, no details, however minute, seem to have been considered by them as beneath their notice, whicii might, as they hoped, cover me with confusion. 1 would nevertheless ask, on what ground they presume to assert that 1 have made " a horrible insinua- tion against the late stadlholder." JVkere, and what is it ? They are bound to speak out. I have said of the Prince of Orange, that, " after arriving in this country, under a dark political cloud, and after residing here mapy years, without acquiring the public esteem, or redeem- ing his public character, he finally and precipitately quitted England under a still darker cloud." What " horrible in- sinuation" is couched under these words ? " Honi soit, qui rnal y yjen.ve." I pass over the coarse and vulgar ac- cusations of " nastiness, obscenity, im- purity," &c., these being, as I before ob- served, only " the gleanings of the field ;" and having already answered their predecessors, the " Quarterly Re- view" and " British Critic," on all these points. But I cannot allow their ani- madversions on the fate of John and Cornelius de Witt to remain unnoticed. *' If Louis the Fii'teenth, by the peace of i If the Edinburgh reviewers had looked 1736, acquired Lorrain for France ; he covered himself and his country with military glory during the war that com- menced in 1741, on the death of the emperor Charles the Sixth.''^ Can this fact be disputed ? Did not Marsiial Saxe defeat us and our allies in repeated bat- tles ; overrun the whole Netherlands, break down the Dutch barrier, and threat- en the total overthrow of the balance of Europe, as much as France did in 1793 ? At the peace of Aix la Chapelle, in 1748, Louis had attained to a very ele- vated point of glory, cemented by mo- deration. But he lived to become the scorn of his subjects and of Europe, While, however, I thus expose the wanton or inexcusable inattention to fact in the reviewers, I must with equal candour admit that they have pointed out an er- ror in this part of my work, which I gladly correct. It is where I have said that Henry the Fourth conquered the counties of ^ojirg- and Bresse. It should have been Bugey and Bresse. 'I'he mistake was a mere inadvertence of the pen, but I return them thanks for having , into the second edition of my work, which lay before them, they would there have seen, that in order to guarti against malignant representations respecting the death of the two de Witts, which, I was sensible, might be made, from the brief manner in which I had alluded to their tragical end ; I have said, " Van Berkel merited the fate \\\wA\ unjustly bff el the two de ffltts, and only escaped it by the inert and incapable conduct of the Stadt- holder." Yet, this is the passage for which the reviewers assert, " I should be punished by the general execration of mankind," as exhibiting "symptoms of unmanly ferocity," and " degrading the English language into a vehicle of co- wardly and sanguinary maxims." Per- haps, however, I ought not to be sur- prised at this exquisite sensibility of the Edinburgh reviewers, when engaged in the pious office of rescuing from odium the name of Van Berkel; an enemy of England and of the House of Orange, devoted to the interests of France and of A.merica. He was a natural and [)roper object of their admiration, in proportion 16 ANSWER, ETC. as he excites opposite sensations in every loval orpalrioiic bosom. "Wiiellier Thiebault or I are most in But we come now to " the coalition of Lord JNorih and Fox ;" a siibjeci on wliich their feelintjs overcomiiiii their the right, as to the cause of Prince Fer- | judgment, have ^carried lliem far beyond dinand of Briinswic's dismission trom the Prussian service, is a matter of very little moment. I am most ready to al the sober bounds of reason ur of deco- rum. While liiey accuse me of "atro- ciously libelling the memory of Lord low and believe, that Thiebuuft, who North ;" because I assign motives to resided long al Berlin, is mure likely to ! justify or palliate his union with Fox, have given the true reason than myself, The unworthy motives assumed by the reviewers, as dictating the manner in whicli I have mentioned the regent; fol- lowed by their comments on my asser- tion, that " his present majesty resembles the Anlonines in the leading features of his character;" — such animadversions neither admit reply, nor merit an answer. But, wlien they pass the line of truth in order to oppress me, I shall always flatly contradict them. How are they warranted in asserting that I have said, " George tiie Second eagerly told the countess of Yarmouth, as a piece of good neivs, ' Freddy is dead.' " My account runs thus. "His majesty ha.i just sat down to play, and was en- gaged at cards, wlien a page, de- spatched from Leicester House, arrived, bringing information that the prince was no more. He received the intelli- gence ivithout testifying either emotion or surprise, 'i'hen rising, he crossed the room to Lady Yarmouth's table, who was likewise oecu[Me(l at play: and leaning over her chair said to her in a low lone of voice, in German, ' Fritz is dode.' Freddy is dead. Having communicated it to her, he instantly withdrew." — Where is ihe eagerness or ihe joy, as at apiece of good news, here manifested? It exists only in the pages of these Scotch Munckhaiisens, who exaggerate or twist every fact to their own purposes. That George the Second did not particularly love his eldest son, nor perhaps had any great reason so to do, is matter of notoriety : but he did not disgrace himself before spectators, by displaying his satisfaction at the prince's decease. How hard run must these reviewers have been, to find rca/ mailer of censure or of condemna- tion in my work, when they are re- duced to iyivent circumstances, to suit the humiliating task which they have undertaken to perform. drawn from prudence, and from his poli- tical situation at tlie close of the American war ; they suppose me to be animated by " rancour" against Mr. Fox, which sentiment they ingeniously ascribe to " sycopliancy." 'I'o whom, I would ask, could 1 make my court in 1815, by descending systematically to calumniate Mr. Fox, if 1 were capable of such base- ness ? It would be thrown away on the king, and no man doubts that it would awaken sentiments of mingled aversion and resentment in the bosom of ihe re- gent. Lord Liverpool, I fancy, will not suspect me of meaning to render myself acceptable to him, by traducing an illus- trious adversary, long since dead. " But, it requires," say the reviewers, " the fullest operation of the composing power of contempt, to preserve the mind from some indignation, at reading in such a writer as this, that Mr. Fox's claims on office were unsustained by moral quali- ties." Did these gentlemen never hear the answer of Father O'Leary to the Bishop of Waterford, when discussing the doctrine of purgatory ! " Your lord- ship," said he, " may go farther, and fare worse.''' I have spoken of Mr. Fox, as I thought of him, with admiration, bui, with freedom ; and I believe, even his friends admit, with candour and im- partiality, though I generally diflered from him on political subjects, and pe- culiarly disapproved of the part that he look after the commencement of ihe French revolution. It is, however, only by unfairly se- lecting a few detached words of a long sentence, and reasoning on so fallacious a basis, calculated for low purposes of deception, that the reviewers can pre- tend even to accuse me of diminishing Mr. Fox's claim to moral esteem and approbation. 1 regret the necessity of citing from my own work, but it is ne- cessary to my honour, to expose the ma- lignant and uncandid nature of liie at- ANSWER, ETC. 17 tacks made on me. In summing up Mr. Fox's character, I have s-aitl, '* If energy of mind, enlargement of views, firmness of character, amenity of manners, ac- quaintance with foreign courts and lan- guages, facility in conducting business, and prodigious intellectual powers, com- bining eloquence, application, as well as discernmeiil; — if tliese endowments are considered as forming an inttontestable claim to public employment, unsustained by moral qualities, or by property ; we must condemn the sentence of exclusion passed upon him. Tliose persons, on the other hand, who consider all talent, how- ever eminent, as radically defective, un- less sustained by decorum, arul a regard for opinion ; as well as all who prefer sobriety of conduct, regularity of de- portment, and the virtues of private life, above any ability which nature can be- stow on man ; — lastly, all who regard judgment, under the control of strict principle, as the most indispensable re- quisite of a minister, to whom the public honour and felicity are in some measure necessarily entrusted ; — such persons will probably hesitate before they decide too hastily on the degree of censure or of commendation whicii the king's con- duct towards Fox ought to excite in our minds," Now, after perusing this de- scription, any unprejudiced mind may pass sentence. Let it be remembered too, that the portrait here drawn is not the Mr. Fox oi fifty, such as we remem- ber him, residing at St. Anne's Hdl, a married man, leading a domestic life, in the bosom of letters and researches of taste : but it is Mr. Fox at thirty-two, as he was in 1781, living in St. James's street, close to Brookes's ; and still de- voted to those gratifications by which he had impaired his health, ruined his for- tune, and diminished his brilliant repu- tation. The reviewers dilate, with a sort of ex- ultation, on the circumstances of Mr. Fox's having passed three nights at Lord Rockingham's house, armed, during the riots of June, 1780 ; and on his having collared one of the rioters, whom he brought prisoner to Grosvenor Square. No man ever questioned his attachment to the head of his own party, or his ab- horrence of the excesses of a ferocious rxjob, which manifested as much antipa- 2^ thy to the members of opposition as to the government. But, the question is, did Mr. Fox, " when pressed in the House of Commons to co-operate for the extricatM)n of the capital, lend any support to administration in that moment of national distress," as Burke did ? — I shall not descend to answer the accusa- tion of '* slandering Lord Elfingham,' or " insinuating that the opposition were conne(!ted with the rioters ;" because, only determined malignity can lay such absurd imputations to my charge, after perusing the passages where those sub ji'Cts are mentioned in the Memoirs. On General Fiiz[)atrick, I am necessitated to say a few words, though reluctanllv, as I am charged with " falsehood," in speaking of the decay of his talents, pre- vious to his decease. The last time that I ever met that distinguished person in company, was, one morning, at Chol- mondeley House, a short lime before his death ; when, not only his faculties, but even his articulation seemed to me to have sustained a diminution, or a shock ; though probably, as Prior said of Charles, Earl of Dorset, he might still " drivel better sense than other men spoke." Dining at the same house, either on that day, or soon afterwards, and mention being accidentally made of General Fitzpatrick ; some decline of his intellectual fire and vigour of mind seemed to be generally admitted by all present. But, even on a supposition that I erred in so imagining, how do I de- serve to have it asserted, that " I seek a disgraceful popularity, by exposing the decay of men of genius, to mjke sport for the rabble ?" The reviewers ought to be well remunerated for these sacri- fices of decorum, truth, and character. I have spoken of General Fitzpatrick with delicacy and concern. Does Johnsoa " seek disgraceful popularity, or make sport for the rabble," when in his trans- lation of the Tenth Satire of Juvenal, he observes, " From Marlbro's eyes the tears of dotage flow, And Swift expires a driv'ler, and a show V I leave Dr. Musgrave's information and evidence to its own intrinsic weight; only reminding the reviewers, that whea they rashly, as well as ignorantly assert, 18- ANSWER. ETC. ihat " the tale was patronized by no one in or out of Parliament, vviili the single excepiion of the unscrupulous Jwiius,'" ihey probably have never read PFilkea's Letter to tbe Electors of Ayles- bury, dated " Paris, 22d October, 1764;" or ilie memorable " North Briton," No. 45 Whether either, or both these pro- ductions, constitute authority, 1 will not venture to say : but they unquestionably tend 10 corroborate Ross ftlackay's ac- count of the venality of Parliament in 1763. Anxious as 1 am to take leave of my Scotch accusers, I must yet notice the m;inner in wliich tliey inculpate my mention of the calumnious reports re- specting Lord Shelburne's having pur- chased into the funds, previous to the peace of 1783. If there be a part- of these Memoirs, in which, contrary to my ordinary practice, 1 have used the great- est caution ; leaning throughout the whole narration to a disbeliel' of the act imputed, and attributing the report itself to "the active malignity of the first minister's enemies," it is on the point in question. 1 have even tiled Mr. Pitt's gpeech in the House of Commons, of the 2 1 St February, 1783, in which he alluded to " the arts of defamation adopted by Lord Shelburne's opponents, for the purpose of degrading him in the national esiimation." At the same time, truth compelled me to add, that " either he subsequently altered his opinion, or his actions contradicted his professions." And who, I would ask, were Lord Shel- burne's most inveterate enemies, whose arts Mr. Pitt characterized as "deserv- ing his scorn ?" Were they not fhe ad- herents of Mr. Fox? Diti these well- informed reviewers never hear of a peri- odical paper called " 'J'he Jesuit," which appeared during Lord Shelburne's ad- minisiraiion, in 1782? And are they so ignorant as not to know who was its principd autlior ? Let the reviewers peruse the speeches of Hurke, and of Lee. llien Solicitor General, prontMinced in Parliament, between Jul) , 1782, and March, 1783. It seems impossible for languaije to accumulate more severe mo- ral ch;iiteinber, 1815. SECOiXD ANSWEE THE CALUMxMOUS ATTACIvS OF THE "EDINBURGH REVIEW." Paris, No 21, Quai Voltaire, 27th January, 1816. When I last answered the attack of the "Quarterly Review;" — for 1 held the " British Critic" in too much contempt loo have ever given that publication any separate reply ; nor should I probably have attempted to repel the calumnies of the " Quarterly Review," if the un- provoked and apparently inexplicable abuse directed against Sir John Mai'|)her- son had not roused me ; — I confidently believed the editors of that review could never notice it. So strong is the inter- nal evidence of the article " having been made for them, not by them ;" and so palpably is the demonstration of this dis- graceful fact impressed on every page, that its ostensible authors had no shelter from public shame exci'pt in silence. Hid, and in some measure lost in the immensity of the English metropolis ; terrified at the idea of my disclosing the means which had been used to enyaae their services ; and the name of the per- son employed; — in the lapse of near five months, thev have exhibited no sign of life. Not so the " Edinhurah Review." Tliough London might conceal the dis- grace of the " Quarterly," no wynde of the " ancient capital" of Scotland could be found (lark enough to shield from the sneers and contempt of their country- men these Miinckhausens of the North. We may easily perceive how they writhe and twist under the chastisement inflicted on them, and how deeply they feel the applicalif)n of the " metaphors" which they affect to despise. Sir Fretful Plagiary did not betray n)ore distress, nor smile more ruefully, than does the " Idle Advocate," who, 'generously ex- tending his shield over his associates in humiliation, " throws away an hour" in exposing the errors of my work. In that sliort sjjace of time he has, as he asserts, actually written an article containing above fourteen small, closely printed paues, nearly equalliuii' in magnitude my ' Answer," which certainly cost me 22 ANSWER, ETC. some days to compose: indeed, the arti- cle cannot be perused in an hour, nor copied in six hours. Why, his counlry- raan, the " admirable Creighlon," never wrote with such facdiiy as this " Idle Advocate ;" ami Justus Lipsius's work, of which Tristram Shandy says, that ♦'they sliouhi have wiped it up, and said no more about it," cannot be placed in any competition with the production be- fore us. If, however, Icannot rival him in rapidity of composition, I trust that 1 shall exceed him in the more essential branches of solidity, truth, and every quality that can enforce conviction on an unprejudiced mind. After this short exordium, I will en- deavour, with all the brevity of which the subject is susceptible ; — for, my tirsi object is a wide circulation ; — to answer pointedly the accusations and calumnies either repeated or invented in tiiis "Edinburgh Review;" not even omit- ting the personalities, which, in violation of liberality or decency, have been intro- duced into it. And in order to fix the writer to his " charges," 1 will take the series as he has enumerated them, be- ginning with those to which he says " I have made no answer." They amount to six in number, if, after all, such allega- tions can deserve to be entitled chnrs^es, or are susceptible of any specific reply. The first is, that " I impute cowardice to Louis the Sixteenth." The second, that " I accuse Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, and Mr. Burke, of being ready to bring Lord North to the block." The third, that " I accuse Lord North of having coalesced with Mr. Fox, from prudential motives." The fourth (if it means any thing) ar- raigns me for attributing to Lord Thur- low the reply which he made to his majesty when the king entertained ideas of visiting his Hanoverian do- minions. The fifth and sixth form a complicated charge; namely, that I first " impute to the king duplicity to his ministers;" and next, that "1 excuse or approve his conduct." These heavy accusations, the " Idle Advocate" says, " are all passed over in profound and prudent silence." I will endeavour at least to remove that ground of censure. To the Jirst charge, I reply that I ne- ver did impute cmvardice to Louis the Sixteenth. I have indeed said that " his personal courage was problematical, and that he did not comport himself with the serenity and self-possession of t3liarles the First and Mary Queen of Scots, when laying down their heads on the block." But, so far have I been from en- deavouring to prove that he was a coward, I add (after remarking on the nature of the guillotine, as " bereaving death of all its grace and dignity"), " I have likewise seen and read very strong attestations to the firmness displayed by the king of France in his last moments." Nay, I have produced one proof addressed to the Duke of Dorset, which declares that he died with the most heroic courage." His attempt to resist or impede the execution- ers," to which I allude, might, and pro- bably did arise from other motives and feelings, than personal fear. Even Marie Antoinette turned pale at sight of the guil- lotine. And, after all, what sort of a charge is this ? — The courage of Louis the Fifteenth, nay, of Louis the Four- teenth, was problematical. So was that of Charles the Second, and even of .lames the Second : while Charles the First and William the Third manifested the great- est intrepidity in the field. I retract not one word, nor recede from one expres- sion that I have used, relative to Louis the Sixteenth. Let the Edinburgh re- viewers make the most of it. To the second charge I answer, that both Fox and Burke did n)any times menace Lord North with the scaffold, between 1779 and 1782. Ifanymancaa doubt it, he has only to read " Woodfall's Parliamentary Register." But I have no where said that Mr. Pitt, thou;jh he ex- pressed his abhorrence of the American war, and of the administration who con- ducted it, threatened the first minister with the block. These Scotch review- ers mingle truth with falsehood; but it is easy to detect and expose their arts of deception. I adhere to, and maintain the justice of every word or sentiment which consti- tutes the object of the t/iird chaPire; name- ly, that " Lord North's junction with the 1 party which had so long opposed him, has ANSWER, ETC. 23 always appeared to me to admit of much more palliation tlian the conduct of Fox and his adiierents." Tliese are my ex- pressions, when speaking of tlie " coah- tion." Unquestionably, in my opinion, Lord North acted \\i[.h prudence, in meet- ing Fox's overtures for a reconcilia- tion and union, I do not say that he acted with magnanimity or elevation of mind. Without being affected in the smallest degree by the comments of the Edinburgh reviewers, I believe on good authority, that Lord Thurlow made the answer to his majesty, commemorated in the pre- sent edition; which forms ihe'ir fourth accusation. I deny that /attribute to his majesty "duplicity towards his ministers." Let the world judge. My words are — "There were nevertheless, it must be admitted, many individuals who thought that the royal disapprobation shoidd have been earlier signified ; and who inclined to accuse the kijig of something like dupli- city or deception, in his treatment of ad- ministration " But, I fully admit that his majesty's line of action is by me exculpated ?nu\ justified for the reasons assigned; which conduct of the king I approve at this time, as much as I did in 1783. I think I cannot give a more specific answer to the Jifth and sixth points. The reviewers must now con- fess that I do not " stand mule on my arraignment." Having met and silenced these minor objects of impotent and malignant accu- sation, I come to the great charge re- specting Dr. Musgrave's assertion, that •' the Princess Dowager of Wales and Lord Bute received money from the French court, for aiding to effect the peace." 'J'he " Edinburgh Review," with that audacity which commonly ac- companies, and sometimes shelters ig- norance, rashly ventured in their Jirst criticism on the '■'Memoirs," to say that the tale was patronized by no one, in or out of Parliament, with the single excep- tion of the unscrupulous Junius.'''' And now, when I have exposed their unac- quaintanre with Wilkes's Letter to the Electors of Aylesbur_v, as well as their inattention to the «' North Briton," No. 45; what is their reply? — Do they venture to impugn or to deny those cor- roborations ? No — they say, " we are disposed by charity, " to leave him undisputed possession of Wilkes's Ad- dress to the Electors of Aylesbury. It is aiisolulely his best historical autho- rity." — What more authentic testi- mony or proof can well be produced in confirmation of any public fact, than a letter written by a member of the very Parliament accused by him of venality; dated in 1764, the year subsequent to the peace in question ; addressed to his own constituents ; printed and circulated at the time througiiout the kingdom? Such a document outweighs twenty pages of vul- gar abuse. The "Idle Advocate" would do well to remember that charity begins at home. He and his associates will stand in need ctf much indulgence for their de- viations from liberality, truth, and deco- rum. The public might with reason censure me, if I obtruded my own private affairs on their notice, while repelling the calum- nies thrown on my literary character. Nor can it be necessary for me to give any answer to the scurrilous personalities which the reviewers obscurely sustain by allusions to "Benfidd's Ledger," the " Memoirs of Ossian," or the stories of " six members of the House of Commons sent to thai assembly, by the fair or frau- dulent cretlitors of the nabob of the Car- natic." But, when they presume to assert, that " in a judicial examination" (no doubt, before ihe Carnalic commis- sioners,) " I pretty intelligibly assigned the interest of those creditors, as the motive of my vote against the " India Bill, on the 1st of December, 1783," the reviewers, or their informers, are guilty of a gross violation of truth. It is in- deed the engine to which they systema- tically have recourse, and by which alone they can attempt to colour their next charge; namely, that when I say, "the consciousness of all India being subjected to the rapacious hands of Fox's ad- herents, by no means tended to tranquil- lize the public mind." I n)ean to throw a stigma on " the commissioners for In- dian Affairs, Lord Fitzwilliam, the late Lord Dartmouth, the late Lord Guild- ford, and the late Lord Minlo." Un- fortunately for the Edinburgh review- ers, they have mistaken the time when my observation is made, which was 24 ANSWER, ETC. in November, 1783, whereas the com- missioners above-meiilioiied were not then in existence; llie " East India Bill" in which they were named, not having even passed»the House of Commons be- fore the 9th of December. It now re- mains therefore for these worthy and candid, but ignorant reviewers, to ex- plain, how I could by possibility mean ^lo assert or to imply, that commissioners who were not themselves yet appointed, had nevertheless already " promised or filled up " the first employments In In- dia." My remark applies to t!ie personal promises or eugagements made by ad- ministration., previous to the passage of the "East India Bill" through the lower House. This impotent attempt to mis- lead, and to implicate the little passions of human nature in the cause of calumny, by naming four noblemen of high and unspotted character, as the objects of my animadversion, will only revert on its authors. Tlie public mind will judge between them and me. In the first criticism of my work, the reviewers accused me of " making Louis the I5lh my hero,"" and of asserting that he "had covered himself with glory." When I exposed the falsehood of this imputation, by citations from the book itself, provinsr the direct contrary ; in- stead of confessing their fault, and asking pardon for such shameful misrepresenta- tion, what do they now say ? — " We hurry over small matters. He said that Louis the 15ih had covered himself with glory. This we thought the height of ridicule, t^ill Sir N. employed two pages of what he calls his Answer to prove it, — which we think more ridiculous still." And is this their excuse for a wanton per- version of truth, when silting in judgiiient on a literary work, after beinij exposed in all their deformity, as twisting every fact to their own purposes ? With similar audacity they invent, where they cannot Jind, subject for accusation. I had al- ready proved, by quoting my own words, that I never represented the King of Por- tugal " as a drunken old Moor." They now assert that I have said, "he had a a face carbuncled by hard drinking." Where, \n what page, are these words, or any synonymous expressions to be found? The facility which, Hamlet says, accompanies the act of violating truth, may tempt these systematic Munckhau- sens to have recourse to the expedient: but they may be assured it will eventually cover tliem with shame. Though slow, the verdict of the public will overtake them. My erudition informs me, and will prove to them before the close of 1816, that " Karo anteceJentem scelestum Deseruit pede Fcena claudo." But we come now to what they de- nominate "high matter:" — for these men see nothing in created nature so high as their idol. They employ two long pages in demanding proof that "Fox re- fused to lend any personal support to go- vernment during the riots of June, 1780, though Burke in the House of Commons loudly expressed his wish for unanimity." What proof would they have? — I was not then in parliament, myself, not hav- ing been elected till September of that year. I cannot therefore assert it from my own recollection. And if I could have done it they would have disputed my accuracy or veracity. The fact is now of near thirty-six years ago. Wit- nesses, therefore, such as the reviewer^ call for, are not to be found every day. But Burke's more pronounced and une- quivocal support given to government on that trying occasion was matter of noto- riety at the time. It grew out of the characters of the two individuals, which were most dissimilar, though then fight- ing under the same banner. I have re- marked it, when delineating ihe character of Burke. Speakinjj of him and of Fox, I observe that " even in their near- est approximations, there were always essential and striking distinctions between the two opposition leaders." The case in question was one of them. In 1793 they diverged with inconceivable violence in opposite directions, never more to be re- united. And what was 'the cause of that separation ? Was it not because Burke "lent his person;d support to government,'* against insurrection, jacol)inism, regicide, andnnarchy; all which Fox took under his protection, though he denominated them liberty ? This is my answer to the reviewers. They return the charge of my having, as they unfairly assert, declared that "Mr. ANSWER, ETC. 25 Fox's claims to office, were unsustained by moral qualities." I cannot more com- pletely answer or refute ih-at mis-state- ment, tlian I have already done in my last reply : a inis-staiement " only calcu- lated lor low purposes of deception." The reviewers are pleased to denominate my justification ** a huhble-bubble of words, with which they do not choose to encumber their pages." 1 adhere fully to my opinion of Mr. Fox, as contained in that " hubble-bubble of words ;" and if they were his enlightened friends, instead of his servile admirers, they would be satisfied with the terms in which I have spoken of him. I have nothing to retract or alter in the character that I have drawn of Fox. It is impartial, just and candid ; neither dictated by flattery, nor tinctured in any feature by enmity. I respect my- self too much, to lend my pen to the base degradation of parly or to the vile arts of misrepresentation. The only recommen- dation of my work is its truth. As little have I to retract any part of my remarks on General Fitzpatrick, and the explanation that I gave on the sub- ject; except to put the reviewers right, when, with their accustomed regard to truth, they make me '■'admit that 1 might have erred" in supposing his mental pow- ers to have sustained some diminution in brilliancy before his decease. I made no such admission. My words are, " But, even on a supposition that I erred in so imagining, how do I deserve to have it asserted, that I seek a disgraceful popularity, by exposing the decay of men of genius, to make spf»rt for the rabble?" The reviewers ought to know that an hypothesis is not an admission. Every writer to the Signet can tell them that fact. I leave the " Tdle Advocate" and his associates to the undisturbed enjoyment of any triumph that they may decree to themselves, for their laboured hypercrili- cism on my explanation relative to i!ie De Witts and Van Berkel. 1 hope it may console them for the mortifications to which they must submit from all those who apj)reciale the value of moral cha- racter. There exists not the slightest contradic- tion between my assertion that " George the Second considered his son's recovery, if it should take place, as an object of the utmost regret;" and his nevertheless communicjating the intelligence of Frede- ric's decease to Lady Yarmouth, " with- out testifying either emotion or surprise." The reviewers affect to suppose, that a man may not regard an event as in itself, under certain points of view, rather be- neficial than calamitous, without eao-er/y divulging, as a piece of good news,'" the accomplishment of that event: but, as I observed in my former answer, " the king did not disgrace himself before spectators, by displaying his satisfaction at the prince's decease. If the Edinburgh reviewers display equal ignorance and incapacity in their legal characters, as advocates at the bar of the court of session, as they have de- monstrated in their literary capacity, by their attacks on my work, their clients may be justly considered as objects of compassion. Never could this observa- tion have been more forcibly exemplified than in Uieir defence of the Earl of Shei- burne. While relating the circumstances that accompanied his resignation as first minister, in February, 1783, I could not pass over in silence the injurious reports circulated relative to that nobleman; — reports which Mr. Pitt characterized in P.irliament, as " the arts of defamation, adopted by Lord Shelburne's opponents, and as deserving his scorn:" — reports propagated by Fox's followers, and which were not long afterwards (as was com- monly supposed), embodied, if 1 may use the expression, by General Burgoyne, in his comedy of " the Heiress," where not only " Allscrip" forms the principal cha- racter; but, as we all remember, the very scenery was rendered subservient to the same effect. I believe, if my memory does not fail me, General Fitzpatrick wrote the prologue to this dramatic piece, which was supported on the shoulders of the party. Now let us see the justification of Lord Shelburne, set up by the reviewers. Af- ter their usual preface of invective against myself, for having presumed even to men- tion the existence of such reports, they add, speaking of me, " his logic is on a level with his morals. Because Mr. Burke and Mr. Lee perhaps abused the liberty of debate in 1782, in general in- vective against Lord Shelburne, this wri- ter thinks himself at liberty to impute to 26 ANSWER, ETC. him, without proof, a particular crime of the basest character. They in all the in- temperance of invective which the heat of debate may excuse, abstained from any allusion to a specific accusation. The natural inference is, tliat even in that heated and disturbed state of mind, they disbelieved all such accusations." Who would not suppose, on reading this defence, that Fox's, Burke's, and Lee's speeches in the House of Com- mons, above alluded to, were made sub- sequent to the imputations thrown on Lord Shelburne? No doubt, the review- ers so thought, by producing them on the present occasion, as negative attestations in favour of that nobleman. And what will the world think of tliese ignorant ad- vocates, when the truth is, that the tiiree violent harangues in question were all pronounced between tlie 6//* and 11/A of July, 1782; — whereas the pretended purchases in the funds were not, and could not have been made before Novem- ber or December, 1782, or January, 1783, previous to the conclusion of peace? So that Lord Shelburne's innocence is to result from the silence of his enemies respecting a fact which could not have been even contemplated by him, or by them, till several months after the speeches were ■delivered. " O medici, mediam pertundite venam !" Unfortunate Lord Shelburne, to have met with such defenders ! All the abuse which they heap on me is kindness, com- pared with such exculpation. Pope somewhere exclaims, " Bless'd be the gods for what they took away, And what they left me !" I have only to hope from Providence, that whoever are my friends, the Edin- burgh reviewers may always remain my enemies. 1 now come to the "five Russian mur- ders;" an article of accnsaiinn against me so prominent and so labonred in their first criticism on my Memoirs, on which \,\\e present ?.few trust- worthy passas(ps of his book, which ore all altoited by oilier ivitnesses, and may therefore undoubtedly be believed, not- withstanding tlie negative power of liis testimony." — But, besides ihe particit- lar circumstances to which I rel'erred, [ added, " which of the numerous parti- culars recounted of George the Third, of Lord North, or of Mr. Pitt, do they presume to deny?" — Here was a sweep- ing challenge thrown out to the re- viewers, comprehending probablyybt far from any compulsion having been used to accoiuplish it, the princess, from her early youth, entertained a strong partiality and attachment towards Don Pedro, her future hus'iand. She was near thirty-eight years old when 1 visited Portugal. All the talents of the female pari of HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 39 iheBraganza family, were said to be concenlraled in Donna Maria Anna, se- cond of Josepii's dangluers. Siiorier and thicker in her person than the Prin- cess of Brazil, she was more agreeable in her counlenance ; possessing a ruddy complexion, as well as a more aninialeil expression of features. Her mind was likewise expanded, and her understand- ing cultivated by polite knowledge. Many of her hours were dedicated to read- ing, and she was regarded as superior to bigotry. In addition to these solid en- dowments, she joined great taste and skill in music, with a fine voice. Though llie most accomplished of the three sisters, she was nevertheless doomed to remain unmarried in her father's court, having attained, in 1772, her thirty-sixth year. Nature had been in some respects more bountiful to the third princess, Donna Maria Benedicta, who was like- wise considerably younger, being only six and twenty years old at this time. Though low in stature, clumsy, and much inclined to embonpoint, her fare was very handsome, her eyes dark and eloquent, her complexion fair, tlie fon- lourof her countenance rather round than oval, and her features small as well as delicate. But she was not consider- ed to possess the superiority of mind that distinguished Maria Anna. About seven years before the time of vvliich 1 speak, a treaty of marriage had been set on foot between this princess and tlie Emperor .Foseph the Second, who was then recently become a widower, by the death of his first wife, a daughter of Don Philip, Duke of Parma. The ne- gotiation proceeded so far, that prepara- tions were made for transporting her from Lisbon to Flanders, in her way to Vien- na; and a ship, constructed expressly for the purjiose in the Braz'ils, magnificently decorated, lay ready in the Tagus. But the intrigues and exertions of the old Queen Dowager of Spain, mother of Charles the Third, and grandmother of the princess herself; who was incens- ed at the endeavours of the Marquis de Pombal, to assume the exclusive merit of tills alliance, rendered the plan abor- tive. It is probable, and I have been so as- sured at Vienna, that the pretext used to indispose the Austrian court from accom- plishing the projected nuptials, was the representation made of the improbability of Maria Benedicta producing children, on account of her tendency to become large and corpulent in her person, in- credible and unnatural as the fact may seem, she was actually married several years afterwards, in 1777, when turned of thirty years of age, to her own ne[)hew, her sister's son, the young Prince of Beyra, eventual heir to the throne of Por- tugal. The cereniony was performed in Joseph's apartments, as he lay expiring ; and they lived together many years, but never had any issue. There seems t.o have been no rational excuse, or ade- quate motive assigned, for this second union in the same family, which Impres- ses with a degree of horror, or at least of disgust; and was in itself the more remarkable, as the Portuguese women of condition seldom bear children if not married before twenty-eight or thirty years of age. Catherine of Portugal, daujfhler ol' .If)hn the Fourth, who was the wife of our Charles the Second, and who espoused him at an earlier age, I believe about twenty-four, never brought him any issue, male or female; butBur- nel says, that the king himself told him (Dr. Burnet), that "she had been with child." Slie even once miscarried, when considerably advanced in her pregnancy, if we may believe the same historical authority ; but as Charles had no fewer, it is asserted (I think l)y Dr. Lucas, in his iiistory of England), than fifty-ihree natural children, by different mistresses, in the course of his life, we must sup- pose that his failure of iegiiimate issue originated on the side of his queen. Some .excuse may be susrgested for the mar- rige of the eldest daughter of Joseph, with his brother Don Pedro, where no direct male issue existed to inherit the crown ; but it was reserved for the fami- ly of Braganza to exhibit to mankind, in the eighteenth century, the extraordinary spectacle of a youth of fifteen espousinjr his own aunt at thirty. From such a ma- trimonial connexion, it can neither excite surprise nor regret, that no descendants should have sprung. The Prince of Beyra himself, eldest son of the Princess of Brazil and of Don Pedro, was then the Marcelhis of Por- tugal ; towards whom all eyes were turn- 40 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. ed, and from wliose future auspicious government, political miracles were fond- ly anticipated. It may excite the more surpri:?e lliat such expectations should have been entertained when I add, tlial in 1772, he had only completed the eleventh year of his age. I have seen him many times, as he never failed to attend the royal family in public, at the bull feasts, at church, and every where except at the Italian opera ; a diversion for which he manifested a decided aver- sion. He was tall and manly for his age, though his face was pale and delicate; and he appeared to have a weak or de- fective sight. His features and his ex- pression of countenance, it must be ad- mitted, indicated intelligence. The sto- ries related of his capacity and dawning expansion of mind, had obtained very universal credit. Some well attested in- .siances of the goodness of his disposition and the liberality of his temper, 1 have heard, which seems to be entitled to be- lief: but no sort of inference as to his future character, could be safely drawn from these tales. Joseph the First, dur- ing the reign of his father, had excited similar expectations, which he had by no means fnKilled after he ascended the throne. His grandson, who was like- wise named Joseph, died at about twen- ty-seven years of age, in 1788, of the small-pox, which the bigoted prejudices and ignorance of his mother, had pre- vented her from giving him by inocula- tion ; leaving, as I before observed, no issue by his aunt to. whom he had been married during several years. With Don Pedro, father and great uncle to the Prince of Beyra, I shall con- clude my remarks on the royal house of Portugal. He was several years younger than the king; but., not inclined, like Joseph, to corpulency ; of a sallow com- plexion ; equally destitute in his person, as in his manners and address, of ele- gance or grace ; and no way distinguish- ed by natural endowinents of any kind. He excelled in no exercises of the body; and possessed in his features no expres- sion of intellect. His faculties, which were indeed very con traded, rendered him altogether unfit for the conduct of public affairs. Possessing neither poli- tical power nor intliience, he could only be considered as a fixture of the court ; and never was any prince a more perfect cypher. He enjoyed no command, mili- tary or civil ; not even a separate esta- blishment or household. When the king hunted, Don Pedro accompanied him, as he equally did to the opera, or to mass ; never absenting himself except on ac- count of indisposition. He had con- structed a palat.-e at Cayluze, about six English miles from Lisbon ; but Don Pedro never resided there, though he frequently attended his brother to the chace ; commonly alighting on those oc- casions for a few minutes, in order to hear mass at Cayluze. 'i'hose who knew him intimately, assured me that he was of a devout, friendly, and benevolent disposition. On Joseph's decease, in February, 1777, when his consort, the Princess of Brazil, became Queen in her own right, he was made king matri- monial, by the name of Don Pedro the Third ; as Henry, Lord Darnley, be- came in Scotland, on his marriage with Mary Stuart. Don Pedro survived his elder broilier above nine years, dying in May, 1786. The public entertainment or exhibition which then distinguished Lisbon from all other capitals of Europe, was the celebration of bull feasts. They were held every Sunday, during the summer and autumn. I have been present at many ol them. However barbarous the diversion might justly be esteemed, it is the only spectacle that I ever witnessed, which could be said to realize in some measure, ihe ainphitheatrical games of ancient Rome, exhibited in the circus. They were already extinct in Spain, where Charles the Third had abolished them, on his ascending the throne in 1759. Joseph and the queen his wife, on the contrary, nourished the strongest partiality, or rather decided passion, for these games of Moresco origin ; which they never failed to attend, unless pre- vented by illness. I have seen the king present there, though one of his eyes was svvelled and bandaged; caused by the effect of a spark that had down into it from the fiint of his fowling piece, when lirinir it at the chace. Those per- sons who have formed iheir ideas of bull feasts, from the entertaining descriptions of the Countess d'Aulnoi, which she has enlivened by amorous, as well as by HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 41 armed witli long spears. I have seen women engage ihe bull, ride up, and wound him. Two in particular, who were danccrinas, or posuire-girls ; one, a Venetian, the other, a Spaniard, habit- ed as men, and sitting astride, possessed great firmness, and excited general admi- ration. Sometimes the bulls were fur- nished by the court. 1 have beheld twenty killed in the course of three hours : eight of which were given by the king, as many more by Don Pedro his brother, two by the Duke de Cadaval, and two (howeversingnlar it may seem), by the patriarch of Lislion. After having witnessed several of these exhibitions, I confess that 1 became disgusted with them. The most interesting part of the spectacle consisted in the assemblage of spectators, particularly ladies, who filled the boxes. Even the seats in the pit were generally crowded with females. 'J'he queen and her three daugliters, never failed to attend in the royal box; though they were considered to be there incognito. However barbarous the diver- sion must be regarded, it always remind- ed me of Milton's description of the entertainmeuis, " Where throngs of knights and barons bold In weeds of peace, high triumphs hold ; With store of ladies, whose bright eyes Rain inflaonce, and judge the prize." As soon as the bull feast ended, which was commonly about six o'clock, the king, queen, and royal family imme- diately rep-iired to the Italian opera,' which was situate at a very inconsidera- ble distance in the same quarter of fjis- bon. Such was the invariable usage or etiquette every Sunday. Yet there, as at the bull feast, though seated in the front of the theatre, they were supposed to preserve their incognito. Joseph's dress on these occasions was always a full-trimmed suit of silk, or of cloth ; either quite plain, or embroidered with white silk ; the sumjjtuary laws of Por- tugal prohibiting embroiilery of gold or silver. He wore a flowing tye-wig, as we see George the Siicmid representeil in all his pnriraits : and the Portuguese Order of Christ., across his breast. The tragical adventures; and which were written at Madrid, under the reign of Charles the Second, last prince of the Austrian line, in 1679 and 1680 ; would have esteemed the diversion lame, as it was exhibited at Lisbon, liefore Joseph the First. Yet was it not altogether divested of something that reminded me of the tournaments and exercises of chivalry, with which our imaginations are so warmly impressed in youth. The Portuguese bull feasts were celebrated in a large wooden amphitheatre, capable of commodiously containing many thou- sand persons ; surrounded with benches below, to a considerable height, which were surmounted by tiers of boxes. The arena was very ample and spacious. When the champion, vvho was about to engage the bulls, g-ily dressed, mounted on a spirited horse, a spear in his hand, appeared upon the ground, and saluted the corporation of Lisbon, as was the custom, the eflect of the spectacle is not easy to describe in adequate, terms. From sixteen to twenty bulls were re- gularly sacrificed every Sunday ; and though circular pieces of leather were fastened on their horns, in order to pre- vent their ripping up or mortally wound- ing the combatants, yet I have witnessed many very severe and several nearly fatal accidents. Prodigious dexterity, vigour, and address, were displayed by some of the horsemen : particularly by a Castilian, who generally made his ap- pearance, and whom I have often seen drive his spear, at the first thrust, direct into the bull's tieart, when the animal was running furiously at liim. 'J'he a!n[)liiiheatre then rang with applauses. It frequently happened that the bulls wanted spirit or inclination for liie con- test. In those cases, the spectacle be- came rather a butchery, than a combat, or an amusement: but, some of them would nut b.ave disgraced a Roman amphitheatre, if (as I have been assured was customary, a century earlier), their horns, instead of being blunted or cover- ed, had been filed and sharpened to a point. Several of the men who fought on foot, exhibited extraordinary aijiliiy and coolness in eluding the rage of l!ie incensed animal ; but it must at the same I queen and princesrics were covered wiih timo be remembered, that they were diamonds ; in particular, the Princess of coinmnnly six or seven combined, ail i Brazil; but the queen alone wore routfe, 4* ' 42 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. from the use of which her daughter - ab- stained. During the course of the per- formance, iiis majesty never failed to go round to his private box, close to the stage, in order to view the ballets, after each of which he returned to the royal family. On these lilUe excursions, which he always seemed to enjoy, and during which he generally made the besi use of his time, with his opera glass, in contemplating the female jiart of the au- dience who filled the side-boxes, several noblemen accompanied him. The Count de Prado alone possessed the privilege of being seated when attending the sove- reign ; a mark of distinguished regard and predilection. To him Joseph ap- peared to communicate all his confiden- tial discourse, while the oilier individuals ill altendance remained standing behind him. Even the Duke de Cadaval, though the sole person of thai iiigh rank in the kingdom of Portugal ; there being no other since the extinction of the dukedom of Aveiro ; yet was never permilled to sit down in company with the king. After the Count de Pr;ulo, the two Counts of Canlineida, and of Arcos, both sons of the Marquis de Marialva, wLiose name always brought Gil Bias before my ima- gination ; enjoyed, in 1772, the highest place in Joseph's [)ersoaal favour. The former, I mean the Count de Canlineida, was ihe only nobleman in the kingdom, allowed by a special grace of the crown, to drive in a coach and six, with which equipage the king himself had presented him. The memorable earthquake of the first of November, 1755, had impressed on almost every part of Lisbon the most awful traces of its existence and ravages at liie lime when I visited that capital. Many edifices still remained exactly in the condition that they were left by it; presenting such scenes of devastation and destruction, as would then have been vainly sought for elsewhere in any part of Europe. Among them, the an- cient palace of the dukes of Braganza, which was built on a commanding emi- nence, ill the centre of the metropolis ; and the cathedral of Lisbon stood con- spicuous. Both these majesiic structures hourly threatened to crush the tenant, or tlie devotee, who ventured to enter them. Yet the former pile was inhabited by various families or individuals, who, pressed by necessity, sought shelter un- der the tollering roof; and superstition or devotion had consecrated chapels in the latter, amidst the ruins of altars and domes, where masses were daily cele- brated. I was peculiarly led to visit the cathedral, by the hope of finding the tomb of Camoens, the celebrated Portu- guese poet, whose body, as I had been assured, was there interred. But, I could discover no proofs of any such inter- ment, though I made every inquiry; and I have reason to believe, after all the re- searches in my power, that as he unques- tionably expired in a public hospital, of a disease which, from its contagious na- ture, resembled the plague, he was thrown into a common grave, with a number of other dead bodies. It is cer- tain thai no monument was ever erected to his memory. A striking, and a melancholy confor- mity exists betvveen the destiny of the two most illustrious men of genius, whom Spain and Portugal have produced in motlern ages. I mean, Cervantes and Camoens : a conformity which reflects no honour on those countries, nor on the sovereigns and ministers who ihus aban- doned them to the rigors of adversity. Both served on the expeditions under- taken against the Mahometans, in the capacity of private soldiers ; and both were wounded. Camoens lost an eye, before the town ofc Centa in Morocco ; and Cervantes lost his left hand, at the celebrated naval battle of Lepanto, gained by Don John of Austria in 1571, over the Turks. Each of them underwent capti- vity, shipwreck, and all the calamities of atlverse Ibrtune. Returning to tlieir na- tive country, both were admired and de- serted. John the Third and Sebastian, kings of Portugal, seem to have done as litile to ameliorate the condition of Camoens, as Pliilip the Second and Thiril, the sovereigns of Spain, did for Cervantes. Each of them attained to an advanced age, amidst the pressure of diseases, penury, and privations. Ca- mijens breathed his last at Lisbon, in 1579, at about sixty-two years of age, in an hos()ital ; reproaching his countrymen, as is asserted, for their cruel neglect. Cervantes, extenuated by the progress of a dropsy, which was rentlered more HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 43 severe by want, preserver] his constitu- tional gaiety of disposition, down to the last moments of his existence ; expired at the age of sixty-nine, it may be ahnost said, with the pen in liis hand ; and seemed to triumpli over dis-^olution, by the elasticity and energy of his mind. He died at Madrid, in IGlO; a year memorable in the annals of genius, as it likewise deprived the world of Sliaks- peare ! The author of the " Lusiad," and the writer of " Don Quixote," were botli thrown into the ground, without even tiie decencies of an ordinary funeral; nor can the spot where either ol their re- mains are deposited, be even ascertained at the present time. It is impossible to consider these facts without emotions of mingled concern and indignation. Yet, Dante, Tasso, and Galileo, among the Italians ; Spenser, Olway, and Chatter- ton, among us, ap[)ear to have expe- rienced .scarcely a milder fate. If I could not discover the place of Camoens interment, I at least found out the grave and tombstone of the author of " Tom Jones." Fielding, who termina- ted his life, as is well known, at Lisbon, in 1754, of a complication of disorders, at little more than forty-seven years of age, lies buried in the cemetery appro- priated to the English factory. I visited his grave, which was already nearly con- cealed by weeds and nettles. Though he did not suffer the extremity of distress, under which Camoens and Cervantes terminated their lives ; yet his extrava- gance, a quality so commonly character- istic of men distinguished by talents, embittered the eveningof his days. Field- ing, Richardson, and Le Sage, seem to have attained the highest eminence in that seductive species of writing, un- known to antiquity, which we denomi- nate novels. Crebillon, Marivaux, and Smollet, only occupy the second place. Voltaire and Rousseau, however beauti- ful may be their cou)posiiions in this line, are rather satirical or philosophical moralists, than writers of novels. " Don Quixote" is a work sui generis, and not amenable to ordinary rules. " Gil Bias" seems to stand alone, and will probabl}' be read wiih avidity in every age and every country. Though the scene lies in Spain, and the characters are Spa- niards, the manners are universal ; and are true to nature equally in Madrid, in Paris, or in London. Richardson and Fielding are more national, and cannot be read with the same delight on the banks of the Seine, or of ilie Tyber, as on those of the Thames; though the former writer transports us to Bologna, in his Sir Charles Grandison. Field- ing never attempts to carry us out of England, and iiis actors are all Aborigines. Foreigners neither can taste iiis works, nor will he ever allain to the fame of Richardson, beyond the limits of his own country. Cleraeyiiina ^ni\ Clarissa will penetrate, where Sophia ff'eslern and Parson Adams never can be known or appreciated. Joseph Jlndrews and Amelia may be considered, in point of composition, to Fielding, what Pamela is to Richardson. The late Alderman Cadell, who was one of the most intelligent, honourable, and superior men of his profession ; told me that his predecessor, Alillar, the bookseller, bought Fielding's Amelia of the author; giving him for the copy- right, eight hundred pounds ; a great sum at that lime. After making the pur- chase, Millar showed the manuscript to Sir Andrew Mitchell, who subsequeiilly hlled the post of British minister at Ber- lin : requesting to have his opinion of the work. Sir Andrew observed to him, that it bore the indelible marks of Field- ing's genius, and was a fine performance; but, nevertheless, far beneath " Tom Jones ;" finally advising him to get rid of it as soon as he could. Millar did not neglect the counsel, though lie was too able a man to divulge the opinion deli- tered by his friend. On the contrary, at the lirst sale which he made to the Trade, he said, ''Gentlemen, I have several works to put up, for which I shall be glad j/ you will bid : but, as to Amelia, every copy is already bespoke." This inanojuvre had its effect. All the booksellers were anxious to get their names put down for copies of it, and the edition, though very large, was imme- diately sold. All the most interesting particulars of the earthquake of 1755, have been re- counted to me by many of those persons who shared in, and survived llie horrors of that calamitous day, on which near forty thousand persons were believed to 44 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. have perished. They agreed, that if it had taken place in the middle of the night, vviien the fires were in general exiinguisiied, and when the darkness would have prevented the greater part of the inhabitants from quitting tiieir houses before day-break ; not a fourth part of the lives would have been lost, nor de- struction have followed. Prodigious numbers were swept off from theQuays, by the sudden rise of the Tagus; and the conflagration which succeeded the earthquake, spread even greater devasta- tion than did lliat convulsion of nature. The first shock, which came on about forty minutes after nine in the morning, seemed to be horizontal in its direction or movement: but the second shock was perpendicular or vertical ; throwing up the pavement of the streets to the height of forty and fifty feel into the air. Near an hour intervened between the two con- cussions. 'I'lie king, queen, and royal family, by good fortune, were not at the palace in Lisbon, but at Belem, which stands near two miles lower down, on the same side of the river. As the apart- ments which they inhabited, were all built on the ground, his majesty leaped out of the window of his chamber into the garden, on first perceiving the shock ; while the three princesses, his daughters, who were either not yet risen, or not dressed, followed him, wrapped in ttie bed-clothes. Lisbon has, in all ages, been subject to the awful visitation and ravages uf earlliquiikes. History commemorates several, during the lapse of the last six centuries, which have successively laid that capital in ruins, and buried or ingulphed a large part of the population. The most destructive earthquake known in modern times, previous to the year 1755, happened in February, 1522, soon after the decease of Emanuel, in the first year of the reign of his son, John the Third. The concussions of the earth then lasted during eight days ; but do not appear to liave produced a conflagra- tion as ruinous or extensive as that which took place under Joseph ; though more than fifteen hundred houses, besides churches, palaces, and public edifices, of every kind, were destroyed. Thirty thousand persons perished in Lisbon alone ; while Santarem, Almerin, and many other places, were swallowed up, together with their inhabitants. John the Third, his queen, and the royal family, were compelled to encamp in the fields, under tents, just as Joseph did in November, 1755. Great as these con- vulsions of nature were, they may never- theless be esteemed slight, both in their extent and in their effects, if compared with those which desolated Calabria, in more recent periods, as late as the year 1783. It is evident that the earthquake of 1755 ran in a kind of vein, principally ravai^ing a circle or space of about four to five miles ; which was reduced to a state of de.solation, by the fire that fol- lowed it. The " Ait'ama," or ancient Moorish city, situate higher up the river, as well as tiie suburb of Belem, extend- ing lower down the Tagus ; though both may be said to form a part of Lisbon, nearly as Wapping and Westminster constitute portions of London ; yet re- ceived, comparatively, little injury. The principal edifices, and even the houses in both, remained, if not unshaken, yet un- demolished. In 1772, rather more than half the space originally laid waste by the earthquake and fire, had been already rebuilt. Some of the new streets might even vie, in regularity and magnificence, with those of any capital in Europe ; forming an astonisliinsi contrast with the filth, antiquity, and barbarism, cliaracteris. tic of the eastern extremity, or "Alfama." The family of Braganza has not pro- duced, even down to the present time, any sovereign endowed with talents such as distinguished the two kings, John tfie Second and Emanuel, who reigned over the Portuguese in the fifteenth and six- teenth centuries. John the Fourth him- self, founder of the Braganza line, though he eff'ected the recovery of their national independence, seemed to lie in no degree qualified by nature for the performance of so perilous a task. Oustavns Vasa, who expelled the tyrant Christian the Second, from Sweden ; Henry the Fourth, who crushed " the Leajrue" in France ; William the First, and William the Third, princes of Oranire, who succes- sively liberated the Dutch ; tiie former, from the yoke of S[)ain, and the latter, from the arms of Louis the XlVth : — all these were superior men, endowed with HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 45 — ♦ energies such as Providence confers on heroes. But, the Duke of Braganza was an ordinary individual, whoso abilities were of the most moderate description : even his personal courage was never proved in the field. It was the heroic spirit of his consort, which, supplying these defects, impelled him to seize the crown, which the weakness and incapa- city of the Spanish government under Philip the Fourth, might be said to ten- der him. She was, iierself, by birth a Spaniard, daii{,hieruf the Duke of Medina Sidonia : her name, Louisa de Guzman. After the decease of the king her hus- band in 165G, she continuetl to act as Regent. John the Fourth left two sons, the eldest of whom, Alphonso the Sixth, was only thirteen years of age. Labour- ing from his infalicy under incurable maladies, or debilities of body and of ii)ind, he appears to have been altogether unfit to exercise the duties or functions of sovereign power. While his mother held the reins of Stale, Alphonso's incapacity and acts of violence or of imbecility, were prevented from exciting any na- tional commotions of a serious nature : but, after the retreat and decease of that illustrious princess in 1666, his deposi- tion speedily followed. It was merited by his excesses and utter inaptitude for government. His own vvife, a princess of the house of Nemours, descended from the dukes of Si;voy, to whom he had been recently married, but, with whom he had never been able to con- summate his nuptials ; combining with Don Pedro, his younger brother, a prince of prudence, energy, and ability ; arrest- ed and deposed Alphonso. In perform- ing this revolutionary act, they were only the agents and instruments of the nation, who unanimously demanded, sanctioned, and maintained it. Don Pedro thus called to the supreme authority by the voice of the Portuguese, at twenty years of age, in 1668, did not however assume the title of king. Like the present prince regent of the same country, he contented himself with that denomination ; but he married Mary of Nemours, his brother's wife, as Henry the Eighth of England had espoused Catherine of Arragon. Till the death of Alphonso, which took place seventeen years later, in 1683, Pedro only exercised the regency. Alphonso was first sent to the Azores or Western Iislands, situ- ated in the midst of the Atlantic Ocean ; wherehe resided for someyears, atTerce- ira, in an honourable restraint : but it was afterwards judged expedient to conduct himbacktoPortugal, and toconfine him in one of the royal palaces at Cinlra ; a vil- lage not reinote from Lisbon, situate to- wards the mouth of the Tagus, in a coun- try abounding with natural beauties of every kind, which render it one of the most delicious and enchanting spots in Europe. At a more recent period, Cin- tra has attained historical celebrity, from the convention there concluded, or rather at Torres Vedras, with the French, in 1808. In the palace at the former place, I visited the apartment in which Alphon- so was imprisoned, and where. he ended his days, 'i'hough become somewhat ruinous in 1772, it was tolerably spacious, being about twenty feet square, and pro- portionably lofty. He passed eleven years as a captive in that chamber. To- wards the latter part of his life, his un- derstanding, naturally very weak, became wholly alienated. He grew furious to such a degree, that it was found neces- sary to confine him by an iron rail, which surrounded his bed, and allowed him only a space of about fourteen to sixteen feet, for exercise. 'J'he bricks of which the floorwas composed, wliere worn away in this track by the constant action of his leet. His death, however, as far as we can assert, or are warranted to conjec- ture, was not accelerated by any act of treachery or violence. l1 is an extraor- dinary circumstance that Alphonso ter- minated his unfortunate life on the 12th of December, 1683; and that his former vvife, Mary of Nemours, who was mar- ried to his younger brother Don Pedro, died on the 17th of the same month and year, leaving no issue by that prince. Pedro the Second, who continued to reign down to the commencement of the last century, in 1706 ; was unquestion- ably the most able of the sovereigns thai have governed Portugal from 1640 down to the present time. John the Fifth, his son and successor, seems to have been a man of moderate intellectual endow- ments ; fond of show, but destitute of taste ; and during the latter years of his life, when the powers of his mind had 46 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. been enfeebled in consequence of an apo- plectic stroiie, — ensl^ived by bigotry. He expeiidetl forly-iive millions of crii- sadoes, or nearly four millions sterling, in the erection of a palace at MaflVa, about five leagues north of Cinlra, and not far removed from the shores of the I Atlantic. It formed a monument of royal prodigality, blended with superstition. Who can believe that in tiie last century, any prince would construct a residence in imitation or emulation of the Escuriul of Philip the Second of Spain? John did not, indeed, like Pliilip, build the palace of Maffra, in the fcn-m of a grid- iron ; but he united in one edifice, pre- cisely as that king had done, a palace, a church, and a convent. The church oc- cupied the centre of the building, conti- guous to ft being placed the cloisters, to- gether with the cells, or apartments of the monks. Tliree hundred Franciscan Friars, a monastic order distinguished for the disgusting filth of their dress and appearance, were there stationed. They had even a hospital in the central part of the edifice, for the diseased and infirm members of the fraternity. One of the first acts of Joseph's reign, was to dis- lodge these religious nuisances ; and when I visited MafiVa, they had been re- placed by secular priests, diminished in number. The palace, dismantled, for- saken, and forming altogether an appen- dage to the convent, extended in two wings on either side, and behind the church ; but without gardens or pleasure grounds of any kind. Such was Mafi'ra, the Versailles of Portugal ; erected like that palace, in a situation little favoured by nalure ! John the Fifth expended more beneficially the treasures of the state, in constructing the aquetluct of Alcantra, scarcely a mile out of Lisbon, which supplies the capital in a great de- gree with water. In solidity and gran- deur, it is a work worthy of ancient Rome; crossing a deep valley or ravine, from one mountain to another, on arches ; the central arch of which range is three hundred feet in height, and ninety in breadth. The earthquake of 1755, spar- ed this monument of national utility, which received little injury from the shock; and the construction of which reconciled me in some measure to the govereign by whom it was raised. The reign of Joseph may be more properly denominated the adniiiiislratioii of the Conde do ffiyras, creaied after- wards Marquis de Pombal, than it can be characterized by any oilier descrip- tion. The name of this minister was Sebastian Joseph Carvalho. His birth, noble, but not illustrious, would never have opened him a way to power, though aided by extraordinary talents, if court favour had not sustained and propelled them. Maria Anna of Austria, daughter of the Emperor Leopold the First, and Queen of John the Fifth, recommended him to her son Joseph ; who, on his ac- cession to the throne in 1750, named Carvalho, secretary for foreign affairs. His own abilities achieved tiia rest. On him, Joseph seems to have devolved the exclusive and absolute government of the I state ; nor was he unworthy of that se- lection. At the time that 1 saw him, he had attained his seventy-third year; but i age appeared neither to have diminished the vigour, freshness, nor activity of his : faculties. In his person he was very tall and slender ; his face long, pale, meagre, and full of intelligence. He was so un- popular, and so many attempts had been made to assassinate him, that he never went out without guards. Even in the streets of Lisbon, his carriage was al- ways accompanied or surrounded by a detachment of cavalry with their swords drawn for his protection. He was, in- deed, not less odious to the nobility and clerijy liian to the people; and perhaps even more so ; one of the great objects of his policy, during more than twenty years, having been to reduce the aristo- cratic and ecclesiastical privileges of every kind, to a strict dependance on the crown and government. In 1773, the stale prisons were crowd- ed with unfortunate victims. 'I'he tower of Belem, the fort of the Bougie, situate at the mouth of the Tagus, and the cas- tle of St. Jtilien, placed at the northern entrance of that river, were all full of prisoners ; among whom, a great pro- portion had been Jesuits, arretted either in 1758, or in 1763, by orders of ihe first minister. The subterranean casemates of the castle of St. Julien contained above a hundred individuals, who could be clearly discerned by persons walking on the ramparts of the fortress, through the HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 47 iron graiinsjs wliicfi admiUed some liglii to those gli)omy abodes. 1 have myself" beheld in;uiy of them, at the depth olTifty or sixty feet below me, paeiiig to and fro; most of whom being Jesuits, were habited in the dress of the order. They excited great conimisseration. . The fa- mous Gabriel Malagrida, an Italian Je- suit, who was accused of having, as confessor to the Marchioness of Tavora, known and encouraged her to make the attempt upon Joseph's life ; after being long imprisoned in that fortress, was strangleti, and his body subsequently reduced to ashes at the stake, in 1761. He appears to have been rather a vision- ary, and an imbecile fanatic, than a man of dangerous parts. His public execu- tion, when near seventy-five years of age, must be considered as a cruel and (ulious act, wfiich reflects disgrace on Joseph and on his ministers. Malagri- da's name has become proverbial among us, to express tlui-)lieity ; and has l)een applied, perhaps unjustly, to one of our greatest modern statesmen, by his politi- cal opponents. Many other persons of all ranks, either known or believed to have been implicated in the Duke d'Ave- iro's consj)iracy, remained in 1772 shut up in the various state prisons of Portu- gal. Most, or all of these unhappy suf- ferers, who stirvived, have, I believe, been since liberated in 1777, on the ac- cession of the present queen. In extenuation, if not in justification of the first minister, and of Josei)h, it must however be admitted that the na- tional character of the Portuguese, al.once bigolted, sanguinary, and vindictive, de- manded a severe government. They were neither to be reformed, enlightened nor coerced, by gentle and palliative remedies. At the decease of John the Filth, the streets of Lisbon, even in the most frequented quarters, exhibited per- pelual scenes ol' violence, and of murder during the night. Dead bodies, stabbed anil covered wiih v/ounds, were left ex- posed in itie pquarcs and public ])laces. Ijut before 1772, tlie police, introduced and rigorously enforceil by the IMarquis de Ponibal, had. almost cxlinguished these enormities; and had rendered the ca|>iial nearly as secure as London. Dur- ing my residence there of many weeks, such was the vigilance of the palrole, that only one assassination was commit- ted ; and I have returned Jiome alone, on foot, at thtT latest hours, without danger or apprehension. Nor were the cares of the first minister limited to the mere protection of the metropolis. Its re-edi- fication, salubrity, and improvement in every sense, occupied his capacious mind. Lisbon mislil truly be said to rise from its ashes, as ancient Rome did under Augustus, renewed and beautified. The education of the young nobility, formed likewise, a distinguished object of his re- gard. A college founded solely l"or their benefit, at an immense expense, was al- ready nearly completed. I visited it, as I did the manufactures of silk, of lace, of ivory, and many others, carrying on un- der liis auspices. All these bespoke a great and elevated underslandiug, intent on ameliorating the order of things, and animated by very salutary or enlarged views. But the orreater number of the Marquis de Pombal's institutions, edi- fices and fabrics, being incomplete, de- manded tinseor i'umls for their entire ac- complishment. The detestation in which he was held, impeded their progress: nor was it doubled, that as soon -as the present queen, then Princess of Brazil, should succeed to the throne, iier super- stition or her prejudices, would overturn all that Joseph and his minister had done to introduce improvements or reldrms into Poriugal. The event justified this pre- diction. Joseph's reiiin, which had been mark- ed by earthquakes, conspiracies and war, was regardeil by the Portuguese nation, not without some afiparent reason, as a most calamitous period. Yet if we com- pare the misfortunes of that time with those which have succeeded, when the sovereign, the royal family, and the prin- cipal nobility, have been compelled to abandon their native country, in order to seek an asylum in South America; while the capital and the provinces have been occupied, over-run and plundered, by a revolutionary enemy of the most rapa- cious description; — how comparatively tolerable were the evils endured under Joseph, when placed near lliose to which Portugal has been subjected under his daughter ! They may be said to have equalled, if ihey did not exceed, between iSG7 and 1810, the degradation and sub- 48 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. version which followed the death of Se- bastian, in the sixteenth century, when Philip the Second rendered himself mas- ter of the kingdom. Having mentioned Sebastian, I shnll say a (ew words on the history of that nnforlnnale prince. It is well known that lie perished or dis- appeared in the famous bailie of Arzila, on the coaai:tle of Jupiter. The princess Barbara, who became Queen of Spain in 1746, constituted the supreme felicity of Ferdinand the Sixth, her husband ; with whom she lived twenty-nine years, in a state of such conjugal union as is rarely to be found in human life, and still more rarely on the throne. They nevertheless remained without issue. Like his queen, Ferdi- nand nourished a decided passion, or rather rage, for music ; and it is well known that the celebiated Farinelli en- joyed under his reign, as he had previous- ly done under that of Philip tlie Fifth, an almost unbounded ascendant over both the king and queen. Such was Farinelli's prodigious influence, that he may be said to have shared the political power of the state with Ensenada, the first minister of Ferdinand ; a prince who, though he reigned in our own limes, is HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 49 hardly known or remembered beyond the limits of Spain. His talents were very confined, but his intentions were upright. Notwithstanding the obligations of the '•family compact," he refused, on the commencement of the war between Great Britain and France in 1756, to join the latter power; or to sacrifice, as iiis successor CMiarles the Third did in 17G1, the interests of his people, to the ties of consanguinity existing between him and Louis the Fifteenth. Till his decease, which took place in 1759, Ferdinand maintained a strict neutrality. His deatli was unquestionably produced by grief for the loss of his queen, who had been carried off in the preceding year. From that time, Ferdinand became a prey to the most inveterate melancholy, which not only enfeebled, but in some measure alienated his mind. Abandoning himself to despair, he declined all society; re- fused to change his linen, or to take any remedies, during some weeks before he expired; and ultimately died the victim of conjugal affection. In consequence of this event, his half-brother, Charles, son of Philip the Fifth by his second wife, the Parmesana as she was denomi- nated ; who then reigned at Naples, ascended the throne of Spain. I passed a great part of the years 1775 and 1776 in France, not long after the de- cease ot Louis the Fifteenth ; a sovereign whose character and actions always ap- peared to me to be depreciated and un- dervalued by the French, nearly in the same proportion that they have elevated those of Louis the Fourteenth above their just standard. Like his predecessor, he succeeded to the crown while in child- hood ; Hut, he had not the same advan- tages as Louis the Fourteenth enjoyed, whose mother, Anne of Austria, watched duke, both, dreaded a pretender: one, in the son of James; the other, in Philip the Fifth, Iving of Spain. Impelled by this apprehension, the two princes equally made the policy and interests of their respective countries subordinate to their personal objects of acquisition or ambition. Piiilip, Duke of Orleans, was undoubtedly one of the most immoral and profligate men whom we have be- held in modern a^es. Tiie orgies of the " palais royal, probably exceeded in depravity, as well as in enormity, every thing of the same kind ever acted, even in France. The incestuous fables of antiquity, and the unnatural amours of Cinyras and jAIyrrha, which we read with horror in Ovid ; the revolting stories related of Alexander the Sixth and his daughter Lucrelia Borgia ; — were be- lieved to have been realized in the per- sons of the Duchess de Berri and the Abbess de Chelles, with their own father. But, notwithstanding the disaust excited by such scenes of infamous turpitude, we must acknowledge that the regent likewise displayed some of the greatest endowments and talents, fitted both for the cabinet and for the field. His descendant, who performed so de- testable a part in the late French revolu- tion, only resembled him in his vices. He inherited neither the distinguished personal courage, nor the ardour for knowledge, nor the military skill, nor the aptitude for public business, nor the elevated mind of the regent ; who, if he had not been restrained by some con- siderations of goodness, or some emo- tions of affection, niight easily have acted by Louis the Fifteenth, ns we sup- pose that Richard, Duke of Gloucester, did by Edward the Fifth ; or, ns we know tliat the late Duke of Orleans acted by with maternal solicitude over his preser- 1 Louis the Sixteenth and his queen. To vation. Louis the Fifteenth, who at five } the regent, whose life was terminated years of age survived both his parents, before the end of the year 1723, in the was left, during the regency of Philip, arms of the Duchess de Valori, abbre- Duke of Orleans, principally to the care of viated by his excesses, succeeded the Fleury, Bishop of Frejus, who obtained , short and feeble ministry of the Duke over his pupil an early and almost an un- 1 of Bourbon, comprising scarcely three bounded ascendant. The regency lasted years ; hut, which period of time pro- above eifjht years ; and during no period \ duced one event peculiarly interesting to of t"ime since the abdication of James the I the young king and to France ; I mean. Second in 1689, have France and Eng land been so closely united by political ties. George the First and the regent 5 his marriage. There is no instance in the last, or pre- sent century, of any female attaining 50 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 1 so high an elevation as that of Mademoi- selle de Leczinska to the throne of France : for we cannot justly reckon the second marriage of the Czar Peter, with Catherine, tlie Livonian peasant, as an exception. Muscovy could scarcely then be considered as forming a portion of the European system, nor were its sovereigns altogether subjected to our usages. That the daughter of an expatriated Polish nobleman or palatine, whom Charles the Twelfth of Sweden had nominally forced upon the Poles, as their king, during a few years ; but who was in fact only a needy exiled adventurer, driven by ne- cessity to take shelter in an obscure pro- vincial town of Alsace, and destitute of territories, or almost of support; — that a princess, if such she migiit indeed be properly denominated, who could hardly be thought a suitable match for one of the petty sovereigns on the banks of the Elbe, or the Rhine, should have been selected for the consort of the King of France, may assuredly be considered as one of the most singular caprices of fortune. Its singularity becomes aug- mented, when we reflect that the young monarch was already not only betrothed to the daughter of Philip the Fifth, his uncle, King of Spain; butthatlhe princess designed to share his throne and bed, had long resided in France, the nuptials being only delayed till the two parties should attain a proper age. Yet in defi- ance of this impediment, did the Duke nf Bourbon venture to send back Philip's daughter to Madrid ; and I met her at Lisbon near half a century afterwards, become queen of Portugal; transported from the banks of the Seine to those of the Tagus : while a native of Poland, brought up in obscurity, and hardly ac- counted among the female candidates for an European crown, sujjplied her place. The motive assigned for so extraordi- nary aproceedingon the part of the Duke of Bourbon, was his apprehension that the vounsT king, whose delicate constitu- tion seemed scarcely to promise his at- taining to manhood, should die without issue. I have been assured by persons con- versant in the secret history of the early part of liOuis the Fifteenth's rei^n, that when tlio Duke of Bourbon determined on di.ssulving the unconsummuted mar- riage between the youngking and Philip's daughter, he found himself under the greatest embarrassment whom to aub- stitute in her room. He had a sister, Mademoiselle de Sens, born in 1705, whose age and personal accomplishments rendered her a fit bride for Louis. She then resided at the Abbey of Fontevraud in Anjou, under the protection of the abbess ; and it was natural for the duke to desire to raise her to the throne. But lie was himself enslaved to the celebrated Marchioness de Prie, his mistress, who wished to have the merit of naming the future queen ; in whose household, and about whose person, she aspired to oc- cupy a distinguished situation. On the other hand, they both equally dreaded giving a wife to their sovereign, whose charms, talents or ambition, might impel her to assume an empire over his mind. Louis, then only entering on his sixteenth year, brought up in great seclusion, scarcely initiated in public business ; and though not destitute of talents, yet indo- lent, of very reserved habits, modest, and diffident of himself ; would, not impro- bably, like his uncle Philip the Fifth, be governed by a queen of energy and spirit. Before the choice fell therefore on the Duke of Bourbon's sister, it behoved the marchioness to ascertain whether, if selected for so great an elevation, she would probably manifest ductility of cha- racter, gratitude and attachment towards the person who principally raised her to that eminence. In order to obtain satis- faction on a point so important, Madame de Prie determined to procure an inter- view with Mademoiselle de Sens, to whom she was unknown by person, tliough not by reputation. Assuming therefore a fictitious name, she repaired to Fontevraud, and having been presented to her, found means to turn the conver- sation on the Marchioness de Prie, Un- conscious that the stranger to whom she addressed her discourse, was the mar- chioness herself, the princess gave full scope to her antipathy towards a wo- man, whom she considered as exercising a pernicious influence over her brother's mind. This disclosure of her sentiments, at once stopped the further prosecution of IMadame de Prie's plan for placing her I'on the French throne, and compelled her I to turn her views to another quarter. HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 51 The Duke of Bourbon, not discourag- ed by tlie obstacle which ditlerence of religion imposed, next embraced tlie extraordinary measure of demanding for his master the hand of an Eng- lish princess ; and he named as the object of his selection, the eldest grand- daughter of George the First, Anne, who afterwards married William the Fourth, Prince of Orange. This event took place in 1725. However strong might be the objection arising from her profession of the protestant faith, which she must ne- cessarily have renounced, in order to as- cend the throne of France, yet the offer was alluring; and Henrietta, sister of Charles the Second, had married Philip, Duke of Orleans, brother of Louis the Fourteenth, after Charles's restoration. But George the First, though gratified by the proposition of seeing one of his female descendants wear the French crown, yet was too wise to accept it; well knowing fhat such an alliance, how- ever splendid in itself, or whatever po- litical advantages it might seem to pre- sent, would irritate and disgust all the adherents of the succession in the house of Hanover. Thus foiled in two at- tempts to dispose of Louis the Fifteenth's hand, and firmly resolved on effecting his marriage without delay, Madame de Prie cast her eyes on Maria Leczinska, the daughter of Stanislaus. She was then living with her father, at Weissem- bourg in Alsace; a town situate not far from the Rhine, on the frontier of Ger- many, though in the dominions of France; where the titular king of Poland resided in as much obscurity, as Charle^the Se- cond lived in the preceding century at Cologne, during the protectorate of Crom- well. So little expectation did he en- tertain of matching his daughter with a crowned head, that he had already lent a favourable ear to the proposals of a pri- vate nobleman, a subject of France, the Count d'Estrees, who offered her mar- riage. Stanislaus accepted the offer, but desired to delay its accomplishment, till he could procure, if possible, the ho- nours of a duchess, at the court of Versail- les, for Mademoiselle de Leczinska. With that view he actually made ap- plication to obtain a brevet of duke for the Count d'Estrees, his destined son-in- law, though without success ; fortune reserved for her the first diadem in Eu- rope. Her principal recommendation consisted in her want of personal attrac- tions, the humility of her condition, and the obligation to gratitude which she must naturally feel for the authors of so wonderful a change in her fortune. In fact, nature had neither bestowed on her beauty, elegance of manners, nor intel- lectual endowments of any kind. Even youth she could scarcely be said com- paratively to possess, as she was already twenty-three years of age, while her de- stined husband was only sixteen. We know not which to admire most, the sin- gularity of such a choice, or the passive apathy displayed by Louis, while his minister and Madame de Prie thus dis- posed of his person. Maria Leczinska brought him nothing as a portion, on the day of her nuptials, except modesty, vir- tue, and goodness of heart. Yet the young king, during eleven or twelve years after his marriage, exhibited a pat- tern of conjugal fidelity, which stands strongly contrasted with Louis the Four- teenth's dissolute amours, at the same period of life ; though Maria 'i'heresa, daughter of Philip the Fourth, could boast of much superior persoii^d charms to the Polish princess. The Duchess de la Valiere, Madame de Monlespan, and Madame de Fontanges, disputed for the possession of Louis the Fourteenth's youth. It was not till Louis the Fif- teenth had passed his thirtieth year, that after becoming successively enamoured of the Duchess de Chateau-roux and her two sisters, he sunk first into the arms of the Marchioness de Pompadour, and in his old age resigned himself to the disgrace- ful chains of the Countess du Barry. The Duke de Bourbon's and Madame de Prie's period of power, proved never- theless of short duration. lie was ba- nished in 1726, to Chantilly, and at that point of time commences Cardinal Fleu- ry's administration. It lasted nearly as louir as Richlieu's ministry had done ; namely, aboutseventeen years; andthough Fleury was far inferior in strength of cha- racter, resources and energy, to liis great predecessor, yet may France justly feel for him equal gratitude. Pacific, eco- nomical, unostentatious, and mild, he seemed made to heal the wounds inflict- ed oil their country, by the ambition of 52 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. Louis the Fourteenth, and the excesses j in the course of his long, ambitious, and i of the regent. If Richheu, as we are as- j sanguinary career, exceeding in duration I sured from contemporary auihority, ven- 1 seventy years, not only enlarged or J lured to raise liis eyes to Anne of Austria, j strengthened his frontier along the Rhine; 1 and to make her propositions of a liber- i but augmented his territories by the ad- line nature, it is equally a fact, however dition of Tranche Comte, and of a vast incredible it may appear, that Fleury, I portion of Flanders. Yet may we just- ihen above seventy years of age, carried j ly doubt whether any of these acquisi- his presiimpiion still i'arlher with respect tions conferred such strength and secu- to Maria Leczinska. That princess, con- rity as the possession of Lorrain. When scions nevertheless of the ascendant we reflect on the beauty and extent of | which the cardinal had obtained over her I that fine province, stretching into the i husband, possessed too much prudence to midst of France ; contiguous on the east communicate to him, in the first instance, i to Germany, while on the west its li- . the subject of her complaint. She wise- mils approached Paris itself ; — we must I ly preferred making a confidant of her) own that the French seem ungrateful to ' father. To Stanislaus she therefore re- 1 the memory of a prince, who by his arms vealed the temerity of the aged minister, and negotiations succeeded in retaining and besought him to give her his advice | such a tract of country. It affixed the for her conduct, particularly on the pro- seal to every preceding effnri made by priety of her acquainting Louis with the circumstance. Stanislaus exhorted her in reply, to bury the secret in her own bosom ; observing at the same time, that sovereign princesses are placed on such an eminence, as almost to render it impos- sible for any disrespecllul propositions to be made them, unless they encourage, lo a certain degree, such advances. The queen was discreel enough to adopt this judicial and parental counsel. If I had not received the anecdote here related, from a person whose intimacy with the individuals composing the court of France at that lime, joined to his rank and high character, left no doubt of its authentici- ty, I should not venture to recount the fact. To Louis the Fifteenth, France stands indebted for the acquisition of Lorrain, a territory of inestimable value ; perhaps their kings or ministers, for the securi- ty, greatness and protection of France ; leaving unaccomplished no object of wise ambition. INor can we too severely cen- sure the inert, or parsimonious and nar- row policy of Walpole, in permitting Cardinal Fleury to illustrate liis admi- nistration by such an act. France did not, indeed, instantly take possession in her own name, of the Duchies of Lorrain and Bar. Fortune, after raising Maria Lec- zinska to the throne of Franse, conferred on her father, in recompense for his ideal Polish crown, those fertile provinces j the enjoyment and revenues of which were secured to him for his life. Such a substitution was in fact exchanging the armour of the Diomed, for that of Glau- cus ; a barren sceptre for one of gold. Stanislaus, when this event took place """"""^ "• — ■" — ' t r" ig ' • " • — I surpassing in real importance any aug- in 173d, was already nearly sixty, and mentation of the French dominions made by arms within the three last centuries. Henry the Second had conquered Metz, Toul, and Verdun, from the German em- pire ; besides re-annexing Calais, so long held by the English princes. The coun- ties of Bugey and Bresse, covering the borders on the side of Savoy, were gain- ed by Henry the Fourth. His son, Louis the Thirteenth, or more properly to speak, the Cardinal de Richlieu, added Rousillon and Cerdagne, situate at one extremity of the kingdom, towards Cata- he remained during thirty years, Duke of Lorrain. His administration, mild, beneticent and liberal, rendered him be- loved by his new subjects. He embel- lished Nancy, the capital ; but he held his court and residence principally at Luneville, where he expired in conse- quence of a singular accident, having been burnt to death. Charles, King of Navarre, snrnamed the Bad, perished nearly in the same manner» about four centuries earlier, at Pampeluna. The ate Lady Mary Churchill, Sir Robert Ionia; while in another quarter, he re- Walpole's daughter, who then resided duced Artois and Alsace to the French with her husband at Luneville, has more obedience. Lastly, Louis the Fourteenth | than oni>e recounted to me all the particur HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 53 lars of Stanislaus's end. Mr. Churchill and Lady Mary, who lived in habits of intimacy with him, dined at his villa of Bon Secours, a short distance from Luneville, on the day preceding- the ca- tastrophe which terminated his life. She assured me, that though extremely bent with age and infirmities, being then near eighty-nine years old, he retained both his faculties and his good humour. Natu- rally gallant, he had a nominal mistress, the Marchioness de Boufflers, who oc- cupied a part of the palace of Luneville, ani to whom he was much attached; though he manifested neither jealousy nor dissatisfaction at her preference of a younger rival. His own cliancellor had contrived to insinuate himself into Ma- dame de Boulliers's favour ; a fact of which the king was not ignorant. Ta- king leave of her one evening, when re- tiring to his apartment, after embracing hevi^-^AIon chancelier,^^ added he, '•^vous dira le reste ;^' — a jocose allusion to the words with which, as is well known, the French sovereigns, wlien holding a bed of justice, always finish their ha- rangues. Stanislaus, during the last years of his life, withdrew to rest every night at nine o'clock, and his departure consti- tuted the signal for commencing faro. All the persons of both sexes, composing his court and household, then sat down to that infatuating game, which was con- tinued witiiout intermission to a late hour. But a circumstance seemingly in- credible is, that the rage for it became such, as to attract by degrees to the ta- ble all the domestics of the palace, down to the very turnspits or scullions; who, crowding around, staked their ecus on the cards over the heads of the company. Such a fact sufficiently proves the relaxa- tion of manners which prevailed in the court of Lorrain under Stanislaus. His death, as lady Mary Churchill re- lated it to me, look place in February, 1766, in the following manner. The old king, v/ho, like the Poles and Ger- mans, was much' addicted to smoking tobacco, usually finished several pipes every day. Being alone, in an undress, while endeavouring to knock out the ashes from his pipe, he set fire to his gown ; and his valet de chambre, who alone exercised the privilege of entering his apartment, had unfortunately just a* gone into the town of Luneville. His cries were not immediately heard ; but when they reached the officer stationed on guard in the outward room, he flew to the king's assistance ; and having contrived to throw him down on the floor, the flames were speedily extin- guished. He might even have survived and recovered the accident, if*it had not been accompanied with a singular cir- cumstance. Stanislaus, who during the last years of his life, cum numina nobis Mors installs majora facit, — had become devout ; as a penance for his transgressions, constantly wore under his shirt, next to his flesh, a " re/z- qitaire,^^ or girdle made of silver, having points on the inside, from space to space. These points becoming heated, and being pressed into his body, while in the act of extinguishing the fire, caused a number of wounds or sores ; the discharge from which, at his advanced age, proved too severe for his enfeebled constitution. Conscious that his end approached, and only a short time before it took place, he expressed a warm desire to see Mr. Churchill and Lady Mary. They having immediately waited on him, the king re- ceived them with great complacency, and with perfect self-possession; took leave of them most cheerfully; remarked the singularity of his fortune throughout life ; and added, alluding to the strange manner of his death, " // ne manquoit qu' line par eille mort,pourvn avanturier comme moi.''^ He soon afterwards ex- pired ; retaining his senses and under- standing almost to the last moments of his existence. If Louis the Fifteenth, by the peace of 17.36, acquired Lorrain for France, he covered himself and his country witb military glory, during the war that com- menced in 1741, on the death of the Em- peror Charles the Sixth. Fleury was no more ; he and Walpole having finished their political careers nearly about the same time. History can pre- sent, in no period of the world, an in- stance of a first minister commencing his administration, like' FleurT, at seventy- three years of age, and retaining his power till he was ninety. Such a fact must, indeed, be considered as an excep- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. lion to the general laws of nature, moral as well as physical. Cardinal Ximenes in Spain, who approached the nearest to him, died at eighty-one ; and I believe, the Count de Maurepas, under Louis ihe Sixteenth, almost attained to a similar age. In 1744, the year after Fleury's decease, Louis was seized, at Metz, with a fever, which nearly proved fatal. If he had expired at that time, as was ex- pected to happen every moment, during several successive days, his memory would have been embalmed in the hearts of his subjects and of mankind. Never were more ardent, or more universal vows ofiered up to heaven by the Roman people for the recovery of Germanicus, or for the preservation of Titus, than were made by the French nation for his restoration ! They were unfortunately heard, and we are forced to exclaim with Juvenal,. Provitla Pompeio dederat campania febres Optandas : sed multaj urbes, et publica vota Vicerunt." — Though Louis, like Pompey, survived | tliese testimonies of popular favour, yet, f during the whole course of that war, down to its termination in 1748, he con- tinued to deserve and to retain the affec- tions of the nation. Four brilliant and triumphant campaigns, in one of which he was personally present, rendered him master of all the Austrian Netherlands. The military trophies of Marlborough, erected forty years earlier on the same ! plains, were lost at Fontenoy, at Rau- coux, and at Lafeldt. Greater by his moderation than even by his conquests, Lnuis gave peace to Europe at Aix-la- Chapelle, when Holland lay open to his attack ; and when Mr. Pelham, who was then at. the head of the councils of Eng- land, possessed neither pecuniary nor military resources for maintaining the conlest. Louis the Fourteenth may un- doubtedly have inspired more terror at certain periods of liis reign ; but never excited more respect than did his succes- sor at the conclusion of the great v;ar, which took place on the accession of Maria Theresa. It forms a curious subject of reflection, lliat the armies of France, during this gplendid portion of Louis the Fifteenth's reign, when he thus over-ran the Low Countries, were commanded by foreign- ers. To Conde, Turenne, and Luxem- bourg, had succeeded Catinat, Vendome, Boufflers, and Villars : but these last generals left no successors. In 1734, Villars, at near four-score, remained the sole survivor of those illustrious com- manders, who, from Rocroi down to De- nain, from 1643 to 1712, had carried vic- tory over so many countries of Europe. An Englishman, the Duke of Berwick, natural son of James the Second by Ara- bella Churchill, sister of the great Duke of, Marlborough, was placed at the head of the French forces on the Rhine, in 1734 ; while a German and a Dane subjected- Flanders to Louis the Fifteenth, between 1743 and 1748. Marshal Saxe, the former of these generals, attained a mili- tary reputation hardly exceeded by any individual in modern times. Lowendahl, the other, was immortalized by the cap- ture of Bergen-op-Zoom, then regarded as the most impregnable fortress on the continent. Both survived the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle only a few years. I have been in the apartment of the palace of Chambord, near Blois, where Marshal Saxe expired in November, 1750; ex-- tenuated by pleasures which had enerva- ted his Herculean frame, and produced hiS' premature end at fifty-four years of age. The natural son of Augustus the Second,. King of Poland, and Elector of Saxony, by the beautiful Countess of Konigsraark, he inherited from his father an extraor-' dinary degree of bodily strength ; but, like Milo in antiquity, " Viribus ilie Confisus, pcriit, admirandisque lacertis." At Chambord, where he maintained a^ magnificent establishment during the two. last years of his life, he constantly en- tertained a company of comedians, as a sovereign prince. Mademoiselle Chan- tilly, an actress and a dancer in high reputation at Paris, having, from her. personal beauty no less than from her theatrical merit, attracted the Marshal's attention ; had, some years earlier, ac- companied him on his campaigns in the Netherlands as his mistress. While he was engaged in the siege of Maestricht, Favart, a man who had found means to render himself master of iier affectionSj, HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 65 carried her off to Paris. After the ter- mination of the war, Marshal Saxe caused proposals to be made her, for re- pairing to Chanibord, to perform on his theatre. But she, who was married to Favart, knowing the marshal's designs, rejected all his ofl'ers. In this dilemma, determined again to gain possession of her, he applied to Monsieur deBerruyer, then lieutenant de poUcCt requesting him to compel her to visit Chambord. Berruyer, desirous of obliging Marshal Saxe, made use of every argument, and enforced them by very ample pecuniary ofTers. Finding, however, all tiis exer- tions fruitless, he sent her a lettre de cachet, ordering her immediately to prison, or to Chambord. We must own that this atrocious abuse of power, which reminds usof Appius Claudius and Virginia, in the consular ages of Rome ; excites indignation against a minister capable of thus prostituting his official functions, in order to gratify the de- praved and licentious appetites of an exhausted voluptuarj'-. Thus pressed between imprisonment and the sacrifice of her person, she preferred the latter expedient ; as many other women might have done under her circumstances, with- out perhaps incurring either any deep degree of culpability, or exciting any strong emotions of moral reprobation. Pity, indeed, rather than condemnation, arises in the mind of every liberal man, on such a recital. It is difficult to relate the sequel of the story, without involun- tarily wounding decorum : yet may the moral that it contains, almost apologise for such a deviation, or in some degree even demand it. Madame Favart having been reluctantly conducted to the mar- shal's bed, afterwards expressed herself with some contempt respecting him. Piqued at the insinuation, he had re- course to those expedients which Pope, one of the most correct of modern poets, who exclaims, "• Curst be the verse, how soft soe'er it flow. That tends to make one honest man my foe; Give virtue scandal, innocence a fear, Or from the soft-eyed virgin steal a tear ;" yet has not hesitated to enumerate in his poem of " January and May." The auxiliary proved too powerful for the prittcipal,, and prodiiced his deatli within a short time. He expired nearly in the same manner as the regent Duke of Or- Iccins had done, about twenty-five years earlier: a prince, to whom, both in h{9 virtues, his endowments of mind, and his defects or vices, Marshal Saxe exhi- bited some analogy. Louis the Fifteenth not only occupied' the most distinguished place among the European sovereigns and powers, during, the period of nearly eight years, which- intervened between the treaty of Aix-la- Chapelle, and the commencement of the war of 175G ; but, for a considerable time subsequent to that rupture, every success obtained was on the side of. France. Beyond the Atlantic, in the Mediterranean, in Germany, as well as on the French coasts and shores, her arms maintained their ascendancy. Meze- rai, or Voltaire, might have expatiated with exultation and pleasure on the events of Minorca, of Ticonderoga, of Braddoek's defeat in Carolina, of Clos- ter-seven, of St. Cas, and of Rochfort; as, on the other hand, assuredly neither Hume nor Smollet could have derived from the narration of those unfortunate or disgraceful transactions, any subject of triumph. That Louis, no less than his people, sunk under the energies of the first Mr. Pitt, between 1759 and 1762, must be admitted : but, all the achieve- ments of that great minister, in both hemispheres, on the land and on the water, from the Philippines to Cuba,, and from Cape Breton to Senegal, were sacrificed at the peace of Fontainbleau. We seemed to have humbled the two branches of the house of Bourbon, only to rcrconstruct their fallen power : re- storing pll that we ought in wisdom to have retained : and retaining or acqui- ring all that in policy we should have surrendered to France and Spain. Wit- ness Canada and Florida, which we. preserved ! Witness the Havanna, Mar- tinique, Guadaloupe, and so many other islands or settlements which we ceded ; not to include in the list, Manilla, a cap- ture unknown to the British ministry who signed the treaty, and of which the ransom has never been paid, down to the present moment !' EVen the popularity of George the Third, sustained by the' most irreproachable and exemplary dis- play of private virtues,^ could, not standi 56 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. the shock of such a peace ; which covered him with nearly as much ob- loquy, as that of Utrecht had inflicted on Queen Anne. France, from 1763 to 1770, repaired her losses ; and while her councils were guided by the vigorous, as well as enter- prizing mind of Choiseul, Louis the Fifteenth, however vanquished he might have been in the preceding contest, re- appeared with at least as much dignity on the theatre of Europe, as Louis the Fourteenth had done after the war of the succession. Choiseul, secure on the side of Flanders and of Germany, by tlie alliance subsisting with the house of Austria since 1756, extended succours to the Polish insurgents, against Catherine the Second ; laid the foundations of the Swedish revolution, which was efTected by Gus'aviis the Third in 1772 ; and re- (lilc.&d to the obedience of his master, the island of Corsica, nearly about the time when that country gave birth to a man, whose relentless and insatiable ambition or vengeance, have equally laid waste the territory of France and polluted by his crimes, or converted into a desert, the most Nourishing kingdoms of the conti- nent, 'i'he universal abhorrence excited by his atrocities, renders it unnecessary to name a monster, whose very existence, and still more, whose favoured place of retreat, an island situate on the delicious shore of Tuscany, midway between Lejjhorn and Toulon, surrounded bv the splendour ol a prince, seem to reproach the justice, no less than the policy, of the European powers.* Louis the Fifteenth, like his predeces- sor, survived his only son ; justifying the Roman poet's remark on the evils that accompany and characterize longevity, when lie says, — " Haac pata Poena diu viventibus, ut renovata Semper clade Dotnus, multis in luctibus, inque Perpetuo Moei-ore, et nigra vesle senescant." The Dauphin Louis died at Fontain- bleau, towards the end of 1765, at the age of about thirty-six. Whether we * The events which have taken place since the amtumn of 1814, vvhen these remarks were made on the selection of the Isle of Elba for Bona- parte's residence, have too well proved their solidity. consider his death abstractedly, with reference to his character and mental qualities ; or whether we try it by the calamitous reign of his son, which may be said, without a metaphor, to have brought France to the block ; we must be compelled to regard the dauphin's premature end, as one of the most unfor- tunate events which could have taken place for the French monarchy, and for the house of Bourbon. It was produced, as I have been assured by persons who had frequent access to him, and who en- joyed a distinguished place in his confi- dence, from the efTectof medicines which he took, in order to repel or to disperse an eruption that appeared near his mouth. He was supposed to have caught the disorder from his wife the dauphiness, a princess of Saxony, daughter ol Augustus the Third, King of Poland, who had a violent scorbutic humour in her blood. Malignity proceeded so far, as even to accuse the king his father of having caused the dauphin's death, by adminis- tering to him slow poison ; a circum- stance principally founded on the state of extenuation and languor to which he was reduced, during the long malady that brought him to the grave ; but, for which atrocious imputation, not the slightest foundation existed in truth. Louis the Fifteenth, though naturally indolent, as well as afterwards dissolute ; and though he became, like Tiberius, profligate towards the close of his life ; manifested no cruelty, nor systematic atrocity of character. He neither resem- bled Louis the Eleventh, nor Bonaparte* His son possessed lirmness of mind, and a solid understanding, cultivated by polite letters. For the society of men distinguished by talents of any kind, the dauphin displayed as strong a partiality,, as the king betrayed a disinclination, throughout his whole reign. Devout, and in some degree tinctured with bigo- try, he nevertheless sought occasions of conversing with individuals, known to have embraced ideas adverse to tlie Ca- tholic faith, as well as subversive of re- vealed religion. With David Hume, then secretary to the English embassy at Paris, and at the summit of his literary reputation ; or as the " Heroic Epistle'*^ says, "^ drunk with Gallic wine, and " Gallic pjaise ;" the dauphin, not a HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 57 great while before his decease, held a long conversation, principally turning on points connected with philosophical dis- quisition. WhUi Hume was presented to him, "I know," said he, "that you hold very free opinions on matters con- nected with revelation ; but my princi- ples are fixed, and therefore speak out to me ; for otherwise I should only be con- versing with a man in a mask. He was the third dauphin in hereditary descent, who had attained to matdiood without as- cending the French throne, within the short space of fifty-four years. His of his great grandson's life, from 1770 to 1774; we shall see that the court was alike, in both instances, completely un- der female control. It would indeed be as unjust to place Madame du Barry in. competition with Madame de Mainienon ; as to elevate Thais or Campaspe, to a level with Aspasia, or with Livia. Yet did the palace and court of the former prince, exhibit as degrading a scene of mingled hypocrisy, bigotry, and super- stition, as Versailles displayed a spec- tacle of debauch and licentious pleasure, under the latter sovereign. If it were death was followed, at no long interval \ permitted to cite, as authority for this as- of time, by that of the dauphiness his j sertion, the '■' Pucelle'' of Voltaire; a widow, and the queen his mother ; j poem no less captivating from its wit, leaving Lonis the Fifteenth at nearly [ than dangerous from its spirit and ten- sixty, surrounded by his daughters and } dency : but, the historical portraits scat- his grandchildren. tered throughout which production, are Unquestionably, the four last years of sketched with admirable ability by a his reign were passed in a manner wor thy of Sardanapalus ; oblivious of his public duties, insensible to national glory, and lost to every sentiment of private virtue, or even of decorum. From the instant that, dismissing Choiseul from his councils, and rejecting the favourable opportunity offered him by the dispute which arose between England and Spain, relative to the Falkland Islands, for re- covering the honour, as well as the terri- tories, lost by France during the preceding I fied by any sentiment of pity or of re- war; he abandoned himself to pleasures spect. His death, which took place under no longer suited to his age ; — from that these circumstances, was hailed by the moment he became an object of contempt French as the era of their liberation from master hand ; we might there behold the ignominious figure which " the phoenix of the Bourbons" presented in the even- ing of his life, surrounded by devotees, priests, and monks, "Hercule en Froc, et Priape en Soutane." Louis the Fifteenth, during his last years, excites nevertheless more disgust than his predecessor, because it is unquali- and opprobrium to his own subjects Unfortunately for his fame, he has been principally tried and estimated by this inglorious portion of his life. Yet, even while the dukes of Aiguillon and of Richlieu directed public aflairs, while the great seal of France was entrusted to Maupeou, while the finances were aban- doned to the Ahbe Terray, and while a woman of the most libertine description, Madame du Barry, presided over his looser hours ; he at least exerted some proofs of vigour in his treatment of the parliaments of his kingdom, whom he controled and banished : unlike his yield- ing successor, who suffered himself to be overwhelmed under the progressive effects of popular innovation. When we compare the concluding years of Louis the Fourteenth's reign, from 1712 to 1715, with the termination a yoke equally disgraceful and severe: while the new reign awakened in a na- tion characterized by its superficial or sanguine frame of mind, the most extra- vagant visions of future felicity. We may, however, safely assume that Louis tlie Fifteenth, who had refused to join Charles the Third of Spain in 1770, when every circumstance invited him to a rupture with England; and who was known to have taken an unalterable de- termination of terminating his life in peace ; — we may be assured that such a prince, at sixty-eight or seventy, would not have sent La Fayette and Rocham- beau across the Atlantic, there to imbibe the principles of rebellion and republi- canism, with which they returned to in- noculate France, and to subvert the throne. Louis the Sixteenth, only four after years his accession, in 1778,. ent*- 58 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. ^ braced, though against his own jiidgment, this perniciouf! and improvident measure, from which, in an eminent degree, flow- ed the destruction of his house. So true is it, that — «Evertere domos totas, optantibus ipsis, Di faciles." We cannot reflect without some sus- prise, that Louis the Fifteenth manifested more attention during his last ilhiess, to the well-being and support of Madame du Barry, his mistress, after his decease ; than his predecessor displayed for Ma- dame de Maintenon, to whom he had been united near thirty years, by the le- gitimate ties of marriage. Scarron's wi- dow possessed nothing as her own indi- vidual property, on the first of September, 1715, when Louis the Fourteenth breath- ed his last, except the estate of Mainte- non, in the vicinity of Paris, which she had purchased ; and a pension ffom the crown, of two thousand louis d'ors a year: while the former, besides the im- mense pecuniary gratifications which she had received from her royal lover during the period of her favour, was presented by him with the beautiful chateau and estate of Lusienne, situate near Marly. Yet Louis the Fourteenth, before he ex- pired, contented himself witii only re- commending his future widow to the protection of the Duke of Orleans. His successor, on the contrary, at an early period of his disorder, after expressing the utmost anxiety respecting his mis- tress, delivered into the Duke d'Aigu- illon's hands, confidentially for her use in the event of his own decease, a portfolio containing in notes, the sum of three millions of livres, or about one hun- dred and twenty thousand pounds ster- ling. The duke, with the true spirit of a courtier, carried this deposit to the new king. At sixty-four, Louis the Fifteenth died of the small-pox, at Versailles; as his grand-father, the dauphin, only son of Louis the Fourteenth, was carried off at the Palace of Meudon, by the same ma- lady, in 171 1. While any reasonable expectations of his recovery were enter- tained, Madame du Barry continued her attendance about his person ; every idea of the nature of his disease being studi- ously concealed from him ; nor was he permitted to regard himself in a looking- glass, lest he should discover the change effected in his countenance, bv the pus- tules which covered his^ce. The Duke de Richlicu even kept guard at the door of his bed-chamber, to prevent the intru- sion of any priest or ecclesiastic who might procure admission, and by warn- ing him of his danger, awaken his ap- prehensions of eternity. But no sooner was his alarming situation understood, and the apparent improbability of his surviving the attack of so malignant a dis- temper became disseminated abroad ; than Madame Louisa of France, the king's youngest daughter, who had taken the veil as a Carmelite nun, quitting the convent of which she was prioress at St. Denis, repaired to Versailles. With irre- sistible importunity she demanded ad- mittance to her father, whom she admo- nished of his perilous state and impend- ing dissolution : he was already sinking under the ravages of the disease, which left no hope of his surmounting its vio- lence.- Madame du Barry had been sent away some days before, to Lusienne. The king expired in a narrow white bed, placed between two windows of his apartment, which were constantly kept open on account of the heat of the wea- ther, though the season of the year was by no means advanced, it being only the 10th day of May, 1774. 'i'hese pariicnlars have all been related to me not long after they took place, by a gentleman, one of his pages, who attended him throughout the whole course of his disorder. It is obvious, after a consideration of these facts, that the successor of Louis the Fifteenth must have ascended the throne under the most favourable aus- pices. To the majesty of the first Euro- pean crown, he added the brilliancy of opening life, not having yet completed his twentieth year. But though young Louis possessed neither the graces, the activity, nor the elasticity of mind usually characteristic of youth. Heavy, inert, inclined to corpulency, and des- titute of all aptitude for any exercises of the body, except hunting; he seemed like James the First of England unfit for appearing in the field. His mnaners were shy, a natural result of his neglect- ed education ; which made Madame du Barry commonly call him, during his HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 59 grandfather's life, "Ze gros gargon^ mal e/et'e." Yet never did any prince mani- fest more rectitude of intention, greater probity, or a warmer desire to advance the felicity of his people. Nor was his understanding by any means inadequate to fulfilling those beneficent designs. He even endeavoured, at an early period of his reign, to repair the want of pre- ceding instruction, by intense private ap- plication. For geography he displayed an uncommon passion ; and it is well known that none of his ministers equal- led him in that branch of knowledge. Before 1773, when the French cabinet embraced the injudicious delerininalion of aiding the Americans, by sending out D'Estaign with a fleet to their support ; the king had rendered himself so perfect a master of the topography of the trans- atlantic continent, that from the river St. Lawrence, to the southern extremity of Florida, not a head-land, a bay, a river, or almost an inlet, were unknown to him. Warmly attached to tlie queen his wife, and indisposed to connections of gal- lantry, his nuptial fidelity could admit of no dispute; and in alT the relations of domestic life, he might be esteemed not only blameless, but meritorious. George the Third could hardly lay claim to high- er moral esteem and approbation, in his private character. Impressed with deep sentiments of filial piety, and of respect for the me- mory, as well as for the precepts or ad- vice, of his father the dauphin, he selected his ministers in compliance with that prince's written instructions, which he had carefully preserved, and religiously obeyed. Those instructions impelled him to place the Count de Maurepas at the head of the new ad- ministration, though that nobleman had then attained a very advanced period of life. He was indeed as old as the Car- dinal de Fleury, when he, assumed the management of afTuirs, having attained his seventy-^lhird year, in 1774 ; and having passed the preceding twenty-five years in exile, at Bourges, the obscure capita! of the central and secluded province of Berri. It may, however, be justly ques- tioned, whether in this choice, I^ouis the Sixteenth was fortunate. Maurepas, though a man of superior talents, who preserved in age all tiie fresluiess of ins intellect ; yet pliinged his country into the alliance with America, which proved eventually, at no great distance of time, the leading source of all the revolutionary calamities that have desolated France. In his selection of Vergennes for the foreign department, the king apparently manifested more discernment. 1 was a* Stockholm, in June, 1774, when the cou- rier, who brought the intelligence of Louis the Fifteenth's death, delivered to Mon- sieur de Vergennes, then the French embassador at the court of Sweden, let- ters recalling him to Paris, in order to form a member of the cabinet. Happily for themselves, neither Maurepas nor Vergennes survived to witness the com- mencement of the revolution. If a combination of almost all those qualities or endowments, which, in a private station, conciliate esteem and ex- cite respect, could have secured to Louis the sixteenth a tranquil reign, he might justly have pretended to that felicity. But, unfortunately, he wanted t!ie bolder and more aflirmative features of the mind, which confirm dominion, repress or ex- tinguish innovation, retain the various classes of subjects in their respective orbits, inspire becoming apprehension, and preserve the throne from insult or attack. These defects had not indeed become apparent to the nation at large, as early as 1776; but they were not the less obvious to such individuals as had access to his person and court. Perhaps, had he succeeded in more tranquil times, or if he had been the immediate successor of Louis the Fourteenth; under whom, although the monarchy was convulsed, and had been almost overturned by foreign enemies towards the conclusion of that reign, yet the monarchical principle and power remained firmly rooted in public opinion ; he miirht have maintained him- self in his elevation. But even before the commencement of the American war, Voltaire, Rousseau, and their disciples, had undermined both the foundations of the throne and of the altar, by incul- cating philosophical principles ; which, however fascinating in appearance, were calculated in their results, to propel the inferior ranks upon the upper orders of society. A spirit of disquisition, of dis- content, of c()in[)laint, and of reform, which pervaded not only the mass of 60 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. the French population, but, which had infected even ihe army, the navy, and however strange it may seem, the church itself; menaced the most alarming con- sequences. Henry the Fourth and Sully would have anticipated and suppressed it in the birth. Louis the Thirteenth and Richlieu would have combated and van- quished it in the field. Louis the Four- teenth and Louvois would have either dispersed, or have overawed and intimi- dated it, by measures of vigour. Even the regent duke, Fleury, or Choiseul, would not have supinely allowed it to mature its destructive powers, till it burst into a conflagration. If ever France stood in need of a strong, and even a severe ruler, it was at the death of Louis the Fifteenth ; when the person of the prince, and the throne itself, were alike, allliough from different causes, fallen into universal contempt. A sovereign of energy, who had possess- ed military talents, and who, instead of breaking the household troops, disarming the royal autliority, and then imprudently convoking the States General ; would have mounted on horseback, placed a strong garrison in the bastile, arrested the first instigators to sedition, sent the Duke of Orleans to the castle of Vincen- nes, and put himself at the head of his army in the last resort, against his rebel- lious subjects ; — such a king might have defied the revolution. But, Louis the Sixteenth laboured under a double inap- titude, moral and physical. He was the only monarch since Philip of Valois, if not the single instance that occurs since Hugh Capet, the founder of the third dynasty, whenever had, on any oc- casion, appeared in person among his soldiers. Louis the Fifteenth, and his son the dauphin, though neither of them were distinguished by martial ar- dour, yet assisted in the field, made a nominal campaign in the Netherlands; and were stationed by Marshal Saxe in such a manner, at the battle of Fontenoy, as at least to be spectators of, if not par- ticipators in, the victory gained on that memorable day. Their ill-fated descen- dant could never be propelled into such exertions, and he even betrayed a dislike towards showing himself at the peaceful ceremony of a review. His personal courage itself, whatever flattery may assert, or caiulout' may SUg- gest, was problematical. That he dis- played presence of mind, calmness, and contempt of death, when surrounded by a furious populace, in October, 1789, at Versailles, and in June, 1793, at the Tuilleries, cannot be disputed. But, on the scaffold, in January, 1793, for the performance of which last act he must, nevertheless, have been prepared, by all the aids of reflection, and all the sup- ports of religion ; he did not comport himself with the serenity and self-pos- session that characterized Charles the First, and Mary, Queen of Scots, when laying down their heads on the block. It must, however, be admitted on the other hand, that the guillotine, which was only an atrocious revolutionary engine, invented, not so much to abbre- viate the sufferings of the condemned in- dividual, as to facilitate the despatch of a number of victims with certainly, in a shorter space of time, bereaved death of all its grace and dignity. I have like- wise seen and read very strong attesta- tions to the firmness, displayed by the King of France in his last moments. On the 26th of January, 1793, the day on which the official account of his execu- tion arrived in London ; being alone with the Duke of Dorset, who was then lord steward, at St. James's palace, he received a note, which he immediately showed me, and which I copied on the spot. It contained these words : — " Paris, 2 1st January, 12 o'clock. " The unfiiitunate Louis is no more. He suf- fered death this morning, at ten o'clock, with the most heroic courage.'* " To the Duke of Dorset." The note had no signature, but the duke told me, that he knew both the hand-writing and the writer. Yet I have been assured that Louis attempted to resist or impede the executioners ; who, im[)aiient for obvious reasons, tofinish the performance, us^tl a degree of violence, threw him down forcibly on the plank, in which act his face was torn, and finally thrust him under the guillotine. The hope and expectation of a rescue, which he unquestionably nourished down to the last moment, might, I am well aware, explain the king's motive HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 61 for protracting the time, without im- peaching his courage ; and might throw an air of irresolution over his deport- ment. But his Queen and iiis sister dis- played more decision. Marie Antoinette, and Madame Elizabeth, each, exliibited in turn, one, the heroism of an elevated mind, superior to death ; the other, the calm resignation of a saint and a martyr, under tiie same circumstances. Even the Duke of Orleans himself, covered as he was with crimes and turpitudes, yet derived from despair a species of affirmative courage, hurried to the place of execution, ascended tiie scaffold with rapidity, and ruslied upon his fate. In the summer of 1776, when I quilted France, Marie Antoinette may be said to have reached the summit of her beauty, and of her popularity. Her favour with the nation at large declined from the period of her brother the Emperor Jo- seph the Second's visit to Paris, in 1777 ; after which interview between ttiem, iier enemies, with equal falsity and malig- nity, accused her of sacrificing both the treasures and the interests of tiie French monarchy to her Austrian connections. Her personal charms, wliich Burke has over rated, consisted more in her elevated manner, lofty demeanour, and graces of deportment, all which announced a queen, than in her features or counte- nance, which wanted softness and regu- larity. She had besides weak, or rather inflamed eyes; but her complexion, which was dazzling, aided by youth, fl.nd all the decorations of dress, in which •ornaments she displayed great taste, im- posed on the beholder. In the national estimation, her greatest defect at this period of life consisted in her sterility ; she having been married full six years, without giving any apparent prospect of issue. But Anne of Austria had remain- ed nearly two and iweiily years under the same reproach, before she brought into the world Louis the Fourteenth. The Count de Provence was likewise destitute of any children, though as early as 1771 he liad espoused a daughterof the King of Sardinia ; wliile the Count d'Ar- . tois, youngest of the three brothers, married to another princess of Savoy, was already become a father. His son, born in 1775, had been createtl Duke tl'Angouleme. Both the king and the 6 Count de Provence were then generally regarded, in different ways, as equally inapt for the purposes of marriage. It had nevertheless been ascertained, that Louis the Sixteenth laboured under no impediment for perpetuating his race, except a slight defect in his physical organization, easily susceptible of relief by a surgical operation ; but, to undergo which, he for a long time manifested great repugnance. The importance of the case, and the pressing instances which were made to him, having at length, however, surmounted his scru- ples, he submitted to it; and the queen lay in of a daughter in December, 1778, whose unmerited sufferings, filial, and heroic virtues, have justly endeared her to all Europe. But Marie Antoinette did not, till several years later, produce a Dauphin. Of the three royal brothers, the Count d'Artois had been cast by nature in the most graceful mould. All the dignity of Louis the Fourteenth had exclusively descended to him. His eUler brother, tlie Count de Provence, who resembled the king in his person, was less known to ihe nation, in 1776, than either of the others. Moderate in his character, and of retired habits ; possessing a strong mind, and a highly cultivated understand- ing, but destitute of brilliant or of dan- gerous talents, he approved himself, on all occasions, the most submissive of subjects. Both the younger princes re- sided constantly at Versailles, in a part of the royal palace ; accompanied the king, whenever he repaired to Corn- piegne or to Fontainbleau ; connnonly attended him at mass, as well as lo the chace ; and never absented themselves, even on an excursion to Paris, wiiiiout his permission. Pliilip, Duke de Char- tres, too well known to us by hi:-* vindic- tive and criminal political intrigues, which at a more recent period have con- duced, in so great a degree, to the sub- version of the house of Bouibon ; was already fallen, at the time oi' which I speak, under the public condemiialion or contempt. He had then been married several years, to the sole daughter and heiress of the Duke de Penthievre, last male of the illegitimate descendants of Louis the Fourteenth; and ihe popular voice accused him of having plunged the 62 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. Prince de Lambtille, his brolher-in-law, the Duke de Penlhievre's only son, into the debaucheries which lerminated his life in the llower of his age. That young prince esjioused, at a very early period, one of the Princesses of Carig- nan, collaterally descended from the house of Savoy : whose tragical end in 1792, when she was massacred at the prison of Zo Force in Paris, forms a re- volting feature of the great act of blood, denominated " the French revolution." As the Prince de Lamballe left no issue, the Duke de Chartres was asserted to have accelerated, or rather to have produced his death, from the sordid, as well as detestable, motive, of inheriting, in right of his consort, the vast estates of Penthievre. However destitute of proof, and perhaps even of just foundation, may have been this imputation ; yet the character and notorious profligacy of the duke obtained for it universal belief. Affecting to emulate the Regent Duke of Orleans, his great grandfather's example, whose portrait was always suspended close to his bed ; he only imitated that prince in the hcentious depravity of his manners, and ihe abandoned nature of his amours. The regent, whether in Italy, where he was wounded in 1706, fighting desperately in the trenches be- fore Turin ; in Spain, where he com- manded the French armies with distin- guished lus!re ; or at home, while con- ducting the helm of affairs, during the minority of Louis the Fifteenth ; what- ever vices he displayed, redeemed them in some measure by his valour, loyalty, and capacity. His degenerate descend- dant incurred the abhorrence of all En- rope, overturned the throne of France, perished by the guillotine, and may be esteemed the most atrocious, as well as flagitious individual who has arisen in modern ages, for the calamity of man- kind, with the single exception of Bona- parte. Ri'turnlng to England in the summer of 1776, I went down soon afterwards, on a visit to Lord Nugent, at Gosfield in Essex ; a seat whicli has since, in the revolutionary events of the present times, afford. (1 a temporary asylum to the au- gust r: preseutaiive of the Capelian line, when expelled from a country over which his ancestors had reigfueil, in un- interrupted male succession, for above eight hundred years ! When I visited Gosfield, among the guests who attracted most attention, might justly be reckoned the late Lord Temple, then far advanced in life, and very infirm. In his person he was tall and large, though not inclined to corpulency. A disorder, the seat of which lay in his ribs, bending him al- most double, compelled him, in walking, to make use of a sort of crutch : but his mind seemed exempt from any decay. His conversation was animated, brilliant, and full of entertainment. Notwithstand- ing the nick name of " Squire Gawkey," which he had obtained '.n the satirical, or party productions of those limes, and which, we may presume, was not given him with good reason ; he had neverthe- less the air and appearance of a man of high condition, when he appeared with the insignia and decorations of the garter, seated at table, It is well known that George the Second, who, though he generally yielded to ministerial violence or importunity, yet manifested often great reluctance and even ill humour, in his manner of compliance on these occa- sions, strongly disliked Lord Temple. Being, however, compelled, in conse- quence of political arrangements very repugnant to his feelings, to invest that nobleman with the order of the garter, the king took so little pains to conceal his aversion, both to the individual, and to the act ; that instead of placing the ribband decorously over tiie shoulder of the new knight, his majesty, averting his head, and muttering indistinctly some expressions of dissatisfaction threw it across him, and turned his back at the same instant, in the rudest man- ner. George the Third, on such occasions, possessed or exerted more restraint over his passions, than did his grandfather. Yet even he did not always execute the commands of his minister, where they were disagreeable or revolting to him, witliout displayiuix some reluctance. I have been assured from high contempo- rary authority, that nt the ceremony of investing the present Manquis Camden with the order of ihe garter, after his re- turn from Ireland, where he had been lord lieutenant ; his majesty, who felt not a little unwillinji to confer it on him, HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 63 betrayed a considerable degree of ill hu- mour ill his countenance and manner. However, as he knew that it must be performed, Mr. Pitt liaving pertinaciously insisted on it ; the king took the ribband in his liaiid, and turning to an individual present, before the new knight approach- ed, asked of him, if he knew Lord Cam- den's christian name. The person thus addressed, after inquiring, informed him that it was Jolin Jeffreys. " AVhat ! what !" replied the king ; John Jeffreys ! the first " knight of tlie garter, I believe, that ever was called John Jeffreys." The aversion of George the Second to- wards" Lord Temple, originated parily in personal, but more from political mo- tives or feelings. His present majesty's disinclination to confer tiie garter on Lord Camden, probably arose merely from considering his descent, though most honourable and respectable, as not sufficiently illustrious. But the great talents and qualities of the first earl, had diffused a lustre over the name oi Pratt. In the eye of reason and of true philoso- phy, such a father conferred more dig- nity on his issue, than if tliey had derived their origin from Nell Gwynn, or from Mademoiselle de la Q.uerouaille, or from Barbara Villiers, Duchess of Cleveland, by a prince like Charles the Second. We may exclaim with Pope on the oc- casion, " What, tho' thy ancient, but ignoble blood, Has crept thro' scoundrels ever since the flood!" Yet might the sovereign, when conferring the garter, justly consider the preten- sions of a Duke of St. Albans, as higher than those of Earl Camden ; although the latter was the heir and representa- tive of a man, who united in his legal and public character some of the most shining qualities that can elevate or adorn human nature. To tliese endow- ments of the father, the son originally owed the dignity of the peerage, which devolved on him. To Mr. Pitt's friend- ship he was subsequently indebted for the distinction of the garter. Lord Nugent was created an Irish earl during the time that I was at Gos- field, having antecedently been raised to the title of Viscount Clare, He formed a striking contrast to Lord Temple, in his manners and address. Of an athle- tic frame, and a vigorous constitution, though very far advanced in years, he was exempt from infirmity; possessing a stentorian voice, witli great animal spirits, and vast powers of conversation. He was indeed a man of very consider- able natural abilities, though not of a very cultivated mind. His talents seemed more adapted to active, than to specula- tive life ; to the drawing room, or the house of commons, than to the closet. Having sat in many parliaments, he spoke fluently, as ivell as with energy and force; was accounted a good debater, and possessed a species of eloquence, altogether unembarrassed by any false modesty or timidity. In the progress of a long life, he liad raised himself from a private gentleman, of an ancient family in Ireland, and a considerable patrimo- nial fortune, to an Irish earldom ; which dignity, together with his name, he procured to devolve on the late Mar- quis of Buckingham, then Mr. Grenville, who had married his only daughter. They were both likewise at Gosfield, during the time of which I speak ; and Lord Nugent having gone up to town, for the purpose of kissing the king's hand, upon his new creation, returned from thence on the followniir dav, as we were seated at table, after dinner. The object of his visit to St. James's was well known by every one pre- sent; but he immediately announced it, as soon as he had taken his place, by fill- ing out a glass of wine, aiitl U)asting his daughter's healih, as Ladi/ Mary Gren- ville. liOrd Nugent, when younsertion, that he did noi know of the inteniions of Catherine to confine and banity's minister lo Saxony, Sir John Stepney ; one of the finest gentlemen who have been employed on foreign missions dur- ing llie course of the present reign. Dresden was then a place where the illitinines liad made a deep and general impression on the public mind ; Schrep- fer liaving chosen it, only a ^e\v years earlier, for the scene of his famous ex- hibition of the apparition of the Cheva- lier de iSaxe. Having given in a former woik some account of that extraordinary imposition, I shall not resume the sub- ject heiH ; but I cannot help relating an- ther somewliat similar story, which was told fiie during my residence in Dresden, by the Count de Felkesheim. He was a Livonian gentleman, settled in Saxony, of a very improved understanding, equal- ly superior to credulity as to supersti- tion. Being together on an excursion of pleasure, in the month of October, 1778, and our discourse accidentally turningon the character and performances of Schrepfer; " I have conversed," said he to me, " with several of the indivi- duals who were present at the scene of the sceptre or phantom, presented by him in the gallery of the palace of the Duke of Courland, They all agreed in their account of the leading particulars. Though I do not pretend to explain by what process or machinery, that business was conducted, I have always considered him as an artful impostor, and his audi- ence as dupes.^ Yet ai^i I uotso deci- dedly sceptical on the possibility of su- pernatural appearances, as to treat thera with ridicule, because they may seem to be unphilosophical. I received my edu- cation in the University of Konigsberg, where I enjoyed the advantage of attend- ing lectures in ethics and moral philoso- phy, delivered by a professor who was esteemed a very superior man in those branches of science. He had, neverthe- less, though an ecclesiastic, the reputa- tion of being tinctured with credulity on various points connected with revealed religion. When, therefore, it became necessary for him in the course of his lectures, to treat on the nature of spirit, as detached matter ; to discuss the im- mortality of the soul.; and to enter on the doctrine of a future state ; I listened with more than ordinary attention to his opinions. In speaking of all these mys- terious subjects, there appeared to me lobe so visible an embarrassment, both in his language and his expressions, that I felt the strongest curiosity to question him further respecting them. Finding my- self alone with him soon afterwards, I ventured to state to him my remarks on his deportment, and I entreated him to tell me if they were well founded, or only imaginary suggestions." " The hesitation which you noticed," answered he, •' resulted from the con- flict that takes place vvithin me, when I am attempting to convey my ideas on a subject where my understanding is at variance with the testimony of my senses. I am, equally from reason and reflection, disposed to consider with incredulity and contempt, the existence of apparitions. But, an appearance which I have wit^ nessed Willi my own eyes, as far as they, or any of the perceptions can be conflded in ; and which has even re- ceived a sort of subsequent confirmation, from other circumstances connected with the original fact, leaves me in that state of scepticism and suspense which per- vaded my discourse. I will communi- cate to you its cause. Having been brought up to the profession of the church, I was presented by Frederic William the First, late Kin^ of Prussia, to a small benefice situated in the interior of the country, at a considerable distance south of Konigsberg. I repaired thither, in order to take possession of my living j HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 89 .and found a very neat parsonage house, where I passed the night in the bed- chamber which had been occupied by my predecessor. It was in the longest days of summer; and on the following morning, which was Sunday, while lying awake, the curtains of the bed being undrawn, and it being broad daylight, I beheld the figure of a man, habited in a sort of loose gown, standing at a reading desk, on which lay a large book, the leaves of which he appeared to turn over at intervals. On each side of him stood a lilde boy, in whose faces he looked earnestly from time to time ; and as he looked, he seemed always to heave a deep sigh. His countenance, pale and disconsolate, indicated severe distress of mind. I had the most perfect view of these objects ; but, being impressed with too much terror and appreliension to rise, or to address myself to the appear- ances before me, I remained, for some minutes, a silent and breathless specta- tor, without uttering a word, or altering my position. At length the man closed the book, and then taking the two chil- dren, one in each hand, he led them slowly across the room ; my eyes eagerly following him, till the three figures gradually disappeared, or were lost be- hind an iron stove, which stood at the farthest corner of the apartment. " However deeply and awfully I was affected by the sight which I had wit- nessed, and however incapable I was of explaining it to my own satisfaction, yet I recovered sufficiently the possession of my mind to get up ; and having hastily dressed myself, I left the house. The sun was long risen, and directing my steps to the church, I found that it was open ; but, the sexlon had quilted it, and on entering the chancel my mind and imagination were so strongly impressed by the scene which had recently passed, that I endeavoured to dissipate the recol- tion, by considering the objects around me. In almost all the Lutheran churches of the Prussian dominions, it is an esla- blislic'i iisHiie to lian~tituling his domi- nions, were finally transferred to a prince of Lorrain. Conversing with Sir Horace Mann, on this topic, which always exfiled his re- gret ; "John Gaston," observed he to me, " was one of the most superior and accompli-hed men, whom the present century has witnessed, if his immoderate pursuit of pleasures had not enervated his mind, and debilitated his frame. He became, long before his death, incanable of continuing his family; but that in- ability did not produce its extinction. A sort of fatality seemed to overhang the house of Medicis, and to render inefl'ec- tual all the measures adopted for its pro- longation. When the fact became per- fectly ascertained, that John Gaston could not perpetuate his line, the Cardi- nal Hippolito de Medicis, his uncle, was selected for that purpose ; a dispensation from his ecclesiastical vows being pre- viously obtained from the papal see. The only, and the indispensable object of the marriage,' being the attainment of heirs ma'e to the grand duchy, in order to prevent its seizure by foreign violence, or its incorporation with the Austrian, French, or Spanish monarchies ; all Italy j was searched, with the view of finding . a young and handsome princess, from ; whom might be expected a numerous \ family. A princess of Mirandola, on ' whom the selection fell, seemed to unite every requisite qualifii-ation. The nup- j tiais were solemnized;' and the bride- groom being of a feeble constitution, as well as advanced in. life, it was plainly insinuated to the lady, that for reasons of state necessity, connected with the very political existence of Tuscany un- der the reigning house, she must produce an heir. The most agreeable youths and pages about the court were purposely thrown in her way, and every facility was furnished, that might conduce to the accomplishment of the object. But, so sacredly did she observe the marriage vow, that no seductions could make an impression on her, and she remained without issue. Her husband died, and was followed by John Gaston. France having acquired Lorrain, and Don Car- . los being made sovereign of Naples, Tuscany was delivered over by the great continental powers, as a conquered or forfeited country, to Francis, Duke of Lorrain. But, no sooner had these events taken place, than Hippolilo's widow, who had surmounted every temptation to inconstancy during his life, gave the reins to her inclinations, and brought into the world two or three children, within a few years. It was thus that Florence, the re[)Ository of so many in- valuable monuments of Greek and Ro- man sculpture, collected during succes- sive centuries, by llie princes of Medicis, HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 103 together with the territories dependant on it, passed inlo the Austrian family." Sir Horace Utile foresaw at that time, the new and more calamitous revolutions ; impending over Tuscany, about to issue from the volcano of the French revolu- tion. That beautiful country, tlie cradle of; the fine arts, in 1779, under the mild and parental government of the Grand Duke jjeopold, enjoyed a great degree of feli- city, as well as prosperity ; perliaps as ; much, or more, than at any period of its j history; either when a coniiuonweallh, j or under the administration of the house i of Medicis. While his father, the Em- peror Francis, retained the sovereignty of Tuscany, that portion of Italy was | considered only as a detached province of the Austrian monarchy, rarely visited; and the internal control of which, Fran- 1 cis committed to Germans, or to subjects of Lorrain. But, with the accession of j Leopold, as grand duke, Florence as- 1 sumed a new aspect; and though he oc- casionally repaired to Vienna, in order i to pay his duty to the Empress Maria i Theresa his mother, yet he was not par- tial to the climate or manners of Austria. He loved the banks of the Arno, far more j than those of the Danube ; dividing his time between the occupations of civil go- vernment, the education of his numerous family, which he superintended in person with great care ; and the researches of natural philosophy, particularly chemis- try ; for which last mentioned pursuit, like the Emperor Francis, he nourished a strong preddeclion. In imitation of other royal philosophers, ancient and modern, with the single illustrious ex- ceptions, I believe, of tlie great Frederic, King of Prussia, and of Charles the Twelfth of Sweden ; he sought in ihe gratificatioi'is of female society, the best relief from the toils and cares of state. An English lady, the Countess Cowper, became at this time distinguished by his attachment; and the exertion of his in- terest with Joseph the Second his bro- ther, procured her husband, Earl Cow- per, to be created soon afterwards a prince of the German empire : an honour which, 1 believe, had not been conferred on any British subject, since the begin- ning of the last century, when John Churchill, t!ie great Duke of Marlbo- rough, was raised to the dignity of Prince of Mildenheim, by the Emperor Joseph the First, after the memorable victory of Blenheim. While I am engaged on the subject of the two brothers, Joseph and Leopold, who were successively Emperors of Ger- many, as well as Kings of Hungary and Bohemia, I shall make a kw observa- tions relative to both these princes. The reign of Joseph, comprising more than nine years, from November, 17S0, to February, 1790, may be considered as one of the most unfortunate and injurious in its effects to the House of Austria, which occurs in the annals of that family. He possessed nevertheless many emi- nent virtues ; activity, IVugality, enlarge- ment of mind, facility of access, indefa- tigable application, great renunciation of pleasure, the desire of acquiring know- ledge, and of ameliorating the condition of his people. But he was theoretical, of an irritable temper, precipitate, ambi- tious, despotic ; and led astray by his anxiety to appear, like his contemporary, Frederic the Second, King of Prussia, his own general and minister. That great prince last named, became, himself, on more than one occasion, during the " Seven Years War," as is well known, the victim of his temerity or pertinacity in rejecting the advice of his com- manders. Joseph attempted, with far inferior talents, to conduct the military operations ; but disaster perpetually at- tended him in the field. Laudohn was reduced to the necessity of forcing him to quit the camp in Lower Hungary, during the war carried on against the Turks ; and his arms never penetrated beyond the Danube, into Servia, till he left the army, and retired to Vienna. His alliance with Catherine the Second, and his visits to the Crimea in her company, of which romantic journeys the Prince de Ligne has given us such amusing de- tails ; produced no permanent advantages to his crown, or real benefit to his people. We know that he haJ actually made with the Russian empress, a partition of all the European portion of the Turkish do- minions, and of some of the Asiatic pro- vinces lying along the shore of the Black Sea: but the two sovereigns found it easier to divide Poland, than to dismem- ber Turkey. Joseph's imprudent, arbi- 104 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. trary, and impolitic infractions of the privileges, or constitutional rights of his Flemish subjects, when aggravated by his suppression of many of the monastic establishments ; produced either an in- surrection, or a dangerous fermentation among the Hungarians, and throughout the Austrian Netherlands. Whiie he fondly anticipated the conquest of the Ottoman provinces beyond Belgrade, which Prince Eugene had subjected to Charles the Sixth, seventy years earlier ; the Hungarians opened a secret negotia- tion of the most dangerous nature, with the court of Berlin; and the Flemings overturned tlie imperial government at Brussels. Even the archduchy of Aus- tria, and the kingdom of Bohemia, ma- nifested symptoms of disaffection: while the French revolution, which had com- menced in tlie summer of 1789, advanc- ing with gigantic steps towards demo- cracy, anarchy, and external violence, painfully attracted his attention on that vulnerable quarter, which he had im- prudently dismantled and laid open to invasion. Such was the critical and convulsed state of the Austrian monarchy, when Joseph expired at Vienna, in the spring of 1790, at the age of forty-nine ; leaving no issue by either of his wives ; but, extenuated by diseases, caused or accelerated in their progress, by his own irritability of temper, agitation of mind, and the augmenting embarrassments of his affairs, Leopold, who succeeded him, and who was unquestionably a prince of deep re- flection, enlarged capacity, and sound judgment ; perceived the misfortunes which had flowed from the spirit of in- novation, reform, and restless activity or ambition, that had characterized his bro- ther. But, it was not easy for him to withdraw from the political connexions formed by Joseph witli the Empress Ca- therine the Second. Yet, alarmed at the state of Flanders and of Hungary, while he dreaded the issue of the revolutionary struggle in which liis brother-in-law, Louis the Sixteenth, was involved with his subjects ; Leopold, after many doubts and much hesitation, finally determined to quit the alliance of Russia. A cir- cumstance which took place not long after his accession, confirmed him in the resolution. Potemkin, who then go- verned his imperial mistress and the court of Petersburgh ; commanding the armies of that power in the vicinity of Oczakow, on the coast of the Black Sea, pushed his conquests against the Turks, so far to the westward, in Moldavia and Walachia, as to approach the Austrian frontier, on the Lower Danube, in Servia. Uneas)' at the advances of such a neighbour, the em- peror addressed a letter to him, couched in very obliging language ; but, intima- ting his imperial majesty's wishes that he would desist from prosecuting his ad- vantages any further on that side. Po- temkin, intoxicated with favour, brutal in his manners, insolent, and restrained by no considerations of policy, or of respect for the dignity of the writer, had the au- dacity to throw the letter on the ground, ill the presence of various persons, to spit upon it, and to trample it under foot ; adding the most injurious or insulting epithets relative personally to Leopold. These barbarous and impolitic ebullitions of his rage, were reported soon after- wards to the emperor, by Foscari, the Venetian embassador at the court of Petersburgh ; who, having returned to Venice, and there meeting his imperial majesty, acquainted him with the facts. Leopold heard the narration with great apparent calmness, but such an insult did not make the less deep impression on his mind. We may, however, assume with probability, that before Potemkin would have ventured on so outrageous an act of contempt toward his sovereign's ally, he had good reason to believe that the existing ties between the two courts or sovereigns, were about to be dissolved, and new alliances to be formed by Austria. In fact, Leopold, from an early period of his reign, turned all his views towards the two courts of Berlin and London. After concluding a treaty at Reichenbach, with the King of Prussia, he made peace with the Turks at Sistova ; wisely re- nouncing all his brother Joseph's con- quests in Bosnia and Servia, restoring Belgrade to the Porte, and abandoning his connexions with Catherine. Impel- led by an anxious desire of arresting the course of those French revolutionary principles, which, he foresaw, would, if not checked, eventually involve Europe in the greatest calamities, he set on foot HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 105 the celebrated intervieiv of P Unit z. In the summer of 1791, havinir repaired with his eldest son, the ])rehent emperor Francis, to the castle or hunting; seal of that name, belonging to the Elector of Saxony, -situate near Dresden; Frederic William, accompanied in like manner by his future successor, the reigning Kingof Prussia, there met Leopold. 'JMieir confer- ences led to a treaty, which adopted, as its fundamental basis, the resolution "not to make war on France., but to arm against the introduclioa of French revolutionary principles into Germany and the Low Countries." 'J'he emperor, who had form- ed an opinion to which he systematically adhered, ihattlie republican faction in Pa- ris would only be aided by aifgression and hostility, thought that war must therefore be avoided : but, he conceived that the great powers of Europeshould arm aorainst French principles, by forming a military cordon round France ; thus shutting in, if I may so express myself, the moral or political infection, and leaving them to exhaust their democratic rage on each other. Such was the unquestiotiable object and scope of that memorable treaty of Pilnitz, relative to which so much has been said or written within the last twenty years, and whose very existence has been called in question. How far the plan might have proved efficacious, if it had been generally acted upon by all the Germanic body, as early as 1791 ; and if f^eopold, who framed it, had lived to conduct its operations ; it is difficult to venture a decided opinion : but, for the authenticity of the fact itself, I think I may challenge contradiction. Perhaps, moral and political principles are not to be shut in or compressed by any defen- sive precautions which can be adopted by human wisdom. I am fully con- vinced at least, that when Mr. Pitt, early in 1793, declared oj)en hostility on France, ho could not have saved England by ten)[iorizing measures. Nay, I thought at the time, and I continue so to think now, after the lapse of more than twenty years, that Mr. Fox would have formed the same estimate, and would have acted precisely in the same manner, if he had been seated in Mr. Pitt's place, as first minister, on the treasury bench The whole difference in their mode of seeing and appreciating the tendency of the Frenci) revolution, lay in the possession, or the negation, of political power. In- deed, the fact was practically proved, when Fox, after Pitt's decease in 1806, arrived at employment. It soon became evident h(jw much his attainment of a seat in the cabinet, had illuminated his understanding, as well as invigorated his measures, in opposition to revolutionary principles and their consequences. Fox's masterly yj)eech on the cession of the two Margraviates of Anspach and Ba- reith to Bavaria, by Frederic William King of Prussia, and his acceptance of Hanover from Bonaparte, as a compen- sation ; sufficiently demonstrated that he then saw through the optics of Pitt and Burke. The present Earl of Chatham, if he had been seated under the gallery at the time, might have exclaimed with Isabella in "lAIeasure for Measure," on hearing the secretary's harangue, " There spake luy brother. There my father's grave Did utter forth a voice !" I return to Leopold. So anxious was he to form a defensive league against the French republican contagion, that on the very day succeeding his corona- tion at Frankfort, as Emperor of Ger- many, in the autumn of 1790, he de- spatched a confidential agent, whom I well know, and who is still living, to the court of Berlin, empowered to open a private negotiation with Frederic Wil- liam. It was confined personally to the two sovereigns ; their respective first ministers, Kaunitz and Hertzberg, being excluded from any knowledge of the transaction. The King of Prussia, who came readily into Leopold's views, em- ployed BischofTswerder, his favourite, to carry back his assent. But no final or effectual measures, as they well knew, could be settled, without the participation of England. Mr. Pitt and Lord Gren- ville entered ardently into the plan, which had principally in view two ob- jects; to arrest the arms of Catherine on the shore of the Euxine, and to coerce the republicans of Paris, without making otTensive war on France. The former of these points would unquestionably have been attained, if Mr. Fox had not excited so formidable an opposition in 106 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. the House of Commons, as compelled the ministry reluctantly to recede from their engagements. He at the same time sent Mr. Adair, as his own private agent, to Petersburgh ; an act, for which many persons thought that he deserved im- peachment, far more than Hastings merited prosecution on account of his conduct while Governor-General of In- dia. Leopold, apprehensive of Cathe- rine's resentment, doubtful of Mr. Pitt's and Lord Grenville's sincerity, nor with- out alarm at the murmurs which he fore- saw would arise among his own troops, on the evacuation of Belgrade, and the restitution of his conquests in Servia ; said to a gentleman, a native of Great Britain, deep in his confidence, with whom he was accustomed to unbosom his thoughts, and who had formed the medium of his intercourse with Frederic William, " J^d sigue la Paix avec les Turcs : mais, la Grande Bretagne, est- elle sincere ? Me tiendra-t-elle scs en- gagemcns ? Catherine sera inexorable. Je fai vu en Songe, Hier, la niiit, le Poignard a la Mainy He even disap- proved and lamented the line of conduct adopted by Pitt towards the empress, in the business of Oczakow, as severe, ir- ritating, and calculated to render her im- placable. " Why," observed Leopold, speaking to the same friend, " rob the empress of her laurels, and humiliate her in the eyes of Europe ? It is neces- sary that her head should be encircled with glory, in order to hide her feet, which are all stained with blood." In fact, Catherine, vvho never forgave either Austria, Prussia, or England, for their conduct towards her, propelled those powers to commence war on France in 1793 ; but, she extended no assistance to them in the contest. On the contrary, she compelled Frederic William to with- draw from the great alliance, and to re- turn home, by attacking Poland. "If," said the king, addressing himself to the distinguished individual already alluded to, " I had not marched my army back into my own dominions, she would not only have taken Warsaw, but have en- tered Berlin likewise with her troops." It was Russia, therefore, which acted as one great cause of the overthrow of the first confederacy formed against republi- can France. During the autumn of the year 1791, Leopold being on his way from Vienna to Florence, stopped, for the purpose of refreshment, at a small post house in the duchy of Styria; where, while he re- mained, a crowd of his own subjects, pressed round to look at him. Among them he remarked an old woman, who, when he got into his carriage, approach- ed it ; and knocking against the glass with her hand, addressed some words to him in a tone of great violence and as- perity, accompanied with gestures indica- tive of resentment: but, as she spoke in the Slyrian dialect, he was wholly una- ble to comprehend her meaning. Ap- prehending that she might have some complaint to prefer, or might have re- ceived some injury demanding redress, he ordered his attendants to question her on the subjectof her application. They manifested considerable reluctance in ex- plaining to him its nature ; but on his insisting to be informed, one of them answered that she said, " Render justice promptly. We know all that the Pois- sardes have done at Paris." The em- peror made no reply ; but, when he recounted the story to the gentleman who related it to me, and to whom he was used to speak without reserve, he added, " You may suppose that I have read and reflected much upon the French revolulion and its consequences : but, all that has been said, or can be written upon it, never carried such conviction to my mind, as the few words uttered by the old woman in Styria." They forci- bly remind us of the female, who ob- served to Alexander the Great, that if he was not at leisure to hear abuses, and to redress grievances, why did he reign ? Notwithstanding all the efforts made by the emigrants, for inducing Leopold to commence war with France, he re- mained inflexibly steady to his system of arming against the revolution, but of never attacking the French nation. It was not till after his decease, under Francis, his successor, in the summer of 1792, that the Austrians entered Cham- pagne, in conjunction with the Prussian forces. Leopold's death took place on the first day of March, that very year, at Prague ; to which city he had repair- ed for the purpose of being there crown- ed King of Bohemia. I think I may HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 107 venture to assert with confidence, that he was poisoned ; and that the poison was administered in conlectionery, which a lady presented him at a masquerade. Every endeavour was used to conceal the fact ; and with that view, it was pre- tended that his end had been produced \ by some drugs or incentives, which he himself prepared in his own labora- tory: — for, he passed much time in chemical researches and processes. But, Agusius, his physician, who opened liis body, did not entertain any doubt that he fell a victim to poison. During the spring of the year 1798, chancing to be alone with a foreign noble- man, in London, whose name I do not think proper to mention, he being still alive, but whose veracity was unques- tionable; and who, as having been the embassador of a crowned head, at the court of Vienna, when Leopold's death happened, must have possessed the best means of obtaining information ; I ven- tured to interrogate him on the subject. " I was accustomed," answered he, " during the last year of the emperor's life, to see him frequently, and to have long audiences of him, on business in his closet. During these interviews, I be- held him when divested of any disguise ; and I can pronounce, as a matter of cer- tainty, that the force of his mind was then altogether broken, and his faculties enfeebled. His memory in particular had become so weakened, that he could no longer retain from one day to another, the facts or images committed to it. He rarely recollected the conversation of the preceding morning. This premature de- cay of his intellectual powers, resulted from his inordinate passion for the other sex, which had characterised him at every period of his life, and which he continued to indulge when it proved de- structive to his frame. The brain was particularly affected. In my audiences of Leopold, he always walked up and down the apartment, during the whole time. On his table lay a number of rolls of wax, which he bit from one minute to another, spitting out the pieces on the floor. When he quitted the room, whe- ther any other persons were present, or whether we were alone, he never ad- vanced forward in a straight line ; but he went round the sides of the chamber. touching with his hand the wainscot, or the window shutters. No circumstance could more strongly indicate a disordered or enfeebled understanding. As to the nature of his death, 1 am unable posi- tively to pronounce upon the fact. Cer- tainly, his body, when opened, ex- hibited every mark of poison. But, if he v/as poisoned, by whom was it adminis- tered, or with what object ? I cannot pretend to guess, or even to form a con- jecture." Two opinions, as I have been assured, prevailed at Prague, respecting it; both of which were alike founded on Leopold's well known determination not to engage in a war with France. One parly maintained that the Girondists, which faction then predominated at Paris, dreading the effects of his defensive sys- tem, as most injurious to their tenure of power, removed him in the manner re- lated ; while another party accvised the emigrants of having produced his death, as the only means left them of regaining their estates, by forcing an immediate rupture between the Austrian and French governments. I must leave the fact pro- blematical. Time, however, will pro- bably elucidate its nature. Among the objects of mingled curiosity and compassion, which Florence pre- sented in 1779, to the view of an Eng- lishman, was the Chevalier de St. George ; or, as we commonly denomi- nate him, the Pretendei'. It was impos- sible to contemplate him, without making many reflections on his own destiny, and on the condition of the infatuated family of which he was the representative. Neither ancient, nor modern history, presents the example of a line of princes so eminently unfortunate, during a suc- cession of ages ! The calamities which overwhelmed the house of Bourbon, awful as they must be esteemed, have been comprised within the space of five and twenty years : but, from James the First of Scotland, murdered in the most inhuman manner, at Perth, in 1437, down to the last of his descendants ; with only the two exceptions of James the First of England, and Charles the Second ; all the others perished by the hand of the executioner, or by violent and premature death, or died in exile, maintained by foreign contribution. It was not, however, merely when consi- 108 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. dered as the grandson of James the Second, and the inheritor of the preten- sions of the Stuarts, that the Chevalier de St. George excited an interest in the mind of every reflecting spectator. By his mother, he descended from the cele- brated John Sobieski, King of Poland, who was his maternal greatgrandfather; the first Chevalier de St. George having carried off from Iiispruck, about the year l'<19, and married Clementina Sobieska, daughter and heiress of Prince James Sobieski, whom Charles the Tvvelftli, King of Sweden, meditated, some years earlier, to have placed on the Polish throne. In right of that princess, her son succeeded to very con- siderable patrimonial estates situated in Poland ; the produce of which, form- ed a much more solid source' of sup- port, than the precarious allowance or donations, made and withdrawn as cir- cumstances impelled, by the French and Spanish crowns, or by the Apostolic see. Clement ihe Fourteenth (Ganganelli), when he refused to continue to the Che- valier the public honours previously en- joyed by his father and himself at Rome, where a canopy, decorated with the royal arms of Great Britain, was erected over their box in the theatre ; retrenched like- wise the pecuniary appointment s, ante- cedently paid him out of tlie treasury of St. Peter. Nor do I believe that they were restored by Pius the Sixth, after his election to the papal chair in 1775 ; but the Pretender^ s income at the time of which I speak, might be estimated at more than five thousand pounds sterling : a sum fully adequate, at Florence, to maintain an establishment becoming his situation. His faculties, even in t'leir zenith, ap- pear to have been very moderate : but his valour, though not heroic, was never, I believe, called in question by the Scots, during his campaign in 1745 and 1746 ; as that of Charles the Second had been doubted in 1652, at the battle of Wor- cester ; and as James the Second's cour- age was questioned, on various occa- sions, both as Lord High Admiral on the water, during the two Dutch wars under his brother's reign, and on the land. Charles the First is indeed the only prince of the Stuart race, after their ac- cession to the English throne, whose bravery, conspicuously displayed at Edge Hill, at Newbury, at Naseby, and in many other battles or encounters, during the course of the civil wars, equally sustained him in the last act of his life, on the scaffold. In 1779, Charles Edward exhibited to the world a very humiliating spectacle. At the theatre, where he appeared almost every evening, he was conducted by his do- mestics, who laid him on a species of sofa, in the back part of his box ; while the Countess d'Albany, his consort, oc- cupied tlie front seat during the whole performance. Count Alfieri, a man singularly eccentric in his mind, habits, and manners, — whose dramatic produc- tions have since rendered him known; — her " cuvaliero servante,^^ always at- tended on her in public, according to the established usages of society throughout Italy. As, for obvious reasons, English subjects could not be presented to a man who still laid claim to the British crown; no opportunity of distinctly seeing the Chevalier de St. George, offered itself, except across the theatre ; and even there he lay concealed, as I have already observed, on account of his infirmities : rarely coming forward to view. Being desirous, therefore, to obtain a more accurate idea of his face and per- son, than could be acquired at such a dis- tance ; I took my station, one evening, at the head of a private staircase, near ihe door by which, when the perform- ance closed, he quitted the playhouse. Previous to my leaving England in 1777, his majesty l)ad been pleased, at the application of Lord Robert Manners, who then commanded the third Regiment of Dragoon Guards, to give me a lieutenant's commission ; and Lord Robert had al- lowed me to wear his uniform, which I had on at the time. The present Gen. Manners, now first equerry to the king, and who has represented the town of Cambridge in Parliament for a great number of years ; then a cornet in his father's regiment, dressed in the same uniform, and actuated by a similar cu- riosity, accompanied me. As soon as the clievalier approached near enough to distinguish the English regimental, he instantly stopped, gently shook ofi' the two servants who supported him, one on each side ; and taking ofi' his hat, po- HISTORICAL MExMOIRS. 109 litely saluted us. He then passed on to his carriage, sustained by llie two at- tendants, as lie descended tiie staircase. I could not help, as 1 looked at him, re- collecting the series of dangers and es- capes which he underwent or effected, for successive months, among the He- brides, after his defeat at Culloden : a chain of adventures which has no paral- lel among modern nations, except in those equally extraordinary hardships which distinguished llie fliglit of Charles the Second from Worcester; or in the romantic extremities to which Stanislaus, King of Poland, was reduced in 17-'H, after his evasion and fliglit from Dantzic. Mrs. Lane gave to the former of those princes, the same noble proofs of disin- terested devotion, which Flora Macdo- nald displayed towards the Pretender: and both were eminently indebted for their final preservation, to female honour or loyalty. Charles Edward's complex- ion was dark, and he manifestly bore the same family resemblance to his grand- father James the Second, that his Bri- tannic majesty's countenance presents to George the First, or to the late king. On the occasion just related, he wore, besides the decorations of the order of the garter, a velvet great coat, which his infirm health rendered necessary, even in summer, on coming out of the theatre ; and a cocked hat, the sides of which were half drawn up with gold twist. His whole figure, paralytic and debilitated, presented the appearance of great bodily decay. The strength of his mind had likewise become extinct at this time; and with the decline of his intellectual powers, the suavity of his temper forsaking him, he became irritable, morose, and intract- able, particularly in his family. An un- happy propensity to wine, which he gratified to excess, while it enervated his system, rendered him frequently an ob- ject of pity or of contempt, when in pub- lic ; divesting him of thai dignity which would otherwise have always accom- panied the descendant and representa- tive of so many kings. His misfortunes, exile, and anomalous situation, aggra- vated by mortifications of various kinds which he had undergone, both in France and at Rome ; probably induced him to have recourse to the grape, for procurinsr 10 - V V . oblivion, or dispensing temporary fe- licity. That melancholy indulgence ex- tinguished the last hope which fortune ever tendered him of ascending the throne of England, justly forl'eited by the tyranny and imbecile bigotry of James the Second. I know from high authority, that as late as the year 1770, the Duke de Choi- seul, then First Minister of France, not deterred by the ill success of the at- tempts made in 171.^, and in 1745, me- ditated to undertake a third effort for re- storing the House of Stuart. His enters- prising spirit led him to profit of the dispute which arose between ihe Eng- lish and Spanish crowns, respecting the possession of Falkland Islands, in order to accomplish the object. As the first step necessary towards it. he despatched a private emissary to Rome, who ^sig- nified to Charles Edward, the duke s desire of seeing him immediately at Paris. He complied, and arrived in thai city with the utmost privacy. Having announced it to Choiseul, the ministtr fixed the same night, at twelve o'clock, when he and the Marshal de Hroglio would be ready to receive the Pretender, and to lay before him their plan for an invasion of England. The Hotel de Choiseul was named for the interview, to which he was enjoined to repair in a hackney coach, disguised, and without any attendant. At the appointed time, the duke and the marshal, furnished with the requisite papers and instructions drawn up for his conduct on the expedi- tion, were ready ; but, after waiting a full hour, expecting his appearance every instant, when the clock struck one, they concluded that some unforeseen accident must have intervened to prevent his arrival. Under this impression they were preparing to separate, when the noise of wheels were heard in the court yard ; and a kw moments afterwards, the Pretender entered the room, in a state of such intoxication, as to be utterly in- capable even of ordinary conversation. Disgusted, as well as indignant, at this disgraceful conduct, and well convinced that no expedition undertaken for the re- storation of a man so lost to every sense of decency or self-interest, could be. crowned with success ; Choiseul, \vi..h-- out hesitation, sent him, next moruiag, a 110 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. peremptory order to quit the French dominions. The Pretender returned to Italy ; and the nobleman who related tome these particulars, being in company with thelate'Dukeof Glocester, in 1770, while walking toijether in the streets of Genoa, met the Chevalier de St. George, then on his way back from France to Rome. The Duke de Choiseul was soon after- wards dismissed by Louis the Fifteenth, and new principles of policy were adopt- ed in the cabinet of Versailles. The contest respecting the Falkland Islands being accommodated, peace continued to subsist between the courts of France and England : while Charles Edward, driven by the mortifications which he experienced at Rome, to abandon that city, sought refuge at Florence ; where he finished, in January, 1788, his in- glorious career, as James the Second had done in 1701, at the palace of St. Ger- main, in the vicinity of Paris. Louisa of Stolberg, Countess d'Albany, his consort, merited a more agreeable partner, and might, lierself, have graced a throne. When I saw her at Florence, though she had been long married, she was not quite twenty-seven years of age. Her person was formed on a small scale : she had a fair complexion, delicate fea- tures, and lively, as well as attractive manners. Born Princess of Stolberg-Ge- dern, she excited great admiration on her first arrival from Germany; but in 1779, no hope of issue by the chevalier could be any longer entertained ; and their mutual infelicity had attained to such a height, that she made various ineffectual attempts to obtain a separation. Tlie French court may indeed be censured, in the eye of policy, for not having ear- lier negotiated and conclutled the Pre- tender's marriage, if it was desired to perpetuate the Stuart line of claimants to the English crown. When Charles Edward espoused tiie Princess of Stol- berg, he had passed his fiftieth year, was broken in constitution, and debilitated by excesses of many kinds. Previous to his decease, she quitted Italy, and finally estahlislied herself at Paris. In the year 1737, I have passed the evening at her residence, the Hotel de Bourgoi^ne, situate in tiie Fauxbourg St. Germain, where she supported an elegant establish- ment; Her person then still retained many pretensions to beauty ; and her deportment, unassuming, but dignified, set off her attractions. In one of the apartments stood a canopy, with a chair of state, on which were displayed the royal arms of Great Britain ; and every piece of plate, down to the very tea- spoons, were ornamented in a similar manner. Some of the more massy pieces, which were said to have belonged to Mary of Modena, James the Second's queen, seemed to revive the extinct re- collections of the revolution of 1688. A numerous company, both English and French, male and female, was assembled under her roof, by all of whom she was addressed only as Countess d'Albany : but her own domestics, when serving her, invariably gave her the title of ma- jesty. The honours of a queen were in like manner paid her by the nuns of all those convents in Paris, which she was accustomed to visit on certain holidays or festivals. She continued to reside in the capital of France, till the calamitous progress of the French revolution, com- pelling her to abandon that country, she repaired to London ; where she found not only personal protection, but new resources in the liberality and bounty of George the Third. While I am engaged on the adventures of the Stuart family, I shall commemo- rate a fact, which will probably impress every reader with astonishment. Dining at the present Earl of Hardwick's; in London, with a large company, in June, 1796 ; among the persons present, vvas the late Sir John Dalrymple, known by his " History of England," and " State Papers." The conversation turning on historical subjects, he assured us that the Princess Sophia, mother of King George the First, who would have ascended the throne of Great Britain in her own per- son, if she had not died about seven . weeks before Queen Anne ; was never- theless a determined Jacobite in her po- litical principles. On our expressing the amazement which such an assertion was calculated to produce, he declared, that while he was occupied in looking over the memorable chest preserved in Ken- sington palace, from which, in the begin- ning of the present reign, he took the State Papers given by him to the world ; he found a bundle of letters, marked on HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. Ill the back, in King William's own hand- writing, " Letters of the Electress So- phia to the court of St. Germain's." Having perused them, he ascertained beyond any doubt, that Sopiiia was real- ly engaged in close correspondence with James the Second, and attacheil to his interests, in opposition to those of Wil- liam. Lord Rochl'ord, who was then se- cretary of state, having procured for Sir John Dalrymple, permission from his majesty to examine and publish the pa- pers in question ; he immediately com- municated to that nobleman his disco- very : requesting, at the same time, his lordship's sanction or approbation, in giving to the world the letters of the Electress Sophia. " Publish them by all means. Jack," answered he. Thus empowered fiom such authority, Dfd- rymple destined them without delay for the press : but before he had time to get the letters copied, Lord Roehford sent to him, desiring to have them delivered back to himself, in order that he might submit them to his majesty's inspection ; he having, on more mature reflection, judg- ed it proper to take the king's pleasure on a matter of such delicacy and singu- larity. Dalrymple returned them, there- fore, to Lord Roehford, who carried them to the queen's house, and presented the bundle to his majesty. But they were neither restored, nor was even any allu- sion to them ever made in conversation by the king ; he no doubt conceiving it more judicious to commit such documenls to the flames, than to permit their pub- lication. However extraordinary this anecdote may appear, it ought not to sur- prise, on full consideration, that Sophia should feel the warmest attachment to James the Second. He was very nearly related to her by consanguinity ; her mo- ther, Elizabeth, the unfortunate Queen of Bohemia, and Charles the First, his fa- ther, being brother and sister. Nor could Sophia, during many years subsequent to the revolution of 1688, nourish the slightest expectation of being called to the British throne, while the Princess Anne and her issue interposed between the House of Brunswic and that succes- sion. It was not till after the death of William, the young Duke of Glocester, in 1700, when the Princess Sophia and hey descendants being named by act of parliament to succeed eventually to the crown of Great Britain, as the nearest protestant heirs of the royal line ; her in- terests from that period became opposed to the right of blood existing in the Stuart race. Brussels, where I made a short stay in the summer of the same year, 1779, ex- hibited another prince in a state of physi- cal and mental infirmity, not less calcu- lated to excite pity than the Pretender. The Austrian Netherlands were at that time administered, as they had been almost ever since tlie peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1748, by Prince Charles of Lorrain, as representative of the empress queen. His double alliance, both by consangui- nity and by marriage, with the emperor Francis and Maria Theresa ; being bro- ther to the former, and having married the sister of the latter sovereign ; — these qualities and pretensions, rather than any mental endowments, civil or military, had raised him to the governu)ent of the low countries, tlie most enviable delega- tion of sovereign power then existing in Europe. Neither Hungary, nor the Mi- lanese, nor Sicily, nor Sardinia, nor Ire- land, nor Norway, could enter into any political competition with the rich j)ro- vinces of Flanders, Haynault, and Bra- bant. Brussels constituted one of the most pleasing, as well as elegant, courts of the continent ; its local position, al- most central between Germany, Holland, France, and England, rendering it far more important in a diplomatic point of view, than either Venice, Turin, War- saw, or Naples ; perhaps I might add, even than Copenhagen or Stockholm. Prince Charles of Lorrain having been bred to the profession of arms from his early youth, and possessing an athletic frame of body, united with unquestiona- ble personal courage, had more than once nominally commanded the Austrian armies. His |)assage of the Rhine, in 1744, and his irruption into Alsace, ac- quired him a degree of reputation, which he by no means afterwards preserved dur- ing the memorable " Seven Years War." To Frederic, King of Prussia, he form- ed, indeed, a most unequal antagonist, as that great prince sufficiently proved at the battle of Lissa in December, 1757, where he defeated the Austrians, and on many other occasions. Whea I was 112 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. presented to Prince Charles, in August, 1779, he might be regarded as per- forming the last of the seven ages of man, and as sinking fast into " mere oblivion." At his levee he seemed ap- parently unconscious of any thing be- yond the mere ceremony of the hour, even his speech and articulation being rendered very indistinct by a paralytic affection. He expired in the following summer, at his palace in the vicinity of Brussels, regretted by the Flemings for his moderation ; and was succeeded in the government general of the Nether- lands, by the Archduchess Christina, the favourite daughter of the empress queen Ma'ria Theresa. Never did a deeper political gloom overspread England than in the autumn of 1779, when I arrived in London from the continent. I question whether at the lime of the destruction of the ships of war lying in the IMedway, burnt by the Dutch, under Charles the Second ; or after the defeat of the English and Dutch combined fleets by the French, off Bea- rhy-Head, in 1690, under William and Mary ; which constitute two of the most calamitious epochas in our history; greater despondency, consternation, and general dissatisfaction, prevailed through- out the kingdom. The disgraceful naval campaign of 1778, in which Keppel's engagement off Ushant, forms the prin- cipal or only feature ; had been succeed- ed by another year of hostilities, still more humiliating to Great Britain. — D'Orvilliers, at the head of the fleets of France and Spain, rode master of the channel for a considerable time ; and the total want of enterprise, or of information on their part, alone saved the town, as well as the dockyards at Plymouth, from falling into the enemy's possession. — Not only was the place in want of many indispensable articles requisite to repel an attack ; even flints for supplying the muskets, however incredible the fact may appear, were deficient. Sir Charles Hardj', who commanded our fleet ; in- ferior in number of ships, and unap- prized of the enemy's approach to the coast of England, remained quietly cruis- ing in the Atlantic, while they thus menaced our shores. Happily the de- feat of intelligence, or want of mutual contidencei in the cooibined squadrons, supplied every ministerial neglect; and extricated the country from a calamity, which, had it taken place, must have shaken not only the administration, but would have convulsed the throne itself. Faction did not, however, less pervade the navy, where the respective adherents of Keppel and of Palliser, carried their reciprocal rancour to the utmost height. The American war, after four unsuccess- ful campaigns, began to grow odious to the nation : while the administration, depressed under the weight of a contest, to which the talents of the great Earl of Chatham might have been found unequal, did not manifest or exert the energy de- manded by the nature of the emergency. Even the king, notwithstanding a dis- play of private virtues, which since Charles the First had not been exhibited by any sovereign of Great Britain, not even by William the Third, yet fully partici- pated in the unpopularity of his minis- ters. As he was supposed to feel a more than common interest in effecting the re- duction of his revolting subjects, so he was believed to exert a more than ordi- nary personal influence over the cabinet which directed the operations of the war. After the return of Lord Howe in 1778, from his unsuccessful campaigns in Ame- rica, the supreme naval command on that coast, as well as in the West Indies, de- volved on Admiral Byron. He was a brother of Lord Byron, whose fatal duel with Mr. Chaworth, rendered him un- fortunately too conspicuous in the jour- nals of the House of Peers. At an early period of his life, having been wrecked on the desert coast of Patagonia, not far from Cape Horn, with Captain Cheap, in the " Wager" frigate, he there en- dured those inconceivable hardships, of which he has left us an interesting narrative. An intrepid and skilful, no less than an experienced naval officer, he was nevertheless deficient in the judg- ment, promptitude, and decision of cha- racter, requisite for conducting the opera- tions of a numerous fleet. On the element of the water an evil destiny seemed in- variably to accompany him, from his first expedition under Commodore Anson, down to the close of his professional life. So well was this fact known in the navy, that the sailors bestowed on him the name of "Foul Weather,Jack^" and HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 113 esteemed themselves certain of stormy 1 tory : but, it has derived new celebrity weather whenever they sailed under his in the present times, from the poetic command. From the time of his leaving eminence to which his grandson has at- England in 1778, till his return about tained, by productions emulating, per- two years afterwards, all the tempests of the deep seemed to have conspired against liim. No man could less say of himself, with jEoIus, or rather with Hol- stenius, " Ventorumque facis tempestatumque potentem ;" Virgil having written the line, '■'■ JVimbonimqiie facis tempestatumque poten- tem ;" During the action which Byron fought with D'Estaign, in July, 1779, off Grenada, all the characteristic valour of the British was displayed, not only by the crews, but, by the captains and their commander. Yet the honours of the day were divided, while the advantages of it were reaped by France ; though the slaughter of men on the side of the French prodigiously exceeded our loss. But, the West India Islands, one after another, fell into the enemy's hands ; and after the surrender of Grenada, when D'Estaign quitted Martinico, to carry the arras of Louis the Sixteenth against Savannah, the capital of Georgia, he triumphantly swept the coast of America. We must reluctantly confess, that the navy of England at this period of the present reign, had sunk to a point of de- pression hardly conceivable, when com- pared with the times of Hawke, Saun- ders, and Boscawen; or if placed near the still more splendid period of Jervis, Duncan, and Nelson. We may incline to attribute so extraordinary a contrast, to tlie errors or inability of I^ord North's administration : the popular voice, I well know, sanctioned that accusation : but, its cause lay principally in the na- ture of the contest, which depressing the national energy, and dividing the public opinion, unnerved the British spirit, and allowmi France, during near four years, from 1778 (o 1783, aided by Spain, to make such exertions, as acquired them a temporary ascendant on the ocean. By- ron, recalled from his command, soon afterwards revisited England, and his name occurs no more in our naval his- 10* haps surpassing, the fame of Spenser, of Gray, of Mason, and of Scott. To Byron, succeeded Rodney, who fills so distinguished a place during the unfortunate period of the American war ; a naval commander as much distinguish- ed by the prosperous fatality which at- tended him, as Byron seemed to be un- der the influence of an unlucky planet. Cardinal Mazarin, who, before he em- ployed any individual, always asked, "■ Est-il hev.reux?''^ had he been first minister of England, might have selected Rodney for active service upon that prin- ciple, from among all the admirals in the navy. His person was more elegant than seemed to become his rough profes- sion. There was even something that approached to delicacy and efleminacy in his figure: but no man manifested a more temperate and steady courage in action. I had the honour to live in great personal intimacy with him, and have often heard him declare, that superiority to fear was "not in him the physical ef- fect of constitution ; on the contrary, no man being more sensible by nature to that passion than himself: but, that he surmounted it from the considerations of honour and public duty. Like the fa- mous Marshal Villars, he justly incurred the reputation of being " glorieux et bavard ;" making himself frequently the theme of his own discourse. He lalk.?d much and freely upon every subject; concealed nothing in the course of con- versation, regardless who were present ; and dealt his censures, as well as his praises, with imprudent liberality; qua- lities wiiich necessarily procured him many enemies, particularly in his own profession. Throughout his whole life, two passions, both highly injurious to his repose, the love of women and of play, carried him into many excesses. It was universally believed that he had been distinguished in his youth by the personal attachment of the Princess Amelia, daughter of George the Second, who displayed the same partiality for Rodney, which her cousin, the Princess Amelia of Prussia, manifested for Trenck.. Ajivingevidenceof the former connexion. 114 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. existed, unless fame had recourse to fic- tion fur support. But, detraction in every age, from Elizabeth down to the present limes, has not spared the most illustrious females. The gaming table had proved more ruinous in its effects to Rodney, and that indulgetice compelled him, after quitting England, to take refuge at Paris. So great was his pecuniary distress while he resided in the French capital, as to in- duce him to send over his second wife to London, early in 1777, with the view of procuring a subscription to be opened among the members of the club at White's, for his relief. Lady Rodney, finding it however impracticable to raise any supplies from that source; after much ineffectual solicitation among Sir George's former friends, finally renounc- ed the attempt. The old Marshal de Biron having soon afterwards, by an act of liberality, enabled Rodney to revisit his country, he made the strongest ap- plications to the admiralty for employ- ment. His private circumstances, indeed, imperiously demanded every exertion, when he was named, towards the autumn of 1779, to command the expedition then fitting out at Portsmouth, for the West Indies. I passed much time with him, at his residence in Cleveland row, St. James's, down to the very momentof his departure. Naturally sanguine and con- fident, he anticipated in his daily con- versation, with a sort of certainty, the future success which he should obtain over the enemy ; and he had not only al- ready conceived, but he had delineated on paper, the naval manasuvre of breaking, or intersecting the line, to which he afterwards was indebted in an eminent degree, for his brilliant victory over De Grasse: — a manoeuvre then new in ma- ritime tactics, though now become fa- miliar to us; and which Nelson practised with such decisive effect, in the battle of the Nile, as well as on other occasions, Rodney possessed no superior intellec- tual parts ; but unlike Keppel, his enter- prizing spirit always impelled him rather to risk, than to act witli caution, when in presence of an enemy. The ardour of his character supplied in some degree, the physical defects of his health and constiiulion, already impaired by various Qayses while his happy audacity, di- rected by the nautical skill of othersr, controlled by science, and propelled by favourable circumstances, at length ena- bled him to dissipate the gloom that had so long overhung our naval annals, at the same time that he covered himself with great personal glory. The ministry sustained about this time a diminution of strength, and a loss of talents, in the House of Peers, which an administration so unpopular could ill afford, by the defection of Lord Lyttel- ton, who suddenly went over to the side of opposition. His decease, not less sud- den in its nature, took place immediately afterwards. He was a man of very con- siderable parliamentary abilities, who, notwithstanding the many glaring vices of his private character, might have made a conspicuous political figure, if he had not been carried oft' in the prime of life. His father, the first Lord Lyttellon, well known as an historian and a poet; de- rived not less respect in his private ca- pacity, from the elevation of his raind, and his many domestic virtues. The se- cond Lord Lyttellon, by the profligacy of his conduct, and the abuse of his ta- lents, seemed to emulate Dryden's Duke of Buckingham, or Pope's Duke of Wharton ; both of whom he resembled in the superiority of his natural endow- ments, as well as in the peculiarity of his end. Villiers, the " Zimri" of Dryden's poem of " Absalom and Achitophel ;" after exhausting his health, and squan- dering his immense fortune in every spe- cies of excess or riot, expired, as is well known, at a wretched tenement, on his own estate near Helmsley in Yorkshire, abandoned by all his former followers or admirers. Wharton, who acted a part under George the First, hardly less dis- tinguished or eccentric, than Villiers had perforined under Charles the Second ; prematurely terminated his equally ex- traordinary career, exiled and attainted, among the Pyrenees, in an obscure mo- nastery of Catnlonia ; worn out, like Wil- mot, Earl of Rochester, by his pursuit of pleasures, Lyttellon, when scarcely ihirty«-;ix, breathed his last at a country house near Epsom, called Pit Place, from i its situation in a chalk- pit: where he ; witnessed, as he conceived, a superna- tural appearance. Having gone down there for the puE* HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 115^ poses of recreation, with a gay parly of both sexes, several individuals among whom I personally knew ; he had re- tired to bed, when a noise which resem- bled the fluttering of a dove or pigeon, heard at his chamber window, attracted his attention. He then saw, or thought he saw, a female figure, which approach- ing the foot of the bed, announced tpjiim that in three days precisely from that time, he should be called away from this state of existence. In whatever manner the supposed intimation was conveyed, whether by sound or by impression, it is certain that Lord Lyttelton considered the circumstance as real ; that he men- tioned it as such, to those persons who were in the house with him ; that it deeply aflfected his mind, and that he died on the third night, ttt the predicted hour. About four years afiervvards, in the year 1783, dining at Pit Place, I had the cu- riosity to visit the bed-chamber, where the casement window, at which, as Lord Lyttelton asserted, the dove appeared to flutter, was pointed out to me. And at his step-mother's, the Dowager Lady Lyt- telton's house in Portugal-street, Gros- venor square, who, being a woman of very lively imagination, lent an implicit faith to all the supernatural facts, which were supposed to have accompanied or produced Lord Lyttelton's end ; I have frequently seen a painting, which she herself executed in 1780, intended ex- pressly to commemorate the event. It hung in a conspicuous part of her draw- ing-room. There, the dove appears at the window ; while a female figure, ha- bited in white, stands at the bed foot, announcing to Lord Lyitelton his ap- proaching dissolution. Every part of the picture was faithfully designed after the description given her by the valet de chambre who attended him, to whom his master related all the circumstances. This man assured Lady Lyttelton, that on the night indicated, Lord Lyttelton, who, notwithstanding his endeavours to surmount the impression, had suffered under great depression of spirits during the three preceding days, retired to bed before twelve o'clock. Having ordered the valet to mix him some rhubarb, he sat up in the bed, apparently in health, intending to swallow the medicine ; but, being in want of a tea-spoon, which the servant had neglected to bring, his master, with a strong expression of impatience, sent him for a spoon. He was not ab-^ sent from the room more than the space of a minute ; but, when he returned, Lord Lyttelton, who had fallen back, lay motionless in that attitude. No efforts to restore animation were attended with success. Whether, therefore, his death was occasioned by any new attack upon his nerves, or happened in consequence of an apoplectic or other seizure, must remain matter of uncertainty and con- jecture. It is however to be observed, that the Lyttleton family, either from constitu- tional nervous irritability, or from other causes, was peculiarly susceptible of im- pressions similar to the shock which seems to have produced Lord Lyttleton's end. His father, though a man of very dis- tinguished talents, as well as of high moral principle, manifested great credulity, as 1 have been assured, on the subject of apparitions : and his cousin, Miss Lyttel- ton, who married the present Sir Richard Hoare, died in a way somewhat similar, about four years later, at his beautiful seat of Stourhead in the county of Wilts. The second Lord Lyttleton's life had likewise been of a nature and description so licentious, not to say abandoned, as to subject him continually to the keenest reproaches of an accusing conscience. This domestic spectre, which accompa- nied him everywhere, was known to have given rise, while on his travels, par- ticularly at Lyons, to scenes greatly re- sembling his last moments. Among the females who had been the objects and the victims of his temporary attachment, was a Mrs. Dawson, whose fortune, as well as her honour and reputation, fell a sacrifice to her passion. Being soon for- saken by him. she did not long survive; and distress of mind was known to have accelerated, if not to have produced, her death. It was her image which haunted his pillow, and was supposed by him to have announced his approaching dissolu- tion, at Pit Place. Lord North, who had presided during ten years at the head of administration, continued in the spring of 1780, to strug- gle with the utmost difficulty through the sixth session of parliament against a numerous and augmenting opposition iii 116 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. both houses. His resignation, anxiously anticipated by his political enemies, seemed to be inevitable, and even immi- nent : but, tlie ministerial disgraces, as well as the triumphs of the adverse party, were equally obliterated in a calamity, which, for the time of its duration, ab- sorbed all attention. — I mean, the riots of June, 1780. No event commemorated in our annals, bear any analooy with the 'scene then exhibited in the capitol, ex- cept the lire of London under Charles the Second. Even that misfortune want- ed some of the melancholy and sangui- nary features, which characterized the tumults in question. During the contia- gration of 1666, whatever stories may have been invented by party rage, or in- scribed at the time on public monuments by religious antipathy, the inhabitants had only to contend with the progress of a devouring element. In 1780, the flames were originally kindled, as well as ren- dered far more destructive, by a populace of the lowest and vilest description, who carried with them, wherever they moved, the materials of universal ruin. It was only in their blood, by the interposition of an overwhelming military force, that the convulsion became finally arrested : and that Ixtndon, after being desolated by fire, was rescued from plunder, bank- ruptcy, and subversion. Even the French revolution, which from July, 1789, down to April, 1814, either under the forms of a republic or of a military despotism, has presented to mankind a pattern of every crime revolting and degrading to human nature; yet did not produce in the capi- tal of France any similar outrages. At Lyons, it must be admitted that Collot d'Herbois in 1793, exercised the most savage vengeance on the buildings of the city, as well as on the unfortunate inha- bitants. But, neither Robespierre, nor Bonaparte, though the former ruffian con- verted the metropolis into a charnel- house ; and though the vengeance, or atrocious ambition of the letter adven- urer, has covered Europe with human bones, from the Tagus to the Moskwa ; yet ever directed their destructive efforts against the public and private edifices of Paris.. I was personally present at many of the most tremendous efl^'ects of the popu- lar fury, on the memorable 7th of June, the night on which it attained its highest point. About nine o'clock on that even- ing, accompanied by three other gentle- men, who, as well as myself, were alarmed at the accounts brought in every moment, of the outrages committed ; and , of the still greater acts of violence medi- tated, as soon as darkness should favour and facilitate their further progress ; we set out from Portland-Place, in order to view the scene. Having got into a hackney-coach, we drove first to Blooms- bury-square ;. attracted to that spot by a rumour generally spread, that Lord Mans- field's residence, situate at the north-east corner, was either already burnt or de- stined for destruction. Hart Street and Great Russel-Street, presented, each, to the view, as we passed, large fires com- posed of furniture taken from the houses of magistrates or other obnoxious indi- viduals. Quitting the coach we crossed the square, and had scarcely got under the wall of Bedford House, when we heard the door of Lord Mansfield's house burst open with violence. In a few mi- nutes, all the contents of the apartments being precipitated from the windows, were piled up, and wrapt in flames. A file of foot soldiers arriving, drevv up near the blazing pile ; hut, without either at- tempting to quench the fire, or to impede the mob, who were indeed far too nume- rous to admit of being dispersed, or even intimidated, by a small detachment of in- fantry. The populace remained masters; while we, after surveying the spectacle for a short time, moved on into Holborn, where Mr. Langdale's dwelling house and warehouses afforded a more appalling picture of devastation. They wefe alto- gether enveloped in smoke and flame. In front had assembled an immense mul- titude of both sexes, many of whom were females, and not a few held infants in their arms. All appeared to be, like ourselves, attracted as spectators solely by curiosity, without taking any part in the acts of violence. Spirituous liquors in great quantity ran down the kennel of the street, and numbers of the populace were already intoxicated with this beve- rage. So little disposition, however, did they manifest to riot or pillage, that it would have been diflicult to conceive who were the authors and perpetrators of such enormous mischief, if we had not dis- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 117 tinctlyseen at the windows of the house, men, who, while the floors and rooms were on fire, calmly tore down the furni- ture, and threw it into the street, or tossed it into the flames. 'J'hey expe- rienced no kind of opposition, during a considerable time that we remained at this place ; but, a party of horse guards arriving, the terrified crowd instantly began to disperse ; and we, anxious to gratify our farther curiosity, continued our progress on foot, along Holborn, to- wards Fleet-market. I would in vain attempt adequately to describe the spectacle which presented itself, when we reached tlie declivity of the iiill, close to St. Andrew's church. The other house and magazines of Mr. Langdale, who, as a catholic, had been selected for the blind vengeance of the mob; situated in the hollow space near he north end of fleet-market, threw up into the air a pinacle of flame resembling a volcano. Such was the brilliant and beautiful efl^ect of the illumination, that St. Andrew's church appeared to be al- most scorched by the heat of so prodi- gious a body of fire ; and the figures de- signated on the clock, were as distinctly perceptible as at noonday. It resembled indeed a tower, rather than a private building, in a slate of conflagration ; and would have inspired the beholder with a sentiment of admiration allied to pleasure, if it had been possible to separate the ob- ject, from its causes and its consequences. The wind did not however auginent its rage on this occasion ; for the niglitwas serene, and the sky unclouded, except when it became obscured by the volumes of smoke, which, from time to time, produced a temporary darkness. The mob, which completely blocked up the whole street in every part, and in all directions, prevented our approaching within fifty or sixty yards of the build- ing ; but the populace, though still prin- cipally composed of persons allured by curiosity, yet evidently began here to assume a more disorderly and ferocious character. Troops, either horse or foot, we still saw none ; nor, in the midst of this combination of tumult, terror, and violence, had the ordinary police ceased to continue its functions. While we stood by the wall of St. Andrew's church- yard, a watcbtnan, with his lanihorn in his hand, passed us, calling the hour, as if in a time of profound tranquillity. Finding it altogether impracticable lo force our way any further down Holborn- hill, and hearing that the Fleet prison had been set on fire; we penetrated through a number of narrow lanes, be- hind St. Andrew's church, and presently found ourselves in the middle of Fleet- market. Here the same destruction raged, but in a difierent stage of its pro- gress. Mr. Langdale's two houses were already at tlie height of their demolition; the Fleet prison on the contrary was only beginning to blaze, and the sparks or flaming particles that filled the air, fell so thick upon us on every side, as to render unsafe its immediate vicinity. Meanwhile we began to hear the pla- toons discharged on the other side of the river, towards St. George's Fields ; and were informed, that a considerable num- ber of the rioters had been killed on Black-friars bridge, which was occupied by the troops. On approaching it, we beheld the king's bench prison com- pletely enveloped in flames. It exhibit- ed a sublime sight, and we might be said there to stand in a central point, from whence London oflTered on every side» before, as well as behind us, the picture of a city sacked and abandoned lo a fero- cious enemy. The shouts of the populace, the cries of women, the crackling of the fires, the blaze reflected in the stream of the Thames, and the irregular firing which was kept up both in St. George's Fields, as well as toward sthe quarter of the mansion-house, and the bank ; — all these sounds or images combined, left scarcely any thing for the imagination to supply ; presenting to the view every recollection, which the classic descrip- tion of Troy or of Rome, in the page of Virgil, or of Tacitus, have impre-^sed on the mind in youth, but which I so little expected to see exemplified in the capital of Great Britain. Not yet satisfied, and hearing that an obstinate conflict was going on at the bank, between the soldiery and the riot- ers, we determined, if possible, to reach that spot. We accordingly proceeded' through St. Paul's church-yard towards it, and had advanced without impediment to the poultry, within about sixty paces^ of the maixsion hause, when our progress 118 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. was stopped by a sentinel, who acquaint- ed us that the mob had been repulsed in their attempt upon the bank; but, that we could penetrate no further in that di- rection, as his orders were peremptory, not to suffer the passage of any person. Cheapside, silent and empty, unlike the streets that we had visited, presented neither the appearance of tumuli, nor of confusion ; though to the east, west and south, all was disorder. This contrast formed not the least striking circum- stance of tlie moment. Prevented thus from approaching any nearer to the bank, finding the day begin to break, satiated in some measure with the scenes which we had witnessed, and wearied by so long a peregrination, which, from our first alighting near Bloomsbury square, had ail been performed on foot; we re- solved to return to the west end of the town. On Ludgate hill we were fortunate enough to meet with a hackney coach, which conveyed us safely back, about four o'clock in the morning. It is impossible for the most preju- diced person, without violating truth, to accuse the opposition of having had any participation as a body, direct or indi- rect, in these outrages. They were in- deed, themselves, individually, the ob- jects of popular prejudice and violence, not less than the ministers ; Sir George Savile's house in Leicester square, hav- ing been one of the first buildings assail- ed and jilundered by the mob. Devonshire house in Piccadilly, menaced with the same fate, was considered as so insecure, that the Duchess of Devonshire yield- ing to her fears, did not venture tore- main in it after dusk, for a considerable time. She took refuge at Lord Cler- mont's in Berkeley square, where she deemed herself safe from attack : and lay down for successive nights, on a sofa, or a small tent bed, placed in the drawing- room. Many other persons of both sexes, of the highest rank, either quitted their own dwellings, or sent their most valuable effects and jewels into the country. The first minister. Lord North, passed that alarming night, at his official residence in Downing street; accompanied by a few friends, who had repaired thither to offerhim theirpersonal aid, if circumstances should render it necessary for his protection. One of those gentlemen. Sir John Macpherson, has often recounted to me the particulars of that memorable evening, which I shall give in his own words, and which will be perused with no common interest. "A day or two before the 7th of June," said he, " Count Maltzahn, the Prussian minister at our court, called on me at Kensington Gore, where I then resided, and informed me that the mob had determined to attack the bank. He added, that the fact had come to his knowledge through an authentic channel, on the accuracy of which I might depend. Having conveyed this intelligence imme- diately to Lord North, 1 received, on the morning of that day, an intimation to be at his house in Downing street at dinner. When I got there, I found Mr. Eden (since created Lord Auckland), the ho- nourable Genel-al Simon Fraser, the ho- nourable John St. John, and Colonel North, afterwards Earl of Guilford. Mr. Brummell, Lord North's private secre- tary, who lived likewise in the same street, was in attendance, but did not make one of the company. We sat down at table, and dinner had scarcely been removed, when Downing square, through which there is no outlet, became thronged with people, who manifested a disposition, or rather a determination, to proceed to acts of outrage. Lord North, with his habitual good humour, observed to me, ' yon see, Macpherson, here is much confusion. Who commands the upper tier?' 'I do,' answered Colonel North, ' and I have got twenty or more grenadiers well armed, stationed above stairs, who are ready, on the first order, to fire upon the mob.' General Fraser sat silent; while -ftlr. Eden, whose house was situated on the opposite side of the square, only remarked calmly to Colonel North, that if the grenadiers fired, their shot would probably enter his windows. The tumult without doors still continuing, and it being uncertain from one minute to another, whether the populace might not prgceed to extremi- ties ; Lord North said to me, ' what is to be done, Macpherson ?' ' My opi- nion,' answered I, ' is to send out two or three persons, who, mixing among the crowd, may acquaint them that there are troops posted in the house, ready, without wailing for the riot act being HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 119 read, to fire on them the instant that they commit any outrage ; exhorting them at the same time, for their own sakes, to disperse peaceably without de. lay. But,' added 1, ' Nous parlous de la Guerre devant ^flnnibal. Here sits General Fraser, who knows far belter than any of us, what is wisest to be done, and who has not yet opened his mouth.' The popuUice continued to fill the little square, and became very noisy ; but they never attempted to force the street door. Mr. St. John held a pistol in his hand ; and Lord North, who never lost an occasion of jesting, exclaimed, ' I am not half so mucli afraid of the mob, as of Jack St. John's pistol. By de- grees, as the evening advanced, the peo- ple, informed, from various quarters, that there were soldiers posted in the house, prepared to fire if they committed any violence ; began to cool, and afterwards gradually to disperse without further effort. We then sat down again quietly at the table, and finished our wine. " Night coming on, and the capital presenting a scene of tumult or confla- gration in many various quarters. Lord North, accompanied by us all, mounted to the top of the liouse, where we be- held London blazing in seven places, and could hear the platoons regularly firing in various directions. ' What is your opinion of the remedy for this evil ?' said Lord North to me. ' I should try, my lord,' answered L 'to eff"ect a junc- tion, or to open some communication, with the heads of opposition, for the protection of the country.' ' You talk,' replied he, ' as if the thing could be done ; but it is not practi- cable.' I know, however, that a day or two afterwards, notwithstanding the opinion so given by Lord North, he and Mr. Fox personally met ; the former accompanied by Brummell, and the lat- ter by Sheridan, behind the scenes at the opera-house in the haymarket, at eleven in the forenoon. They held a conference there ; but of the nature of the conversation which passed between them, I am wholly ignorant." Such was Sir John Macpherson's account of the circumstances to which he was an eye-witness, at that moment of public calamity. He now remains the only survivor of the company that was con- vened in Downing street, since the de- cease of Lord Auckland. Lord George Germain, like the first minister, having assembled some friends for tlie purpose, barricaded the passages and entrance to his house in Pall Mall, which was very susceptible of defence ; after which he coolly waited for the at- tack of the populace. But the rioters were too well informed of the precau- tions taken, to venture making any at- tempt on him. Even the king himself remained on foot, during the far greater part of that memorable night, which he passed between Buckingham hou!>e and the royal manege contiguous ; into the latter of which buildings, a detachment of the horse guards had been early ad- mitted, who were ready to have sallied out upon the insurgents. No man who knows the steadiness and firmness which his majesty has since displayed in the most trying situations, when his person has been exposed to danger; can doubt that he would have given on that occa- sion, had it been unfortunately neces- sary, the strongest proofs of courage. He would not have acted the tame and irresolute part which Louis the Sixteenth exhibited on the 10th of August, 1792; when, under similar circumstances, sur- rounded by a savage Jacobin mob, in- stead of defending himself to the last ex- tremity, as he was bound to have done not only by every principle of self-pre- servation, but from regard to the interests of the French monarcl^: — he abandoned the defence of his palace, and of his family, to take refuge in the national assembly. George the Third had em- braced the resolution of repelling force by force, in case of necessity, and of 1 perishing in support of the laws, of civil order, and regular government, rather than survive their extinction. But hap- pily, no attempt was made by the popu- lace to attack any part of the queen's house or officers. Various were the opinions and asser- tions hazarded relative to the numbers that perished in tiie riots, between the third and the seventh of June, 1780 : but, as no certain data can be obtained, be- yond the official returns of killed and wounded, the amount must always re- main matter of conjecture. Probably, it far exceeded the computation commonly 1*20 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. made; andffom the concurring testimony of tliose persons who were most compe- tent to form a sound judgment, I believe it would not be over-rated at seven hundred individuals, killed and wounded. The slaughter was most considerable at the King's bench, at the bank, and on Black- friars bridge. Col. de Burgh, a son of the Earl of Clanrickard, commanded one of the regiments sent to St. George's Fields. All the troops did their duty, notwithstanding the efforts which the populace exerted to seduce them, by calling on them as proteslants, and in- voking their aid or their protection. Many of the soldiers, in reply to these blandishments, exclaimed that they would not hurt the mob. A great noble- man, now alive, who, like myself, was a spectator of all the scenes of devastation committed on thai night ; told me that he felt strong doubts whether De Burgh's regiment would actually draw the trig- ger. Impressed with that conviction, he mentioned his apprehensions on the point, to the colonel ; who instantly re- plied, that he knew his men, and could rely on their prompt obedience. Tiie event justified his confidence : for, no sooner had he given the word of com- mand to fire, than, levelling their pieces, they soon compelled the rioters to seek their safely in immediate dispersion. If the " Gardes Francaises" in 1789, had behaved like our regular troops in 1780, the French revolution might have been suppressed in it^ birth ; and Europe would not have groaned during fourteen years, under the accumulated calamities inflicted on it by Bonaparte. But, the difference of character between the two sovereigns of Great Britain and of France^ constituted one great cause of the differ- ent fate that attended the two monarchies. George the Third, when attacked, pre- pared lo defend his throne, his family, his country, and the constitution entrust- ed to his care. They were in fact prin- cipally saved by his decision. Louis the Sixteenth tamely abandoned all to a fe- rocious demoralized populace who sent him to the scaffold. No man of courage or of principle, could have quitted the former prince. It was impossible to save or to rescue, the latter ill-faled, yielding, and passive monarch. Many of the rioters, who fell at Black- friars bridge, or in lis vicinity, where the slaughter was most considerable, were immediately thrown over into the Thames, by their companions. The carnage which took place at the bank likewise was great, though not of very long duration ; and in order to conceal as much as possible, the magnitude of the number, as well as the names of the per- sons who perished, similar precautions were taken on both sides. All the dead bodies being carried away during the night, were precipitated into the river. Even the impressions made by the mus- ket balls, on the houses opposite to the bank, were as much as possible erased on the following morning, and ihe build- ings whiievvashed. Government and the rioters seem to have fell an equal dispo- sition, by ilrawing a veil over the extent of the calamity, to bury it in profound darkness. To Col. Holroyd, since de- servedly raised to the British peerage as Lord Sheflield, and to his regiment of militia, the country was eminently in- debted for repelling the fury of the mob at the bank ; where, during some mo- ments, the conflict seemed doubtful, and the assailants had nearly forced an en- trance. Lord Algernon Percy, since created Earl of Beverley, marched like- wise at the head of the Northumberland militia to the same spot. Their arrival, together with the energy, promptitude, and decision which Col. Holroyd mani- fested, principally conduced to ensure the safety of that great national establish- ment. Lord Sheffield, by his commer- cial disquisitions, and agricultural pur- suits or productions, has since rendered scarcely less important services to his country. Nor ought he to be forgotten in another capacity, as the friend and the biographer of Gibbon, whose mortal re- mains repose under his protection, at Sheffield Place in Sussex. Numbers of the insurgents concealed their wounds, in order to evade discovery of the part which they had taken in the disorders of the capital. It is however indisputable, thai almost all who perished, were of a low and obscure description. If the populace had been conducted by leaders of system or ability, London must have been fundamentally overturn- ed on that night. The bank, the India house, and the shops of the great bank- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 1«1 ers, would in that case have been early attacked ; instead of throwing away their rage, as they did, on popish chapels, private houses, and prisons. When they began, alter their first fury had exhausted itself, to direct their blows more syste- matically and skilfully, the time for ac- tion was passed. Government, which was accused, perhaps with reason, of having appeared supine during the first days of June ; awoke early enough to preserve the metropolis and public credit from sustaining the last shock of popular violence. "In fact, from the instant that ' tiie three bridges over the Thames were occupied by regular troops, the danger was at an end. This awful convulsion, which, on Wednesday, the seventh of June, seemed to menace the destruction of every tbing; was so completely quell- ed, and so suddenly extinguished, that on the eighth, hardly a spark survived of the popular effervescence. Some few persons in the borough of Sonthwark, attempted to repeat the outrages of Wed- nesday ; but they were easily and im- mediately quelled by the military force. Never was a contrast exhibited more striking, than between those two even- ings, in the same city. The patroles of cavalry, stationed in the squares and great streets, throughout the west end of the town, gave London the aspect of a garrison : while the camp whicb was immedialely afterwards formed in St. James's Park, afforded a picturesque landscape ; both sides of the canal, from the queen's house down to the vicinity of the horse guards, being covered with tents and troops. 'i'he common danger, which united all parties for the time, extinguished, or at least, suspended, in some measure, even the virulence of political enmity. Alarmed at the prospect of impending destruc- tion, some of the principal leaders of the opposition repaired unasked to St. James's, under pretence of offering their services to the administration ; nearly as the Dukes of Somerset and Argyle had done in the last days of July, 1714, when Queen Anne lay insensible, near her end. The Marquis of Rockingham hearing that a privy council was summoned to meet on the morning of the 7lh of June, which assembly, all who enjoined seats at that board, were invited to attend ; 11 made his appearance in an undress, his hair disordered, and with testimonies of great consternation. Nor did he, when seated at the table, where the king was present, spare the ministers, for having, as he asserted, by their negligence, or want of timely energy, allowed the as- semblage of people to take place in St. George's Fields, which original meeting led to all the subsequent outrages. It is nevertheless incontestable, that to the decision manifested by his majesty on that occasion, the safety of the metropo- lis, and its extrication from all the cala- mities that impended over it, was prin- cipally, if not solely, to be ascribed. Elizabeth, or William the Third, could not have displayed more calm and sys- tematic courage in the highest sense of the term, than George the Third exhi- bited in so trying a moment. Far from throwing himself for support or gui- dance on his cabinet, as a prince of feeble character would have done ; he came forward, and exhibited an example of self-devotion to his ministers. It is well known that at the council to which I have alluded, the king as- sisted in person. The great question was there discussed, on which hinged the protection and preservation of the capital ; a question respecting which, the first legal characters were divided ; and on which, Lord Mansfield himself was with reason accused of never having clearly expressed his opinion up to that time. Doubts existed, whether persons riotously collected together, and com- milting outrages or infractions of the peace, however great, might legally be fired on by the military power, without staying previously to read the riot act. Lord Bathurst, President of the Council, and Sir Fletcher Norton, Speaker of the House of Commons, who were both present ; on being appealed to for their opinion, declared that" a soldier was not less a citizen, because lie was a soldier, and consequently that he might repel force by force :" hut no minister would sign the order for the purpose. In this emergency, when every moment was precious, — Mr. Wedderburn, since suc- cessively raised to the dignity of a baron and of an earl of Great Britain, who was then attorney-general, having been called in to the council table, and ordered 122 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. by the king to deliver his official opinion on the point; stated in the most precise terms, that any such assemblage might be dispersed by military force, without waiting for forms, or reading the act in question. " Is that your declaration of the law as attorney-general ?" said the king. Wedderbiirn answering decidedly in the affirmative, " Then so let it be done," rejoined his majesty. The at- torney-general drew up the order imme- diately, which the king signed, and on which Lord Amherst acted, the same evening. The complete suppression of the riots followed in the course of a few hours. Never had any people a greater obligation to the judicious intrepidity of their sovereign ! If Louis the Sixteenth would have acted with similar decision and self-devotion in the early stages of the French revolution, France miglit have been equally saved. Nor ought we to deny the merit due to Wedderburn, for having with so much decision cut the Gordian knot, which the Lord Cliief Justice of the King's Bench, either could not, or would not untie. His inexplicit declarations on the sub- ject, involuntarily remind us of the ac- cusations levelled against him by "Ju- nius," when, speaking of Lord Mans- field, he says, " Besides his natural ti- midity, it makes part of his political plan, never to be known to recommend violent measures. When the guards are called forth to murder their fellow sub- jects, it is not by the ostensible advice of Lord Mansfield." Here we see him in 1780, acting precisely as he had done twelve years earlier, in 1768. Nor is it a less curious and extraordinary fact, that the very exertion by which the king preserved London in June, 1780, from sufTering the utmost extremities of vio- lence and pillage, constitutes as a prin- ciple the subject of " Junius's severest reflections upon him, in March, 1770." •' Did his majesty," says he, " consult the laws of this country, when he per- mitted his secretary of state to declare, that whenever the civil magistrate is tri- fled with, a military force must be sent for, without the delay of a inornent, and effectually employed ?" So true is it, that at every period of his life, the king manifested the same consistency of cha racter, and superiority to personal ap- prehension. When nevertheless we re- flect that in 1768, a magistrate of the county of Surrey, " had been capitally accused and brought to trial, for ordering the soldiery to fire on rioters engaged in the most violent acts of outrage in St. George's Fields, though the riot act had been twice read ; we cannot be sur- prised at the apprehension displayed by Lord Mansfield, to sanction and authorise the same proceeding in 1780. and ought we lightly to censure his conduct. The sovereign alone, as first magistrate, im- pelled by the awful nature of the emer- gency, and he only, could have taken % upon him so serious a responsibility. No individual manifested more abhor- rence of the rioters, or exposed himself by his declarations on that subject, to more personal danger, than Burke, whom his enemies accused of having been brought up in the tenets or principles of the Komish faith. This conduct did him great honour, and proved him supe- rior to the meanness of party. His house in the broad sanctuary, Westmin- ster, was threatened, but not attacked. Fox contented himself with condemning the authors of the disorders, but took no active part, as a member of the legis- lature, in their suppression. On the contrary, he refused to lend any perso- nal support to government, when pressed in the House of Commons to co-ope- rate for the extrication of the capital ; though Burke, who was there present, loudly expressed his wish for unanimity and association in that moment of na- tional distress. It is impossible not to recollect, that as they thus diverged in different lines during the riots of 1780, so in 1793, twelve years later, they ex- hibited a similar diversity of conduct; Burke lending his povverlul aid to prop monarchical government, while Fox re- mained the advocate of republicanism, and the apologist of the French revolu- tion. Wilkes, who in the early part of his majesty's reign, had made so glo- rious a resistance to general warrants, displayed as manly a resistance to popu- lar violence, during the whole progress of the riots ; and had he filled the chair of chief magistrate, instead of Kennett, would, unquestionably by his vigour, have prevented many or all the disgraceful scenes which took place in the capital. HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 123 All the proofs given by opposition, of i wounded on the seventh of June; but it their detesialion for these calamitous ex- is probable that the report originated al- hibilions of popular fury, did not, how- together in calumny. ever, produce complete conviction of Lord George Gordon, the primary au- their sincerity. Many persons still be- , thor of these outrages, was not taken lieved that some of the parliamentary [ into custody, till two or three days after leaders secretly fomented, or privately encouraged, the rioters. Suspicions were in particular thrown on the Earl of Shel- burne, probably with great injustice. The natural expectation of effecting a change in niinisiry, was imagined to sus- pend or supersede in certain minds, every other consideration ; and it was even pre- '* tended, though on very insufficient they had been suppressed. Ministers were reproached with not having com- mitted liim to the tower on the second of June, when he assembled, harangued, and excited liie mob to extort compliance with their demands from the House of Commons. But, the attempt to seize, and to send him to prison, at a time when every avenue to the house was thronged grounds, that peers did not scruple to ; with multitudes, when the lobby over- lake an active part in the worst excesses | flowed with them, and when ihe doors of the night of the 7th of June. Public clamour selecled the Earl of Effingham as an object of accusation. It was gene- rally asserted, that he had mingled with the rioters on Hlack-friars Bridge ; thai he had there been mortally wounded, and his body afterwards thrown into the ri- ver, by those of his own party; but, not till he had been identified and recognized by his dress, particularly by his laced ruffles. Those who were acquainted with that nobleman, and who knew his style of dress, instantly detected the ab- surdity, as well as falsity of the charge ; for, no man was ever less distinguished by any ornaments of apparel. His sud- den disappearance from London, where he certainly had been seen at the com- mencement of the riots ; the general ig- norance in which people remained of the place to which he had withdrawn ; when added to his known, as well as violent, dislike to the administration, and to the American war; of which he had exhi- bited a singular proof, by renouncing his profession and his rank in the British army, only a few years earlier, rather than submit to serve against the insur- gents beyond the Atlantic; — all these circumstances conduced, nevertheless, to maintain the delusion for a consider- able time. At the beginning of the en- suing winter, he re-appeared in the House of Lords, in his usual health; and stated to his acquaintance, that early in June, he had gone down to his seat of Grainge of the house itself might have been, every instant, forced in, would have formed an imprudent, not to say a dan- gerous> experiment. It is difficult to find any instance in our annals, when par- liament received a grosser insult; or when the members composing both houses, incurred a greater risk of falling victims to popular violence. The mobs of 1641, and of the following year, un- der Charles the First, directed their rage against the sovereign and his principal advisers, not against the representatives of the nation. Cromwell, when in 1653 he drove out and dissolved the Rump Parliament, offered no outrage to their persons, but simply broke up the legis- lative assembly by a military Ibrce. The tumults in 1733, when Sir Robert Wal- pole first attempted to introduce the ex- cise laws, seem to form the nearest ap- proach or similarity to the proceedings in 1780 ; but, longo intervallo. It cannot be doubted that if the popu- lace had forced their way into the House of Commons, Lord George would not have survived to recount the exploit. Many members who were there present, justly indignant at his conduct, threat- ened him with instant death, as soon as any of the rioters should burst open the doors. The late Earl of Carnarvon, then Mr. Henry Herbert, followed him close, with that avowed determination; and General Murray, uncle to the pre- sent Duke of Athol, a man whom I inti- Hall in Yorkshire, where he had ever mately knew, and who, when incensed, since resided. Such persons as still re- was capable of executing the most des- niained incredulous, explained his ab- perate resolution ; held his sword ready sence by saying that he had been hurt or ] to pass it through Lord George's bady, 124 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. on the first irruption of the mob. It ) from being plundered, and prevented will always remain disputable, whether! the temporary subversion of the national ambition, fanaticism, or alienation of credit mind, contributed most to the part which he acted, in assembling and inciting the people to acts of violence. That he was not insensible to tlie political considera- tion and importance which he obtained from his personal influence over so vast a multitude, cannot be questioned. To religious enthusiasm or conviction, some- thing may perhaps be fairly attributed ; I knew Lord George Gordon well, and I once accompanied iiim from a party where we met, in Lower Grosvenor street, at the late Lord Elcho's, to Ra- nelaugh, in the summer of 1782, in his own coach. In his person he was thin, his features regular, and his complexion pale. His manners were gentle, his con- versation agreeable, and he had the ap- but, more must be laid to the deranged | pearance as well as the deportment, of a state of his understanding, though no i man of quality. There was, however, circumstance in his conductor deport- ! something in his cast of countenance and ment, could possibly subject him to be mode of expression, that indicated cun- considered as insane. He appears in i ning, or a perverted understanding, or fact to have been perfectly master of him- j both. His whole income consisted, I self, and in possession of all his facul- believe, in an annuity of six hundred lies, during every stage of the riots ; nor | pounds a year, j)aid him by the Duke of is it to be imagined that he either fore- ! Gordon, his brother. It forms a singular saw or intended any oi' the outrages which were committed after the second of June. But, he had put in motion a machine, of which he could not regulate or restrain the movements : and unques- tionably, the mob which set fire to Lon- don, was ot a far more savage, as well as atrocious description, than the origi- nal assemblage of people who met in St. George's Fields. The late Lord Rodney, who was then an officer in the guards, told tiie, that having been sent on the night of the 7th of June, to the defence of the bank of England, at the head of a detachment of his regiment, he there found Lord George Gordon, who ap- peared anxiously endeavouring by expos- tulation, to induce the populace to retire. As soon as Lord George saw Captain Rodney, he strongly expressed his con- cern at the acts of violence committed ; adding, that he was ready to take his stand by Captain Rodney's side, and to expose his person to the utmost risk, in order to resist such proceedings. Rod- ney, who distrusted however his since- rity, and justly considered him as the, original cause of all the calamities, de- clined any communication with him ; only exhorting him, if he wished to stop the further eflusion of blood, and to pre- vent the destruction of the bank, to exert himself in dispersing the furious crowd. But, whatever might be his inclination, he was altogether destitute of the power. The military force alone saved the bank subject of reflection, that alter involving London during several successive days, in all the horrors of insurrection and anarchy, he should have escaped any punishment for these proceedings, wliich cost the lives of so many individuals, and the demolition of so many edifices ; while he expiated by a rigorous iniprisonment to the end of his days, in Newgate, the publication of a libel on the late unfor- tunate Queen of France, who, herself, perished on the scaffold. He exhibited the strongest attestation of the sincerity of his conversion to Judaism, by submit- ting to one of the most painful ceremonies or acts enjoined by the Mosaic law. The operation, which was performed at Birmingham, confined him to his cham- ber, if not to his bed, for a considerable time ; and he preserved with great care the sanguinary proofs of his having un- dergone the amputation. Few indivi- duals occupy a more conspicuous, or a more unfortunate place in the annals of their country, under the reign of George the Third. He will rank in history, with Wat Tyler and Jack Cade, the in- cendiaries of the Plantagenel times ; or with Kett, so memorable under Edward the Sixth. The elements seemed to conspire with all the foreign enemies of Great Britain, at this period ; the hurricane of October, 1780, which took place in the West In- dies, being one of the most tremendous in its nature, as well as violent in its HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 125 effects, commemorated in the course of the eighteenth century. Though its de- structive rage spread devastation in a greater or a less degree, over the whole chain of the Carribee Islands, yet Bar- badoes experienced its greatest fury, to- gether with the severest loss of lives and property. A friend of mine. General James Cunningham, was then governor of the colony. He has related to me, that after remaining above ground as long as it was practicable with safety, he, accompanied by a number of his family and domestics, took refuge in a small cellar, several feet lower than the level of the street, at Bridge Town, the capital of the settlement. Here, indeed, they found themselves secure from the danger of being crushed under the ruins of the house which they had just quitted, or from being completely borne off and swept away by the force of the wind. But, ilioy were soon assailed by two new misfortunes, against which they could provide no sufficient remedy. The first inconvenience arose from the severe cold which they endured ; the climate havino" changed, in the course of a few hours, from intense heat, to a contrary extreme. The other evil, which was of a still more alarming nature, threatened their destruction, from the rain which flowed in upon them in great quantity, as it fell in torrents. While they re- mained in this deplorable situation, up to the knees in water, doubtful whether to continue in the cellar, where about twenty of them huddled together, were crowded into a very narrow space ; or whether to attempt reaching some more secure shelter ; a tall atliletic negro of General Cunningham's family, who lay upon him, in a posture which did not admit of his moving, said to the general, " Massa, if I not make water, I die." "Do it then, in God's name," answered he. The negro had no sooner received this permission, than instantly availing himself of it, he bedewed the general, from the nape of his neck, to his very shoes; much, as we are taught to believe, in the manner of a Hoitentot priest, when celebrating the nuptial ceremony. " But," added Cunningham, when relating the story, " never did I experience a more grateful sensation than was produced by this warm libation, which seemed to ani- 11* mate my frozen frame, and to revivify my body. I regretted when it stopped, and I derived from it essential service in the horrors of that indescribable night." The situation of the negro, impelled by a necessity paramount to all respect or restraint, reminds me of a fact some- what similar, which took place at the pa- lace of Sans Souci. The great Frederic, in a select society, having been one day more elevated and convivial than usual after dinner, was induced by the gaiety of the conversation, to prolong the ac- customed limits of the repast, and to de- tain his guests to a late iiour. His ma- jesty furnished, himself, the chief share of the entertainment, by the brilliancy of his sallies ; but he forgot, unfortunately, that his guests were men. One of them, an old general, who was often among the persons invited to the royal table, but whose powers of retention had suffered in the course of twelve campaigns; anti- cipated with extreme impatience, the mo- ment when the king, by rising, would permit of his quilting the apartment. In this hope and expectation, he long sup- ported with unshaken fortitude, one of the most pressing demands of nature. Overcome at length, and yielding to a power stronger than himself, he suddenly rose from his chair, and exclaiming, " Sire, tout est grand dans voire ma- jeste,jusqu''u la vcssie meme. Sire,Je me riieurs,'^ ran out of the room. Fre- deric was charmed with the ingenuity of the compliment, and laughed heartily at the general's distress, which miglit, how- ever, have proved fatal to him. The celebrated astronomer Tycho Brahe's death was caused by a precisely similar act of imprudent respect. Parliament having been dissolved early in September, I was elected one of the members for Hindon in the county of AVilts ; and the new House of Commons meeting towards the end of October, the first debate turned on the choice of a speaker. Lord George Germain, not Lord North, commenced the proceedings on that evening, and performed the principal ministerial part. It was not intended by administration, that Sir Fletcher Norton, who during near eleven years, ever since the resignation of Sir John Cust in January, 1770, had filled the chair, should re-occupy it in the ne\r 126 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. parliament. He had given umbrage during the session of 1777, both to the sovereign, and to ministers, by a me- morable speech, which he addressed to the king, while standing in his official ca- pacity, at the bar of the House of Peers. And though the admonition or exhorta- tion that he thought proper then to use, relative to the economical expenditure of the money voted by the House of Commons, had met with the approba- tion of the country at large, yet it un- questionably produced his eventual ex- clusion from the employment of speaker. Lord North having tried the ground at St. James's, found his majesty deter- mined upon the point. Conscious, nevertheless, that it would be highly unpopular to place his intended dismis- sion on such a basis ; ministers availed themselves of Sir Fletcher's ill state of health, which had considerably impeded the progress of public business in the preceding session, as forming a sufficient cause for his removal. While, there- fore, they passed high eulogiums on his ability and talents, they lamented that infirmities of body rendered it improper to ask of him, or to accept from him, a continuance of his public services. Sir Fletcher, however, rising in his place, and speaking from the opposition bench, while he was sustained by that powerful and numerous phalanx ; endeavoured to point out the latent enmity, as well as the obvious nullity of the ministerial arguments. He affected, it is true, to disclaim any wish of being again placed in the speaker's chair; but he took care to accompany the declaration, by an as- sertion of his perfect physical capacity to meet its duties and fatigues. His ap- pearance seemed indeed to present the aspect of a man, who, though somewhat declined in years, did not manifest any tokens of decay. All the personal at- tacks levelled by Norton's friends on the opposition side of the house, at Lord North, could neither induce nor provoke the first minister to open his lips on the occasion. He remained profoundly si- lent : but Mr. Rigby, uninlimidaled by the clamours of Sir Fletcher's adherents, after boldly avowing that he was dis- missed for his political trespasses, justi- fied his exclusion from the chair, on par- liamentary or on ministerial grounds. Cornwall was chosen speaker by a very large majority. Sir Fletcher Norton, though perhaps justly accused, as a professional man, of preferring profit to conscientious delicacy of principle; and though denominated in the coarse satires or caricatures of that day, by the epithet of " Sir Bullface Doublefee ;" yet possessed eminent par- liamentary knowledge as well as legal talents. Far from suffering in his capacity of speaker, by a comparison either with his immediate predecessor or successor in that high oflice, he must be considered as very superior to both. The chair of the House of Commons, during the whole course of the eighteenth century, was never filled with less dignity or energy, than by Sir John Cust, whom Wilkes treats in all his letters with the most contemptuous irony, or the most morti- fying insult. Cornwall possessed every physical quality requisite to ornament the place ; a sonorous voice, a manly, as well as imposing figure, and a command- ing deportment : but his best ministerial recommendation to the office, consisted i in the connection subsisting between him and Mr. Charles Jenkinson, then secretary of war, which the marriage of the former gentleman, with the sister of tlie latter, had cemented. After his election, Corn- wall gave little satisfaction, and had re- course to the narcotic virtues of porter, for enabling him to sustain i(s fatigue : an auxiliary which sometimes becoming too powerful for the principal who called in its assistance, produced inconve- niences. The " Rolliad," alluding to the speaker's chair, as it was filled in 1784, says, "There Cornwall sits, and ah ! compelled by fate, Must sit for ever through the long debate ; Save when compelled by nature's sovereign will, Sometimes to empty, and sometimes to fill." • " Like sad Prometheus fastened to the rock, In vain he looks for pity to the clock ; In vain the powers of strengthening porter tries. And nods to Bellainy for fresh supplies." We may here remark, as a curious fact, that Sir Fletcher's dismission from the office of speaker, conducted him within eighteen months, to the dignity of the peerage ; an elevation which he owed solely to the jealousies and rivali- ties that arose between Lord Rocking-^ HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 127 ham and Lord Shelburne, as soon as lliey got into power : whereas, Cornwall, his successful competitor, after presiding more than eight years in the House of Commons, died without ever enterini: the House of Lords. It was thus that Dunning reached that gaol, while Wal- lace missed it. So much does the disposition of events, which in common language we denominate fortune, regu- late the afl'airs of men, in defiance of Ju- venal's " Nos te, Nos facimus, Fortuna, Deam, Caeloque loca- mus." T scarcely remember, during near four- teen years that I sate in difTerent parlia- ments, a more personal, or a more acri- monious debate than I witnessed soon after my first entrance into the house, on the sixth of November. It took place on the address proposed to be car- ried up to the foot of the throne in an- swer to his majesty's speech. Lord George Germain again assumed the first part, and attracted towards himself all the severity of opposition ; Lord Nortti being unavoidably compelled to absent himself, on account of indisposition. The recent nomination of Sir Huo-h Palliser to the government of Greenwich Hospital, drew from Fox the most point- ed, 33 well as violent reflections, not only on various members of the cabinet, but on the sovereign himself. Not con- tent with declaring that "there could be only one of the king's servants" (the Earl of Sandwich), "so abandoned, so lost to all sensibility, or honour, as to have dared to advise such a measure ;" he added, that " his surprise was the less excited by the fact, because it formed the characteristic of the present reign, to hunt down, to defame, and to vilify great or popular public men; while the infamous were upheld, employed, and rewarded," As if apprehensive that the application of these last words mi HISTORICAL MEMOIRS, 137 tvire to the articles^ not only without the king's ce-n^ent or approbation, but with- out his knowledge. It took place, as is well known, on the first of October, just as he was about to return from Wey- mouth to Windsor. The cabinet in- stantly sent off a messenger with the intelligence, wlio met the king at Ando- ver ; and the pacquet was brought to him as he stood in the drawing-room of the inn, engaged in conversation with the late Earl of Cardigan, and two other noblemen, one of whom is still alive. His majesty, wholly unsuspicious of the fact, and not expecting to receive any news of importance, ordered them not to leave the apartment, as they were pre- paring to do, in order that he might have time to peruse the despatch. But, on inspecting its contents, he betrayed so much surprise, both in his looks and gesture, that they were again about to quit his presence. The king then ad- dressed them, and holding the letter open in his hand, " I have received surpris- ing news," said he, " but it is no secret. Preliminaries of peace are signed with France. I knew nothing of it what- ever ; but, since it is made, I sincerely wish it may prove a lasting peace." Louis the Twelfth, King of France, surnamed in liistory, " the Father of his People," is said to have observed, that " if good faith were banished from among men, it should be found in the bosoms of princes." This sublime maxim or sentiment, seems to have been inherent in the intellectual formation of George the Third. His coronation oath was ever present to his mind ; and he dreaded the slightest infraction of that solemn compact made with his people, to which the Deity had been invoked as a party, far more than the loss of his crown or life. When Mr. Pitt, sus- tained by four of the cabinet ministers, made the experiment of forcing him to violate it, on the 29th of January, 1801, relative to the question of " Catholic Emancipation in Ireland ;" they unques- tionably did not expect nor intend to go out of office, though they sent in their respective resignations. But, hav- ing compelled the king no less than four times, in the course of a few years. to give way on points where the ma- jority of his cabinet differed from him ; they erroneously assumed that he would act in the same manner, where his con_ science was concerned. Sustained how- ever by his principles, he did not hesi- tate a moment in accepting their resig- nation, though he accompanied the ac- ceptance with the most flattering testi- monies under his hand, of esteem and personal attachment. Uninstructed by such a warning, Lord Grenville, who had been one of the five cabinet mem- bers alluded to above, aided by Lord Grey, repeated the attempt six years later, after Fox's decease, with similar success. Charles the First did not manifest the same religious respect for the sanctity of his oaths and engagements. If his enemies in parliament, and in the field, would have reposed the un- limited confidence in him, which George the Third challenged from his oppo- nents, that unhappy prince mighl have died in his bed at Whitehall. I will subjoin only one anecdote more, on a point so interesting, which vitally characterises the present king. To- wards the end of the month of January, 1805, at a time when he was much oc- cupied in preparations for the installation of the Knights of the Garter, destined to take place on the approaching twenty- third of April ; and while conversing on the subject with some persons of high rank, at Windsor ; one of them, the late Earl of Chesterfield, a nobleman much distinguished by his favour, said, " Sir, are not the new knights, now meant to be installed, obliged to take the sacrament before the ceremony?" Nothing could probably have been further from his idea or intention, than to have asked the ques- lion in a manner capable of implying any levity or irreverence. Nevertheless, his majesty instantly changed counte- nance ; and assuming a severe look, after a moment or two of pause, " No," re^ plied he, " that religious institution is not to be mixed with our profane cere- monies. Even at the time of my coro- nation, I was very unwilling to take the sacrament. But, when they told me that it was indispensable, and that I must receive it; before 1 approached the com- munion table, I took off the bauble from my head. The sacrament, my lord, is not to be profaned by our Gothic institu- tions." The severity of the king's man" 138 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. ner while he pronounced these words, impressed all present, andsuspended for a short time, the conversation. Never was any prince more religiously tena- ' clous of his engagements or promises. Even the temporary privation of his in- tellect, did not affect his regard to the assurances that he had given previous to such alienation of mind; nor, which is still more wonderful, obliterate them from his recollection. I know, though I shall not particularise the facts, that on his recovery from the severest visita- tions under which lie has laboured, he has said to his minister, in the first mo- ments of his convalescence ; " previous to my attack of illness, I made such and such promises ; they must be effectu- ated." How deep a sense of honour, and how strong a moral principle, must have animated such a prince ! The education of George the Third had notbeen conducted or superintended, in many respects, with as much care as his birth, and the great prospects to which he was heir, should seem to have claimed from his predecessor. He was only between twelve and thirteen years of age, when he lost his father ; and the late king did not extend any very enlightened or affectionate attention to that important national object. — Even his mother, the Princess Dowa- ger of Wales, appears to have been deeply sensible to the inefficiency of the various preceptors successively employed about her son. Other charges, of a still more serious nature, were preferred against some of the individuals entrusted with the formation of his principles, or who had constant access to him; as if they endeavoured to imbue him with ar- bitrary notions, and to put into his hands authors known to have inculcated tyran- nical maxims of government. These accusations, destitute of proof and denied in the most peremptory manner at the time when they were made in 1752 or 1753, by the princess dowager, rest on no solid foundations. If we wish to con- template a portrait of the young Prince of Wales at seventeen years of age, drawn by his own mother in August, 1755, and communicated confidentially to a friend, we have it in Dodington's " Diary." She said, that " he was shy and backward; not a wild, dissipated boy, but good-natured and cheerful, with a serious cast upon the whole: that those about him knew him no more than if they had never seen him. That he was not quick ; but with those he was acquainted, applicable and intelligent. His education had given her much pain. His book-learning she was no judge of, though she supposed it small or useless : but, she hoped he might have been in- structed in the general understanding of things." It is impossible to doubt the accuracy and fidelity of this picture, many features of which continued inde- lible throughout his whole reign. In modern history he was tolerably well instructed ; particularly in the an- nals of England and of France, as well as of Germany, 'but in classical know- ledge, and all the coniposiiions of anti- quity, either of Greece or of Rome, his- torical as well as poetic, he was little conversant. So slight or imperfect was his acquaintance with Latin, that at forty, it may be doubted if he could have con- strued a page of Cicero, or of Ovid. He never delighted indeed in those branches of study, nor ever passed much of his time in sedentary occupations calculated to improve his mind, after his accession to the crown. A newspaper, which he commonly took up after dinner, and over which, however interesting its contents might be, he usually fell asleep in less than half an hour, constituted the ordi- nary extent of his application. Nor ought we to wonder at this circumstance, if we consider how numerous were his avocations ; and how little leisure the necessary perusal of public; papers, des- patches, and letters, could have left him for literary research. If, however, he did not possess a very cultivated under- standing, he might nevertheless be justly considered as not deficient in accom- plishments befitting his high station. He conversed with almost equal fluency, as all those persons who frequented the levee or the drawing-room could attest, in the English, French, and German lan- guages ; nor was he ignorant of Italian. He wrote with brevity, perspicuity, and facility, I have had opportunities to see or hear various of his confidential notes, addressed during the period of the Ame- rican war, to a nobleman high in office, some of which were written under very HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 139 delicate circumstances. In all of ihem, good sense, firmness, principle, consist- ency, and self-possession, were strongly marked ihrowgh every line. In me- chanics of all kinds, he delighted and indulged himself; a relaxation which seems, somewhat unjustly, to have ex- cited mucii animadversion, and still more ridicule. But, it cannot be denied, that during this period of his present ma- jesty's reign, and down to a later stage of it, the English people, — for I will not say the Scotch — viewed all the failings of their sovereign with a microscopic eye, while they did injustice to his nu- merous excellencies. They have, how- ever, made him full amends since 1783, for their preceding severity, For painting and architecture he showed a taste, the more admired, as his two im- mediate predecessors on the throne, alto- gether destitute of such a quality, extend- ed neither favour nor protection to polite letters. Since Charles the First, no prince had extended such sums in the purchase of the productions of art, or so liberally patronized artists of every kind. Music always constituted one of his favourite recreations : and with the predilection natural to a German, he manifested great partiality for the compositions of Handel. Towards this time of his life he began likewise to take a pleasure in hunting, for which diversion he had not betrayed in his youth, so much inclination. But, another occupation of passion, which, from its beneficial tendency and results as well as from the tranquil enjoyments annexed to it, might seem peculiarly analogous to his character and disposi- tion, employed much of his thoughts, and no inconsiderable portion of his lei- sure. I mean, farming and agricultural pursuits. He may be said to have shown the way, and to have set the example, which has been since imitated by the late Duke of Bedford, Mr. Coke, Lord Somerville, Sir John Sinclair and so many other distinguished persons. Even this inclination, however produc- tive of public benefit, and laudable in all its results, yet exposed him to satiri- cal reflections, which malignity or party , spirit embodied in the form of caricatures. Satisfied with the legitimate power entrusted to him by the British consti- tution, and deeply impressed with the sanctity, as well as inviolability of the oaths administered to him at his corona- tion, George the Third did not desire to pass the limits of his rightful preroga- tive. " The king," said Lord North frequently, " would live on bread and water, to preserve the constitution of this country. He would sacrifice his life to maintain it inviolate." I know that such was his opinion of his sovereign, and Lord North could not err in forming a judgment on the point. — But, equally tenacious of his just pretensions, and firm in resisting popular violence or in- novation, he never receded from any point, or abandoned any measure, under the impulse of personal apprehension. His courage was calm, temperate, and steady. It was constitutional, and here- ditary; but, it was always sustained by conviction, sense of public duty, and re- ligion. These sentiments inspired, ac- companied, and upheld him, in the most distressing moments of his reign. Though he had not, like George the First, commanded armies, and made campaigns, in Hungary, or on the Rhine ; nor had he proved his valour in the field, like George the Second who fought at Oudenarde in his youth, and at Dettin- gen in his age ; yet he possessed no less bravery than his ancestors : while he joined to personal steadiness, a quality still more rare, political resolu- tion. After the attempt made to assassi- nate him in 1787, by Margaret Nichol- son ; an attempt which only failed from the knife being worn so thin about the middle of the blade, that it bent with the resistance of the king's waistcoat, instead of entering his body, as it would otherwise have done; he immediately held his levee with the most perfect composure. No person who was pre- sent on that day at St. James's, could have supposed that he had just escaped from so imminent a danger. On the 29lh of October, 1795, when the pebble was thrown or discharged into the stage coach, in which he was proceeding to Westminster, to open the session of parliament; while surround- ed by a most forocious mob, who mani- fested a truly Jacobinical spirit; he ex- hibited a calmness and self-possession prepared for every event. Few of his subjects would have shown the presence 140 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. of mind, and attention to every thing except himself, which pervaded his whole conduct on the evening of the 15th of May, 1800, at the lime that Hadfield discharged a pistol over his head in the theatre, loaded with two slugs. His whole anxiety was directed towards tiie queen, who not having en- tered the box, might, he apprehended, on liearing of the event, be overcome by her surprise or emotions. The dra- matic piece, which was about to be re- presented, commenced in a short space of time afterwards, precisely as if no accident had interrupted its perform- ance ; and so little were his nerves shaken, or his internal tranquillity dis- turbed by it, that he took his accustomed doze of three or four minutes, between the conclusion of the play> and the commencement of the farce, precisely as he would have done on any other night. This circumstance, which so strongly indicated his serenity, did not escape the notice of his attendants ; as I know from more than one of those noblemen or gentlemen who accompa- nied him on that evening to the theatre. He received, during the course of his reign, innumerable anonymous letters threatening his life, all which he treated with uniform indifference. A noble- man, who, I lament, is now no more, and who during many years was fre- quently about his person, as well as much in his confidence, the late Earl of Sandwich ; assured me that he had seen several of them, which his majesty showed him, particularly when at Wey- mouth. While residing there during successive seasons, he was warned in the ambiguous manner already men- tioned, not to ride out on particular days, on certain roads, if he valued his safety: but, the king never failed to mount his horse, and to take the very road indicated in the letter. Speaking on the subject to that nobleman, he said, " I very well kiiovv that any man who chooses to sacrifice his own life, may, whenever he pleases, take away mine ; riding out, as I do continually, with a single equerry and a footman. I only hope that whoever may attempt it, will not do it in a barbarous or brutal manner." When we reflect on his con- duct under these circumstances, as well as during the tumults of March, 1769, and the riots of June, 1780; — and if we contrast it with the weak or pusillani- mous deportment of Louis the Sixteenth, in July, 1739, when the French monar- chy was virtually overturned ; in October of the same year, at the time of his be- ing carried prisoner from Versailles to Paris ; or, on the lOlh of August, 1792, when he abandoned the Tuilleries, to seek refuge in the National Assembly ; we shall perceive the leading cause of the preservation of England, and of the destruction of France. To George the Third, considered in his kingly capacity, might well be applied the assertion, " 'Tis the last key stone That makes the arch."- He seemed as if raised up by Provi- dence, in its bounty to mankind, like an impregnable mound, to arrest the fury of revolution and jacobinism. How can we wonder that such a prince should prefer Pitt, notwithstanding the inflexi- bilities of his character, and the intracta- bility of his natural disposition, for first minister ; rather than Fox, who was suc- cessively the eulogist of Washington, of Laurens, of La Fayette, of Condorcet, and all the saints or martyrs of French and American insurrection ! That George the Third did not display those great energies of mind, those arts of condescending popularity, and that assemblage of extraordinary endowments, which met in Elizabeth ; and which ren- dered her at once the terror of Europe, and the idol of her own subjeeUs, must be admitted. That he could not, like Charles the Second, balance the errors or the vices of his government, by the seduction of his manners ; and induce his people, like that prince, to love his person, though they condemned his con- duct; we shall as readily confess. That he had not the advantage of being brought up amidst privations and mortifications of every kind, like William the Tiiird ; nor was, like William, compelled, at his first entrance on public life, to extricate his country by arms, from a powerful foreign invader: — that he did not nour- ish the profound ambition, or develop the deep policy and active military spirit of that illustrious sovereign, cannot be HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 141 disputed. But, if he was less distin- guished by talents tiian William, he ex- hibited greater virtues. He resembled, indeed, in the leading features of his cha- racter, more the two Antonines, than Trajan or Augustus ; and excited greater respect, than he awakened admiration. But ages may [)robabiy elapse, before we shall again behold on the throne, a prince more qualified on the whole to dispense happiness, and more justly an object of universal affection, blended with esteem. " Quo nihil mnjus meiiusve Terris, Fata donavere bonique Divi, INec dabunt, quainvis redeant in aurum Tempora priscum." If we compare him, as it is natural to do, either in his public capacity, or in his private conduct, with his two imme- diate predecessors, who may neverthe- less justly be considered, on a fair re- view of their characters, as amiable and respectable sovereigns ; the comparison is highly flattering to George the Third. He possessed indeed some advantages not enjoyed by either of those princes. His birth, which took place in this island ; and that complete assimilation with the people of England, which can only result from the joint effect of ha- bits, language, and education ; gave him a superiority over them, and placed him upon higher ground. The two prece- ding kings were foreigners, who acceded, or were called to the throne, at an ad- vanced period of life. George the First had attained his fifty-third, and George the Second his forty-fourth year, at their respective accession. They naturally and necessarily considered Hanover as their native country, though fortune had transported them to another soil. Even their policy, their treaties, their wars, and all their measures, were warped by foreign predilections, to which they too often sacrificed the interests of Great Britain. From these prejudices, the king, who had never visited his electoral dominions, nor knew Germany except by description, was exempt in a great degree. Less impetuous and irascible than his grandfather, he possessed like- wise a more capacious mind, more com- mand of temper, and better talents for governraent. In moderation, judgment, and vigourof intellect, he at least equalled George the First; while in every other quality of the heart, or of the understand- ing, he exceeded that monarch. In his private life, as a husband, a father, and a man, he was superior to either. The conduct of George the First in these relations, will not indeed bear a severe inspection. His treatment of the unfor- tunate Sophia of Zell, his wife, whom he immured during the greater part of her life, in a solitary Hanoverian castle ; cannot be easily reconciled to the feel- ings of justice, or even of humanity. As little did he consult decorum, or pub- lic opinion and morals, in bringing over with him from Hanover to this country, his two German mistresses; Sophia, Baroness Kilmanseck, and Melesina, Princess of Eberstein ; whom he re- spectively created, the one, Countess of Darlington, and the other. Duchess of Kendal. We may see in Mr. Walpole's " reminiscences," how openly they were received here in that character. Charles the Second could not have observed less secrecy, with respect to Lady Cas- tlemaine, or the Duchess of Portsmouth ; nor have manifested less scruple about raising them to the dignity of the British peerage. Even at sixty-seven years of age, George the First, it appears, was about to have formed a new connexion of the same nature with Miss Brett, when he was carried off by an apoplec- tic stroke. His son and successordisplayed indeed the utmost affection for his queen, with whom he not only lived on terms of conjugal union, but whose loss he de- plored with tears, and cherished the warmest respect for her memory. Yet he did not, on that account, restrain his inclinations for other women. Mrs. Howard, who became afterwards Coun- tess of Suffolk ; and Madame de Walmo- den, better known as Countess of Yar- mouth ; the one previous, and the other subsequent, to Queen Caroline's de- cease ; were both avowedly distinguish- ed by the strongest marks of royal favour. The latter is accused by popular report, of having made on more than one occa- sion, a most unjustifiable use, or rather abuse, of her interest with the king. Even peerages were said to be sold and distributed for her pecuniary benefit ; a 142 HISTORICAL MEMO/RS. charge that has been revived from the treasury bench, by a man high in office, in our time. George the Third exhibit- ed a model of self-command and of con- tinence, at twenty-two, tlian which anti- quity, Greek or Roman, can produce nothing more admirable, in the persons of Alexander or of Scipio. It is well known that before his marriage, he dis- tinguished by his partiality Lady Sarah Lenox, then one of the most beautiful young women of high rank in the king- dom. Lord Holland, who had espous- ed her elder sister, was supposed, from obvious motives of interested ambition, to lend every facility in his power to the young king's meeting Lady Sarah, as he passed near Holland House frequent- ly during his morning excursions on horseback. In the hay season of the year 1761, she might often be seen in the fields bordering on the high road near Kensington. Edward the Fourth, or Henry the Eighth, in his situation, re- gardless of consequences, would have married her, and placed her on the throne. Charles the Second, more licentious, would have endeavoured to seduce her. But, the king, who, though he admired her, neither desired to make her his wife nor his mistress, subdued his passion by the strength of his rea- son, his principles, and liis sense of public duty. When we reflect on these circumstances, we may say with Horace, addressing ourselves to the British na- tion. " Quando ullum inveniet parem ]" After having thus faithfully portrayed, though in the seeming language of pane- gyric, the character of George the 'I'liird ; it is impossible, nevertheless, without violating truth, to deny that at this time, far from being popular, he was not even an object of general affection. We may justly question whether Charles the Se- cond, though one of the most unprin- cipled, profligate, and licentious sove- reigns who ever reigned in this country; destitute of morals ; sunk in dissolute pleasures ; who tamely beheld his fleet burned by the Dutch, in his own har- bours ; a pensioner of France ; insensible to national glory ; and regardless of the subjection of the continent to Louis the Fourteenth ; — yet was ever so unpopular at any period of his reign. In order to explain this seeming paradox, and to show how a prince, who apparently, from his many private virtues, should have possessed the attachment of his sub- jects; was nevertheless considered by a very large proportion of them, with con- trary sentiments ; we must review the principal features of his government. That retrospect will fully account for the circumstance, while it elucidates the events which followed the commence- ment o£ the year 1781. To the confined plan of education, and sequestered life which the king led, sub- sequent to the death of his father, before his own accession to the crown, may be justly traced and attributed, at least in part, many of the errors, as well as the misfortunes, that mark the portion of the British annals, from 1760 down to the close of the American war. During near ten years which elapsed between the de- mise of Frederic, the Prince of Wales, early in 1751, and the decease of George the Second ; a period when the human mind is susceptible of such deep impressions ; he remained in a state of almost absolute seclusion from his future people, and from the world. Constantly resident at Leicester House, or at Carlton House, when he was in London ; immured at Kew, whenever he went to the country ; perpetually under the eye of his mother and of Lord Bute, who acted in the closest unity of design ; he saw comparatively few other persons : and those only chosen individuals of both sexes. They naturally obtained, and long preserved, a very firm ascendant over him. When he ascended the throne, though already arrived at manhood, his very person was hardly known, and his character was still less understood, be- yond a narrow circle. Precautions, it is well ascertained, were even adopted by the princess dowager, to preclude, as much as possible, access to him : pre- cautions which, to the extent of her abi- lity, were redoubled after he became king. It will scarcely be believed, but it is nevertheless true, that in order to pre- vent his conversing with any persons, or receiving any written intimations, anony- mous or otherwise, between the drawing room and the door of Carlton House, when he was returning from thence to St. James's Palace, or to Buckingham HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 143 House, after his evening visits to his mo- j racier, will most incline to believe, that Iher, she never failed to accompany him | in neither instance did he pass the limits till he got into his sedan chair. '* Ju- nius,'" in May, 1770, after invidiously comparing Edward the Second and Ri- chard the Second (two of the weakest or most misguided princes who ever reigned in this country), with George the Third ; adds, when summing up the leading features of his character, " se- cluded from the world, attached from his of innocent gallantry, or occasional fa- miliarity. As little was he to be se- duced by the gratifications of the table, of wine, or of festivity. To all these allurements he seemed disinclined from natural constitution, moral and physical. His brother, Edward, Duke of York, plunged, on the contrary very early, into every sort of excess. But the example. infancy to one set of persons, and to one however calculated to operate it might set of ideas, he can neither open his seem, produced no effect on a prince, heart to new connexions, nor his mind modest, reserved, continent, capable of to better information. A character of i great self-command, and seeking almost this sort is the soil fittest to produce that obstinate bigotry in politics and religion, which begins with a meritorious sacrifice of the understanding, and finally con- ducts the monarch and the martyr to the block." A prince who had been endowed by nature with great energies of mind, would, no doubt, have soon liberated himself from such fetters. Yet we may remember that Louis the Fourteenth, who, whatever faults he committed in the course of his long reign, must never- theless always be considered as a sove- reign of very superior intellectual attain' all his amusements within a narrow do- mestic circle. Before he succeeded to the crown. Lord Bute constituted in fact almost his only constant companion and confident. To him alone the heir apparent un- bosomed his thoughts : with him tlie prince rode, walked, read, and conversed, They were on horseback together upon the 25th of October, 1760, not far from Kew, when the intelligence of George the Second's sudden death reached him ; confirmed immediately afterwards by Mr. Pitt in person, who then presided at the head of his majesty's counsels, or meats ; rtmained under the tutelage of formed at least the soul of the cabinet. his mother and his minister, of Anne of Austria and Cardinal Mazarin, till even a later periodof life than twenty-two. Nor did he then emancipate himself. It was death, that by carrying off the cardinal, allowed the king to display those qua- lities which have rendered so celebrated his name and reign. A prince, on the other hand, of a gay, social, dissipated, or convivial disposition, would equally have burst through these impediments. But, pleasure of every kind, in the com- mon acceptation of the term, as meaning dissipation, presented scarcely any at- tractions for him, even previous to his marriage. Stories were indeed generally circulated, of his attachment to a young woman, a quaker, about this time of his On receiving the information they re- turned to the palace, where the new king remained during the whole day, and passed that night, not coming up to St. James's till the ensumg morning. Mr. Pitt having presented him a paper, con- taining a few sentences, which he sug- gested, it might be proper for hrs majesty to pronounce on meeting the privy coun- cil ; the king, after thanking him, replied that he had already considered the sub- ject of his intended address, to which he made a very important addition with his own hand, commented on with acrimo- nious pleasantry by Wilkes, on account of its defective orthography. I mean the memorable declaration of his pride in the name of " Briton,'''' or as it was there life ; just as scandal, many years after- \ written, ^'■Britain.'''' The minister, who wards, whispered that he distinguished Lady Bridget Tollemache by his particu- perceived that Lord Bute had anticipated liim in the proposed address, made the Jar attentions. The former report was unavoidable inference. It was indeed probably well founded ; and the latter assertion was unquestionably true ; but, those persons who have enjoyed most opportunities of studying the king's cha- sufliciently obvious, that however his administration might nominally continue for some time, yet his influence and au- thority were eclipsed or superseded. 144 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. Lord Bute, though in his private cha- racter, if not irreproachable in all re- spects, yet at least decorous and correct ; nor by any means deficient in abilities ; appears to have been nevertheless a very unfit governor for such a prince. There exists even no doubt that George ihe Second opposed and disapproved his appointment to that important office ; but, the partiality and perseverance of the princess dowager prevailed over the old king's repugnance. The circum- stance of Lord Bute's being a native of Scotland, exposed him necessarily to malevolent attacks of many kinds ; a fact at which, we who live in the pre- sent century ought not to wonder, when we reflect how a few years had then elapsed since the rebellion of 1745. Wilkes and Churchill, the one in prose, the other in poetry, always levelled their keenest shafts against the mother, and against the minister, of the young sovereign. His very virtues became matter of reproach, of ridicule, or of satire. " Junius," some years later, improving upon these first attempts to degrade him in the estimation of his subjects, condensed all the powers of declamation in his memorable " Letter to the King." Yet, the nation at large, candid and just, appreciated him fairly on his own merits. During the most gloomy periods of his reign, while they lamented or reprobated the measures of his various administrations, from Lord Bute down to Lord North inclusive, with little variation or exception ; they admitted his personal virtues to form no slender extenuation of his public errors or mistakes. His exemplary discharge of every private duty, balanced in their estimate the misfortunes which his per- tinacity, inflexibility, or injudicious se- lection of his confidential servants, had entailed upon the country and upon the empire. It was well known that George the Second and his son Frederic, Prince of Wales, during several years previous to the decease of the latter, lived on terms of complete alienation, or rather of liostility. Scarcely indeed were any measures observed, or was any veil drawn before their mutual recriminaiions. — The prince expired suddenly, in the beginning of 1751, at Leicester House, in the arms of Desnoyers, the celebrated dancing-master; who being near his bedside, engaged in playing on the vio- lin for his royal highness's amusement, supported him in his last moments. His end was ultimately caused by an internal abscess, that had long been forming, in consequence of a blow which he received in the side from a cricket ball, while he was engaged in playing at that game, on the lawn at Cliefden House in Buckinghamshire, where he then principally resided. It did not take place, however, for several months subsequent to the accident. A collection of matter having been pro- duced, which burst in his throat, the discharge instantly suff'ocated him. The king, his father, though he never went to visit him during the whole progress of his illness, sent, however, constantly to make enquiries ; and received ac- counts, every two hours, of his state and condition. But he was so far frona despairing altogether of Frederic's re- covery, that, on the contrary, he consi- dered such an event as highly probable, down to the very evening on which his royal highness actually expired : — for I know, that only a short time before, the king being engaged in conversation with the Countess of Yarmouth, when the page entered, announcing that the prince was better, " There now," said his majesty, turning to her, " I told you that he would not die." On the even- ing of his decease, the 20th of March, George the Second had repaired, accord- ing to his usual custom, to Lady Yar- mouth's apartments situated on the ground floor in St. James's palace, where a party of persons of distinction of both sexes, generally assembled for the purpose. His majesty had just sat down to play, and was engaged at cards, when a page, despatched from Leicester House, arrived, bringing information that the prince was no more. He received the intelligence without testifying any violent emotion. Then rising, he cross- ed the room to Lady Yarmouth's table, who was likewise occupied at play ; and leaning over her chair, said in a low tone of voice in German, " Fitz is dode." Freddy is dead. Having communicated it to her, he instantly withdrew. She followed him, the com- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 145 pany broke up, and the news became public. These particulars were related to me by the late Lord Sackville, who made one of Lady Yartnouth's party, and heard the king announce to her his son's decease. Frederic seems never to have enjoyed from his early youth, a distinguished plat;e in the affection of his father, whose partiality was reserved for his youngest son, William, Duke of Cum- berland. During the last twelve years of Frederic's life, we know that he passed much of his time in anticipa- tions of his future sovereiiinty ; and in forming adaiinisiraiions, which, like his own reign, were destined never to be realized. Among the noblemen and gentlemen who occupied a high place in his favour or friendship, were Ciiarles, Duke of Queensberry, the patron of Gay, who died in 1778; Mr. Spencer, brother to the second Duke of Marl- borough, and commonly called .lack Spencer; Charles, Earl of Middlesex, afterwards Duke of Dorset, and his bro- ther, Lord John Sackville, together with Francis, Earl of Guildford. The per- sonal resemblance that existed between Lord North (son of the last mentioned peer, who was subsequently first minis- ter), and Prince George, was thought so striking, as to excite much remark and pleasantry on the part of Frederic him- self, who often jested on the subject with Lord Guildford ; observing, that the world would think one of their wives had played her husband false, though it might be doubtful which of them lay under the imputation. Per- sons who may be disposed to retine upon the prince's observation, will perhaps likewise be struck with other points of physical similarity between George the Third and Lord North ; in particular, with the loss of sight, a privation com- mon to botli in the decline of life. Lady Archibald Hamilton formed, dur- ing many years, the objecrt of Frederic's avowed and particular attachn)ent. In order to be near him, she resided in Pall-Mali, in the house afterwards occu- pied by the late Lord Sackvdie, close to Carlton House; the prince having al- lowed her to construct a drawing-room, the windows of which commanded over the gardens of that palace, and the housed 13 I itselfcommunicated with them. Towards men of genius, his royal highness always affected to extend his protection. Glover, the writer of " Leonidas," enjoyed his confidence : though we may justly doubt how much of it was given to him as a member of parliament, the friend of Pulteney and Pitt , how much was ex- tended to him, as a poet. The prince showed uncommon deference for Pope, whom he visited at Twickenham ; a circumstance to which that author al- ludes with natural pride, when, after enumerating the great or illustrious per- sons who honoured him with their re- gard and friendship, he subjoins, " And if yet higher the proud list should end, Still let me add, no follower, but a friend." In force of character, steadiness, vigour of mind, and the qualities that fit men for government, even his friends considered the prince to be deficient. Nor was economy to be numbered among the virtues that he displayed ; he having before his decease contracted debts to a large amount, which were never discliarged. Even through the medium of Dodington's description, who was partial to Frederic's character and memory, we cannot conceive any very elevated idea of him. His court seems to have been the centre of ca- bal, the very cave of iEolus, torn by contending candidates for the guidance of his future imaginary reign. The Earl of Egmont, and Dodington himself, were avowedly at the head of two great hostile parties. In November, 1749, we find his royal highness, in a secret conclave held at Carlton House, making all the financial dispositions proper to be adopted on the demise of the king, his father; and framing a new civil list. At the close of these mock delibera- tions, he binds the three assistants to abide by, and support his plans ; giving them his hand, and making them take hands with each other. The transac- tion, as narrated by Dodington, who was, himself, one of the party, reminds the reader of a similar convocation commemorated by Sallust, and is not unlike one of the scenes in " Venice Preserved," It was performed, ho«r- ever, after dinner, which may perhaps 146 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. form its best apology. The diversions of the prince's court, appear to us equally puerile. Tliree times, within thirteen months preceding his decease, Dodinffton accompanied him and the Princess of Wales, to fortune-tellers ; the last of which frolics took place scarcely nine weeks before his death. After one of tiiese magical consultations, apparently dictated by anxiety to pene- trate his future destiny ; but, in answer to which inquiries, the fortune-teller might have replied with Umbricius, " Funus promittere patris Nee volo, nee possum ;" m the parly supped with Mrs. Cannon, the princess's midwife. Frederic used to go, disguised, to Hockley -in-the-Hole, to witness bull-baiting. Either Lord Middlesex, or Lord John Sackville, father to the late Duke of Dorset, were commonly his companions on such ex- peditions. As far as we are authorised from these premises, to form a conclu- sion, his premature death before he ascended the throne, ought not to excite any great national regret. George the Second, who survived the prince near ten years, died at last not less suddenly than his son, though at the advanced age of seventy-seven; a period attained by no sovereign in mo- dern history, except Louis theFourteenth, A rupture in some of the vessels, or in the membrane of the heart, carried him off in a few minutes. During his whole life, but, particularly for a number of •years before his decease, he had been subject to such constant palpitations about the region of the heart, especially after dinner, that he always took off his clothes, and reposed himself for an hour in bed, of an afternoon. It order to ac- rommodaie himself to this habit or infir- mity, Mr. Pitt, when, as secretary of state he was sometimes necessitated to transact business with the king during the time that he lay down, always knell on a cushion by the bed-side ; a mark of lespect which cnntribnted to render him jiot a little acceptable to his majesty. At his rising, George the Second dress- ed himsflf completely a second lime, and commonly passed the evening at I'virds, with Lady Yarmouth, in a select party. His sight had greatly failed him, for some time preceding his decease. 1 have heard Mr. Fraser say, who was, during many years, under secretary of slate, that in 1760, a few months before the king died, having presented a paper to him for his signature, at Kensington (probably at a time when the secretary of state was prevented by indisposition from performing ihat duty, or by some other indispensable cause, which Fraser did not explain); George the second took the pen in his hand ; and after, as he con- ceived affixing his name to it, returned it to Fraser. But, so defective was his vision, that he had neither dipped the pen in the ink, nor did he perceive that of course he had only drawn it over the paper, without making any impression. Fraser, aware of the king's blindness, yet, unwilling to let his majesty perceive ihat he discovered it, said, " Sir, I have given you so bad a pen, " that it will not write. Allow me to present you a better pen for the purpose," then dip- ping it himself in the ink, he returned it to the king, who, without making any remark, instantly signed the paper. He was unquestionably an honest, well intentioned, and good prince ; of very moderate, but not mean talents ; frugal in his expenses, from natural character : more inclined to avarice than any King of England since Henry the Seventh ; irascible and hasty, as well as capable of imbibing strong prejudices of many kinds ; but, not vindictive in his temper. Imbued with a strong enmity to France and as warm a predilection for Ger- many, he never enjoyed such felicity as when at Herenhausen, surrounded with his Hanoverian courtiers and subjects. William the Third, in like manner, seemed to taste much more happiness, while hunting at Loo, amidst the sterile sands of Guelderland, than at White- hall, or at Hampton Court. At the bat- tle of Dettingen, in 1743, it is well known that George the Second's horse, which was unruly, ran away with him to a considerable distance. General Cyrus Trapaud, then an ensign, by seiz- ing the horse's bridle, enabled his ma- jesty to dismount in safety. " Now that I am once on my legs," said he, " I am sure I shall not run away." Hav- ing enquired Trapaud's name, the king HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 147 always tlistinguished him afterwards in milit;iry proinolions. When incensed either with his ministers, or with his attendants, he was sometimes not master of his actions, nor attentive to preserve his dignity. On these occasions, his hat, and it is asserted, even his wig, be- came frequently the objects on wliich he expended his anger. Queen Caroline, by her address, her judicious compliances, and her activity of character, maintained, down to the time of her decease in 1737, a great ascendant over him. She formed tlie chief conducting wire between the sover- eign and his first minister. It is a fact, that Sir Robert Walpole and her majes- ty managed matters with so much art, as to keep up a secret understanding by watch-words, even in the drawing-room, when and where George the Second was present. According to the king's tem- per, frame of mind, or practicability on , the points which Sir Robert wished to carry, the queen signified to him whe- ther to proceed, or to desist, on that par- ticular day. This communication was so well preconcerted, and so delicately executed, as to be imperceptible by the by-standers. Sir Robert lost a most able and vigilant ally, when Queen Caro- line died. Her decease was indeed a misfortune to her husband, to her chil- dren, and to the nation. She sacrificed her life to the desire of concealing her complaint ; a rupture of the bowels, which might have been easily reduced, if she iiad not delayed the disclosure of it, till a mortification took place. We have not possessed, since Elizabeth's death, a queen of more talent, capacity, and strength of understanding, than Caro- line of Brandenburgh Anspach. Anne of Denmark, wife of James the First, was a woman of mean endowments, de- ficient in judgment, and of doubtl'ul moral character. Henrietta Maria of France, possessed great personal beauty, charms of conversation, and graces of deportment: but she was violent, biijot- ted in her attachment to the catholic faith, and conduced by her imprudent counsels, to accelerate tiie ruin of Charles the First. Catherine of Braganza, though a woman of virtue, wanted every at- traction of mind or of body ; and Mary of Modena, James the Second's queen, however agreeable in her person, as well as correct in her conduct she might be, was superstitious to excess ; and from that circumstance unlit for the throne of England, though she might have adorn- ed a little Italian court. Mary, con- sort of William the Third, approached the nearest to Queen Caroline, but did not equal her in mental endowments. The last [)rincess of the Stuart line, Anne, though in private life amiable, virtuous, and blameless, cannot enter into any competition vvith Caroline of Bran- denburgh Anspach. At the time of his decease, George th.e Second certainly enjoyed great and universal popularity : but, to Mr. Pitt, afterwards created Earl of Chatham, he was eminently indebted for this gratify- ing distinction at the close of life, when victory was said to have erected her altar between his aged knees. The misfortunes and disgraces which pre- ceded Pitt's entrance into office, had in fact forced him upon the king; who, notwithstanding that minister's recog- nized talents, did not employ him with- out the utmost reluctance. The inglo- rious naval engagement that took place in the Mediterranean, between Byng and La Galissoniere ; for his condu(;t during wliich action, the former of those ad- mirals suffered death ; the consequent loss of Minorca ; the defeat of General Braddock in (Carolina ; llie repulse sus- tained before Ticonderoga ; the ignomi- nious capitulation of William, Duke of Cumberland, at Closter-Seven, after- wards eluded or violated ; and the dis- graceful expedition against Roclifort; — these ill-concerted, or ill-executed mea- sures, at the commencement of the war of 1756, had not only brought the ad- ministration into contempt, but had much diminished the national affection borne towards the sovereign. From the period of Pitt's nomination to a place in the cabinet, success almost uniformly attended on the British arms. Though only occupying the post of secretary of slate, he directed, or rather he dictated the operations, at home and abroad. The treasury, the admiralty, the war office, all obeyed his orders with prompt and implicit submission. Lord Anson and the Duke of Newcastle, sometimes, it is true, remonstrated, and often com- 148 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. plained ; but always finished by mm pliance. In the full career of Pill's ministerial triumphs, George the Second diied ; an event which it is inipossible not to consider as having been a great national misfortune, when we reflect on the nature of the peace wiiich took [)lace little more thnn two years afterwards, in November, 1762. Mr. Pitt, we may be assured, would have dictated far differ- ent terms to the two branches of the House of Bourbon. The new king did not indeed immediately dismiss so able and popular a statesman ; but, it was soon suspected that his administration, though it might languish, or continue for a few months, would not prove of long duration. Lord Mule had already se- cured the exchisive regard and favour of the young monarch. The late Mrs. Boscawen, widow of the admiral of that name, so distinguished in our naval annals, whose connexions enabled her to collect many curious facts in the course of a long life ; has often assured me, that Lord Bute's first per- sonal introduction to the Prince of Wales originated in a very singular accident. That nobleman, as is well known, mar- ried the only daughter of the celebrated Lady Mary Wortley Montague, by whom he had a very numerous family. She bro\]ght him eventually likewise a large landed property : but, as her fa- ther, Mr. Wortley, did not die till the year 1761 ; and as her brother, the ec- centric Edward Wortley Montague, lived to a much later perioil ; 1 l)elieve, down to 1777 ; Lord Bute, encumbered with a number of children, found his patrimonial fortune very unequal to maintaining the figure befitting his rank in life. After passing some years in profound retire- ment, on fiis estate in the Isle of Bute, he revisited England, and took a house on the banks of the 'J'hames. During his residence there, he was induced to visit Egham races, about the year 1747, But, as he either did not at that time keep a cnrriage, or did not use it to convey him to the race ground, he con- descended lo accompany a medical ac- quaintance ; in other words, the apolhe- cary that attended his lordship's family, who carried him there in bis owncdiariot. Frederic, Prince of Wales, who then re- sided at Cliefden, honoured the races on that day with liis presence ; where a tent was pitched for his accommodation, and the reception of the princess his consort. The weather proving rainy, it was proposed, in order to amuse his royal highness before his return home, to make a party at cards : but a difficulty occurred about finding persons of suffi- cient rank to sit down at the same table with him. While they remained under this embarrassment, somebody observed that Lord Bute had been seen on the race ground ; who, as being an earl, would be peculiarly proper to make one of the prince's party. He was soon found, in- formed of the occasion which demanded his attendance, brought to the tent, and presented to Frederic. When the com- pany broke up. Lord Bute thought of re- turning back to his own house : but his friend the apothecary had disappeared : and with him had disappeared the cha- riot, in which his lordship had been brought to Eoham races. The prince was no sooner made acquainted with the circumstance, than he insisted on Lord Bute's accompanying him to Cliefden, and there passing the night. He com- plied, rendered himself extremely ac- ceptable to their royal highnesses, and thus laid the foundation, under a succeed- ing reign, of his political elevation, which flowed originally in some measure from this strange contingency. Lord Bute, when young, possessed a very handsome person, of which advan- tage h-e was not insensible ; and he used to pass many hours every day, as his enemies asserted, occupied in contem- plating the symmetry of his own legs, during his solitary walks by the side of the Thames. Even after he became an inmate at Cliefden, and at Leicester i House, he frequently played the part of ■ " Lothario," in the private theatricals exhibited for the amusement of their royal highnesses, by the late Duchess of Queensbury. To this fact Wilkes alludes with malignant ridicule, in his memorable letter of the " 15lh of March. 1763," addressed to the Earl of Bute, where he | savs, "in one part, wliich was remarka- bly humane and amiable, you were so great, that the general exclamation was, here y nil did not act. In another joar^, vou were no less perfect : I mean, in the famous scene of Hamlet, where you powr HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 149 fatal poison into the ear of a good uii- siispecting kiiiir." Besides so many ex- ternal acfomplishmeiits, lie possessed a cultivated mind, illuminated by a taste for various branches of the fine arts and letters. For the study of botany he nourished a decided passion, which he gratified to the utmost : and in the indul- gence of which predilection, he mani- fested, on some occasions, a princely liberality. Dr. Hill, commonly deno- minated Sir John, after he received the Swedish Order of Vasa from Guslavus the Thirii, was one of the objects of his bounty. Nor did he fad in extending his protection and patronage to men of letters : but it cannot be denied that he manifested some national partiality in their selection. John Home, the author of " Dmiiilas," a tragedy which attained a repui.iiion superior to its merits ; as well as Mullet, or Mullock ((or his name was difft-renlly written), and Murphy, all partook of ttie ministerial favour. S.i did James Macpherson, who ushered into ifie world some of ilie poems ofOs- sian, under the immediate auspices of itie first lord of the treasury. Of a disposition natiirally retired and severe. Lord Bute was not formed for an extensive commerce with mankind, or endowed by nature with talents for ma- naging popular assemblies. Even in the inleri(»r of his family he was austere, harsh, dilFicuit of access, and someiimes totally inaccessible to his own children la the House of Lords he neither dis- played eloquence, nor gratiousness of manners. But he proved himself like- wise deficient in a quality still more es- sential for a first minister, firmness of character. Yet, with these political de- fects of mind, and of personal deport- ment, he undertook to displace, and he aspired to succeed Mr. Fiit, at a mompnt when that minister had carried the ylory of the British arms to an unpxam|)led height, by sea and land. We cannot eufficienliy regret that Gcfirffe the 'I'hird should not have contented himself with heapitig honours and dignities on him, carefully excludinsr biru from any political employment. Few princes, however, of whom history preserves anv record, have manifested at twenty-three, a judif- ment so superior to the natmal partial- ities of youth. Even Elizabeth, though 13* she placed Cecil at the head of her coun- cils, yet committed her armies succes- sively to the conduct of her two favour- ites, the Earls of Leicester and Essex. After an. administration of about two years, passed either in the post of secre- tary of state, or as first lord of the trea- sury ; during which time he brought the war with France and Spain to a conclu- sion ; Lord Bute, abandoning his royal master, quitted his situation, and again withdrew to private life. No testimonies of national regret, or of national esteem, ac(!ompanipd him at his departure from office. His nugnificent house in Berke- ley Square, though scarcely completed, exposed him to very malignant com- ments, respecting the means by which lie bad reared so ex[)ensive a pile. His enemies asserted that he could not pos- sibly have possessed the ability, either from his patrimonial fortune, or in con- sequence of his marriage, to erect such a structure. As little could he be sup- posed to liaveaniHssed wherewithal, dur- ing his very short administration, to suf- fice for its construction. The only sa- tisfactory sidution of the difficulty there- fore, lay in imagining, however unjustly, that he had either received presents from France, or had made large purchases in the public funds previous to the signature rth, chancellor of the exche- quer ; a Weymonlh, and a Hillsborough, secretaries of state ; a Granby, com- mander-in-chief ; and Mansfield, chief criminal judge of the kingdom." After transfixing with his keenest shafts, the commander-in-chief of the forces, the lord chief justice of the King's Bench, and the Duke of Bedford, he fastened, like a vulture, on the first minister. With an acrimony and ability that have perhaps never been equalled by any political writer, he endeavoured to point the public indignation equally against the person and the measures of the Duke of Grafton. Sujierior in beauty of diction, and all the elegance of literary composition, to Lord Bolingbroke ; not inferior to Swift in closeness, as well as correctness of style, and in force of sa- tire ; the letters of " Junius" will be read as long as the English language en- dures. Nor did his pen, after exposing the want of spirit and energy in tlie go- vernment, respect even the majesty of the throne. In his memorable " Letter to the king;" dated the 19th of De- cember, 1769, vvhiidi cannot be perused without a mixture of admiration and in- dignation, he too successfully labours to render even the virtues of the sovereign suspicious and odious ; while he at- temps to degrade the royal character, in the opinions of his subjects. The avidity with which these publications were then sought after and perused, is difficult to be conceived at the present time, and never was exceeded at any period of our history. " Junius" may indeed justly be reckoned among the leading causes which drove the Duke of Grafton from the helm of affairs. I have been assured by persons of honour and veracity, who were in the habits of continually seeing Mr. Brad- shaw, then secretary of the treasury, and of knowing his private sentiments ; that he made no secret to them, of the agony into which the Duke of Grafton was thrown by these productions. Such was their effect and operation on his HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 155 mind, as sometimes utterly to incapaci- tate him during whole days, for the mi- nisterial duties of his office. There are, nevertheless, many who believe and as- sert, that his sudden resignation was not so much produced by the attacks of "Junius," as it originated from another quarter. It has been pretended that liie Princess Dowager of Wales, highly in- dignant at the mention made of her name, in the examination and depositions of Dr. Musgrave at the bar of ihe House of Commons ; remonstrated strongly with the king, on the supineness of his lirsl minister, in permitting, or rather in not suppressing such parliamentary enqui- ries. However the fact may be, it is certain that at a moment when such an event was least expected, in January, 1770, he resigned his office ; giving as Lord Bute had done beibre another in- stance of tninisterial dereliction, but not the last of the kind which has occurred in the course of the present reign. | Lord North, who succeeded to his place, inherited likewise a considerable portion of his unpopularity. | Having mentioned the subject, and the | productions of "Junius," it seems im- possible to dismiss them without making some allusion to their author. I have always considered that secret, as the best kept of any in our time. It was, indeed, on many accounts, and for many reasons, a secret of the most perilous nature. For, the offences given, and the wounds inflicted by his pen, were too deep, and too severe, to admit of forgiveness, when we reflect that living sovereigns and ministers formed the objects selected for his attack. I have been assured that the king riding out in the year 1772, accom- panied by his equerry. General Desagu- liers, said to him in conversation, " We know who Junius is, and he will write no more." The general, who was too good a courtier to congratulate upon such a piece of intelligence, contented himself witli bowing, and the discourse pro- ceeded no further, Mrs, Shuttlevvorth, who was General Desagulier.s's daughter, believed in the accuracy of this fact; but 1 nevertheless report it with becoming doubt. If, however, the king had pe- netrated to the secret, I do not believe that the Duke of Grafton, or the first Lord Mansfield, had arrived at any cer- titude on the point, though their sus- picions might be strongly directed to- wards some one individual. It is certain that Sir William Draper died in igno- rance of his antagonist; and that he continued to express, down to a very short time before his decease, which took place at Bath, his concern at the prospect of going out of life, uninformed on the subject. Lord North cither did not know, or professed not to know, his name. The laie Lord Temple protested the same ignorance. He must never- theless have lain within a very narrow circle : for, every evidence, internal and external, proves him to have been a per- son of pre-eminent parts, admirable in- formation, hicfh connexions, living almost constantly in the metropolis, and in good company ; ignorant of nothing which was done at St. James's, in the two houses of parliament, in the war office, or in the courts of law ; and personally acquainted with many anecdotes or facts, only to be attained by men moving in the first ranks of society. 1 do not s[)eak of his classical attainments ; because those might have been found among mere men of letters. "Junius" was a man of the world. Henry Sampson Woodfall, who printed the letters them- selves, was ignorant of the name or qua- lity of the writer, and remained so during his whole life. Who then, we repeat, was he ? Many individuals have become suc- cessively objects of suspicion, or of ac- cusation. Lord George Germain, father of the present Duke of Dorset, was named among others. I knew him very intimately, and have frequently con- versed with him on the subject. He always declared his ignorance of the author, but he appeared to be gratified and flattered by the belief or imputation lighting on himself. As far, however, as my opinion can have any weight, though, in common with mankind at large, I estimated very highly Lord George's talents, I considered tliem as altogether unequal to such literary pro- ductions. And I possessed the best means, as well as opportunities of form- ing my judgment, from his conversation and correspondence, both which I en- joyed for several years. Indeed, I ap- prehend it is unnecessary to waste much 156 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. time in attempting to disprove such a supposilioa, which has few advocates or supporters. Those persons who ori- ginally suggested, or who continue to maintain it, lound the opinion principally on the attack of Lord Granby, con- tained in " Junius's" first letter. But, if we examine that composition, we shall see that the marquis is by no means singled out for animadversion. He only attracts his portion of satire, as a consiiiuenl member oi the cabinet; and it was Sir William Draper's officious vanity which rendered him uiilorlu- natelj' more conspicuous tlian the Duke of Grafton, or Lord Mansfield. *' It is you. Sir William Draper," says Junius, " who have taken care to re[)resent your friend in the character of a drunken landlord, who deals out his promises as liberally as his liquor, and will suflTer no man to leave his table eiihersorrowful or sober." And in a subsequent letter heob- serves, " I should justly be suspected of acting upon motives of more than common enmity to Lord Granby, if I continued to give you fresh materials, or occasion for writing in his defence." If, indeed, Lord George Germain was " Junius," his powers of composition had sufTered a diminution between 1770 and 1780, and no longer continued as powerful at the latter period, as they had been ten years earlier in life. Bui, no man pre- served at near seventy, the freshness and strength of his faculties in every branch, more perfect or undiminished than that nobleman. Nor, from the knowledge which I possessed of his loyalty, and attachment to the person of his sovereign, do I believe ih it any mo- tives or feelings could ever have induced him to address to his majesty, the "Letter of Junius to the King." As little do I conceive Wilkes to have been the man. I knew him likewise well, though not with the same inti- macy as I did the last named nobleman. It must be owned that Wilkes possessed a classic pen, keen, rapid, cutting ; and capable, as we have seen in the " North Briton," no less than in other political productions, of powerfully animating, or inflaming the public mind. His inju- ries were great; his feelings, acute: his spirit, undaunted ; and his composi- tions, full of talent. But it was not '■ Junius." Wilkes's two memorable letters, the one addressed to Lord Tem- ple, in October, 1762, from Bagshot, immediately after his duel wiih Lord Talbot; and the other, written from his house, in Great George Street, on the 19th of December, 1763, to Dr. Brock- lesby, subsequent to his duel with Mar- tin ; may vie in wit, pleasantry, and powers of ridicule, with any composi- tions in the English language. His letter, dated from "Paris, 22d October, 1764," appealing to the electors of Aylesbury, against the treatment which he met with from both houses of parlia- ment, and from Lord Mansfield, chal- lenges equal admiration. Lastly, his address to the Duke of Grafton, written likewise from " Paris, on* the 12th of December, 1766," containing the ani- mated relation of his arrest, followed by his interview with the Earls of Egre- inont and Halifax, which took place at the residence of the former nobleman in Piccadilly, now Cholmondeley House ; can hardly be exceeded in energy, se- verity, and powers of reasoning. They charm, perliaps, as much as the writings of "Junius;" but, the difference be- tween the two productions cannot be mistaken by any man who allows his reason fair play. Wilkes himself, who, instead of shii iking from the avowal, on the contrary would have gladly assumed the fame attending on it, at whatever personal risk, always disclaimed any title to such a distinction. " Ulinam scripsisseni ,'" Would to heaven I could have written them ! was his re- ply, when charged with being the au- thor. I Hugh Macauley Bnyd, a gentleman * who accompanied or followed Lord Ma- cartney to Madras, in 1781, where he died a few years afterwards ; has been named, and his pretensions have been strongly maintained in print, as well as in private society. It has been attempt- ed, both in liis^case, and in that of Wilkes, to prove from facts of various kinds, and anecdotes, either true or imaginary, their respective right to the works of " Junius." But, I never could discover in the avowed writings of Boyd, any similaiity, and still less any equality, with the letters of the unknown and im- | mortal person in question. Nor would f j HISTORICAL MEMOIRS, 157 it seem, as far as we are able to judge, that Boyd had, or could liave, access to ihe information profusely exhibited ilirough almost every page of " Junius," and which very few individuals were com- petent to attain. Boyd did not live in the circle where alone such materials were to be found, or to be collected. I have heard the Reverend Philip Rosenhagen pointed out as "Junius." But the opinion never, I believe, had many supporters, nor did I ever regard it as entitled to serious refutation. 1 knew him as an acquaintance, between 1782 and 1785. He appeared to me to be a plausible, well informed man, imposing in his manner, of a classic mind, and agreeable conversation ; living mucli in the world, received on the most intimate footing at Shelburne House, and possess- ing very considerable talents. There is, however, a wide interval between such abilities, however eminent, and those displayed by the writer under examina- tion. A more probable, or at least, a belter concerted story, confidently circulated at the time, and winch has been lately re- vived, was, that Mr. William Great- rakes, a native of Ireland, who lived with the Earl of Slielburne, and acted as his private secretary, composed the letters. The materials were said to have been furnished by Lord Shelburne, and worked up by his secretary. It was added, that he died in August, 1781, at Hungerford in Berkshire, not very far from that nobleman's seat, of Bow Wood ; and lies buried in Hungerford church- yard, with a plain stone over his re- mains, together with a short inscription, terminated by the three Latin words, " Stat Nominis Umbra;" the motto, usually, or always prefixed to Junius's Letters. I have never con- sidered this narration, however plausi- ble it appears, as worthy of credit, or as meriting attention. It has been recently attempted to prove that Glover, the distinguished author of " Leonidas," was " Junius ;" and the confirmation of the assertion has been sought, in the " Memoirs of a Celebrated Literary and Political Character," lately published. But though every line of 14 those " Memoirs," bespeaks the writer to have possessed equal ability and in- tegrity ; living in a high circle, himself a member of the House of Commons during many years ; — though the same ardent spirit of freedom which animates Glover as a poet, is diff'used over this production ; and though various pas- sages in it, may seem to bear a degree of resemblance or analogy to the animated Apostrophes of" Junius ;" — yet, no per- son who has perused attentively the work in question, can for an instant per- suaile himself of the identity of the two i men. If, however, these grounds of belief, drawn from the internal evidence contained in the respective compositions, should fail in producing a decided opi- nion, I can adduce better proof. Mr. Glover, son of the author of " Leoni- das," and whom to name, is sufficient to stamp the authenticity of all that he asserts ; assured me only a short time ago, in answer to my enquiries on the subject, that " he had not the least rea- son to suppose, or to believe, that his father composed the letters of Junius:" an admission far outweighing any real or fancied similarity between those wri- ters. Still more recent attempts have been made in favour of a foreigner, De Lolme ; but, however speciously sup- ported on some points, they rest on no solid foundation. During many years of my life, not- withstanding the severity with which TVedderburn is treated by " Junius," 1 nourished a strong belief, approacliing to conviction, that the late Earl of Ross- lyn, then Mr. fVedderburn, was him- self the author of those Letters. His abilities were eminent, his opportunities of information great ; and his political connexions between January, 1769, and January, 1772, the two extreme periods of the appearance of the compositions in question, favour the conjecture. Though Churchill calls Wedderburn. " A pert, prim prater of the northern race," his talents of every kind entitled him to hijih admiration ; and he particularly possessed the legal, jurisprudential, as well as parliamentary knowledge, la- vishly exhibited in various parts of " Ju- nius." I have heard men assert, who 158 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. were entitled to respect and credit, that they had seen several of the originals, in the possession of Woodfall ; and that they recognised the hand-writing to be that of Mrs. Wedderburn, his tirst wife, with which manual character they were perfectly acquainted. If this fact in- deed were to be admitted, it might seem decisive : but, such assertions, however apparenUy well sustained, are frequently made on erroneous or mistaken founda- tions. Perhaps I ought to add, that the persons in question, were natives of Scotland ; and national vanity or par- tiality might mislead their judgment on such a point. All circumstances fully weighed, my own conviction is, that the letters of "Junius" were written by the Right Ho- nourable JFUliam Gerard HaiailLon^ commonly designated by the nick-name of " Single Speech Hamilton," from the report, generally, though falsely circu- lated, that he never opened his mouth more than once in the English Parlia- ment. He was during many years, chancellor of the exchequer in Ireland, and likewise a member of the British House of Commons, while I sat in it : but I had not the honour of his ac- quaintance ; and my opinion is founded on the general prevailing sentiment of those persons, who, from their situation, rank, and means of information, are en- titled to almost implicit belief. Through- out the various companies, in which, from 1775, down to the present time, I have heard this mysterious question agi- tated, the great majority concurred in giving to Hamilton the merit of com- posing the letters under examination. Various noblemen or gentlemen, who lived on terms of intimate friendship, and of almnstdaily intercourse with him, during the period of their appearance or publication ; in particular, Horace Walpole, Earl of Orford, and the late Earl of Clermont; having protested in ray hearing, that they traced or recol- lected in Jiinius's Letters, the '•'■ ip sis si- ma verba,'' the precise words and ex- pressions of Hamilton, which had re- cently l^illen from his lips in conversa- tion. His pen is universally admitted to have been most elegant, classical, correct, and nervous. Tiiis opinion, nevertheless, by no means amounts to demonstration, or approaches to Qer- tainty ; and it is possible, that as the secret has not been divulged from au- thority, during the lapse of so many years, posterity may never attain to any absolute proof upon the subject, and must rest satisfied with conjecture. If " Junius" could be supposed still alive, obvious motives for his conceal- ing himself, drawn from the strongest princi|)les of human action, will suggest themselves to every man's mind. On the other hand, if he be no more, what reasons sufficiently powerful can be produced, to account for the voluntary renunciation of that postluimous fame, which after his decease might have been reclaimed, without apprehension of any injurious consequences to himself? This argument or consideration, long induced me to suppose that " Junius" must be living ; and that his death, whenever it took place, would infallibly remove the veil which conceals his name. On more mature reflection, nevertheless, very strong causes for con- tinuing to preserve his incognito be- yond the grave, may present themselves. If he left behind him lineal representa- tives, he might dread exposing them to the hereditary animosity of some of those, whom he designates as " the worst, and the most powerful men in this country." Even should he have left no descendants, it is possible that he might dislike the comparison between his actions and his writings, which must have been involuntarily made by man- kind. If, for instance, it would have been proved that he accepted an ofHce, a pension, or a peerage, from the so- vereign and the minister whom he had recently accused as enemies to their country, or as having betrayed its in- terests; — would not the moral aversion or contempt, excited towards his me- mory by such a disclosure, having over- balanced the meed of literary fame ob- tained from the labours of his pen ? Should we admit the validity of liis rea- soning, we shall be led to infer, that "Junius" may remain as unknown to posterity, a century hence, as he con- tinues to be now in 1815. There is still another circumstance applicable to the present times, which did not exist when Burnet, or Bui- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 159 strode, or Rereshy, wrote their " Me- moirs ;" and which fact must be sup- posed to have had ils due operation on "Junius." Between 1660 and 1714, a period of little more tiian fifty years, three families in succession reigned over this country : whereas from 1760, down to 1814, only one prince has occupied the throne, who still lives, though we lartient that he no longer reigns. Under William tiie Third, who had expelled his father-in-law, and who could not feel any esteem for Charles the Second ; "Junius," had he then flourished, and had levelled his shafts against those kings, might have unmasked, and boldly avowed his writings. When the two Houses of Nassau, or of Stuart, no longer swayed the sceptre, and when George the First was called to the crown ; the severest attacks made on the preceding sovereigns or ministers, could have ex- cited only a feeble degree of resentment, if they did not even give rise to opposite emotions. But, the case is widely dif- ferent with respect to " Junius," and might justly challenge from him another line of conduct. Not only the same fa- mily, but the same individual, remains, at least nominally, king. And that indi- vidual, whatever errors of judgment he may have committed, or however un- popular he was, almost from the period of his accession down to 1783, has been since that time embalmed in the affec- tions of his people. I mUst leave the degree of solidity contained in these ob- servations, to the decision of every man's judgment, as elucidatory or explanatory of the question respecting " Junius."* In addition to so many domestic causes which weakened tlie veneration felt to- wards the king, two foreign events had likewise occurred, productive of national dissatisfaction. The first arose from the line of policy, or rather of conduct, adopted by Great Britain relative to Cor- sica. That island, which in later times has attained a degree of odious celebrity, by giving birth to a man, whose vast mili- * Since I wrote the preceding observations, a perusal of the work lately published, denominated " The Identity of Junius with a distinguished living Character estabUshed," leaves little or no doubt on my mind, that those celebrated pro- ductions are to be attributed to Sir Philip Francis. tary talents, and insatiable ambition, aided by the progress of the French re- volution, enabled him to overturn and to trample under his feet, during many years, the ancient system of Europe : was, after a long series of insurrections against the Genoese government, ulti- mately transferred by Genoa to France. Choiseul, a minister of an elevated mind, and of ambitious designs ; anxious to raise the French name, as well as the reputation of Louis the Fifteenth, from the state of humiliation into which both were fallen by the ill success of the pre- ceding war ; undertook, and at length effected, the reduction of Corsica. It may however be justly questioned, whe- ther the conquest has really augmented the strength or resources of France. But, the generosity characteristic of the Eng- lish nation, the sympathy felt towards a race of brave, oppressed, and unfortunate islanders, contending for freedom ; when added to the jealous susceptibility natural to a state, always apprehensive of the aggrandizement of its rival ; — these feelings or political opinions, produced a powerful effect on the public mind. They were sustained by the publications, calculated to rouse the country from its apathy or indifference to the fate of Cor- sica. Pascal Paoli, chief of the insur- gents, was depictured in them, as another Gustavus Vasa, or William Tell, strug- gling against tyranny and oppression : while the English ministry, it was said, pusillanimously looked on, regardless of the event, and inattentive to so important an accession of power acquired by our natural enemy. Scarcely had the impression made by the French conquest of Corsica ' ceased to operate, and sunk into a de- gree of oblivion, when another occur- rence awakened ami exasperated the nation, against the Spanish branch of the House of Bourbon. The immediate cause of this dispute arose from the pos- session taken of the Falkland Islands by England ; but, the court of Madrid had always evaded or refused payment of the sum due for the ransom of Manilla. Never, perhaps, was any ob- ject in itself, abstractedly considered, less valuable, nor less worthy of public attention, than the Falkland Islands : yet, the manner in which Spain acted 160 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. on the occasion, displayed so much arro- gance, as to compromise the honour of the British crown, and to demand a reparation no less public than the affront. The islands in question, situ- ated in a most inclement latitude, in the other hemispliere, not far removed from Cape Horn ; abandoned by nature to seals and to wild fowl ; scarcely covered with a scanty vegetation; could hardly merit from llieir intrinsic consequence, commercial or political, that any blood should be spilt in order to acquire, or to retain, their possession. But the jealous policy with which the old Spanish government always beheld even the slightest approach of any foreign power towards that vast continent uf South America, over which, though they could neither colonize, nor subject it, they nevertheless claimed a dominion ; impelled the court of Madrid to com- mence its operations, in a manner no less hostile than insulting to us. An English frigate was detained in the har- bour of Port Egmont by force. It must be owned, that the vigour, or rather audacity of such a proceeding, could scarcely have been exceeded by Cardi- nal Alberoni himself, when he presided in the Spanish counsels, under Philip the Fifth. 'I'he act was indeed only committed ostensibly by an imlividual, Buccarelli, who commanded the forces of Charles the Third in that quarter of the globe : but the government avowed, justified, and supported hint. Lord North, on whom had recently devolved the first place in administra- tion ; while he appeared deeply to feel the indignity offered to his sovereign, manifested likewise a disposition to resent it in the most effectual manner. Neither the state of the English navy, nor the preparations made in our ports for the immediate equipment of a powerful fleet, were said, however, to be such as the exigency obviously de- manded, and the public honour unques- tionably required. A mitigated com- promise, by which Spain, though she consented to cede the possession of Falkland Islands to Great Britain, yet refused to admit or recognise our right to them ; was, after long discussions, accepted by ministers. It prevented a war, but it gave no general satisfaction ; more especially, as any mention of the Manilla ransom was studiously omitted in the convention. Assuredly, the mo- ment seemed favourable to have im- posed almost any conditions on the Spanish crown. Louis the Fifteenth, sinking in years, and still more sunk in the general estimation of his subjects ; disgusted at the ill success of the former war, and determined not to engage again in hostilities against England ; having dismissed the Duke de Choiseul from ofRce, and lost to every sense of public duty, or national glory ; would, it was well known, have disregarded " the family compact," and would have abandoned the other branch of the House of Bourbon in the contest. But, Lord North, who preferred pacific measures ; besides the ordinary modes of negotiation, had recourse to expedients not usually adopted, in order to avert a rupture. The late Sir Wil- liam Gordon, whom I well knew, and who at that time filled the post of Bri- tish envoy at the court of Brtjssels, was selected by ministers, to undertake the commission of preventing a war. For this purpose, he received private instruc- tions to repair, in the most secret but expeditious manner, to Paris ; and there to use every possible exertion for pre- vailing on Louis the Fifteenth, and the new first minister, the Duke d'Aguillon, to compel the Spanish court to accom- modate the points in dispute. Gordon, who found in the French sovereign and his cabinet, the warmest disposition to preserve peace, succeeded completely in the object of his mission. Fie told me, that as a recompense for his service, he received from Lord North, a pension of three hundred pounds a year ; and from his majesty, the further sum of one thousand pounds, as a present ; but, the convention by which peace was made, excited universal disapprobation ; and afforded, to the pen of " Junius," an oc- casion which he did not lose, of pointing the public censure with inconceivable severity against the king himself person* ally, no less than against the administra- tion. Even after the interval of four years, which elapsed between the termination of this dispute, and the commencement of the American rebellion ; though the HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 161 nation enjoyed profound peace ; together with all the advantages of a flourishing commerce, augmenting opulence, and progressive prosperity, yet the sover- eign WHS by no means popular. New sources of discontent, and imaginary or doubtful subjects of complaint, were in- geniously discovered. Lord Bute had, indeed, disappeared from the theatre of public life ; and the Princess Dowager of Wales, whose supposed influence over her son, rendered her always an object of attack, was no more. She ex- pired in 1772, of a most painful disease, which she supported with uncommon firmness. But, other names and figures succeeded to their pretended influence behind the curtain of state. Bradshaw, surnamed " the cream-coloured para- site, and Dyson, gave place to the su- perior ascendancy of Jenkinson, who was accused of directing, unseen, the resolutions of the cabinet, and of possess- ing the interior secret, as well as con- fidence, of the crown. A prince, dis- tinguished by almost every domestic virtue, animated by the noblest inten- tions, and by the warmest aflfection for his people, was represented as despotic, inflexible, vindictive, and disposed lo govern by unconstitutional means or en- gines. His very pleasures, his tastes, and his private recreations, were tra- duced or satirized, as bearing the same stamp and impression. Poetry lent her aid to expose these personal weak- nesses, if such they were, to public ani- madversion or ridicule. The " Heroic Epistle to Sir William Chambers" (commonly, though perhaps erroneously attributed to one of the finest poetic wri- ters of the period. Mason) ; rivalled " Junius" in delicacy of invective, in its insulting irony, and in the severity of fls imputations. Such appeared to be the state of public opinion, and such the prejudices generally entertained against the king, throughout the nation, at the period when, in the summer of 1775, hostilities began on the American con- tinent. That George the Third, from a very early period of his reign, had imbibed a deeply rooted opinion of the parliamen- tary right inherent in the mother country, to tax her American colonies, and of the practicability, or rather the facility, 14* of the attempt, if made ; no well-inform- ed man can entertain a doubt. I have been assured by a nobleman now alive, that as early as 1764, his majesty, con- versing with Mr, George Grenville, then first minister, on the subject of the finances, which, after the close of the tri- umphant" Seven Years War,"demanded economy, no less than ability, to re-esta- blish ; mentioned to him as one great pecuniary resource, the measure of tax- ing America. Mr. Grenville replied, that he had frequently revolved, and thoroughly considered the proposition, which he believed to be not only diffi- cult, but impracticable ; and pregnant, if undertaken, with the most alarming consequences to the sovereign himself. These apprehensions, far, however, from intimidating or discouraging the king, made no impression on his mind ; and in a subsequent conversation with the same minister, his majesty gave him plainly to understand, that if he wanted either nerves or inclination to make the attempt, others could be foimd who were ready to undertake it. The words pro- duced their full effect upon the person to whom they were addressed ; and Mr. Grenville preferred endeavouring to rea- lize the experiment, however hazardous he might esteem it, rather than allow it to be committed to other hands. It failed at that time, but was revived ten years later, with more serious national results, under Lord North's adminis- tration. I have always considered the princi- ple upon which that war commenced, and peculiarly as affecting the king, to have been not only defensible, but meri- torious. It was not a war of preroga- tive, but a contest undertaken for main- taining the right of parliament to impose taxes on British America. If George the Third would have separated the in- terests of his crown, from those of the legislature, he might have made advan- tageous terms with his trans-Atlantic subjects : but he disdained any compro- mise by which he must have dissevered himself from his parliament. Nor have I ever esteemed the political and mili- tary conductors of the American revolu- tion, as other than successful rebels of unquestionable courage, constancy, and ability ; whatever eulogiums were con- 162 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. ferred on ihem in the House of Com- mons, by Fox and Burke. I well know that the names of Franklin and of Washington have been consecrated by a very numerous part of the inhabi- tants of Great Britain. The former, if considered as a natural philosopher, a philanthropist, and a man of genius, doubtless may lay claim to universal esteem. Nor are the abstract preten- sions of Washington less conspicuous, when contemplated as a general, and a citizen of America. In both capacities he may rank with Cincinnatus, or with the younger Calo. But, in the estima- tion of all who regard the parliamentary supremacy of the mother country over colonies, which had been not merely planted, but likewise preserved, by the expenditure of Britisii blood and trea- sure, as constituting an immutable prin- ciple ; a sovereign who would not have maintained that supremacy, must have been unworthy of the sceptre. The whole life of William the Third, from his attainment of manhood, down to the last moments of his existence, was passed in a continual struggle to pre- serve the liberties of his own country, or those of England, against arbitrary power. His name will ever be connect- ed with constitutional freedom, and as such, is cherished in our remembrance. But, does any person suppose, that if William had reigned over the British Isles, at the period of the American rebellion; whatever love of civil liberty might animate him as a man, he would on that account have relinquished the rights of his parliament and his crown ? Or that he would have tamely acqui- e ced in the refusal of his American sub- jects, to contribute, by indirect taxation, to the general wants of the empire ? 'j'hose who venture to form such a con- clusion, must, as it seems to me, have very imperfectly studied the character, or appreciated the actions, of that illus- trious prince. The wisdom and policy of the Ameri- can war, may perhaps appear more doubtful. The attempt in the first in- stance to tax, and afterwards to reduce by force, a vast continent, separated from Great Britain by an immense ocean, in- habited by a people who were individu- ally indebted many millions to the mo- ther country, ardent for emancipatioiT, and sufficiently unanimous in their re- sistance to the parent state, to be able to call out into action nearly all the per- sons capable of bearing arms; — such an experiment, even, if speculatively considered, would doubtless have im- pressed any wise statesman, as hazard- ous in itself, and of very uncertain issue. In the case before us, all these im- pediments acquired additional strength, from other concurring circumstances. A large proportion of society here at home, regarded the American rebellion with favourable eyes, and secretly wish- ed success to the cause ; because they dreaded lest the British constitution it- self would not long survive the increase of power and influence, that the crown must necessarily derive from the subju- gation of the colonies beyond the Atlan- tic. In both Houses of Parliament, a numerous, active, and increas^ing party openly maintained and justified the in- surrection, rejoiced in their triumphs, and reprobated in theory, no less than in practice, the attempt to subjugate the revolted stales. Even those who did not approve such political principles, yet saw in the war, if it should prove unsuccessful, a means of overturning the administration. The inability of Great Britain to levy and to send from her own population, a military force sufficiently numerous for reducing to obedience so many pro- vinces, extending from the frontiers of Canada, to the borders of Florida; com- pelled the government to obtain addi- tional troops, by application to various of 1 the German powers. From the Land- ■ grave of Hesse Cassel in particular, who had married a daughter of George the Second, many thousands were procured. These stipendiaries, though perhaps not more justly objects of moral or political condemnation, than were the Swiss and Grison regiments permanently retained in the service of France, or the Scotch corps then serving in the pay of Hol- land ; yet increased the popular cry, and furnished to the opposition, subjects of obloquy, or of declamation. That France must, sooner or later, interfere in favour of the Americans, became like- wise obvious ; because the French minis- try, listening only to the narrow sugges- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 163 lions of national rivality, did not, or \ would not perceive, tliat it could never be llie wise policy of a despotic govern- ment, to aid tlie cause of revolt, by send- ing forces out of the country, to imbibe principles of freedom and resistance among rebels. It is an unquestionable fact, that the late unfortunate Louis the Sixteenth possessed enlargement of mind and sound discernment sufficient to feel this truth. He even objected strongly to the policy of detaching French troops to the assistance of Washington ; and he was only overruled in his opposition to the measure, by his deference for the coun- sels of Maurepas and Vergennes. France has since dearly paid, under Robespierre and Bonaparte, for her deviation from tlie dictates of wisdom, as well as of magna- nimity, in thus supporting insurrection. ' It is, however, in the conduct of that unfortunate contest, that we must pnri- cipally seek for the cause of its ill suc- cess. Near three years elapsed from the lime of its commencement, before the court of Versailles ventured openly to in- te'^rpose as an enemy. But, the Howes appear to have been either lukewarm, or remiss, or negligent, or incapable. Lord North's selection of those two com- manders, for the purpose of subjecting America, excited, at the time, just con- demnation ; however brave, able, or me- ritorious, they miglit individually be es- teemed as professional men. Their ardour in the cause itself was doubted ; and still more questionable was their at- ■' _ lachment to the" administration. Never, m perhaps, in the history of modern war, ■ has an army, or a fleet, been more pro- ■ fusely supplied with every requisite for ^k brilliant and efficient service, than were Hta the troops and ships sent out by Lord ^H North's cabinet in 1776, across the At- lantic. But, the efforts abroad, did not correspond with the exertions made at home. The energy and activity of a Wellington, never animated that torpid mass. Neither vigilance, enterprise, nor co-operation, characterized the cam- paigns of 1776 and 1777. Dissipation, play, and relaxation of discipline, found their way into the British camp. New York became another Capua, though the genius and resources of Hannibal were not displayed by Sir William Howe. The defeat at Trenton, which was criti- cally unfortunate, rescued the Congress from the lowest slate of depression. After Burgoyne's surrender at Saratoga, little rational probability of success re- mained ; and when Clinton succeeded to the command of the army at New York, by the recall of Sir William Howe, the French were on the point of declaring in favour of the Americans. The loyalty and courage of Sir Henry Clinton were besides more distinguished, than were his military talents. Even the British troops, engaged in a species of civil war, did not maniiest the same eagerness or alacrity, as when opposed to a foreign enemy, though they displayed in every engagement their accustomed steadiness and valour. The service itself, from the nature of the country, became severe, painful, and discouraging. Lakes, swamps, morasses, and almost impene- trable forests, presented, at every step, obstacles not easily overcome by the bravest soldiers. And though the scene of hostilities was successively shifted, from Boston to New York ; thence to the banks of the Chesapeake and the Delaware; finally, to the southern and central provinces of Carolina and Vir- ginia ; yet the results, however promis- ing they might be at the commencement, proved always tiltimately abortive. We have recently witnessed similar conse- quences flowing from nearly the same causes, during the progress of our second contest with America. At home, a gradual and increasing discontent overspread the kingdom, pervaded all classes, and seemed to me- nace the administration with the effects of popular, or national resentment. The navy, divided into parties, no longer blocked the enemies ports, or carried victory wherever it appeared, as it had done in the commencement of his ma- jesty's reign. Our distant possessions, unprotected by superior fleets, fell into the hands of France or Spain. Even our commerce were intercepted, cap- tured, and greatly diminished. Each year seemed to produce new foreign ad- versaries, and to augment the public embarrassments or distress. Ministers who were neither vigorous, nor fortu- nate, nor popular, holding even their offices by a precarious tenure, inspired no coflfidence in their measures. The 164 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. opposition, though diminished by the exertions which government had made to secure a majority in the lower house, on the convocation of a new parlia- ment, were numerous, confident, able, and indefatigable. They saw, or be- lieved they saw, the object of their grasp, at no great distance. Futurity presented to all men, a most discoura- ging prospect ; and peace appeared to be not only distant, but unattainable, except by such sacrifices of national revenue, territory, and honour, as could not be contemplated without a degree of dis- may. America might be considered as lost to Great Britain ; while our pos- sessions in the East Indies seemed to be menaced with total subversion. Those who remember the period to which I allude, will not think the colours of this description either heightened or over- charged. At no moment of the revolu- tionary war whicli we almost unintermit- ingly sustained against the French, from 1793 to 1614; neither in 1797, during the mutiny in the navy ; nor in 1799, after the unsuccessful expedition to the Helder; nor in 1805, subsequent to the battle of Austerlitz ; nor in 1806, when the Prussian monarchy fell at Aiierstadt ; nor in 1807, at the peace of Tilsit ; nor when Sir John Moore was compelled, early in 1809, to re-embark at Cornnna, and the whole Pyrenean peninsula seemed to lie prostrate at the fleet of its Corsican master: — though each of these aeras unquestion- ably presents images of great national depression, did a deeper despondency prevail among all ranks of society, than existed towards the close of the Ameri- can contest, as the administration of Lord North drew to its termination. In the midst of so universal a dejection, the king remained altogether unmoved. Neither defeats, nor dilHculties, nor the number of his foreign enemies, nor domestic opposition, unhinged his mind, or shook his resolution. Convinced that he could not abandon the struggle in which he was engaged, however ar- duous or doubtful might be the result, without renouncing his own birlh-rigiil, the interests of his crown, the supremacy of parliament, and the best portion of the British empire; he never vacillated, nor showed, for a single moment, any dispo- sition to dismiss his ministers. What- ever irresolution, difference of opinion, or apprehension, might pervade the cabi- net itself, at certain moments, none of these sentiments agitated the sovereign. He only desired to abide the issue, and to maintain the contest. It is perhaps for posterity to decide on the degree of approbation or of blame, political and moral, which such a character and con- duct, under such circumstances, may justly challenge : but, even if we should incline to censure, or to condemn, we cannot help in some measure respecting and admiring it. As, however, his ma- jesty's opinions and wishes were uni- versally known or understood throughout the country, a proportionate degree of unpopularity fell personally on him ; and he was regarded as the vital princi- ple which animated, sustainerl, and pro- pelled the administration. When we consider this fact, in addition to all the preceding statements given of his mea- sures since he acceded to the throne; we shall no longer wonder, that in de- fiance of so many claims to the aflfec- tionate veneration of his people, he was nevertheless, at this period of his reign, by no means an object of general par- tiality or attachment. Lord North, who had already occu- pied the post of first lord of the trea- sury, and chancellor of the exchequer, during eleven years, was then in the full vigour of his faculties, having nearly accomplished the forty-ninth year of his age. His head and face exceedingly re- minded the beholder, of the portraits of Pope Leo the Tenth. In his person he was of the middle size, heavy, large, and much inclined to corpulency. There appeared in the cast and formation of Ins countenance, nay even in his man- ner, so strong a resemblance to the royal family of England, th:it it was difficult not to perceive it. Like them, he had a fair complexion, regular features, light hair, with bushy eyebrows, and grey eyes, rather prominent in his head. His face might be indeed esteemed a carica- ture of the king; and those who re- membered t!ie intimacy which subsisted between Frederic, the late Prince of Wales, and the Earl, as well as Countess of Guildford, Lord North's father and mother; a circumstance to which allu- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 165 sion has already been made ; found no difficulty in accounting, though perhaps very unjustly, for that similarity. He possessed an advantage, considered in his ministerial capacity, which neither of his iwo immediate predecessors, the Marquis of Rockingham, or the Duke of Grafton, could boast ; and, in which, his three immediate successors in office, Lord Rockingham, liord Shelburne, and the Duke of Porthind, were equally deti- cienl. I mean, lliat being, not a member of the House of Peers, but a commoner, he had attained in the course of years, that intimate knowledge of the lower house, its formation, composition, and the modes of conducting or influencing it as a hody, which nothing can confer, except long habits of debate, and the necessity of daily personal attendance. His natural affability rendered him be- sides so accessible, and the communi- cativeness of his temper inclined him so much to conversation, that every mem- ber of the house found a facility in be- coming known to him. Never indeed was a tirst minister less intrenched within the forms of his official situation. He seemed, on the contrary, always happy to throw aside his public cha- racter, and to relapse into an individual. His tongue being rather too large for his moutii, rendered his articulation somewhat thick, thougli not at all indis- tinct. It is to this peculiarity or defect in his enunciation, that " Junius" al- ludes in one of his Letters, written in January, 1770, when he says, after men- tioning the Duke of Grafton's resigna- tion, " The palm of ministerial firmness is now transferred to Lord North. He tells us so, himspjf, with the plenitude of the ore rotundo.'''' He did not, how- ever, bedew his hearers while addressing his discourse to them, as Burnet tells us, the Duke of Lauderdale, so well known under Charles the Second's reign, al- ways did, in consequence of the faulty conformation of his tongue. In parlia- ment, the deficiency of Lord North's sight was productive to him of many inconveniences. For, even at the dis- tance of a few feet, he saw very imper- fectly ; and across the house, he was unable to distinguish persons with any degree of certainty or accuracy. In speaking, walking, and every motion, it is not enough to say that he wanted grace : he was to the last degree awk- ward. It can hardly obtain belief, that in a full House of Commons, he took off, on the point of his sword, the wig of Mr. Welbore Ellis, and carried it a con- siderable way across the floor, without ever suspecting, or perceiving it. The fact happened in this manner. Mr. Ellis, who was then treasurer of the navy, and well advanced towards his seventieth year, always sat at the lowest corner of the treasury bench, a few feet removed from Lord North. The latter, having occasion to go down the house, previousl}' laid his hand on his sword, holding the chafe of the scabbard for- ward, nearly in a horizontal direction. Mr. Ellis, stooping at the same instant that the first minister rose, the point of the scabbard came e.\actly in contact with the treasurer of the navy's wig, which it completely took off, and bore away. The accident, however ludicrous, was wholly unseen by Lord North, who received the first intimation of it, from the involuntary bursts of laughter that it occasioned in every quarter of the house. Mr. Ellis, however, without altering a muscle of his countenance, and preserv- ing the most perfect gravity in the midst of the general convulsion ; having re- ceived back his wig, re-adjusted it to his head, and waited patiently till the house had recovered from the effect of so extraordinary, as well as ridiculous an occurrence. In addition to his defect of sight. Lord North was subject likewise to a consti- tutional somnolency, which neither the animated declamations of Fox, nor the pathetic invocations of Burke, nor the hoarse menaces of Barre, could always prevent. It attacked him even on the treasury bench, sometimes with irresist- ible force. Nor was he altogether ex- empt from its influence when in private society. Having called on a lady of condition, one evening, the charms of whose person and conversation were universally acknowledged at the time of which I am writing, but, whom I forbear to name, he found her engaged in a vie- lent altercation with her sister-in-law. Lord North, with his characteristic good humour, attempted to interpose his me- diation, and to accommodate the quarrel : 166 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. but he found this negotiation more diffi- 1 pelled to say, ' O quam belle concio cult than that of tlie Falkland Islands, and they were not to be pacified without recurrinjr to legal assistance. He con- sented therefore to wait, till the lady of the house should return from her solici- tor's chambers in Lincoln's Inn, which she promised to do without delay. Seating himself in an arm-chair before the fire, he soon fell into a profound sleep, from which he was nftt awakened by the entrance of one of the maid ser- vants ; who, seeing a corpulent man, with a blue ribband across his breast, asleep in her mistress's drawing room, and being unacquainted with the lirst minister's person, ran down into the kitchen, to give the alarm. Yet in de- fiance of all these physical infirmities, whenever he rose to reply in the House of Commons, he displayed no want of rexjollection, presence of mind, or accu- racy. He seldom, or never, took notes ; trusting to his memory for retaining the principal facts which occurred during the preceding discussion. Sir Grey Cooper, however, who commonly saton his left hand, supplied on particular oc- casions that deficiency. Lord North was powerful, able, and fluent in debate; sometimes repelling the charges made against liim, with solid argument; but, still more frequently eluding or blunting the weapons of his antagonists, by the force of wit and hu- mour. Fox, conscious of the first mi- nister's superiority in exciting a laugh, and irritated at being often the object of his talent for ridicule, more than once endeavoured to silence him by severity of animadversion. I remember, soon after I came into parliament, towards nans J' " Mr. Thomas Townsend, al- luding about the same time, in the House of Commons, to Lord North's unequalled powers of that nature ; expressed his astonishment at the facility with which, while the empire was convulsed in every quarter, the first lord of the treasury could summon to his aid, all the weapons of wit and levity. " Happen what will," said he, " the noble lord is ready with hisjoke. Amidst the calami- ties of the war, and the ruin of the coun- try, while the state of pul)lic affairs renders every other person serious, he is prepared to treat events the most dis- tressing, as subjects of merriment, of gaiety, and of repartee ! Such is his luxuriant fancy, and sportive elasticity of character," These observations, however acrimonious, were not desti- tute of truth ; but it was impossible to resist the effect of Lord North's talents for ridicule. They never forsook him ; not even on the night of the seventh of June, 1780, when London was blazing round him ; nor on the I8th of March, 1782, only forty-eight hours before he re- signed, when he jested in the House of Commons on the tax which he meant to- impose upon hair-dressers : — such was the formation of his mind. Sir Thomas More, chancellorunder Henry the Eighth, one of the greatest, wisest, and most vir- tuous ministers that England ever saw, displayed the same facetiousness through- out every stage of his life, and exhibited it even on the scaffold, during his last moments. Lord North rarely rose to sublimity, though ho possessed vast facility and command of language. If necessary, he the close of 1780, during the debate could speak for a long time, apparently which arose upon Sir Hugh Palliser's nomination to the government of Green- wich Hospital ; Lord North having ex- hibited his talents in that line of de- fence, Fox exclaimed, " there may be ingenuity, and there doulitless is wit in the noble lord's reply, but there is no judgment. A joke constitutes a poor consolation for so many gallant admirals as have been forced out of the service. The prime minister is satisfied if he can only raise a laugh. He hopes that if the opposers of his measures cannot approve his reasoning, they may still be cora- with great pathos, and yet disclose no important fact, nor reveal any secret. I have heard Fox himself, while inveigh- ing in the strongest manner against Lord North, yet bear a sort of reluc- tant testimony to his ability in this re- spect. When the subject of opening a treaty with the American colonies was agitated in the House of Commons, to- wards the conclusion of the session of 1781, the first minister having opposed, on general grounds, the motion brought forward by opposition, Fox, in the course of a long and very animated HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 167 speech, observed, " The noble lord pre- fers speaking indefinitely on the present question. It is frequently inconvenient for him to answer directly to matters of fact, and he tlierefore amuses parliament with general ideas or propositions. For, there exists, not within these walls, nor in the kingdom, a more complete master of language than the chancellor of the exchequer, nor one who can more plausibly discourse on any subject." The sincerity, as well as the justice of this recognition, could admit of no dis- pute. Tlien adverting to Lord George Germain's well known fair or unguarded mode of expression, Fox added, " Tlie noble lord who sits near the first lord of the treasury, is less accustomed to en- tertain his audience with general speeches, and commonly comes directly to the fact." An unalterable suavity and equality of temper, which was na- tural to Lord North, enabled him to sustain, unmoved, the bitter sarcasms and severe accusations, levelled at him from the opposition benches. They always seemed to sink into him, like a cannon ball into a wool sack. Some- times, the coarse invectives of Alder- man Sawbridge, or the fiery sallies of George Byng, roused him from his seeming apathy; and effected the object, which the delicate irony, or laboured at- tacks of more able adversaries, had failed to produce. Once, and only once, during the time that I sat in par- liament, I witnessed his rising to a pitch of the most generous indignation. Barre attracted this storm on himself, by the reproaches which he made the first minister, for oppressing the people with taxes; or as he coarsely termed it, " scourging them to the last drop of their blood :" reproaches, equally un- called for by the occasion, as they were delivered with insulting asperity of lan- guage. The incident happened after the close of that memorable debate, when Gene- ral Conway, on the 22d of February, 1782, may be said to have terminated the American war ; administration only carrying the question by a single vote. Lord North, alluding to this recent triumph of the opposition, said in reply to Barre, that " He presumed the divi- sion of that evening had inflamed the colonel's valour to such intemperate abuse," which he qualified with the epithets of "insolent and brutal." I scarcely ever recollect a scene of greater tumult and general disorder, than took place on his pronouncing the above words. The first minister had time, during the uproar and cries oi order, to recollect himself; and as soon as silence was in some measure restored, he apo- logised to the house for his indiscre- tion ; adding in a manner the most good humoured, '■ To bs sure, Mr. Speaker, it was wrong in me, who have been so long accustomed to parliamentary abuse, to be irritated at any expressions. I can bear, 1 believe, as much as any man ; and I am persuaded, the house will give nie credit, when I repeat that I support abuse as patiently as any indi- vidual." Several of the opposition members, among whom were Colonel Barre's colleague, Dunning, and Mr. William Pitt ; insisting that a personal excuse or apology was due to Barre himself, as well as to the house, Lord North submitted to the expressed plea- sure of the assembly. " But, the co- lonel, " cui lumen adonptwn,''' by no means manifested the same suavity and complacency in accepting, which the chancellor of the exchequer had exhi- bited in makincr, the required apology. Getting up, he began a speech of con- siderable length, by observing that "Though he in general differed upon political points with the noble lord, and despised him as a minister, yet as a pri- vate genUeman, he esteemed ,Lord North." He then proceeded to demon- strate that every member possessed a right to use witli impunity, the most severe epithets towards a public func- tionary, the servant of the state, though that right was not reciprocal. He would even have again recapitulated the particulars of the whole transaction, if Cornwall had not very properly interposed from the chair, and imposed silence on him. Thus terminated the business. Pitt did not then foresee that a day would arrive, when he should stand precisely in the predicament of Lord North. No doubt, Pitt and Tierney, when they met on Putney Common in 1798, exchanged shots for less provocation : but, a duel between les HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. Lord North and Barre, would have ex- cited a sort of ridicule ; the former see- ing very imperfectly with both eyes, and the latter possessing only one de- fective eye. Besides, the emotions of anger and resentment appeared to be foreign to Lord North's nature, and as if only put on occasionally in order to serve a particular purpose. He was indeed incapable of retaining enmity, though he felt, and sometimes expressed contempt for those individuals, who abandoned him from mean and merce- nary motives. The best proof of his placability was exhibited by himself, several years afterwards, accompanied with that wit and pleasantry which cha- racterised him on every oc ;asion. Barre and he meeting on the Pantiles at Tunbridge Wells, where great civilities took place between them ; " Colonel," said Lord North, " notwithstanding all that may have passed formerly in par- liament, when we were on different sides, I am persuaded that there are not two men in the kingdom, who would now be more happy to see each other." They were both at that time totally de- prived of sight, and led about by their attendants. Baited, harassed, and worried as he always was in parliament, during the latter years of his administration, he never manifested any impatience for the termination of the session : on the con- trary, doubts were entertained among those persons who knew him best, whe- ther he did not derive a gratification from keeping the House of Commons sitting. That assembly presented in fact a theatre on which he acted tlie first personage, where he attracted almost all attention, and where his abilities ren- dered him hardly less conspicuous, than 4iis ministerial situation. In opening the budget, he was esteemed peculiarly lucid, clear, and able. On that account it constituted a day of triumph to his friends and supporters, who exulted in the talent which he displayed, whenever he exhibited the state of the national finances, or imposed new pecuniary burthens. I was twice present at his performance of this arduous task ; first, in 1781, and afterwards, in the follow- ing year, when he executed it for the last time. Each performance appeared to me, very deserving of the encomiums lavished on it; and if compared vvith the incapable manner in which the hud- get was opened by his successor, Lord John (Javendish, when he was chancel- lor of the exchequer in 1783, 1 still con- tinue ol the same opinion. But Lord North could sustain no competition with the late Mr. Pitt, who on those, as on all oilier occasions, manifested a perspi- cuity, eloquence, recollection, and talent, altogether wonderful; which carried the audience along with him in every arithmetical statement, left no calcula- tion obscure or ambiguous, and impress- ed the house at its close with tumultu- ous admiration. Lord North could descend without ef- fort, I might say, with ease and dignity, from the highest offices of his public situation in the House of Commons, to the lowest duties of a private member. In the spring of the year 1781, when "the Secret Committee for enquiring into the Causes of the War in the Carnatic," was appointed by ballot, I was named one of the scrutineers, to examine the names of the persons chosen to compose it. The house being about to break up, we were standing round the table, when some voices called out the name of Lord North for a scrutineer. Far from declining to engage in such an oc- cupation, which he might easily have done, on account of his official busi- ness and employments, he instantly re- paired with the members nominated, to one of the committee rooms. We sal till a late hour before the scrutiny was finished, and dined together up stairs. And if he made the worst scrutineer, he was certainly the pleasantest and best companion, during the whole time- He possessed a classic mind, full of in- formation, and always enlivened by wit, as well as sweetened by good humour. When young, he had travelled over a considerable part of Europe, and he knew the continent well : he spoke French with facility, and was equally versed in the great writings of antiquity. It was impossible to experience dulness in his society. Even during the last years of his life, when nearly or totally blind, and labouring under many infirmi- ties ; yet his equanimity of temper never forsook him, nor even his gaiety, and HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 169 powers of conversation. I have fre- quently seen him display the utmost cheerfulness, under those circumstances so trying to human nature. As a statesman, his enemies charged him with irresolution : but he might ra- ther be taxed with indolence and procras- tination, than with want of decision. He naturally loved to postpone, though when it became necessary to resolve, he could abide firmly by his determi- nation. Never had any minister purer hands, nor manifested less rapacity. In fact, he amassed no wealth, after an adminislraUon of twelve years. When 1 he quitted office, his circumstances were by no means opulent, and he had a nu- merous family. I well remember that when Powis accused him (in the course of that memorable speech which made so deep an impression on the house pro- nounced in December, 1781), of insen- sibility to the calamities of tlie country, and (»f clinging to employment, from unworthy motives of an interested or pe- cuniary nature ; Lord North repelled the imputation with the calmness and dig- nity of conscious integrity. " I do not desire," said he, " to make any affected display of my personal purity or disin- terestedness. I will, however, declare, that with respect to my inco(ne, I would most cheerfully give it all ; not only the part which 1 derive from the public purse, but my own private for- tune, if I could thereby accelerate an honourable, speedy, and advantageous peace !" There was not, I believe, a man on the opposite side of the house, without even excepting George Byng or Sawbridge, though both were bitter enemies to the minister, who doubted either his sincerity or his veracity. His adversaries reproached him likewise, that though incapable of personally de- scending to unworthy means of enrich- ing himself, he allowed speculations or abuses to be practised by those em- ployed under him. Sawbridge, when speaking in his place, as a member of parliament, alluding to this accusation, exclaimed with Calo, " Curse on his virtues, they've undone his country!" A similar charge was made against 15 the late Mr. Pitt, who, after having been first minister during almost his whole life, left only debts behind him. But it never entered into any man's mind, however inimical he might be, to accuse either Lord North or Mr. Pitt, of making undue purchases in the public funils, or of turning their ministerial in- formation to private purposes of pecu- niary emolument. They were known to be upright and disinterested. The great delect of Lord North's government arose from the easiness of his natural temper, which sometimes perhaps in- duced him to adopt or to defend measures that had not always the sanction of his judgment. Another, and perhaps a greater evil, arising from his facility and want of energy, was, that he did not, like the great Earl of Chatham, suffi- ciently coerce the other members of the cabinet ; each of whom, under Lord North, might be said to form a sort of independent department. They were in fact, rather his co-equals, than his subor- dinates, as they ought to have been ; and the public service often sufl'ered, as I well know, from iheir want of union, or from their clashinginteresis, and private animosities. Duudas himself, while making the panegyric of his friend the first minister, yet avowed this constitu- tional defect in his formation of mind., It happened on the 12lh of December, 1781, during one of the debates in the House of Commons previous to the ter- mination of the American war. " The noble Lord in the blue ribband," said Dundas, *' is actuated in all his measures by the most disinterested zeal for his country. He wants only one quality to render him a great and distinguished statesman ; I mean, a more despotic and commanding temper.'' Burke affected to treat with contemptuous ridicule, these eulogiums of the lord advocate on the chancellor of the exchequer. " The splendour of the noble lord's pub- lic character and administration," observ- ed he, " can only be equalled by the sincerity of the learned lord's praises." But, whatever motives might be impu- ted to Dundas, the fact was indisputable. Lord North excited affection, as well as respect; and awakened admiration at his variety of talents and attainments. But he knew not how to inspire terror, like 170 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. the first Mr. Pilt ; of whom Wilkes says, ) unguarded in private conversation, or in that " the keen lighlning^s of his eye | debate, he was careless in many respects, spoke the haujjhiy, fiery soul, before his [ to a degree hardly credible. I have lips had pronoiuifed a syllable." Even heard a member of his cabinet say, that liis son, the late first minister, though '• it was dangerous to trust him with state he wanted the featwres of the father, in- papers, which he perpetually mislaid or heriled no inconsiderable portion of" the iorgot. A letter of the first political ini- lightniiigs of his eye." j portance, addressed to him by the king, Want of political couracre cannot be j which he had lost ; after a long search, justly attributed to Lord North. If we ! was found lying wide open in the water- reflect that his administration equalled I closet. A strong and mutual afl^'ection in duration, the aggregate period occu- 1 subsisted between his majesty and him, pied by the five preceding mini.-iters, ! as was natural, after the many heavy namely, Mr. Pitt, Lord Bute, Mr. Gren- ' storms that they had weathered together, ville. Lord Rockingham, and the Duke for so many years. This attachment on of Grafton; — and if we consider how the part of the former, though shaken critical, as well as [)erilous, were the and interrupted when Lord North joined limes, particularly during the reverses Mr. Fox in 1783, yet revived in the of the American war, and throughout the I royal bosom at a subsequent period, on riots of June, 1780, which last convul- j Lord North becoming blind ; a circum- sions might have appalled the stoutest I stance at which, when made known to mind; we shall not refuse him a jnstj him, his majesty expressed the deepest claim to the praise of ministerial firm- | concern and syinpalhy. He did not then ness. Even hi.- ultimate resignation in ' probably foresee that he should himself 1782, 1 am convinced, arose more from ! be visited with the same affliction ; a disgust and weari+vess, added to despair, } point of similarity between them, which than from personal fear, or from any is not a little remarkable, defect of nerves. How well aware he | Besides his ministerial offices. Lord was of the precarious tenure by which j North was lord warden of the Cinque he held his power during the four or | Ports, and Lady North enjoyed the ran- five last years of the American war, and i gership of Bushy Park. It was there, how suddenly he might be compelled to j that having escaped from the " Fumum quit his official residence in Downing ! et opes strepitumque Romae,^^ surround- street, may be inferred from a single | ed by his family, he appeared peculiarly circumstance. He had a house at tlie ' an object of esteem and of attachment, south east angle of Grosvenor Square, ! divested of all form or ostentation ; •vhich from its situation in so elegant lively and playful as a boy, yet never and fashionable a quarter of the town, j without dignity ; difl'using gaiety and would easily have found a permanent I good humour round him. Even those tenant. But, Lord North, conscious on who opposed the minister, involuntarily how frail a basis his administration re- posed, would never let it for a longer period than one year. In consequence of this pinci[)le, it annually changed its possessor ; and being frequently taken oved the man. I have had the honour to visit him at Bushy Park, to dine with him when no otherslranger was present, and to participate of the scene that I here describe. As Pope asserts of Sir by newly married couples, ii olitained \ Robert VValpole, so may 1 on this sub the name of Honey Moon Hall. To the ! ject say, house of which I speak, Lord North repaired at the termination of his minis- try, and continvied to reside in it while inhabiting London, down to the time of his decease in 1792. I have often paid 'Seen him I have, but in the social hour Of private converse, ill exchanged for power* The Earl of Guildford, Lord North's my respects to him there of evenings, i father, attained to a very advanced age: between hisla t dismission from employ- ment in December, 1783, and the close of his life; never without sentiments of admiration iSnd respect. Though not I believe, to eighty-six, and had nearly survived his son, only dying about two years before him. So that Lord North, like his predecessor, Sir Robert Wal-» HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 171 pole, remained a member of thfi House of Commons, durinir almost iiis wliole life. Lord Guildford had been three times married ; Dr. North, the present Bishop of VViachesler, being his son by the second wife. Lord North sprung from his first marriage. The minister secured the reversion, if I may so term it, of the bishoprick of Winc-hester, for his brother, by a piece of address. For, the archiepisoopal see of York havinjj- become vacant on the decease of Dr. Druinniond; Lord North, who knew that the king had destined tliat hiiih ec- clesiastical promotion for Dr. Markham. then Bishiip of Chester, deifrniined nevertheless to ask it for Dr. Nordi, Bishop of Worcester. Conscious that he should meet with a refusal, for which he was prepared, he ably made it sub- servient to the atiainntent of his real ob- ject, Winchester ; a mitre that might be reasonably expected soon to drop, from the aofe and infirmities of its pos- sessor, Dr. Thomas. When Lord North preferred his request, the king replied, that it was impossible to gratify him, as the archbishoprick of York must be conferred on the Bishop of Chester. The first minister insisted : but the sovereign remained firm, recapitulated tlie obliga- tions which he owed to Dr. Markham, for his care of the Prince of Wales's education, and left no prospect of effect- ing any change in his resoluiioii. " Your majesty then," said Lord North, " will, I hope, have no objection to give my brotlier the see of Winchester, when- ever it may become vacant?" "Oh, by all means," answered the king, " you may rely on it :" a promise, which soon afterwards received its accomplish- ment. I will conclude the subject of Lord North, on which I dwell with compla- cency, by observing, that though he can- not be esteemed a great statesman in the most comprehensive sense ; though he neither possessed those vast energies of character and extraordinary talents, which have immortalized the first Mr. Pitt ; nor that assemblage of qualities fitted for the conduct of a popular govern- ment, which distinguished the second Mr. Pitt; though Lord North was even a very unfortunate, as well as a most unpopular minister, during the far greater part, or the whole course of his adniinis- tration ; yet he possessed distinguished claims to national esteem. The Ameri- can war formed the weight which dragged him down : a load that would have sunk the great Lord Chatham himself, if he had attempted to lift it, notwithstanding his endowments of mind, sus^lained by popular favour. In the year 1758, when that eminent statesman was called to the direction of p\iblic affairs, not by the sovereign, but by the nation, he had only to conduct and point the resources of the country against France. His son, in 1793, beheld himself placed, as the champion of order, morals, religion, and monarchical government, in -opposition to the most sanguinary and detestable republic (if a fierce democracy, whose sceptre was the guilloline, could be with justice entitled to that denomination) ; which ever arose among men. Both ministers were in some measure sustain- ed and impelled by the very contest. But Lord North, who derived litile sup- port from his countrymen, and none from the nature of the war, could only look to the crown for protection against public clamour, in and out of parliament. In the distribution of honours and digni- ties, he was far more sparing than his successor ; a fact of which we shall be convinced, if we compare the list of peerages created between 1770 and 1782, with those made by Mr. Pitt, when first minister, within the same portion of time, during any period of his adminis- tration. Nor was Lord North equally profuse of the public money, as Mr. Pitt proved himself, whatever severity of cen- sure he underwent for his extravagance or negligence, in the management and expenditure of the finances. No im- peachment of any subordinate minister, or of any member of his cabinet, ever took place, for defalcation, or misappli- cation of sums which passed through his hands, as we witnessed in 1805. Yet the opposition in the lower bouse of parliament, during the whole progress of the American war, exceeded in numbers, and at least equalled in virulence, the minority which impeached Lord Mel- ville. As a man, considered in every private relation, even in his very weakn^^sst s. Lord North was most amiable. Under 172 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. that point of view, his characli;r will rise j on a comparison with any hrsl minister of Great Britain, who existed during liie course of the eighteenth century ; not excepting Lord Godolphin, Mr. Pelham, or the Marquis of Rockingham. The two former individuals were justly ac- cused of a passion for play, which ac- companied them through life ; a vice from which Lord North was wholly exempt. Burnet, who recounts the fa(;l relative to the Lord Treasurer Go- dolphin, says, " He loved gaming the most of any man of business 1 ever knew; and gave one reason for it; be- cause it delivered him from the obligation to talk much." Dodington, when re- laiing Mr. Pelham's attachment to the same ruinous gratification, adds, that he studiously concealed it with the utmost care. Lord North possessed better in- tellectual resources in himself. He pos- sessed likewise the highest sources of enjoyment in his family, surrounded by his numerous and amiable children, 'i'he Marquis of Rockingham, however personally estimable, was childless ; and liord Bute's fire-side was not cha- racterized by the same expansion of the heart, the same emancipation from all severity of form, or the same ebullitions of fancy and intellect. His immediate predecessor, the Duke of Grafton, re- s.pecling whom "Junius" observes, when speaking of his domestic qualities, " Your grace has now made the complete revolution of the political zodiac, from the scorpion in which you stung Lord (Chatham, to the hopes of a virgin in the House of Bioomsbury ;" — the duke could support no competition with Lord North, in the endearing charities of life, where the minister becomes merged in the father, the husband, and the indi- vidual. If we would try to find his equal in these endowments and virtues, we must remount to Wriolhesley, Earl of Southampton, or to Hyde, Earl of Clarendon. Every beholder, while contemplating the monument where rest the remains of the great Earl of Chat- ham, or of the second Mr. Pitt, erected to their memory by national gratitude, must be penetrated with emotions of admiration and respect: but, all those who personally knew Lord North, or had ever mixed with him in society, when regarding his tomb, would in- voluntarily find their eyes suffused in leiTs. The post of secretary of state for the northern department, was at that time filled by Lord Stormont ; a nobleman, who having passed great part of his life in a diplomatic capacity, on the conti- nent, principally at the courts of Dresden and Vienna, necessarily possessed a considerable knowledge of the interests and politics of Europe. He had never- theless manifested no great vigilance, nor displayed any superior penetration, during his recent embassy at Paris ; where, it was commonly believed, he had been deceived by the protestations, or duped by the artifices, of Maurepas and of Vergennes, previous to the open interference of France in the afi'airs of America. I well remember, Powis, when speaking of him, on the 8th of March, 1782, in the course of a speech which made a deep impression on the House of Commons, observed, " Lord Stormont fills the post of one of the . secretaries of state. But, what treaties has he ever signed ? In what instance has he ever displayed the talents of a statesman or a politician 1 Perhaps he may have received at his office, and notified to the king in due form, accounts of the birth, the marriage, or the death of foreign princes. But, all his politics seem there to terminate. How far he can be regarded as a proper minister to negotiate peace with the American colo- nies, we may infer from one of his answers to them." — "His majesty's ministers receive application from rebels, only when they sue for pardon." Yet, what other reply could Lord Stormont then make, representing, as he did, the king, whose embassador he was at the court of Versailles ? Decorated with the insignia of the order of the thistle, his person, noble and imposing, presented the appearance of a man of quality : but his manners, destitute of amenity, stiff and constrained, were not calculated to ingratiate, or to seduce. His enemies accused him of parsimony ; and his greatest admirers admitted that he bore no resemblance to Timon, either in his household, his table, or his general ex- pense. His near alliance to the Earl of Mansfield, of whom he was the ne- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 173 phew and collateral heir, if it conferred no claim to popular favour, unquestion- ably conduced to render him more ac- ceptable at St. James's. Even his op- ponents admitted liim to possess jiulir- ment, as well as applicatitm ; and when- ever he rose in the House of Peers, he displayed a thorough acquaintance with itie subject on which he spoke, together with great precision of language, and force of argument. The Earl of Hillsborough, who held the southern department, was a man of elegant manners, and wanted neither ability, nor attention to public business : but, his natural endowments, however solid, did not arise above mediocrity. He had owed his political, as well as personal elevation in life, more to his good sense, penetration, suavity, and address, than to any intellectual supe- riority. At St. James's he was more at home, than at Westminster; and might rather be esteemed an accomplislied courtier, than a superior minister. His mind was indeed highly cultivated, but ii seemed to be rather the information of a gentleman, than the knowledge of a statesman. I have seen him much em- barrassed and disconcerted in the session of 1781, when called on officially in the House of Lords, to explain, or to jus- tify, the measures adopted in Bengal: — an embarrassment which arose from his ignorance of names, places, and cir- cumstances in that quarter of the globe, ^with which, as secretary of state for the East Indies, he ought to have been ac- quainted. We must, however, recollect that very few persons, except such as were locally connected with India, had then attained any accurate information respecting the company's territories, revenues, and atTairs. Of this assertion I could adduce many proofs. In Fe- bruary, 1782, when Lord Shelburne, while speaking in tiie House of Peers, made allusion to " a king, or supreme rajah of the Mharattas." he felt himself compelled to explain to their lordships, the natvire and narrow limits of that nominal sovereitiniv ; with which, as well as with the ohice of '' peshvv.i," or efficient ruler of the M haratta empire, nine-tenths of his audience were utterly onacquaintcd. I recollect the a.-tonish- tiient, not unmixed with tiuuic degree ol 15* ridicule, excited in the House of Com- mon's on Governor Johnstone's first mention and description of the Harbour of Trincomale in the Island of Ceylon ; a bay, which probably, till that occa- sion, had never been heard of by the greater part of the country members. Though the irruption of Hyder Ally into the Carnatic in 1780, powerfully awa- kened and attracted the national attention to the subject; it was Fox's memora- ble " Bill," followed at a short interval, by Hastings's trial, that diffused over the whole kingdom, an eagerness for oriental knowledge. But Lord George Germain, who pre- sided over the American department, ex- cited, from a variety of causes, far more public consideration, while he presented a fairer mark for parliamentary attack, or for popular declamation, than either of the other secretaries of slate. His recognised abilities, the circumstance of his being a member of the House of Commons; not, like his two colleagues, removed from the front ranks of war- fare, by their situation in the upper House of Parliament ; even the events of his former life, when commanding the British forces in Germany ; and above all, the object of the war in which we were engaged;' a war, that at the commencement of 1781, still professed to be the subjugation of the revolted colonies ; — these united circumstances rendered him, after Lord North, the most prominent person in adminis- tration. As 1 had the honour to enjoy a place in his friendship, and to live with him during the latter years of his life, on terms of great inlimacy, I may pretend to haveknown him well. Nor will I deny that I am partial to his memory ; but, that partiality will never induce me to pervert, or to misrepresent any fact; though 1 am aware that it may uninten- tionally bias my opinion. He had completed his sixty-tifiii year, at this time ; but, a frame of body naturally robust, and a vigorous constitution, secured him almost uninterrupted health, together with the enjoyment of all his faculties ; among which, his memory was conspicuous. In his per'^on, which roic to near six feet, he was muscular, and capable of enduring much bodily as well as menial fatigue. 174 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. Though liis features were strongly pro- nounced and saturnine, yet considered together as a whole, their effect by no means displeased. An air of high birth and dignity, illuminated by strong sense, pervaded every lineament of his face. His countenance indicated intel- lect, particularly his eye, the motions of which were quick and piercing. On first acquaintance, his manner and air impressed those who approached him wiih an idea of proud reserve; but no that period, the materials which he pro- fusely threw before me, 1 might have composed a work of the highest interest to the present age, and to posterity : but mine are only reminiscences. Though Lord George Germain was highly born, his education did not alto- gether correspond with his extraction, and he owed far more to nature than to cultivation. He had, indeed, been brought up in the college of Dublin ; but he possessed little information de- man, in private society, unbent himself rived from books, nor had he improved more, or manifested less self-importance, his mind by extensive reading, in In the midst of his family ; — for he the course of subsequent years. Even rarely dined from home, except at the cabinet dinners; and in the company of a few select friends, he soon forgot the toils annexed to public life, the aspe- rities of debate, and the vexations of office. Even after the latest nights in the House of Commons, he always sat down to a delicately served table, drank after his retreat from public employment, in the decline of life, wlien at Drayton, where he possessed a fine library, he rarely opened an author, except for a short time on his return from coursing, shooting, riding, or other favourite exer- cises. He had visited Paris, when young, with his father, the Duke of a pint of claret, unbent his mind, and Dorset ; and the French language was passed in review the incidents of the familiar to him : but, with Horace, preceding evening. It was then that Tacitus, or Cicero, he had formed little his conversation became most enter- taining; seasoned with curious anec- dotes collected during the course of a long life, passed in the highest circles, amidst the greatest affairs in England, Ireland, Scotland, and on the conti- nent, where he had served ; embra- cing the secret history of the present, and of the two late reigns. Nor was his information limited to the accession of the Hanoverian line, but extended to the preceding sovereigns. The Duchess of Dorset, his mother, had been a maid of honour to Queen Anne ; and his father, the duke, remembered William the Third. When Lord George eniereti on the events of those times, he n)ighi be said to raise the curtain that con- cealed from vulgar eyes, the palaces of Whitehall, of St. James's, of Kensing- ton, and of Hampton Court, 'i'he pri- vate adventures, all the minute recitals calculated to awaken, as well as to gratify curiosity ; many particulars rela- tive to the illustrious persons of both sexes who composed the courts of Wil- liam and of Anne; particulars, which though the gravity of historymay disdain, yet which delight and instruct; — -such were the frequent subjects of his dis- course. Had I committed to paper at acquaintance. His initiation into pub- lic life, politics, and parliament, took place too early, to admit of storing his mind with classic images or ideas. Though he was versed in English his- tory since the time of Elizabeth, during which period of near two centuries, some one of his immediate ancestors had almost always sat, and sometimes pie- sided, in the councils of the sovereign, he was not conversant in our annals of an earlier date. l>ut, on the other hand, he had witnessed much with his own eyes, he had heard still more from others, he seized with eiise on whatever w;is submilled to his understanding, and he forgot nothing. In business he was rapid, yet clear and accurate ; rather negligent in his style, which was that of a gentleman and a man of the world, unstudied, and fre- quently careless, even in his official despatches. But,there was no obscurity or ambiguity in his compositions. Capable of application in cases of neces- sity, he nevertheless passed little time at the desk, or in the closet: and while secretary of state, under critical, as well as perilous circumstances, when every courier brought, or might bring, accounts the most disastrous ; no man who sa\^ HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 175 him at table, or of an evening in his drawing room, would liave suspected from his deportment anti conversation, tliat tiie responsibility of the American war re- posed princi|ially on his shoulders. More than one member of the cabinet was sup- posed to enjoy a greater degree of per- sonal acceptability with the king ; but none exercised the privilege of speaking wiiii more freedom to him. Lord Ueorge seldom hazarded to ask favours ; but when he undertook any cause, he rarely re- ceded till he had obtained the object. Dr. Eliot, who then practised physic with some celebrity, and of whose medi- cal skill Lord George entertained a high opinion ; induced him to exert his inter- est at court,- for procuring the doctor to be created a baronet. The king, who disliked Eliot personally, and regarded his professional talents with as little par- tiality, displayed much repugnance to grant the request. Yielding, however, at last, " Well," my lord," said he, " since you desire it, let it be : but, remember, he shall not be my physician." " No, sir," answered Lord George, bowing, " He shall be your " Majesty's baronet, and my physician." The king laugh- ed, and Eliot was raised to the barone- tage. In the House of Commons, down to the last hour that Lord George remained a member of that assembly, he was con- ptanUy the object of tlie severest and most pointed attacks of the opposition ; -who always hoped to force, from his irritability, the secret or the fact, which they had vainly attempted to extort from the apathy and tranquillity of Lord North. In this endeavour they frequently suc- ceeded ; for Lord George, goaded by reproaches, often fictitious, frequently unjust, and always exaggerated, gene- rally started up sooner or later, repelled the charges advanced, and in so doing, sometimes put the adversary in posses- sion of the very matter which they sought to discover. I have continually witnessed the fact to which I allude. Fox himself admitted this characteristic feature of Lord George's formation of mind. I recollect, that during the de- bate which took place relative to the capture of the Island of St. Eustaiius, in the session of 1781 ; Fox, while he censured most severely the proceedings of our commanders, in their confiscation of the private property there found, ac- knowledged " the unwary frankness of the secretary of state (Lord George), as a quality for which he was sometimes praised in the House of Commons, and blamed out of it." A still more con- spicuous exhibition of this merit, or of this delect in his character, — for 1 am uncertain under which class it ought to be ranked, — I witnessed only a few days later in the same session. Hurke having brought forward a very pointed and serious charge against government, for neglect in not supplying the garrison of Gibraltar, then beseiged by the Spa- niards, with gunpowder ; in consequence of which egregious want of percaution. Admiral Darby, when sent to the relief of the fortress, was reduced to the neces- sity of stripping his fleet, in order to leave two thousand barrels of powder in the magazine ; Sir Charles Cocks, Mr. Kenrick, Sir Charles Frederic, and other members of the board of ordnance, who were present, attempted to contradict the story as not authentic, or of which they had at least no information. But, George Byng persisting in the charge, and demanding a more satisfactory an- swer, the American secretary rose, and observed that though he could only speak from rumour, and had no official nor other intelligence on the point to com- municate, yet that his own opinion was, the report had a foundation in truth. He added, that if it should so turn out, Admiral Darby had acted in a very me- ritorious manner, by leaving for the sup- ply of the garrison whatever quantity of gunpowder he could spare, without en- dangering the saffity of his own fleet. Lord North remained silent during this avowal of Lord George, and took no part whatever in the debate. Lord George spoke, as he wrote, with- out much premeditation, from the im- pulse of the occasion ; in animated, rather than in correct language ; with vehemence, but not without dignity. His voice was powerful, and his ficrnre commanding; though he did not always thoroughly possess himself, nor display the coolness demanded by so trying a situation as that of American secretary. His opponents, who well knew, availed themselves of this defect in his formation 176 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. of mind. On the other hand, the keen- ness of his sight gave him a prodigious advantage over Lord North, when in the House of Commons. Lord George Ger- main had nosooner taken his seat on the treasury bench, than he pcirvaded with a glance of his eye, the opposition benches ; saw who attended, as well as who were absent; and formed his conclusions ac- cordingly on the business of the day. He used to say, that for those who were enabled to exercise this faculty, every thing was to be seen in the house; where, on the contrary, nothing except lexion, and harsh, but handsome and regular features ; with a severe and commanding demea- nour, which might be sometimes deno- minated stern: he impressed his auditors with respect, before he opened his lips. Even his eyebrows, like those of Jove, '■'cuncta siipcrcilio movoitis,''^ conduced to complete the effect of his countenance on the beholder. Energy, acuteness, and prodigious powers of argument, characterised him in debate. His com- prehensive mind enabled him, when he chose to exert its powers, to embrace the question under discussion, whatever it might be, in all its bearings and rela- tions. Nor, if we omit Lord Camden, tracted universal r.es|)ect, if the unpopu- | who was already far advanced in life' 184 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS, did the opposition possess any jurispru- dential talents in the House of Peers, that could be justly put in competition with those of Lord Thurlow, Fox himself, during die whole course of Lord North's administration, always excepted him from the invectives with which he loaded the other members of the cabinet. I remember, on the 8th of May, 1781, when addressing the House of Commons, Fox observed, that " inca- pable as were his majesty's ministers, he must yet make one exception, namely, the chancellor. He is able. He is lionest. He possesses a noble and inde- pendent mind. He stands alone, as a part of such an administration. His situation and treatment among his col- leagues, correspond with the features of his character. They detest him for his virtues. They envy him for his abili- ties. They thwart and torment him by every invention in their power. They seize every occasion to render his posi- tion uneasy. But, from his great intel- lectual resources, his unbroken spirit soars above them ; manifesting at once his consciousness of the injuries medi- tated, and his contempt of their eflbrts." Again, on the 8lh of March, in the sub- sequent year, 1782, only a few days before Lord North resigned, Fox, while expressing his detestation of the ministers collectively, added, " yet even among them, there exists one for whom I enter- lain a great respect. 1 mean, the lord chancellor. He always takes care in- deed to convince the world that he has no share in their measures." If Lord Thurlow had really merited these eulo- giums ; — if, while despising and dis- approving the measures of the cabinet in which he sat and voted, he nevertheless supported lliem in his place on the wool- sack in the House of Peers, and on all occasions; — how relaxed must have been his political principles ? But, Fox dispensed his praises, or his censures, as I always thought, with loo much regard to present circumstances ; retracting the one or the other, just as the exigency of the moment dictated ; and covering all contradictions under the blaze of his elo- quence. Only one year later, in March 1783, at which time he had formed his union with Lord North, he launched out UVto the sever;est stccusaiions. of Lord Thurlow, because at that time Fox kneir the chancellor formed the principal im- pediment to tJie coalition gelling pos- session of the government. Lord Thurlow's admirable inlellectual parts were nevertheless by no means un- I accompanied with corresponding defects, i As lord chancellor, he was accused of procrastination, in suffering the causes brouoht before him in his court, to ac- cumulate without end. Perhaps, this charge, so frequently made against those who have held the great seal, was not however more true, as applied to him, ihan of others who succeeded to his office. But, even in parliament, his temper, morose, sullen, and intractable, sometimes mastering his reason, pre- vented him from always exerting the faculties with which nature had endowed him; oral least clouded and obscured their effect. In the cabinet, these shades of character, which rendered him often impracticable, were not to be surmounted by any efforts or remonstrances. It can hardly be believed that at the weekly ministerial dinners, where, after the cloth was removed, measures of state were often discussed or agitated ; Lord Thurlow would frequently refuse to take any part. He has even more than once left his colleagues to deliberate while he sullenly stretched himself along the chairs, and fell, or appeared to fall, fast asleep. If I had not received this fact from an eye-wimess, and a member of that cabinet, 1 should not indeed venture to report a tlxing so improbable. The circumstance was, however, it may be presumed, well known to Fox and his friends. Notwithstanding the ruggedness and asperity which he displayed, as well as ihe bold freedom of speech exercised by him ; qualities that procured him the nick-name o[ the figei' ; no man could at times appear more pleasing, affable, and communicative in conversation. 1 have once or twice seen him on such occasions, which were more highly valued, because they were rare or un- expected. During 'the period of his youth, he had led a dissolute life ; and like " Ranger" in the " Suspicious Hus- band," had given proofs of his devotion to pleasures, scarcely compatible, as it might. have been thoughtjVviih the so- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 185^ vere studies and profession of the law. To these irregularities, the Duchess of Kingston imprudently ventured to allude, when she said tiiat she could relate *' a Canterbury tale," while on her trial at the bar of the House of Lords, when Thurlow filled the post of attorney general. Like Henley, Earl of Nor- thington, his predecessor in the high office of chancellor (the Lord Ringbone of Anstie's " Hath Guide"), Thurlow mingled oaths and execrations with his common discourse. In the afternoon of life, conviviality, wine, and festive so- ciety, unbent his mind. It was in com- pany with Mr. Rigby, Lord Gower, Lord Weymouth, Mr. Dundas, and a few other select friends, that he threw off his constitutional severity. At the pay office in Whitehall, where Rigby then resided, Lord Thurlow frequently forgot the double toils annexed to his situation, as head of the law, and as minister of state. Perhaps, on these occasions, when the bottle circulated freely, he sometimes indulged himself in animadversions on men and measures, which were afterwards reported to Fox, and might in some measure justify, or at least explain, the expressions used by the latter, when speaking of Lord Thur- low, in the House of Commons. Pos- sessed of faculties so transcendent, how- ever mingled with human weakness and infirmity, he must always be consid !red as one of the most distinguished indi- viduals who has sat in the councils of George the Third, at any period of his reign. We descend now to the less efiicient members of the cabinet. Lord Balluirst, who had been at this time president of the council, ever since the resignation of Lord Gower, in the autumn of 1779, was son to the celebrated Allen Bathurst, creatfd a peer by Queen Anne, in 1711 ; and who might, at the time of his de- cease, be considered as the last of the great knot of wits and men of genius, that rendered in some measure illustrious the short, as well as inglorious ministry, of Oxford and Bolingbroke. It is to him thai Pope addresses the " Third Epistle of his Moral Essays ;" to him, in conjunction with Lord Burlington, the famous architect, that he alludes, when he says, 16* " Who then shall grace, or who improve the soil] Who plants like Bathurst or who builds like Boyle." He lived to an almost patriarchal age, in possession of nearly all the faculties of his body and mind; passing, the greater part of the evening of his life amidst those superb woods^ and under those shades which he had reared, im- mortalized by Pope, at Oakley Grove in Glocestershire ; enjoying the rare felicitj to see his son hold the great seal of England. I believe he died in 1775; having by a singular destiny, which perhaps has no parallel in our history, ouUived more than sixty years, the princess who raised him to the peerage. His son may probably be considered as the least able lawyer to whom the great seal of this country was confided, in the course of the eighteenth century. Lord King, who became chancellor under George the First, though he survived his faculties, and is said to have drivel- led on the bench, originally displayed eminent intellectual powers ; which de- servedly raised him from an obscure origin, his father having been a book- seller at Exeter, to that greatlegal dignity Yet, Lord Bathurst held his office dur ing seven or eight years ; and I have been assured that his decrees, while he pre- sided at the head of the Court of Chan-' eery, were in general regarded by the bar, as wise, just, and unexceptionable. A fact, equally singular as it is true, but, which I know from the best authority,, is, that from November 1775, down to June, 1778, comprehending a period of more than two years and a half, when Lord Weymouth and Lord Bathurst sat together in the same cabinet ; the for- mer nobleman, and not the chancellor, decided all the law questions brought before them in their 7?iiAu"s^er«a/ capacity. His decisions, dictated by admirable sense, united brevity and perspicuity to the most comprehensive intelligence. Lord Bathurst was, of all the members of administration, the most advanced in age ; nor could he, like hit father, boa^t> of exemption from the infirmities usually attendant on that period of life. A de- gree of caducity was visible in his frame, and even his mind did not appear to be wholly exempt from decay. In parlia-- 186 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS: inent, his talents were rarely exerted ; but his unsullied character, and moral qualities, entitled him to universal re- spect. The Earl of Dartmouth, as lord privy seal, in right of h-is office tilled a seat in the cabinet. His near affinity to Lord North, and that circumstance alone, placed him ostensibly in administration ; Lord Dartmouth's mother, Viscountess Lewisham, having married, after her first husband's decease, the Earl of Guildford. In his public character, whether in, or out of parliament, he ex- cited no share of general attention, and lays claim to no place in the history of his own time. The secretary at war, on the contrary, though not possessing a seat in the cabi- net, constituted an object of universal consideration, and attracted all eyes towards him. Mr. Charles Jenkinson, since created Earl of Liverpool, occu- pied in 17S1 that employment. Few persons in the course of this long and eventful reign, have played so import- ant a part behind the curtain of state. Still fewer individuals have attained to such eminence, personal as well as poli- tical, unaided by the advantages of high birth, orofnatural connexions. Descend- ed from a very respectable family, that had been raised to the baronetage by Charles the Second in 1661, his pater- nal fortune was nevertheless of the most limited description, when he commenc- ed his career. But, his talents, which were admirably adapted to secure his future elevation, soon dispersed the clouds that attended the morning of his life.. Tliey recommended him to Lord Bute, then at the head of the treasury, who. made Mr, Jenkinson his private secretary ; and through the interposition of that nobleman, he became not only personally known to the sovereign, but highly acceptable at St. James's. When Lord Bute withdrew in 1763, from the post of first minister, Mr. Jenkinson still continued to occupy the same con- fidential employment under his succes- sor, George Grenville; nor was he. dis- placed till Lord Rockingham came into power, in July, 1765; when Burke suc- ceeded him in that situation. Those who supposed or asserted, that a secret com- munication was still niainlained be- tween Lord Bute and tlie king ; as well' as all those who chose to consitler Lord Bute as the efficient, though concealed, mover of the machine of gnvernment ; accused Mr, Jenkinson of forming the conlidential medium, through which that intercourse was principally maintained. So delicate a trust, if we assume its ex- istence, necessarily exposed him to popu- lar clamour, as being equally unconsti- tutional in itself, and dangerous to the liberties of the British people. But, in porporlion to the obloquy that such an im{)utation excited, was the respect that it attracted. As Lord Bute gradually retired into the shade of private life, and became insensibly forgotten, Mr. Jenkinson pro- porlionably came forward in his own person, and on his own proper merits^ Throughout the whole period of Lord North's administration, from 1770 down to 1782, his intercourse with the king, and even his influence over the royal mind, were assumed to be constant, pro- gressive, commensurate with, and some-- times paramount to, or subversive of, the measures proposed by the first minister. However difficult of proof such assertions were, and however con- trary, as I believe, they were to truth or fact, they did not operate the less forci- bly on the bulk of the nation, and were not less eagerly credited by men of all parties. No denials on the part of per- sons in power, could erase the impres- sion, which newspapers and pamphlets industriously circulated through the kingdom. In the House of Commons, where their operation was widely felt, the speakers in opposition continually affected to consider Lord North, together with the whole cabinet, as played on by unseen agents, who alone possessed the ' secret of state, and tlie real confidence nf the crown. " The noble lord," said Fox, when addressing parliament on the 26th of March, 1781, where I was present and heard him, " would never have been invited to accept his present office, except under the condition of promising to execute the measures chalked out to him respecting America. He would not have been suffered to re- main in office, if he had declined to carry- on the war with the colonies. His ac-. quiescence in, and submission to ihosei; HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 187 weak, as well as wicked measures, in madly beginninfj, ami more madly per- severing in that accursed war, is the price of his place." Lord North, though he rose when Fox sat down, and though he answered many other passages of Fox's speech with great ability, descending to the most minute details, yet neither denied this charge, nor expressed any indignation at such an assertion. His silence emboldened his opponents, who did not scruple even to designate Mr. Jenkiuson as llie depo- sitary ol" this mysterious and undefined influence ; if not exclusively, yet in an eminent degree. Of course, whenever he rose to speak, all attention was ab- sorbed by him, as being the supposed oracle who knew, and might promulgate those hidden truths of stale, in which ministers themselves, it was pretended, were not always allowed to participate, and of which he constituted the only certain channel. At this time he was about fifty-four years of age, and in his person he rose above the common height; but his lank limbs and figure were destitute of ele- gance or grace. The expression of his countenance I find it diflicult to describe, as without having in his face any lines strongly marked, it was not destitute of deep intelligence. Reflection and cau- tion seemed to be stamped on every feature ; while his eyes, like those of Don Manuel Ordonnez in " Gil Bias," were usually, even in conversation, di- rected downwards towards the earth. Something impervious and inscrutable seemed to accompany and to character- ize his demeanour, which awakened curiosity, while it repressed or discour- aged inquiry. His enemies asserted that he resembled a dark lanthorn ; and as much as the human figure or physio- gnomy can ever be supposed to ofl'er such a strange similarity, unquestionably it existed in him. Even the twinkling motion of his eyelids, which he half- closed from, time to time in speaking, made the allusion, however fanciful, more close and striking. Nor should it be omitted, when attempting to transmit to posterity an imperfect outline of the person and address of this celebrated nobleman, that his head continuall)? re- "Aolving on its axis while he addressed his discourse either to the House of Commons, or to any individual, moved in a perpetual circle. His manners were polite, calm, and unassuming; grave, if not cold ; but not distant, without any mixture of pride or affectation. In so- ciety, though reserved, he was not silent: and though guarded on certain topics, communicative on ordinary subjects. He always appeared as if desirous to disclaim, and to reject the consideration, which he involuntarily attracted. It was not difficult, on a short acquaint- ance, to discover that he had read men more than books ; though he had re- ceived an academic education, had been originally destined for the clerieiil pro- fession, and had even been admitted to deacon's orders. Yet he neither mani- fested the elegant information only to be acquired by visiting foreign countries, nor the classical ideas or images derived from a familiarity with the productions of antiquity. Even his knowledge of modern history was rather financial and commercial, than general or critical. But in recompense for these deficiencies of an ornamental kind, he possessed more useful and solid attainments, calcu- lated to raise their possessor in life. No man in official situation, was sup- posed to understand belter the principles of trade, navigation, manufactures, and revenue. He had written and published on those subjects, in a manner that suffi- ciently proved his profound acquaint- ance with them. Supple, patient, mild, laborious, persevering, attentive to im- prove the favourable occasions which presented themselves, and always cool, he never lost the ground that he had once gained. As a speaker in the House of Commons, he rose seldom, unless called out by particular circumstances ; nor, when on his legs, did he ever weary the patience of his auditors. No ray of wit, humour, or levity, pervaded his speeches. He neither introduced into them metaphors, digressions, nor cita- tions. All was fact and business. His language had nothing in it animated or elevated. Scarcely was it indeed al- ways correct, or exempt from some little- inelegancies and redundancies of dic- tion. But it never was defective in the essentials of perspicuity, brevity, and' thorough, inforrnatio.io. He used to re,-- 188 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. mind me of a man crossina: a torrent on stones : and so carefully did he place his foot at every step, as never once to wet his shoe. I have seen him, before a crowded house, acquit himself with wonderful dexterity, while secretary at war, when officially addressing parlia- ment. Such qualifications, even inde- pendent of the supposed favour of the sovereign, necessarily rendered him an object of respect and the attention to every party. Rigby, sole paymaster of the forces, occupied scarcely an inferior place to JenkinsoTi in the public estimation, and seemed to fill a much higher, in his opinion of himself. As if he had meant to show that he acted independently of ministers, and was above their conlroul, he never sat on this government side of the House of Commons; but he did not on that account give the less unqualified support on all occasions to administra- tion. Sheridan, with equal severity and wit, animadverted on this line of conduct, during the course of the de- bate on the 8th of March, 1782 ; when Rigby, though he admitted that Lord North would act properly by resign- ing, yet added, that he should vote for that nobleman's continuance in power. ♦•The right honourable gentleman," ob- served Sheridan, " has long declared that the American war ought to be abandoned, but he has invariably voted for its prosecution. I nevertheless be- lieve that he is very sincere. I doubt not that as a member of this house, as a privy counsellor, and as a private in- dividual, he has always detested the war with America, as much as any man. But, unfortunately, he has never been able to succeed in persuading the pay- master, that it is a bad war. And in whatever character he may speak, it is always the paymaster who votes within these walls. The attacks which he sometimes makes on his noble friend at the head of administration, are in fact therefore only an ingenious mode of giv- ing him support. They are only meta- phorical : but, ^ye and No are speeches that do not admit of a trope." The obtrusive manner in which, at the levee, lie often thrust himself between persons of. the greatest rank, in order more ex- peditiously to approach the sovereign, sufficiently indicated the value in which he held his personal appearance in St. James's. • When in his place in the House of Commons, he was invariably habited in a full dress suit of clothes, commonly of a purple or dark colour, without lace or embroidery, close but- toned, with his sword thrust through the pocket. Corpulent in his person, he was not, on that account, unwieldy or inactive. His countenance was very ex- pressive but not of genius : still less did it indicate timidity or modesty. All the comforts of the pay office seem- ed to be eloquently depictured in it ; and the " lumen piirpureiim'^ which beamed from his sufi'used features, served as a comment on the text of " Junius," when he panegyrizes the Duke of Bedford's solitary protection of " blushing merit," in Mr. Rigby's person. His manner rough, yet frank; bold and overbearing, if not insolent, but manly; admirably set off whatever sentiments he uttered in parliament. Like Jenkinson, he borrowed neither from ancient, nor from modern authors. El is eloquence was altogether his own, simple, strong and natural ; addressed, not 10 the fancy, but to the plain com- prehension of his hearers. Whatever he meant, he expressed indeed without cir- cumlocution, or declamation. There was a happy audacity about his forehead, which must have been the gift of nature : art could never attain to it by any eflorts. He seemed neither to fear, nor even to respect the house, whose composition, as a body, he well knew ; and to the members of which assembly, he never appeared to give credit for any portion of virtue, partriotism, or public spirit. Far from concealing these sentiments, he in- sinuated, or even pronounced them with- out disguise ; and from his lips they neither excited surprise, nor even com- monly awakened reprehension. Fox usually treated Rigby with great cour- tesy ; and on some occasions, even with a degree of attention, approaching to predilection or regard: — sentiments which always met willi a suitable re- turn. Rigby had succeeded liis father, Lord Holland, in the pay office, after a short interval of three years. But She- ridan observed no such management or delicacy towards the paymaster. On HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 18^ the same day tliat he liad commetited with such ingenious severity reh\tive to the incousisient, but, invariable support extended by Rigby to administration : Sheridan animadverted in strong terms, on the disrespectful, or rather, the con- temptuous manner, in which, on all oc- casions, he mentioned the constituent body of the people. " That right ho- nourable member," said he, " treats the petitions recently presented from vari- ous parts of the kingdom, praying for a termination of the American war, in a way highly indecent, and at the same lime equally impolitic. The people begin to be sufHcienlly irritated, and gentlemen will act wisely not to make use of contumelious expressions towards them, in this assembly. They have borne much, and it may perhaps be pru- dent not to insult their patience." Rigby, though not easily arrested or in- timidated, yet submitted in silence to Sheridan's reprehensions of his conduct. If Jeiikinson might be esteemed tiie secret oricle, to whom all those men denominated the kin g''s friends constant- ly looked for direction in difticult cases, as occasionally arose ; Rigby was the avowed standard round which they ral- lied. Their numbers were considerable, though differently reported; and they were supposed by no means to lake their directions implicitly on all occasions, from the treasury. " Junius" treats them with his accustomed severity. " Ministers," says he, when speaking of parliament, "are no longer the pub- lic servants of the state, but, the private domestics of the sovereign. One par- ticular class of men are permitted, to call themselves the king's friends, as if the body of the people were the king's enemies : or as if his majesty looked for a resource or consolation in the attach- ment of a few favourites, against the general contempt and detestation of his subjects. Edward and Richard the Se- cond, made the same distinction between the collective body of the people, and a contemptible party who surrounded the throne." Even in the House of Com- mons, the king's friends were alluded to by name. I remember, on the 15tli of March, 1782, which formed the last debate that took pbice within those walls, previous to Lord North's resigna- tion ; a member of opposition, Mr. Har- rison, one of the two representatives for Grimsby, mentioned them without cir- cumlocution. Lord North, as well as Sir Grey Cooper and Robinson, the two secretaries of the treasury, having declared that they had not named or re- commended any individual for a share in the loan recently negotiated ; Harri- son observed, that he gave them credit for the truth of their assertion. " But," continued ho, " I entertain too good an opinion of the gratitude of the gentlemen who have contracted for the whole of the loan, not to suppose that they will anticipate the noble lord's wishes, by giving to such members of this house as may desire it, a sufficient share of it to retain them steadily in that list, which by way of pre-eminence is denominated, by the honourable appellation of the king's friends. An appellation no doubt given, in order to distinguish them from the factious individuals who have uniformly resisted the salutary measures of his nuijesty's ministers, which have Ivrought the country into its present en- vied situation !" No notice was takea of Harrison's allusion, by any member of administration. As this body of men grew up and increased with the progress of the American war, so with its ter- mination, they seemed to become ex- tinct. After Pitt's victory over ♦' the- coalition," and the convocation of a new parliament in 1784, the king's friends, were found in every part of the House of Commons. But, it was not so in 1781, under Lord North, when Jenkin-. son and Rigby were supposed, however erroneously, to be often more in the real secret of the crown, than the first minister hitiiself. A very select party usually adjourned to the pay office, after late evenings in the House of (commons, where the good cheer and the claret obliterated all painful recollections con- nected with public affairs. The post of treasury of the navy was held by Mr. Welbore Ellis, whom we have since seen, after ostensibly filling the office of colonial secretary of state, for a few weeks on the resiijnation of I^iord George Germain ; and after occu- pying during several years a distinguish- ed place in the ranks of opposition ; raised in the winter of life, by Mr. Pitt, 190 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. like so many other individuals, to tlie dignity of a Brilit^h peer. He might be considered as the iV-es/or of the ministry, and of the House of Commons. In his figure, manner, and deportment, llie very essence of form, he regularly took his place on the treasury bench, dressed in all points as if he had been going to the drawing-room at St. James's. His elo- quence was of the same description as himself, precise, grave, and constrained ; unilluminated by taste, and calculated to convince, more than to exhilarate or electrify his audience. The respect due to his age, character, and employment, rather than the force or novelty of his arguments, commonly secured him a patient hearing; but he was neither lis- tened to with enthusiasm, nor regretted, when he ceased actively to exert his abilities in support of the measures of administration. The attorney general, Wallace, as well as Mansfield, solicitor general, were men of acknowledged talents, par- liamentary, no less than professional. The latter manifested great energies of mind and character. But it might be esteemed in some degree their misfor- tune, that having recently succeeded two persons so eminent as Thurlow and Wedderburn, the house could not avoid judging of them more by comparison with their predecessors, than by their own intrinsic merit. Both the attorney and solicitor general were moreover ob- scured » in the superior intellectual powers, that characterised Mr. Dundas, then lord advocate of Scotland and since created Viscount Melville. His figure, tall, manly, and advantageous ; his countenance, open, cheerful, and pleasingly expressive, though tinged with convivial purple, prejudiced in his favour. Neither the Scotticisms with which his speeches abounded, nor an accent peculiarly northern, as well as uncouth, could prevent his assuming and maintaining that conspicuous place in the ministerial ranks, to which his pre- eminent parts entitled him. These very defects of elocution or of diction, by the ludicrous effect that they pro- duced, became often converted into ad- vantages ; as they unavoilland early perceived the extraordinary talents which nature had conferred on the second ; and in the fond anticipation of that son's fu- ture political elevation, exhausteti on his education every eff'ort which might ex- pand or mature his opening capacity, 17 But he adopted a vicious and dangerous j)rinciple, in ordering that the boy should neither be contradicted or punished, for almost any acts in his power to commit, of peurile misconduct or indiscretion. " Let nothing be done to break his spirit," said Jjord Holland; " the world will effect that business soon enough." When he made the tour of France and Italy, he was accompanied by a gentle- man of eminent parts, Mr. George Ma- cartney, who afterwards, towards the close of a life passed in the public ser- vice, attained, himself, in his own per- son, to the peerage. We may see in the letters of Madame du Deffand to Horace Walpole, the species of impres- sion which Mr. Fox's endowments, and the sallies of his juvenile impetuosity made on the minds of the Parisians. They seem to have considered him as a sort of phenomenon, which dazzled and astonished, more than it pleased or de- lighted them. Before he attained fully to the age at whicli he coidil constitu- tionally vote, though he might speak, in parliament, his father procured him a seat in the House of Commons ; and his talents, aided by his connexions, placed him towards the close of 1772, on the ministerial bench, as a member of the board of treasury. He occupied the situation about two years. This early association to Lord North's administration, might nevertheless be considered as an unfortunate circum- stance in its results, since it involved him in the unpopularity attached to va- rious measures then adopted by the government, which subsequently led to a rupture with America. That even previous to his attainment or acceptance of office, he was regarded by the ene- mies of adminislraiion, as a devoted parlizan of ministry, in training for fu- ture desperate service, is evident from the manner in which " Junius" spijaks of him. Writing to the Duke of Graf- ton, in June, 1771, he says : " In vain would he (the king) have looked around him for another cliaracter so consum- mate as yours, liord Mansfield shrinks i'roiu his principles. His ideas of go- vernment perhaps go farther than your own, but his heart, disgraces the theory of his understaniling, — Charles Fox is yet in blossom ; and as for Mr. Wed- 194 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. ilerburn, there is something about him which even treachery cannot trust." These ministerial fetters did not, how- ever, long detain him in parliamentary bondage. The sarcastic, mode of ex- pression chosen by Lord North, to com- municate Mr. Fox's dismission from the { treasury board, is well known. " His majesty," observed th6 first minister to some persons near him, " has named new commissioners of the treasury, among whom 1 do not see the name of the Hon. Charles James Fox." From that period, having enlisted under the ban- ners of opposition, and being aided by the errors or misfortunes of the Ameri- can war, he attained in the course of about six years, to the highest eminence among the formidable body of men who then opposed the measures of the crown. Pleasures of every description, to which his constitution or inclinations impelled him, divided, however, with political pursuits, the early portion of his life ; some of which, if fame report truly, might have furnished matter for a new " Aialantis." It may be curious, nevertheless, for those persons who only remember him either as a leading member of the minority, or in office as minister, to contemplate Mr. Fox when at the head of the (on, who were then denominated " Macaronis." The au- thor of the " Heroic Epistle to Sir Wil- liam Chamliers," published, 1 believe, early in 1773; which production is commonly, though perhaps erroneously, attributed to Mason ^ describes or pro- duces Fox under that character. After enumerating, with vast felicity of hu- mour and satire, the Asiatic diversions ^■^lpposed to be exhibited for the amuse- ment of the British sovereign, he then i-oncludes ; I cite by memory : "But hark! the sliouts of battle sound from far! The Jews and Macaronis are at war. The Jews prevail, and ihund'ring from the stocks. They seize, they bind, they circumcise Charles Fox. Fair Schwellenliergen smiles the sport to see, And all the maids of honour cry te he." Neither tlie pleasures of refined, or of licentious love, nor the social convivi- ality of the table, although he might oc- casionally indulge in each of these grati- fications, constituted, however, his pre- dominant passion. AH his inclinations, from a very early age, seemed to be concentrated in a more fatal attachment to play. In the prosecution of that pro- pensity, he had squandered prodigious sums before his father's decease, with which Lord Holland's paternal fondness furnished him. To the same pursuit, or rather ratje, he subsequently sacri- ficed a sinecure place of two thousand pounds a year for life, the clerkship of the Pells in Ireland ; of which he came into possession by the demise oi- his elder brother, Stephen, the second Lord Holland, in December, 1774. After holdinsj it scarcely ten months, he sold it to Mr. Charles Jenkinson, since bet- tor known as Earl of Liverpool. He disposed, in a similar manner, of a fine estate and a magnificent house, situated at Kingsgale, in the Isle of Thanet, which Lord Holland had embellished with classic taste, at an expense that could only have been furnished by a paymaster of the forces. On a bleak promonK-ry, the JNorlh Foreland, pro- jecting into the German Ocean, desti- tute of a single tree, and perpetually swept by the east winds, that nobleman constructed a splendid villa, worthy of Lucullus. A colonnade, such as Ictinus might have raised by order of Pericles, extended in front of the edifice ; but which has since been demolished. This supurb retreat, in consequence of Fox's infatuation to the gamino- table, speeddy passed into the possession of Powell, who had been cashier in the paymaster general's office under Lord Holland, and who subsequently finished so tragically his career. The office of clerk of the Pells h'ul been procured for Mr. Fox, as the estate at Kingsgale had been be- queathed to him, by his father. We must confess that these scandalous irre- guhirilies of conduct, or rather vices of character, remind us more of 'i'imon and of Alcibiades, than of Pericles or Demo- sthenes. Fox was not one of tliose dupes who never understand the principles of any game. On the contrary he played ad- ijiirably both at whist, and at picquet ; vvith such skill indeed, that by the ge- neral admission of Brookes's club, he HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 195 might have made four thousand pounds a year, as they cahuilated, at those games, if he would have confined hiin- seif to thfni. But, his misfortune arose from phiyinof at games of chance, par- ticularly at faro. Alter eating and drink- ing plentifully, lie sat down to the faro table, and inevitably rose a loser. Once indeed, and only once, he won about eight tliousand pounds in the course of a single evening. Part of the money he paid away to his creditors, and the re- tnainder he lost again almost immediate- ly, in the same manner. Tlie late Mr. Boolhhy, so well known during many years in the first walks of fashion and dissipation ; himself an irreclaimable gamester, and an intimate friend of Fox ; yet appreciated him with much severity, though with equal truth. "Charles," observ'f'd he, " is unquestionably a man of fir3t-rate talents, but, so deficient in judgment, as never to have succeeded in any olijecl durino his whole life. He loved only three things ; women, play, and politics. Yet, at no period, did he ever form a creditable connexion with a woman. He lost his whole fortune at the gaming-table; and with the excep- tion of about eleven months of his lil'e, he has remained always in opposition." It is difficult to dispute the justice of this portrait. Perhaps we miffht add to Boothby's picture, that towards the close of [lis career, Fox emulated the distinction of. an historian; in the pursuit of which object he made labo- rious efforts, and with a view to facili- tate or to attain it, he appears princi- pally to have undertaken his journey to Paris in 1802. Whether he succeeded better than in the former attempts, pos- terity will determine : but he would cer- tainly have attained a more elevated place in the temple of history, by imita- tinof the line of Zenophon or of Sallust in antiquity, who commemorated the trans- actions of their own times, than by taking for his subject, the reign of James the Second. The first Lord Holland died when his son Charles was about twenty-four ; and before he attained his thirtieiti year, he had completely dissipated every shilling that he could either command, or could procure by the most ruinous expedients. He had even undergone at limes, many of the severest privations annexed to the vicissitudes that mark a gamester's pro- gress ; frequently wanting money to de- fray his common diurnal wants of the most pressing nature. Topham Beau- clerk, a man of high birth, of pleasure, and of letters, who lived much in Fox's society at that period of his life ; used to affirm, that no_ person could form an idea of the extremities to which he had been driven in order to raise money, after losing his last guinea at the faro table. He has been reduced for suc- cessive days, to such distress, as to be under a necessity of having recourse to the waiters of Brookes's club, to lend him assistance. The very chairmen whom he was unable to psy, used to dun him for their arrears. All dignity of character, and independence of mind, must have been lost amidst these scenes of ruinous dissipation. In 1781, he might, however, be considered as an ex- tinct vole mo ; — for, the pecuniary ali- ment that had fed the flame, was long consumed. He never indeed affected or attempted to conceal the stale of poverty into which his passion for play had plunged him. Even on his legs in the House of Commons, I have heard him frequently allude to it. When Lord Holland, his father's accounts, as pay- master of the forces, were brought in some measure before the view of par- liament, during the sesionof 1781 ; Fox observed, that as one of the executors of that deceased nobleman, he lamented the inability under which his nephew lay to make any transfer of property, while those accounts remained unsettled. " Perhaps " added he, " / have not, myself, any more estates to sell ; but I nevertheless feel for the persons who have purchased of me the landed pro- perly bequeathed me under my father's will; the titles to which must always remain in a certain degree precarious, while his executors have not obtained a quietus from the exchequer." Only a few days later in the same session, on the 12th of June, 1781, fiord George Germain, having asserted in the course of his speech, that " mi- nisters had some property to lose, as well as the gentlemen on the other side of the house; and in ruining their coun- try, as they were accused of doing, 196 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. they must involve themselves personally j in destruction," Fox answered, " It is i well known that I have no stake to lose, j but that circumstances willnot abate my ! zeal for the public welfare." Kigby, who probably besran already to foresee the \ termination of Lord North's administra- tion as rapidly approaching, if not immi- j nent, paid Fox many compliments on tiie occasion. " Tiie honourable gentleman," j said Riijby, " represents himself as an j insignificant person, possessing no pro-' perty, and having no stake in liie conn-j try. No man, in my opinion, possesses a more important stake. His talents, | liis connexions, and his prospects, con-' stitute a far more valuable possession, j than a rent roll of many thousands. He is an honour to his country, wliich feels a corresponding public interest in him." Tliese flattering expressions, though re- ceived by Fox with urbanity, he did not the less disclaim in his reply ; adding, " that he could nf)t accept any testimo- nies of good will shown to himself, which were accompanied with censures on his friends," At the time of which I speak. Fox occupied a liouse or lodg- ings in St. James's street, close to the club at Brookes''s, where he passed al- most every hour which was not d(-v(iied to the House of Commons; and during Lord North's administration, parliament usually remained sitting, with short ad- journments, from November till July. That club might then be considered as the rallying point and rendezvous of the opposition ; where, while faro, whist, and suppers prolonged the night-, the principal members of the minority in both houses met, in order to compare their information, or to concert or mature their parliamentary measures. It must not, however, be imagined that either Fox, or the club that he frequented, could altogether escape some severe animadversions, on the part of men who contemplated both the one and the other as objects of moral censure and reproba- tion. 1 recollect that during the session of 1781, Mansfield, then solicitor gene- ral, having brought a bill into the House of Commons, for the prevention of cer- tain abuses practised on the Sunday ; Martin, member for Tevvksbnry, one of the most conscientious and honest men who ever sate in parliament, while he highly commended it, expressed liis j concern that " the gaming houses which were open every Sunday in the imme- diate vicinity of St. James's palace, had not attracted the notice of the learned framer of the bill." He went on to say that " he was astonished how men who passed their whole time in a continued round of offence to morality, could re- concile it to their conscier.ces, to come down to that assembly, and there make laws for the suppression of similar, or even smaller violations of decency among their inferiors in rank and fortune." No notice whatever being taken of these remarks, Martin, in a subsequent stage '| of the bill, spoke out in still bolder Ian- ' guage when Fox was present. He call- ed on the solicitor-general to answer, i why those al)oniinable nurseries of gambling in St. James's street, were not suppressed? "They are," con- tinued he, " the bane of our young men of rank, who, becoming first necessitous, lie open to the seductions of a minister, whose pernicious measures can only be sustained by corruption." Then desig- nating Fox in colours loo accurate to be mistaken, he admitted that there might be some shining exceptions to this de- pravity. " But," added he, " if there are any individuals of pre-eminent abili- ties in this house, who might be the scourge and the terror of any bail admi- nistration, I trust that the learned srentie- man, who is himself a represeniaiive of one of the two universities, will exert his best endeavours to extinguish so cry- ing and so destructive an evil." These sentiments were re-echoed, though in less pointed terms, from other parts of the house. In answer, the solicitor- general observed, that ".no country in Europe could boast of better laws against gaming, than were to be found in our statute books; but, that if men of rank and distinction were determined to com- mit crimes which from their nature must be perpetrated in private, no law could thoroughly reach the evil." Fox mak- ing no reply, though the allusions to himself were palpable, Sheridan rose, and with great address turned aside the weapon, of which he could not altogether blunt the point. Unwilling to offend Martin, who generally voted with op- position, Sheridan directed his attack HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 197 against the administration. " I Inist," said he, " that the learned gentleman who presents himself to the house on this day, in tlie double capacity of a Cato and a Pelronius, at once the cen- soj- morion and the arbiter elegantiarum of the ajre, will turn his attention to- wards tlie suppression of a species of gaming more destructive to morals than any other, and which is nevertheless patronized by the legislature. 1 mean lotteries, which, by suspending all the pursuits of industry, introduce among the lower orders of people every species of depravity. This would be, indeed, an object worthy of his exertion." Mansfield was in his turn silent, and the debate took a new turn. Unquestion- ably, the club at While's, as well as at JBrookes^s, was designated by Martin, when he denounced the evil itself, as he spoke in the plural number. But no member of the cabinet being accused of a pasoion for the gaming-table, though more than one among them frequented White's, the blow fell heavily on Fox, Fitzpatrick, Burgoyne, and their asso- ciates, while it scarcely glanced on mi- nisters. Nature, besides the exrtraordinary en- dowments of mind which she conferred on Fox, had given him likewise a con- stitution originally capable of prodigious exertion. But he had already impaired his bodily powers, by every variety of excess, added to the most violent mental agitations. These acts of imprudence had produced their inevitable conse- quences, though for some time counter- acted by youth, or obviated by medical aid. As early as 1781, Mr. Fox was already attacked with frequent com- plaints of the stomach and bowels, at- tended by acute pain : to moderate the symptoms of which, he usually had re- course to laudanum. The strongest frame must indeed have sunk under such physical and moral exhauslure, if he had allowed himself no interval of re- laxation or repose. But, happily, his passion for some of the amusements and sports of tlie country, almost rivalled his attachment to the gaming-table. No sooner had the shooting season com- menced, than he constantly repaired to Norfolk. Lord Robert Spencer gene- rally accompanied hirn ; and after visit- 17* ing various friends, tliey sometimes hired a small house in the town of Thelford, rose at an early hour, and passed the whole day with a fowling- piece in their hands, among coveys of partridges and pheasants, for successive weeks, during the autumn. These salu- tary occupations never failed of restoring the health that lie had lost in St. James's street, and in the House of Commons. Nor did the rage for play ever en- gross his whole mind, or wholly absorb his faculties. Nature had implanted in his bosom many elevated inclinations, which, though overpowered and op- pressed for a time, yet, as he advanced in life, continually acquired strength. If ambition formed the first, the love of letters constituted the second, of these passions. When he contemplated the extent of his own parliamentary talents, and compared them with those of Lord North, or of every other individual in either house : it was impossible for him not to perceive the moral certainty of his attaining by perseverance, in the course of a few years, almost any public situation to which he might aspire. In the possession and enjoyment of power, he necessarily anticipated the recovery of that independence which he had sacrificed at the gaming-table ; as well as the means of recompensing the zealous friendship or devotion of his numerous adherents. No man in public life, ever possessed more determined friends, or exercised over them a more unbounded influence ; though he was by no means as trac- table and amenable to reason, or to en- treaty, on many occasions, as the appa- rent suavity of his disposition seemed to indicate. Even interest could not always bend him to a compliance with the dic- tates of his judgment, nor expostulation induce him to pay the most ordinary attention to persons who had materially served him. In 1784, at the election of a member for Westminster, which was very obstinately contested ; Horace Walpole, afterwards Earl of Orford, whose age and delicate health prevented him from almost ever leaving his own house ; yet submitted to be carried in a sedan chair, from Berkley Square to the hustings, in Covent Garden, to vote for him. But no remonstrances 198 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. could prevail on Fox to leave his name ai Mr. Waipole's door, thouy;li he passed it continually in his morning walks. Hare himself, who was one of his most favoured associates, vainly exerted every effort to make him say a few civil words to a lady of quality ; the late Mrs of office under Lord North, and his very wants rendered indispensable to him a return to power. JNor, whatever moral disapprobation his private irregularities unquestionably excited in the breast of a sovereio-n, whose whole life was exempt from any breach of decency ordetrorum Hobart, afterwards Albinia, Countess of | could tbose defects of conduct have Buckingliamshire ; by whom he was seated at supper in a great public com- pany, met at Mrs. Crewe's expressly to celebrate the success of his election : a success, to which that lady, as he knew, had contributed by every means in her power ; and who, as her reward, only aspired to attract his notice or attention for a few minutes. He turned his back on her, and would not utter a syllable. Hurt at Fox's neglect. Hare, who sat nearly opposite to him, and who was ac- customed to treat him with the utmost freedom ; took out a pencil, wrote three lines, and pushed the paper across the table to his friend. The lines I shall not transcribe, as they were too ener- getic, or rather, coarse, to allow of their insertion: but, they adjured Fox (in language as strong as Maecenas used to Augustus, when he wrote to the em- peror, " Sistc tandem, Carnifex T^) to turn himself round towards the lady in question. He calmly perused the billet, and then, having torn it in small pieces, which he placed on the table ; without appearing to pay any attention to Hare, he turned his back, if possible, still more decidedly on the person, in whose be- half the expostulation was written. These facts were related to me by a nobleman, a friend of Fox, who was present on the occasion. If ever an individual existed in this country, who, from his natural bias, would have inclined to maintain in their fullest extent, all the just prerogatives of the crown; and who would have re- strained within due limits, every attempt on the part of the people, to diminish its constitutional influence ; we may assert that Fox was the man. The principles of his early education ; the example and exhortations of his father, for whom he always preserved an afieclionate refer- ence, which constituted a mosi pleasing feature of his character ; his first poiiiical connexions ; — all led him to the foot of the tlirone. He had tasted the comforts formed any insurmountable impediment to his attainment of the highest employ- ments. In point of fact, neither the Duke of Grafton, whom "Junius" stig- matizes as " a libertine by profession ;" nor the Earls of liochford and Sandwich, nor Lord Weymouth, nor Lord Barring- ton, nor Lord Thurlow, had been dis- tinguished by sanctity of manners, though they had all occupied the first situations in the stale. Sir Francis Dashwood, who afterwards became premier Baron of England, under the title of Lord Le Despenser; and whom Lord Bute made chancellor of the exchequer in 1762, for his skill, as Wilkes asserts, in casting up tavern bills ; far exceeded in licen- tiousness of conduct, any model exhi- bited since Charles the Second. He had founded a club or society, towards the end of George the Second's reign, denominated from his own name, " the Franciscans, who, to the number of twelve, met at Medmenham Abbey, near Marlow in Bucks, on the banks of the Thames. Wilkes was a member of this unholy fraternity, of which he makes meniion in his letter to Earl Temple, written from Bagshot, in Seplemijer, 1763. Rites, of a nature so subversive of all decency, and calculated, by an imitation of the ceremonies and myste- ries of the Roman Catholic Church, fo render religion itself an object of con- tumely. Were there celebrated, as cannot be redected on without astonishment and reprobation. Sir Francis himself some- limes officiated as high priest, habited in the dress of a Franciscan monk ; en- gaged in pouring a libation from a com- mniiion-cnp, to the mys.ierious object of their homage. Churchill, in his poem of " The (.^andidale," has drawn him under ihis character at Medmenham : but I cannot prevail on myself to cite the pas- sige. Immorality or even profligacy, abstractedly considered, formed therefore, it is evident, no insurmountable bar to employment under George the Third. HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 199 Fox's error arose, if not wholly, yet principaiiy, from a liiH'ereiU source. In the ariloiir of [lolilical opposiiioii, sliinu- ] Ued perhaps hy ilomesiic wants of many Kinds, linding himself so long excluded Irom office, and conscious that he was become personally obnoxious to ihe so- vereign, not so much from iiis irregulari- ties, as by embracing the cause and the defence of the king's revolted subjects beyond the Atlantic ; Fox did not al- ways confine himself within a constitu- tional and temperate resistance to the measures of ihe crown. IVlingling the spirit of faction with the principles of parly ; wlule he appeared only to attack the minister, he levelled many of his severest insinuations or accusations -at the king. He consequently obstructed the attainment of the object, which lay within his grasp. As the American war drew towards its termination, he ob- served scarcely any measure in the con- demnation which he expressed for the authors of the contest. When the new parliament met on the first day of November, 1780, and it was proposed in the address to the throne, that the House of Commons should ac- knowledge, " the sole objects of the king's royal care and concern, were to promote the happiness of his people ;" words merely complimentary ; Fox rising in his place, exclaimed, — "We are called on to recognize the blessings of his majesty's reign. I cannot concur in such a vote, for I am not acquainted with those blessings. The present reign .offers one uninterrupted series of dis- grace, misfortune, and calamity !" Only a few weeks afterwards, in January, 1781, when the debate on the* Dutch war took place, — " The reign of Charles the Second," observed Mr. Fox, who twice engaged in hostilities with Holland, has been denominated an infa- mous reign : but the evils inflicted on this couniry by the Stuarts, were hap- pily retrieved by a revolution : while the ills of the present reign admit of no re- dress." He even proceeded to draw a sort of parallel, or rather contrast, of the most invidious description, between Catherine the Second, and George the Third; two sovereigns who, having as- cended the thrones of Russia and of Great Britain, nearly about the same time, had exhibited an opposite line of conduct: the former e(ii[)ire risini^ under Catherine, into eminence ; while Enor- land, governed by George, sunk into contempt. I recollect that towards the close of the same session of parliament, in June, 1781, during the progress of a debate which arose relative to the pay- ment into the exchequer, of the balances in the hands of public accountants ; Fox, who was well aware of the obloquy under which his father, Lord Holland's memory lay, as " the defaulter of unac- counted millions," entered larijely and warmly into his defence. 'J'he evil, he said, resulted from that most unfor- tunate circumstance of his father's life, his ever having been connected with ad- ministration in the commencenient of the present reign. " Such," continued Fox, *' has uniformly been the impenetrable mystery, atul the intricacy of govern- ment, throughout this unfortunate reign ; such has been the dark, perplexed, and ambiguous system pursued by ministers, that no person who conletnplates it, can pervade the obscurity, or pierce the clouds that invest their measures. It is become impossible to distinguish the real, from the ostensible minister. Hence the guilty author of nefarious or ruinous measures, escapes without censure, while the detestation and the disgrace fall upon the innocent." 'J'he house was at no loss to guess at whom these reflections were pointed. In November, 1779, he far exceeded in severity of language even the foregoing remarks, when he did not hesitate to compare Henry the Sixth with his pre- sent majesty; and to assimilate their characters, qualities, and the disgraces of their respective reigns, as affording themostcompleie resemblance. " Both," he observed, "owed the crown to revolu- tions : both were pious princes, and both lost the acquisitions of their predeces- sor." The speeches of Fox, it must be owned, breathed a very revolutionary spirit, throughout the whole progress of the American war. Smarting under such reflections, the king began to consider the principles and the doctrines of Fox, as inseparably implicated with rebellion. From that instant, the splendour of his talents only enhanced the magnitude of his offence. His uncle, the Duke of 200 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. Richmond, who seemed to emulate the same disliiiciion, and who iiuhilged him- self in remarks equally severe, on the supposed interference of the crown in perpetuating the struggle, might find pardon in the mediocrity of his abilities. But, Fox's fault necessarily inspired deeper feelings of resentment, and may be said to have eminently contributed to the misfortunes of his political life. Amidst the wildest excesses of youth, even while he was the perpetual victim of his passion for play, his elegant mind eagerly cultivated at intervals, a taste for letters. His education had made him early acq\iainted with the writers of Greece and Rome, historical, as well as philosophical and poetical. The beau- tiful passages of Virgil, Horace, Tacitus, Juvenal, and Cicero, which were fami- liar to him, seemed always to present themselves to his memory without an effort. When speaking in parliament, he knew how to avail himself of their assistance, or to convert them to his pur- pose, with a promptitude and facility that it is difficult to imagine. Burke himself was not his superior on this point. So well had he been grounded in classic knowledge, that he could read the Greek, no less than the Roman his- torians, as well as poets, in the original ; and however extraordinary the fact may appear, he found resources in the perusal of their works, under the most severe depressions occasioned by ill success at the gaming-table. Topham Beauclerk, whom I have already had occasion to mention, and who always maintained habits of great intimacy with Fox ; quil- ted him one morning, at six o'clock, after having passed the whole preceding night together at faro. Fortune had been most unfavourable to Fox, whom his friend left in a frame of mind ap- proaching to desperation. Beauclerk's anxiety respecting the consequences which might ensue from such a state of agitation, impelled him to be early at Fox's lodgings; and on arriving, he en- quired, not without apprehension, whe- ther he was risen. The servant reply- ing that Mr. Fox was in the drawing- room, he walked up stairs ; and cautious- ly opening the door, where he expected to behold a frantic gamester, stretched on the floor, bewailing his misfortunes, or plunged in silent despair ; to his equal astonishment and satisfaction, Beauclerk discovered him intently engaged in reading a Greek Herodotus. " What would you have me do," said he, " I have lost my last shilling! Such was the elasticity, suavity, and equality of disposition tliat characterized him ; and with so little effort did he pass from pro- fligate dissipation, to researches of taste or literature. After staking and losing all that he could raise, at faro; instead of exclaiming against fortune, or mani- festing the agitation natural under such circumstances, he has been known to lay his head on the table ; and retaining his place, but, extenuated by fatigue of mind and body, almost immediately to fall into a profound sleep. Mr. Fox was not only conversant with the works of antiquity : modern history, polite letters, and poetry, were equally familiar to him. Few indivi- duals were better instructed in the annals of their own country. Having travelled when young, over France and Italy, he had studied the finest productions of those countries, so fertile in works of genius, at the fountain-head. Davila and Guicciardini, he read in the original. Dante, Ariosto, and Tasso, constituted the frequent companions of his leisure hours, whom he perused with de- light; and the striking parts of which authors, as he proceeded, he constantly marked with his own hand. For the '' Orlando Furioso," one of the most eccentric, but, wonderful proeluctions of human genius, 1 know that he expressed^ great partiality ; preferring it to the " Gierusalemme Liberata." Nor was he devoid,* himself, of some portion of poetic talents, as many compositions of his pen which remain, sufficiently at- test; though for ease, delicacy, and playful satire, he could not stand a com- petition in that branch of accomplish- ment, with his friend and companion Colonel Fitzpatrick. The verses, or Epigram, written on Gibbon's accepting the employment of a lord of trade, in 1779, beginning, " Kin? George in a flight, Lest Gibbon should write Tlie History of England's disgrace ; Tliought no way so sure His pen to secure. As to give the historian a place ;" 1 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 201 I have always understood to be from Fox's pen, thougli it is disowned by Lord Holland, as "certainly not his un- cle's composition. " 1 know, however, that some years afterwards, when his eflecls in St. James's street were seized for debt, and his books were sold ; a set of Gibbon's " Decline and Fall of the Roman Enipire," in the first leaf of which work, Fox had with his own hand inserted the stanzas in qneslion ; produced a very considerable sum, under ihe belief or conviction that he was their author. Fox conversed in French, nearly with the same purity and facility, as he did in English; writing in that language not less correctly, nor with less elegance. A man of his high birth and connexions, possessing qualifications so rare, inde- pendent of his parliamentary abilities, seemed to be pointed out by nature, for the superintendence of the foreign de- partment of state. Those persons who anticipated the fall of Lord North's ad- ministration, ah'eady imagined that they beheld Mr. Fox in that situation, for which talents and education had evidently designed him. Yet, after contempla- ting the portrait which I have here sketch- ed, and which, I imagine, even his greatest admirers, if they are candid, will admit to do him no iiijusti(-e; it is for impartial posterity to determine, whether on full examination of his merits and defects, George the Third may be considered as most deserving of appro- bation or of blame, in never liaving at any period of his reign voluntarily called Mr. Fox to his counsels. If enertry of mind, enlargement of views, firmness of character, amenity of manners, ac- quaintance with foreign courts and lan- guages, facility in conducting business, and prodigious intellectual powers, com- bining eloquence, application, as well as discernment ; — if these endowments are considered as forming an incontest- able claim to public employ ment, unsus- tained by correct moral deportment, or by property ; we must condemn the sentence of exclusion passed upon him. Those persons on the other hand, who consider all talent, however eminent, as radically defective, unless sustained by decorum, and a regard for opinion ; — as well as all who prefer sobriety of con- duct, regularity of manners, and tlie vir- tues of private life, above any ability, which nature can bestow oii man ; — lastly, all who regard judgment, under the controul of strict principle, as the most indispensable requisite of a minis- ter, to whom the public honour and feli- city are in some measure necessarily entrusted; — such persons will probably hesitate before tliey decide too hastily, on the degree of censure or of com- mendation, which the king's conduct towards Fox, ought to excite in our minds. If Fox occupied the first place in the ranks of opposition, Burke might be j)ronounced without contest, the second person in that powerful body. His ex- traordinary endowments of mind, su- perseded every defect of birth, lortune, connexions or country ; and placed him on an eminence, to which no subject in my time, unassisted by those advantages, with the single exception of Mr. Sheri- dan, has ever attained in the public esti- mation. For, it may perhaps be justly questioned, whether the splendid talents of the first Mr. Pitt, would have I'orced his way into the cabinet, unaided and unsastained by his alliance with the family of tirenville, though his own pa- ternal descent was most honourable. Of years much more advanced than Fox, Burke had already attained to the acme of his fame as an orator, and could not well augment the reputation which he had acquired in that capacity. Perhaps, if we were to point out the period of his life, when he stood on the iiighest ground as a public man, in the estimation of all parties, we should name the year 1781. His recent exer- tions in bringing forward the bill for the reform of the civil list, which had engaged such general attention in the last session of the preceding parliament, continued still fresh in recollection. Whatever opinion might be entertained respecting the necessity, or the eligi- bility, oi' those proposed regulations in the royal household ; only one senti- ment pervaded the house and the nation, on the unexampled combination of elo- quence, lab lur, and perseverance, which had been displayed by their enlightened author. They covered with astonish- ment and admiration, even those who 202 ^ HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. from principle or from party, appeared on the Marqnis of Rockingham ; together most strenuous in opposing tlie progress with his long exclusion from office, and of the bill itself, through every stage- | his uiiimpeachetl moral character, con- The very rejection whicli had attended trasled with the irregularity of Fox's many clauses of it, and the address with conduct; we shall not wonder at the high which others were finally evaded or place which he occupied, within, no less eluded, had conduced to raise him in the than without, the walls of the House of national opinion. ! Commons. While, however, I do this justice to i All those persons to whom his me- his talents and intentions, it is impossi- mory is dear, may like to contemplate him ble not to consider with very different at this point of time, when he appears feelings, the splendid euloyium which he most resplendent, as well as free from made on that occasion, of which Necke.r many of the weaknesses, inconsistencies, formed the subject. Burke, in sublime and infirmities, to which our nature is and animated language, described the , subject, and from which he was by no system of public credit adopted by Louis means exempt. His admirers will ra- the Sixteenth, under the guidance of his collect with concern, the querulous la- Genevese financial minister; which he mentations, and unseemly reluctance, depictured as the consummation of human with which, in 1782 and I78.'3, he each ability, economy, and judicious calcula- time quitted the pay office, on the change tioa. Neither Sully, nor Colbert, he ; of administration. They will remember said, could compete with Necker : while the acts of imprudence and indiscretion, the sovereign of France, unlike his pre- 1 not to call them by any harsher name, decessors on the throne, who had re- i which characterized his tenure of office, course when in distress, to the bold during the existence of the coalition frauds or plunges of bankrupt despotism, ' ministry ; to defend, or to palliate which, for raising pecuniary supplies ; built all ; demanded the utmost efff)rts of Fox's his plans on the firm basis of national i parliamentary abilities. They will pro- confidence, sustained by pecuniary re- ; bably admit and lament, his too ardent gulations, calculated to pay the interest prosecution of Hastings, for asserted of the debt thus incurred. Such were i political errors or trespasses, which, the arts and assertions, by which George I even though they had existed in their the Third, Lord Norih, and the Ameri- utmost extent, ought to have found their can war, became objects of reprobation I apnlogv in the difficulties of his situa- If Burke really believed the facts that he tion ; beset, as he was, with domestic laid down, what are we to think of his and foreign enemies, in charge of a vast judgment! But there is a holy mis- empire, and necessitated to find resources taken zeal in politics, as in religion, of on the spot, against internal commo- which delusive cup he had drank deep, tions, no less than against external ho^- The intoxication insensibly dispersed ; tility. They will reprobate with seve- after 1789 ; and before 1792, he beheld rity his intemperate and indecorous Louis the Sixteenth, Necker, and their j conduct, as a member of parliament, in insensate, or pernicious measures, | 1788, on an occasion when the country through a just medium. He then en- at large felt the deepest sympatliy and deavoured to counteract the efl^ecl of his I distress for the intellectual illness of the own oratif)ns. In 1781, the delusion I sovereign. And finally, though they subsisted in all its force. The nnquali-; will exult in the nierilorious line of ac- fied condemnation which he had alwavs tion which he embraced on the com- bestowtd on the American war, from the rnencement of the French revolution, as period of its commencement, seemed to: equally honourable to himself and bene- be at least justified by ihe result of the | fieial to the cause of order and govern- contesl ; and in that sentiment he was i meiit throughout the civilized world ; yet then supported by a majority of the i they cannot forget that he received from British people. When to the operation \ Mr. Pilt soon afterwards, two |iensions of these combined causes, we add the i for three lives, of eii^hteen hundred acknowledged mediocrity of his fortune, pounds a year, each, as his rewaid : and which left him in a sort of dependance ] they will perhaps incline to admit, that HISTORieAL MEMOIRS. 203 on an impartial survey, Mr. Riirke ap- pears greater and more elevated in 1781, than at any subsequent period of his political life. He was liien more tlian fifty years of age, of which he had passed fifteen in the House of Commons. I believe he owed liis first seat in that assembly, not to the Marquis of Rockingham, but to the laie Earl Verney, with whom he had formed some connections of a pecuniary nature; during ihe continuance of which, both that nobleman and Mr. Burke be- came purchasers, to a considerable , amount, of East India slock. The latter, as it was asserted, sold out in time, afier clearing so large a sum by the transaction, as with it to have pur- chased the estate or house at Gregories, near Beconsfield in Bucks, where he always resided when not in London. Lord Verney, less fortunate, or less prudent, though possessed of a vast landed property, was almost ruined b_v his East India purchases ; and Richard Burke, Edmund's brother, who was j then a practitioner at the bar, being likewise involved in the same losing concern, was said to be unable to fulfil his stock engagements ; or, in the lan- guage of Change Alley, to have wad- dled. Hence, in allusion to this circum- stance, his enemies, instead of Dick Burke, commoidy called him Duck Burke. Edmund, in 1781, rented a house in the broad sanctuary, West- minster, conveniently situated for his attendance in parliament ; but, enter- tained very little company; and his pecuniary obligations to the Marquis of Rockingham, which were known to be great, sufficiently indicated the limited nature of his private fortune. Nature had bestowed on him a bound- less imagination, aided by a memory of equal strength and tenacity. His fancy was so vivid, that it seemed to light up by its own powers, and to burn without consuming the aliment on which it fed : sometime^ be-aring him away into ideal scenes created by his own exuberant mind, but from which he, sooner or later, returned to the subject of debate ; descending from his most aerial flights by a gentle anil imperceptible gradation, till he again touched the ground. Learning wailed on him like a hand- maid, presenting to his choice, all that antiquity has culled or invented, most elucitlatory of the topic untler disi-ussion. He always seemed to be oppressed under the load and variety of his intel- lectual treasures ; of which he frequently scattered portions with a lavish hand, to inattentive, impatient, ignorant, hungry, and sleepy hearers, undeserving of such presents. Nor did he resist, though warned by the clamorous vociferation of the house, to restrain or to abbreviate his speeches. Every powerof oratory was wielded by him in turn : for, he could be during the same evening, often within the space of a few minutes, pathetic and humorous ; acrimonious and concilia- ling ; now giving a loose to his indigna- tion or severity ; and then, almost in the same breath, calling to his assistance, wit and ridicule. It would be endless to cite instances of this versatility of dis- position, and of the rapidity of his tran- sitions, ' ' From grave to gay, from lively to severe," that I have, myself, witnessed. I will only rneniion one, as a proof of his wit, which occurred in the session of 1781, not many months after 1 first came into parliament. The secretary at war (Jen- kinson), having laid on the table of the house, an account of the extraordinaries of the army, where the sums remitted to America during ihe preceding year ex- ceeded two millions seven hundred thousand pounds ; Mr. Harley, through whose hands the greater part of the money had passed, rose in order to give some account of its application. For that purpose, the alderman, who was no orator, and who very rarely obtruded himself on the speaker's aiieniion ; read from a paper wiiich he held in his hand, a few gross sums or items, whi(;h con- stituted the greater part of the enormous expenditure under examination. His recital scarcely took up five minutes. Burke instantly rising, exclaimed, " This account is, I believe, the most laconic that ever was given of so great a sum of money, expended in the public service. Considering the magnitude of the sum? tliat the right honorable gentleman has swullowed, he really merits admiration for the prompiilude with which he has 204 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. either digested, or disgorged them. His charge and liis discharge are equally expeditious. He is a species of canal, through which the prolusion of the government [)asses. I imagine, however, it does not tlow off altogether without contribulino- something to his nourish- ment. No doubt such remittances, like the mud of ihe Nile, have in them a fattening quality; or, to use a vulgar phrase, they stick to the ribs. Oh ! how I long for an inspection of this Harleian Miscellany V^ Ahlerman Harley, the subject of these metaphors, listened to them with great composure, and did not attempt to make any reply : but no or- dinar}' muscles could resist their effect. I remember on another occasion, where Burke had covered Lord North with ridicule (I think it was upon the report made by the commissioners of accounts in 1781), that nobleman answered all his arguments at considerable length. " And now, Mr. Speaker," said he, " I believe I have replied to every thing which has fallen from the honourable gentleman, except his wit. Tlial. I readily acknowledge, is unanswerable, he being greatly my superior in that respect." Notwithstanding indeed the acrimonious personal virulence with which Burke frequently treated Lord North, no man in the House of Commons appeared to enjoy his sallies ol wit. more than the first minister. He laughed immoderately, when Burke compared the sympathy or mutual dependence of administration and the American war, to the Porter's breech and Taliacolius's nose in "• Hudibras." "They will both," said he, "expire together: " When life of parent nock is out, OH' drops the syiiipaihetic snout." *' So, with the termination of the present war, will their places be extinguished." Yet, with such an assemblage of endow- ments, which would have sufficed to form many orators ; though Burke in- structed, delighted, and astonished, he frequently fatiguctd, because his faculties were not controlled by a severe judg- ment. In his dress and exterior, he was not less negligent than Fox : but, the spirit of party did not blend with the colour of his apparel ; and he rarely or never came to the house in blue and buff, though I heard him eulogise Laurens, the American ex-president when a pri- soner in the tower, in terms such as Pope, uses when speaking oi Jitter bury, under the same circumstances. On that occasion he did not scruple to produce, and to read as part of his speech, a letter addressed to him by Dr. Franklin, from Paris, in answer to his own application on the subject of effecting or facilitating General Burgoyne's release, by his ex- change agansi Laurens. I have always considered Buike's conduct, in thus opening a correspondence with the repre- sentative of a revolted body of men, who was then residing at the court of France, with which nation we were at open war ; as one of the greatest insults on the government, on parliament, on tlie laws, and on the majesty of the sovereign, which has been committed in our time, by any subject, with impunity. It was only exceeded by Fox's sending a dele- gate from himself, as head of the opposi- tion, to Petersburgh, in 1791 ; an act for wliich, it seemed to me, he might justly have been impeached. But, Hastings and Lord Melville were both sent to take their trial at the bar of the peers, under the present reign, while Fox and Burke escaped all prosecution. When the latter ventured to boast in the House of Commons, of his intercourse with Frank- lin, he relied on the passive endurance of an unpopular cabinet, divided among themselves, and sinking under the con- test with a combination of European powers leagued against us for the eman- cipation of America. There were not wanting, however, individuals, even at that moment of British humiliation and embarrassment, who rose and expressed their indignation of Burke's temerity. " Good God !" exclaimed Lord New- haven, " do not my senses deceive me ! can a member of this assembly, not only avow his correspondence with a rebel, but dare to read it to us!" — George Onslow, member for Guildford, seemed disposed to adopt measures of censure against Burke ; but, the speaker inter- posing, stopt him as disortlerly, there being no motion before the house. Nei- ther Lord North, nor Lord George Ger- main, wlio were both present, and spoke HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 205 on the question, alluded to Burke's cor- respondence; and he treated Lord New- haven's animadversions wilh conienip- titous levity. Burke constantly wore spectacles. His enunciation was vehe- ment, rapid, and never checked by any embarrassment : for his ideas outran his powers of utterance, and he drew from an exhausiless source. But, his Irish accent, which was as strong as if he had never quitted the banks of the Shannon, sometimes held him down in his seat, by the skirts of his coal, in order to pre- vent the ebullitions of his violence or in- dignation. Gentle, mild, and amenable to argument in private society, of which he formed the delight and the ornament, he was often intemperate and reprehen- sibly personal in parliament. Fox, how- ever irritated, never forgot that he was a chiei'. Burke, in his most sublime flights, was only a pariizan. 'i'he diminished to the ear, the enchanting countenance of the latter, lull of inielleci, effect of his eloquence on the mind. | but destitute of softness, and which Dundas, who laboured under a similar rarely relaxed into a smile, did not in- impediment, yet turned it to account, if vite approach or conciliation. His en- I may so express myself; some of his expressions or allusions, by the variation in pronouncing a single letter, or press- ing too hard upon a vowel, frequently producing such an equivocal sound, con- veying at the same time so strange an impression on the ears of his audience, as put to flight all gravity, and convulsed the house with laughter. In brilliancy of wit, Lnrd North alone could compete wilh Burke ; for Sheridan had not then appeared, Burke extracted all his images from classic authorities : a fact, of which among a hundred others, he displayed a beautiful exemplification, when he said of Wilkes, borne along in triumph by the mob, that he resembled Pindar, elevated on the wings of poetical inspi- ration, "Numerisque ferlur Lege solulis :" a pun of admirable delicacy, and the closest application, inilies and prejudices, ihouijh iliey origi- nated in principle, as well as in convic- tion, yet became tinged with the viru- lent spirit of parly ; and were eventu- ally in many instances, inveterate, un- just, and insurmountable. Infinitelv more respectable than Fox, lie was, ne- vertheless, far less amiable. Exempt fVom his defects and irregularities, Burke wanted the suavity of Fox's manner, his amenity, and his placability. The one procured more admirers. 'I'lie other possessed more friends. Though acting together lo a common point, as members of the House of Conimf)ns, and embarked in the same cause, tfieir intimacy seemed always to commence, and lo cease, at the entrance of the lobby. Burke retired from the discharge of his parliamentary functions, exhausted, chagrined, and often irritated ; to repair immediaiely to his family, or to the duties and avocations of domestic lil'e. Fox, always fresh, and never more alert than after a long debate, only quilted the His personal qualities of temper and house, inorderlodrivetoBrookes's. Even disposition (such is the infirmity of our nature), by no means corresponded with his intellectual endowments. Throuirh- out his general manner and deportment ill parliament, there was a mixture of petulanny, impatience, and at times of iiitractabiliiy, wiiitrh greatly obscured the lustre of his talents. His very fea- tures, and the undulating motions o! his head, while under the influence of anger or passion, were eloquently expressive of this irritability, which on some occa- sions seemed lo approach towards alien- ation of mind. Even his friends could noi always induce him lo listen to rea- son and remonstrance, thoui^h they 18 in their nearest approximations, there were always essential and striking distinc- tions between the two ()p[)osition leaders. In aeiiius, in learning, in eloquence, in politics, they were assimilated. But in their occupations, ainusemenls, society, companions, and modes of life, never were two men more discordant. They coniinued, nevertheless, to act together throui^h suc'ceeding parliaments, in good and in adverse fortune, nnlil the French revolution finally dissevered them. The obvious defeclof Burke was want of tem- per ami self-command. Fox's laierit blemish lay in his dissolute habits and ruined fortune, which enabled his ene- 206 HISTORICAL MEMOIRiS. mies to compare him with Catiline. Biith watueti jiaJgment to perceive, that even under the free constitutiun ol' Great Briiain, the cabinet, though it may be taken by storm, cannot be long held ex- cept by favour. Mr. Fox, in 1806, when luirorlunalely at the end of his career, appears to have itiorougiily come up wuh this great triilli, of wiiicli, in I '7 81, he was either regardless or igno- rant. In surveying the opposition s'ule of the House of (Joumionis at this period, t!ie idea of Barre iiaiurally and unavoidably sugger^ls Itself afier that of Burke. Both were natives of the same country, Ire- land ; and both had attained to vast eelebriiy in their adopted country, Eng- land. But no sort of comparison could be made between their talents, aL'quire- ment:*, or claim to general admiration ; in all of which Burke possessed an in- finite superiority. Of an athletic frame and mould, endowed with extraordinary powers of voice, Barre, as a speaker, roughly enforced, rather than solicited or atiracied attention. Severe, and someiimes coarse in his censures or ac- cusations, he nevertheless always sus- tained his charges against ministers, however strong, with considerable force of argument and language. He, too, as well as Burke, lavished his encomiums on the banker of Copet, the financier of France ; whose example for enligluened economy, and impartial pecuniary retri- bution, Barre recommended to Lord North's imilaiion. But he was more measured in his panegyrics than Burke, and did not elevate Necker above Sully and Colbert. Slow, measured, and dic- tatorial in his manner of enunciation, he was not carried away by those beautiful digressions of genius or fancy, with whicli Burke captivated and entertained his audieirce. Master, nevertheless, of his subject, and more attentive than Burke, not to fatigue the patience of the house when he saw them eaijer to rise, he frequently obtained a more indtiigeni hearing. Deprived already of one eye, and menaced with a priva'tifjii of both ; advanced in years, grey-headed, and of a savacje aspect, he reminded the behold- ers when he rose, of Belisarius, raiiier than of Tully, Yet possessing a culti- vated understanding, conversant with the works of antiquity, and able on occasion t| to press them into his service, he some- limes displayed a great diversity of in- formation. JNear him, on the same bench, in the front ranks of the minority, usually sat his friend and colleague. Dunning. Never perhaps did nature enclose a i more illuminated mind, in a body of l meaner and more abject appearance. It is difficult to do justice to the pecu- liar species of ugliness which character- | isedhis person and figure, although he did ' not labour under any absolute deformity of shape or limb. A degree of infirmity, and almost of debility or decay in his organs, augmented the effect of his other bodily misfortunes. Even his voice was so husky and choked with phlegm, that It relused utterance lo the sentiments which were dictated by his superior intelligence. In consequence of this physical impediment, he lay always under a necessity of involuntary an- nouncing his intention to address the liouse, some time before he actually rose, by the repeated attempts which he made to clear his throat. But all these imperfections and defects of con- figuration, were obliterated by the ability which he displayed. In spite of the monotony of his tones, and his total want of animation, as well as grace ; yet so powerful was reason when flowing Iroin his lips, that every murmur became hushed, and every ear attentive. It seemed, nevertheless, the acute sophistry of a lawyer, rather than the speech of a man of the world, or the eloquence of a man of letters and education. Every sentence, though admirable in itself, yet resembled more the pleading of the bur, than the t)ratory of the senate. So diffi- cult is it for the most expanded or en- lightened iiiielleci, to throw off the Irabiis of a [)rofession. Dunning rather subdued his hearers, by his povv'ers of argumeiilalive ratiocination, which have rarely been exceeded, than he could be said lo delight his audience. His legal talents soon afterwards raised him to the peerage; just in time to attain that ele- vation, as his constitution speelily sunk under accumulated disorders, which hurried him prematurely to the grave. This extraordinary man, who was not exempt from great infirmity of HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 207 mind, felt, or perceived so little his cor- poreal delicieiicies, as to consider his person witii extraordinary predilection. Fond of viewing his face in the glass, he passed no time more to his satisfac- tion, ifian in decorating himself for his appearance in the world. He and Barre, who were fellow-labourers in the same vineyard, represented likewise the same borough, Calne ; and belonged, or at least looked up to the same political chief, Lord Shelburne. They conse- quenilv were animated b)' no common principle of union, or of action, with Fox and Burke, except one ; that of overturning the administration. On all other points, a secret jealousy and rivality subsisted between the adherents of the Shelburne and the Rockingham parties which, in consequence of an accident that befel him in the course of his pro- fessional life, had been almost laid Ihit- gave him an equally vulgar and unplea, sant air. His abilities were indeed of a very limited description, altogether unfit for such a theatre as |)arliamenl: but, the minority having already destined him to succeed, and to supplant. Lord Sandwich, as soon as they could gain possession of power, it became indispen- sable to sustain him on every occasion, with all their efforts. Another distinguished naval comman- der, Lord Howe, who then filled a seat in the house, might likewise be num- bered among the determined opponents of government. Since his return from America, he had not enjoyed the smiles of the court; but his professional cha- Admiral Keppel might likewise be j meter supported him with the publif. accounted among the principal members of opposition in the House of Commons at this period ; though his oratorical talents seemed to be no more conspicu- ously exerted in debate, than his nauti- cal skill as a commander, had been dis- played on the quarter-deck, during the memorable action of the 27th of July, 1778. But, the persecution, which, as it was pretended, he had undergone, for his conduct on that day ; the accusation brought against him by Palliser, and the ministerial, as well as royal enmity, which he had incurred ; — these political merits, when added to his connection with the Duke of Bedford, whom the opposition had already marked as their own, though he was not quite sixteen years of age at this time: elevated him to a consideration, which he could other- wise never have attained. Excluded from representing the borough of Wind- sor, at the recent general election in 1780 ; the popular efli'ervescence of the moment, inflamed at his rejection, where it was supposed that the inlhi His steady, cool, and phlegmatic cour- age, sustained by great nautical experi- ence and skill ; when added to the wholesome severity of his discipline while on service, deservedly placed him high in the estimation of all parties. Among the sailors he was known, from his dark complexion, by the epithet of " Black Dick." If no genius could be discovered in the lines of his face, there was in them an expression of serene and passive tortimde which could not be mistaken. His profile bore, indeed, a very strong resemblance to the portraits of George the First, from whom, by his mother, he descend- ed. She was the natural daughter of that prince, by his mistress, Madame de Platen, whom he created Countess of Darlington, some years after his acces- sion to the crown of Great Britain. In parliament, as an orator. Lord Howe made, if possible, a worse figure tliaii Keppel ; who, when he addressed the house, was at least intelligible, though he might not greatly illuminate the sub- ence and personal exertions of the sove- ject. Lord Howe's ideas were com- reign among the tradesmen of the town, had considerably operated to his preju- dice, brought him in for Surreys : a county in which he possessed no pro- perly, uor any hereditary interest. There appeared neither dignity in his person, nor intelligence in his counte- nance, the features of which were of the most ordinary cast : and his nose, monly either so ill conceived by himself, or so darkly and ambiguously expressed, that it was by no means easy to com- prehend his precise meaning. 'I'his oracular and confused mode of delivery, rendered still more obscure by the part of the house where he usually sat, which was on a back row, at a distance from the speaker's chair, increased, however, 208 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. the effect of his oratory ; and seemed to exemplif}- Burke's assertion, that "Obscurity is a source of the sublime." Sir George Savile, who represented the county of York, attracted, from his descent and alliances, great considera- tion. His known integrity and disinter- estedness, joined to his extensive landed property, elevated him in the public opinion, more than any endowments of intellect, or parliamentary ability. He possessed, nevertheless, plain manly sense, and a facility of utterance, which, even independent of his high character and ample fortune, always secured him attention. Lord John Cavendish was listened to, whenever he rose, with similar de- ference or predilection ; nor was he al- together destitute of some pretension to eloquence. His near alliance to the Duke of Devonshire, the head of the whig Interest, his very name, connect- ed with the revolution of 1668, which secured the liberties of Great Britain ; his umblemished reputation, and his ta- lents, though in themselves very moder- ate ; — all these qualities combined to impress with esteem, even those who differed most from him in political opi- nion. Homely in his figure, of num- ners, simple, unassuming, and desiiniip of all elegance or dignity ; he presented the appearance of a yeoman or a me- chanic, rather than of a man of high quality. Nature had in the most legible characters, stamped honesty on the fea- tures of his countenance ; but she had not accompanied it with any ornamental pre- sent. The opposition already considered him as chancellor of the exchequer in embryo. General Conway, brother to the Earl of Hertford, though by no means a man of eminent capacity, or a superior speaker, yet surpassed in these respects either of the two last-mentioned indivi- duals. His military experience, acquired in Germany during the " Seven Years War ;" his birth and illustrious descent, together with the recollection of his having already occupied one of the most eminent employments of state under a former administration ; as he filled the post of secretary for the home depart- ment, during the short period of ten months when Lord Rockingham presided at the treasury in 1765 and the follow- ing year; — so many pretensions, au- thorized him to expect a situation no less conspicuous, in any future ministe- rial arrangement. Though he had al- ready passed his sixtieth year, yet his figure and deportment were exceedingly distinguished, nor did he want abilities ; but his enunciation, embarrassed, and often involved, generally did injustice to his conceptions. Mr. Thomas Townsend, commonly denominated " Tommy Townsend," and commemorated under that name, in Gold- smith's celebrated poem of" Retaliation," where he describes Burke, " Tho' fraught with all learning, yet straining his throat, To induce Tommy Townsend to lend him a vote ;" look confidently forward, no less than General Conway, to a high place in. some future ministry, when Lord North sfiould be driven from power. Nor were his expectations eventually disappointed. Having held the lucrative post of joint paymaster of the forces, at an earl)' pe- riod of his majesty's reign, during about six months, he was already a member of the privy council. He possessed likewise a very independent fi>ruine, and considerable parliamentary interest, pre- sent, as well as prospective ; two cir- cumstances which greatly contributed to his personal, no less than to his politi- cal elevation : — for, his abilities, though respectable, scarcely rose above medio- crity. Yet, as he always spoke with facility, sometimes with energy, and was never embarrassed by any degree of timidity, he maintained a conspicuous place in the front ranks of opposition. General Burgoyne would not deserve any mention in this list, if respect were had only to his parliamentary talents : but, his sufferings in the cause of opposi- tion, which elevated him to the rank of a martyr, like Keppel ; Fox's attachment towards him, and his connexion by mar- riage with Lord Derby, one of the mi- nority chiefs; — these merits supplied every deficiency. In his person he rose above the common height, and when young, must have possessed a distin- guished figure: but, years had enfeebled him, though he was cast in an athletic niSTORICAL MEMOIRS. 209 mouhl. His military services in the field had never been resplendent. He seemed more filled for the drawinij-room, than for the camp ; for pleasing,' in so- ciety, than for commandinir armies. No man possessed more polished manners. His manifestos were more admired for their composition, while he was at the head of the British forces in America, tlian his tactics or his manoeuvres. Ol his dramatic talents, the comedy of the '•Heiress" forms an eminent proof; atid I beliSve, he contributed his aid to the celebrated •' Probationary Odes." It was difficult to contemplate him, without recollecting the disgraceful co- lours under which " Junius" has desig- nated him, as taking his stand at a gam- ing-table, and waicliing with the sober- est attention, for a fair opportunity of engaging a drunken young nobleman at picquet;"as "drawing a regular and splendid subsistence from play ;" and as " sitting down for the remainder of his life, infamous and contented, with the money received from the Duke of Grafton, for the sale of a patent place in the customs." These aspersions, which never received any public answer, did not prevent his occui)ying a distinguish- ed place in Fox's regard ; who exhibited a strong proof of it, by becoming Bur- goyne's nominee on the committee ap- pointed to try the contested election for the borough of Preston, which he re- presented in the spring of 1781. Sup- ported by such ability, the general kept his seat. I have been assured that when he returned on his parole from America, in May, 1778 ; the o|)posilion, appre- hensive of his taking part with adminis- tration, and fearful that he might accuse the adherents of Congress in this cotin- try, with having contributed by their language in parliament, if not by other modes of encouragement, to the resist- ance that produced the disaster of Sara- toga ; determined if possible to gain him. For^that purpose Fox went down pri- vately toHounsliiW in a hired post chaise, where he met Bnrgoyne soon after he had landed, on his way from Plymouth to London. In the course of a long and confidential interview. Fox convinced him so thoroughly, that the ministers would not sup[)ort him ; that Lord George Germain must accuse him, in 18* order to exculpate himself; that the king had imbibed very strong prejudices against him, and that the administration could not last a twelvemonth ; as to in- duce the general to transfer his charges of misconduct, from the opposition, to the treasury bench. Present protection, and future employment, whenever they should attain to power, followed of course. I have no doubt of the accu- racy of this fact, as I received it from high living authority. Burgoyne always aflected to consider the whole admiiiislralion, as leagued against him, in order to retard or to im- pede his exchange. Towards Lord George Germain, who presided over the Ameii- can department, he of course felt, and freqiienlly expressed, great personal alienation, or rather asperity. 1 remem- ber hearing liim declare in his place, as a member of parliament, towards the close of Lord North's ministry, in De- cember, 1781, that he would raiher sub- mit to be recalled to America by Con- gress, and be committed to a dungeon, there to perish, than condescend to soli- cit a favour from men who had oppressed him in a manner the most severe; who had refused him a court martial-; who had calumniated his private character, and had treated him with every sort of indignity. How far these charges were founded in trutii or justice, I cannot venture to say ; but it appeared, bolh on Lord George Germain's and on Lord North's testimony, that endeavours had been made by our government to obtain his exchange "from Congress, vvhicli were only frustrated by an evasion on the part of the American executive power, in not ratifying a capitulation, where a number of iheir troops had fallen inio our hands. Burgoyne himself admitted liie justice of our claim over those captured soldiers, who had been proffered to Congress a:^ an equivalent for him : but he main- tained, that wiien they were rejected, other prisoners should have been ten- ilered in their place. I^egulits was not, however, the character among the un- fortunate commanders of antiquity, whom he lr*l proposed for his own model. Wilkes could not properly be consi- dered as a member of the minority ; be- cause, though he always sate on that side of the house, and usually voted 210 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. with them, yet he iieiiher depended on Lord Rockingham, nor on Lord Sliel- hurne : but his predilections leaned to- wards the latter nobleman. Represent- ing, as he did, the county of Middlesex, he spoke from a great parliamentary eminence. He was an incomparable comedian in all he said or did ; and he seemed to consider human life itself as a mere comedy. In the House of Com- mons he was not less an actor than at the Mansion House, or at Guildhall. His speeches were full of wit, pleasantry, occupied so distinguished a place in tlie public consideration. His name will live as long as the records of history transmit to future times the reign of George the Third. INotwiihslanding the personal collision which may be said to have taken place between the king and him, during the early portion of his majesty's reign, Wilkes, like Burke, nourished in his bosom a strong sentiment of constitu- tional loyalty. He gave indelible proofs of it during the riots of June, 1780, and point; yet nervous, spirited, and vvhen Bull, one of the members for not at all defective in argument. They London, with whom he had long been were all prepared, before they were I intimately connected, crouched under delivered ; and Wilkes made no secret of declaring, that in order to secure their accurate transmission to the public, he Lord George Gordon's mob. And though VVilkes's lent his aid to overturn Lord North's administration, yet he always sent a copy of them to William never yoked himself to Fox's car. On Woodfall, before he pronounced them, the contrary, no sooner had " the coa- In private society, particularly at table, he was pre-eminently agreeable ; abound- ing in anecdote ; ever gay and convi- vial ; converting his very delects of per- son, manner, or enunciation, to purposes of merriment or of entertainment. If any man ever was pleasing, who squint- ed, who had lost his teeth, and lisped, Wilkes might be so esteemed. His powers of conversation survived his other bodily faculties. I have dined in company with him, not long before his decease, when he was extenuated and enfeebled to a great degree ; but his tongue retained all its former activity, and seemed to have outlived his other organs. Even in corporeal ruin, and obviously approaching the termination of his ca- reer, he formed the charm of the assem- i>Iy. His celebrity, his courage, his imprisonment, his outlawry, his duels, his intrepid resistance to ministerial and royal persecution, his writings, his ad- ventures ; lastly, liis triumph and serene evening of life, passed in tranquillity, amidst all the enjoyments of which his decaying frame was susceptible; — for, to the last hour of his existence, he con- tinued a votary to pleasure; — these circumstances, combined in his person, rendered him the most interesting indi- vidual of the age in which he jived. Smce the death of Henry St. John, Lord IJoliiighroke, who died in 1751, and whose life bore some analogy to Wilkes's ill various of its features, no man had lition" unmasked their battery of " the East India Bill," than Wilkes, rallying to the crown, as the only protection against Fox's ambition, took the warm- est part against that measure : acting in 1784, nearly the same part which Burke did eight years later, in 1792, after tb.e French revolution, when he sought shelter behind the throne, against the horrors of anarchy, regicide, and insur- rection : horrors which Fox never could, or never would perceive, and for which he even apologised in no small degree. Such was the general aspect which the House of Commons then presented. Pitt and Sheridan, who have since in different ways occupied so great a share of public attention, had not either of them as yet come forward to public no- tice and admiration. The latter had in- deed risen in his place, as early as the preceding month of JNoveinber, within three weeks after the meetintj of parlia- ment, in order to complain of the facility and impunity with which petitions were presented, complaining of bribery and corruption on the part of members re- turned to serve in parliament, which petitions often proved eventually frivo- lous or vexatious. He stood, himself, in that very situation ; Mr. Richard Whitworlh, one of the representatives for the town of Stafford in tlie preceding parliament, having just petitioned the liouse, against the return of Mr. Sheridan and his colleague, the honourable Ed- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 211 ward Monckion, for llie same borough. Rigby, on the occasion to wliich I al- hitle, vviih the coarse, coiileniptiioiis, ;ind insiiliing ridicule, familiar lo him when aiidressiiig the house, had irealed Sheridan's coinphiiiits as meriiing no attention. Fox instantly rose to justify and to protect his friend ; but the speaker interposing, terniinaled the conversation. Even while projiouncing the few sen- tences which he then uttered, the fame of the author of ilie " Duenna," the " School for Sfandal," and the " C'rilic," was a'rp:iily so well established, as to procure liim the greatest attention. Probably, at no period of George tlie Third's long reign, which already ex- ceeds that of Henry the Third in dura- tion, have the walls of the House ol Commons enclosed so great an asseni- bhige of first-rate talents on the opposi- tion benches, as were there concentered at the beginning of the year 1781. Their exertions were at once sharpened and propelled by the critical nature of the lime and of the contest, which ob- viously tended to some vast catastrophe, unless a speedy amelioration of our af- fairs beyond the Atlantic should take place. The treasury bench, though Lord North, Lord George Germain, and Mr. Dundas, still were seated on it, had sustained no ordinary diminution of its lustre, by the removal of 'I'hurlow and of Wedderburn to the upper house : but, on the opposite side, we beheld a con- stellatifin of men of genius. In the front stood Fox and Burke, sustained by Dun- ning and Barre ; whde Pitt and Sheridan, two of the most resplendent luminaries produced during tlie course of the eigh- teenth century, were preparing to unfold their powers. I have endeavoured lo present before the reader of 1818, an im- perfect picture of the assembly then sit- ting at Westminster, and to place him, if I may so express myself, under the gal- lery of the house, as a spectator. In order, however, to form a more com- plete estimate of the princi[)al individuals who at that time attracted general notice, either as supporters of administration, or as candidates for oiFice whenever the opposition should come into power ; it is still requisite to throw a glance over the House of Peers. The great Earl of Mansfield, tjiougii he had already advanced beyond that period of life, at which the faculties of the human mind usually begin to dimi- nish in vigour, did not appear to have lost any of the acuieness or strength of his intellect. In the court of King's Bench, no less than in parliament, where he constantly atteiuled in his place, his transcendent abilities still excited equal respect and admiration, 'i'he friend of Pope, of Bolinghroke,and of Sir VVdIiam Wyndham, during his youth; he united the finest accom[)lishments of science, to the most profound knowledge of the laws. In the recent riots of 1780, the populace, whether considering him as inclined to supfjort measures of an arbi- trary nature, or su[)posing him a friend to principles of religious toleration re- pugnant to their feajings ; selected him for the object of their violence. His house and his papers were consumed: but he had happily escaped any personal effects of their rage ; and thouoh not in- dividually a member of administration, might be considered as disposed on all occasions, to extend his assistance lo the government. Yet did the constitutional and characteristic timidity which dis- tinguished him in his political capacity, prevent his ever standing forward in moments of crisis or danger, like Thur- low and Wedderburn, as the avowed champion of ministerial measures. But, in his judicial character, he made ample amends, and manifested a devotion lo the wishes of the court, scarcely ex- ceeded by any example to be adduced even under the Stuart reigns. The ac- cusations brought against Lord Mans- field by Wilkes, in Ins Letter from Paris, of the "22d of October, 1764," address- ed to the electors of Aylesbury, are of so grave a description, that, if founded in truth, a Turkish cadi might blush to own then). He positively asserts, that on the evening preceding the two trials in the court of King's Bench, instituted against himself, as the author of the North Briton, No. 45, and of the '' Essay on JToman ;'''' Lord Mansfield sent for liis (Wilkes's) solicitor to his own house, and desired him lo consent III such alterations in the records, as would ensure the certainty of Wilkes's conviction. " The chief justice," con- tinues he, " sunk into the crafty allorney, 212 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 1 and made himself a party against the person accused before him as judge, when he ought to have presumed me innocent. My solicitor refused ; and against his consent, the records were there materially altered by his lordship'' s express orders; so that I was tried on two new charges, very different from those I had answered. This is, I be- lieve, the most daring violation of the rights of Englishmen, which has been committed by any judge since the time oi Jefferies. Yet this arbitrary Scottish chief justice still remains unimpeached, except in the hearts of the whole nation." When we read these facts ; for, such they must be esteemed, since they re- mained wholly uncontradicted ; we might fancy the transactions to have taken place at Saragossa or at Seville, rather than in Westminster Hall. Strarce- ly could a Spanish grand inquisitor have outdone the English chief justice. Wilkes continuing his narrative, says, " Several of the jury were bv counter notices, signed siimrnoning officer, pre- vented from attending on the day ap- pointed for the trial ; while others had not only private notice given them of the real day, but, likewise, instructions for their behaviour. To crown the whole. Lord Mansfield, in his charge, tortured both the law and the fact so grossly, that the audience were shocked no less at the inder'ency, than at the partiality of his conduct. I was during all this lime, very dangerously ill, with my daughter, at Paris ; absolutely incapable of making any personal defence, and indeed totally ignorant of the two new questions on which I was to be tried." It is not without some difficulty, that j we can conceive these violations of all justice or equity to have taken place in London, under the reign of George the Third. We might rather suppose them to have been performed under Charles, or James, the Second. Nor was Wilkes the only champion who stood forward as Lord Mansfield's accuser, at the bar of the English people. With the single exception of the Duke of Grafton, no man hijih in office, had been so severely treated by the pen of " Junius ;" and though time had skinned over the wound, the cica- trice siill remained. That able writer, after pursuing the lord chief justice with inconceivable pertinacity, through all the sinuosities of legal concealment or eva- sion, under which he attempted to shel- ter himself; — after comparing him to . the most prostitute judges of tlie most f arbitrary reigns ; to 1'rcssilliun, under Richard the Second ; and to Jefferies, under James the Second ; exclaims, — " Who attacks the liberty of the press ? Lord Mansfield. Who inva'les the con- stitutional power of juries? Lord Mans- field. What judge ever challenged a juryman, but Lord Mansfield? who was that judge, who, to save the king's bro- ther, affirmed that a man of the first rank and quality, who obtains a verdict in a suit for criminal conversation, is entitled to no greater damages than the meanest mechanic? Lord iMansfield." These, it must be owned, are charges of no C(jm- mon mao^nitude, and conveyed in no ordinary language. At him, " Junius" levelled his last blows, before he finally disappeared as apolitical writer. In his parting letter, addressed to Lord Cam- den, written towards the end of .lanuary, 1772, exciting and invoking that noble- man to come forward as the accuser of the lord chief justice of the King's Bench, at the bar of the House of Peers ; " Considering," says he, " the situation i and abilities of Lord Mansfield, I do not scruple to aflirm, with the most solemn appeal to God lor my sincerity, that in mv judgment, he is the very worst and most dangerous man in the kingdom. Thus far I have done my duty, in en- deavouring to bring fiim to punishment. But mine is an inferior ministerial office in the temple of ju; tice. I have bound the victim, and dragged him to the altar." Severe, and perhaps unmerited as these accusations may appear, yet Lord Mans- field's warmest admirers never attempted to deny, that at every period of lime while he presided in the court of King's Bench, his opinions and his decrees, if not adverse to the liberty of the press, and to the freedom of the subject, uni- formly leaned towards the crown. His enemies, not without some reason, as- serted, that he was better calculated to fill the office of a Prxtor under Jus- tinian, than to preside as chief criminal jndsre of this kingdom, in the reiga of Geortje the Third. HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 213 Lord Loughborough, who owed lo Lord North his recent elevation to the j)eerage, constituted one of I) is ablest advocates, and most zealous supporters, in that house. Wedderburn liad risen through the gradations of the law, amidst the discussions of parliament, side by side with 'I'hurlow. More tem- perate, pliant, artful, and accommodating in his manners, than the chancellor, ho equalled that nobleman in eloquence, if he did not even surpass him. Churchill, in one of his satires, has thought proper to describe Wedderburn in colours of the deepest and most malignant dye, height- ened by the nvagic of verse. 1 believe, it appeared in 1762. " To mischief traiii'J, e'en from his mother's WOlTlh, Grown old in fraud, tho' yet in manhood's bloom, Adopting arts by which gay villains rise. And reach the heights which honest men despise ; Mute at the bar, and in the senate loud, Dull 'niongst the dullest, proudest of the proud, A pert prim prater of the northern race, Guilt in his heart, and famine in his face Slept forth." Nor was Fox much more favourable to Wedderburn, previous to the " Coali- tion" in 1783, which obliterated all pre- ceding errors on both sides. In Novem- ber, 1781, on the day when parliament met, Fox, while loading with execra- tions the American war, and its authors or abettors, selected Wedderburn as an object of his strongest reprobation. Alluding to the language which that emi- nent lawyer had formerly held, when he designated the contest with America, " to be the opposition of Hancock and bis crew, not a war with the people at large;" Fox observed, that "for these sentiments, and not for any other merit that he could discover, except the abus- ing our fellow subjects beyond the At- lantic, the learned genlleiT)an had been raised to the dignity of a peer." Not- withstanding these denunciations of party violence, poetic and political, no man in public life possessed more versa- tility of talents, or abilities better adapt- ed to every situation. He proved him- relf as refined a courtier at St. James's as he was an able lawyer at Westmin- ster. His defence of Lord Clive, when uniler accusation before the House of Commons, at an earlier period of his majesty's reign, augmented Wedder- bnrn's legal, as well as parliamentary reputation. If had been perpetually progressive since that time, and render- ed him, whetlier as a member nf the lower or of the upper house, one of the mosi distinguislied ornaments of the long robe. Nor did the opposition at this time want men of distinguished capacity, professional and [)olitical, in the House of Lords, though the Marquis of Rocking- ham was not to be accounted among the number. His rank, his integrity, and his vast patrimonial property, rather ikan any intellectual endowments, had placed him at the head of his party. During the short period of time when he for- merly filled the post of first lord of the treasury, he had displayed more recti- tude of intention, than either vigour or ability. Even his constitution and frame of body, appeared inadequate lo the fatigues of an official situation demand- ing energy and application. Lord Cam- den, on the contrary, thousih much more advanced in years, had retained all the powers of mind, combined with personal activity. In debate, he might be esteemed equal to Lord Mansfield himself ; and his exertions at every period of his life, in defence of tlie con- stitutional liberties of the subject, which gave him a sort of individual superiority to that nobleman, greatly endeared him to the nation. While chief justice lo the Court of Common Pleas, he had ap- proved himself a firm and intrepid guar- dian of the rights of the Eni^lisli people. On the thirtieth of April, 1703, when VVilk'es was illegally arrested imder a general warrant issued by the two secre- taries of state, the Earls of Egremont and Halifax ; Sir Charles Pratt, on ap- plication being made to him in his judi- cial capacity, instantly ordered the ha- beas corpus to issue ; though the mi- nisters thought proper lo evade and to violate it. His name, almost always united with the great Earl of Chatham ever since the accession of George the Third, seemed inseparable frcm the idea of freedom. If indefatigable and laborious perti- 214 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. nacity could recoinrnend to office, or qualify for public employment, few members of the upper house possessed a better title to that praise, than the Duke of Richmond. However limited mi^hl be the ranj^e of his ideas, he sup- plied ill some measure by application the deficiency of original talent. His between 1766 and 1768. He might therefore justly look forward, on any change of ministers, to be again employed in a similar, or even in a higher place of trust and power. His acquaintance with the continent was minute and ac- curate, the result of ocular inspection on many points, corrected by reflection ; person, manners, and address, were all ' and improved by correspondence or full of dignity ; and the personal beauty \ communicaiions with foreigners of emi- which disliiiufuished Maclemoiselle de la | neiice, whom he assiduously cultivated Querouaille, mistress of Charles the Second, his great grandmother, was not become extinct in him. She is known to have retained her charms, down to a very late period of her life ; and the fa- bles related of Ninon de I'Enclos, which Voltaire has exposed, were in some measure verified in the Duchess of Ports- aiid protected. Mr. Fox himself was far inferior to Lord Shelburne in these branches of information. Nor was that nobleman less versed in all the princi- ples of finance and of revenue, than in the other objects of political study that form a statesman. His house, or more properly to speak, his palace in Berke- moutli. The late George Selvvyn, who j ley-square, which had formerly been had seen her at Richmond House in the year 1733; — -for, she survived Charles the Second near fifty years — assured me that she was even then possessed ol many attractions, though verging towards fourscore, like his ne()hew Mr. Fox, the duke did not spare the king, when ad- dressing the House of Lords : and he was considered as peculiarly obnoxious at St. James's. Accused by his ene- mies, of wanting personal courage, he manifested at least no defect of po- litical resolution. At the East India House, in his quality of a proprietor, no less than as a peer of parliament, at Westminster, he was ever active; vigi- lant in detecting and exposing abuses. erected by the Earl of Bute ; fdtmed at once the centre of a considerable party, as well as the asylum of literary taste and science. ■ It is a fact, that during the latter years of Lord North's administration, he retained three or four clerks in constant pay and employment under his own roof, who were solely occupied in copying state papers or accounts. Every mea- sure of finance, adopted by the first minister, passed, if 1 may so express myself, through the political alembic of Shelburne House, where it was ex- aminetl and severely discussed. There, while Dunning and Barre met to settle their plan of action as meni' ♦ real or imaginary ; perpetually harassing I hers of the opposition in the House every department with enquiries ; and attacking in turn, the army, the admi- ralty, and the treasury. But no individual in the upper house attracted so much national attention from his accomplishments, talents, and exten- sive information on all subjects of fo- reign or domestic policy, as the Earl of Shelburne. In the prime of life, and in the full vigour of his faculties, he dis- played, whenever he rose (o speak, an intimate knowledge of Europe ; together with such a variety of mailer, as proved him eminently qualified to fill the highest official situation. At an early period of his majesty's reign, he had occupied with great and general approbation, the post of secretary of stale for the home department, during more than two years, of Commons; Jackson, who likewise sat in the same assembly for New Romney, and the variety of whose in- formation had acquired him the name of " Omniscient Jackson," furnished every species of legal or general knowledge. Dr. Price and Mr. Baring produced financial plans, or made arithmetical calculations, meant to controvert and overturn, or to expose, those of the first lord of the treasury: vvhile Dr. Priest-. ley, who lived under the Earl of Shel- burne's personrd protection (just as the celebrated Hobbs had done at Chats- worth, under the immediate patronage of the Earls of Devonshire, in the prece- ding century) ; prosecuted in the midst of London his philosophical and chemical researches. Nor ought I to omit in this HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 215 list of extraordinary men, the distin- guished names of Jervis, and of Jekyll ; one of wlioni has risen to such naval honours and diffiiities ; while the oilier west to east ; while his flotilla menaced us with monthly invasion ; — when the Southern coast was covered with Mar- lello Towers, from Beachy Head to has allained to an equal eminence at the | Romney Marsh ; and the Corsican era- bar, as he enjoys from the charms of his 1 peror having vanquished Europe, seemed conversaiion, in private society. only to reserve England, as Polyplieme In his person, manners, and address, does Ulysses, for liis last sacrifice ; — the earl of Shelburiie wanted no external I yet even then, ihougli we felt apprehen- qualily requisite to captivate or conciliate | sion, the spirit and the confidence of the mankind. All'able, poliie, communica- 1 country were fully commensurate to the tive, and courting popularity, he drew round him a number of followers or ad- herents. His personal courage was in- disputable. Splendid and hospitable at his table, he equally delighted his guests by the charms of his conversation and society. In his magnificent library, one of the finest of its kind in England, he could ai)pear as a philosopher and a man of letters. -> With such various endow- ments of mind, sustained by rank and loriuiie, he necessarily excited universal consideration, ami seemed to be {)i)inted out by nature for the first employments. But, the confidence which his moral character inspired, did not equal the re- putation of his abilities. His adversa- ries accused him of sy^siematic duplicity and insincerity. 'I'hey even asserted, that unless all the rules of physiognomy were set at defiance, his very counte- nance and features eloquently indicated falsehood. In order to fix upon him so injurious an imputation, they gave him the e\)\ihel of Alalagrida, from the name of a Pitringuese Jesuit, well known in the modern history of that kingdom. And these insinuations, though not per- haps ac,compa4iied with proofs, were nevertheless, either iVom the credulity, or from the malignity of mankind, wide- ly circulated, as well as very generally believed, throughout the nation. [23d — 31st January.] If any crisis ever demanded a first minister of energy, firmness, and resources of character, it was assuredly ihe portion of the present reign on which we are about to enter, including the last fourteen months of Lord North's long administraiion. There may since that lime have been moments of greater alarm, under Mr. Pitt, Mr. Addington, or Mr. Percival ; but, none of such ministerial and na- tional depression. Even when Bonaparte segmed to bestride the continent from impending or apparent danger. The sovereign was an object of afi'eclion and of universal respect. It was a combat of morals and of patriotism, against the principle of rapine, disorganization, and ferocious military despotism ; while the continental governments and people, however subjected they themselves might be, put up secret prayers for our escape and success. Bui in 1781, Lord North had neither internal, nor foreign auxiliaries. Which ever way he direct- ed his view, it was met by calamity, or defeat, or accumulating difficulties. Un- der such circumstances, it may rather excite surprise that he resisted so long, than that lie should uliimaieiy have sunk beneath the pressure. No sooner had pailiament re-assembled after ihe ad- journment, than the reclamations or com- plaints which had been repressed during ihe recess, burst out with a vehemence oroporlioned to their preceding delay. While General Smith called the allen- tion of the minister and the house, to the alarming condition of the provinces of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, where tlie newly insiiiuted court of judicature had commenced a sort of civil war against the supreme government ; the Island of B-irl)adoes, desolated by ihe hurricane of which I have already made mention; through ils agent, a member of the house, in terms calculated to awaken commiseration in every bosom, besought idaiiiiislraiion to extend some im- mediate relief to their almost indescriba- ble wants. Great as wore these misfortunes, and deeply afiecling the British empire at lis two extremities, a more serious sub- ject of conlem[)laiion, because it was one much nearer home, engrossed universal alieniion. I mean the manifesto pre- sented by Lord North, at the same time that he delivered a message from his 216 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. majesty, announcing the commencement of hostilities against Holland. Never, probably, in the history oF modern na- tions, was any state paper drawn up with more temper, moderation, and even a spirit of conciliation ! Tiie king la- mented in every line, the painful neces- sity imposed on him, to resent the in- fractions of treaty committed by his ancient allies, the Dutch. But the source of the evil lay in the depression of Great Britain, already surrounded by enemies, and apparently unequal to pro- tracting the struggle. In tlie course of a long dttbate that ensued upon the ad- dress proposed to be presented to the sovereign, which was opposed on fac- tious, rather than on solid grounds of argument; Lord North, in reply to Burke observed, that " our national dif- ficulties were unquestionably great ; but, he trusted, by no means insuperable." *' I am neither disposed," added he, "to conceal their magnitude, nor afraid to encounter them ; because I am fully convinced that the means possessed by this country, when vigorou^iy exerted, constitute the only mode of obtaining a just and an honourable peace." These magnanimous sentimenis, which might have become the first Mr. Pitt in 1758, or his son in 1805; both which were periods of universal dejection, received from Fox, from Townsend, from Lord John Cavendish, and from Dunning, every injurious or contumelious epithet ; accompanied by reproaches for liavino;, ■as they falsely asserted, driven Holland into liie arms of ihe House of Bourbon. 'J'he minister did not, however, want defenders on that evening; among whom, though the most inconsiderable in every sense, I might name myself. Nor did the division deceive his hopes, as he carried the proposed address by a majo- rity of seventy-nine. I was among the number of those members who went up with it to St. James's, where it met from his majesty the most gracious re- ception. [1st of February.] I wish it v/ere in my power to convey an adequate idea to the reader, of 1818, and lo transport him to the debate that took place when Fox moved a censure on the administra- tion, for having advised his niiijesiy to confer on Palliser the government of Greenwich Hospital. All the first ora- tors who graced the opposition benches, came forward in succession. Palliser and Kepple faced each other ; the for- mer admiral seated near the minister ; the latter opposite to him ; sustained by his numerous, zealous, and eloquent par- tizans. The events of the 27th of July, 1778, — a day marked by so many painful recollections, — were once more retracted, discussed, and agitated with all the violence of mutual animosity. Fox opened the subject in a masterly manner ; mingling in his mode of ma- naging it, not less art, than eloquence or argument. Nor did he spare, in cer- tain parts of his discourse, the king him- self; though in compliance with the forms of parliament, he abstained from expressly naming the sovereign. Kep- pel had been recently rejected as mem- ber for Windsor, which borough thought proper to return, as one of their repre- sentatives, Mr. Powney, a gentleman of inilependent I'ortune in the vicinity. To this circumstance, as having been produced by royal interference. Fox alluded. "And what," exclaimed he exultingfly, " is the consequence ! 'i'he county of Surrey, which portion of England beheld with in- dignation the oppression practised in his person ; who saw the enormous influence of the crown opposed to virtue, popu- larity, and reputation ; opened their arms to receive him, and invited him to be- come their representative. Thus, op- pression produced its opposite effect ; and my honourable relation, expelled from a place which he had represented in successive parliaments, by the influ- ence of the crown, is returned lo this assembly for a great and opulent county." Lord North, in his reply to Fox, did not omit to give the most pointed denial to the assertion that Keppel had been driven from Windsor, by ilie means to which allusion was made ; adding, that "the honourable gentleman well knew the fact not to be true, and only threw out the imputation, merely with a view to inflame the passions of his audience." Disdaining, on an occasion so grave and weighty, to avail himself of his custo- mary weapons, ridicule and pleasantry,' the first lord of the treasurv,in a speech replete with sound sense and strong HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 217 reasoninsr, combated Fox's propositions ; remiiKied liiin of the frenzy wtiich hatl agitated London for three nights, when a lawless and unrestrained mob com- pelled the peaceful inhabitants to illu- minate for a victory which had never been gained ; and attributed, not to con- viction, but to intimidation, the vole of thanks to Keppel carried in the last House of Commons, under those cir- cumstances. On one point only Lord North indulged for a few moments, that vein of genuine humour and playful wit, which so eminently characterised liim. Fox having asserted roundly, that " Palliser's resignation of his places and eni|)loyments, formed a tacit admis- sion of liis criminality." Lord North classically exclaimed, " Quam tcmore nosraet legem sane imus ini- quani !" "Some men," continued he, "resign their places, for the sake of tlie public quiet. Oiliers resign from shrewd arith- jnetical calculations, that it may be more judicious to give up a place of small value now, in order to get a belter, some time hence. Others again act thus from political foresight. They discover an approaching storm ; they ' snuff it gath- ering in the sky ;' they perceive that an administration totters, and they quit the falling fabric, in expectation of coming into high office, by joining t!>e opposite party. For my part, I believe the vice admir*! resigned from a most laudable motive, in order to restore the public tranquillity, which had been overturned by the madness of the times." Captain George Johnstoms or as he was more commonly denoniinaled, Com- modore Johnstone, a man who has at- tained a considerable degree of celebrity during this portion of the reign of George the Third, rising for the first time since the meeting of the present parliament, took no ordinary part in the debate. Nature had cast him in a coarse, but a vigorous mould, and had endowed him with corresponding or analogous faculties of mind. Irascible, intemperate, violent, he was a warm and zealous friend ; but an im[)lacable ene- my. He possessed a species of ardent, impetuous, half savage eloquence, re- 19 strained by no delicacy of language ; yet capable of powerfully affecting his hearers by the display of information, by his energetic appeals to their pas- sions, and by his gesticulations which came in aid of his oratory. A.s a naval officer of rank and experience, when ad- dressing the house on a naval question, he might justly lay claim to attention. He had proved himself nevertheless more a sagacious politician, than an able com- mander ; and looked rather to parlia- mentary talents, than to maritime ser- vices, for elevating him in life, as well as for enabling him to acquire the honours or emoluments of his profes- sion. Johnstone, while he admitted that Keppel was individually a brave, a gallant, and a meritorious officer; in- veighed in terms the most severe against the general dispositions which be had made previous to engaging the fleet of France, on the memorable 27th of July. Of that action Johnstone sjjoke, as oi tiie most unfortunate which Great Britain had ever witnessed ; " in consequence of which, the French became convinced by their own experience, that on a sum- mer's day, they could engage an English fleet superior in every point of view, aiid yet get safe back to their own harbours." He treated with intlignant ridicule, tlie expression used by Keppel, when he al- lowed d'Orvilliers to retire unmolested, under a supposition that " he would fight it out fairly next morning," instead of renewing the engagement on the same evening : adding, that he entertained no doubt, the honorable admiral himself, if he were to fight the battle over again, would conduct it in a very differeni manner. Then adverting to tlie dis- graceful tumults, and still more disgrace- ful illuminations, on occasion of the prelfended advantage gained over France, " Oh ! God !" said he, raising his eyes, and covering with both hands his face, " London, illuminated durin-J three successive nights, on account of the national glory acquired on the 27th of July ! No man of common sense could credit it." 'J'owards the conclu- sion of his speech, Johnstone, in the most pointed language, after vindicatin-sured the house that he was credibly informed, Mr. Atkinson, a contractor well known beyond Temple Bar, partner in the com- mercial house of Muir, had received for HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 227 his own share, no less than three mil- lions, lliree huHclred tiiousanci pounds of the loan. Hussey, member for Salis- bury, wlio, though a dull debater, desti- tute of all the graces of elocution, te- dious, imd labouring under iiii[)edimenls of enunciation, yet thoroughly under- stood all financial questions, and never attempted to speak, upon any other sub- jects ; — Hussey, by a long, laboured calculation, endeavoured arithmetically to demonstrate, that the principles on which the bargain had been concluded, were radically vicious, as well as ruin- ous to the public. Sir George Savile, whose high ciiaracter and large property secured him always a favourable hearing, called on the house not to sanction or to ratify so censurable a measure of finance. Burke, after repeating the vague asser- tions made by Fox and Byng, of the sums swallowed up among members of parliament, who, he said, were gorged with places, pensions, and pecuniary gratifications ; proceeded to draw an elo- quent comparison between Lord North and Necker. The former minister," con- tinued he, " has in fact augmented the capital debt of the country at this time, by twenty-one millions of stock ; while Mr. Necker has only added about five millions sterling, by his late loan to the public debt of France. The noble lord Hys on new taxes to pay the interest of his loan. Not so the French financier. He contrives by reductions and econo- my, to find the interest, without impos- ing new burthens on the people. Necker borrows on lives. Our minister, on pcTpetuities, Louis the Sixteenth's superint'ndant of the finances, has, moreover, ten millions sterling in reserve for the exiirencies of the ap[)roaching year. But, where are our resources for future years?"- Then abruptly in- terrupting the thread of his own com- parison, *' Oh! happy France," exclaim- ed he, " blest in her minister! Unfor- tunate England in her financier! The difference between the two coun- tries, arises solely from the corru[)tion of [)arliament." Mixing, nevertheless, as he usually did, raillery and humour with severity, he convulsed the house, and shook Lord North's sideswith laugh- ter, by comparing the thin, lean mem- ber of parliament, on his first coming into the house, to the Vidpercula, or weazel of yEsop, who afterwards be- comes so large and sleek, as to be unable to effect his retreat. Then stroking his own stomach, he contrasted it with Lord North's " Fair round belly, with good capon lined," to the inexpressible entertainment of his audience, though perhaps it may be thought, at the expense of their senato- rial character and dignity. Mr. Byng, who throughout this whole inquiry per- formed an active part, and by his inde- fatigable exertions to discover the real holders of the new loan, rendered him- self not only conspicuous, but important, concluded a very impassioned and crimi- nating speech, by making three motions. The first, that a list of all the subscribers to the new loan should be laid before the house. The second, for a correct list of all the individuals who had offered to subscribe, but were rejected. The last (of a nature probably without precedent in the journals of parliament), demanded copies of all the letters, notes, and other applications which had been addressed, not only to the first lord of the treasury, but to any of the lords commissioners of that board, to the secretaries, or to any other person by whom applications for part of the loan had been transmitted to Lord North. With these evidences before him, Mr. Byng undertook to prove the minister's guilt. In order to enforce compliance with so extraordinary a de- mand, he joined menaces that the peo- ple of England, worn out by oppression, would bear no more burthens ; and that the day of retribution which impended, would infallibly take place sooner than was expected. .The first minister, thus assailed from so many quarters, and by such power- ful opponents, did not on that account abandon himself. Calm, collected, con- scious of his own rectitude, though sur- rounded by difficulties that accumulated from day to day, he made a masterly de- fence of the loan that he had just nego- tiated. While he admitted, and re- gretted, that the terms might have been more advantageous to the public, leaving still a moderate profit to the contractors, he denied that the slightest partiality 228 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. had been used in apportioning the sums respectively allotted to each bidder. He disproved ihe story of Atkinson's receiv- ing so monstrous a portion of the loan ; and jusutied the admission of members of parliament who were men of pro-' periy, to become, like other opulent in- dividuals, subscribers to it. In conclu- caialogue. Even two peers, one of whom was a lord of the bed-chamber and an earl, were down for 10,000/. each. But, no individual possessing a seat in the House of Commons, wliose name was there registered, ventured to justify it on his legs in a manly manner, except Mr. Cuurtenay, who stood for tlie sum sion he made no objection to producing of 10,000/. George Byng having as ihe list of subscribers demanded . by opposition; but to the second and third inolioiis he gave a decided negative. " The honorable member for Mitldle- sex, ' said he, "after accusing me of partiality, makes rather a singular requi* sition ; ' Deliver up to me tlie keys of your scrutuire. Allow me to empty all your drawers, to inspect your most: secret papers, and to peruse every letter that 1 can lintl. When this is done, and 1 am become possessed of all the iiilor- inalibn that they furnish, then I will pro- ceed to examine whether or not I can produce any charge against you.' So extraordinary a proposition I cannot doubt, will ever receive the sanction of this assembly." These arguments, how- ever strung or convincing they may per- haps appear to us, after the lapse of near foriy years, produced no impression on the minority of that day. From a variety of quarters Lord North was over- whelmed with reproaches, threats, and reclamations. Byng denied his right to withhold the keys of his bureau, winch, as he asserted, belonged to the public — the hist lord of the treasury being a great national accomptant. Fox loaded him with charges of corrupting parlia- ment, while he withheld the only elFec- lual means of proving his culpability, and demonstrating his guilt. On the members who supported so criminal a minister, Charles was, if possible, even more severe. "They begin," said he, " by taking the money out ul the pockets of the people, in order to put it into their own ; and they tinish, by making bad loans lor the public, to the end that they may arrange good terms for themselves." When the list of subscribers to the loan was produced, tiiough the greater number of the names of members of the house who were holders of scrip, still remained in concealment, their respec- tive siiares being ostensibly vested in other hands ; yet many appeared in the serted in the course of his speech, that " those members of parliament who avowedly appeared on the list, were in- finitely more honest and upright than the men who skulked in the dark ;" Cour- tenay took notice of this observation. " As I have the honour, Mr. Speaker," said he, " to come from a country, where weak nerves and a false modesty are not characteristic maladies, my name stands conspicuous on the roll. And I can assure the honorable gentleman that the only concern I feel on the occasion, is on account of the small sum against which my name is placed." There were in- dividual members of the lower house, not bankers by profession, who stood separately on the list, forSO, 000/. ; seven, for 70,000/. each ; and one instance of 100,000/. Mr. Thomas Townsend expended his patriotic rage on Atkinson, whom he termed a universal contractor, fit for every service ; and who would probably soon be seated by the noble lortl's side, on the treasury bench, among his firmest coadjutors. This circumstance did in fact take place to a certain degree, about three years afterwards, in 1784, when Pitt was become first minister, and Mr. Townsend (raised to the peerage, by the title of Lord Sydney), filled the post of secretary of state. Atkinson was then seen almost daily on the treasur}' bench. So little can pt)liticians foresee the changes produced by time, ambition, and the mutability of human affairs ! — After a stormy debate, protracted to a late hour, Byng's second motion was only negatived by a slender majority of thirty-one voles. On so precarious a basis did Lord North's power repose, even in the first session of a new par- liament ! The attendance was not, how- ever, very numerous upon either side ; opposition mustering only 106 on that night, while government found 137 sup- porters. HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 229 [14ih_26th March.] The list of subscribers to ihe new loan having been laid on llie table of the honse, opposition, emboldened by their last division, made another desperate attack on tl)e ministe- rial trenches ; hoping that even if they could not carry them by storm, they inii;iu succeed m vilifying and degrading the first minister himself personally, in the estimation of parliament and of the country. It pruved indeed one of the most luimiliaiing and painful days to Lord North, that took place during the course of his long administration. Sir George Savile, selected for the occa- sion, though labouring under evident in- disposition, and just risen from a sick bed, opened the discussion in the invidi- ous character of an accuser. His speech concluded by a motion " to appoint a select committee for enquiring into the facts connected vi'ilh the late loan, and to report on them to the house." But, though the distinction of thus commenc- ing the debate was delegated to Sir George, the task of proving his asser- tions, and embodying, as well as iden- tifying his accusations, rested with Mr. Byng, who performed on that occasion the part of an inquisitor of slate. Hold- ing the list of subscribers in his hand, he undertook to demonstrate that the paper itself was altogether a piece of ministe- rial deception, calculated, under fictitious names, to conceal the members of both houses, who did not dare to avow the share respectively allotted to them in this most iniquitous loan. With con- siderable ability, prodigious labour, and minute investigation, he endeavoured to lay open to general view, and to expose to general condemnation, the secret ma- chinery by which Robinson and Brum- mell moved the great state machine, de- nominated parliament; and the puppets, as he termed them, commonly called re- presentatives. He even ventured to ap- peal across the Imuse, to Mr. Henry Drummond, one of the most eminent bankers of that period, for the accuracy of the names of clerks employed in his service, who ostensibly held subscriptions to the amount of near four hurulred and forty thousand pounds, in the loan. Drummond, who sate behind the first lord of the treasury, nodded assent, as Byng severally recapitulated them ; 20 while Lord North, compelled to remain a passive witness and spectator of this disclosure before a crowded /House of Commons, did not exhibit the dignified aspect or attitude befitting his high sta- tion. I never saw him apparently less at his ease; not even in the session of 1782, after the intelligence of Lord Cornwalljs's surrender at York Town, or during the last days that he remained in office. Not that he wanted defenders of con- summate ability, who undertook to jus- tify the transaction, at the head of whom must be placed the lord advocaie. Aware that the occasion demanded all his talents, and ever ready to throw himself into the front ranks when the emergency called for it, Dundas seemed to collect all his powers on that day. Divesied of those fastidious scruples to which men of more susceptible organization are liable, he boldly avowed or admitted the selection made by the first minister; which re- quired, he said, no apology whatever, either to the house, or to the country. After pointing out the integrity and in- corruptibility of his noble friend, as a fact universally conceded, he demanded, on what principle, members of either house of parliament were to be excluded from subscribing on the present occasion ; or why, cxteris paribus, friends should not be preferred to enemies ? The con- cealment of their names, he observed, proved only the weakness of their nerves, not the impropriety of the act itself. Referring to the established precedents of past periods of lime, he maintained that such had been the invariable usage under all administrations ; and concluded a bold, able, unembarrassed harangue, delivered in a tone and manner calculated to give it the fullest effect, by de[)recat- iiig all interference of the house, as equally unwise, and pernicious in its operation. Fox rising as Dundas sate down, displayed on that evening, the vast extent of his talents, while he dis- sected with admirable perspicuity, the loan under discussion ; which he en- deavoured to demonstrate, was at once profuse, corrupt, and ruinous to the na- tion. He denied the insinuation (as it might be termed, rather than the asrser- tioii), of the lord advocate, in maintaining that former ministers had manifested a 230 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. similar partiality, or had negotiated loans on similar principles j making only one exception, namely, that of Lord Bute in 1762, wliich iinanciai measure he loaded with the severest epithets. On Lord North he exhausted his invectives, as " a minister highly criminal for grossly deceiving, and fraudulently imposing on parliament ; whose baseness in conceal- ing the real terms on which he had just borrowed twelve millions could only be surpassi-d by his guilt in concluding them." } The first minister repelled these accii- > sations vvith ten^per; explained every j part of the proceedings which had attended his negotiation will) the con- traciors for the loan ; denied that either profusion or corruption could be attri- buted to him ; and finally threw him- self on tlie candour, good sense, and honour of the house, to maintain invio- late ihc bargain. Towards one o'clock in the morning, a division took place. The attendance was full, above 370 members being pre-ent ; of which num- ber, opposition had 163, vvliile govern- ment was supported by 209. It was nevertheless a triumph dearly won, be- cause the minority carried with them public opinion, which was generally ad- verse to the terms of the loan. Yet we have witnessed under Mr. Pill's ad- ministration, during the course of the revolutionary war, in 1795, as well as in other years, loans, where the premium has risen to nine, and even to ten per cent., immediately after the conclusion of the bargain, without any imputations of improvidence or of corruption being thrown upon the first minister on that account. But, the misfortunes and the unpnpulariiy of the American war had reached such a point in 1781, as to in- capaciiale Lord North irom prosecuting it, without having recourse to expe- dients, from the necessity of adopting which Mr. Pitt was exempted. He carried the nation with him, when con- lending against Robespierre and Bona- parte. Lord North's only support lay in the crown. No prince indeed, of a less firm and tenacious character than George the Third, could have sustained him in office during the last four years that he occupied the post of first lord of the treasury, amidst accumulating difii- eulties, humiliations, and disastera, from 1778 down to 1782. His predecessor yielded to far inferior symptoms of pub- I lie dissatisfaction, and to far inferior j national calamities, when, in 1757, he j reluctantly called to his councils, a man distasteful to him, but forced into power by the universal voice of the country. If Fox had stood as high in general esti- mation as the first Mr. Pitt, he would have been carried inlo the closet on the shoulders of the people; but, his per- sonal irregularities and excesses ba- lanced his parliamentary talents, and prolonged Lord North's administration. While the opposilion endeavoured to degrade, if they could not overturn the first minister, by criminating his finan- cial measures ; two simultaneous efforts were made with a view to weaken his strength, and to diminish his numbers witlun ihe walls of, the house. Sir Philip Jennings Gierke, a man of un- questionable integrity but not endowed with superior parts, introduced a bill for ihe exclusion of contractors from silling in parliament: while on the same day, Mr. Grewe, then representative for the county of Ghester (since raised to the peerage by Fox, in 1806), moved the second reading of a bill, to restrain revenue officers from voting at elections of members to serve in that house. Both motions were negatived ; but not by similar majorities. The first failed of success only by twenty votes, the numbers being 100, and 120, re- spectively, after a debate of considerable length: but, the attempt to deprive revenue officers of their elective fran- chise, was rejected by forty-seven^ without giving risk to any long or ani- mated discussion. Ministers divided 133 on the question ; Mr. Grewe had only 86 votes. Sir Philip Gierke's blow was levelled at the elected. Mr. Grewe directed his aim at the electors. In the ensuing session, when the Mar- quis of Rockingham had attained to the head of the treasury, the two experi- ments were renewed with very difierent results. I cannot too often repeat, while dweliinjj on this period of our history, tlr^t no virtues of the sovereign, however eminent, and no ability of administra- tion, however recognised, could stem HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 231 the unpopularity of the American war. With the two exneplions of Johnt«oii and of Gil)b()ii, the former of whom de- {t'lided in [)riiit, the measures of govern- nieiii, in the begiiininn, when opposing them- selves to the levy of ship money by pre- rogative, might have more appropriately made ; was, if possible, outdone by Fox. In a speech of unreasonable length, but of great ability, he justified the right in- herent in himself, and in every subject, to act as delegates, no less than as mem- bers of that assembly. •' I avow my- self," said he, " a delegate ; and if I had not acted in a delegated capacity, I should not have applied to this house for redress. But, out of deference to the opinion of some persons with whom I act, and not from any doubt of its legality, I have not petitioned as a delegate." Then having panegyrized the constancy, incorruptibility, and perseverance of that patriotic band who stood forth in parlia- ment, the champions of the British peo- ple ; that impenetrable phalanx, who were neither to be terrified, misled, se- duced, nor corrupted by ministers ; he added, " I cannot better express myself on this point, than by adopting and re- peating the words of my honourable friend (Burgoyne), namely, that as he had devoted his life and talents to the people, so /, whenever they call on me, shall be ready to execute their commands, as far as my acquiescence is authorised by the laws. I mean, whenever any direct and palpable inroad is made on those invaluable blessings secured to us by our happy Constitution." However guarded and qualified these expressions may appear, it is impossible not to con- sider them as revolutionary ; and more suited to a tribune of the Roman republic, or to an agitator of the times of Crom- well, than to a member for Westminster, the subject of George the Third. Such, indeed, they seemed to many members of the House of Commons, on the even- ing when they were used. Such, I be- lieve, they were considered by Burke, who took no part in the debate, as he probably would have done, had he thoroughly approved the principles and object of the petition. Neither did Pitt rise to support Fox and Burgoyne ; a circumstance much remarked at the time. Ministers, though they did not, them- selves, undertake their own defence but trusted to the discernment, loyalty, and good sense of the house, for rejecting the specious propositions of reform sub- mitted to them ; yet by no means wanted advocates to point out the insidious and dangerous S[)iril of discontent and insub- ordination, concealed under the declara- tions of Fox and Burgoyne. Sir Horace Mann protested his detestation of all associations and committees, as illegal iu themselves, and calculated only for pur- poses of intimidation. While he pro- fessed himself an enemy to court influ- ence, and a I'riend to economy ; he re- probated the spirit of the petition, and exhorted the house to treat it with con- tempt. Courienay employing, as he always did, the arms of ridicule, paro- died the lines of Pope (when speaking of his Grotto), which he applied to the leaders of opposition, with admirable effect. " Their wise divan, the best companions grace. Chiefs out of war, and members out of place, Who fondly mingle in tlieir hope-IillM bowl, The feast of party, and the flow of soul, Ev'n he whose lightning pierc'd rebellion's lines, For reformation forms their great designs." The last couplet, which so pointedly alluded to Burgoyne's American carn- paijin, contrasted with his present occu- pations as a delegate ; was not less felt by the audience, than Courtenay's de- scription of the Roman provocatives to patriotism, " Domi, Inopia, loris, JEs alienum,^'' attracted all eyes to- wards Fox. In language of the utmost simplicity, unaccompanied with any ornamen s of style, but on that 236 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. account more impressive ; Sir William Dolben, one of ihe representatives for the University of Oxford, a man of sound anil sober sense, expressed his disapprobation of, and his total dissent from, the petition before ihe house. Of the asserted increase of the influence of the crown, so as to endanger the future security of public freedom, he de- clared his disbelief. Above all, he re- probated the appoinlmenl of associa- tions and delegates for the purpose of overawing and controlling the legisla- ture. He finished by observing, that so lung as the Constitution existed, redress could only be obtained from parliament ; and protested that he would oppose every insliluiion, however plau- sible it might appear in theory, which tended to set up or to constitute any power, paramount to the laws and the British form of government. So animated a declaration, made from a quarter of such respectability, prov- ed of incalculable advantage to minis- ters, who thus beheld themselves de- fended by weapons far more solid than eloquence. It was indeed with a view to counterict the effect produced by Sir William Dolben's speech, that Fox in- stantly rose, and exerted his gigantic talents, in order to efface the impression. The solicitor general, Mansfield, replied to him ; and alluding to the profession jointly made by Fox and Burgoyne, of their readiness to obey the call of the people whenever made, " This lan- guage," observed he, " either iinports notliing, or it is strong indeed ! It can- not mean a mere perseverance in par- liamentary opposition. If therefore it has anv meaning, it must be that they ire ready, without previously deciding on the motives or the justice of the call, to seek redress in some undefined man- ner, not authorised by the Constitution. Both those honorable gentlemen are delegates, and both have signed the present petition as individuals. By such an anomalous mode of proceeding, while they affect to acknowledge the supremacy of this house, they in reality treat parliament as a subordinate power in the state, while they avow their readiness to obey the summons of the people without reservation." Neither Fox nor Burgoyne made any reply, nor offered any explanation relative to the import of their expressions ; but, Dun- ning rising when the solicitor general sat down, in a speeeh of considerable length, which displayed all the acute legal sophistry of a most able practi- tioner at the bar, endeavoured to cover his friends, and to justify their declara- tions. He assumed, as an incontrover- tible principle, that associations might not only be legal, but laudable ; the cul- pability or merit of such unions of indi- viduals depending not on the act itself, and being altogether regulated by the intention. He exemplified the position with uncommon ingenuity, and placed it in numerous, as well as striking points of view ; without nevertheless erasing the sentiment of comdemnation which generally pervaded the minds of moderate and impartial men on a full consideration of the subject. 'I'he division sufficiently proved how little Fox could hope to overturn the adminis- tration, by the same arouments which had produced the memorable vote of the 6th of April, 1780 ; and he therefore di- rected his attack .on a more assailable quarter; — I mean, the capture and treatment of the island of St. Eustalius. [14lh May.] That defenceless pos- session of the Dutch Commonwealth in the West Indies, having fallen into our hands, as a natural consequence of the war between the two states ; Sir George Rodney and General Vaughan, the two commanders by sea and land, proceeded instantly to make a general and indis- criminate seizure of the properly, as well as of the stores, there accumulated. In the execution of this act, many indi- vidual cases of severe suffering neces-a- rily happened ; all which were present- ed to the house by Burke, under a splentlour of descri[)iion, and a blaze of eloquence, which I have scarcely ever known exceeded even by liim. He compared the conduct of our naval and military officers, in thus confiscating private property, to the most savage outrages of the ferocious leaders of the most barbarous ages ; and after laying before his audience a picture of op- pression on one hand, contrasted with misery on the other, well calculated to awaken sympathy, while it inspired in- digna'.ion ; he cuiiciudcd by a motion HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 237 tending to institute an immediate inquiry into tile wliole transaction. LortI George Germain, in whose department llie re- sponsibility lay, and from whose office had issued the orders or instructions under which Rodney and Vauglian had acted , while he justified their line of conduct, as not only dictated by wisdom and policy, but as sanctioned by all the laws of modern war, and by the coele of naliuiKil jurisprudence universally adopt- ed throughout Europe ; yet strongly ob- jected to a parliamentary inquiry in the first instance. Dundas, who always threw himself into the breach, whenever the enemy attempted to storm, distin- guished himself on that night, by one of the most able speeches wliich ever fell from his lips. But the first lord of the treasury sat silent ; a circumstance which gave rise to surmises, that tho measure had not his cordial approbation, or that unanimity did not thoroughly pervade the cal)iiiet. Nevertheless, the division disappoint- ed all the hopes of opposition ; Burke's motion being negatived by nearly two to one ; only 86 supporting it, while government had 160 voles. I have, not- withstanding, always considered the pro- ceedings of Rodney and Vaughan at St. Eustaiius, however necessitated they may have been by the peculiar cireuni- slaiices accompanying the capture, as unfortunate, and to be lamented in a national point of view. Neither the vote of ap[)ro!)ation in which I con- curred on that nii:ht, nor my [lartiality for Lord George Germain, and for Lord Rodney, prevented me from owning that the measure has, on the fullest considera- tion, neither my moral, nor my political approval. It did not facilitate the sub- jection of America, as was hoped and predicted from the treasury bench. It covered our arms with some degree of obloquy, as if we had abused the rights of conquest, to purposes of rapine and private emolument. To the captors themselves, the plunder of St. Eustaiius produced no benefit; the vessels on which was shipped the produce of thai emporium, having been intercepted by a squadron of the enemy, under ihe com- mand of La Motte Piquet, on their pas- sage to England, and carried into French ports. Nor did the evil terminate there: — for, I know that the actions and suits at law, which were carried on in the ad* miraliy and other courts of this country, on the part of the individual who sought reparation for the injuries and losses in- flicted by Rodney's orders, embittered the evening of his life, and pressed heavily on his finances. Such were the results of that expedition, from which very different consequences were confi- dently anticipated. [31st May.] Notwithstanding the general admiration which Pill's first speech had excited, and the great expec- tations formed of his parliamentary ta- lents, yet he remained silent for more than tliree months, before he rose a se- cond lime : exhibiting by this act of re- straint and self-command, the patience, as well as the judgment, with which he knew how to wail for a favourable occa- sion of presenting himself anew to pub- lic notice. Colonel Barre having at- tempted to induce the house to nominate commissioners of accounts, from among their own members, instead of delegating so important a function to individuals chosen, as he asserted, by the first mi- nister ; Lord North opposed it with his usual ability, and assigned many strong reasons for adhering to the persons al- ready in employment. Pitt availed him- self of this opportunity to confirm the impiession that he had made, or rather to augment the reputation which he had previously acquired. With great anima- tion, but with still greater dignity and energy, he endeavoured to demonstrate that the house, in permitting persons not taken from among themselves, to perform the office of examining and re- porting on the national expenditure ; voluntarily surrendered their characteris- tic, most valuable right, that of watching over the public purse. The power of taking from the people, the odious power of taxing, they reserved, as an instrument for enabling the noble lord in the blue ribband, to prosecute his wild scliemes of conquest, or of corrup- tion : but, the beneficent power of re- lieving the distresses of the subject, they abandoned to others. He treated with derision, the idea of those com- missioners possessing more experience than the members of an assembly where every representative of the people should 238 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. be capable of superintending, as well as of examining, how the treasure of the state was extended. Alter depicturing with warmth the embarrassed and degraded condition of the country, he advened to the qualities, the arithmetical talents, and personal qualifications of the commissioners. Sir Guy Carleton, he observed, lliough an able military officer, might be no ac- comptant ; and of Mr. Pigot he remarked, that though of a profession to which he himself could not be supposed inimical (for Pitt was then a barrister), yet the law did not necessarily qualify gentle- men for a commission of that nature. On Lord North he expressed himself with great asperity, as a minister who hyd repeatedly shifted his ground ; who had violated his pledges given to parlian)ent ; had purposely employed the commission- ers in objects of minor importance, in- stead of directing them to great national enquiries ; and who only sought syste- matically to procrastinate, to deceive, or to mislead, as might best suit his pur- poses. He concluded by emphatically invoking and adjuring the house not to reject the motion of (Jolonel Barre, un- less they were determined to bury their own freedom and independence in the same common grave with the power, the splendour, and the glory of the empire. Such was nearly, as I think, the purport of Pitt's second address to parliament; made in support of a member who re- presented, not the Marquis of Rocking- ham, but the Earl of Shelburne, in that assembly. It was pronounced before a thin attendance, scarcely above 140 : and exceeded in duration his first speech, by nearly double the time. Not a word was uttered from the treasury bench in answer to it, nor was it supported either by Fox or Burke. A division taking place immediately after Pitt sate down, government divided 98, while the mino- rity only amounted to 42. So firm a hold of power did Lord North still re- tain, towards the close of the sixth year sinr-e we had been engaged in hostilities with America I [12lh June.] Towards the middle of June, Fox, strenuously supported by Pitt, made an ineflfectual effort for com- pelling the administration to abandon the further prosecution of the American war, 1 and to conclude peace with the colonies. Neither the house, nor the nation, though both were weary of the contest, could however be induced to relinquish it, while Lord Coruwallis seemed to be ad- vancing with his army, through the cen- tral provinces, towards the Chesapeake. Fox's motion was rejected by a majority of seventy-three. On that evening ne- vertheless it began to be palpable, that the scaffolding on which rested Lord North's power, after more than six years of severe and almost unremitting attack, gave indications of an ap[)roaching fall. He in fact tacitly encouraged the assail- anis, by withdrawing from the lireach, if I may so express myself, at the mo- ment of the storm: — for, though the attempt to compel ministers to conclude peace with the American colonies, must, if it had been successful, probably over- turned his own administration, yet he never rose, nor opposed it by a single word. Lord George Germain, under those discouraging circumstances, made as able and as eloquent a defence, as the nature of the case admitted : but he had to strug- gle against insuperable and augmenting difficulties. The country gentlemen, wearied out by so many unsuccessful campaigns, exhibited symptoms of re- luctance to continue their support. One or two made their recantation. Rigby, and the lord advocate of Scotland, who both spoke in the course of the debate; though they resolutely opposed Fox's motion, yet avowed, not only that they were disgusted at so expensive and pro- tracted a contest, but implied their dis- belief of its termination on any terms short of coucedinor independence to America. One noble individual only, then an Irish Peer, was found sufficient- ly enthusiastic to avow that he consi- dered the struggle as a holy war ; a decla- r.ition which he made from the trea- sury bench. He was indeed, himself, a member of the board of treasury. The avowal attracted, as might have been foreseen, the severest animadversions from the opposite benches. Mr. Tho- mas Townsend, with very considerable ingenuity, drew a comparison between the actual war, and the crusades under- tdien in the ages of darkness ; which expeditions bore, he said, the slrono-est similitude. Both originated in folly, or HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 239 madness or delusion ; and boih conduct- ed lo slai'.gliier, or lo ruin. Fox, iiold- ingin Ills hand tiie Gazelle recently pub- lished by government, cotilaining Lord Cornvvallis's account of his viciory ju^t gained over the Americans, in llie pro- vince ol' Norlli Carolina ; endeavoured lo deduce even irom the British general's letter, proofs of the impossibility of his subjugating the colonies. Burgoyne, in a speech prepared for the occasion, de- tailed his own disastrous campaign through its principal stages, down lo the surrender at Saratoga ; accused Lord George Germain of having deceived him with hopes or promises of aid on the [)art of the loyalists, which had never been realized ; and concluded by declaring that the loss of America might be regard- ed as inevitable. But the feature of the debate, which rendered it peculiarly prominent and iii- teresling in the annals of parliament, was liie third appearance of AJ r. Pill on the floor of the liouse, and the part taken by him in the discussion. . Il would seem that he had not intended lo rise, nor me- ditated to speak on the questiun under consideration, if the allusions made to his father had not in some measure com- pelled hitn to break silence. Mr. Rigby, in the course of his speech, having as- serted that the late Earl of Chatham, though be denied the right of Great Bri- tain to tax the colonies lor ilu; purpose of raising a revenue, yet maintained ilie right of the parent country to make Jinancial or cominercial regulations, and to establish /jo/'^ eludes or cuslo/)is, on every article sent to America ; Put attempted to justify and lo explain that line of opinion, attributed 'o ins noble relation. While he admitted that such sentiments liad been expressed by the deceased earl, he denied that his laiher had ever approved of the war commenced with America ; which, on the contrary, he had condemned, reprobated, and op- posed in every stage. Then, after thus throwing as it were a shield over the memory of his illustrious parent, and res- cuing him from the imputation of having countenanced or supported coercive mea- sures for the suhj ligation of ihe colonies beyond the Atlantic ; he diverged with equal vehemence and majesty of expres- sion, lo the topic immediately before the assembly. Referring lo the epithet of ho/ 1/, wiiich Lord VVestcote had given to the contest, he declared that he con- sidered it as unnatural, accursed, and unjust; Its traces marked with persecu- tion and devastation ; depravity and tur- pitude consiituling its essence, while its effects would be destructive in the ex- treme. 'I'lie English language seemed inadequate fully to express tiis feelings of indignation and abhorrence, while stigmatizing the authors of so ruinous a system. As a specimen of parliamentary eloquence, it unquestionably excelled hi.s two preceding speeches ; leaving on his audience a deep impression, or rather conviction, that he must eventually, and probably at no remote distance of lime, orcupy a liigh situation in the councils of the crown, as well as in the universal estimation of his countrymen. Dundas, who rose as soon as Pitt sate down, seemed lo be thoroughly pene- iraieil with that truth ; and by a sort of political second sight, appeared to anti- cipate the period, when this new candi- date for office would occupy the place on the treasury bench, then filled by his noble friend in the blue ribband. With consummate ability, but with equal address, in the progress of his reply lo Mr. Put, the lord advocate endeavoured to prove that the late Earl of Chatham had uniformly resisted every pretension of America to independence. " If, there- fore," said he, " the honorable genile- man supports the present motion for compelling his majesty's ministers to conclude peace with the insurgent co- lonies, he differs diametrically from his noble relation, whose last breath was ex- hausted in execrating those servants of the crown, that would presume to de- spoil parliament of its inalienable rights, and to rob the reigning laniily of their brightest patrimonial inheritance." I own that it has always a|)peared to me, such were in 1778 the sentiments of the great Earl of Ciialham ; nor was 1 ever convmced, either by the explanations of his son, or by llio.^e of Fox, thai lie con- templated the independence of America with other eyes than those of Lord North and Lord George Germain. He might, indeed, had he survived down lo 1781, have modified, chans^ed, or relracieil his opinions, in compliance with events : 240 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. but that he did so, previous to liis dy- ing speech in the House of Peers, iiol- willisiaiiding the tesiimony of the late Mr. Pill, 1 never could comprehend. Posterity may perhaps be better able to decide the point, tlian we can do in the present age. 'I'he hird advocate admirably qualified whatever of unpalatable or distasteful to Mr. Put, might be found in his asser- tions relative to the Earl of Chatham, by the flattering predictions of his own future and certain elevation, with which they were accompanied. " He (Dundas), was unwilling and reluctant to slate to the honorable gentleman's face, those truths, which, were he ab- sent, truth itself would compel him to utter; but he nevertheless i'elicitated his country and his fellow citizens, (m the auspicious union, and splendid exhibi- tion of abilities, witnessed by the house on that evening. With the first rate talents, were blended high integrity, a nnble and honest independence oi' mind, and the most persuasive eloquence." Such were the encomiums 1 ivished on Pitt by Dundas ; who, though he pro- fessed, and no doubt felt at that lime, the strongest attachment to Lord North, yet obviously foresaw his decline, and as certainly beheld in prospect his de- stined successor ; if not immediate, yet remote. In fact, the lord advocate of Scot- land found himself, within llie revolution of thirteen months from that day, seated, as treasurer of the naw, on the treasury bench, along side of i\lr. l-'itt, become chancellor of the exchequer, under the Earl of Slielburne's admiuisiralion. So solid were his political speculations, so sound his judgment, and so speedily realised were his calculations of ambi- tion ! — Fox concluded iliis eventful evening, of which I have most imper- fectly attempted to slate some salient j)oint:«, by replying to all the preceding speakers. Righy, who had asserted roundly that every administration since 17(53, concurred in maintaining as a ])rin -ipje, ihe um.-ondilioiial dominion of t'lis country over the American colo- niei ; was admonished by Fox, *' to ob- serve a more temperate lani^uage when he advanced such positive charges, fol- lowed by such .severe conclusions, against so many of the highest and most respectable characters in Great Britain." He accompanied the reproof, by a decla- ration that " he was not i^inorant how powerlully the paymaster of the forces was supported, in that house, and out of it.'^ Words pregnant with meaning, which alluded in a manner too intelligi- ble for admitting of mistake, to the secret snppoii thai Riifby was supposed to derive Irom the royal confidence and favour ! On the lord advocate, Fox was severe, yet liberal ; and without the slightest mixture of gall, from which no individual in parliament was more per- fectly exempt; not even Lord North or Sheridan. Fox jested on Dundas's pro- testations of independence on the first minister his friend; recognised the learned lord's abilities, nor disputed his integrity ; but denied the accuracy pf various statements that he had made in the course of his speech. When Fox had occasion to notice Dundas's eulogiums on the Earl of Chatham, he seemed to pause and to weigh his expressions: — for, he felt that the ground was delicate and full of danger. '' 'i'he learned lord," said he, " has eloquently panegyrised the exalted virtues and talents of a deceased con- summate statesman. My youth and other causes prevented me froin being much known personally to that great man. No individual in the house can, however, reverence his memory more than myself. Neverlheless I would lay in my claim for others, who, though they might not coincide in opinion on every point of pidicy with that illus- trious nobleman, have yet rendered dis- tinguished services lo their country." In these words, dictated by filial piety, and aff'ection for his father's memory, he indirectly alluded to the political and parly disputes which had existed be- tween Lord Holland and the Earl of Chatham, when both were commoners and members of that assembly. Dis- putes, which were ;lestined to be revived with augmented viiulence between their SODS ! — Reverting lastly lo Lord West- cote's assertion, thai he considered the contest with America as a holtj war, Fox remarked, " To others, the appli- cation of such an epithet to the actual contest may appear new ; but to me it has no novelty. I was in Paris, pre ■J HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 241 cisely at the time when the present war began, in 1776, and Dr. Franklin honoured me vvltli his inlimacy. I re- collect, that conversing with him on the subject of the impending lioslililies, he, while he predicted their ruinous consequences, compared their principle and their consequences, to those of the ancient Crusades. He foretold that we should expend our best blood and treasure in attempting an unattainable object ; and that like the holy war of the dark ages, while we carried desolation and slaughter over America, we should finally depopulate, enfeeble, and im- poverish Great Britain. Fox's conclusion might almost be con- sidered as prophetic. " The only ob- jection," observetl he, " made to my mo- tion, is that it must lead to American in- dependence. But I venture to assert, \\\&iwithin six months of thepresent day, ministers themselves will come forward to parliament, with some proposition of a sinular nature. I know that such is their intention. I announce it to the house." Notwithstanding so eloquent, and so powerful an appeal to the passions, as well as to the understanding of his audience, the inoment was not yet ar- rived, when the majority of the national representatives could consent to renounce all further ho[)e of reducing the revolted colonies to obedience. Even the attend- ance on that night fell far beneath the vast and awful importance of the subject agitated. Only ninety-nine persons di- vided with Fox. One hundred and seventy-two supported administration. Two hundred and eighty-seven members were therefore absent. It seemed, how- ever, to be more a question of the king, and of Lord George Germain, than of Lord North. There were not wanting individuals wiio thouirht that the fir.->t minister would have felt litile regret, if opposition had out-nuiribered him. His conduct miijht be thouijht to indicate great indifference to the result, and he probably participated Fox's a;)prehen- sions for the final issue of Lord (3orn- wallis's Virginian campaign. I have descended to more minute details respecting this debate, than I should have done, if it had not been the last which took place on American topics, previous to the catastroplie and surrender 21 of York Town. But the most interest- ing discussion of the whole session, and in many points of view, one of the most interesting which I ever witnessed in the House of Commons, took place three days later, on the motion for amending, or in fact virtually repealing, " the mar- riage act." It stood altogether uncon- nected with ministers, or with party poli- tics, though originated by Fox, at a very advanced period of the year. The question seemed in itself to be not less philosophical and moral, than a measure of state, or an object of legislative policy. Never did Fox appear to me in a more elevated light, tlian on that occasion, while pleading the cause of his fellow subjects at large, against the shackles and impediments opposed, as he asserted, by aristocracy, family pride, and wealth, to the matrimonial union of two persons of dissimilar rank and condition! Hi^ father. Lord Holland, for whom he nou- rished the warmest filial aifection, had manifested similar senlimeiiis. Fox as- sumed as a principle, while reasoning on t!ie subject, that " passion, not reason, is best capable of promoting our felicity in wedlock." However untenable and even revolting, such an assumption may ap- pear, he maintained it by arguments well calculated to persuade, if not to convince his hearers. I will candidly own that they made the deepest impression on my mind, and produced the fullest convic- tion when I heard them from his lips in 1781 ; but, the lapse of six and thirty years have reconciled me to the marriage act. General Burgoyne, who supported the bill, and whose eloquence was usu- ally tame, as well as destitute of enter- tainment, seemed to rise above himseli', and to be inspired by the subject. Both he and Fox expressed themselves with the utmost acrimony against Sir Dudley Ryder, who had warmly supported " the marriage act" when it was first intro- duced into the House of Commons. They accused him of avowing a syste- matic intention to divide the higher classes of society from the vulgar, arid to pre- vent their intermixture by marriage ; thus effectually separating persons of high rank and fortune, from the mass of the population. Burgoyne, when allu- ding to Fox's splendid talems, observed that " if the spirit of the marriage act 242 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. liad operated previous to liis birth, he would never have come into existence." ('oiirtenay, in a speech abounding with humour and irony, though of the broadest descripiion, and wliich in many passages trampled on decorum, sustained Fox's arguments. So did Lord Nugent, in a much certainty did they calculate on com- plete success, whenever the ciinipaign beyond the Atlantic should be concluded. Intelligence arriving about this time, of the naval action fought in Praya Bay, between SutTrein and Commodore John- stone, Fox made some severe, but, as somewhat similar strain of eloquence, they liave always appeared to me, just On ihe o her hand, Burke, with no less ability than Fox, and with equal powers of genius, ajjpealed to many of the strong- est passions of the human mind, while he opposed the measure brought forward by his friend. They completely diverged on this question, in opposite directions ; each displaying uncommon capacity, enlhusia-m, and proi'ound reasoning, in their respective speeches. Sheridan likewise spoke against Fox's motion, with great ingenuity, though not at con- siderable length ; and it was one of the few occasions on which 1 have seen them take different sides, during the whole time that I remained a member of the House of Commons. Lord North, as might be expected, inclined to oppose every innovation on the marriage act ; and there could have been little doubt, as far as the temper of the house mani- fested itself, that Fox's bill would have been rejected by a great majority, if the sense of the members present had been taken upon it. Bui no division was de- manded ; and Fox, abandoning it for the [jresent, pledged himself, if ever he should come into power, to renew the motion iiom the treasury bench. 'J'his pledge he never, indeed, redeemed : but if we rtdect, lor how short a time he continued in office, when secretary of fetaie III 1782, as well as in 1783, toge- ther wiih ilie iiiuliiplicity of matter which then pressed upon him ; we cannot wonder, though it is possible we may regret, liis not having resumed the sub- ject. [16ili — 30:h June.] The session now drew towards a close, and Lord North prepared to withdraw his shattered par- liamentary forces from the scene of ac- tion. Not however before George Byng, the " muster master general" of opposi- tion; as he was denominated, had invok- ed the followers of that parly to attend betimes durin^r the ensuing winter, " in order to terminate the wicked and fruil- Itess contest with America." With so observations, on the conduct of the British commander. That he was sur- prized on the occasion, cannot admit of dispute ; and though he extricated him- self without susiaiuing any loss of ships, yet he acquired no more honour than Keppel had gained in his memorable battle with d'Orvilliers. I knew John- stone, and respected' him ; but I coin- cided fully with Fox in opinion, that the commodore was much more formidable in parliament, than on the ocean ; and more dreaded by the first minister of England, than by Maurepas or Vergen- nes. Lord North might have said of Johnstone, though in a different sense, what Sir Robert Walpole, his ministe- rial predecessor, observed in 1740, of the general officers of thai period, when the list was submitted to his inspection. "I know not what effect they may produce upon the enemy ; but, before God, they make me tremble." Johnstone's ora- tory, while opposing government, not his naval skill, called him forward, and placed him in command of a squadron, after he had come over to the side of ad- ministration. He acquired some wealth, but, gained little renown, by the expedi- tion, which proved more beneficial to himself, than advantageous to his coun- try. Lord North defended him never- theless with animation, against Fox's comments. iTIie lord advocate of Scotland, as chairman of the secret committee, hav- ing laid on the table of the house, the two first reports made on the state of the Carnalic ; strenuously recommended them to the diligent perusal of members during the approaching recess, " as they would constitute," he said, "the groun('- work of future parliamentary proceed- ings." A few days later, a short, but sharp, and most personal altercation took place, — for I cannot call it by any olher name ; — between Fox and some leading supporters of administration. It was provoked by Fox, who, in the course of HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 243 a speech pronounced in behalf of the Americans conliueJ in the Mill Prison at Plymouth, avoweil that "^n his opi- nion, their cause was the cause of free- dom, of wliis^ism, and of the Constitution, to which he ardently wished success :" adding, that " administration, in prose- cuting the contest with the colonies, only desired to satiate their revenge." Irritated at such imputations, Dundas answered, " that it afforded him no sur- prise to find the honorable member re- joicing at our enemy's success ; a suc- cess to which he had contributed not a litile, by his language and line of action within those walls." But, Mansfield, the solicitor general, with a manly iiulig- nalion, rising;, demanded of Fox, " Whe- ther he meant to limit himself to mere wishes and vows in favour of the Ame- ricans ? Or did he intend to draw his sword, to clothe himself in the rebel uni- form, to enlist under Washington's com- mand, to fight the battles of America, and to point his weapon against his coun- trymen's breasts ?" Fox answered, that he disdained to make any reply to ca- lumnies founded in gross misrepresenta- tion, and the conversation terminated. I have already remarked elsewhere, that he almost always wore blue and buff. [20ih — 30th July.] Many circum- stances contributed to sustain, and to prolong, the duration of Lord North's administration, notwithstanding the mis- fortunes and disgraces which continued annually to mark its progress. The mu- tiny in the Pennsylvania line, which for a moment seemed to menace the Ameri- can Congress with internal revolt, during the spring of 1781 ; Lord Cornwallis's victory over Greene, at Guilford ; fol- lowed by Lord Rawdon's advantage gained over the same general at Camden, two places situate in North and Soiiih Carolina ; lastly, the expectations form- ed from the advance of the British forces into ilie province of Virginia : — all these events held the minds of men in sus- pense, till the prorogation of parliament on the 18lh of July, allowed the minis- ter to retire for some time, from the scene of his political exertion. The province of West Florida had neverthe- less been conquered by Spain, while France reduced to its subjection the Island of Tobago. Our only acquisi- tion consisted in the seizure, rather than the capture, of the Dutch Island of St. Eustatius in the West Indies; an event which served to cover Rodney and Vaughan, the naval and military com- manders in chief, with obloquy, on ac- count of their severe treatment of the in- habitants. Even on the element of the sea, every encounter which we had with the enemy, from its indecisive nature, rather tended to augment their courage, as well as to stimulate their enterprize. [August.] The severest naval action which took place during the whole course of the American war, was the battle fought at this time between Parker and Zoutman, who commanded the English and Dutch squadrons in tlie North Sea, ofT the Dogger Bank. But, it bore no resemblance in its results, to the glo- rious victory obtained in our time, by Duncan, at Camperdown ; and might more aptly be compared with the san guinary, though indt-cisive conflirls for superiority, which distinguished Charles the Second's reign ; when the navies of Holland were led by Tromp and Ruyler, while those of England were conducted by James, Duke of York, by Prince Rupert, and by Montague, first Earl of Sandwich. On this occasion, the king, departing from the ordinary course of his life, embarked on the Thames, ac- companied by the Prince of Wales, wlio had just accomplished his nineteenth year ; and descended the river to the Nore, where he visited Admiral Parker, on board his ship, the " Fortitude." Prince Frederic, the present Duke of York, then commonly denominated Bishop of Osnaburgh, had been sent over to Hanover, near eight months earlier ; probably with a view not oidy to his ac- complishment by visiting Germany, but, perhaps, to re/nove him from scenes here at home, ill calculated to ameliorate his pf)litical, or his moral character. One of the defects attributed to his majesty's natural formation of mind, principally resulting from his secluded education during his ffrandl'ather's reign, and the retired habits which he then imbibed under Lord Bute's tuition ; was, his supposed reluctance to become person- ally acquainted with his people. His enemies described him as a prince averse to all communication with his subjects. 244 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. except at a levee. Thus the " Heroic Epistle" exclaims, " Our sons some slave of greatness may behold, Cast in the genuine Asiatic mould. Who of three realms shall condescend to know , No more than he can spy from Windsor s brow." Yet, when the king, emancipating himself for the first time since his acces- sion to the throne, from the restraints which he imposed on his own conduct, went down to Portsmouth in June, 1773, to inspect his fleet; with what severe raillery did not the same poem endea- vour to expose him to derision ? " There shall he see, as other folks have seen, That ships have anchors, and that seas are green ; Shall count the tackling trim, the streamers fine, With Bradsha-iD prattle, and with Sandioich dine ; And then row back, amidst the cannon's roar, As safe, as sage, as when he left the shore." But, it would only argue folly to deny, that during the first twenty-three years of his reign, from 1761, as soon as Lord Bute came into power, down to the end of 1763, wlien Fox brought forward the "Ea^t India Bill," George the Third was most unpopular. His subjects, how- ever, made him ample amends for so long withholding from him the testimonies of their affection, by the general and un- bounded attachment which they have since manifested towards him, down to the moment when he ceased to sway the sceptre. [September.] Admiral Darby, who continued to command the Channel fleet, had successfully relieved Gibraltar, dur- ing the course of the spring, when re- duced to great extremity. But, in the autumn, our numerical inferiority com- pelled that commander to take refuge in Torbay ; while the combined French and Spanish fleets, for the third time since the beginning of the war, occupied the entrance of the British channel, and even meditated to attack us, as we lay at an- chor on our own coast. So low was the naval power of England reduced, towards the conclusion of Lord North's adminis- tration, amidst the exhausture and cala- mities occasioned by the American war l But, towards America itself, all eyes were anxifusly turned ; where, it became evident, aflTairs rapidly tended to some great and decisive crisis. Lord Cornwallis having advanced into the province of Vir- ginia in June, finally established himself at York Town in August. No position could have been more judiciously chosen ; and it might unquestionably have been main- tained under every disadvantage, against the united force of America and of France, if a chain of fortuitous accidents, rather than a series of able or well combined measures, had not led to llie unavoidable catastrophe wliich terminated the war. De Grasse, who commanded the French fleet, was not less favoured by fortune, in finding the mouth of the Chesapeake unoccupied, on his arrival there from the West Indies ; than he derived aid from the delays that prevented the En- glish squadron under Graves, anticipating his seizure of that important station. Graves and Clinton, boib, successively failed, only by the short interruption of a few days; the first, in occupying the Chesapeake with a naval force ; the last, in arriving with an army, before Lord Cornwallis's surrender, and thereby rescuing liim from the necessity of ca- pitulating to Washington. In so despe- rate a situation, precluded from all possi- bility of relief. Lord Cornwallis laid down his arms ; and the American re- bellion, after a contest of more than six years, finally became a revolution. [October.] It is at this point of time, that we must place the highest elevation to which Louis the Sixteenth attained during his reign : an elevation only to be paralleled in the French annals, by recurring to the brilliant seras of Louis the Fourteenth. For, his grandfather Louis the Fifteenth, never stood on such an eminence in the eyes of Europe ; not even in the year 1748, previous to the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, thougli his troops, conducted by Marshal Saxe, after defeating the allies in various actions, had then overrun the Austrian low coun- tries, and nearly reduced Brabant. In October, 1781, the King of France beheld America finally dissevered from Great Britain, by the union of his armies with those of the insurgents ; while he re- ceived about the same period, Lord HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 245 Cornwallis's sword, surrendered to La j only a few weeks before llie fatal revolu- Fayelie. His forces were occupied in ; lion which took place in July of thai pursuing their career of victory through- ! same year, swept away the uionarchy, to out the West Indies ; and in the east, ' place Robespierre and Bonaparte suc- Sufn-ein, in liis repealed naval engage- I cessively on the llirone of Henry the menis uiih Sir Edward Hughes, nol only : Fourth. The Dauphin was in his ninth mainlained the honour of his sovereign's 1 year, when he finished his short c;ireer. flag, but had nearly succeeded more | I have been assured by individuals who th;in once, in obtaining a decided supe-| haiaced at the head of the finances. That place, it was evident, must be conferred on Lord Rockingham, or on Lord Shel- burne. Those persons who looked be- low the surface, and who knew how little personal communication existed between the two noblemen in question, how dis- similar were their opinions on many great points of policy, and by what dif' ferent adherents they were surrounded or impelled ; argued most unfavourably re- lative to the concord and duration of a ministry, formed under their joint aus- pices. The king, who upon every point was not less accurately informed than any of his subjects, finding himself abandoned by Lord North, as he had repeatedly been deserted at earlier periods of his reign, by other ministers, chose that evil which he esteemed to be the least in his situation. Well acquainted with the discordant materials of which the oppo- sition was composed, he sent to Lord Shelburne, to signify a desire of con- ferring with him, on the formation of a new administration: and when that nobleman attended his majesty for the purpose, the king proposed to him to ac- cept the place of first lord of the treasury. But Lord Shelburne, how- ever disposed he might be from inclina- tion, to comply with an offer so flatter- ing to his ambition ; felt too deeply conscious of his inability to maintain himself in power, independent of the 294 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. Rockingham party, to venture on its ac- ceptance. Having stated therefore, the necessity under which he lay of declin- ing so gratifying a distinction, at least for the present ; he urged the over- gloomy satisfaction at the intelligence imparled by Dunning, was adopted. The leaders of opposition were never- theless far from having surmounted all the impediments to their acquisition of ruling circumstances that no immediate I office ; and they soon discovered that alternative to the crown, except placing I the expulsion of Lord North, though it the Marquis of Rockingham at the head might open to them the door of the of the ministry. Sensible that he must cabinet, by no means secured the dura- submit to the measure, however painful, the king therefore, on the subs^uent day, desired Lord Rockingham's attend- ance. At the audience which took place, his majesty consented to the con- ditions on which the marquis insisted, before he would agree to accept office ; only attempting to stipulate as a prelimi- nary, that two of his actual ministers, namely, the chancellor and Lord Stor- mont, should be continued under the new administration. He could not however obtain such terms ; nor was it without some repugnance, and after considerable difficulty, that even Lord Thurlow was admitted to retain his situ- ation. A decided negative was put on the other nobleman, whom it was deter- mined by the Rockingham party, at all , events to exclude from any cabinet office. In the king's situation, as he could neither contest nor protract, a few days sufficed to terminate the negotia- tion : but throughout every stage of it, a marked preference was exhibited to- wards Lord Shelburne. When the House of Commons, pursuant to its ad- journment, met again on the 25lh of March, an adherent of that nobleman (not a friend of the marquis, his com- petitor for power), was selected and authorised to communicate the state of affairs at St. James's. Dunning, who, forty-eight hours afterwards, kissed his majesty's hands on being created a peer, informed the members whom curiosity or anxiety had brought down in greai numbers to Westminster, that arrange- ments for the formation of a new admi- nistration, which, he trusted, would meet the wishes of the house and of the nation, were in considerable forward- ness. In order to allow time for their eomplele accomplishment, he moved that another short adjournmei.t should ake place, to Wednesday, the 27ih. The motion, after a few words from Lord Surrey, expressive of a sort of bility of their administration. From the first moment that the new competitors for power appeared at St. James's, in- extinguishable jealousies arose, and mu- tual distrust manifested itself on every occasion. With difficulty could they be prevented from immediately proceed- ing to an open rupture ; and the exter- nal appearances of political union, which had been preserved during several years of parliamentary opposition, dissolved as soon as they came to divide the ministerial objects of plunder, or to dis- pute for preference in the royal favour. The Marquis of Rockingham, conscious that though he might ostensibly be placed at the head of the new adminis- tration, yet the king regarded him and his adherents with sentiments of aliena- tion ; while he considered Lord Shel- burne with regard, and treated him with confidence; took umbrage at the distinc- tion. In this situation of affairs, before the formation of the new cabinet, an in- cident which displayed the superior in- terest that Lord Shelburne possessed at court, nearly terminated at once the com- pact by which Lord North had been expelled, and consequently involved the whole embryo ministry in total confu- sion. [27th March — 7th April.] Scarcely could the administration be said indeed with propriety, as yet to have any real existence: for, though Mr. Fox and Lord Shelburne had been named secre- taries of state ; and though Lord Cam- den had accepted the presidency of the council, while the Duke of Grafton was made privy seal ; yet neither the new boards of treasury nor of admiralty were constituted. Lord John Cavendish alone had been sworn in, as the new chancellor of the exchequer: but, the Marquis of Rockingham, and Admiral Keppel, who were destined to preside at the vwo boards, were not as yet regularly appoint- ed. The post of commander-in-chief of HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 295 the forces, as well as the master-general of the ordnance, both which liati commonly or frequently been cabinet offices, still remained vacant. No individual had been proposed to be raised to the peer- age ; when Lord Shelburne, availing himself of the facility which he enjoyed of access to the sovereign, induced his majesty to confer the dignity of a baron, on his friend and adherent, Dunning. The business iiself, which neither the king, nor Lord Shelburne, communicated to the Marquis of Rockingham ; was managed with such dexterity, as well as silence and despatch, that the first inti- mation received of it, even by the per- sons about the court, arose from Dun- ning's kissing the king's hand at the levee, on his creation. But, no sooner had the intelligence became known, than it produced the most violent fermentation and resentment among all the Rocking- ham party. Considering their chief as equally overreached and insulted by the proceeding, since it was evident that Lord Slielburne could effect for his foK lowers, objects of the highest importance, which proved to the public his superior and exclusive ascendancy at St. James's ; they determined on exacting immediate reparation. Under this impression, several of the leading persons, among whom were Fox, Burke, and George Byng, having re- paired to Lord Rockingham's house in Grosvenor-square, a sort of tumultuary consultation was there held on the occa- sion. They unanimously agreed that the first lord of the treasury would be ai once dishonoured in the cabinet, and disgraced in the public estimation ; if the secretary of state, so much his infe- rior in oflioial rank, could thus, without his knowledge or participation, dispose of the highest dignities to his own adhe- rents. It was maintained, that the re- paration ought to be no less public, than the affroni ; and that in order to wipe it away, some individual must be without delay raised to the peerage, at Lord Rockingham's personal recommendation. This resolution being adopted, it was next debated whom to choose for the honour. The selection fell on Sir Fletcher Norton, late Speaker of the House of Commons : not, indeed, so much from inclination, as from necessity ; no other person appearing equally proper to be created a peer at the same time with Dunning, as Sir Fletcher: they being, both, lawyers of great eminence in their profession, members of the House of Commons, speaking, as well as voting, in decided opposition to the late govern- ment, and rival candidates for power or office. On the following day, Thursday, the 28th of Manh, the new first lord of the treasury repaired therefore to St. James's, Having obtained an audience of the king, he represented the impossibility of his continuing at the head of the intended administration, after the elevation of Mr. Dunning to a peerage, on Lord Shel- burne's recommendation, unless his ma- jesty should be graciously pleased to confer the same mark of royal favour on one of his own friends. After some hesitation, the king, apprehensive of the consequences to himself and to the public tranquillity, if Lord Rockingham and his followers should suddenly resign, as they menaced ; and aware that Lord Shelburne could not support himself alone ; signified his assent to the propo- sition : adding, that the person named, Sir Fletcher Norton, might kiss his hand at the first levee. But, the marquis peremptorily insisted on that ceremony immediately taking place on the same day. In vain the king stated the singu- larity and impropriety of such an act, contrary to all the usages of established court etiquette, inasmuch as no individual ever was known to be presented at the queen's drawing room, by wliatever title, till he had previously been received under that denomination, at the levee. Lord Rockingham signified in reply, re- spectfully but tenaciously, thatevery form must give way on the present occasion ; and he exacted compliance. Sir Fletcher being brought forward, actually kissed his majesty's hand on his creation as a baron, by the title of Lord Grantley, the same day, in the drawing room, to the no small astonishment of the oldest courtiers ; and hardly less so of the newly created peer himself, who having been apprized of this extraordinary ele- vation, alltnded for the purpose at St. James's, on the previous notice of only a few hours. No instance of such a breach of established usage has occurred, 296 either before or since, in the present reign. This subject of contest being thns regulated, and the Rockingham party triumphant, the new adniinis.tration was at length formed, though of very hetero- geneous materials. Instead of nine indi- viduals, who constituted Lord North's cabinet, eleven were now admitted ; the third secretaryship of state, namely, that for tlie colonies, lately occupied by Lord Sackville, being extinguished. General Conway, as the recompense of his late distinguished services in parlia- ment, was placed at the head of the army. The separation of the office of first lord of tiie treasury, from that of chancellor of the exchequer, made way for Lord John Cavendish's entrance into the cabinet ; and the introduction of the master general of the ordnance, who had not been admitted under Lord North, brought in the Duke of Richmond: while, in order to oppose some little balance to the preponderating ascendancy of the marquis's friends. Lord Ashburton, late Mr. Dunning, contrary to general usage or precedent, was admitted to a seat, in quality of chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. The transition was doubt- less great in every instance ; but in that of Dunning, peculiarly striking; who, from a barrister of obscure birth, though of transcendent talents, beheld himself transformed, in the space of a few hours, into a peer, a member of the cabinet, and the possessor for life of a lucrative, as well as honorable legal dignity. The other great objects of ambition or acquisition, were shared with tolerable equality, among the friends of the two principal leaders. Tiie Earl of Carlisle was replaced, as Lord Lieutenant of Ire- land, by the Duke of Portland. Rigby, who during near fourteen years, had en- joyed the prodigious etnoluments of the pay office, without any colleague, relin- quished that enviable and lucrative post to Burke; whose brother, Richard, was likewise made one of the two secretaries of the treasury. Welbore Ellis, fallen in an instant from his double elevation of secretary of state and treasurer of the navy, made way for Barre in the latter employment; thus verifying Dundas's prediction of the Irish tvarmin^ pan : while Jenkinson was succeeded, as HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. — • — the course of secretary at war, by Mr. Thomas Town- send. Kenyon became attorney general. We were colleagues for the borough of Hindon, in that parliament. He pos- sessed a deep and recondite knowledge of the law, the result of severe applica- tion ; and was supposed to be consulted by the chancellor on all cases that arose of legal difficulty. It was, indeed, to Lord Thurlow's friendship, and the high opinion entertained by him of Kenyon's ability, that the latter was indebted, in an eminent degree, for being brought forward in political life. Though he loved wealth, he was not naturally an ambitious man. I know that he reluc- tantly consented to become a member of the House of Commons, and that he was more than indifferent to his continu- ance in that assembly. His inflexible love of justice rendered him superior to parly attachments, or to party sacrifices; and he was fabricated of such tough mar terials that you might bre;ik him, but could never bend him. Gascoigne, un. der Henry the Fourth, or Sir Matthew Hale, under Cromwell, were not more intrepid and tenacious of right, I cannot forget his expressions, when the question was agitated in the House of Commons, whether the public had or had not, a title to demand interest on the balances of money remaining in the hands of public accountants. It took place, — I mean the debate on the sub-?' ject, — in the month of June, 1782, when Fox might be esteemed first mi^ nisler, though Lord Rockingham was at the head of the treasury. And Fox's opinions were well known to be in favour of the accountants. For he al- ways maintained that, " when a balance of public money lay in the hands of a public functionary, all which the country or parliament were entitled to expect from him, was, that whenever the money should be demanded, it should be forth- coming." These were nearly Fox's words, who never forgot that his father had been paymaster of the forces ; that he had made a vast profit of those bar lances; and that liis accounts remained unsettled for many years subsequent to his disease. But Kenyon, then attorney general, thought very differently on the point, "I never will preclude myself," said he, when addressing the house from HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 297 the treasury bench, " from a full right to discuss in a court of justice, the question of whether the public may not call on their servants to account for, antl to re- fund, the great emoluments made by means of public money. I speak not from ill will to any man alive ; but solely from a sense of duty in an office which I have, undeservedly, as well as unexpectedly, been called to fill. I know not how long 1 may continue in it ; but if I should be dismissed from my present situation, I shall return to much domestic happiness, which I enjoyed be- fore I was called into public life. So being thus liberated from the inabilities which his surrender at Saratoga had in- flicted on him, was sent to replace Sir John Irvvine, as commander in chief in Ireland. The Duke of Bolton, as a compensa- tion for the service which he liad ren- dered in the session of 1781, by arraign- ing in the House of Peers, the conduct of the first lord of the admiralty, was made governor of the Isle of Wight. During his elder brother's life, when only Lord Harry Powlett, he had serv- ed in the royal navy, where, however, he acquired no laurels ; and he was long, however, as I may remain in it, I j commonly supposed to be the " Captain am determined to do my duty." Whitlie" portrayed by Smollet, in his A man composed of such stuff, might Roderic Random." Sheridan received look down on ministers. When Mr. Eden only ventured to suppose, that in his conduct relative to Kigby and Ellis, who (as having been, the one, paymaster of the forces, and the other, treasurer of the navy), were, both, largely indebted the appointment of one of the underse- cretaries of state in Fox's office ; who having taken for himself ihe foreign de- partment, left the home secretaryship to Lord Shelhurne; a partition, by no means grateful to the latter personage, to the public ; he could be actuated by whose extensive information on all sub- any personal feelings or motives, Kenyon jects connected with continental or instantly took fire. " I hope," said he, ^ foreign affairs, qualified him eminently with great emotion, after justifying him- for that line of political employment, self from the imputation, " the right Mr. Orde became his under secretary, honorable gentleman does not look into Of all the ostensible candidates for public his own heart, to find out the motives which actuate me on the present occa- sion." Lord North endeavoured to ex- plain Eden's expression ; but the attor- ney general made no answer. Little conversant with the manners of polite life, Kenyon retained, even when lord chief justice of the King's Bench, to which high dignity he afterwards rose. situation, whose birth and talents seemed to call him forward to the service of the state, and whose eloquence in parlia- ment had eminently conduced to the tri- umph obtained over the late administra- tion, Mr. Pitt, alone remained without post or remuneration. Not that the new ministers manifested either insensibility to his merits, or indifference to securing all the original coarse homeliness of his such abilities in their immediate support, early habits. Irascible in his temper, On the contrary, as ihe best proof of like his countrymen, the Welsh ; desti tute of all refinement in dress or external deportment, parsimonious even in a de- gree approaching to avarice ; he never- theless more than balanced these defects their consideration, they offered him the place of a lord of the treasury, in the formation of the new board. But, in making him this proposition, they ap- peared to have ill appreciated his charac- of deportment and character, by strict ter, as well as to have forgotten his late morality, probity, and integrity. As a member of the House of Commons, whenever he spoke, though he wanted grace and dignity, he could not be re- proached with any deficiency in the es- sential qualities of perspicuity, energy declaration in the house; and least of all to have understood the extent, as well as the depth, of his ambition. Pitt steadily rejected every proposition or solicitation, preferring to remain for the present without office. Whether this refusal ori- and command of language. General ginated in his consciousness of possess- Burgoyne, whose exchange had at length ing r'taleiits, which, from their pre-emi- been effected against Laurens, the late nence, enabled him at once to seize a president of the American congress ; cabinet place, without passing, like other 298 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. — *—~ men, through any inferior gradations of political life ; or, whether it rather pro- ceeded from that superior intelligence and discernment, which even at so early a period of youth, showed him that a ministry imbued with such discordant principles, and odious to the sovereign, could not possibly pro"e of long dura- tion ; it may be difficult to determine with certainty. Probably, both those sentiments concurred in regulating this judicious line of action. Charles Turner, member for the city of York, and one of the most eccentric men who ever sate in parliament, ac- cepted a baronetcy from the Marquis of Rockingham. He was a man of large landed property, situated in Yorkshire, on the southern bank of the Tees, near the edge of the Bishopric of Durham. Lord Rockingham could not boast of a more enthusiastic or devoted adherent in either house; but Turner's attach- ment was not bestowed on his rank or power. The constitutional principles which that nobleman professed, and those only, constituted the objects of Turner's veneration. It was to com- memorate, as he said, the era of a virtu- ous minister and administration attaining to power, not from any impulse of per- sonal vanity, or desire of title, that he accepted a dignity which should date and derive from the auspicious period of Lord Rockingham's nomination to the head of the treasury. Sir Charles had many peculiarities of character, dress, language, and deportment, in all which he was truly original. He never wore any coat, except one of a green colour, with tally-ho buttons, — for he was a decided sportsman. Yet the love of liberty, and detestation of every en- croachment on the comforts, pleasures, or enjoyments of his fellow subjects, particularly in the lower classes of so- ciety, was so ardent in his bosom, that he declaimed airainst the game laws as the most oppressive and disgraceful to our national character. I remember, in the month of February of this very year, 1782, Mr. Coke, member for Norfolk, having proposed in the house a revisal of those laws, with a view to prevent poaching, which motion was seconded by the other representative for the same county, Sir Edward Astley ; Turner m- stantly rose, and in animated, though unpolished language, inveighed against the whole code, which he stigmatised without reservation. " It is most shame- ful," exclaimed he, " to find this house perpetually occupied in making laws to | protect gentlemen. I wish we made a few for the benefit of the poor ! Let the legislature extend protection to ^/iCTW, and the gentry will have nothing to fear from their depredations. If I had been a poor man, I am convinced that I should have been a poacher, in defiance of the laws. It is to the severity of those laws we owe the increase of poachers. I wish to see the game laws revised, and stripped of more than half their severity. My wish, nevertheless, is by no means an interested one : for every shilling that I possess is in land, and I am a sportsman as well as other gentlemen." , There existed not in the kingdom a more determined enemy of the American war, or of Lord North. Turner did not want good sense, nor was he destitute of edu- cation ; but the simplicity, asperity, and untutored roughness of his ebullitions, always produced laughter. " 'i'hey call us a rope of sancW^ said he, mean- ing the opposition. " I will tell the noble lord in the blue ribband, what he and his colleagues are. They are a rope of onions ; — for they stink in the nostrils of the whole country." He did not long survive liis elevation to a baron- etcy, dying in the subsequent year, 1783. Turner bore some resemblance to Fielding's Sqtdre Western; but with far more benevolence, probity, philan- thropy, and general humanity, than Sophia^s father possessed. [[8th April.] Never was a more total change of costume beheld than the House of Commons presented to the eye, when that assembly met for the de- spatch of business, after the Easter re- cess. The treasury bench, as well as the places behind it, had been for so many years occupied by Lord North and his friends, that it became difficult to recognise them again in their new seats, dispersed over the opposition benches, wrapped in great coats, or habited in frocks and boots. Mr. Ellis himself, no longer secretary of state, appeared for the first time in his life, in an undress. To contemplate the ministers, their sue- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 299 cesaors, emerged from their obscure lijtlgiiigs, or from Brookes's, having thrown off their bUie and biilT uniforms ; now ornamented wiili the append;iges ol' full dress, or relnrning from conn, de- corated with swords, lace, and hair pow- der, exciled still more astonishment. 1 confess that it appeared to me the most extraordinary revolution I ever witnessed; and the members of llie new administra- tion seemed, themselves, not to have recovered from their surprise at being thus suddenly transported across the floor of the house. Even some degree of ridicule attached to this extraordinary and sudden metamorphosis, which af- forded subject for conversation, no less than food for mirth. It happened that just at the time when the clian!t severity, and' divided in the tniiiovily, on ^11 the most obnoxious clauses. But (lie stream, whiofi ran with too much violence, successfully to oppose its current, soon secured for each of the bills, the concurrence of the sove- reio^n. It cannot be disputed by the greatest enemies of reform, that various of the offices, or nominal employments, sup- pressed by Burke's bill, were become obsolete, destitute of any real function, and void of apparent utility. Nor will it be denied, that the annual aggregale sum which the measure saved to the country, though now reduced from two hundred thousand pounds, to about seventy-two thousand pounds a year, yet still formed a consideraijie object of national economy. But, on the other hand, the extinction of so many places, deprived the crown of that species of majesty, produced by the operation of time, and " the hoar of ages ;" advan- tages, which no man knew better how to appreciate and to venerate, as well as to celebrate and sustain, than Burke himself. We beheld him, scarcely ten years afterwards, stand forward the de- lermined champions of monarchical in- stitutions, and the zealous opposer of almost every kind of innovation. We may likewise remark, that the board of trade, and the office of third secretary of state, both which institutions his bill abolished, have been since revived, from a conviction of their respective necessity or advantages. Even the "great ward- robe," the " treasurer of the chamber," the "jewel office," the " clerks of the board of green cloth," and some other appointments, which may appear at first sight to be most exceptionable or unne- cessary ; yet, as carrying us back in imagination to the reigns of the Tudors, by whom they were instituted, diffused over the throne itself, a Gothic grandeur, calculated to protect and to perpetuate the sanctity of the monarchical office. These adventitious aids will not be despised by those who deeply consider the nature of man, and of all human in- stitutions. Other consequences of an injurious description, and not foreseen at the time, or from which the author of the bill 2G* chose to avert his view, have flowed from the measure. In Burke's eager- ness to diminish the supposed overgrown influence of the crown, arising from the distribution of offices among the mem- bers of the House of Commons, a greater injury has been probably sustained by the British Constitution. The minis- ter, deprived of the means of procur- ing parliamentary attendance and sup- port, by conferring places on his adhe- rents, has in many instances been com- pelled to substitute a far higher remune- ration, namely, peerages. A review of Mr. Pitt's administration will form the strongest illustration of this remark. I know, indeed, from the best authority.., that Burke himself lived to adopt the opinion, and like other reformers or in- novators, found reason to lament the effects of his own bill. Being at Bath, in a declining state of health, not long before his decease, — I believe in 1797, — the conversation turned on the great augmentation made by Mr. Pitt to the numbers of the House of Lords, during the preceding thirteen years. "I fear," said Burke, that I am partly accountable for so disproportionate an increase of honours, by having deprived the crown and the minister of so many other sources of recompense or reward, which were extinguished by my Bill of Reform." Mr. Pitt, when he came into power, early in 1784, had in fact little left him to bestow, in proportion to the crowd of claimants, except dignities; and he was not parsimonious in their distribu- tion. The two bills, excluding contrac- tors from sitting in the House of Com- mons, and depriving revenue officers of the right of voting at elections for mem- bers of parliament ; though liable, re- spectively, to some objections ,* and though both were strongly reprobated at the time, by the greatest legal characters in the House of Peers, yet appear to have obtained, and still to retain, the general approbation of the country. Many persons of high rank reluctantly disappeared from about the kinu's per- son and court, in consequence of Burke's Bill of Reform. The Earl of Darling- ion quitted the jewel office ; and Lord Pelham, the great wardrobe: the first of which offices owed its institution to Elizabeth ; while the latter remounted to 306 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. the times of the Plantagenets. The Earl of Essex laid down the slag hounds, . as did Lord Denbigh the harriers ; while the disasters of Saratoga and of York Town were thus felt bj' rebound, through every avenue of St. James's. Gibbon, who had sat at the board of trade since 1779, being dismissed I'rom his official attendance at Whitehall, found himself more at leisure to continue that great his- torical work which he ultimately com- pleted on the banks of the Lake of Ge- neva, and which will perpetuate his name to distant ages. George Selwyn lost a lucrative appointment under the board of works ; and though possessed of an affluent fortune, together with a borough, yet as he loved money, no man who suffered in consequence of the reduction of the civil list, retained a deeper resentment towards the party who had abridged his enjoyments, and diminished his income. I knew him with some degree of intimacy, having sat as his colleague in parliament during more than six years, for Ludgershall, from 1784 to 1790. He resided in Cleveland Row, in the house rendered memorable by the quarrel which took place between Sir Robert Walpole and Lord Townsend, under the reign of George the First, — when the prime minister and the secretary of stale seized each other by the throat, — a scene which Gay is supposed to have por- trayed in " The Beggar's Opera," un- der the characters of Peachum and Lockilt. Selwyn was a member of the House of Commons during the greater part of his life; and down to the year 1780, he constantly represented Glo- cester, near which city he had a seat, at Matson. The unpopularity consequent on the American war, throughout the whole progress of which contest he supported government, occasioned his being re- jected by his old constituents, at the general election which took place in that year. He told me that during the memorable siege of Glocester, under- taken by Charles the First in 1643, Charles, Prince of Wales, and James, Duke of York, who both in lurn ascend- ed the throne, but who were then boys, remained at Matson. And he added, that James the Second, after he rame to the crown, used frequently to mention the circumstance to his grandfather when he went to court; observing, "My brother and I were generally shut up in a chamber on the second floor at Mat- son during the day, where you will find that we have left ihe marks of our con- finement, inscribed with our knives, on the ledges of all the windows." Selwyn possessed infinite wit. He had indeed succeeded to Philip, Earl of Chesterfield's reputation for bon mots, most of which that then attained to any celebrity, were either made by, or attri- buted to him. Their effect, when fall- ing from his lips, became greatly aug- mented by the listless and drowsy man- ner in which he uttered them ; — for, he always seemed half asleep : yet the promptitude- of his replies was surpris- ing. The late Duke of Queensberry, who lived in the most intimate friend- ship with him, told me that Selwyn was present at a public dinner with the mayor and corporation of Glocester, in the year 1757, when the intelligence arrived of our expedition having failed before Rochfort. The mayor turning to Selwyn, " You sir," said he, " who are in the ministerial secrets, can no doubt inform us of the cause of this mis- fortune ?" Selwyn, though utterly ignorant on the subject, yet unable to resist the occasion of amusing himself at the inquirer's expense, "I will tell you in confidence the reason, Mr. Mayor," answered he ; " the fact is, that the scaling ladders prepared for the occasion, were found on trial to be too short," This solution which suggested itself to him at the moment, was con- sidered by the mayor to be perfectly explanatory of the failure, and as such, he communicated it to all his friends ; not being aware, though Selwyn per- fectly well knew, that Rochfort lies on the river Charante, some leagues from the sea-shore, and that our troops had never even effected a landing on the French coast. But it was not merely as a man of wit, that I delighted in his society. He was likewise thoroughly versed in our history, and master of many curious anecdotes, relative to the Houses of Stuart and of Brunswic. As he had an aversion to all long debates in parlia- ment, during which he frequently fell HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 307 asleep ; we used to vvillidiaw sometimes lo one of ihe eommiltee rooms up sl-iirs, for tlie purpose of conversation. Talk- ini{ to him of the death and execution of Charles the First, he assured me that the Duchess of Portsmouth always asserted, as having communicated to her by Charles the Second, that his father was not beheaded either by Colonel Pride or Colonel Joyce ; thouirh one of the two is commonly considered lo have perl'ormed that act. The duchess maintained that the man's name was Gregory Braniion. He wore a black crape sireiched over his face, and had no sooner taken off the king's head, than he was put into a boat at White- hall stairs, together with the block, the black cloth that covered it, the axe, and everv article stained with the blood. Being conveyed to the tower, all the impiements used in the decapitation, were immediately reduced to ashes. A purse containing a hundred broad pieces of gold was delivered to him, after which recompense received his dismis- sion. Brandon survived the transaction many years, but divulged it a short time before he expired. This account, as coming from the Duchess of Ports- mouth, challenges great respect. From his own father, who had act- ed a conspicuous part during Sir Ro- bert Walpole's administration, Selwyn knew many of the secret springs of af- fairs under George the First and Se- cond. He told me that the former of those kings, when he came over here from Hanover in 1714, understanding very imperfectly the English language ; found himself so weary while assisting at the service in the Chapel Royal, that he frequently entered into conversation in French or German, with the persons behind him. Charles the Second, who could not plead the same excuse for his inattention ; was accustomed, as we know from Burnet., to fall fast asleep ; and Harry Bennet, afterwards created Earl of Arlington, usually awoke his majesty towards the conclusion of the sermon. Among the few individuals who had retained under the new reign, the places that they held or occupied about Queen Anne, was Dr. Younger, Dean of Salisbury. Anticipating the change of sovereigns, he had applied with such success lo render himself master of the German language, that he was continued in the office of clerk of the closet, which gave him great ac- cess to the king, behinil whose chair he usually stood at chapel. With Youn- ger, his majesty often talked during the service ; a circumstance, which as being indecorous, naturally excited much of- fence. Lord Townsend, then one of the secretaries of state, animated by a sense of loyal affection, ventured to ac- quaint him that his deportment at chapel gave cause of regret, mingled with ani- madversion, to many of his most at- tached subjects ; beseeching him at the same time, particularly to abstain from conversing with Dr. Younger. Far from resenting the freedom taken with him, his majesty promised amendment; and Lord Townsend strongly enjoined the clerk of the closet to observe in future the most decorous behaviour on his part. Finding however that they resumed or continued the same prac- tice. Lord Townsend sent Younger a positive order, as secretary of state, di- recting him, without presuming to pre- sent himself again in the royal pre- sence, to repair immediately to his deanery. Dr. Younger, conceiving the injunction to proceed from the king, obeyed without remonstrance or delay ; and the secretary waiting on his ma- jesty, informed him that the dean had received a kick from a horse which fractured his skull, of which accident he was dead. George the First ex- pressed the deepest concern at his loss, and never entertained the most remote idea of the deception which had been practised on him. Several years after- wards, before which time Lord Town- send had quitted his employment, the king going down to review some regi- ments that were encamped on Salisbury Plain, the bishop and chapter of that city had the honour to be presented to him, and to kiss his hand. But when Younger approached for the purpose, his majesty, overcome with amazement at beholding again a man whom he had long considered as no more, could scarcely restrain his emotions. As soon, however, as circumstances per- mitted, he sent for the dean into his presence, and a mutual explanation took 308 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. place. Conscious of the rectitude and propriety of the motives which had ac- tuated Lord Townsend in his conduct, he never expressed any sentiment of anger, or of resentment ; but contented himself with promising Younger to con- fer on him a mitre, as soon as an occa- sion should present itself: an assurance which he would have probably realised, if the (lean had not shortly afterwards been carried off by death. Selwyn's nervous irritability and anx- ious curiosity to observe the effect of dissolution on men, exposed him to much ridicule, not unaccompanied with cen- sure. He was accused of attending all executions ; and sometimes, in order to elude notice, disguised in a female dress. I have been assured that in 1756, he went over to Paris, expressly for the purpose of witnessing the last moments of Damien, who expired under the most acute torture, for having attempted the life of Louis the Fifteenth. Being among the crowd, and attempting to ap- proach too near the scaffold, he was at first repulsed by one of the executioners ; but, having informed the person, that he had made the journey from London, sr)lely with a view to be present at the punishment and death of Damien, the man immediately caused the people to make way, exclaiming at the same time, " Faites place pour Monsieur. Cest im Anglais, et un amateur.'''' The f3aron Grimm, in iiis " Correspondence," as- serts that the fact took, place, not with respect to Selwyn, but to the celebrated Condamine. Mr. Pitt, in order to recom- pense Selwyn for the place of " pay- master of the works," of which he was deprived by Burke's bill, made him in 1784, " surveyor-general of the crown lands," which office he retained till his decease, in 1790. [26th — 30th April.] Hitherto, how- ever. Fox occasionally indulged himself in animaiiversions of severity on the late administration, yet no direct attack upon any of the members of that cabinet, had been made by the new ministers, or by their friends. But, Sawbridge, acting independently of men in office, brought forward to the notice of the house at this time, as a matter of revision or of cen- sure, a pension of a thousand pounds a year, granted during the last days of Lord North's continuance in power, to Mr. Robinson, one of the secretaries of the treasury. Sawbridge commented on the grant, with all the republican bitter- ness of his character. Lord North de- fended, and Robinson explained, the circumstances attending the transaction : while the secretary of state availed him- self of the subject and the occasion, to inveigh against the late first lord of the treasury ; inconscions how soon he should be compelled or induced, from ambitious motives, to form the closest connexions of policy, and even of friend- ship, with that nobleman. After de- claiming with no ordinary asperity, against his abuse of the office tliat he recently held, in order to provide for his adherents and dependents, afier he had declared in his place within those walls, that his majesty's ministers were no more ; Fox exclaimed, " The noble lord talks of the services of his secretary. Would to God that the honorable gen- tleman had been idle ! Nor is the ob- servation confined to him. It extends to men of a higher rank. I wish to heaven, they had employed themselves in services less injurious to their coun- try ! I beg of the house to understand that the pension in question, as well as another of five hundred pounds a year, given to Sir Grey Cooper, and a third pension ivhich has not been mentioned, were the work of the late ministers ; not of the noble and honorable persons now called to his majesty's councils." Lord North having observed that the third pension alluded to by Fox, which was one of three thousand pounds a year, re- cently granted to himself, had invariably been bestowed by the crown, on all his predecessors in the same employment ; added, that he had refused it, when of- fered him, some years earlier. But the secretary replied, " Men who have ruined their country, are not entitled to the rewards of meritorious service ! Nor will the public brook that the nohio lord shall receive a remuneration, equal to the great and popular Earl of Chat- ham." Sawbridge, whose pertinacity of cha- racter inclined him to prosecute with un- remitting ardour, whatever matter he un- dertook ; resumed the business three days afterwards ; concluding with a rao- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 309 lion, that " the pension of ono thousand pounds a year granted to John Robin- son, Esq., 7i)as unmerited by public service, and a lavish, improvident ex- penditure of the public rnoneij.'" In the course ol' his speech on the occasion, Saw bridge slated, itiat " the noble lord at the head of the treasury, from his habitual indolence, entrusted to the se- cretary the whole management of that de- partment. To him, tiie netjotialion of loans Was committed, of which lucrative transactions he reserved to himself a share, as well as of other contracts. To him likewise was confided the manage- ment of that house, in wliich delicate line of service, he had displayed emi- nent dexterity. For these meritorious performances, he had obtained from the crown, besides the pension in question, grants of lands and houses, togetlier with the reversion of an office of considerable magnitude ;" every particular of which the mover detailed to the assembly. Lord North was not present ; but Robin- son, without discomposure, answered all the allegations ; denied some of the facts, and admitieii others ; leaving the house to act on the occasion, as they might judge proper. Fox remained silent : but Mr. Tlionias Pitt rising as soon as Rob- inson concluded, besought the assembly not to forget its own dignity, and the great national objects demanding their attention, by occupying themselves in such pitiful discussions. He therefore moved the order of the day, the secre- tary of state instantly availed himself of this proposition, which, he said, met his approbation ; though he paid many com- pliments to Sawbridge, and accompani- ed them with the heaviest imputations on the late ministers. Mr. William Pitt supporting his relation, recommended unanimity, as presenting the only hope of national extrication ; and the order of the day was carried without any divi- sion, though not before Lord Surrey had moved for an account of all pensions granted from the 15th of February, down to that lime, the HOlh of April. No op- position being made to it, the business terminated. [1st — 6th May.] Wilkes, who dur- ing more than thirteen successive years, in various parliaments, had vainly en- deavoured to expunge from the journals of the House of Commons, the memora- ble resolutions relative to the Middlesex election ; after being so oi'ten foiled, at length attained his object. The division which took place upon this question, when 115 members voted with him, and only 47 against him, was attended with the singular circumstance of Lord North and Fox dividing together in tlie minor- ity. The new secretary of state, whose original political line of conduct, while supporting the atlministralion which he had recently expelled, and of which he once formed a part, made it sometimes difficult for him to maintain tlie appear- ance of consistency ; affected to speak and to vole from the treasury bench, against Wilkes's motion. He was, in- deed, well aware of the charge that would be made against hiin, and alluded to it in his speech, which formed a tissue of contradictions. After observing that it was for the benefit of the English peo- ple, to give the power of expulsion to the House of Commons ; he nevertheless added, that when the public voice had been loudly pronounced against it, as he admitted was the case, he would not wish to preserve the privilege, in or- der to make use of it. for the injury of the people. " Besides," subjoined he, " when the power to enforce the privi- lege is lost, it becomes no longer an ob- ject to retain such a privilege. The people have associated, and have com- pelled parliament to listen to their voice." Dundas likewise opposed Wilkes's mo- lion ; but he did not the less reprobate Fox's doctrine, as dangerous, and sub- versive of all government. *' Associa- tions,^'' he maintained, " would lead to every excess : for, if ten individuals might legally associate, so might ten thousand. From such meetings, of which, Lord George Gordon had exhibit- ed a specimen, only confusion, tyranny, and despotism, could arise." 'I'he se- cretary of state made no reply: but hav- ing unfortunately given his ministerial sanction in early life, to various mea- sures calculated for affixing parliamentary disapprobation on the celebrated member who originated the motion ; Fox there- fore probably thought, that a regard to his own character compelled him, how- ever contradictory to his late line of de- clamation and of action, when harangu- 310 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. iiig his constituents in palace yard ; to abide by, and to attempt a justification of his conduct, relative to the election for Middlesex. No public man, indeed, in my time, ever appeared to me to con- sider so little apology requisite for the contradictions and derelictions of his political principles ; or seemed so com- pletely to regard the House of Com- mons, as an assembly fit for becoming the willing agents and instruments of every delusion, however gross or palpa- ble, as Fox. The difficulties of the un- dertaking never deterred or intimidated him ; and his splendid talents, which could lend to sophistry the colours of truth, emboldened him, by turns, to attack and to defend, according to the situation in which he stood, almost every position and tenet, either of monarchical authority, or of constitutional freedom. While the House of Commons was thus occupied in measures of reform, or engaged in retracting their past parlia- mentary errors, the new ministers, as if they anticipated their speedy dismission, employed the precious moments of their precarious power, in distributing among themselves, without loss of time, the honours of the crown. FourGarfers, which had been found on the king's ta- ble unappropriated at the time of Lord North's resignation, they naturally con- sidered as lawful plunder. One only of the number fell to the share of the sove- reign, which he was allowed, tliough not without some difficulty, to confer on his third son, Prince William Henry, now Duke of Clarence. The remaining three were reserved for themsolves, with a due regard to their respective conse- quence, party, and pretensions. Lord Rockingham having long since received the order from the hands of George the Second ; the Duke of Devonshire, as head of the Whigs, was invested with one blue ribband, and the Duke of Rich- mond honoured with another. Lord Shelburne took for himself, as was to be expected, the fourth Garter. A very great person, then in early youth, who was present at the ceremony of the in- vestiture, observed with considerable discrimination of character, that never did three men receive the order in so dissimilar and characteristic a manner. "The Duke of Devonshire," said he. " advanced up to the sovereign, with his phlegmatic, cold, awkward air, like a clown. Lord Shelburne came forward, bowing on every side, smiling and fawn- ing, like a courtier. The Duke of Rich- mond presented himself, easy, unembar- rassed, and with dignity, as a gentle- man." The Earl of Ashburnham, who had been during more than six years gronm of the stole, laid claim to one of the Gar- ters, under a promise which he asserted to have received from the king, and of which he endeavoured lo enforce the performance. His royal master, though he did not deny the engagement, pleaded his inability to fulfil it, under the actual circumstances of his situation, which left him no longer any option in distri- buting the decorations in question. This excuse did not, however, satisfy Lord Ashburnham, who was said to liave ad- dressed to the king a letter of reproach on the occasion, couched in language rather too severe from a subject to his sovereign, even if the cause of offence had been better proved, or more legiti- mate in itself. His resentment at the supposed infraction of the royal word, impelled him to resign his office ; which, as being in the king's immediate family, and near his person, has always been considered exempt from ministerial in- terference. Lord Weymouth, who suc- ceeded him, had acted a much more im- portant part in earlier periods of his majesty's reign, when he filled, during a very considerable time, the post of secre- tary of state ; and even held the lord lieutenancy of Ireland for a few months, though he never crossed over to Dub- lin. He was a man of very eminent talents, though accompanied with great singularities of character ; highly convi- vial, whose conversation entertained and delighted ; but in order to profit of his society it was necessary lo follow him to White's, to sit down to supper, to drink deep of claret, and to remain at table till a very late hour of the night, or rather, of the morning. " Junius," alluding to this well known circumstance, when addressing the Duke of Grafton, in June, 1771, says, referring to Lord Weymouth, " Yet he must have bread, my lord, or rather he must have wine. If you deny him the cup, there will be HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 311 no keeping him witliin the pale of ihe ministry." Lord Gower, the cliancellor, and Rigby, were, through life, his inti- mate friends and companions. His ap- plication to business by no means kept pace with his abilities, nor was he ever a popular minister. Indeed, if we ex- cept tlie first Mr. Pitt, Henry Bilson Legge, who was chancellor of the ex- chequer during about five months after his majesty's accession to the throne, and perhaps we may add, to a certain degree, the Marquis of Rockingham, all three of whom were devolved on him by his grandfather, or forced upon by the nation ; George the Third cannot be said to have had any minister, in any department, previous to Lord North's resignation, who enjoyed popularity. We must except from the remark Lord Camden, during the short time that he held the great seal as chancellor. Lord Weymouth attracted a considerable por- tion (if the indignation which ciiaracier- ises Junius's opening letter, written in January, 1769, for having officially signed the order which authorised the military to fire on the p()[)ulace as- sembleil in St, George's Fields. " Rg- (overed from the errors of his youtii, from the distraction of play, and the be- witching smiles of Burgundy," says that writer, "behold him exerting the whole strength of his clear, unclouded faculties, in the service of the crown." He had preceded Lord Ashburnham as groom of the stole, in 1775 ; i'rom which utfice he became secretary of state for the home department; an employment that he held about four years, being succeeded in 1779 by the Earl of Hillborough. Ten years afterwards, Pitt created Lord Weymouth a marquis. Though the adminietralion of which Lord North so long constituted the head, had ceased to exist, yet many of the parliamentary institutions which had originated under him, still continued in activity. Among the principal, might be esteemed the secret committee for in- quiring into the state of the East India Company's afifairs. The lord advocate of Scotland, as tiieir chairman, brought forward almost as soon as the House of Commons met after the change of minis- ters, various reports, calculated to show the causes, not only of the disgraces and calamities sustained in the Carnalic, but of the improper expenditure of blood and treasure in other parts of Hindostan. On these reports he founded a number of resolutions, which were finally adopted by the house. Sir Thomas Rumbold, late governor of Madras, and two of his colleagues, members of the council, be- came the first objects of public accusa- tion. 'I'he second blow fell on Sir Elijah Impey, who, in his quality of chief justice of Bengal, was supposed, or asserted, in more than one instance, to have lent his legal aid and support to the supreme government, from self-interested motives, and for unjust, as well as perni- cious purposes. Hastings himself, then governor general of Bengal, and Hornby, governor of Bombay, became implicated or involved in these criminations. Dun- das, when mentioning the former, in the course of his opening speech to the house, admitted that Mr. Hastings had on many occasions proved himself a most meritorious servant of the East India Company ; but added, thai he was not authorized to fancy himself an Alex- ander, or an Aurengzbe ; preferring frantic military ex[)editions before the improvement of commerce, and the cul- tivation of the arts of peace. He then called on the new ministers to aid and support him ; or, if his propositions for the amelioration of our atTairs in India, clashed with any of their plans, he olFered to resign the whole business into their hands. Fox in reply assured him of the warmest support from administration,. Our situation in the east, as depictured by the learned lord, held up, he said, a miuiTor, reflecting the slate ot our affairs in the west. Then alluding to Lord Nofih, he subjoined, " The effects of the pernicious system, whicii, thank God, is at length destroyed, are felt at this hour throughout every portion of the empire 1" Burke, in still stronger lan- guage, inveighed against the system of corruption, which, he asserted, had per- vaded all the channels of the slate under the late ministry. Measures, adapted to the nature *of the imputed offences, or misconduct of each of the above men- tioned persons, were adopted. Rumbold, who possessed a seat in the house, as one of the representatives for Shaflsbury ; having arrived from India early in 1781, 312 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. under circumstances that rendered him highly unpopular, was restrained from either leaving the kingdom, or from alien- ating his properly, by act oi' parliament ; and severer steps were mediuted, or set on foot against him. He contrived nevertheless, after bringing his eldest son inU) the house soon afierwards, to protract the proceedings, and ultimately 10 elude all punishment. An address was voted by a great majority, and pre- sented to his majesty, requesting him to recall Sir Elijah inipey Irom his judicial situation in India. Finally, resolutions, of a nature tending to hold out both Mr. Hastings and Mr. Hornby, in their pub- lic capacity, as men who had committed acts of the most culpable or unjustifiable kind, were agreed to in the house. But the advanced period of the session, and the unsettled slate of domestic affairs in a cabinet divided by animosity, prevented or postponed the further prosecution of these interesting concerns, to the subse- quent year. On liie other side the Atlantic, misfor- tune still accompanied the English arms, St. Christopher's, after a long and gal- lant defence, surrendered : the Islands of Nevis and Montserrat were lost. Even the valuable settlements of Demerara and Essequibo, situate on the continent of South America, which we had taken in the preceding year from the Dutch, were recaptured by France. Rodney, indeed, having arrived out, joined Sir Samuel Hood at Barbadoes : but he found himself unable to intercept, or to prevent, the arrival of a convoy from Brest, which brought to the French Ad- miral De Grasse, supplies the most es- sential for his projected hostile opera- tions. At home, general despondency or apathy pervaded the country. Every allegation which had been brought for- ward against the late first lord of the admiralty while in ofUce, was renewed with augmented violence, now tliat he had retired to private life ; and these clamors were supported or encouraged by the new ministers. Fox, speaking on the subject of retrenciiinent, in the House of Commons, upon the 6th of May, when Burke's bill for diminishing the royal household, was under consider- ation, launched out into his accustomed condemnation of the preceding ministry. " An inquiry into the actual state of the finances," he observed, " was already commenced. He anxiously wished that another inquiry shoiild be instituted, to disclose the condition of the navy, ivliich had been found deplorable beyond con- ception.'''' "As to the nature of our foreign alliances," added he, " no inquiry is necessary. Should a committee be appointed to sit upon that subject, their report must be concise ; we have none." Sir George Rodney's victory constituted the best reply to the charges made against Lord Sandwich. The American war, and the calamities which it pro- duced, not any want of exertion, fore- sight, or talent in the late cabinet, had alienated from us the continental powers, and rendered ineffectual every endeavour to form connexions of policy or friend- ship with the European states. Rodney himself was enveloped in the accusations levelled against the board of admiralty which liad sent him out ; and disasters more severe than any that we had yet experienced, were predicted or antici- pated, as about to happen in that quarter of the globe where he commanded. Never was the nation less prepared for, nor less in expectation of, the great vic- tory that impended in the West Indies, than a week, or even a day, before the inielligence arrived. It required the ut- most exertions of the new admiralty, to prevent the Dutch squadron, which quit- ted the Texel at this time, from effecting a junction with the combined fieels of France and Spain, commanded by Gui- chen. Lord Howe, novv restored to the British navy, and like Keppel, created an English viscount, effected a service so distinguished, which unquestionably entitled him to the gratitude of his country. [7ih May.] If Mr. Pitt, whether from the dictates of profound ambition, or from the calculations of ordinary pru- dence, had thought proper to refuse, ac- cepting any place or situation under the new ministry ; he did not on that ac- count, withdraw his individual exertions as a member of parliament, or retire in any degree from public view and admira- tion. On the contrary, he came emi- nently forward at this time, as a candi- date for national approbation, in the deli- cate, as well as arduous character of a HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 3l3 political reTormer. The spirit of the times, wliich operated greatly in his favour, removed many of those obstacles, that might have impeded him, if lie had made the attempt under the former ad- ministration. While Burke carried re- trenchment into the palace, as well as to the table, of the sovereign ; Pitt aspired to renovate, or to reorganise, the national representation. In the progress of a speech, conceived with consummate ability, and delivered from the treasury bench, he endeavoured to show the vices of the actual state of popular election, and to point out the most efficacious or salutary remedies. The abuses alleged by him to exist, which were indeed in- disputable, seemed at first siglit loudly to demand redress. But, on the other hand, theory and practice might be found greatly at variance ; and even the re- formers themselves, it was well known, differed widely in their ideas or opinions on the point. The Duke of Richmond, who carried his principles to an Utopian and visionary length, would have ex- tended the right of voting, almost to the whole population of Great Britain. Fox supported on this occasion, both with his eloquence and his vote, the plan proposed by Pitt : but Burke, less democratic in his ideas of government, refused to lend his powerful aid to a cause which he disapproved. The secretary at war, Mr. Townsend, who looked forward to the possession of a borough, at the decease of George Selwyn, his uncle ; equally absented himself, as did others of the ministerial followers. Lord Nortli, thougli he attended the discussion, and opposed all innovation, yet to the sur- prise of his friends, took no active part in the debate. Dundas, however, sup- plied his place, and made an animated appeal against the projected reform ; as did Mr. Thomas Pitt, at great length, with much ability. Indeed, I thought his speech as eloquent, as persuasive, and more solid in its deductions, than that of his relation, who brought forward the question. Conscious as Mr. Thomas Pitt was, that he represented only a nominal bo- rough ; and elected himself, together with his father-in-law, Pinckney Wil- kinson, as members for Old Sarum ; he felt the subject to demand extraordinary 27 delicacy. Nor did he make a false step, from the commencement to the close of his discourse. On the contrary, he en- deavoured with great address, to show from his own conduct through successive parliaments ; — for he had sate, I be- lieve, in five; — that a man returned to the House of Commons by a single tene- ment, might be as independent, as high minded, and as incorrupt, as he who took his seat for a county, or for the city of London. While he paid the greatest conipliments to the mover of the propo- sition, he denied the principles and the facts on which his relation founded every one of his conclusions. Equality of representation, Mr. Thomas Pitt ob- served, never was, nor could have been the basis on vvhich our ancestors meant to erect the liberties of England, since they allowed the Hide county of Rutland to send as many members to liiat assem- bly, as Yorkshire or Somerset. To one proposition for reforming the representa- tion, and to one only, which had been recommended by the great Earl of Chat- ham, he expressed his assent; namely, the addition of a knight of the shire, or member for every county throughout England. Sawbridge seconded, and Sheridan supported, Pitt's motion ; but Sir Charles Turner, by his originality and blunt simplicity of diction, as well as of sentiment, attracted more attention than either the one or the other. He said, " in his opinion, the House of Commons might be justly considered as a parcel of thieves, who having stolen an estate, were apprehensive of allowing any person to see the tide deeds, from the fear of au-Hin losing it by sucii an in- spection. That they were not the re- presentatives of the people, was clear ; for they had carried on the cur-ed Ame- rican war, though the voice of the whole nation opposed it." " I believe, in- deed," added he, " the present ministers are more honest than their predecessors ; but I want the Constitution to be so es- tablished, that no administration, how- ever bad, may be able to convert it to the injury of the people." Powis strong- ly opposed the motion, as did Rigby, who not only treated all innovations as dangerous theoretical experiments, bu denied that a reform in the national re- presentation, was demanded by the peo- 314 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. pie. ^Associations, he said, formed ex- clusively of individuals who met for the express purpose, proceeded to elect dele- gates ; and these latter published resolu- tions in the newspapers, which were falsely assumed to speak the public opinion. Sir Horace Mann moved the order of the day. The measure itself not being a party question, though of a nature the most interesting; by no means attracted the attendance which had been produced by the motions, that preceded the dis- solution of the late administration. Scarcely more than three hundred mem- bers voted upon it, while near five hun- dred had been present in more than one of the divisions of the month of March. Pitt's proposition "toappointacommittee for inquiring into the state of the na- tional representation," though it could only be considered as a preliminary step, yet was negatived by a majority of twenty. I made one of that small majo- rity, and it is a vote which I not only never have repented, but of which I more and more approve on full consideration; — for I have always regarded the rejection of Pitt's attempt, in 1783, to alter the national representation, as one of the narrowest escapes which the British Constitution has had of subversion, in our time. Eleven individuals passing over from one side to the other, might have opened wide the door of innovation. boroughs, among which, several, he said, " were to be considered as within the control of the Carnatic, and under the immediate influence of the Nabob of Arcot;" that he was himself, sitting at that very time, for Appleby, by the in- fluence, or in other words, by the nomi- nation of an English nabob, Sir James Lowther. To the corrupted slate of the representation, therefore, it was owing that he had himself obtained a place in the House of Commons. It was equally impossible not to be conscious, that if the regulation which enacts that every member of that assem- bly shall be bona Jide possessed of three hundred pounds per annum, freehold estate, had been severely and literally enforced ; neither Fox, nor Pitt, nor Sheridan, nor many other eminent indi- viduals, could ever have sate in parlia- ment. Probably, indeed, on the day that Mr. Pitt made his motion, he scarcely possessed any property ; cer- tainly no landed property : and as to Fox, though actually secretary of state, he was known to be plunged in debts, contracted by play, which left him with- out fortune, or almost means of support. Hut they did not less constitute the two most distinguished persons of the age in which they lived, the ornaments of their country in different lines. Fox always maintained without reserve, in private conversation, as well as in parliament. And once opened, what power could that to enforce rigidly the rule relative to shut it? The moment too was peculiar- the qualifications of members, would be ly favourable to propositions of reform I at once to exclude talents from obtaining and amelioration, when the nation, bent down and disgusted by the calami- ties of the American war, lent a ready ear to every project that held out the pros- pect of a better order of things. VVhen the same subject was agitated anew in the following session, the danger was over. Peace had been restored ; and though Mr. Pitt not only brought it again forward, but was joined by two of his most formidable opponents ; — I mean Mr. Thomas Pitt and Mr. Dundas ; — yet the house rejected it by a great majority. So complete a change had taken place in public opinion, between the two periods ! It was indeed difficult not to reflect, while listening to the arguments of Mr. Pitt, who eloquently depictured the corruption of the rotten entrance into the house. So little, in- deed, may speculation and fact agree, that if the list of representatives for the county of York, of Devon, or of Lin- coln, ever since the reign of Elizabeth down to the present year, were to be compared with those who have been sent to parliament during the same period of lime, from the vilest (.!ornish borough, we shall find that in every quality justly recommending to a seal in tfie legisla- ture, namely, high birth, extensive pro- perly, distinguished talents, or public principle and virtue, the superiority will be found, in many instances, perhaps in most, to incline on the side of the per- sons elected for the boroughs. Such an estimate might be difficult to make, and must be always, in some measure, open HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 315 to dispute ; but it serves to prove that I tice, to derive new arguments in its varioiis principles in legislation, as well as various abuses, do not produce the efTecis which might naturally be ex- pected to result from them in theory. [8th — I6lh May.] Two great pub- lic measures were successively brought forward about this time, by the new ad- ministration ; of both which, the secre- tary of slate formed the official organ for their communication to the House of Commons. Both appeared to me highly deserving of approbation, as dic- tated by a vigorous policy, or by a spirit of wise conciliation. The first was a plan for arming the people, or more properly, an invitation to them to arm themselves, contained in a circular letter addressed by the minister for the home department, to the magistrates of the principal cities throughout the kingdom. If we contemplate the criti- cal position of Great Britain in May, 1782, previous to our receiving the in- telligence of Rodney's victory, — sur- rounded by enemies who had been, dur- ing successive years, almost masters of the English channel, — while the whole east coast, from Leith down to Yar- mouth, lay exposed to an attack or to an invasion from the Dutch, who had re- cently treated with contempt Fox's overtures for a separate treaty ; if we weigh these circumstances, we cannot, with justice, refuse our full tribute of praise to an act of such judicious energy. Mr. Daniel Parker Coke, nevertheless, animated, as he always w:^s, by public, spirited, and honest, thougii in this in- stance, mistaken views of national bene- fit or safety, brought the consideration of Lord Shelburne's letter before the House of Commons. Mindful of Lord George Gordon's outrages, when a furious, but, happily, an unarmed mob, surrounded and menaced both the assem- blies of parliament, he called upon the king's ministers to explain and to justify their present proceeding; a proceeding unauthorised previously by either branch of the legislature. Thus questioned, or rather inculpated, Fox rose, and in a speech of great ability, worthy an en- lightened, as well as a liberal statesman, assigned the most convincing reasons for the adoption of the measure. Nor did he omit, according to his usual prac- justificalion, drawn from the incapacity, neglect, or culpable want of exertion in the late ministers, whom he accused of keeping the country ignorant of their danger, and not daring, themselves, to look it in the face. He received, never- theless, on this occasion, both from Dun- das and from Rigby, the strongest assur- ances of support, accompanied with the warmest eulogiums on the conduct of the cabinet. Mr. Coke himself, though sustained in his arguments by Mansfield, the late solicitor general, admitted the validity of the reasons which the secre- tary of state assigned, and only de- manded that the measure should receive the sanction of parliament, previous to its general adoption. No act of the Marquis of Rockingham's government seems entitled to more unqualified com- mendation than the plan for thus render- ing the people the agents of their own protection against foreign force. It has been found in later times, when im- proved and extended, our best security against internal insurrection, as well as against the formidable armaments ol revolutionary France. [17th May.] The second measure to which I allude, regarded Ireland, and was dictated by an overwhelming neces- sity, if not by enlarged and generous views of policy. That island, com- pletely in possession of independence, and defended by her own volunteers, exacted, with arms in her hands, a re- nunciation of all parliamentary or legis- lative supremacy on the part of Great Britain, together with a similar aban- donment of the appellant jurisdiction ex- ercised here in the courts of law. In return for these concessions, she offered her loyal submission to the King n{ Ire- land, the common sovereign of both kingdoms. Fox, after demonstrating with great force of reason, that we had no other alternative left us than acqui- escence, subjoined: "If, therefore, I shall this day be compelled to move any proposition humiliating to Englishmen, the fault is not mine. It is the fault of those ministers who left the volunteers of Ireland in a condition to make the de- mands contained in the addresses laid upon your table; not, indeed, by leav- ing arms in their hands, but by leaving 316 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. them their injuries and their oppres- ) ment of the American war of 1775, and sions." — "Of the vohinteers them- the peace of 1783. Only a few hours selves, I must speak respectfully, for afterwards arrived the tidings of Rod- they have acted with temper and mode- ney's victory ; an event which electri- ration ; nor have they committed a sin- fied the whole population of Great Bri- gle act which does not excite my vene- j tain ; proportionately depressed our ration and respect. Whatever hlame European enemies ; and being followed may be attributed throughout this whole; by their repulse before Gibraltar, at the business, I impute not a particle of it to interval of scarcely four months, pro- Ireland. / loy it all at the door of the • duced our extrication late ad ininist ration.^'' He then moved to repeal the act of 1719, which de- clared the dependence of Ireland on the crown of Great Britain, observing, that it would constitute a pledge to the inha- bitants ol the sister island of our since- rity and determination to conduct our- Pitt having failed in his attempt to alter the representation in the House of Commons, Sawbridge endeavoured in some measure to attain the same object by shortening the duration of parlia- ments; but his motion was happily re- jected; 149 voting against it, while only selves openly throughout every stage of 61 members supported the proposition The debate nevertheless was not only animated, but gave rise to some circum- lances of great singularity. Rigby op- the transaction. Mr. 'J'homes Pitt, who had performed a very prominent part in all the debates of the lower house, during the whole posed it, as from him might have been course of the last, and of the present expected ; treating the idea itself with session, seconded the motion; but not contempt or ridicule, and utterly deny- without previously entering his protest against some of the principles and doc trines laid down by Fox on that day ing that it was either the sense or the wish of the people at larg«. He con- cluded by adverting to a meeting of the Doctrines or opinions, which it must be electors of Westminster, which had been owned, coming from a minister of the crown, sealed on the treasury bench, held in Westminster Hall a iew days before ; observing sarcastically, that having the management of the House of " the best sense of the assembly there Commons, and in some measure direct- convened, could not probably be col- ing the cabinet itself, sounded very ex- lected upon this occasion, on account of traordinary to loyal ears ; and savoured Mr. Fox's absence from it." The more, as I thought, of Algernon Sydney, secretary of state immediately rose, and or of Hampden, than of a secretary of with the manly disdain of all little pru- state under a monarchy. Not a word dential arts, or half measures, which al- was uttered throughout the whole discus- ways characterised him, whether in or sion, by any member of Lord North's out of office, replied that his only reason administration, either in their own ex- for not taking the chair, when that oulpation, or expressive of their senti- numerous and respectable body of indi- ments relative to the propositions about viduals met, was because he knew their to be ad(^pted. I must except Mr. ' intention of addressing his majesty on Eden from this remark, who was pre- the late change of ministers. Being sent in his place, and gave his assent or himself a member of the new cabinet, approbation, qualified nevertheless by i he conceived it indecorous to preside on certain reservations, to Fox's proposal. ; such an occasion. " The right honor- The motions passed without a dissentient able gentleman," continued he, "who voice, though not without a feeling of, has just sate down, asks how are we to universal fiumiliation. Ireland imitating; collect the sense of the people ? Why America, had in fact emancipated her-; let him turn his eyes towards Ireland, self from all subjection to British laws, I and see how it has been collected there, but she still remained obedient to the j The parliament of that country spoke one monarchy. Perhaps this day may be i language, and the nation spoke another, esteemed the point of our lowest depres- 1 In consequence the people armed : but sion as a nation, during the calamitous [ it is the fatality of this country never to period of time between the commence- 1 open its eyes till general ruin menaces, HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 317 and every man is preparing to take up a musket." We must admit that these ex- pressions, even if we allow their truth, and admire their energy, would have been more suitable to the leader of oppo- sition than to a man filling one of the highest offices of state. Such unques- tionably was the impression made by them at St. James's ; and I believe I might add, in St. Giles's. It was evi- dent that Fox, even while holding the seal of his department, looked more to the approbation and support of the people for retaining his situation, than to the favour of the sovereign. We may even suspect that he already fore- saw or anticipated the events which took place, only a few weeks afterwards oni Lord Rockingham's decease. Nor can we wonder that George the Third should entertain strong prejudices against a man, who seemed never to forget that he owed his power solely to the predi- lection of the people, and who only hoped to preserve it by their active in- terference. Fox, when speaking in the House of Commons, would have done wisely to recollect that another illus- trious statesman, as well as profound writer, who like himself, passed almost his whole life in opposition to the government of his day ; — I mean the Cardinal de Retz ; — has observed — " qiCil vautmieux /aire des sottises, que (ren dire:"' words dictated by a per- fect knowledge of human nature and of man. Pitt sustained Sawbridge's motion with far more decision, more energy, and with a much stronger conviction of its utility to the cause of conslilulional freedom, than was manifested by the secretary of state. The latter lent only a very limited approbation to it: adding, that " as he was convinced the people wished it, and would have it, he should vote for it ; though he doubted whether it would be productive of the beneficial effects, expected to result from the pro- position." 1 am indeed persuaded, that if Fox had been once confirmed in of- fice, and acceptable to the sovereign, he would have steadily repressed all demo- cratic innovations ; as, on the other hand, had Pitt passed his whole life on the opposition bench, poor and excluded from power, I believe he would have en- 27* deavoured to throw his weight into the scale of the popular representation. So much does situation, as well as sentiment, operate on the tenor of our conduct through life ! It appeared to me that Pitt had received from nature, a greater mixture of republican spirit, than ani- mated his rival ; but royal favour and employment softened its asperity ; while his superior judgment and command over himself, enabled him to conceal those emotions, to which Fox imprudent- ly gave vent. Sir Charles Turner set the house in a roar, though at his own ex- pense, by his answer to Rigby's obser- vations on the meeting held in West- minster Hall. "I will make free to tell the right honorable gentleman," said he, " that more good sense" jvas uttered in that assembly and to a much honester audience, than lever witnessed within these walls. The people who attend there, do not come for hire, and to get places. They meet for the pur- pose of asserting their rights, and to defend their wives and children." Powis, whose love of liberty was always under the control of moderation, good sense, and loyalty, opposed Saw- bridge's experiments on the British Constitution, as neither desired by the nation in general, nor if conceded, likely to operate for the public felicity and advantage. In a speech of con- siderable length, full of matter, decorat- ed with all the charms of elocution, Burke brought his powerful assistance to the same side ; demonstrating how injurious to the people themselves, to the public tranquillity, and to the great- ness of the state, the abbreviation of par- liaments will be found in practice. He always held and maintained similar principles : nor was Fox, I believe, at all chagrined at the result of the debate, and of the division. Nearly two months had now elapsed since North's resignation ; during which period of time, though he attended fre- quently in his place ; yet, except when personally attacked, as he had been a few weeks before, on the sidiject of his own, and of Robinson's pension ; he had scarcely given any marks of political or parliamentary existence. Still less had he thrown any impediments in the way of the new ministers. Even Fox's 318 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. reproaches or accusations did not seem to rouse him, though they might pain- fully wound his feelings. This line of action was probably wise and judicious, as it allowed time for the operation of events, domestic, as well as foreign ; while he might avail himself of the errors of the new ministers, or of their divisions. The fate of Jamaica in the west, of our territories in the east, and of Gibraltar in tlie south, were all pro- blematical. Under so deep a cloud, oppressed by the loss of America, and unpopular, he could not immediately emerge. Like Lord North, Jenkinson equally withdrew from public obser- vation ; rather affecting to take his seat, unnoticed, in obscure parts of the hou%p, than to appear conspicuous on the opposition bench ; though he more than once rose to speak on points un- connected with parly, as they presented themselves for discussion ; and he never spoke without throwing light on the subject under examination. Among all the eminent supporters of the late ministry, Dundas and Rigby alone held together, spoke, voted, and acted in a sort of concert ; sometimes sup- porting the new administration, but without abandoning their former opi- nions or principles. This union neverthe- less terminated with Lord Rockingham's tenure of power ; Dundas, then attaching himself to the Earl of Shelburne and Pitt; while Rigby, pressed for the pay- ment of his large balances due to the cation or cultivation ; though good, and admirably calculated in many points of view, for a popular assembly, yet deriv- ed much of their effect from the manner of their possessor. He spoke too from an eminence, while holding the pay office, where the festivity of his table attracted many supporters. Hut when dislodged from that fortress where he had sustained himself so long, and removed to a house of very moderate dimensions in St. James's Place, his abilities sunk nearer to their just level. He might in- deed have then said to George the 'I'hird, as the lord keeper. Sir Nicholas Bacon, did to Queen Elizabeth, when she ob- served that his house was too small for him, "It is your majesty who has made me too great for my house." Dundas, on the other hand, though no longer seated on the treasury bench by Lord North, and thrown into the shade, in consequence of the change of adminis- tration, contained in himself all the ma- terials of which a superior minister might be composed. True, indeed, he wanted the classic elegance of Pitt and Fox, of Burke and Sheridan : but in masculine eloquence, decision of charac- ter, firmness, resources of mind, suavity of manners, application, and all the qua- lities of a statesman, he manifested no deficiency. [18lh May.] Such was the general aspect of the House of Commons, when the capital and the country were thrown into a deliriuiu of joy, on receiving the public, finally joined the coalition of intelligence of Rodney's victory over De Lord North and Fox In 1782, Rigby might however be con- sidered as a declining, if not a setting luminary ; whereas the lord advocate of Scotland was a rising political constella- tion. Nor could any comparison be made between their respective abilities. The late paymaster of the forces, who had risen under the patronage of John, Duke of Bedford, by whose friemlship he was principally elevated to the lucra- tive post that he had so long exclusively occupied ; derived his principal support from the powerful party of that deceas- ed nobleman, better known during the first years of the present reign, by tlie denomination of "the Bloomsbury gang." His own talents, which had re- ceived very little improvement from edu- Grasse, gained upon the preceding 12th of April. It is difficult for us in this age, who have been accustomed to obtain naval advantages over the French ; and who were used to calculate beforehand, on the destruction of every fleet that ef- fected its escape from the ports of France, as soon as we could come up with them ; to appreciate, or to imagine, its effect on the public mind. We had been habitu- ated, during so long a time, under Kep- pel, Byron, Hardy, Parker, Graves, Geary, Darby, and their successors, to indecisive or unfortunate engagements, productive of no beneficial results, that the nation began to despair of recovering its former ascendancy on the ocean. In fact, during near twenty years, ever since the termination of the war with HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 319 France in 1763, the British flag had lions, was preserved by the result ; scarcely been any where triumphant: while all the promised conquests of while the navies of tlie House of Bour- France and Spain, so near their apparent bon, throughout the progress of the realization, disappeared, no more to be American contest, annually insulted us , revived, even in idea. It consiituted a in the channel, intercepted our mercan- j sort of compensation to Great Britain, tile convoys, blocked our harbours, and . for so many years of disgrace, for so threatened our coasts. Under these cir- | great an expenditure of blood and trea- cumsiances, the excess of the public ex- sure, and even for the loss of America ultation was prodigiously augmented, by itself. The country, exhausted and hu- the dejection that pervaded all ranks dur- j miliated, seemed to revive in its own ing the lormer part of the month of May, ! estimation, and to resume once more its and by the utter apparent improbability j dignity amon'g nations. France, amidst of such an event taking place. all her past success, declined proportion- When I reflect on the emotions to ably in the opinion of Europe, and has which it gave rise in London, I cannot never since arrogated the same rank, as compare them with any occurrence of a naval power. It formed in fact the the same kind, that we have since wit- last triumph of England on the element nessed in this country. The victory of of the water, over the House of Bourbon, Lord Howe, gained on the first of June, before that great family itself, after 1794, glorious and salutary as it was to Great Britain ; yet seemed to be more a triumph over Jacobinism and anarchy, than over the French nation or navy. It was Robespierre and his regicide ac- complices, not Louis the Sixteenth, whom we there vanquished. Lord St. Vincent, and Lord Duncan, unquestiona- bly merited, each, the highest eulogiums : but they destroyed, at Cape St. Vincent, and at Carnperdown, the fleets of Spain and of Holland, not those of France. And no Englishman is insensible to the distinction. The sublime victory of Trafalgar itself, was clouded by the reigning eight hundred years over the French, sunk under the torrent of revo- lution and anarchy. Lord Cranston, one of the captains of the Formidable, Sir George Rodney's ship, who brought over the news to this country ; having, in consequence of that commander's special injunctions, waited on Lord Sackville, though then no longer in office as American secretary, in order to communicate to him the particulars of the action ; I had an opportunity of hearing Lord Cranston's account of the entjagement. He was sent, after the Ville de Paris struck, to take possession death of Nelson, which checked and of her, as well as to receive De Grasse's tempered the general joy. If I were to mention any naval action, the news of which seemed to difi'use sentiments nearly resembling those felt in May, 1782, I should incline to name that of Aboukir. But in the batUe of the Nile, where the destruction of the enemy was much more complete, though we de- stroyed and blew up the French admi- ral's ship, we did not either capture her, or her commander. There was com- bined in Rodney's victory, as Lord Loughborough at the time remarked in the House of Peers, all " the pomp and pride, and circumstance of war." It commenced with the rising sun, and only terminated with that setting luminary. The elements were hushed, only a light air prevailing ; and the contending fleets were very nearly matched. Jamaica, the prize contended for by the two na- sword ; and he described the scene which the French admiral's ship pre- sented, on his ascending her side, as al- together terrible. Between the foremast and mainmast, at every step he took, he said that he was over his buckles in blood, the carnage having been prodigious ; but as numbers of cattle and sheep were stowed between decks, they had suff'ered not less than the crew and troops, from the effects of the cannon. On the quar- ter-deck, which remained still covered with dead and wounded, only De Grasse himself, together with two or three other persons, continued standing. The French admiral had received a contusion in the loins, from a splinter, but was other- wise unhurt; a circumstance the more remarkable, he having been, during the whole action, for so many hours, ex- posed to a destructive fire, which swept 320 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. away almost all his officers, and repeat- edly cleared the quarter-deck. He was a tall, robust, and martial figure ; pre- senting in that moment, an object of re- spect, no less than of concern and sym- pathy. Lord Cranston said, that De Grasse could not recover from the as- tonishment into which he was plunged ; the expressions of which he often re- iterated, at seeing, in the course of so short a time, his vessel taken, his fleet defeated, and himself a prisoner. He was allowed to pass the night on board his own ship, with every testimony of atten- tion and regard manifested towards him, on the part of the British commander. An opinion which became very gene- rally prevalent at the time, and obtained much belief, has made a deep impression on the public mind ; namely, that this victory, signal, as it must ever be es- teemed, might nevertheless have been rendered far more complete, if it had been immediately improved by pursuing without delay, the flying enemy. The friends of Sir Samuel Hood strongly maintained that position ; and partial as I am to the memory of Lord Rodney, I confess that there always appeared to me, to have been some foundation for the assertion. He was himself well aware of the charge ; and I have heard him defend the line of conduct which he adopted subsequent to the victory, by very plausible, if not by solid and un- answerable reasons. He observed, that it was altogether unwarrantable, and might have been attended with the most ruinous consequences, to have detached twelve or more ships of the line, under Sir Samuel Hood, in pursuit of twenty- five at least of the French ; which num- ber remained together, as was believed, after the action, and still constituted a most formidable force. If any check had been experienced by us, in conse- quence of such eagerness or precipita- tion, it was obvious that the fruits of the victory itself might even have been lost. Bougainville and Vaudreuil, who com- manded under De Grasse, enjoyed a higher reputation for naval skill, than the commander in chief, and might have re- paired the defeat. How far these facts or assertions may carry conviction to every mind, I cannot venture to determine. Fox, when moving the thanks of the House of Commons to Sir George Rod- ney, which act he performed in his place, as secretary of stale, only a few days afterwards ; mentioned with ex- pressions of great delight, the unanimity which pervaded the victorious fleet. " It was," he said, " with peculiar satisfac- tion he could assure the house, that every letter received from the West In- dies, breathed the most perfect harmony. No other dispute or competition existed among the officers, except who should be most forward in advancing the public cause." But Lord Rodney, after his re- turn to England, made no scruple of de- claring the contrary in mixed company, where I was myself present. He even wrote home at the time, in his private letters, more than one of which I have seen ; that so violent was the spirit of party and faction in his own fleet, as almost to supersede and extinguish the aflleclion felt towards their sovereign and their country, in the bosoms of many in- dividuals serving under him. To such a height had it attained, that he asserted there were among them, oflicers of high rank, and of unquestionable courage, who nevertheless bore so inveterate an ani- mosity to the administration then ex- isting ; particularly to the first lord of the admiralty, the Earl of Sandwich ; as almost to wish for a defeat, if it would produce the dismission of ministers. Similar assertions were made by mem- bers of the House of Commons, in their speeches. However incredible the fact itself may appear, and however lament-' able it must be considered, if it was well founded ; yet il is not easy to conceive the antipathies, political and personal, that had grown up in the English navy, during the American war. They formed one of the characteristic features of the times, and operated to the inconceivable injury of the British name and nation. The commencement of Rodney's pub- lic letter, addressed to Mr. Stephens, the secretary of theadmirahy, on this glorious occasion, excited a smile among the critics and grammarians ; as he stated, that " It had pleased God, out of his divine providence, to grant to his ma- jesty's arms a most complete victory over the fleet of his enemy ; whereas, it seemed rather to have been an act per- formed hi his divine providence. This HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 321 error of a naval commander, unaccus- tomed to composition, and wiiose pro- fession was not the pen, but the sword ; did not however attract the same com- ments, as an ofticial despatch which we have since perused, sent from one of his Britannic majesty's ambassadors; who, addressing the secretary of slate, from Constantinople, appeared, by some act of oblivious inadvertence, to consider himself in Jlsia. Rodney's enemies, of whom he had a great number, asserted, that after the victory was gained, he gave way to a sort of intoxication of mind, on finding himself master of the French admiral's person and ship. I remember, they said, that he seated himself in an arm-chair, placed on the quarter-deck of the " Formidable,^'' as the moon rose, in order to indulge his sight with the view of the " Ville de Paris,^'' which lay near him in a disabled state, and whose sides far overtopped those of his own vessel. And they added, that he burst into expressions or exclamations of extravagant self-praise and complacency ; mingled with some reproaches on the want of ministerial gratitude, which he had experienced for his past services. Even admitting all these facts to be true in their utmost extent, they only prove the infirmity of human nature ; and si- milar instances of weakness occur in the history of the most illustrious com- manders, Rodney, like the celebrated Marshal Villars, so distinguished under Louis the Fourteenth, talked perpetually of himself, and was the hero of his own story. Bvit posterity will never forget the debt of gratitude due to his services, nor cease to consider him as one of the greatest men whom the English navy produced in the course of the eighteenth century. He unquestionably displayed coolness and science, on the day of the 12lh of April ; directed in person every inanoBuvre, and preserved during twelve hours that the action lasted, the utmost presenile of mind. Lord Cranston said that he never quitted the quarter-deck for a minute, nor took any refreshment, except the support he derived from a lemon, which he held constantly in his hand, and applied frequently to his lips. If Rodney did not spare his animad- versions on the spirit of political enmity and faction which pervaded the British navy, his opponent, the Count De Grasse, made still louder accusations, and sent home stronger charges to the court of Versailles, against the jealousies or rivalities which actuated the officers serving under him, on that memorable day. They doubtless, towards the close of the action, abandoned their com- mander to his fate, and sought their safety in flight ; but the unforeseen ma- noeuvre by which Rodney had inter- sected the French line, at the commence- ment of the engagement, threw the whole fleet into inextricable confusion ; and it is very doubtful whether by prolonging, or even by renewing the contest, Bou- gainville and Vaudreuil would have in any measure retrieved the misfortune. De Grasse, it is admitted on all hands, displayed the most unconquerable firm- ness. But perhaps he highly merited censure, at a moment when he saw be- fore him, in full prospect, so vast an object as the conquest and reduction of Jamaica, not to have suffered one or two ships of the French line to fall into our hands rather than sacrifice, as he did, the whole plan of the campaign to their preservation. I know such to have been the general opinion entertained through- out France, where De Grasse laboured under popular odium to so great a de- gree, that while, after the ensuing peace, Suffrein always received, on entering the theatres at Paris, the warmest testi- monies of admiration from every part of the house, De Grasse did not venture to present himself at the public spectacles from the apprehension of insult. Even the court manifested similar sentiments; and though decorated with the order of the " St. Esprit," he could not obtain permission to walk in the annual " Pro- cession du Cordon Bleu" at Versailles, for several years subsequent to the de- feat in the West Indies. The effect of so splendid a service rendered to his country at a moment of such dejection, and the popularity which it justly produced, in some measure dis- armed the meditated attacks of Rodney's opponents at home. Burke, who had heaped the severest accusations u[)on him, for his conduct towards the inhabi- tants of St. Enstatius, and who was pre. paring to bring forward a motion in the House of Commons, tending to crimi- 322 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. nate him for his acts while in possession of the island, immediately abandoned the intention. With one of those classic allusions which were familiar to his elegant mind, he observed, that " the great national benefit performed by the English admiral, obliterated his errors ; and like the laurel crown decreed by the Roman senate to Julius Caesar, covered, as well as concealed his baldness." Even the rancour expressed by the new ministers and their friends, towards Lord Sandwich, seemed to be blunted, if not mollified, by this undeniable proof of his meritorious exertions in sending out a fleet to the West Indies capable of vanquishing the French naval force. It was justly said that Alexander had con- quered with the troops of Philip. No farther mention of impeachment or pro- secution was made against the first lord of the admiralty. The cabinet, never- theless, evincing, in every part of their conduct, the reluctance with which they remunerated Rodney's merits, had al- ready superseded him, by naming Admi- ral Pigot to the command of the fleet in the West Indies. But as he had not quitted England before intelligence ar- rived of the victory gained over De Grasse, it was evidently the wish of the country, loudly expressed, that Rodney should not be recalled at a moment when he had raised the naval character of Great Britain, humbled France, and saved Jamaica. The new administration, however, far from paying any regard to this expression of the general opinion ; and apprehensive of some motion being made on the subject, in one or the other of the two houses of parliament ; in- stantly sent off Pigot, in a quick sailing frigate, from Plymouth, with orders to replace the victorious commander. Severe comments were passed out of doors upon the appointment, made un- der such circumstances ; especially as Pigot had been already constituted a member of the new board of admiralty. Even the House of Commons, though since Lord North's resignation the ma- jority seemed completely subservient to Fox, yet manifested some symptoms of disapprobation. It was, besides, com- monly asserted that the secretary of state for foreign aflfairs lay under pecu- niary obligations to Pigot, of several thousand pounds, for losses incurred at play. And though such a report might have originated in error or malevolence, yet it was difficult to disprove ; as Fox's notorious passion for gaming had sub- jected him to similar engagements and embarrassments. Lord Kepple, when questioned in the House of Peers, re- specting the fact of Pigot's appointment, felt so conscious of the indefensibility of the measure that he dared not to own it ; but he contrived to evade the inquiry by stating the want of evidence before them, to prove the nomination. It was im- possible more clearly to avow how much he was ashamed of such a transaction. The opposition, during Lord North's administration, in their anxiety to decry the Earl of Sandwich, then first lord of the admiralty, asserted that Sir Edward Hughes was bound to divide with him a certain proportion of whatever prize money he might acquire, as a return for being appointed to the naval command in the East Indies. " Junius" treats the Duke of Grafton, when first minister, in various letters, with indignation, for hav- ing given a pension of five hundred pounds a year to Sir John Moore, whom he designates as a " broken gambler." Nor does he hesitate to add, that the pension was " probably an acquittance on the part of the duke, of favours upon the turf," But how infinitely less cul- pable were Lord Sandwich, or the Duke of Grafton, had the allegations been ever so clearly proved, than was Fox, if we assume the truth of the fact imputed to him, in acquitting his debt to Pigot, by sending him out to the West Indies ? Rodney's victory, if it had taken place two months earlier, would proba- bly have operated to retard, or alto- gether to prevent, Lord North's resigna- tion. Nor did any man doubt, that the admiral himself would have received more distinj/uishing marks of ministe- rial gratitude, as well of royal bounty, if Lord North had continued at the head of aflfairs, than were conferred on him by that nobleman's successors. Lord Howe and Admiral Keppel had just been raised by their party, to the dignity of English viscounts, without the performance of any naval service on the part of the latter officer. Many persons thought that an earldom would HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 323 not have constituted a reward too emi- nent for so important a victory. We have seen that high rank of the peerage conferred since on Sir John Jervis, for the battle gained over the Spaniards, off Cape St. Vincent's ; a victory, as was commouly reported, principally due to Sir Horatio Nelson. Lord Duncan, Lord Hood, and Lord Bridport, have all been created for their exploits, English viscounts. It was not without evident marks of nnwillingness, that a barony, and a pension of two thousand pounds per annum, were rather extorted from, than spontaneously given by, the mi- nistry, to Rodney ; accompanied with his immediate supersession in the com- mand of the fleet. It must however be admitted on the other hand, that pre- vious to the time of which I am now writing, the most distinguished naval services rarely conducted to the peer- age. Anson, it is true, from a concur- rence of circumstances, was raised to it: but neither Saunders, nor Boscawen, nor Pocock, attained to that honour. Even Hawke, far from being called up to the House of Peers, after he had destroyed the fleet of France in 1759, at the mouth of the Loire, was only made a baron by Lord North, near seventeen years afterwards ; and then in company with several other indi- viduals who were raised to the same dignity. It is for posterity to judge how far these circumstances may form some excuse, for the apparent want of liberality towards a man, who had ren- dered so critical, as well as so distin- guished a service to his country. [22d May.] No sooner had the House of Commons assembled, after the ad- journment of a few days which follow- ed Sawbridge's motion, than the secre- tary of stale rising, moved the thanks of the house to Sir George Rodney, for his late glorious victory; of which event he spoke in the warmest terms of grateful admiration, though conscious that the triumphant commander who had achieved it, was already super- seded by him, in order to make way for Pigot. Such acts of ministerial or political inconsistency, never indeed ap- peared to cost Fox any effort, as he covered them under the blaze of so- phistry, eloquence, and talent. On this occasion, he must nevertheless have felt how contradictory was his conduct in praising, rewarding, and recalling the same man, at one and the same time. Lord North, who ever since the 20th day of March, seemed to have remained in a sort of stupor; now coming forward spontaneously, joined in the tribute due to Rodney for a vic- tory, which, he said, was not only the greatest gained in the course of the pre- sent war, but, perhaps, the most com- plete of any recorded in the naval annals of England. Unquestionably, the late first minister derived a pride and a con- fidence from the same event, which in- volved the new cabinet in proportionate embarrassment. After dwelling for a few minutes, on the brilliant services just rendered. Lord North concluded by remarking, that it would be proper to extend the thanks of the house to the flag officers of the fleet, who had merit- ed so well of their country. To this proposition Fox instantly assented, with many acknowledgments to the noble mover for the suggestion ; and for the first time since Lord North's resigna- tion, some expressions of courtesy and respect fell from the lips of the secretary of state, addressed to a person whom he had hitherto only loaded with accusa- tions. So much had the unexpected intelligence just arrived, already molli- fied the asperity of the new administra- tion towards their predecessors ! Mr. Rolle, then member for the county of Devon, and since raised to the peerage, having asked if it was true that Sir George Rodney was about to be superseded in his command ; Fox replied that he was already recalled, and another officer sent out to succeed him. Such an act, even if Rodney had not performed so recent, and so splendid a service, could scarcely be justified, either on public, or on private grounds : but taking place instantly after a victory so eminent, it excited general condemna- tion. Impressed with that sentiment, Rolle rose a second time, and stated his deter- mination to move an address to his ma- jesty, that he would be pleased not to remove the admiral from his present situation. Had such a motion been ac- tually submitted to the house, it is by no 324 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. means improbable, the new ministry miglit have been left in a minority : but Dundas extricated Fox from a dilemma to which even his pre-eminent ability might have proved inadequate without assistance. The lord advocate observed that such a proceeding would intrench on the prerogative of the crown, and at the same time violate the rules by which parliament was accustomed to regulate its conduct ; as the responsibility of mi- nisters must be removed from their own shoulders, to those of the House of Com- mons. " No individual," he added, " could entertain higher feelings of gra- titude towards the gallant commander in question, than he did ; but a paramount regard to the Constitution, impelled him to oppose the proposition." RoUe then dropping his first intention, declared that he would nevertheless move an address to the king, to bestow some mark of royal favour on the admiral. Here, how- ever, he was once raore stopped by Dun- das, who said that a motion of such a nature would be in fact dictating to the sovereign, in whom alone was constitu- tionally vested the power of conferring rewards or graces : adding, that it was to be presumed, the servants of the crown would offer such advice to their prince on the present occasion, as it was worthy of him to pursue. Fox became now as profuse in his expressions of acknow- ledgment to the lord advocate, as he had previously been to Lord North. In Dundas's doctrine, he said, he fully con- curred ; and with the decision of tone and character natural to him, he protest- ed that no man or men, short of the ma- jority of the house, should ever induce or compel him to explain on what grounds one officer was recalled, or an- other appointed. It was a loyal preroga- tive, which he would not allow to be either ahridized or controlled. " For," concluded he, " though I am an enemy to the influence of the crown, I will always support its just prerogative." Whether the motives by which Mr. Dundas was actuated in thus extending such opportune sup[)ort to administration, were the only springs of his conduct; or whether any less obvious reasons prompted him to stand forward, and to extend a sort of shield over them ; must be left to conjecture. Certainly, the service rendered was one of no ordinary description. But Governor Johnstone, though he did not attempt to contravert the lord advocate's assertions ; yet, after expressing his sense of the glorious achievement just performed in the West Indies, added, " I could have desired that the thanks of this house should have been moved from someotherquarter, not from the ministers, who have just disgraced Sir George Rodney, by recal- ling him." — " The secretary of state tells us that unanimity reigns throughout the fleet. And is that a reason for superseding the gallant commander, and tearing him from the men whom he has so often conducted to victory ? Under such circumstances, the very thanks of this assembly become an insult, when accompanied by his supercession." Al- most any other minister than Fox, would have been embarrassed under such a charge, nor was even he altogether with- out evident discomposure. As however he never abandoned a friend or a mea- sure, because the one was in distress, or the other unpopular ; as he always trust- ed to his own powers of mind for ex- trication ; and the determination to send out Pigot, having been taken ; he under- took to defend it. His speech neverthe- less formed a mass of contradictory matter. He began by denying in the strongest terms, that recall and disgrace had in them any species of alliance. If he had entertained any prejudices against the gallant admiral, for his conduct at St. Euslatius, he said, the recent victory had obliterated them. On Johnstone he pressed with great severity, for prevent- ing the unanimity of the house : but the governor, whose tenacity in maintaining whateverproposition he embraced, equal- led that of the secretary ; rose to reply. The discussion might even have assumed a new form, if Cornwall, the speaker, interposing from the chair, had not for the third time in the same day, come to the aid of administration, by calling Johnstone to order. No further impe- diment being presented, the thanks were voted, and the house adjourned ; Fox having exhibited a strong proof of his ministerial ascendancy over the assi^mbly, though undoui)ledly in contradiction to the opinion of a great majority of the members present on the occasion. HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 325 [23d— 30lh May.] The public dis- satisfaction nevertlieless being loudly and generally expressed in every corner of London, at the recall of Sir George Rodney, Mr. Rolie brought forward the subject a second time, to parliamentary notice. He observed, that to supersede an admiral in the moment of victory, was in itself an impolitic measure ; but to send out as his successor, a man who for near twenty years had not once been at sea, and who had never performed in the whole course of his professional life, any distinguished naval service, consti- tuted an act most unwise and censurable. Rosewarne, memberfor Truro, remarked, that the present ministers were now com- mitting, against the general sense of the country, the very act v/hich they so vio- lently reprobated in their predecessors ; namely, driving from the navy the most able and distinguished otficers. " The Earl of Sandwich," added he, " has been denominated by the secretary of state, in former debates, a minister of the King of France. He has approved himself a bad minister to his employer, since he has confessedly sent out to the West Indies, one of the best appointed fleets which ever quitted the ports of England." I spoke, myself, on the same side, in that debate, and ventured to assert that the only similar case occurring in our annals, presented itself under Queen Anne, when the great Duke of Marlbo- rough, in the midst of his triumphs, was have been attacked without mercy from every quarter. Yet, though I do not approve the nomination of Admiral Pigot, I value the unanimity of the fleet so highly, that I should be reluctant to send out any resolution, which might convey a censure upon his appointment. Unanimity, both at home and abroad, are indispensable ; and though / was made a personal sacrifice to obtaining it, I shall rejoice if the present ministers experience it in its utmost extent." These sentiments, however elevated or patriotic they may seem, were by no means received on the part of the secre- tary of state, either with gratitude, or even with satisfaction. On the contrary, after questioning tiie sincerity of Lord North in his expressions of cordiality, and his pretended wishes to preserve unanimity among the officers and seamen of the fleet ; he observed, that unless the motion, which cri(ninated ministers for recalling Sir George Rodney, was to be followed by another, for their removal, the first would be nugatory. " Did the noble lord," he demanded, " mean to go that length ? And if such was his in- tention, why did he not speak out?" Of Pigot, the secretary expressed him- self in language of great encomium, as being every way qualified to succeed Rodney. " The crime that he had com- mitted in the eyes of the late ministers, lay in his name being found in a certain paper, together with those of various recalled, in order to make way for the other admirals, deprecating the trial of Duke of Ormond. Nor did I hesitate to declare my conviction thai the victory just gained, though perhaps less complete than the defeat of Conflans by Admiral Hawke in 17.'>9 ; yet under the circum- stances of the moment, might justly be accounted superior in its effects to that or to any achievement in our naval re- cords. Upon what principle then could Admirals Howe and Keppel have been created viscounts, while only the dignity of a baron was conferred on the man, who had performed so transcendent a service? Lord North, though he said he wished to decline giving any opinion on the recent supersession, and the new appointment, characterized it nevertheless as a hasty measure. " If," continued he, " a similar act had been committed under the late administration, I should 28 Keppel." Relative to Lord Rodney, he appeared to labour under no small em- barrassment, and to involve himself in much contradiction. The victory just gained, Fox admitted to be brilliant; but his conduct at St. Eustatius, had pro- iliiced prejudices against him. " I am ready," added he, " to balance his vic- tory against his demerits, and to bury in oblivion all enquiry respecting his past conduct, unless the intemperate zeal of the admiral's friends, shall provoke me to adopt another line of conduct." He concluded by rather insiiuialing than as- serting, that if a baron was not considered a rank of the peerage sufficiently elevated for Rodney's services, no objection wonld be made to conferring on him a higher title. U the secretary expected by the style 326 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. and tone of his reply, to intimidate or to silence liis adversaries on that day, the event did not justify his assumption. Lord North, after animadverting with some wit, on various parts of tiie preced- ing speech, denied the assertions made respecting Pigot. The late admiralty, he observed, had offered him a command, which "he thought proper to decline. But, as Rodney had constantly refused to sign ihe paper in question, might not his recall arise from that very circum- stance ? " Had his majesty's ministers, of whom I formed a member," continued he, " recalled a great and illustrious officer in the moment of victory, we should have been assailed with motion after motion in this house." Severe as Lord North might seem in these re- marks, Johnstone far exceeded him. There existed indeed between the gover- nor and the secretary of slate, a degree of personal ill-will approaching to en- mity ; the latter always affc^ctiiig to re- gard Johnstone as an apostate or a deser- ter ; he having, some years earlier, left the ranks of opposition and joined the administration, by whom he had been employed, both as a negotiator, and in the line of his profession. Johnstone in retaliation, treated Fox as factious, and as sacrificing every consideration to party, or to private views of ambition. Starting up as soon as Lord North had finished^ " Now," exclaimed he, " I am perfectly satisfied with the supersession of my noble friend. The right honor- able secretary holds him up as a delin- quent. If he be such, unquestionably he ought to be recalled. I now rejoice, as much as I was previously shocked, at this treatment : — for, now an opportu- nity will be afforded him to clear his character from the aspersions of his ene- mies. Charges brought against him by Jews and traitors ! Charges which lie will refute with ease ; and of which fact I can speak with certainty, having pe- rused many parts of my noble friend's defence." — " The secretary of state proposes to compromise the charge, and to bury it in an earldom. But I scorn such a proposal, and in my friend's name I protest against honours, which are to be purchased by such a compromise. Honours and titles can never sit easy on a delinquent." After thus exhaling his resentment, hs then entered on the particulars of the action fought on the 12th of April, as well as on other parts of Lord Rodney's naval exploits : but as Lord North, though he highly disapproved the recall of that illustrious commander, did not desire to push matters to a question, no division took place. Ministers remained masters of the field : not however without suffering in public opinion, which cen- sured them in the strongest terms. An attempt, made by Sir Francis Basset, now Lord De Dunstanville, only a few days afterwards, to procure for Lord Rodney, a provision of four thousand pounds a year from the crown, under- went the same fate as Mr. Rolle's mo- tion : Fox parried it in a similar man- ner. A hurony with half the annual sum proposed by Basset, was ultimately conferred on him. He returned home, and Pigot assumed the command of the victorious fleet: but, I believe, in the course of six or seven months that he retained it, he never captured any vessel of the enemy, except a Spanish polacre, nor performed any other eminent service. All the deserved popidarity, which Fox —r- for he only was regarded as directing the cabinet; — had obtained by the measures embraced relative to arming the people, and for conciliating Ireland ; was more than counterbalanced by the selection of Pigot to replace Rodney. If the Marquis of Rockingham approved so hasty an act, he must be esteemed a weak, or an ill-advised minister. If he reflectively allowed the secretary of state to sacrifice tlie public interest, to his own personal predilections or ob- jects, he was a highly culpable minis- ter. I am not sufficiently informed on the point, to venture on hazarding any opinion. Posterity, better instructed, may perhaps decitle upon it. Fox un- questionably lost the finest occasion which fortune could have presented him, for acquiring general applause and admiration, by continuing Rodney in the command, after intelligence had arrived of the glorious result of the I2th of April. [June.] While the victory obtained over De Grasse, produced so vast and beneficial an alteration in the affairs of Great Britain beyond the Atlantic ; time HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 327 seemed rapidly maturing another import- | intention. This nobleman, who was at ant change, or rather convulsion, in the that time about twenty-nine years of age, domestic concerns of the kingdom. From the first formation of tlie new cabinet, its jarring materials indicated, in the opi- nions of all discerning men, their speedy disunion and separation. Fox, consci- ous of ihe alienation in which the king held him, morally, as well as politically, possessed too much penetration not lo foresee, and to predict, an approaciiiiig change of administration. He was not withotit difficulty restrained from pre- cipitating it, by his open disapprobation of the intended, or imputed measures, of some of his colleagues. The stern inflexibility of Lord Thurlow, likewise, who as chancellor, thwarted and oppos- ed, in the House of Peers, many of his measures, greatly irritated him. Already Fox began to alter his language, when speaking of that nobleman : on whom, while a member of the late cabinet, he had lavished so many encomiums at the expense of his colleagues in the admi- nistration. Nor did the preference shown towards Lord Shelburne, on all occa- sions, by his majesty, tend less to ac- celerate a rupture. In this situation of things, the decline of the Marquis of Rockingham's health, by incapacitating him to take as active a part in public affairs as he had previously done, remov- ed the only remaining serious impedi- ment : while it facilitated the accomplish- ment of those objects, which prudence and precaution alone had hitherto com- pelled the sovereign to delay, till the ar- rival of a favourable opporluiiily. [1st — 20th June.] Hitherto during the course of nearly two sessions, Fox and Pitt had almost invariably coincided upon every point submitted to parlia- mentary discussion : but the term of their apparent political union now ap- proached. Lord Mahon, who, by his first marriage stood in the near relation of a brother in law to Mr. Pitt, was then one of the representatives for Wycombe. His ardent, zealous, and impetuous mind, tinged with deep shades of repub- licanism and eccentricity, which extend- ed even to his dress and manners ; was equally marked by a bold originality of character, very enlightened views of the public welfare or amelioration, inflexible pertinacity, and a steady uprightness of having introduced a bill into the house, for the prevention of expense and bribery at elections, Powis strongly opposed it. Pitt replied to him ; denying that the re- gulations proposed, would constitute any innovation on the British Constitution, which, on the contrary, they were cal- culated to renovate and restore. Mr. Secretary Fox took the contrary side, and in a speech of great ability, after many flattering compliments to his ho- nora.b\e friend, maintained nevertheless that the principle.s of the bill had not been fairly staled by him. On all ques- tions or points which had for their object to effect an equal representation," he said, " Mr. Pitt might rely on his firmest concurrence and support. There, they never could disagree : but on the present subject, their opinions differed, and he had stated with much deference the rea- sons of his dissent." Pitt did not meet these expressions of friendly respect, with all the cordiality or suavity that might have been expected. He was in- deed lavish of his encomiums on thesplen- did display of eloquence made by the- secretary of state ; which, he observed, impressed him with deeper admiration, because, instead of overturning the argu- ments which he had himself used, it on the contrary supported them. The house dividing. Lord Mahon's bill was carried by a majority of only one ; and being again resumed three days after- wards, the discussion was renewed be- tween Pitt and Fox ; not, indeed, with any asperity or personality, but with much pertinacity. Sheridan joined in the debate, taking part against one of the most important clauses ; which being re- jected by sixty-six votes, opposed to twenty-six. Lord Mahon immediately declared that he would proceed no fur- ther in the measure. It would not, in- deed, of itself have excited much atten- tion, if it had not elicited the first sparks of disagreement between two persons, who attracted so great a share of national consideration. [22d — .30th June.] One of the last important or in teres ting discussions which look place in the House of Commons, previous to the Marquis of Rockingham's decease, owed its existence to the attor- 328 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. ney general. That intrepid and upright lawyer, acting without any concert what- ever, uncertain of support from any quarter, but impelled by his deep sense of public justice and of private rectitude, brought forward to parliamentary notice the question relative to the balances of money remaining in the hands of public accountants. 'J'he inquiry being levelled principally, though not solely, against Rigby, who as late as the month of May, 1781, iield no less a balance in his pos- session than eleven hundred thousand pounds ; he, apprehensive of some prompt or efficacious resolution being adopted, which might subject him to difficulties of a pecuniary nature, pro- cured by personal applications a very numerous attendance. I have rarely witnessed' so many members present in their places, at so advanced a period of the session. To this circumstance Ken- yon alluded, when he rose to make his propositions, observing that it gave him pleasure to see so full a house on such an occasion. With stern severity of voice and manner, he declared that only a strong sense of duty actuated him. "Party views," added he, "I have none, nor have I consulted any indi- vidual whatever, on the nature and pro- priety of the motions I am about to make. Nay, I am ignorant whether any member of the house will second them ; but my determination to propose them remains unalterable." It must be con- fessed that such an attorney general does not arise frequently, nor could a man of so independent a mind be accep- table to any, except mini'sters of the most elevated and incorrupt description. Having slated that his object was to compel the payment of the balances due to the public, who, he said, had a right to the issues and profits of their own money ; he added, that if he should be defeated in that house, the courts of law would still remain open to him, where he might bring the question to a legal decision. He concluded by moving various resolutions, one of which de- clared that " Rigby and Welbore Ellis, were both accountable for the interest received by them, of the balances that respectively remained in their hands, from the dny of their quitting their late offices." No sooner had Kenyon finished than Fox presented himself to notice ; and after acknowledging that his learned friend had not consulted him on the business just opened, he contested with much warmth and equal ingenuity, the attorney general's proposition. It might, j he admitted, be law ; but it did not ap- pear to him to be common sense, — an i assertion which he endeavoured to eluci- j date, as well as to prove, by pointing j out the essential difference between a j guardian, who is bound to place the money of his ward in a state to yield interest ; and a public accountant, who is only held responsible for the capital advanced to him for public purposes. 1 must confess that this doctrine appeared to me to be sound, and by no means in- consistent with the immutable principles of justice ; but from the lips of the secre- tary of slate it came with a bad grace : his father, Lord Holland, standing in the same position as Kigby ; being accused by the public voice, though perhaps un- justly, as a great defaulter; and his executors never having, down to that day, been able to obtain h')s quietus from the exchequer. Yet Lord Holland had quilted the pay office more ttian seven- teen years, when Kenyon agitated the question tlien before the house, during all which time the public derived no benefit from the balances remaining due from that nobleman's estate. Governor Johnstone, who never lost any opportunity of attacking Fox, though he disapproved of Kenyon's moiion, yet contrived to wound the secretary in a tender part. " Why," he demanded, " should the executors of Lord Holland be allowed many years for paying in his balances, if Rigby and Ellis were to be compelled to make a similar payment within the short space of two months ? As to myself," continued he, " my rea- son for attending in my place to-day, was not with a design of supporting any particular cause ; but merely from curi- osity, in order to observe what part the right honorable secretary would lake on a question where he is himself so per- sonally concerned." Nevertheless, Lord North coinciding perfectly with Fox, in the doctrines that he had laid down, and pronouncing them to be orthodox; Wallace, the late attorney general, Je. HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 329 claring that, in his opinion, the public had no right whatever to demand any interest on the money lying in the hands of great national accountants, — an opi- nion which he sustained by strong rea- soning ; Powis agreeing in the justice, as vvell as in the solidity of Fox's ob- servations ; and the chancellor of the exchequer supporting the same argu- ments; — under these circumstances, Ken- yon consented to withdraw the obnoxious resolution. Having, however, substi- tuted in its place a motion for leave to bring in a bill to enable the exchequer to receive the balances due from Rigby and Ellis, he was again opposed, and on a division, left in a minority of eleven. The secretary of state, as well as the other members of administration, sup- ported and voted with Kenyon, though probably Fox was by no means dis- pleased at the result of the day. No rational doubt can exist, that even if death had not carried off the Marquis of Rockingham, yet a change in the administration would equally have taken place, nearly at the same time, and in the same manner, as it was afterwards effected. 'I'he necessity of making such arrangements as might, it was hoped, secure its duration, and enable Lord Shelburne to surmount the opposition to be expected in parliament, had solely prevented him hitherto from accepting the place of first lord of the treasury. But as the session drew towards its close, that difficulty gradually ceased ; while the period vvliich must of course elapse between the prorogation and the subsequent meeting, would afford, in all probability, if well improved, various means of strengtliening the new nii- nistrj'. Lord Shelburne had already made advances to, and had sounded Mr. Pitt. His talents, eloquence, and popu- larity, sustained by his illustrious name, rendered him, notwithstanding his youth, capable of being successfully opposed to Fox, in the House of Commons. His ambition, which had impelled him to disdain, and to reject, a secondary place under the existing administration, pointed out to Lord Shelburne the ob- vious bait, by which he might be in- duced to lend his powerfcl support ; namely, a cabinet office. The decorum and regularity of his private life, alto- 28* gether untinclured with the vices of Fox's character, gave him a vast supe- riority, in the estimation of all those who considered correct moral deport- ment as indispensable to a man placed in public situation. In the contempla- tion of these circumstances, and with these intentions, it is well known that the king fully determined to displace such members of the cabinet as constituted the Rockingham party ; and to transfer the management of the treasury to the Earl of Shelburne. The lapse of a few days, would perhaps have disclosed and produced this important event, when the decease of the first minister spared his majesty the necessity of dismissing him from his post. [1st of July.] Lord Rockingham, though hardly fifty-two years of age, already sunk under an infirm and debili- tated constitution. A decay, to which was added a slow fever, or as it was denominated, influenza, a species of epidemic distemper, had for some time undermined his strength, without ap- pearing to menace his immediate disso- lution. He was in his place in the House of Peers, for the last time, on the 3d of June, where he both spoke and voted in support of Mr. Crewe's bill, for depriving revenue officers of their vote in elections. But when he rose to address the house, he declared that he felt himself so severely indisposed, as to be almost incapable of uttering a word. He even made use of a singular expres- sion ; — for he added, " the disorder universally prevalent, afflicts me so vio- lently, that at times I am not completely in possession of myself." His speech nevertheless displayed no defect of mind. Soon after the king's birth-day, having quitted Grosvenor-square, lie re- tired to Roeliamptnn, where his reco- very was confidently expected by his friends, and even predicted by his medi- cal attendants. Indeed, neither Fox nor Burke seem to have been prepared for his decease ; though the former, with the manly, but imprudent decision that marked his political character, instantly determined either to keep possession of the treasury by proxy, or to resign his office. Burke, though he personally detested Lord Shelburne, yet would, I believe, have gladly retained his situa- 330 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. tion, under a nevv first minister of the king's election : but he could not sepa- rate himself from Fox. On that day, they held a long conversation, evidently of the most interesting and serious de- scription, in the court of requests, where they continued walking backwards and forwards, long after the speaker had taken the chair. At length they both repaired to the house, where the mar- quis's death being announced, warm eulogiums were conferred on his me- mory, from various quarters. Fre- deric Montagu, himself a man of distinguished probity, when mention- ing Lord Rockingham, said, " Such was my opinion of his integrity of heart,- and firmness of mind in resist- ing every act that ought to be re- sisted, as to make his concurrence or approbation sufficient to sanctify in my judgment, almost any measure." " He was," observed Fox, " an honour to his country, and an ornament to human nature. Others, I admit, may have pos- sessed more brilliant talents ; but I know of none who more truly loved his coun- try, or who displayed in a more eminent degree, that extraordinary combination of firmness of mind, with softness of manners, by whicli he was peculiarly characterised." " Well may I be ex- cused," exclaimed Burke, " for ming- ling my tears with those of all ranks and descriptions of men, for the inestimable loss which we have sustained by the death of this most excellent and virtuous character ! He is gone to appear before that tribunal where we must all render an account of our actions ; and I believe, no soul ever went with a greater and better founded certainty of approbation." These encomiums may have been merit>- ed, as paid to his moral worth and steady rectitude of intention : but, we must re- member by whom, and when, they were uttered. Fox, Burke, and Montagu, all relapsed into a comparative obscurity, by his death. History will speak of him with more moderation. An amiable and a respectable individual, rather than a superior man, nature had not designed him to be the first minister of a great country. Junius well characterizes his formation of mind, when he speaks of " the mild, but determined integrity of Lord Rockingham." Yet was there, as that writer elsewhere observes, a degree of " debility" in his virtue : but, the - moderation of his character tempered the ardour of Fox, and imposed limits on Burke's enthusiasm. The state of his frame and health, which, even in his youth had never been robust ; and both which were believed to have suffered severely in consequence of some imprudent gallantries, while pursuing his travels in the south of Italy, at an early period of his life ; incapa- citated him for close or continued appli- cation, during the short period of his ad- ministration. The Princess of Franca Villa was commonly supposed to have bestowed on him the same fatal present, which the " Belle Ferroniere" conferred on Francis the First, King of France; and which, as we learn from Burnet, the Countess of Soulhesk was said to iiave entailed on James, Duke of York, afterwards James the Second. That princess was still living when I visited Naples, in the year' 1779 ; and Sir Wil- liam Hamilton assured me, that she al- ways expressed the utmost concern for the unintentional misfortune, which the marquis's attachment for her had pro- duced, as well as for its supposed re- sults. Leaving no issue, the greater part of his vast landed property, as well as his borough interests, descended to his nephew. Earl Fitzwilliam. In Lord Rockingham's person, too, became ex- tinct the title and dignity of a British marquis; he being the sole individual in the kingdom who then possessed that high rank; to which Mr. Pitt has since elevated during his administration, eleven individuals ; besides creating nine Irish marquises, where there did not previ- ously exist one peer of that order. Such has been the prodigious increase of peer- ages during the present reign ! Un- questionably Mr. Pitt, in thus augment- ing the numbers of the House of Lords, was not animated by llie same intention as the Romans attributed to the first of the Oecsars, when he increased the se- nate to nine hundred ; or as Seutonius expresses it, " Scnatum siipplevit." But, it will be nevertheless for our de- scendants to decide, how far he has practically produced a similar effect on the Constitution of Great Britain, with the pernicious consequence which flowed HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 33] from the augmentation of the Roman senate by Ccesar. [2d — 8ih July.] However deeply sensible Fox might be to Lord Rocking- ham's dealli, and whatever steps he probably contemplated as the natural re- sults of such a blow, he was not so pre- cipitate as to give in his immediate re- signation. He remained a member of the cabinet for several days after it took place, and on the 2d of the month, he spoke (for the last time indeed), as se- cretary of state, from tlie treasury bench. A bill for the regulation of appointments in the West Indies and America, being then in its progress through the house ; it was opposed by Sir George Savile,on a principle of jealous apprehension Vhat ■we might attempt again to legislate for the colonies, thereby re-asserting a supremacy over them. Lord Shelburne having intro- duced the bill into the upper house, who was well known to be very averse to the declaration of American independence, that circumstance excited still greater alarm. The attorney general, with the warmth characteristic of all he said or did, endeavoured to allay Sir George's fears. " The wisdom, probity, disin- terestedness, and honorable intentions of that noble person," Kenyon observed, ♦' stood so tirnily established in the pub- lic opinion, that he trusted, no man would venture to reject the motives which had animated him in bringing forward such a measure." But Sir George Savile remaining inflexible. Fox rose, and expressed his astonishment at the incredulity manifested on the subject. While the present ministers enjoyed their sovereign's confidence, no idea," he as- serted, " could ever exist of coercing America, or of renewing the system so strongly reprobated by that house. He could not speak peremptorily for every member of the cabinet ; but he protested that he would not, himself, remain one minute in ailminislration, after he should discover an intention of bringing back the colonies to obedience, either by force, or by negotiation," Fox even proceeded to prove tluit, however reluctant the no- bleman in question might have been in times past, to the acknowledgment of American independence ; yet, a whole- some and salutary revolution had taken place in his principles, from the operation of events, and of an overpowering neces- sity. To these assurances and expos- tulations, which were reiterated by Gene- ral Conway, Sir George Savile at length gave way : but the event proved either that Fox was mistaken, or that Lord Shelburne exhibited a reluctance to con- cede American independence, which he afterwards renounced, when Fox had quitted the cabinet. Instead of throwing up his place in administration, on a bare suspicion or belief of Lord Shelburne's inteuiions ; he ought (as Pitt told him, a few days afterwards), to have sum- moned a cabinet council, and there to have ascertained the fact, before he pro- ceeded to extremities. But passion, in- dignation, and disappointed ambition, mastering his reason, impelled him, re- gardless of the consequences to himself and to his friends, to retire, rather than submit to the new first lord of the trea- sury, Pitt, more calm and wise, took Fox's vacant seat, though not his office, in the cabinet : an event which the secre- tary of state ought to have foreseen, as more than possible ; though probably, he was not prepared for it. If Fox would have submitted to retain his office as secretary of state, under Lord Shelburne, after the decease of the Marquis of Rockingham ; it is not to be questioned that the king, whatever per- sonal objections or dislike he might have felt towards him, would from prudential motives, have allowed him to continue in the cabinet. Nor can it admit of a doubt, that Fox, by consenting to hold his own situation, would have induced Lord John Cavendish, over whom he always exercised an unbounded ascend- ant, to follow his example. Burke, who manifested the greatest reluctance to quit the pay office, required rather to be im- i pelled in making that sacrifice, than ap- peared to feel any spontaneous disposi- tion towards resigning so lucrative an appointment, of which he had scarcely tasted the first fruits. Fox's private cir- cumstances were moreover so desperate, as to dictate some attention to them ; and many of his friends stood in a similar predicament. He did not affect to con- ceal his own want of fortune, even when addressing the House of Commons. Speaking of the motives that impelled him to resign, and of their imperious 332 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. nature, which left him no alternative ex- cept quilting office ; he added, " Moved by these considerations, though in point of fortune, my condition is not by any means enviable, I have relinquished the pomp, the patronage, and the emolu- ment. — I confess candidly that I have not quilted my place without a pang. I am not such a stoic, as to prefer being neglected, rather than to be courted ; to prefer poverty to riches, inconvenience before comfort, or obscurity before power and splendour." It was difficult to desig- nate more eloquently his situatiotj. These expressions fell from him on the 9th of July, in the progress of the interesting discussion that took place relative to Barre's pension. Burke, with less dig- nity, deplored on tiie same day, in the same assembly, his ejection from the pay office, and his inability to despise the favours of fortune. "I have," said he, " a family, and my means are small. Hike my office. The house, the situa- tion, and all its appendages, cannot be otherwise than pleasing to my taste. All these things I cannot relinquish with- out regret: — for, the welfare of my family is most dear to me. Who can conceive that I would lightly sacrifice all these things, and four thousand pounds a year ? — I have long been surfeited with opposition, and those who know me well, will not denominate me facti- ous." These lamentations remind us ofPomfret's poem, on Adam's expulsion from Paradise, beginning, " And must I go, and must I be no more The tenant of this happy ground." Burke's condition was in every point of view rendered more critical, in conse- quence of Lord Rockingham's decease. I have been assured, that nobleman, by his last testamentary dispositions, can- celled all tlie money due to him by Mr. Burke, amounting to a considerable sum : but did not bequeath him any ad- ditional legacy, or pecuniary mark of regard. It was added, that Burke by no means expressed himself satisfied with the marquis's conduct towards him in this respect. Certainly, some of his expressions relative to Lord Rock- ingham, in his speech to which I have already alluded, were very singular, and might be regarded as equivocal. " Among the encomiums due to that noble person," said he, " this was one ; that he left his best and dearest friends with the simple reward of his own in- valuable intimacy. This peculiar test of their sincerity, he demanded while alive ; and it was a tax which he im- posed on their regard for his memory, when he was no more." Do not these words obscurely designate the fact, that he received no augmentation to his for- tune, by Lord Rockingham's will ? Embarrassed, nevertheless, as were both his and Fox's private affairs, the resentment of the latter, at seeing the helm of state transferred to Lord Shel- burne, when added to his knowledge of the secret machinations which had pre- ceded it, extinguished or superseded every other sentiment in his bosom. He peremptorily demanded, either that the Duke of Portland should be imme- diately recalled from Ireland, in order ' to be placed at the head of the treasury, as the representative of the deceased marquis, and the acknowledged chief of the whig party ; or he tendered to his majesty his own instant resignation. His offer was accepted : and that of Lord John Cavendish, as chancellor of the exchequer, accompanied it, at the same time. When, after the lapse of five and thirty years, we calmly examine the motives by which Fox was actuated in thus throwing up his office, we must ad- mit that he consulted more his passions, than his reason ; since he lay under no necessity of sacrificing either his coun- try, or his principles, to the preserva- tion of his employment. Lord Shel- burne's insincerity or duplicity could not operate to produce the public ruin, except by the measures, that in his capacity of first minister, he might bring forward: and whatever repugnance he might individually feel to grant the American colonies unconditional inde- pendence, yet the majority of the cabi- net, after Fox's and Lord John Caven- dish's secession, compelled him ulti- mately to adopt that principle. By re- taining his place under the new first lord of the treasury. Fox would there- fore have secured his adherence to the HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 333 late marquis's plans; or. on liis depar- ture from ihein, Fox would have carried parliament and ihe country willi iiim, by instantly refusing longer to co-ope- rate wiili a minister, who evaded or de- clined recognising the sovereignly of the thirteen states. Nor could Lord Keppel and the Duke of Riclimond, have then separated themselves from him. If, in- stead of the violent step that he took, he had acted with temper, he would have advanced the public interests, while he consolidated his own tenure of office. The king and Lord Shelburne, however much they might have desired to dis- miss him, could not have ventured on it without a pretence. Pitt might probably have become secretary of state for the home department; and a very strong government must have arisen, from which Lord Nortb, as well as his adhe- rents, would have been altogether ex- determination. Itremained during some time doubtful, whether Mr. Pitt would have been appointed one of the secreta- ries of stale, or placed in the post of chancellor of the exchequer. The latter employment was finally conferred on him. Mr. Thomas Townsend succeeded Lord Shelburne in the home department; leaving the post of secretary at war to Sir George Younge. The foreign oflice, vacated by Fox, was last filled up, and given to Lord Grantham. However in- ferior in energy and brilliancy of intel- lect to his predecessor, he possessed solid, though not eminent parts ; added to a knowledge of foreign affairs and of Europe, having resided several years with great reputation, as ambassador at the court of Madrid. Two of the lords of the treasury fol- lowed Mr. Fox out of office. One, Lord Althorpe, has since filled with honour to eluded. But, in order lo have produced j himself, and advantage to the public, as this benefit lo the state, it was necessary | Earl Spencer, a high cabinet ofiice under for Fox to begin by obtaining a triumph ] Mr. Pitt's administration. Frederick over himself. He preferred more dicta- i Montagu, the other, a man equally re- lorial measures, which in the course of i spectable for probity and for talents, a few months, compelled him either to afterwards raised to the dignity of a privy behold his enemy confirmed in power, councillor ; was a devoted adherent of after making peace, while he hintself the Oavendish and Rockingham interest, and his adherents remained on the Mr. Richard Jackson, and Mr. Edward opposition bench ; or, regardless of consequences, to form a junction with Lord North, and storm the cabinet a second time. Such indeed were the injurious results that flowed from his intemperate precipitation. Fox, in taking this decisive step, pro- bably flattered himself that it would have operated to a wider extent, than actually happened. Though he could not rationally hope that either Lord Camden or the Duke of Grafton would resign ; and though he ought not to have supposed that . General Conway would lay down his office ; since not one of these ministers depended on the late Marquis of Rockingham ; yet he certainly calculated that his uncle the Duke of Riclimond, as well as Lord Keppel, would imitate his example. In this expectation, he was, however, dis- appointed. They both expressed, in James Eliot, succeeded to these vacan- cies. The former gentleman, one of Lord Shelburne's intimate friends, bred to the bar, had obtained from the univer- sality of his information on all topics, as I have already had occasion to remark, the appellation of " omniscient Jackson." Mr. Eliot afterwards married Lady Har- riet Pitt, sister of the chancellor of the exchequer; and his father early in 1784, was created a peer, while the new first minister had still to contend against a majority in the House of Commons. The remaining member of the treasury board, Mr. James Grenville, whom we have likewise seen elevated by Mr. Pitt to the British peerage, at a later period of his administration ; did not think proper to imitate the example of his colleagues. Mr. Thomas Orde, who became one of the two secretaries of the new treasury ; like Mr. Grenville, ter- deed, in the upper house of parliament, ] minated his career as a commoner, on their great regret at his secession ; but I the very same day, fifteen years after- they declined following him out of the | wards, by a removal to the upper house cabinet, and stated the motives for their of parliament. 334 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. The peerage formed, indeed, the Eu- thanasia, the natural translation of all Mr. Pitt's favoiirile adherents, friends, and relations, either by consanguinity, or by alliance. It must be admitted that Mr. Orde had a double pretension to it, from his services, and his matrimonial connexion. AVhile a member of the House of Commons, he had distinguished himself by drawing up more than one of the most able reports of the " secret committee," appointed to enquire into the causes of the war in the Carnatic, of which committee he was a leading mem- ber. Mr. Dundas, the chairman, when addressing the house, on the ninth of April, 1782 ; after paying him the highest compliments for his assiduity and exer- tions in that capacity, added, " Such, in- deed, are the talents which Mr. Orde has exhibited in the business of investigation, that no minister who means to act honestly, can overlook him, or omit to employ his distinguished abilities in the public service." Great, however, as was the testimony of the lord advocate, to his merits, which I am not inclined to dispute, yet his best claim consisted in having married the natural daughter of Charles, Duke of Bolton ; in virtue of which union, and from the failure of male issue in the person of the succeed- ing duke, Mr. Orde became eventually possessed of some of the finest estates of that illustrious family. The title itself, diminished to a barony, was revived in him, together with the name of Powlett. Lord North remained an inactive, though not an unconcerned, or a silent spectator, of this new convulsion in the councils of the crown : which had so soon expelled from the cabinet, one of the two parties, ] by whom he was himself driven from power. Of all those individuals who had supported his administration, or oc- cupied any eminent situation under it, I only two quitted him, in order to be re- ceived into Lord Shelburne's confidence and ministry. The lord advocate of Scotland, Mr. Dundas, after eight years adherence, now abandoned altogether his ancient political leader ; and imitating the precedent exhibited by Mr. Pitt, took office, by accepting the treasurer- ship of the navy. From this period, those two eminent men continued for the remainder of their lives, inseparable in good, as well as in adverse fortune. Lord Mulo;rave followed Dundas's ex- ample. The Duke of Portland, who, as being devoted to the Rockingham interest, and now placed ostensibly at its head, adopted of course Mr. Fox's line of con- duct, was succeeded in the lord lieute- nancy of Ireland, by Earl Temple ; a nobleman of very considerable talents, and great application to business, though, we must admit, inferior in energy of mind and character, to either of his brothers. [9th July.] The interruption which so important a change in the government, occasioned in the ordinary business of the House of Commons ; prevented any discussion from arising in that assembly during some days, relative to the causes - and motives of Mr. Fox's resignation. But an occasion soon presented itself, which enabled him to state all his griev-. ances, to unfold some portion of the mystery that pervaded his conduct, and to bring forward the heaviest charges against the new first lord of the treasury. A pension of three thousand two hundred pounds a year, having been granted to Colonel Barre, by the administration of which Lord Rockingham constituted the head ; and another very considerable pension being given at the same time, to Lord Ashburton, ihe two principal friends of Lord Shelburne in both houses of parliament ; — these grants, the con- sideration of which was unexpectedly brought forward, became severely an raigned. It seemed, indeed, impossible not to feel a degree of astonishment, at contemplating such profuse donations of the public money, made by men who condemned Lord North's want of eco- nomy ; who were with difficulty induced to give a pension of two thousand pounds a year to Lord Rodney, for having de- feated the French fleet, and saved Ja- maica; who, themselves, had recently reduced the household of the sovereign ; and who loudly asserted their personal disinterestedness. Mr. Daniel Parker Coke, a man who, like Kenyon, only look the advice of his own upright and intelligent mind, in all cases of public or parliamentary duty; coming down to the house, without concert of any kind, moved for an address, to request of his majesty to declare, which of his HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 335 ministers had dared to recommend the grant of the pension in question to Bane. The three lords of the treasury present, having all admitted that it was the Mar- quis of Rockingham's act; and Frederic Montagu, one of the number, not only justifying it, as a remuneration merited by Barre for his long services in that assembly ; but adding, that all he re- gretted, was his not having signed a warrant for a similar sum, to another distinguished servant of the public, name- ly, Mr. Burke ; Barre himself then rose. In a speech, well conceived, and deliver- ed from the treasury bench, he detaded his military sufferings and renunciations, honorary, as well as pecuniary. The post of adjutant general, and the govern- ment of Stirling Castle, both of which offices had been conferred on him by the crown, as a reward for his services under the immortal IVoIfe in Canada; posts, of which officers were only de- prived for military offences ; — he had sacrificed. " I was," said he, " an ene- my to general warrants. I voted against them in tliis house, and for this political transgression, I was dismissed, the very next day, from my military employ- ments." — "I sliould now have been an old lieutenant general. Had I been less a friend to the liberties of the people, my income would have exceeded the pension conferred on me. If, after such sacrifices, I do not merit this provision, let it be curtailed or annihilated." I confess that, though I felt no predi- lection towards Barre, whose manners, like his figure, had in them something approaching to ferocious ; yet, these circumstances produced on my mind, a sentiment of conviction or approbation. But, Bainber Gascoyne, who yielded to few men in strong common sen%e, which he expressed with force and freedom whenever he mixed in debate ; attacked both the grant and the administration, with great vivacity. While he candidly admitted the deserts of the person on whom this mark of royal and public bounty had been conferred, he loudly inveighed against such profusion on the part of men, who, while out of office, had condemned the late ministers for making similar remunerations ; and who, since they had been, themselves, in power, though only for a few weeks, had practised all the faults that they previously reprehended. " The people," exclaimed he, " will soon know how to form a just estimate of them. They de- clare that their predecessors have left the exchequer empty, and the finances exhausted. Yet they heap new burthens upon us. They accused the last cabinet of want of unanimity. But what is the Slate of the present cabinet ? Is there any union of opinion there ? Yet his majesty's late servants have not made the slightest attempt to impede their measures or negotiation. This discord is the more culpable and dangerous at the present moment, when the. combined navies, superior to our own fleet under Lord Howe's command, are perhaps upon our coasts. A lord of the treasury expresses his concern, at not having signed a warrant for a pension to another honorable member, whose talents and merits, I own to be most eminent. Why-, Mr. Speaker, 1 have served the public for twenty years, and I have got no pension ! If such large pecuniary com- pensations are to be given to every indi- vidual of conspicuous desert, where is the financier who can provide funds ade- quate to the demand ?" Under accusations so severe, as well as just, the late secretary of state could not remain silent, even had he so inclined. Having resigned his office four days previous to the discussion then agitated, he had relapsed into a private member of parliament ; and as such, had resumed his ancient seat on the opposition side of the house, as well as his former costume. Lord John Cavendish and Burke were likewise seated near him, as they had been previous to the change of administration. So soon did Fox find himself restored to his former position in that assembly. Below him sate Lord North ; and this approximation, the first that took place between them, led the way to a closer connection in the course of a short space of time. No man could contemplate the late premier, now reduced, like Fox, to asimple individual ; the one of whom, four months earlier, occupied tlie first place in the cabinet, while the other had only just resigned the seals of his department ; without making some re- flections on the mutability of human 336 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. greatness. It might have afforded a salutary lesson to ambition, if any lessons or examples could serve as checks on that passion. Fox rising, and directing his discourse not less to Bamber Gascoyne, than to Mr. Coke, admitted that the deceased marquis, his friend, had concurred in recommending the pensions conferred on Lord Ash- burton, and on Barre : but he entreated the house to observe, that while Lord Shelburne's adherents received such dis- tinguishing marks of the bounty of the crown ; the followers of Lord Rock- ingham, many of whom could plead equal merit, and equal want, remained without provision of any kind. After thus in some measure removing the odium attached to the act, from that party of which he formed a member ; he indirectly accused the new first minister, of the most unworthy du- plicity, of the complete abandonment of every political principle on which he professed to have come into office, and of an intention to protect, as well as to shelter East Indian delinquents. Hav- ing next enumerated the great points on which Lord Shelburne and he had dif- fered in the cabinet, among which he particularly specified the question of conceding independence to America; he concluded by heaping upon that noble- man, imputations more severe and humi- liating, if possible, than the charges with which, during many years, he had pro- fusely loaded Lord North. In the warmth of his indignation, he even ventured to predict the probability, that with a view to maintain possession of the power so acquired. Lord Shelburne would not scruple to apply for support, to the very men, whom the house and the nation, had recently driven from their official situations. He unfortunate- ly did not then foresee, that within seven months from the time when he was speaking, he should, himself, in order to re-enter the cabinet, form a junction with the expelled minister, whom he had so long held up to national resent- ment, and towards whom he still [iro- fessed the utmost alienation. Such were the inconsistencies and contradic- tions, into which the ambition of Fox betrayed him ; and from which, all the splendour of his talents could not extri- cate his public character, without even- tually incurring imputations, nearly as heavy as those which he lavished on his political opposition. I should find it difficult to convey any adequate idea of this debate, or rather, discussion ; which, during the far greater part of the time it lasted, had not the slightest reference, nor made the small- est allusion to the ostensible subject be- fore the house, Barre's pension. In defiance of order, it was maintained for three or four hours, in the shape of a conversation or dialogue, carried on be- tween Fox and General Conway exclu- sively ; the speaker and the members present, who were very numerous (es- pecially if the advanced season of the year be considered) ; acquiescinginatotal departure from the question under ex- amination, from motives of curiosity. Never, perhaps, were political disclo- sures more delicate and interesting, made within those walls ! Fox, in violation of the secrecy which his late situation seemed to impose on him ; anxious to justify his own violent and precipitate conduct, by accusing Lord Shelburne of a dereliction of principles embraced by the whole cabinet ; lifted up the veil from before it, and laid it in some mea- sure open to general view. There were certain parts of his justification, I own, that carried conviction or approbation with them : but he by no means succeed- ed in persuading the majority of his hearers, that he had acted wisely, tem- perately, or from necessity, in hastily throwing up his office. We may safely pronounce that disappointment, not pa- triotism, animated him to that improvi- dent step, 'though he might really believe that Lord Shelburne did not mean to con- cede independence to America. In reply to Mr. Gascoyne's accusa- tion, that the new administration was not less divided than their predeces!>ors, Fox observed, that he had blamed Lord North for having remained in place, after he found himself at the head of distracted councils. " As soon as I discovered," said he, " that I stood in a similar situa- tion, I could not remain a member of the cabinet, without committing an act of treachery to my country, when mea- sures, dangerous, if not fatal, were medi- tated." " I declare, thati have only HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 337 resigned, because I believe a new system is about to be adopted ; or rather, the ancient system revived. I feel it indis- pensable to come forward, to ring the alarum bell, and to warn tlie country that the old system is to be pursued ; proba- bly, with the former men; or, indeed, with any men that can be found for the purpose." — " 'Vhe principles of the late ministry are now in the cabinet ; and the next tiling that I expect, is to see the late ministers themselves rephiced in oitice." — All tiiat is great and good in the king- dom, has approved my retreat. My noble friend (Lord Joim Cavendish), has likewise given in his resignation ; and the public will infer, that when such a character has quitted the cabinet, no man of character ought to remain in it." — "I now retire with a few select friends, to a strong hold, were I confi- dently expect all my old companions to join me, some sooner, and some later in the day." — "On the demise of the Marquis of Rockingham, all men's eyes were directed to the Duke of Portland. But instead of that noble person, the Earl of Shelburne has been selected." Then, having inveighed against the new first lord of the treasury, as the reverse of his predecessor; as a nobleman who neither regarded promises, nor engage- ments, nor systems, nor principles, pro- vided that by abandoning or violating them, he could acquire and retain power ; I doubt not," added he, " that in order to secure himself in office, he will have recourse to every means that corruption can procure. And I expect that he will I shortly be joined by those very men, whom, the house has recently precipita- tedfrom their seats.''^ Yet, after having thus repeatedly denounced the late mi- [ nisters, and warned the country of the j impending danger from their being again | taken into power ; by one of those con- i tradictions common to Fox, he conclu- j ded with declaring, that " as to any ap- prehensions of letting in the old admin- istration, he entertained none ; because the House of Commons would not suffer it ; the people would not suffer it ; indeed no man would be bold enough to at- tempt it." The members of the new administra- tion diverged on this occasion, in widely different lines. General Conway, with 29 , the "undetermined discretion" imputed ^ to him by " Junius," contented himself I by endeavouring to justify his own line, of conduct, and thatof the cabinet minis- ters who had declined to imitate the ex- 1 ample of Fox ; which he did, rather with j caution and delicacy, than with any aspe- I rity or acrimony. VVilh solemn protes- tations he declared, that he had not been al»le to discover the slightest intention I on the part of the new first minister, to abandon the principles upon which the administration was originally constituted. Those principles he recapitulated, one by one; the first and most essential of which, forming the basis of all their measures or deliberations, was the con- cession of unconditional independence to America, as the leading step to peace. Whenever he should find any ground for suspicion, that the Earl of Shelburne designed to adopt another system, he protested that he would not remain for a day, or for an hour, in the cabinet. He lamented the recent division and seces- sion in his majesty's councils, as well as the loss of ability sustained by Fox's resignation. Yet he saw no reason to apprehend that the successor of the noble marquis deceased, would fail to pursue the true interests of his country. Throughout every part of Conway's speech, a desire to avoid coming to ex- tremities with Fox, was strongly rriarked. But Pitt, now sealed on the treasury bench, and on the point of accepting the office of chancellor of the exchequer, observing none of these personal ma- nagements ; boldly accused the late se- cretary of state with sacrificing his coun- try, to liis ambition, his interest, or his enmities ; charged him as being at va- riance, not with principles or measures, but with men ; and claimed the support of liie house no longer than he should maintain that system, on which the late administration had been driven from power. " The right honorable secretary as- sures us," said he, " that it was with the sole view of preventing dissensions in the cabinet, he retired from office. I believe him, because he solemnly de- clares it. Otherwise I should have at- tributed his resignation, to a baulk in struggling for power. If, however, he so much disliked Lord Shelburne's po- 838- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. litical principles or opinions, why did he ever consent to act with that nobleman, as a colleague ? And if he only suspected Lord Shelburne of feeling averse to the measures which he thought necessary to be adopted ; it was his duty to have called a cabinet council, and there to have ascertained the fact, before he took, the hasty resolution of throwing up his employment. I can assure him that I entertain no such suspicions. If I did, no man would be more averse to sup- porting the present ministry than myself. I am a determined enemy to the late ruinous system ; and if I should act in any capacity under the administration of the present day, whenever I see things going on wrong, I will first endeavour to set them right. — Should I fail in the attempt, then, and not before, I will re- sign." Perhaps, in no transaction of their whole political lives, was the dis- tinntion between Fox and Pitt more strikingly exhibited, than in the resig- the national confidence. " I invoke heaven and earth," exclaimed he, " to wit- ness, that I fully believe the presentminis- try will prove infinitely worse than thai of the noble lord, who has been so lately reprobated and driven from employ- ment!" After treating Conway with great severity of animadversion, for trusting to Lord Shelburne's assurances or professions ; and comparing the general to the little Red Riding Hood in iEsop, who mistook a wolf for her grandmother; Burke demanded, " Whe- ther if he had lived in the time of Cicero, he would have taken Catiline for his colleague in the office of consul, after he had heard his guilt clearly de- monstrated by that illustrious orator 1 Would he become a co-parlner with Borgia in his political schemes, after reading of his nefarious principles in Machiavel ?" — " If the Earl of Shel- burne," added he, " be not a Catiline or a Borgia in morals, it must be solely nation of the former, and the acceptance ascribed to the superiority of his under- of office by the latter, in July, 1782. j standing." These invectives, which The judgment, patience, and self-coin- j only proved the extent of Burke's en- mand of Pitt, enabled him at three and i mity of his regret at quitting the pay of- twenty, to mount over Fox's shoulders, j fice, made little impression on his to enter the cabinet, and in less than I hearers. Lee, who had filled the situa- eighteen months to fill Lord Shelburne's lion of solicitor general under the late vacant place, which he held for seven teen years ; while his antagonist, though he twice forced his way into the coun- cils of the sovereign, knew not how to maintain himself in that elevation. Lord John Cavendish, though he had recently filled so high an office in admi- nistration, and though he had resigned, like Fox; yet took little part in the de- bate relative to Barre's pension. He however confirmed the late secretary's declaration to a certain degree, respecting Lord Shelburne's intentions as to Ame- rica : but he appeared to act only on be- lief, not on proof. Indeed, he always seemed to be either propelled or re- strained at pleasure by Fox, who held Lord John constantly before him, as a political screen. Burke, however, made ample amends for the defect of commu- nication on the part of the late chancellor of the exchequer ; and in defiance of the impatience manifested by the house, in- veighed with equal violence and indeco- rum, against the new first lord of the trea- sury, whom he depictured as unworthy of administration, but who had quitted his employment at the same time with the other adherents of the deceased marquis ; — a man of strong intellectual parts, though of coarse manners, and who never hesitated to clothe his ideas in the coarsest language ; may be said to have terminated this curious and interest- ing conversation. His indecorous abuse of the new first minister, though couched in a more homely garb, and not illus- trated by any classical or historical allu- sions, exceeded in violence even the de- clamation of Burke. Like him, Lee levelled his reflections and accusations, not against the ability nor talents of the earl, but against his principles of politi- cal and moral action. He fully admitted that nobleman's external accomplish- ments, specious talents, and comprehen- sive information. Mr. Coke having withdrawn his motion on Barre's pen- sion, the house broke up : but from that evening, the country and parliament be- held for the first time, two individuals, who might hitherto be said to have HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 339 fought under the same standard, openly opposed to each other; and who were destined never more, during their lives, under any change of circumstances, to act in political union. In fact, from this period, though Lord North remain- ed ostensibly at the head of one great party, and though Lord Shelburne, who occupied the place of first minister, was nominally the chief of another ; yet they ceased to be considered as the principal personages in the state. Pitt and Fox attracted far more attention, were regarded by the nation at large, no less than by parliament, as rival candidates for the future government of the country. [lOlh and Uth July.] Lord Shel- burne, wiien speaking in the House of Peers on the subject of the pension grant- ed to Barre, which excited the greatest comment, endeavoured to shift the origin, and consequently the odium of having conferred it, on Lord Rockingham. In this attempt he proved, however, emi- nently unfortunate, as his assertions on the subject produced the most unquali- fied contradiction from the connexions or adherents of the deceased marquis. Burke and Fox, both, denied it in the strongest terms ; calling at the same time on Lord John Cavendish to con- firm their declarations on the point. His testimony, which was very vague, added little force to their previous protesta- tions : but it was natural to suppose that the proposition must have originated with Lord Shelburne, the patron, friend, and protector of Barre. Yet that noble- man, when addressing the House of Peers, not only asserted that the de- ceased marquis first proposed the idea; but added, that he had in his possession a letter from Lord Rockingham on the subject, completely proving his asser- tion. The new first minister, in a long, able, and laboured address, endeavoured likewise to impress his audience with a conviction, that Fox, in his secession from the cabinet, could have had no other motive, except disappointed ambition and rivalily. Fox, however, not only treated the insinuation with indignant contempt and a positive denial in the House of Commons on the subsequent day : he likewise, by the mouth of the Earl of Derby, in the upper house, where Lord Shelburne was present, declared it " to be contrary to fact, and a direct deviation from the truth." Not satisfied with so public a contradiction. Lord Derby called on the other members of administration who were in tlieir places, to state their personal information, and to give evi- dence on the point. Thus compelled, the Duke of Richmond and Lord Keppel rose, and admitted that the late secretary of state had differed in sentiment from Lord Shelburne on subjects of great im- portance, previous to Lord Hocking- hani's decease. They likewise added, that in consequence of finding himself in a minority on the matter then agitated in the cabinet. Fox had declared his inten- tion to resign his office. After so clear and distinct a testimony, it became impossible to doubt or to deny the fact; especially as neither Lord Camden, nor Lord Ashburton, who were both in the house at the time, disputed the authenticit}' of the two noble wit- nesses. However painful or humiliating these contradictions must have been, which impeached Lord Shelburne's per- sonal veracity, equally as a man, and as a minister; he nevertheless submitted to them, without making any further effort to justify himself in tlie opinion of the public : and the circumstances that at- tended the prorogation of parliament, seemed to indicate his impatience under the deliberations of that assembly, as well as his apprehensions of the impres- sion made on many individuals, by Fox's accusations. Lord Shelburne's courage, which was unquestionable, liad been proved in the duel that he fougiit with Colonel FuUerlon. It became therefore impossible to suppose, that he would have tamely endured such imputations on his private character, if he had pos- sessed the means of effectually repelling or disproving them. Even on the sub- ject of granting American independence, there appeared so much ambiguity, if not tergiversation and contradiction in all his parliamentary speeches, as greatly tended to persuade mankind, that Fox's allegations respecting Lord Shelburne's disinclination to concede the point, must have had a foundation in truth. The very principle on which he avowed, when addressing the House of Peers, that he retained his place in the couu- 340 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. cils of the crown, seemed scarcely com- patible with strict regard to political rec- titude. For he declared in the plainest language that he was not only adverse in his own judgment, to acknowledging the' independence of the thirteen colonies ; but that whenever such a recognition should be extorted from this country, "The sun of Britisii glory would have set." Yet in the same moment he ad- mitted, that as the majority of the Rock- ingham cabinet were of an opposite opinion, he should acquiesce in the mea- sure ; which measure, though destruc- tive, as he conceived, to Great Britain, he was now ready, in his new capacity, if parliament approved it, to carry into execution. No political imputation, affixed on Lord North, had operated with more force in his disfavour, on the minds of the public, than the assertion of his enemies, that he prosecuted the American war in opposition to his own conviction, from a love of place, or from unworthy subservience to the royal will. But to a similar charge, the new first minister appeared in some measure voluntarily to subject himself. He might however plead, as he did in fact assert, when ad- dressing the House of Peers, that, " how- ever dreadful the impending disaster would prove, as he believed, to his coun- try ; however much he deprecated and deplored it, and whatever efforts he had made to prevent it ; yet that an over- powering and insurmountable necessity compelled him to become the agent for carrying into effect so destructive a mea- , sure." He even succeeded, as we know, in surmounting the king's repugnance to the final separation of America from the British empire. Fox, therefore, if he liad not been impelled by animosity to Lord Shelburne, and by a determination not to remain in the cabinet, unless the Duke of Portland was placed at the head of administration, might have continued in office, without abandoning any prin- ciple. He preferred a more violent al- ternative. His friends, as well as the daily newspapers attached to his party, joined in accusing the new first minister of having undermined Lord Rockingham in the royal esteem, by the most un- worthy arts, in order to get possession of his oflice ; while political caricatures, exhibited in the shops of the metropoh's, represented Lord Shelburne habited as Giiy Faux, so notorious for the part that was assigned him in the " gunpow- der plot," under James the First ; hold- ing a dark lanthorn in his hand, advanc- ing under cover of the night, to blow up the treasury. Such were the circumstances under which commenced that nobleman's ad- ministration. Even down to the last moment that the House of Commons re- mained sitting, Burke, among the queru- lous lamentations that he uttered, on being so suddenly ejected from his office of paymaster of the forces ; — a misfor- tune which seemed deeply to afl'ect him ; — mingled the loudest exclamations against the falsity and defect of principle in the first minister. His philippic was cut short in the middle, by the ar- rival of Sir Francis Molineux, as usher of the black rod, sent to summon the attendance of the members, at the bar of the House of Lords ; where the king, already seated on the throne, was ready to prorogue the parliament. A singular fact, arising out of the late reforms, ac- companied this ceremony. Among the retrenchments of the royal household and dignity, which Burke's bill had made, was included, as has been already observed, the suppression of the jewel office ; the business of which department was principally conducted by Mr. Wil- liam Egerton, a relation of the Duke of Bridgewater, and a member of the House of Commons. The bill having so re- cently passed into a law, no new official regulation had as yet been adopted, for the removal or transportation of the paraphernalia of the crown. On the oc- casion of his majesty going to West- minster, to prorogue the two houses, it became indispensable to convey thither the crown and sceptre, together with various other articles of state. The master of the jewel office being sup- pressed, in whose department these dis- positions previously lay ; application was made both to the lord steward, and to the lord chamberlain, praying that orders might be issued to the keeper of the jewels in the tower, for bringing them to Westminster on the day of the prorogation. But those great officers of state, not conceiving themselves to pos- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 341 sess a power of interference, directions were at length despatched for the pur- pose, from the home secretary of state's office. After some consultation held, relative to the safest mode of conveying the royal ornaments ; none of the king's carriages being sent to receive them, application was next made to the magis- trates at Bow-street, who detaclied four or five stout agents of the police, for their protection. Two hackney coaches being provided, in which the various articles were placed ; with a view to render the transportation of them more private, the procession set out circuit- ously from the tower, by the new road ; entering London again at Portland-street, and so proceeded down to Westminster. The blinds were kept up the whole way ; and after the prorogation, they returned by the same road, without experiencing any accident. But it is unquestionable, that eight or ten desperate fellows, had they been apprised of the circumstance, might have easily overpowered the per- sons employed, and have carried off the jewels. The memorable enterprise of Colonel Blood, under Charles the Se- cond, who got hold of the crown and sceptre, though he ultimately failed in retaining possession of them, was in fact, a far more hazardous undertaking ; as, in order to execute it, he lay under the necessity of entering the tower: whereas, in the present instance, the at- tempt might have been made in the street, or in the new road. Any acci- dent of the kind, had it taken place, would necessarily have thrown some degree of ridicule, as well as of blame, on a system of economy, productive of such consequences in its outset. Among the interesting features of the session of parliament before us, which, on account of a degree of mystery or ambiguity accompanying them, greatly exercised national curiosity; may be reckoned the proceedings commenced against Sir Thomas Rumbold. I say, commenced, because they never were prosecuted to any consummation. This gentleman returned, as has been already mentioned, from Madras, early in 1781, under imputations the most injurious to his fame. He was accused of having, while governor of that important settle- ment, not only amassed by every unbe- 29* coming means, an immense fortune : but of first provoking a war with Hyder Ally, by acts of imprudent aggression, and then of abandoning the country en- trusted to his care, with pusillanimous or interested precipitation. These charges, which were solemnly brought against him by Mr. Dundas, lord advocate of Scotland, as chairman of the secret com- mittee appointed by the House of Com- mons, to enquire into the causes of the war in the Carnatic, produced a deep impression on the public mind. We have already seen the steps which were immediately adopted by the legislature, to lie up and impound Sir Thomas's person, as well as his fortune. But in addition to these precautions, a bill for inflicting on him pains and penalties, as a man "who had been guilty of high crimes and misdemeanors, was intro- duced by Mr. Dundas himself. Such a measure, which excited gene- ral approbation, appeared to be worthy the national justice, exerted in punishing a great public culprit. The line of active and ambitious policy pursued by Hastings, when governor-general of Ben- gal, might possibly have led to many misfortunes, and might, perhaps, merit condemnation. But his motives were admitted, even by his enemies, to have been splendid and elevated, liowever pernicious, as they asserted, in their ope- ration or consequences. The mal-ad- ministration of Rumbold, on the con- trary, seemed only directed to sordid and selfish purposes. Every puny, it was therefore hoped, would concur in carry- ing through such a bill ; and though Mr. Dundas, after the termination of Lord North's ministry, no longer acted in an official situation, yet, in his capacity of chairman of "the secret committee," he spoke from a greater eminence, and might expect universal support. Least of all, it was supposed, could the Rock- ingham party, who had just come into power, who professed to call to a severe account, all such as had plundered or in- jured the country, and who loudly de- manded an enquiry into East India de- linquencies, attempt to throw obstacles in the path of justice. Under these cir- cumstances, all men expected, and most men hoped, that the bill in question would have speedily found its way 342 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. through the House of Commons, and have finally passed into a law. The fact, nevertheless, turned out completely otherwise. Meanwhile the session ad- vanced : a full attendance, as Mr. Dun- cas asserted and complained, could not be procured : the house was frequently counted out ; and whether from the ope- ration of that cause, or from any other reason more concealed, no rapid progress was made in the business. Sir Thomas Rumbold's person and property remained, it is true, sequestered or restrained ; but beyond that temporary interposition, no permanent punishment was inflicted on him. Men who had anticipated much more vigorous and speedy, as well as decisive proceedings, and who beheld the sup- posed criminal thus elude or escape, as it were, the grasp of national pursuit; reasoned and commented on the fact. Malignity or credulity invented reasons for whatever appeared inexplicable throughout the transaction. Secret springs were asserted to have been touch- ed, which had arrested or paralyzed the exertions of the prosecutor. Time, place, and circumstances, were even par- ticularized ; all which, though perhaps untrue or imaginary, seemed neverthe- less, not only in themselves, possible, but so well fabricated, and so minutely detailed, as to appear highly probable. I shall, however, relate only such facts as are unquestionably authentic. Rumbold, tiiougli a man of low ex- traction, and of a mean education, did not by any means want activity, judg- ment, or talents. I knew him well. In his person he was well made and hand- some ; but his features, though regular and manly, contained nothing in them prepossessing. His successful exer- tions, while governor of Madras, in redu- cing Pondicherry, had elevated him to the dignity of a baronet. On his arrival in England, aware of the storm that im- pended over him, he immediately con- trived to get into parliament; and lie soon afterwards brought his eldest son into the House of Commons ; by which means he came into daily collision and communication with those, who might either injury, or could defend him. That he was not idle, is certain ; and he attempted in his place, as a member of the house, to justify himself from the charges exhibited against him, with some ability. In addition, however, to these personal efforts, he soon found means to conciliate a friend, who was supposed to have laboured efficaciously towards his extrication. That friend, I mean, Mr. Rigby, the late paymaster of the forces, having en- joyed during a great number of years, one of the most profitable places under the crown, without any colleague, had acquired a large fortune. But his lux- urious and expensive manner of living in town ; his magnificent seat at Mistley Hall in Essex, where he maintained a splendid establishment of every kind; when added to his purchases of landed property, had exhausted even means so vast, and left him, as it were, necessi- tous in the midst of wealth. In this situation of his aff'airs, the sudden ter- mination of Lord North's administration, not only deprived him of his employ- ment ; but in consequence of the system of reform adopted by the new ministers, and in particular from the regulations introduced by Burke, his successor in the pay-office, which compelled him to pay into the exchequer, the immense balances of public money remaining in his hands ; Rigby became involved in great pecuniary embarrassments. These ba- lances having been vested by him in mortgages, or in other securities ; and the public funds suffering then under great depression, it could not be in fact an easy matter, to find the means of an- swering promptly the demands made upon him by government, for repayment. Rumbold had brought with him from the east, as Verres did from Sicily, very ample resources, which he well knew how to use, in time of need, for his own protection ; and Rigby's situation, which was generally understood, might render a loan of money peculiarly convenient. That gentleman having no children, his sister's son was destined to inherit his name and property. Rumbold had a daughter, whose age and accomplish- ments qualified her to be united to hira in marriage. The alliance being agreed on, it was supposed that by the secret articles, the East India governor advanced to his friend, such a sum, as greatly facilitated those payments af HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 343 ihe public money, which he was neces- sitated to furnish without delay. After entering into so close a connection, cemented by such binding ties, it might be esteemed natural, and even venial, that Kigby should lend his reciprocal aid to ISir Thomas Rumbold. Though no longer paymaster of the forces, Rigby still possessed great capacities of being useful ; and he was not supposed to he under the dominion of any fas- tidious scruples. Above all, his intimate friendship with Mr. Duadas, wno took the lead in the parliamentary prosecution instituted against Rumbold, might ena- ble Rigby to find means and opportuni- ties of diminishing those prejudices, or softening those impressions, that ope- rated most injuriously against the ac- cused person. No proof has indeed ever produced, that improper means were used to efTect this object ; nor do I believe that any such were employed ; but the public being in possession of certain facts, and observing that the pro- ceedings so vigorously begun in parlia- ment against Rumbold, seemed unac- countably to languish, and eventually to expire towards the close of the session of 1783, though they were nominally renewed when the house met in tiie sub- sequent month of December; inferred, perhaps very unjustly, that there must exist some latent cause, which had blunt- ed the edge of the weapon. Rumbold, it is certain, was finally extricated ; but whether the ostensible reasons assigned for deferring the bill of pain and penal- ties, formed the only circumstances that conduced to his escape ; or, whether more efficacious and cogent arguments of any kind were used, must always re- main matter of conjecture and assertion, like many other obscure points of biogra- phical history. [I5lh — 31st of July.] The session being now terminated. Lord Shelburne might be regarded as secure in the pos- session of his newly acquired power, at least for several months. During that interval, means, it was naturally ima- gined, could easily be discovered, of cementing and confirming the ministry. Negotiations for peace were already be- gun with America, which, if success- ful, it was probable, must eventually lead to a treaty with our European ene- mies. The talents of the first lord of the treasury, were considered as emi- nently adapted to diplomatic discus- sions ; in the conduct of which, his en- larged knowledge of the foreign interests of Great Britain, and his minute acquaint- ance with the continental courts, enabled him, it was said, to act at once with vigour and perspicuity. If he had lost the abilities of Fox and Burke in the House of Commons, he had, on the other hand, secured and attached to him two men, no less able in different ways ; Pitt and Dundas. He moreover pos- sessed the confidence of the sovereign ; who, as all men supposed, would, from necessity, if not from inclination, support a minister preferred by himself to his present office. Lord North might even, it was hoped, feel a far stronger dispo- sition to join the actual administration, whenever parliament should meet again, than to unite with the Rockingham party, his inveterate enemies. Under ihis aspect of public affairs, though Lord Shelburne neither stood as high in the national opinion, for severe inte- grity and probity, as his deceased predecessor, the Marquis of Rocking- ham, had done ; noF could command that parliamentary strength, whicii Lord North still in some measure influenced or led ; yet many persons considered his tenure of office as by no means pre- carious, and augured well of its dura- tion. Burke's invectives against the first minister, which continued to the last instant that the forms of parliament per- mitted, were nevertheless suspended while the prorogation put an end to the business of the House of Commons. However violent he might be in his place, as a member of the legislature, Burke never carried his complaints to the people. But, Fox, who acted no less as a demagogue, than as the repre- sentative of Westminster; and who al- ways seemed to take the Gracchi for his model ; anxious to appeal from his late dismission by the king, to the popular suffrage, convoked his constituents, in order to lay before them the reasons for his resignation. They met, almost im- mediately after the session closed, in Westminster Hall, where he reiterated all the heads of accusation against Lord 344 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. Shelburne, which he had already de- tailed a few days before, in the House of Commons : but, the general impres- sion, even among that audience, which heard him with partiality, seemed ne- vertheless to be, that personal ambition and rivality, more than real principle or patriotism, had regulated his conduct. The specious pretence under which the meeting was assembled, namely, that of petitioning the crown for a more equal representation of the people; pro- duced, however, as might have been ex- pected, an unanimous assent. He then dismissed them till the ensuing winter. [August.] Sir Samuel Hood, whom the victorious admiral in the West In- dies, detached a few days after the de- feat of De Grasse, with several vessels, in pursuit of the flying enemy ; having come up with some of them, captured two more French line of battle ships, as well as two frigates, off the east end of the island of St. Domingo. Though these eminent naval advantages, secured Jamaica from invasion or attack, yet, far from regaining any of our insular pos- sessions in that quarter of the globe, on the contrary, such was our state of ex- hausture, that Spain fitted out an expe- dition against the Bahama islands, which she easily reduced to her obedience. But, the attention of the capital and the nation became more powerfully, as well as painfully attracted, by the catastrophe of the " Royal George," which took place about the same time, than by the loss of any transatlantic settlements. This ship, the pride and ornament of the British navy, to the disgrace of a nation considered as superior to every other people in nautical skill, disappear- ed in an instant, on the 29lh of August, as is well known, at Spithead ; carrying with her to the bottom, an English ad- miral, and as it was computed, nearly a thousand persons of both sexes. I was well acquainted with Kempenfeldt, one of the most able, as well as scientific officers in the British naval service. It is impossible, even at this distance of time, to reflect on such an event, which resulted from the injudicious or careless manner of laying down the " Royal George," without amazement as well as horror. The gloom and consternation, diffused by the intelligence over the me- tropolis, are hardly to be conceived ; and the incredibility of the fact increased the sense of the disaster. No parallel cir- cumstance is to be found in our naval annals : probably not in those of any other European nation. In a supersti- tious age, it would, no doubt, have been considered as ominous of the greatest national, or royal misfortunes. That tempests, fire, or rocks and quicksands, should swallow up and destroy the proudest works of human art, is natural ; often, unavoidai)le. When Sir Cloudes- ley Shovel, under the reign of Queen Anne, perished, together with his ship and all his crew, wrecked on the Scilly islands; or when the " Victory," under George the Second, foundered in the race of Alderney, with Admiral Balchen, and eleven hundred persons on board : — such calamities were in the order of things, however much to be deplored. But, in the present instance, only an utter disregard to common prudential precautions, could have produced an event so unprecedented. Her very name, and her superiority in size, as well as in strength, to every other ship in the ser- vice, she carrying a hundretl guns ; added to the bitterness of the reflections which her loss occasioned throughout the kingdom. Those who recollect that the " Queen Charlotte," a man of war of the first rale, carrying one hundred and ten guns, with an admiral's flag, was consumed by somewhat similar negli- gence, together with near seven hundred of her crew, on the 17th of March, 1800, near the port of Leghorn; may find ample reason for speculation, on tlie sin- gularity of two such disastrous events having taken place within eighteen years of each other, under the same reign. [September.] The melancholy im- pression made by the catastrophe just related, became, if possible, still more strongly excited immediately afterwards, by other naval misfortunes equally afflict- ing in their nature. If the fact of the "Royal George" going down at her an- chors, when no danger was even appre- hended, stands without precedent in our maritime records ; the fatality which seemed to pursue the ships of the line that had been captured by Rodney on the I2lh of April, as well as most of our own men of war, accompanying the HISTORICAL MEMOIRS, 345 French prizes, on their return from the | that during the gale of wind which West Indies ; can scarcely be equalled proved so fatal, her guns breaking loose, in modern history. The chain of ship- 1 tore open her side, and accelerated, if wrecks and adverse events, that attended ! they did not cause, her final destruction. Commodore Anson's expedition round j Tidings of her were long expected, and the nation continued to nourish hopes for many months, of her re-appearance. About this time, while her fate still re- mained problematical, a man was brought to the admiralty, and there examined, who had been taken up at sea, nearly senseless and extenuated ; tied to, or floating on a hen-coop. He asserted, and his testimony appeared to be entitled to credit ; that he served on board the " Ville de Paris," as a common sailor, at the moment when she foundered. But few, or no particulars relative to the event itself, could be extracted from this survivor ; who, as I was assured by a flag oflicer that questioned him, possessed neither faculties nor memory to recount almost any circumstance, except the fact of her loss. Admiral Graves, who com- manded the fleet, was censured by the Cape Horn, under the late reien, which so greatly reduced the numbers of his squadron ; even the disasters, so pathe- tically related in the same work, that ruined the fleet of the Spanish Admiral Pizarro, nearly in the same latitudes, and at the same time; — those calami- ties, however extraordinary and tragical they appear, yet sink on a comparison with the destruction experienced by our devoted ships, in 1782, when crossing the Atlantic. Captain Inglefield has commemorated the fate of the " Cen- taur," as well as his own astonishing escape, when she foundered with her officers and crew. That afl^ecting- nar- rative may serve as too faithful a picture of the misfortunes experienced by the other vessels. The " Ramillies," a name proverbially unfortunate in the English navy, was set on fire, when it ' popular voice, for having stood some de- became impossible any longer either to grees more to the northward, in returning navicrate, or to preserve her. One of home across the Atlantic, at that season, the French ships of the line-, the " Hec- ' ^han he needed to have done ; or than he tor," seemed to be reserved for more ' was warranted in doing by Lord Rod- severe trials of every kind ; in the course n«y's orders. But this accusation may of which, all that human fortitude, skill, possibly have been more severe than and courage, when combined, could just ; though I think I have heard Lord eff"ect, was performed by our officers and Rodney himself state the circumstance, peamen. They were, almost miracu- lously, saved, though the " Hector" ; herself perished. ■ Over the closing scene of the " Ville : de Paris," as well as over the fate of the Glorieux," an impenetrable curtain is drawn. It is certain that the last named vessel, a French seventy-four gun ship, commanded by the honorable Captain Cadogan, disappeared during the middle watch, on the night of the 17t!i or 18th of September, after firing many signals of distress. Her lights had been visible ai)d express his conviction of the inju- rious consequences that resulted from navigating in too high a latitude, during a time of equinoctial gales. Happily, the gloom which these me- lancholy events diff'used, was speedily relieved and dissipated, by transactions of the most exhilarating nature. Mi- norca, it is true, had surrendered early in the summer : but Gibraltar, which fortress still resisted every aitack, at- tracted, no less from the prodigious means employed for its reduction by the till that time; but when day appeared, enemy, than from the energy and activ- no vestiges of her were discovered, and ity exerted in its defence, the attention she doubtless foundered during the ' of all Europe. The two most memorable storm. Nor was De Grasse's ship, ori- sieges which are recorded in modern ginally purchased with so vast an efl"u- history ; namely, that of Antwerp, under- siono'f blood, and herself the pride of the t^^'^en by Alexander Farnese, Prince of French navy, ever destined to reach an Parma, under Philip the Second, in the English port. The hasty repairs given sixteenth century ; and that of Ostend, be- her at Jamaica, could only be slight or, gun by the Spanish general, Spinola, only partial; and it was confidently asserted, I a few years later; however illustrious 346 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. they have each been rendered from the long protracted resistance made by the besieged, were both finally crowned with success. Gibraltar, on the contrary, repelled the assailants in the most bril- liant manner. All the means that human art, expense, and force, could collect or combine, by land, as well as by sea, were accumulated under its walls : while the two branches of the House of Bourbon, unconscious of the lamentable destiny preparing for them- selves in the womb of time, seemed to vie in their efi'orts to accelerate its fall. Charles the Third, who then reigned in Spain, already anticipated the completion of an event, which, as he justly conceived, would render his name and reign immortal in the Spanish annals. Under the same fallacious expectation, Louis the Sixteenth de- spatched his youngest brotlier. Count D'Artois, to assist at its surrender : while the Barbary powers, though by no means indifferent, or. uninterested spectators of this great contest, and though they are said to have put up prayers in all their mosques for our suc- cess ; yet quietly expected the result, without making the smallest effort in our favour. If Lord Rodney acquired so much personal glory by his victory over De Grasse, General Eliott did not establish a less brilliant reputation, by his re- pulse and defeat of the Spanish floating batteries, on the 13th of September, of the same year. The American war, which at Saratoga, and at York Town, displayed spectacles so humiliating to the British arms, terminated with the most splendid triumphs over our Euro- pean enemies ; and this portion of the reign of George the Third (like the se- cond Punic war in antiquity), exhibits between 1777 and 1783, the greatest reverses of adverse, and of prosperous fortune. While we lost so vast an em- pire beyond the Atlantic, we humbled with one hand, the French naval force in the West Indies ; annihilating with the other, the combined efforts of France and Spain, which were concen- tered for the subjugation of a distant garrison, apparently left to its own ca- pacities of defence, and cut off from the obvious means of reUef. But even after the destruction of the Spanish vessels and batteries, it seemed still impossible to throw into Gibraltar, timely supplies of ammunition, competent to recruit the expenditure that had taken place during the siege. Provisions, fuel, clothing, as well as m.any other essential or indis- pensable articles, could only be sent out from England. Near fifty French and Spanish ships of the line, which occu- pied the bay of Gibraltar, appeared to set at defiance all approach. Not- withstanding these apparently insupera- ble obstacles, the attempt succeeded, in opposition to every impediment. [October.] So low had sunk the numerical naval force of Great Britain at this period, as compared with the strength of the enemy, that the utmost exertions of the admiralty, under the new administration, could only equip and send to sea, thirty-four sail of the line; which fleet did not quit Spithead, till nearly the day on which General Eliott had already repulsed and burnt the floating batteries, under the walls of the besieged fortress. Yet, never was the real superiority of our navy in skill and science, more evidently demonstra- ted, than in successfully throwing suc- cours into a place invested by sea and land without committing any event to hazard, or affording to adversaries so nu- merous, the slightest advantage. Lord Howe, who conducted and commanded the whole enterprise, manifested such a combination of tactics and of ability in his manoeuvres, as place his name deservedly high in the annals of his country. If the reputation that he attained on this occasion, seems less brilliant than the fame acquired by Rodney in vanquishing De Grasse, it was not on that account less permanent or solid. Without engaging, he defied the combined fleets; offered battle, but did not seek it ; effected every object of the expedition, by relieving Gibraltar, and then retreated ; followed indeed by the enemy, but not attacked. They made, it is true, a show of fighting, but never ventured to come to close action. And with such contempt did Lord Howe treat the cannonade commenced by the van, composed of French ships under La Motte Piquet ; that having ordered all his men on board the " Victory," HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. — ♦— 347 to lie down flat on the deck, in order that their lives might not be needlessly exposed, he disdained to return a single shot against such cautious or timid op- ponents. Pigot, who had succeeded to Rodney in the ^V'esi Indies, through the favour of Fox, in defiance of public opinion, by no means emulated his predecessor's example of activity and enterprise. Though placed at the head of six and forty sail of the line, sustained by the reputation of a great victory, he neither effected nor attempted any object, during more than six months that he held tiie command. Such inactivity seemed to reproach the ministry who had sent him thither, and excited se- vere animadversions on Fox. In the East Indies, and there only, where Sir Edward Hughes was opposed to Suffrein, France still maintained the contest on the water. That active and intrepid officer last named, the most able of any employed by Louis the Sixteenth during the whole pro- gress of the war, made repeated, though ineffectual efforts, for compelling the English squadron to abandon the coast of Coromandel. [November.] While Lord Howe thus placed in security, the most brilliant foreign possession belonging to the Bri- tish crown in Europe ; negotiations of a pacific nature were carrying on at Paris, both with America, and with the other coalesced powers. The provisional articles concluded with the revolted colo- nies, which were first signed, did not indeed demand either any considerable length of time, or superior diplomatic talents, in order to conduct them to a prosperous termination ; where almost every possible concession was made on the part of England, merely to obtain from America a cessation of hostilities. Not only their independence was recog- nised in the most explicit terms : — Territory, rivers, lakes, commerce, islands, ports and fortified places, Indian allies, loyalists; — all were given up to the Congress. In fixing the boundaries between Canada and the United States, ideal limits, ignorantly adopted on our part, were laid down amidst unknown tracts. Franklin, who, as one of the four American commissioners appointed to manage the treaty, affixed his name to the instrument of provisional pacifica- tion ; enjoyed, at the advanced period of fourscore years, the satisfaction of wit- nessing the complete emancipation of his countrymen from Great Britain, to effect which he had so eminently contributed by his talents and exertions. Few sub- jects, born and educated, like him, in the inferior classes of society, have in any age of the earth, without drawing the sword in person, obtained so gratifying a triumph over their legitimate sovereign, or have aided to produce a greater poli- tical revolution on the face of the globe. [December.] A first minister who possessed so slender a portion of popu- larity, or of influence over the two houses of parliament, as Lord Shelburne could command ; would, it was supposed, have employed the long interval subsequent to the prorogation, in strengthening by every exertion, his tenure of power. Unless he either regained the heads of the Rockingham party, or conciliated Lord North, which last measure seemed to be more natural ; it was obvious that he might, at any moment, be crushed by the union of those leaders. On the open- ing of the session, it soon however be- came evident that no such ministerial approximation had taken place, and that the administration relied for support, upon its own proper strength, or ability. But, on the other hand, Lord North and Mr. Fox, though both acted in opposi- tion to government, yet remained never- theless still in complete and hostile se- paration. Scarcely did they refrain, on every occasion that presented itself, from personal reflections on each other. Nei- ther the peace made with the American States, nor even the recognition of their independence by Great Britain, being however in themselves complete, till a treaty should be likewise concluded with France, public attention became wholly directed to the issue of the pend- ing negotiations with that court. On their termination, whether it should prove hostile or pacific, all men foresaw that the two great parties, who now stood at bay, without joining each other, or uniting with Lord Shelburne; would necessarily take some decisive step, most beneficial, or most injurious in its results, to the administration. 348 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. Never perhaps at any period of our history, did two successive sessions of the same parhament, commence under circumstances more dissimilar than those of 1781 and of 1782. At the opening of the former, when the speech from the throne announced the disaster at York. Town, consternation or depression might be legibly traced in almost every coun- tenance. America was lost, Gibraltar invested, Jamaica menaced, our domi- nions in the east nearly subverted. But in December, 1782, the clouds had dis- persed ; not, however, from the change of ministers, but of measures. We no longer pursued the delusive phantom of subjecting the transatlantic colonies. Rodney, whom Lord Sandwich had sent out to the West Indies, had vanquished and dispersed the French navy. Eliott had destroyed the Spanish gun boats before Gibraltar. Lord Howe had thrown supplies into that fortress, and afterwards offered battle to the combined fleets. Nor were our affairs throughout the peninsula of Indostan, less changed. Hyder Ally was driven from before Ma- dras. Peace had been concluded with the Mharattas ; while Hughes, though not victorious, had frustrated all the ef- forts of Suffrein to obtain a superiority on the coast of Coromandel. The Rock- ingham administration had not in the slightest degree contributed towards these great national advantages. Fox had even recalled the victorious admiral, to whom we owed the twelfth of April. Keppel fitted out his fleets, with the stores provided by his predecessor in office; and to Lord Sandwich was, in fact, justly due the relief of Gibraltar. But Keppel had restored in a certain degree, that unanimity to which the British navy had been strangers during the progress of the whole American contest. Lord Howe, and Admiral Barrington, names deservedly cherished in our maritime annals, re-appeared on the quarter deck from which they had been so long removed. The fleets of the House of Bourbon, which, during three successive summers had approached, menaced, and insulted our coasts, no longer navigared the English channel. Peace began to dawn upon us, and seemed to be at no remote distance. The first minister, sustained by the sovereign at St. James's, derived no less benefit from' the talents of the chancellor of the ex- chequer within the walls of the House of Commons. While in probity, Pitt might be placed on an equality with Lord John Cavendish, not the slightest comparison could be made between their respective talents ; and Lord Shelburne derived incalculable strength ' from his support. On this apparently firm founda- tion stood the ministry at the beginning of the session. [5th and 6lh December.] — The speech pronounced by his majesty from the throne on the occasion, may unques- tionably be ranked among the most sin- gular compositions ever put into the mouth of a British sovereign. ^In length, I believe, it had no parallel since the time of James the First, and certainly it would be vain to seek for any similar production, since the accession of the House of Hanover. Some passages seemed more suitable to the spirit and lan- guage of a moralist or of a sage, than of a monarch. Li the midst of it was in- troduced an invocation, or rather a prayer, offered up by George the Third to the Supreme Being ; imploring his divine interference to avert the calamities, which the American colonies, in con- sequence of their becoming independent states, might experience from the sup- pression of monarchical power. Burke held up this pious effusion of royal cha- rity and philanthropy, to great ridi- cule. " The king," exclaimed he, " is made by his minister to fall upon his knees, and to deprecate the wrath of heaven from the misguided American people, that they may not suffer from the want of monarchy. A people who never were designed for monarchy ! Who in their nature and character are adverse to monarchy, and who never had any other than the smell of monarchy, at the distance of three thousand miles ! They are now to be protected by the prayers of their former sovereign, from the consequences of its loss. Such whimpering and absurd piety has neither dignity, meaning, nor common sense." It must be owned that these comments, however severe, were not destitute of truth. Other parts of the royal speech afforded him equal subject for mirth and satire. The king concluding by a de- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 349 mand on parliament, for the exertion of temper, wisdom, and disinterestedness, subjoined as his last words, '• My people expect lliese qualifications of you, and I call for them." " I believe," said Burke, " that since the days of Charles the First, who advanced into this house, and threw himself into the Speaker's chair, to find out the members who had given him offence; such a strain of va- pourinn; and blustering, such an insult and indignity has not been offered to us. Are we to be slandered or tutored, or in- structed in the principles of morals, by his majesty's cabinet ministers ?" "0 wise ministers! Dii tibi tonso- rera donent ! To all except one, who has no occasion for such a practitioner." The allusion to Pitt's youth, could not escape notice. After paying neverthe- less some compliments to the integrity of the young chancellor of the exche- quer, which were all made however at tiie expense of the first lord of the treasury ; Burke declared that the only proper de- scription of the speech, which the minister had made the sovereign pro- nounce, was to be found in Hudibras, when he says, " As if hypocrisy and nonsense Had got th' advowson of his conscience." Nor was Fox less severe in his ani- madversions on this first production of Ihe Earl of Shelburne in his ministerial capacity, though he was more argumen- tative, grave, and measured in his cen- sures. On General Eliott, and on Lord Howe, he bestowed the highest encomi- ums: — encomiums, which were re-echoed from every part of the house ! Having again recapitulated all the circumstances that attended and produced his own se- ' cession from the cabinet, he endeavoured to show that his resignation, by forcing the ministers to grant unconditional in- dependence to America, had been pro- ductive of far greater advantages to his country, than he could have rendered by remaining a member of administration. With great ingenuity and severity he pointed out Lord Shelburne's inconsist- ent declarations, many times repeated in the upper house, that " he who should sign the independence of America, would consummate the ruin of his own 30 country, and must be a traitor ;" now contrasted with his act in setting his hand to their complete emancipation. Such a contradictory language, coupled with his opposite system of conduct, could only. Fox observed, be properly- characterized by two lines which he had somewhere read, " You've done a noble turn in nature's spite ; For tho' you think you're wrong, — I'm sure you're right." Pitt, however, who, in a speech of equal ability, though much less diffuse, an- swered Fox on that evening ; having de- fended his principal from the heavy im- putations afiixed to his political line of action, in acknowledging American inde- pendence, aftfer his many protestations to the contrary ; added, " if I may attempt a parody on the lines just quoted, I should say, " The praise he gives us is in nature's spite. He wishes we were wrong, — but, clearly sees we're right." The promptitude and elegance of this retort, made amidst the hurry and dis- tractions of a long debate, in a crowded assembly, excited no little admiration. Nor drd he touch with less delicacy and force of reasoning, on the circumstance of his own youth ; " a calamity under which, he owned, he laboured ; which he could not sufficiently lament, as it afforded such subject of animadversion to his opponents ; but for which defect, he pledged himself to atone, by his care, industry and assiduity in the public ser- vice." If it had not been demonstrated already, how great an acquisition Lord Shelburne had made in the chancellor of the exchequer, the debates of the 5th and 6lh of December, would have suf- ficiently proved the fact. Courlenay, when alluding to it, a few days after- wards, observed, " the noble earl at the head of the treasury, has shown his judgment in securing such an auxiliary. Every man reposes confidence in him. There is a species of magic in the name and lineage of a Pitt, which must pro- duce its influence on the nation. The first minister, who is himself a great philo5.opher, has no doubt been informed by Dr. Priestley, that the best mode of 350 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. correcting and purifying corrupted air, is by the introduction of a young vege- table." Lord North never appeared to me, during the whole time that I sate in the .House of Commons, whether he was in or out of office, in a more dignified and elevated point of view, than on the first of those two evenings. I mean the 5th of December. His position was singular ; standing aloof equally from ministers and from the Rockingham party ; holding the balance between both ; placed on a sort of elevation, by the events which had taken place since he resigned his employment; sustained by the glorious victories of Rodney and of Eliott; no longer menaced with impeachment; animated by steady loyalty to his sove- reign, and not less propelled by attach- ment to his country. Such was his situ- ation, and his language corresponded with it ! Perliaps it would have been fortunate, if he had continued to occupy so advantageous, independent, and patri- otic an eminence, without lending an ear to the seductions of ambition or of resentment, in forming a coalition with Fox, as he did only two months later. Unquestionably he would have appeared more an object of respect and veneration to posterity, by persisting in such a line of political action ; superior to party, watchful over the Constitution, and at- tentive only to the great public interests of the state ; than by accepting a secon- dary situation, as the colleague of Fox, under the Duke of Portland. A situation, Avhich, when obtained, he was unable to retain more than a few months ; and in accepting wliicli, he must have made some sacrifices of feeling and of recollection, if not of principle ! The speech which he pronounced on the first day of the ses- sion, was every way worthy of himself; and breathed the genuine spirit of a statesman, who though no longer direct- ing the machine, yet superintended its movements with undiminished zeal, as well as ability. In contradiction to his usual style of speaking, he abstained from all levity, and refused to avad him- self of those resources of wit and hu- mour, which he had always at command. No sentiment of hostility or of animosity towards the new administration, charac- terized his expressions. He declared that he felt not the most distant inclina- tion to oppose the address, or to move any amendment, as the advantages ac- cruing from unanimity at the present moment, would, in a national point of view, be incalculable. From the instant that he rose till he sate down, not a word escaped from his lips, which indicated the smallest approach towards the Rocking- ham party. On Fox he was even severe, when differing from him respecting various points of the greatest public im- portance. Nor did he spare Burke, for his animadversions on \he prayer of the sovereign contained in the speech from the throne. " Surely, Mr. Speaker," said Lord North, " a heart animated by patriotic feelings, like that of his ma- jesty, must experience the deepest sor- row at an act so calamitous to this coun- try, as is the relinquishment of America. His sensations are truly those of a patriot king; and I am assured that he felt far less for himself, when he made so great a sacrifice, than he felt for his people." On the conditions of peace which the enemy might offer, or which it became the ministers to accept. Lord North ex- pressed himself in language of equal dignity, wisdom, and moderation. *' To just and reasonable terms," said he, " I will most cheerfully assent; but should France or Spain display arrogance and injustice in their demands, every man in this assembly, and throughout the nation, will, I am persuaded, zealously concur in prosecuting the war with vigour." — " We unanimously demand an ho- norable treaty, or a vigorous war. We are ready to negotiate on fair and equita- ble principles ; but if in their in.solence or imaginary power, the enemy exact degrading conditions, we are determined to maintain the contest with our lives and fortunes." In terms of earnestness he recommended to the ministers, atten- tion in marking out proper, well defined boundaries, between the territory of Great Britain and the American fron- tier ; but above all, he trusted, that they would provide an asylum for the loyal and unhappy sufferers, who, throughout this long protracted struggle, had remain- ed faithful to their native sovereign. Over Lord Shelburne he threw a shield, and justified his assertion, that " the sun of Britain was for ever set, when the HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 351 separation of the thirteen colonies should be signed." " That calamitous event," observed he, " cannot justly be charged to the present first minister, merely be- cause he consummates the deed. It is we, not he, who must sustain the culpa- bility. If the sun of England is indeed set, the House of Commons is the magi- cian who has brought it down from the skies," No part of this admirable speech justly attracted more approba- tion, than the part in which he replied to Fox, who had attributed to Keppel's exertions, the advantages which we had gained on the element of the water. " It is not a little extraordinary," said Lord North, "that the same person, who, when he came into office, eight months ago, drew a picture of our naval condition, sufficient to make every man tremble in this house ; should now stoutly affirm that our navy is equal to combat- ing the united fleets of the House of Bourbon ! But as ships do not spring up, like mushrooms, in a night; — by what magic could so great an addition be made to our navy within one sum- mer, unless the former admiralty, by their preparations of ships and stores, had facilitated the means of victory ? — I would say to the present naval Alexan- der, True, you have conquered ; but you have conquered with Philip's troops." During the whole of the two debates which took place at the opening of the session, though General Conway and Mr. Secretary Townsend occasionally rose, yet the defence of the ministerial measures principally rested on ilie chan- cellor of the exchequer. No adminis- tration could commence under fairer aus- pices, which was destined to terminate so soon ; not any attempt to divide tlie liouse being made either by Lord North or by Fox, who appeared to be recipro- cally animated by the most hostile sen- timents. [llth December.] Among the wea- pons of attack which the Rockingham party directed with most success against the first minister, was the imputation of insincerity or duplicity. It was asserted that/ie interpreted the conditional or pro- visional articles concluded with the American stales, in a different sense from the meaning annexed to them by oUier members of the cabinet ; Lord Shel- burne, it was pretended, regarding them as capable of being revoked or annulled, in case that the pending negotiations re- specting peace between England and France, should be finally broken off; while Pitt, Conway, and Townsend, declared that they were, in every event, final and irrevocable. Unquestionably, some reasons for doubt as to the inter- pretation of the word provisional, might be reasonably entertained ; and as the war with America might be revived, if the independence of the transatlantic state was not unconditionally and un- equivocally acknowledged by Great Britain, Fax endeavoured to probe this ministerial wound. He did not indeed venture to divide the house upon it. nor attempt to slop the supplies, be- cause he knew how insufficient was his parliamentary strength, for making either of those experiments with suc- cess. But he endeavoured to extort a clear reply from some of the ministers, relative to the point under discussion. They, on the other hand, refused or de- clined making any specific answer during the actual state of affairs, and demanded time. Burke, in his metaphorical and figurative language, compared them to the Amphisbaena, which naturalists de- scribe as having two heads, one at each extremity. " Such a serpent. I hope," added he, " exists only in chimera : but ministers resemble such an animal. They hiss an opposite language from the head, and from the tail, so that the na- tion is confounded between their con- tradictory stories." Even Lord North, though he approved of the silence ob- served by the treasury bench, under the circumstances of the moment ; and though he further declared, that if any motion was made for compelling the adminis- tration to lay the provisional treaty be- fore parliament, he would give it his negative ; yet admitted that its interpre- tation was exceedingly problematical. As the Rockingham party was too feeble to come to extremities, unless sustained by Lord North, Fox contented himself therefore with laying on the first minis- ter, the heaviest charges of double deal- ing in all his proceedings. Powis, who joined in these opinions, said that he held the three members of the cabinet who had seats, in the house, pledged as 352 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. hostages to the country, for the ratifica- tion of the provisional treaty according to their construction of it. Such reflec- tions thrown on the Earl of Shelburne, however they might originate in the violence of party, and of political en- mity ; yet, as impeaching the candour and the rectitude of his public conduct, must have been equally painful to that nobleman himself, and to his associates in the government. [12ili December.] Though parlia- ment sat for only a very short period during the month of December, scarcely exceeding a fortnight, previous to tlieir adjournment till after Christmas ; yet one very interesting debate, which arose in the House of Commons, produced a material operation on some articles of the peace then negotiating with the House of Bourbon. Rumours, which acquired considerable, if not implicit credit, were circulated throujjhout the metropolis, staling that Lord Shelburne had not only manifested a disposition, but had even consented, with the appro- bation of the cabinet, to cede Gibraltar to Spain, on certain conditions. He had indeed very early felt the pulse of par- liament on the subject. Mr. Bankes, member for (^orfe Castle, who seconded the address to the throne, on the first yourselves of this commanding station, and the stales that border on that sea, will no longer look to England for the maintenance of its free navigation !" Nor did he let pass the occasion of wounding George the Third, through the sides of the King of Spain. Adverting to the opinion which had been given by Mr. Bankes, in the course of his speech, that " the cabinet of Madrid having as- certained the folly and impracticability of attempting to reduce Gibraltar, by their recent discomfiture, would never again employ the forces of the monarchy on so vain, as well as ruinous a siege ;" Fox exposed the fallacy of such argu- ments. " There may be," observed he, " near the heart of every prince, a longing after some object, which a thousand dis- appointments or defeats cannot remove. Those who recollect the history of this country for near nine years past, will agree with me, that it is not easy to con- vince men of their follies, even when experience has proved them to be such. We have persisted through many ruinous campaigns, in a war for the subjection of the American colonies. What then should hinder us from believing, that Charles the Third may not persevere as pertinaciously in his longing lor the re- duction of Gibraltar, as a sovereign (lay of the session; and who seems to nearer home was taught to pursue the have been more deeply initiated in \he\ phantom of unconditio7ial submission secrets, or informed of the intentions oil from America?''' The very truth of administration, than the mover of the address on that occasion ; alluded in very clear and intelligible, though in general terms, to the possible, or rather probable cession of the fortress in question. He accompanied the intimation, with re- marks on the great expense, and little comparative value or national advantages, connected with retaining its possession. Fox instantly animadverted with equal force and severity, on the idea thus sug- gested, which he held up to condemna- tion, as an act most pernicious to the state, if it should ever be carried into execution. In language of energy he depictured the respect, which our proud position on that isolated rock, excited among the European nations. " Cede to Sjiain," exclaimed he, " Gibraltar, and the Mediterranean becomes a pool ; a mere pond, on which the Spaniards can navigate at their pleasure ! Deprive this observation, which could not well be contested, ought to have prevented Fox from making it in so public a place. Burke, supporting with all the powers of his eloquence, the positions advanced by his friend, trusted that ministers would not dare to sport with ihe feelings of the nation, respecting an object so justly cherished as Gibraltar. " That fortress," said he, " is invaluable, be- cause impregnable. The sovereign of Spain has not an appendage of his crown» equalling it in importance. The capitals of Mexico and Peru are not at his dis- posal ; and the island of Porto Rico, if ofl^ered, would by no means form an adequate compensation. Gibraltar is not merely a post of pride. It is a post of power, of connexion, and of com- merce." In terms more measured. Lord North appreciated its value. " I will not go so far as to asseyt," ob-served hct HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 353 "that Gibraltar is inestimable, and in no possible case ought to be ceiled to Spain. If peace cannot otherwise be obtained, SHch a sacrifice may become necessary ; but its price should be large, and no ministers would be justified in resigning a possession so honorable, so useful, as well as so dear to this country, unless for an equivalent of the highest import- ance." The offers made by Charles the Third, were indeed of such a nature, as in the estimation of many able men, would have fully justified ministers in restoringto the Catholic king, that expen- sive fortress. I have been assured, that in his eagerness to re-annex Gibraltar to the Spanish monarchy, he tendered in exchange for it, the Canary Islands, together with Porto Rico in the West Indies : the former of which possessions, from their happy situation in the Atlantic, their climate, and productions, might be rendered most valuable acquisitions to Great Britain ; while the latter island must be considered as scarcely inferior to Jamaica in extent, fertility, and poli- tical importance. Gibraltar, however dear to the national vanity, and what- ever flattering recollections the late glo- rious defence might awaken, could not, it was imagined, be put in competition with the Canaries and Porto Rico. In a commercial point of view, no compa- rison could indeed be made between the two possessions : but as an object of national consideration, respect, and power, we shall probably admit that Gibraltar would have been ill exchanged for any Atlantic, or West India islands. I am of that sentiment in 1818, though I am ready to confess that I thought other- wise in 1782. Sir George Howard, who was him- self a general officer, having nevertheless unexpectedly provoked, and brought forward in the House of Commons, a discussion relative to that fortress, and the possibility that its cession or aliena- tion to Spain, might be in contemplation ; it soon appeared, that men of all parties were imbued with partialities so warm and violent in its favour, and such indig- nation was manifested at the bare idea of ceding it, even for any equivalent however valuable, that the intention was relinquished. Nothing could assuredly have been further from Sir George's in- 30* tention, who was an excellent courtier, than to have agitated any subject, which in its results might embarrass the coun- cils of the crown. But General Conway having moved the thanks of the house to General Eliott, for his glorious defence of Gibraltar, Howard proposed adding, " the most valuable and important for- tress of all our foreign territories." These few words operated like the apple of discord, and afforded to opposition an ample field for declamation. Lord North was not present on that evening, but Fox instantly availed himself of the oc- casion. Sir George finding, that while he had only intended to place General Eliott's public merits in the fairest point of view, by demonstrating the importance of his services, tlie motion had produced a great political question, would willingly have withdrawn his amendment. Fox however expressed the utmost disincli- nation to consent. ♦' I do not, myself," said he, " credit the reports of an in- tended cession of Gibraltar, because I am convinced that there is not in the cabinet a single man who dares to give it up. The amendment, if it should be carried, will convince the public at large, how false are these rumours: but it will likewise prove to the Spanish govern- ment, that the nation is not disposed to permit of such a cession." Burke main- tained the same arguments ; and Mr. Daniel Parker Coke declared, that he would rather cut off his right hand, than ever consent to restore Gibraltar. Sir George Howard's amendment was never- theless finally withdrawn, by consent of the house ; but the sul)stance of the de- bale having been taken down in short hand, by a person stationed in the gal- lery, and immediately communicated to Lord Shelburne ; he despatched a mes- senger with it, the next morning, to our minister at Paris, Mr. Fiizherbert, now Lord St. Helens : enjoining him to lay it before the Count de Vergepnes, and the Count d'Aranda. I know from good authority, that the latter nobleman, who was then the Spanish ambassador at the court of Versailles, had received the most positive instructions not to sign any peace with Great Britain, however favourable the terms might be in other respects, unless the cession of Gibraltar, constituted one of the articles of the 354 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. treaty. Finding nevertheless, after the commnnicalion above mentioned, that no equivalent would be accepted for its res- titution ; and that the British cabinet did not dare to do it in violation of public opinion ; d'Araiida, in disobedience to these orders, finally affixed his name to the act, taking on himself the risk and the responsibility. [13ih — 23d December.] Previous to the adjournment of the House of Com- mons before Christmas, Fox made an-, other ineffectual attempt to compel the production of the provisional treaty with America. The debate which took place on this occasion, being in fact the last that arose of an important nature, pre- vious to the peace with our European enemies ; and consequently, previous to the union of Lord North with the Rockingham p-arty ; was distinguished by some very interesting circumstances. Fox grounded his motion for laying the treaty in question, before the house on the notorious disagreement between the first lord of the treasury, and his colleagues in the cabinet, on its acceptation ; Lord Shelburne declaring it to be revocable, if peace should not be finally made with France, while others of the ministers maintained it to be, in every event, final. Such a discordant exhibition of sentiment on so important a point, seemed to call for some explanation or disclosure on the part of administration. Fox, however, well aware how weak was his numerical strength within those walls, unless sustained by Lord North ; after endeavouring to justify his demand of the treaty, on principles of public ex- pediency ; added, " I expect support in my motion, though I do not court it. I do not indeed know whetlier I may cal- culate on the aid of the noble lord in the blue ribband, seated below rae ; as by a strange mode of reasoning, he brings himself to vote with ministers, though he totally disagrees with them in opi- nion." The treasury bench preserving a profound silence, Mr. Thomas Pitt moved the order of the day ; at the same lime advising and adjuring his mi- nisterial friends, not to violate their oath as privy comicillors, since nothing ex- cept misconstruction and misrepresenta- tion could arise from their explanations. At this period of the discussion Lord North presented himself to the Speaker's notice, and delivered one of the most en- tertaining speeches ever heard in that assembly. Never, I believe, was more wit crowded into so narrow a compass ! Every sentence conveyed the most deli- cate irony, or the most contumelious, yet amusing, ridicule. He began by lamenting that Mr. Thomas Pitt's whole- some and sage advice to his friends, on the subject of observing discretion and secrecy, should have come too late to be of any use, they having alreaily been guilty of divulging their opinions. Hav- ing expressed his concern that it was impossible to agree with a divided cabinet, collectively ; he said he would nevertheless agree witli them partially^ and vote for the order of the day : as he should at least be sure of coinciding with those members of administration who sate opposite to him. " For," added he, " though I perfectly agree with the right honorable gentleman (Fox), in all his statements and principles, yet I cannot ihink the present moment a sea- sonable one for producing the provisional articles." With inconceivable humour he contrasted, and exposed the difl'erent versions of the treaty ; first, as present- ed in the king's speech from the throne, at the opening of the session ; next in Lord Shelhurne's language ; and lastly, in the declarations of the other minis- ters. " I prefer, however," said he, " ihe edition of this matter, as we have it on royal paper, before all the subse- quent editions, cum jiotis variorum, which have been since published." On the subject of that oath, to the strict ob- servance of which the members of the cabinet were entreated to adhere, he made some observations so hulicrous, as put all gravity to flight. " If," observed he, " this mysterious treaty depended on no contingency whatever, it would resemble, not a privy counsellor's oath, of which we have heard so much to-day : but a much less serious oath, of which we have all heard, and which some of us may probably have taken. I mean, the oath administered at Highgale, by which a man swears that he never will drink small beer, when he can gel stronu-, unless he likes ihe former best ; nor ever kiss the maid, when he might kiss the mistress, unless he chuse the maid in preferenceJ'' HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 355 Continuing, or rather, resuming his speech, as soon as tlie house had reco- vered from the violent effect of this simile on their muscles, he directed his artilier}'' of jests against the cabinet, of which three members were present. " It has been asserted," observed Lord North, "tliat the contradictory opinions of ministers might be reduced to some certainty, by subjecting them to the wisdom of this assembly. I cannot think so : — for surely the present cabi- net is liie place where we might expect, of all others, unanimous agreement on matters of state policy. It is composed of eleven men, of distinguished talents, im- mense wisdom, consummate experience, and determined firmness. This assem- blage of genius has besides as many more agents or commissioners now em- ployed at Paris, on the important work of peace. If such men are not able to fix the determinate import and meaning of the treaty before us ; how can we ex- pect it to be done within our walls ? I have heard this house called the temple of eloquence, of reason, of freedom, and of fame ; but I never yet knew it to be called the temple of concord." As, however, though Lord North had held up the administration to ridicule, and had so pointedly spoken against them, he nevertheless declared his intention to vote for them ; I believe, Fox would not have divided the house, if General Conway had not provoked him to it, by asserting on his legs, " that the member who had originated the debate would not dare to take the sense of the house, well knowing by how small a minority he would be attended into the lobby." Irritated at such an insinua- tion, of which he expressed his indig- nant sense, Fox persisted ; and a divi- sion taking place on Mr. Thomas Pitt's motion for the order of the day, the Rockingham party could only muster forty-six votes. Government, support- ed by Lord North and his adherents, exhibited a triumphant majority of two hundred and nineteen, thus carrying the question by one hundred and seventy- three. It is difficult to determine with any certainty, the respective numbers that voted with administration, and with Lord North, on that evening. I should however estimate the followers of the latter, at seventy to eighty. That^he could incline the balance to which ever side he pleased, was evident. He ap- peared indeed, throughout the whole de- bate, not only pre-eminent in talents of every description; but as the arbiter of the scene. Like Henry the Eighth, he might have assumed for his device, " Cui adhsereo, prseest.^'' Nor could Fox avoid perceiving that his own way into the cabinet, unless he chose to serve under Lord Shelburne, must lie through Lord North's assistance, and could be effected by no other mode. That nobleman, since the day on #hich he resigned his power, had not occupied a more dignified place in the public eye, and in parliamentary estimation. These facts, and the reflections to which they necessarily gave rise, produced within two months, the memorable coalition. A few days subsequent to the above de- bale, an adjournment of the two houses of parliament took place till the 23d of January. ri783, January.] Throughout a con- siderable part of the month of January, the greatest fluctuation of public opinion prevailed relative to the final success of the treaties agitating at Paris ; and as late as the 18lh, the queen's birth-day, the prevalent ideas in the drawing-room were generally adverse to the probabdity of a favourable issue ; but, five days afterwards, intelligence arrived in Lon- don, that peace had been sio-ned at Ver- sailles. Lord Keppel, either from re- pentance of his conduct in having quitted Fox after the Marquis of Rockingham's decease ; or suspicious of the approach- ing dissolution of the actual ministry ; or (as he asserted afterwards on the debate which took place in the House of Peers), disapproving the articles of the treaty recently concluded ; immediately re- signed his employment of first lord of the admiralty. He was succeeded by Lord Howe, and early in the month of February, the Marquis of Carmarthen was named embassador to the court of France. Though the House of Com- mons met on the 21st of January, pur- suant to its adjournment, yet no business of moment was brought forward, either by ministers, or by their opponents, during the considerable interval of near a month which elapsed, previous to the 356 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. day fixed for discussing the articles of the peace in both houses of parliament. They had intermediately been exchanged and ratified by the two governments. A more than ordinary interest was excited on the subject, throughout the nation ; the stability or dismission of the adminis- tration, evidently depending on the par- liamentary approval or disapprobation of the treaty. In the House of Lords, there seemed to be, indeed, little danger of incurring a vote of censure. But it was otherwise in the lower house, where the jiiinister, in addition to his own slender personal strength, and the indi- viduals holding offices under the crown, could only expect support, either from persons inclined to maintain indifferently every government ; or from those inde- pendent members, wlio, disregarding all motives of party, might be induced to approve the treaties, on the ground of their abstract merits, and their just claim to national gratitude. Facts such as these, which were pal- pable to all, could not possibly escape the attention of him who was most deep- ly interested in their result. And it has always appeared to persons uninformed. one of the most inexplicable events of our time, that Lord Shelburne, who must have perceived the great improba- bility of his being able to maintain him- self in power, after the conclusion of peace, without the aid of one or the other of the two great parlies in opposi- tion ; should nevertheless have allowed parliament to meet for the express pur- pose of discussing tlie merits of the peace, without conciliating previously the leaders of either side. Was he then indiff'erent to the preservation of that office, which he had acquired with so much address, and not unaccompanied with a degree of obloquy ? No person can believe or suppose it. Neither his adhe- rents nor his enemies, ever maintained such an opinion. How therefore are we to interpret a conduct so contrary to all the dictates of ambition, policy, and self-in- terest? In order to explain it, 1 shall stale such circumstances as have been related to me by individuals possessing information, which will at least throw considerable light upon the subject. It seemed certainly most natural, that of the two parlies excluded from power, Lord Shelburne should have addressed himself to that body of men, which still considered Lord North as its head. — To many of the individuals composing it, I know that he did in fact make ad- vances, either personally or by his friends. Mr. Orde, the secretary, in whose department lay the management of the House of Commons, was not idle during the autumn of 1782. The American war being terminated, the principal object of disunion between the late, and the present, first minister, was at an end. Lord Shelburne was moreover known to have pertinaciously resisted the concession of independence to America. His reluctance and pretended duplicity, or rather his ambiguity, relative to grant- ing unconditional independence to the thirteen colonies, formed one of the most prominent points of accusation against him, on the part of Fox and the Rockingham party. It could not be doubted that the king, who, availing himself of favourable circumstances, had elevated the first lord of the treasury, to the place that he held : and who depre- cated no event so mucli, as being a second time compelled to take Fox into his councils ; would secretly approve, and would sincerely promote any mea- sure tending to exclude him from ad- ministration. Of all political unions that could be eff'ected with a view to strength- en the ministry, and alliance between Lord North and Lord Shelburne, it was therefore assumed, must be most agree- able to the sovereign. Nor, as I have been assured, did there exist any insur- mountable personal antipathies or im- pediments between those two noble per- sons, which could have prevented such an event taking place. But though they might have been willing to coalesce, there were other individuals in the go- vernment not possessed of so tractable or so conciliating a disposition. Mr. Pitt, and the Duke of Richmond, both inflexi- bly refused to sit in cabinet with Lord North ; and they remained firm upon the point. Partial as I am to the memory and character of that amiable nobleman, I am far from blaming their determination. They considered Lord North as the minister, who during many years had carried on and supported by his parlia- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 357 mentary ability, a contest become hope- less, which had precipitated Great Bri- tain into disgrace, as well as debt. His subserviency to the royal will or wishes, even if proved, would only in their eyes, have aggravated his culpability. Tliey regarded the loss of our American colo- nies as the necessary consequence of his councils, or of his administration. He was besides accused by them, of having made parliament the corrupt instrument of his policy, and of having purchased the support which he received in both houses. Political principle therefore dictated and produced their refusal to as- sociate him to their ministry. Such an obstacle was neither to be surmount- ed, nor to be removed. The Duke of Richmond might, indeed, have been dismissed, without apprehension of its producing veiy injurious results of any kind; but Mr. Pill was essential to the ministerial existence and duration. His high character and his 7iarne, joined to his eminent talents, formed Lord Shel- burne's best security for carrying any measure through the Houseof Commons. Neither Townsend nor Conway pos- sessed the eloquence, ability, or heredi- tary weight, that met in the chancellor of the exchequer. If, therefore, in order to gain Lord North, the first lord of the treasury had thrown Pitt into opposition, no exertions could have long resisted his and Fox's united attacks, fighting side by side. And the house itself would probably, nay infallibly, have re- probated such a junction, when attained by the expulsion of Pitt from power. These causes prevented any attempt being made to gain Lord North's sup- port, by admitting him and his principal friends to places in the cabinet; and his friendship, it was obvious, could not be obtained on inferior terms. r^lst January — 15lh February.] The strongest indications were mean- while given on the part of Fox's adhe- rents, as well as by some of the friends of Lord North, that they intended to attack and to arraign the treaties of peace just concluded. No sooner had the preliminaries signed between Eng- land and the two branches of the House of Bourbon, together with the provi- sional articles made with America, been brought down to the House of Com- mons, and read by the clerk ; than Mr. Eden instantly rose, to express the feel- ings of concern, or rather, of indignation and distress, with which the fifth arti- cle of the American treaty inspired him. It regarded the royalists, who, as appeared from the nature of the pro- visions, were abandoned by Great Bri- tain, and left exposed to the severest treatment from the provincial assemblies. This circumstance took place on the 27lh of January. Four days later. Fox, in answer to some remarks which fell from General Conway, on the subject of the recent pacification ; observed, that though he did not mean to antici- pate the consideration of the treaties, for which discussion a proper time would be appointed, yet that they did not con- sider it to be as good a peace as might have been made by ministers. Eden entered his protest on the same even- ing, against the cession of a vast portion of Canada, comprehending no less than eighteen thousand square miles ; declar- ing it to be his opinion, that in disse- vering so large a territory from the empire, administration had violated a a positive act of parliament. On the lOth of February, Fox, while alluding to the preliminaries, said, that they did not bear on their face, their justification. Lord Nugent, though generally disposed to support government, yet spoke in lanujuage of the utmost violence on the subject of the loyalists. " If his ma- jesty's ministers," exclaimed he, " have omitted any personal exertion in favour of those unfortunate men, no punishment can be adequate to their crime. Their blood alone can wipe away the stain inflicted on the honour of their country. Governor Johnstone repeated these denunciations, in scarcely milder terms : while Sheridan, who already seemed to fix on Pitt, ns an object of his personal reprehension and attack whenever a favourable occasion arose, exhorted the chancellor of the exchequer not to speak in so high a tone from the treasury bench. " If," added Sheridan, " he and his colleagues had held as lofty a style to the enemies of Great Britain, during the late discus- sions relative to peace, as they do here, they would not be compelled to stand so much on the defensive, as they probably 358 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. must do, when the examination of the preliminaries comes before us." Every circumstance announced a determina- tion to push matters to extremity, and if possible, to drive the ministers from their posts, for having sacrificed the honour, as well as the interests of Great Britain, in the recent treaties. Lord Shelburne, conscious of the approaching danger, and desirous of averting a parliamentary conflict so doubtful in its issue, caused overtures of a conciliatory nature to be made to Fox ; offering to replace him in his late office, and to provide for his friends or connections who had followed him out of power after Lord Rockingham's decease. The king was induced, though reluctantly, to allow and to approve of the proposals, on the ground of state necessity ; it being esteemed a less serious evil, to admit Fox into the cabi- net by negotiation, than to incur the risk of his entering it by storm. In the first case, he would remain still in a mino- rity, while the treasury would be com- pletely independent of him ; whereas in the second event, he would dictate the law. But Fox, though he professed himself willing to make a part of an ad- ministration formed upon a broad basis, and therefore disposed to listen to the proposition, exacted one indispensable preliminary; namely, Lord Shelburne's dismission, or resignation. Unless the treasury were placed in the hands of the Duke of Portland as the new recog- nised head of the Rockingham party ; and unless Lord Shelburne were wholly excluded from a place in the cabinet, he peremptorily refused to accede to any terms of accommodation. With all the other principal individuals composing the ministry, he declared his readiness to act; but personally to Lord Shel- burne, his repugnance continued insur- mountable, and could not be removed by any eff'orts. In embracing this determination, it seems impossible to doubt that he was more impelled by passion ; — in using which term, I mean rivality, party feel- ings, and personal aversion to the first on a great state question of the deepest importance, namely, the grant of uncon- ditional independence to America; yet was consummated from resentment and precipitation. Probably he regretted it when too late ; — for, it was proved by facts, that, whatever Lord Shelburne might have meditated or even declared, relative to not conceding independence to the transatlantic colonies, he was over-ruled, and compelled by the cabi- net to carry into execution that humi- liating measure. Nay more, we have the authority of General Conway, when addressing the House of Commons, on the subject, for asserting, that the first minister not only overcame and subdued his own reluctance in declaring the American states independent ; but by his arguments or persuasions prevailed on the king his master, to surmount his strongly rooted antipathy to the same act of renunciation. Fox, indeed, al- ways asserted and maintained, that his resignation of office had produced more benefit to the country, and had operated more powerfully to force Lord Shel- burne's acquiescence on the point in question, than he could have done bv remaining a member of the cabinet. But» it is evident that he did not lie under any necessity of throwing up his em- ployment, or of sacrificing his principles. It never arrived at that alternative, for which he ought to have waited, before he came to extremities. If he had tem- perately and steadily opposed the first minister : appealing to his colleagues. Lord Keppel, Conway, and the Duke of Richmond, for support; sustained as he was, by Lord John Cavendish ; the Earl of Shelburne must have given way or he would have been left in a minority. No doubt. Fox's secession and appeal to the House of Commons, or rather to the nation, forced the first minister, as well as his colleagues, to concede unequivo- cally independence to America. But, if Fox had been more master of himself, and less under the dominion of anger, or of the desire to dictate in the cabinet, he might have eff'ected his object by a me- nace of resignation, and vet have retained lord of the treasury ; than by moral or | the seal. In forming an alliance with political principle. Even his secession from the cabinet, in July, 1782, though It originated in a difference of opinion ciple, and at the same time shocked pub Lord North, as he soon afterwards did, he made a far greater surrender of prin- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 359 lie opinion much more, than he could possibly have done by acting with Lord Shelbiirne, whatever measures had been adopted by administration. Such, as I have always understood, were the leading principles or circum- stances, on which was subsequently reared that celebrated junction between Lord North and Fox, which, from its extraordinary nature, and more extraor- dinary edecls, has obtained in English history, by way of distinction from all other political unions or alliances ever contracted in our time, the name of " the coalition^ The proscription of Lord North by Pitt, and of Lord Shelburne by Fox, of necessity drove the two exclu- ded ministers into each other's arms ; at once obliterated all past causes of offence between them ; and impelled tiiem, banishing every retrospect, as well as in some measure setting general opinion at defiance, only to look, forward to the joint possession of power. As the 17th of February stood fixed for the considera- tion of the articles of peace, in both houses of parliament ; and as Lord N orth disapproved of many of those articles, no less strongly than Fox ; it became ob- vious that they must, in all cases, divide together on that night, against the ad- ministration. And if they should find themselves in a majority, as was highly probable, it seemed to follow that the ministers must retire from office. But in order to avail themselves of their triumph, and to form a new administra- tion, some mutual understanding, if not some principles of permanent accommo- dation, became absolutely necessary to both individuals. Otherwise, however victorious they might prove in parliament, they would probably derive no benefit from their superiority ; and Lord Shel- burne, though vanquished in the House of Commons, mightstill contrive to retain his seat in the cabinet, as first minister. These considerations, in themselves most forcible, acquiring hourly strength as the day approached for the discussion of the peace, produced some symptoms of mutual tendency towards reconcilia- tion. Never, perhaps, did two men exist, more inclined by nature to oblivion of injuries, or to sentiments of forgive- ness, than Lord North and Fox ! The latter, whatever might be his defects of character, possessed in an eminent de- gree, placability and magnanimity of mind. "■ Amicitise sempiternx, inimici- tiae placabiles" was a maxim always in his mouth. The former, too indolent to retain the burthen of enmity, and con- scious that Fox's hostility towards him, had always been more political than personal ; gladly deposited his resent- ments, his recollections, and his injuries, at the feet of his interest and ambition. Both equally concurred in the necessity of agreeing on some plan of concerted action, before they took their places, side by side, on the opposition bench. Hitherto, though Lord North usually or always sate there. Fox continued to speak from the third bench, as did Burke. But however deeply they might be im- pressed with these feelings, they never- theless abstained from any direct inter- view, leaving all matters to the interven- tion of mutual friends. The honorable George Augustus North, eldest son of Lord North, then member for Harwich, and afterwards himself Earl of Guildford, acted as the negotiator for his father, on this occasion : while the honorable Colonel Fitzpatrick, Fox's intimate friend and companion, conducted the treaty on the other part. Mr. North by no means wanted talents; but in address, capacity, and accomplishments, the latter possessed an infinite superiority. Each, actuated by a warm desire to conduct the business to a successful issue, exerted his utmost efl^orts for the purpose. Two or three days elapsed in conferences and discus- sions : nor was it till a very late hour of the night of the 16th of February, that, after many visits to and fro, between St. James's street and Grosvenor square, where Lord North then resided, they finally settled the outlines of a conven- tion ; by which, on the part of the two principals it was stipulated, that if they effected a change of administration, the treasury should be given to the Duke of Portland ; that Lord North should like- wise take a cabinet office; that a fair partition of the spoils, in other words, of the great posts and emoluments of the state, should be made between the two parties, who agreed henceforward to coalesce. And, lastly, that in the debate of the approaching evening, they should speak, act, and divide in concert. 360 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. [17th February.] Such were the general preliminaries of the " coalition." Many difficulties on both sides, which impeded the progress of the negotiation, protracted its termination ; nor did either Lord North or Fox retire to rest, till four or five o'clock in the morning, when the business was at length con- cluded. Fox, accustomed to pass the greater part of the night at Brookes's, appeared in the House of Commons with his usual freshness, on the ensuing even- ing; and manifested during the debate that ensued, neither inattention, lassitude, nor fatigue. But Lord North, whose natural somnolency was increased, by having sat up for so many hours of the preceding night, under circumstances of considerable agitation, as well as by the prodigious heat arising from a crowded house; — after taking his seat near his new ally, on the opposition bench, found himself so overcome by sleep, that its effect became irresistible. Unwilling, probably, to exhibit such a spectacle, at such a moment, which would have ex- cited matter of animadversion, or of ri- dicule, to both parties ; he at length quitted his seat, and came up into the gallery. I had placed myself there ; im- mediately over the treasury bench, every partof the house below being filled. Lord North having seated himself by me, made various efl'orts to keep himself awake ; but to accomplish it, exceeded his power. As the discussion had already taken a very personal turn ; severe sarcasms, as well as reproaches, being levelled from the treasury bench, against the unnatural coalition just formed ; particularly by Mr. Dundas, the motives, which im- 378 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. pelled him thus precipitately, if not pre- maturely, to abandon a situation which he had attained with so much labour, as well as address, and from which he can scarcely be said to have been driven. So singular a fact was variously explained or interpreted at the time. As even his opponents neither atlribnled to him, want of ambition, nor any defect of firmness, it became requisite to discover and to assign other reasons for his conduct. Reports injurious to his political reputa- tion, were industriously disseminated by his enemies;: which, from the syste- matic hostility exhibited in their diffu- sion, I believe to have been williout foundation. Pitt himself may, indeed, be said to have involuntarily given some weight to them, by his own line of con- duet towards Lord Shelburne : — for, though scarcely ten months elapsed, be- fore Pitt came again into power, yet he never associated that nobleman to any share of it, nor ever offered to give him a place in the cabinet, as lord president, or as lord privy seal. So pointed an exclusion of the man, who had first call- ed him up to the councils of the sove- reign, and placed him there as chancellor of the exchequer, at three and twenty, is not easily explained. It is true that Pitt pronounced, as chancellor of the exchequer, from the treasury bench, the highest encomiums on his principal, (luring the course of the discussions that took place relative to the peace. In his memorable speech of the 21st of Febru- ary, l>e even alluded, as we have seen, with indignant warmth, to the " arts of defamation" which Lord Shelburne's enemies adopted, for the purpose of de- grading him in the national estimation : arts, of which Pitt professed his scorn, as well as his conviction of their f;ilse- hood. But his actions seem to have contradicted his professions. I have however been assured that Pitt, when he was made first lord of the trea- sury, and chancellor of the exchequer, in December, 1783, did offer Lord Shel- burne a seat in the cabinet: — a propo- sition which was declined by the latter, as he conceived it impossible for Pitt to maintain himself in office, against a de- cided majority in th« House of Common?. "When he had ultimately surmounted all oppositioa,, atid wa^s become estiablished in power, he therefore did not esteem it necessary to reiterate the offer. Lord Shelburne, offended at his exclusion from any place in administration, com- plained of it to the king; adding, that " he who had first introduced Mr. Pitt into the cabinet, found himself now ne- glected by his former e/et'C." But his majesty replied, " My lord, I believe^ Mr. Pitt was the only man who could have aided you so essentially as he did, on your being placed at the head of the treasury, after the Marquis of Rocking- ham's decease." I have reason to think that this anecdote is correct and well founded. That towards the end of 1784,. Pitt advised his majesty to raise Lord Shelburne to the rank of a British mar- quis, must be admitted. But that title was understood to be given (like the Earldom of Lonsdale, conferred by Pitt on Sir James Lowther, earlier in the same year), as payment in full from the first minister, for all past obligaiions or services. Lord Shelburne, after his re- signation, seemed in fact to be regarded as politically extinct, though still in the full enjoyment of all his faculties of body and mind, nor at all supposed to want ambition. The Marquis of Lansdown, as a peer of parliament, sometimes took a part in the debates of the upper house ; but he never openly aspired again to become first lord of the treasury, nor even to enter the cabinet. [1st — 6th March.] Throughout ihe whole proceedings of the ministerial chai>ge that took place at this time, there was something personal, which attached exclusively to himself. He resigned, almost immediately after the second debate, of which I have spoken ; but the administration was by no means on that account,»at an end. Pitt, far from following his example, remained in office more than five weeks, as chancellor of the exchequer, after the first lord of the treasury had retired ; a circumstance unprecedented in our history! — Nor can there be any doubt that he might have retained his situation under the cott' lition, if he would have submitted to sit in cabinet, and to act with Lord North : but his principles were too inflexible to accommodate themselves lo circum- stances. Lord John Cavendish,, far fr,om forming any obstacle,, would, hays- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 379 lent every facility to Pitt's continuance at the head of the exchequer. Fox him- self, in the course of his speech on the 21st of February, expressly staled the fact. " Can my noble friend," said he, *' who brings forward the present resolu- tion, be considered as a man ambitious of power? He who has always been known rntiier to avoid, than to court, official employment ? If he has any blemish to set off his eminent virtues, it is that of receding from those places, where his ability and integrity might render essential service to his country." Througliout the two debates in the lower house of parliament, on the peace. Lord Shelburiie formed, if not the exclusive, yet the principal object of attack. Even those members who most severely repro- bated the junction of Lord North and Fox, expressed the greatest indifference on the subject of the first lord of the trea- sury, and his tenure of power. " As to the present premier," said Sir Cecil Wray, " I know little of him, and various reasons induce me to wish him out of office ; but not lor having concluded the treaties on the table." Powis speaking on the same subject, on the night of the 21st, observed, that " if the removal of the first minister, constituted the prin- cipal object of the motion, he considered it as already sufficiently decided." " The division," added he, " on the former agitation of the present question, four days ago, may have given a pretty broad hint to the noble lord, that he is by no means so popular as he had imagined." Powis's language on the 6lh of March, when alluding to the state of ministerial affairs, was still more pointed, '' The administration," remarked Powis, has been for some lime burning in ihe socket, and has at last become extinct. But perhaps in one point of view, this is no national misfortune; — for when I re- flect who is at the head of the ministry, I may say, it would be better to have no head at all." Widely different were his expressions relative to the chancellor of the exchequer. "In the dissolution of the present cabinet," continued he, " there is however one circumstance deeply to be regretted : I mean, the loss which the public will suv«tain by tlie re- treat from office of a gentleman, whose spleadid abil,itL€& may adotn any situa- tion. It is to be hoped that be will not remain long unemployed. Great talents are public properly, and therefore the public ought not to be deprived of them." An extraordinary and anomalous interval of time followed Lord Shelburne's resig- nation, during which the functions of government may be said to have sufiered a suspension ; while the king, the ministry, and the candidates for power, stood looking at each other. William the Third never displayed more steadi- ness or determination, at any period of his life, eitlier when Prince of Orange, or after his elevation to the crown of England, than George the Third mani- fested, throughout the whole of " this interregnum," as it was denominated. Though his first minister, from whatever motives, had quitted him, he did not abandon himself, or forsake those indi- viduals who remained faithful to him. On the contrary, he made the most des- perate efforts to avoid passing under a yoke, which he considered as equally painful to'himself, and pernicious to his people. The coalition, having twice defeated administration in the House of Com- mons, and having compelled Lord Shel- burne to retire, considered the business as effected, and their triumph secure. Resting, therefore, on their arms, with- out attempting to push their advantages farther, they waited till the king should send to the two leaders, in order to form anew ministry. But in this expectation, however natural, they greatly deceived themselves. That prince, as if conscious that Lord Shelburne constituted the prin- cipal, and the most vulnerable object of attack, — having disembarrassed his coun- cils of the weight that encumbered them, endeavoured to repair the breach, and to form a new rampart against Lord North and Fox. It might perhaps have been» imagined ihal the presence of the former nobleman in cabinet, and the share of power which must necessarily be allot- ted to him and his friends, in the forma- tion of a new government ; would have tratiquillised the king's mtnd by affording a security against the attempts or charac- ter of the latter statesman. But he knew by the experience of many years, the- pliability and easiness of Lord North's- nature ;, nor was he u.nacq_uainled withs 380 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. the energy of Fox's mind, or unapprised of the efforts th:it he would probably make, in order to cement and to per- petuate that elevation which he had now nearly attained with so much difficulty. The king, who considered Fox as a man ruined in fortune, of an incorrect moral conduct, and surrounded with a crowd of followers resembling him in these particulars, deprecated, as the severest misfortune to himself and to his subject-;, the necessity of taking such a person, however eminent for capacity, into his confidence or councils. When we consider these circumstances, we shall not wonder at the long, though in- effectual resistance made by his majesty, before he submitted to receive the law from the coalition. [6th March.] Previous lo Lord Shel- burne's resignation, and the dissolution of his ministry, various pensions having been granted lo various eminent indivi- duals, particularly one to the chancellor, and a second to Lord Grantham, Powis brought the subject before the house. Pitt stated the circumstances attending these grants, officially, from the treasury bench ; and a very animated, as well as personal discussion arose, in which Fox took a most prominent part. He was peculiarly severe on Lord Thurlow, whom he supposed to form, by his ad- vice to the king, the principal impedi- ment to the formation of a new adminis- tration. " I have long lived," said he, " on terms of sincere private friendship with that noble person, who unquestion- ably possesses great abilities : but I am, nevertheless, of opinion that they are exerted in a manner most injurious to the true interests of thi.s country." — " We are told," continued he, " by the chancellor of the exchequer, that when Lord Grantham accepted the office of secretary for the foreign department, his majesty promised him a pension of two thousand pounds a year, whenever he should leave the office. What is this, except bribing persons by pensions to assume employments, for the accept- ance of which ihey betray no iivcli na- tion ? By such expedients, the crown can always form an administration, with- out regarding either the approbation of parliament, or the confidence of the people." Having thus animadverted on one secretary of state, he turned round upon the other, Mr. Townsend, who on that very day had been raised to the peerage, by the title of Lord Syd- ney. " No man," observed Fox, " en- tertains a higher esteem for him than I do, or more sincerely wishes him loaded with honours. Yet it seems a little ex- traordinary, that the sovereign should think proper to remunerate those minis- ters who have assisted in making a peace, which, the more I contemplate it, the more cause of wonder do I find, at any secretary of state having affixed his signature to such treaties." From the absent, reverting to those who were present, he next attacked Dundas, who had recently obtained the place of keeper of the signet in Scotland. After declar- ing that he meant nothing invidious, or personally offensive. Fox added : " All the world, nevertheless, wonders at so strange a fact, as giving a man an office for life, on condition of his taking another, the treasurership of the nav}', which may be regarded as nearly a sine- cure. So absurd, as well as lavish a waste of the public money, has, I be- lieve, no precedent." Towards the conclusion of his speech, he once more fastened upon the chancellor, " whose injurious influence," Fox declared, "the kingdom felt at the present moment." Adding, " If those pernicious exertions had not been made, I fully believe an administration would have been formed some days ago, which would have united the confidence of this house, and the affection of the people." No sooner had Fox concluded, than the lord advocate rose, and having ex- plained the circumstances that attended his acceptance of the place of treasurer of the navy, a situation which, he can- didly admitted, was not one suited to him, he subjoined, " I will not, how- ever, say that I am unfit for the office which I have obtained in Scotland ; and as his majesty has been pleased to honour me with a patent place, I do assure the right honorable gentleman, that I never will dishonour the patent, by carrying it to market." Dundas's allu- sion in these last words, to the sale or exchange negotiated by Fox with Mr. Charles Jenkinson, to whom he sold the clerkship of the Pells in Ireland, waa HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 381 too pointed, as well as personal, to be passed over in silence. He instantly replied, that the transaction in question had in it nothing dislioiiorahie. " I received," said he, " the patent in ques- tion from my father, as a part of my fortune, alloij-ether unconnected with the ministry of that dav, who first applied to me on the subject. I consented to ac- commodate government, thouffb on very injurious conditions for myself, as I parted with a thincr of considerably greater value than I received in return. This is the whole affair, and no man except the learned lord ever thought it dishonorable ordisgraceful in the slightest degree." Rigby confirmed Fox's state- ment in the most ample manner. " I was acquainted," observed he, " with every part of the bargain, which was perfectly honorable ; and in which there could be only one thing censurable, namely, that the possessor of it gave away his patent for less than its worth." George Byng added, that tiie place had no sooner passed out of Fox's posses- sion, into the hands of Mr. Jenkinson, than its value became augmented to the amount of full a thousand pounds a year. Here the matter dropped : but Rigby having stated in the course of his speech that, " though he did not approve of the late coalition, yet he was ready to sup- port any administration, whether formed on a broad or on a narrow basis, which might rescue the country from its present deplorable state ;" Conrtenay exposed the declaration to much derision. " I give the worthy gentleman entire credit for his assurance," said he, " and I am persuaded he is animated by no other motive except to preserve peace and unanimity ; to maintain the proper equi- librium between the crown and the peo- ple : but, above all, to retain, down to the last moment possible, every balance in his hands." [7th ^22d March.] During the course of the month of March, every measure was adopted on the part of the king, that promised to frustrate the hopes of the new confederates. Earl Gower, to whom the place just vacated by Lord Shelburne, was offered, manifested the utmost readiness to accept it, if the pro- bable means of maintaining himself there, could be demonstrated, Rutj by what expedient could a minority of the House of Commous, be converted by him at once into a majority 1 The difficulties being considered as insuperable, the ex- periment was therefore at length aban- doned. Meanwhile the coalition, indig- nant at so long a delay, began to mani- fest symptoms of impatience. The House of Commons having adjourned for some days, after the debate of the 21st of February, on a motion to that purpose, made by Mr. Dundas, with the view of allowing time for a new minis- terial arrangement ; Lord Mailland called on the lord advocate to state the reasons, why a successor had not been appointed to the Earl of Shelburne. This fact took place on the 28th of Feb- ruary : but, no reply being returned to Lord Maitland's enquiry, either by the person to whom the question was ad- dressed, or from any individual seated on the treasury bench, though Pitt him- self was present, the subject proceeded no further. Things remained in this state during more than a fortnight, it be- ing perfectly understood that his majesty was occupied in unceasing exertions, to prop or to recreate the administration. At length, on the 18th of March, Mr. Coke, member for the county of Nor- folk, having given notice that if no mi- nistry should be formed in the course of two days, he would move an address to the crown, on the subject ; the king, con- ceiving it dangerous, as well as useless, to protract the contest, sent his com- mands to the Duke of Portland and Lord North, to wait upon him at St. James's. I have been assured that at the audience which took place, his majesty offered to concede every point in litigation, except one ; namely, that Lord Thurlovv should not be deprived of the great seal. If that nobleman, he said, were permitted to remain in office, he would allovv the new ministers to dispose of all other employments at their pleasure. But, no arguments could induce the coalition to relax upon so essential an article. Fox equally disliked and dreaded the chancellor, whose intractability, when, added to his influence over the royat mind, in a place which rendered him the director of his sovereign's con- science; exposed the new candidates for office, to perpetual danger^ They ia- 382 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. sisted peremptorily on putting the great seal into commission. 'I'heir proposition being as firmly rejected by his majesty, the conference terminated without any progress or beneficial result. Just at this critical juncture died the honorable Dr. Frederick Cornwallis, archbishop of Canterbury ; a man of amiable character, though not distin- guished by the eminent virtues of Til- lotson, or the talents of Laud. The king, who well knew that the coalition, or in other words, that Fox had destined that great ecclesiastical elevation, for Shipley, bishop of St. Asaph, or for Hinchcliffe, bishop of Peterborough ; probably, for the former of them ; and who was also aware that if he wished to dispose of it, himself, he had not an hour to lose ; immediately sent for Dr. Hurd, bishop of Worcester. That ex- cellent prelate, whose piety and learn- ing rendered him one of the ornaments, as well as pillars, of the Anglican church, having wailed on his majesty, was in- formed by him that the see of Canter- bury had become vacant ; and that, as he knew no person, in his opinion, more worthy to fill the metropolitan chair, he wished the bishop to accept it. He added, that in the actual position of public affairs, when he might, every day, be compelled to take new ministers into his councils, he hoped that the bishop would interpose no unnecessary delay. But Dr. Hurd, far from desiring a dignity so much sought after, besought the king to excuse him for declining it; slating, that neither his health, nor his frame of mind were adequate to the ex- tended duties of the metropolitan see, though equal .to fulfilling the more limited functions of his own diocese. His majesty having, not without great reluctance, yielded to these reasons, then insisted that the bishop should at least name the person, whom he conceived most proper to succeed Dr. Cornwallis. Hurd, without long hesitation, mentioned Dr. Louth, bishop of London ; and a messenger was instantly despatched to find him, at his house in St. James's square. The bishop arriving in a very short time, had no sooner entered the closet, than the king made him the same proposition which he had done to Hurd. Extraordinary as it may appear, he met from that prelate with a similar refusal; and one not less sincere, as well as in- flexible, than the former. In this unex- pected predicament, the king addressing himself to them both, said, " My lords, I will not press either of you further : but before you leave this room, you must recommend a proper successor to the deceased archbishop; and whomsoever you shall agree to name, I will accept." The two prelates having requested to be allowed a short time for consulting to- gether, after a few minutes deliberation, without quitting the royal presence, united in nominating Dr. John Moore, bishop of Bangor. Being sent for to St. James's, on his arrival, to his no small astonishment, he learned the tea- sons for which he had been summoned to court. He accepted the preferment ; but the requisite forms incident to the conge cVelire, and other ceremonies in- dispensable to the election, prevented the translation from being completed before the second of the following month; — the very day on which the king having surrendered at discretion, the coalition actually took possession of the government. Dr. Moore, whom we have beheld during two and twenty years, archbishop of Canterbury; and who owed his ele- vation to that high dignity, to the joint recommendations of Hurd and Louth ; was a prelate of an irreproachable life, added to a solid understanding. But his first advance in the ecclesiastical profession, arose from one of those acci- dents, which (whatever Juvenal may have said to the contrary), sometimes seems to determine, no less than merit, the colour of our fate. The Duchess Dowager of Marlborough, after the late duke's decease in 1758, having occasion for a tutor to superintend the education of her youngest son, the present Lord Robert Spencer; applied to the Dean of Christ Church, Oxford, requesting him to recommend a proper person to her for the purpose. I have been assured, that Mr. Moore, then a servitor of that college, of very obscure birth and con- nections; happening to cross the quad- rangle, at the precise moment of this application ; it immediately occurred to the dean's mind, that he would answer the description of the tutor demanded HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 383 by the duchess. He hesitated neverthe- less for some time, whether he should malve the proposition to Mr. Moore; her Grace having |)ositiveiy insisted on his stipiihuing, liiat whatever individual she should receive into her family, in quality of preceptor to her son, should not be admitted to have the honour of dining ai her table. The offer, when made by the dean, was however accept- ^ed under that exclusion : but so rapid became Mr. Moore's progress in lier per.x-onal esteem, no less than in her affection, that within a very short time she found herself unable to iline without him. Her preference assumed even so decided a character, as to leave him no room to doubt of her inclination, if he had encouraged it, notwithstanding the prodigious disparity of their respective situations in life ; to have bestowed her hand on him in marriage. Instead of thus acting, as a man of narrow or sel- fish views would have done, his sense of honour and delicacy of sentiment, led hiin to communicate tlie advances made him by the duchess, to her son, the late duke. A conduct so highly disinterested, and principles so elevated, could not fail ultimately to meet their just reward. By the Duke of Marlborough's interest, being promoted in the church, he was in progress of time made dean of Can- terbury ; from which situation he soon became bishop of Bangor ; passing through no other intermediate episcopal state, till he attained to the metropolitan dignity. Such an impression indeed had his merit and character produced, while he remained at Canterbury, that on his promotion to the see of Bangor, all those persons who come to take leave of him, expressed their full con- viction of his returning to them again as archbishop. " We console ourselves, Mr. Dean,'' said they, " for losing you at present, by the contident expectation which we entertain of your speedy re- storation to us." I return to the course of public affairs. On the complete failure of the first at- tempt, already mentioned, which his majesty made to form a new administra- tion, many propositions were sugtresled to prop and renovate the still existing ministry, however difficult such a work might justly be esteemed under the ac- tual circumstances. Mr. Fitt, desirous to meet the king's wishes on a point which coincided with all his own objects of personal elevation and ambition, suf- fered himself to be persuaded to promise that he would accept the post of first lord of the treasury, in addition to the office of chancellor of the exchequer ; and during twenty-four hours, he might be said to have in some measure actually lield both these offices. But at the end of a short time, finding it impracticable, after a full examination, to set up any govern- ment which promised duration, or which could make head against the coalition in the House of Commons, he reluctantly retracted his engagement. Reduced al- most to despair by so many disappoint* ments, and unable to effect his emanci- pation, the king unquestionably medi- tated the extraordinary project of visiting his electoral dominions, and relinquish- ing, for a time, to. the coalition the power of which they had forcibly pos- sessed themselves. But on communi- cating his intentions to the chancellor, that minister, far from encouraging the proposition, gave it his strongest disap- probation. " There is nothing easier, sir," said he, with his characteristic severity of voice and manner, *' than to go over to Hanover. It may not, how- ever, prove so easy to return Irora thence to this country, when your ma- jesty becomes tired of Germany. Recol- lect the precedent of James the Second, who precipitately embraced a similar ex- pedient. Your majesty must not think for a moment of adopting so imprudent and hazardous a step. Time and pa- tience will open a remedy to the present evils." The king, liappily for himself, acquiesced in Lord Thurlow's wise and wholesome advice. [24th March.] While these interest- ing scenes passed at St. James's, the House of Commons, completely in the hands of the coalition, proceeded, though with great apparent caution and external testimonies of respect, to press the sove- reign by every constitutional means that he would put an end to the interregnum, which Fox denominated, in the strong language familiar to liim, '* the most in- solent domination that ever disgraced a free country." Mr. Coke, after re- peated delays, having moved an address 384 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS* \o his majesty, entreating him " to form ail admiiiisiraiion entitled to the confi- dence of the people ;" one of the most interesting conversations, rather than debates, took place, at which I ever assisted, near four hundred persons being present. It was opened by the member for Norfolk, in niild and tempe- rate language ; but the Earl of Surrey, who seconded the motion, did not ob- serve equal delicacy or reserve in his expressions, which, as 1 thouglit, had always a tincture in them of democracy. " I admit," said he, " that a high re- s|)ect IS due to the sovereign ; but not less respect is due to the people. It is impossible to go on longer without a government; and therefore, exception- able as the present motion may be, 1 shall support it, because I am convinced if this house does not call for an admi- nistration, the people will demand it in a manner painful to the crown, and injuri- ous to the public interests." Various individuals having inveighed in animated terms against the coalition, Fox rose in order to justify the measure, and at the same time to state his opinions on the actual condition of the country. "What- ever," observed Fox, " may be his ma- jesty's private feelings or opinions at the present moment, wlien all government is suspended, he never can act wrong, un- less he is ill advised. It becomes, tiiere- fore, proper to declare from whom he could receive that injurious advice ; and the channel through which it comes, cannot be matter of doubt. The nation has now remained near five weeks in a state without precedent, and without ostensible ministers." — " If ever there was a time that imperiously demanded the oblivion of former animosities and ancient prejudices, it is the present moment, 'i'lie situation of the country renders indispensable a coalition Ol parties ; and in order to attain an object SO salutary, by composing an adminis- tration on a broad, as well as a perma- nent basis, / a?n ready to shake hands even with the persons opposite to me, no less than with the noble lord in the blue ribband near me ; thus forming out of the three parties such a government as the public may regard with confidence.'" Having denied, in the strongest terms, that the delay in composing a new ad- ministration had arisen from any disputes between the two heads of parlies recently united, he launched out into severe re- flections, or more properly to speak, ac* cusalions, against the individuals who during more than a month had governed the country. " A government," con- tinued Fox, *' not conducted by avowed ministers, by a first lord of the treasury, or by secretaries of slate, those instru- ments and puppets of other agents ; but by the persons themselves who have hitherto been supposed to possess secret influence, and who now stand forward as the private advisers of his majesty to act in opposition to the wishes of his people, and to the declared sense of one house of parliament." Even if the iiitenlion of these words could have been mistaken, Fox, by fixing his eyes on Jeiikinson, who was present when he pronounced them, rendered their application obvious to every hearer. Then alluding to the chancellor, " If," continued he, " we would know who has governed the kingdom, and ill ad- vised the sovereign, we have only to re- pair to the upper house. There, the great adviser may be seen in his true cliaracter. We shall there find sullen- ness, delay, impediments to public busi- ness of every kind, and all the features that characterise the present interreg- num." Charges so invidious, as well as personal, were not suffered to remain without an immediate reply. Governor Johnstone starling up as soon as Fox had concluded; with his characteristic impetuosity of gesture and language, re- torted on Fox the impuiaiions with which he had loaded Lord Thurlovv. After passing the highest encomiums on the talents, firmness, and integrity of that great law officer, whom, he said, he con- sidered as one of the pillars of the slate ; he reminded Fox of the eiilogiums which he had pronounced on this very noble- man, when composing a member of Lord North's adminisiraiion. ''Did he not tlien declare," exclaimed Johnstone, " that the chancellor formed the only exception to the cabinet of that period ; who alone ought, from his superior en- dowments of mind and of character, to be continued in his high office, after the dissolution of that ministry.'" With more temper, calmness, and command HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 385 of himself, Jenkinson vindicated the line of conduct vvhich he had held under the existing circumstances. He was heard with general and profound attention. " I stand up," said he, " to refute the insinuation of being an evil adviser of his majesty, and to deny tiie existence of secret intluence behind tlie throne, in the unwarrantable sense of those expres- sions. But the prerogative of tlie crown is not so limited, as to proscribe any privy counsellor from having access to the presence of. the sovereign, or to pre- clude him from offering his advice, ii called on to deliver his opinion. If his majesty is graciously pleased lo command my attendance, I am compelled in duty lo obey the summons. 1 confess that during the last five weeks, 1 have been with him more than once. I never went, except on official business ; nor did 1 ever use any secret influence. That idea IS only a trap for the credulous multi- tude. It exists solely in imagination, and is now started merely for political purposes, to which the members of this house cannot be strangers." — 1 appeal lo the noble lord in the blue ribband, seated near the right honorable gentle- man, with whom I had the honour of serving for ten years ; whether my as- sertion is true or false ; and whether that pretended secret influence so insidiously suggested, ever had any real existence. Not only do I ap[)eal to the noble lord, but I invoke him to declare it ; and so implicit is my reliance on his innate principles of honour, that I submit lo abide by his determination." Convincing as this defence may be es- teemed, and as I regard it, yet Fox by no means acquiesced in the truth or solidity of its reasoning. " I admit," said he in reply, " that in his capacity of a privy counsellor, the right honorable member is entitled to offer the king Ins advice. He has a right so to do: but not to give it in secret. There lies the rub. Let the advice be public, and in the face of the council. There can then be neither cause of suspicion, nor can it be productive of injury. As the matter stands, it assumes a widely diH'erent aspect." Lord North, when called upon by Jenkinson, could not remain silent suavity of his disposition, he endeavoured to justify his union with Fox, as being an act founded on public expediency, if not absolute necessity. " Those per- sons," observed he, *' who reprobate the present coalition, forget that it is almost impossible to tind in this assembly, any individuals now acting together, who have not differed materially on great and important points. The administration existing, — if we can be said to have any ; — is so composed. And when it is considered that there are three great par- ties in the nation, two must unite, in order to form a coalition. All men seem to agree, that an administration ought to be constituted on as broad a basis as pos- sible Perhaps it is meant a ministry composed of all tlie three parlies. If such be their meaning, I have not any objection to coincide with them in opi nion. The divided and distracted state of the empire, demands a combination of all eminent abilities." Alluding finally to the appeal made by Mr. Jen- kinson, " I am called on," added he, " by a friend, to declare whether, during my administration, I ever found any secret influence lurking behind the throne, subversive of my measures or intentions. I will freely avow that I never did. I have frequently, while in office, received advice from that right honorable gentleman : but I never knew that he had given any secret advice to his sovereign, which he was not ready publicly to justify, if the occasion de- manded it." No declaration could be less equivocal, nor better calculated to unde- ceive the believers in sei^ret influence. But the opinion, which dated from a very early period of the king's reign, had taken too deep a hold of the public mind and was sustained with too mui'h art, to be eradicated, although by such testi- monies. Even at the present day, that conviction is by no means extinct. Pitt may be said to have terminated the discussion under our review ; and never, not even on the 21st of the pre- ceding month, when on the point of laying down his official situation, dul he appear to me more an object of just ad- miration ! Lord North and Fox having formed their political union, had, both. In the progress of a speech conceived ! successively, in the course of addressing with great ability, and tempered by the the house on that evening, offered to re- 33 ' 386 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. ceive him into their coalition. It rested with him to have composed one of the new triumvirate, in which he assuredly would not have occupied the meanetil place. He mitfht have continued at the head of the exchequer under the Duke of Portland, as he had been under Lord Shelburne. The odium of the coalition could not have attached to him, who had not contributed in the most remote de- gree to its formation. Power, and office, and the emoluments of place, lay open to him, and seemed to solicit his accep- tance ; while, on the other side, he be- held the thorny path of the law, or a more sterile and unproductive attendance on j)arliament, as his only certain re- sources. From his official and splen- did residence in Downing street, he must remove lo Chambers in one of tlie inns of court. His fortune was narrow, and his ambition immeasurable. Yet, placed in a situation so trying to human na- ture, his elevated mind, superior to circumstances, aided by a judgment far beyond his years, enabled him to appre- ciate, and to reject, the glittering pro- position. Perhaps he foresaw that an alliance, such as had been made between two heads of party so discordant ; — an alliance equally odious to the sovereign, and to the majority of the nation ; — however apparently solid might be its foundations, could prove of no duration. Probably he even anticipated, at no re- mote distance of time, his own future ministerial triumph over the two new allies. Yet even admitting these facts, his line of conduct does not excite less astonishment, nor detract from his pre- eminent merit. In his reply to the offers of the two coalition chiefs, he seemed to be impelled and animated by feelings of a higher de- scription than mere power could satisfy, unless accompanied by self-approbation, and conscious rectitude. " There are persons," said he, " who can easily re- concile to their minds, the sacrifice oi' old principles, and who with ease adopt new rules of conduct. However such modes of acting, may agree with tried constitutions and lonji habits of change, I am as yet loo young to relinquish my opinions, and to conform my ideas to the tide of interest, or lo the triumphs of parly. I have formed one great princi- ple which regulates my conduct, and which has taken loo deep root in my bosom, to be erased even by myself. The honorable gentlemen on the oppo- site benches, talk of extinguishing ani- mosities, and modifying or changing their political opinions, just as ihey would change their gloves. The same acts or measures which to-day they re- probate, to-morrow they applaud. Those persons, whom in the morning they hate and condemn, they esteem it honorable, conscientious, and palrio.lic, to take to their bosom in the evening. Such maxims are repugnant to my nature. I cannot coalesce with men, whose sentiments are diametrically opposed to my own ; because, if they come over to my ways of thinking, I can place no- confidence in them ; and if 1 were to adopt their prin- ciples, I should act against my honest judgment. Parties, so constituted, can have no long continuance. There may be a seeming harmony, while their inte- rests point the same road : but, only a similarity of ideas can render political friendships permanent." — '' I therefore," continued he, " think it indispensable for me explicitly lo declare, that / can- not incbice myself to adopt the mode of reasoning, by which the present grand coalition is defended or justified ; and that my principles will not conform themselves to the present times. 1 was a witness of the involuntary applause extorted by this lofty and disinterested declaration, which at once extinguished every hope of Pitt's uniting with ihe coalition. He preferred lo reserve him- self tor future occasions of coming for- ward in public life, rather than lo pur- chase present office, by the dereliction of those rules of action, which he had laid down for his guidance, in, and out of parliament. No reply to so hostile and decided an avowal, was made by either of the opposition chiefs ; but, iVlr. Coke's proposed adtiress to the throne, being put, was carried, though not unanimously, yet without any division, [25tli — 31st March.] His majesty, ne- vertheless, having given a vague and in- explicit answer lo the addres.-;, by which no information was in fact conveyed re- lative to the appointment of new minis- ters. Lord Surrey agitated the subject again on the27tli ; and after complaining HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 387 of the injurious consequences that re- sulted to the state, from a suspension of all government, concluiiecl by a notice, or rather a menace, that, if the vacant offices were not filled up within four days, he would move for an enquiry into the cause of such delay. Lord North, on the other hand, deprecated all inter- ference in the present state of the busi- ness, as disrespectful to the sovereign, whose gracious message claimed, he said, the gratitude of the house. The month of March meanwhile rapidly approached its termination ; nor was it till the 31sl, that the king, having exhausted every effort for reconstructing an administra- tion, of which Pitt would have formed the head ; finding the experiment hope- [ less, as well as impracticable, reluctant- ^ ly accepted his resignation. Lord Sur- rey rising in his place on that day, just at the time when Pitt entered the house, | instantly demanded of him, whether any new ministers were yet appointed, or what steps had been taken for the pur- pose ? His reply, which informed the house that he was no longer chancellor of the exchequer, gave rise to a conver- sation of no common interest, and of considerable length, during which, many curious facts were communicated from various sides of the assembly. The lord advocate of Scotland, as an excuse for the long period of time which had elapsed since the resignation of the first lord of the treasury ; ingenuously avowed that his majesty had fully designed to place Mr. Pitt in that office, and to form li new government under his auspices : — a determination which the king had only relinquished within two hours of the moment when he was occupied in addressing the house. A declaration so mortifying to the coalition, did not pass unnoticed or uncensured by Fox. After inveighing indirectly against Pitt, as the principal cause of so culpable a suspen- sion of the functions of government ; and stating that while he remained at the head of the exchequer, he must be held responsible for every measure performed in his official capacity; Fox seized the occasion offered, to renew the charge of secret influence against Mr. Jenkinson. Sir William Dolben, when alluding to the mention which had already been made of that pretended interference, in the course of a late debate ; having ob- served that he should call for more than mere insinuation or assertion to convince him of its reality. Fox triumphantly ap- pealed to Jenkinson's own admission. " The fact," exclaimed he, " at which, down to the present time, suspicion has only glanced, exultation has avowed. I have not only learned more than 1 ante- cedently knew, but more than 1 ever expected to have heard. I have learned that a privy counsellor, though he is not a minister, may offer his sovereign ad- vice, and not be accountable for its effects. Surely, this house will never sanction a doctrine so replete with danger to the state. How are we to know the nature of the advice given, except by its effects ? And if that right honorable gentleman has given advice to his majesty in the present instance, he is the culpable per- son. The noble lord in the blue rib- band, near me, when called on by him, on a recent occasion, to declare whether he ever found any of his plans or mea- sures frustrated by a concealed influence, answered, I allow, in the negative. But it must be remembered that the indivi- dual in question was a friend and sup- porter of that administration. What would the consequence be, if a ministry, whose views and principles were op- posed to his, should find their objects subverted, and all their projects over- turned, by a person not in any way re- sponsible for his advice? How could they act in such a case ? A virtuous administration would have no other alternative than to signify their disap- probation of the interference, by the re- signation of their employments." I confess that these observations have al- ways appeared to me to grow out of the British Constituiion, which demands, as a primary principle, responsibility. Pitt offered no reply to that part of Fox's speech ; but he reiterated in the most decisive terms, his fixed determination to hold himself wholly unconnected with any political description of men. " I will abide," said he, " by the declaration which I made on a former occasion. I will take no active part, either for or against any party; but shall be wholly guided in my conduct by the measures pursued. It ; will not be without the utmost reluctance I that I shall oppose any administration 388 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. whatever ; nor will I do it, unless im- pelled by a strong conviction of their acting injuriously to the public interests." Having staled that he held liimself re- sponsible for every act performed by him as chancellor of the exchequer, down to the moment of his resigi^.ation ; he concluded by deprecating Lord Sur- rey's motion as precipitate, and recom- mending that it should be withdrawn without a division. Lord North was by no means silent during this interesting debate, the JMSt which took place on the stale of public affairs, in the lower house of parliament, previous to the coalition assuming pos- session of the government. With equal eloquence and ability he endeavoured to show that the arguments urged against a junction of parties, on the ground of antecedent differences of opinion, were futile, and incapable of being maintained by men of candour, or of enlarged minds. He must, nevertheless, have felt how much more dignified and elevated was his position, while holding the balance, as he might in some measure be said to do, between Pitt and Fox, than when Sir William, while he manifested his dissatisfaction at the bare idea of inva- ding the constitutional prerogative of the sovereign, added : " The independent country gentlemen, who have uniformly supported the noble lord in the blue ribband, have done it from approbation of his principles, not from his political power or influence. If, therefore, he expects a continuance of their support, after his junction with the party which so long opposed him, he must act in a manner consistent with his former character and professions , " Fox, aided by Burke, exerted all his powers of persuasion in proving to the house the insuperable necessity of his coalescing with Lord North. Endea- vouring to enforce a doctrine so indis- pensable for his own justification, he observed : " The principal cause of our dispute, has been done away by the termination of the American war. On various other points we still differ; but we are not more at variance than the present chancellor, and the master-gene- ral of the ordnance; or than the secre- tary of state for the southern, and the merged in the vortex of the latter lumi-j secretary for the northern depart- nary. Of the loss that he sustained in public opinion by joining the Rocking- iiam party, he received many painful in- timations. Governor Johnstone ob- served during the debate of the 24th of ment ; or than the right honorable gen- tleman opposite me (Pitt), and the learned lord, his friend (Dundas), seated near him, have differed in sentiment upon great constitutional points. This coun- March, that " the noble lord in the blue ] try can only flourish, her glory can only ribband, till within the last (ew weeks, enjoyed as much of the national confi- dence, as any individual in the king- dom. His character, as it became more generally understood, acquired daily more respect and strength ; but," added John- stone, " the present coalition has un- questionably shaken him in the estima- tion of many of his friends.'''' Sir Wil- liam Dolben, of whose cordial support Lord North must have felt the deepest sense, as it was given him during the most critical period of his administration, expressed himself on the evening of the 31st of March, in equally intelligible language. After catechising, if I may use the term. Lord North, respecting the conditions which, it was commonly supposed, the new allies attempted to dictate to the king, before they would take oflice ; and hearing that nobleman's indignant denial of the imputed facts ; — be maintained, or her commerce be pre- served, by unanimity within these walls." However just or solid such principles may be in themselves, their» appIi(ration in the persons of Lord North and Fox, did not obtain general ajipro- bation. Even among those who sup- ported, many disapproved or condemned their union. An oblivion of all past recriminations, though it might be dic- tated by ambition, and vindicated by policy, yet seemed to imply a mutual sacrifice of principle. Both the heads of party lost much of their popularity ; and their possession of power, neither re- posing on royal favour, nor on the appro- bation of the people, proved to be with- out any deep foundation. These reflec- tions were, however, obliterated by present success. Lord Surrey, having been induced to withdraw his motion, on the presumption that a ministry HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 389 would be formed in the coiiri'e of a very few days, the house adjourned. Nor were those expectations frustrated : for, within forty-eight hours afterwards, his majesty, finding it vain to protract his resistance, and impossible to set up any administra- tion with a chance of success, surren- dered at discretion, by sending a second time for the Duke of Portland. [3d April.] If we consider, by the abstract principles of tfie British Con- stitution, as recognized at the revolution of 1688, which compels the sovereign to listen lo the voice of the majority of the House of Commons ; the conduct of George the Third, in resisting for near six weeks their votes and iheir addresses ; if we reflect, moreover, that the con- sequence of his pertinacity, produced a suspension of many of the essential and vital functions of the executive govern- ment ; at a moment, too, when the ex- ertions of a vigorous administration were peculiarly demanded, in order to reduce various of the military and naval esta- blishments to the standard of peace; if we try his actions by these crilerions, we may be tempted to accuse him of sacrificing national objects to the gratification of his private resentments or prejudices. But speculation and practice often lead to such opposite conclusions, that it becomes un- safe to reason always from the former, however solid may appear the founda- tions. It is certain, that though the country anxiously desired to see an efficient government established, and deeply lamented the want of it for so long a time, yet the king by no means suff'ered in the estimation of his people at large, on account of the desperate con- , test he had maintained against tlie coa- lition. The nation in general regarded the union formed between Lord North and Fox, as a mutual sacrifice of moral and political principle, lo ambition, or rather to the love of office. In vain did those leaders endeavour to justify it, by recurring to past periods of our history, in particular, to the year 1757, when similar coalitions were known to have been made between contending factions. The interval of eleven months, which. had scarcely elapsed since Fox and Burke were accustomed, day by day, to denounce their new ally, as the most in- 33* capable, subservient, and criminal of ministers, appeared too short; and the transition fro(n enmity to friendship, seemed too sudden, to admit of being easily or satisfactorily explained to vulgar comprehension. His majesty's principles, however mistaken they might be, were admitted to be upright, and intentionally directed always to the felicity of his subjects. America, which had so long formed the object of con- test, being lost ; with the termination of the war, terminated likewise the king's unpopularity, which had principally originated from that source : — while on the other hand. Fox, who during seve- ral years had stood so high in the esti- mation of the people, as a patriot; now in his turn attracted severe observations on his recent junction with a minister, the author, as he asserted, of all the misfortunes which he had eloquently depictured, and which were still de- plored throughout the country. These sentiments and opinions, which began already to operate, and which only re- quired time to mature, protected the king against any effects of popular dis- approbation. But they could not pre- vent, or longer protract his surrender to the combined leaders, who now com- pelled him to receive them into his counsels, without further delay. In the audience that he gave the Duke of Portland, for the purpose of forming a new administration, he did not affect to conceal, or even to disguise, the painful emotions by wliich he was agitated on the occasion. He observed to that nobleman, that the ministerial arrangement to which he now sub- mitted, being altogether compulsory, the new ministers might dispose of the cabinet places, and other offices, as they should think proper : thai he would not oppose, or refuse his signature, to any act presented to him officially for his sanction ; but that the responsibility of advising such measures must wholly rest with them. And he added, that he would not create any new British peers at their recommendation ; a circum- stance of which he gave them distinct, and early notification. The coalilion having acquiesced, at least tacitly, ia these avowed principles of the king's conduct, took {xossessioa of the govern- 390 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. ment ; the Duke of Portland being placed at the head of the treasury ; and Lord John Cavendish a second time be- coming chancellor of the exchequer. Fox returned to the foreign office, as was naturally to be expected ; leaving to Lord North the secretaryship of state for the home department. Lord Keppel, who, disapproving of the conditions of the late peace, had re- signed the post of first lord of the admi- ralty, immediately after its conclusion, in vi^hich high employment he had been replaced by Lord Howe ; was reinstated in his ancient functions : while Lord Stormont became president of the coun- cil. I have been assured that the noble- man last mentioned, did not accept that situation, till he had clearly understood, as he conceived, the king's pleasure, upon the subject ; who not only ap- proved, but wished him to take the office, as it would exclude an enemy from oc- cupying so important a place. Yet it is difficult to reconcile this asserted per- mission and approbation, with the re- sentment that his majesty is known to have subsequently expressed, at Lord Slormont's thus actively joining the coalition. The privy seal was lastly given to the Earl of Carlisle. By this new ministerial arrangement, the cabinet, which, under Lord North had consisted of Jiine individuals; and which under the two succeeding ad- ministrations, was augmented to eleven; became reduced to seven persons. At first inspection, there seemed however to be something like an equal distribu- tion of power, between the two leaders three friends in the cabinet, were more- over incapable, if they had even been desirous of setting limits to his ambition, or of restraining his ascendancy. To Fox, the Duke of Portland might indeed be said to owe his elevation to the post of first lord of the treasury ; an emi- nence, to which his own very moderate abilities, though sustained by his high rank, could not of themselves have con- ducted him. In like manner, Lord Keppel stood indebted for bolli his place and his peerage, principally to Fox. Lord John Cavendish, from his great hereditary connections, and recog- nised integrity of character, might be esteemed, it is true, an honour and an ornament to any ministry: but though independent in mind and in fortune, yet he appeared to be not the less under Fox's intellectual dominion, who on all occasions propelled and guided him, in and out of parliament. Lord North, on the contrary, by no means possessed or exerted, the same influence over his two cabinet adherents, as Fox maintained among his coadjutors ; Lord Stormont in particular, might be considered as wholly independent of Lord North's control. Nor did the offices of presi- dent of the council, and of privy seal, in themselves confer the same active rights of ministerial interference, as did the treasury, the exchequer, and the admi- ralty ; all which departments lay in Fox's partition of employments. These circumstances are not unessential, when we speculate on the state of public affairs under the Duumvirs ; and may partly explain the causes, from which and parlies who had recently coalesced ; arose some of the most affirmative mea the Rockingham party reckoiung four, and their new allies counting three votes. But on closer examination, the fallacy became palpable, and it was evi- dent that Fox in reality possessed the whole authority of government. Not only he commanded a numerical majo- rity : he likewise held the treasury under his complete influence. Nor was tliis the single circumstance, that gave him a preponderating weight in every measure or deliberation. The energy and ac- tivity of his talents, when contrasted with the flexibility and indolence of Lord North, doubled his personal, as well as political consequence. His sures, subsequently adopted by the coa- lition. If Fox, however, took effectual care to secure the real power of the slate in his own hands, he in return allowed Lord North to bestow many of the great osten- sible situations about the court, among his immediate friend*. The Earl of Dartmouth, instead of privy seal, the cabinet ofhce that he had formerly held, was made lord steward: while the Earl of Ileilford a|)peared again in the drawing room, reinvested with his white wand of lord chaniberlain. Lord Town- send, restored to his ancient employ- ment, replaced the Dnke of Richmond HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 391 at the head of the ordnance. He was a nobleman of very considerable ability, but of great eccentricity of manners and character, whicli seemed sometimes to approach almost to alienation of mind in his health, to acquire general attach- ment in a country, where no qualities, however eminent or meritorious, could recommend to national approbation, un- less accoujpanied by personal sacrifices Cheerful in his disposition, void of all 1 and exertions of various kinds. The pride or affectation, communicative, affa- { Duke of Rutland, whom Pitt sent over ble, convivial, facetious, and endowed | to the sister kingdom, early in 1784 ; by with uncommon powers of conversation, [ the magniticence of his establishment, he was formed to acquire popularity, the conviviality of his temper, and liie He eminently possessed liie dangerous excesses of his table ; in all which par- talent of drawing caricatures ; a faculty \ liculars he resembled his father, tlie Mar- which he did nof always restrain within ] quis of Granby ; — obliterated or super- the limits of severe prudence, though he seded Lord Townsend in their regard • no more spared himself, than he did others. It is well known that he drew his own portrait, habited in the state dress of lord lieutenant, having his hands tied behind him, in order to sliow how destitute he was of political power, or of the means of conferring favours. This allegorical picture, I have been assured, was hung up in a private cabinet of the castle at Dublin ; and when solicited to bestow offices or rewards, over which he had no control, he used to conduct the importunate suitor into the room; at the same lime asking him if he recog- nised the likeness, and understood the application. In Ireland, while adminis- tering the affairs of that kingdom during live years, he gave general satisfaction ; and I remember Courtenay eulogizing him in the House of Commons, in the language which Horace uses to Augustus. " LongRS, o utinam, dux bone, ferias Praestes fliberiiia; ; dicimus integro Sicci mane die, dicimus uvidi, Quura Sol Oceano subest." but he paid for the triumph with his life, falling a victim in the vigour of his age, within four years, to his irregularities. Mr. Charles Townsend, commonly called " Spanish Charles," from the cir- cumstance of his having formerly acted as secretary to the English embassy at Madrid; and whom Pitt created with nine other individuals, a peer, in 1797, by the title of Lord Bayning ; was made treasurer of the navy. Wallace, though labouring under ill health, became once more attorney general. Lord Samlwich, whose wants made office essential to him ; — instead of presiding over the admiralty, and directing that great de- partment of state, dwindled into ranger of the two parks : but, as some compen- sation for this official degradation, his son, Lord Hinchinbrook, a nobleman deservedly acceptable to his majesty, as well as one of the most honest, loyal, frank, and friendly men in the kingdom, — for I had the honour to enjoy his Iriend- ship ; — was made master of the buck hounds. If he fell much below his fa- ther, in ability, application, and talents Indeed, not one of the viceroys sent! for public business, he possessed greater over to Dublin in the course of twelve years, between 1772 and 1784, could compete with Lord Townsend in the affection of the Irish. Lord Harcourl was too grave and measured in his man- ners ; the Earl of Buckinghamshire had private virtues. Sir Grey Cooper, who had been one of the joint secretaries of the treasury, obtained a seat at the board. Not that Fox appeared by any means oblivious of his friends ; a fault which never could be imputed to him. Burke too cold, stiff, and lofty a deportment ; , went back with great alacrity, to the pay Lord Carlisle was too fine a gentleman, j office ; as did his brother, Richnrd Burke, and too highly bred ; the Duke of Port- to the joint secretaryship of the treasury. land and Earl Temple both, either from disinclination, or from physical inability, observeil too rigorously the virtues of temperance and abstemiousness ; virtues by no means congenial to the soil : — lastly, Lord Northington was too infirm Mr. Frederick Montagu resumed his place at that board : while the Earl of Surrey, whose recent services and pro- minent merit in parliament (\vhere he never shrunk from any exertion, however rough or personal), could not be passed 392 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. over without remuneration, filled the re- maining vacancy. Considerably more than two centuries had elapsed, since the gallaat and distinguished earl of that name, so well known under Henry the Eighth, the last who bore the title, had occupied a situation in the councils of the crown. Colonel Fitzpatrick was made secre- tary at war : and though his talents al- ways appeared to me, to be of a descrip- lion more elegant than solid ; more adapted to entertain and delight, than fitted for the desk, or for the cabinet; yet 1 have been assured, even by those who were not partial to him among his own profession, that he gave great, as well as general satisfaction, while he held that employment. His person, tall, manly, and extremely distinguished ; set off by his manners, which, though lofty and assuming, were nevertheless elegant and prepossessing; — these en- dowments added grace to the attractions of his conversation. No man's society was more eagerly courted among the him with so lavish a hand. During the last months of his life, weakened by the progress of diseases which enfeebled hia frame, though perhaps without impairing his powers of underslandmg ; it might be in some degree said of Fitzpatrick, as the King of Prussia observes of Prince Eugene in the trenches before Philips- burgh in 1734, " Ce n'etoit plus que V Ombre du grand Eugene.^^ Sheridan became the other secretary of the treasury, and Lee was replaced in his former situation of solicitor general. For the lord lieutenancy of Ireland, the Earl of Northington was selected by Fox. His person, unwieldy, vacillating, and destitute of grace, seemed to disqualify him for any active exertions of body ; nor were his faculties brilliant : but I have always heard that he gave great satisfaction, and was as much beloved, as his infirmities permitted, during the pe- riod of his short residence in that king- dom. The embassy to Paris, Fox de- siined for the Duke of Manchester. His figure,»which was noble ; his manners. highest orders, by persons of both sexes, affable and corresponding with his high He possessed no mean poetic talents, peculiarly for compositions of wit, fancy, and satire, in all which he far exceeded Fox. The marriage of his sister with Stephen, Lord Holland, cemented their intimacy. They had been brought up together from early life, remained inse- parable to the last, and were strongly at- tached to each other. Fitzpatrick, like his friend, was a constant votary of Brookes's Club, and became during many years, a victim to play ; but he possessed one advantage over Fox, namely, the support arising from a profession. Asa member of the House of Commons, he obtained no distinction for eloquence; though he never betrayed, when address- ing parliament, any want of ideas, lan- guage, or ability. Under Charles the Second, he would have been more in his element and in his place, than under such a prince as George the Third ; of whose court, he must nevertheless always be considered to have formed a constfllalion and an ornament. In the " Memoires de Grnmmont.'''' he would assuredly have filled a very distinguished niche, i wit- nessed the spectacle of his surviving many of the personal and intellectual graces, which nature had conferred on rank, prepossessed in his favour: but his fortune bore no proportion to his dignity. Though a man of very dissipated habits, and unaccustomed to diplomatic business^ he did not want talents. Such were the leading arrangements made by the " coa- lition," on tlveir coming into power. The great seal, which no expostulations on the part of the king, could induce them to leave in Thurlow's hands, and which Wedderburn wisely declined ac- cepting under the circumstances of the time, was put into commission ; Lord Loughborough being placed at its head. He constituted a valuable acquisition to the new ministry in the House of Peers. Lord North, it must be reluctantly confessed, however circumstances may justify his union with Fox, on principles of policy, of personal safety, or of ne- cessity, did not perform in this great drama, the most dignified part. After having occupied the poi^t of first minis- ter, at the head of both ifie treasury and the exchequer, for twelve sessions ; it seemed to ordinary observers no little degradation, at more than fifty years of age, to accept the secretaryship of state for the home department ; and to take his seat as such, on the treasury bench^ HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 393 where he had so long presidetl, now squeezed between Fox and Burke. I own, that I never r'ontemplaled him in that situation, without reflections allied to pity. It is true that we have since seen, and still acliially behold, an ex- first minister placed in the same depart- ment, alter having presided at the helm during more than three years. But it would be invidious, and it is unneces- sary, to draw any comparison between the two individuals. Neither their de- scent, the period of their respective ad- ministrations, nor even, according to my estimate, their abilities, can be consi- dered as having any similarity, and still less, any parity. Mr. Addington was, moreover, removed from the immediate scene of his fall in 1804, and translated to the upper house of parliament : while Lord North, remaining a commoner, with the insignia of the Garter across his breast, exhibited a spectacle of minis- terial greatness in eclipse, hke Wolsey, or like Clarendon, or like Bolingbroke. Even the compliments and the caresses of his late bitter opponents, now become his coadjutors, always appeared to me only to sink him in the estimation of the house. But he seemed, himself, to be wholly exempt from, or superior to, any painful emotions at the political change that he had undergone. The same cheerful complacency, ready wit, and unaffected good humour, always charac- terised him under every circumstance. Sometimes he even jested on his own descent from the highest situation to a subordinate place in government. The apartments constituting the secretary of state's office at the treasury, being situ- ate on the second floor, he experienced some fatigue in ascending so many steps ; and I recollect his once com- plaining, when out of breath, of the length of the staircase. Frequently, from the effect of long habit, or from absence of mind, forgetting the change in his oflicial situation, he went straight to the treasury chambers on the first floor. Such was the oblivious felicity and equality of his temper, that these accidents, which would have distressed more irritable men, never externally de- composed him. His eldest son. Colonel North, who had so actively exerted himself to effect the coalition, was made one of the two under secretaries in his father's office. [3d — 15ih of April.] It is unques- tionable that there existed a desire, if not a decided intention, on the part of the new administration, about this pe- riod, of calling up liord North to the House of Peers. The Duke of Rich- mond, when speaking in the house, on the eighth day of April, said, " Ru- mours prevailed that the assembly which he addressed was speedily to receive an honorable increase, by the introduction among them oi' the recently appointed secretary for the honie department." Far from denying, the Duke of Portland, then first lord of the treasury, avowed the fact. " As to the question put," answered he, " it is true that the secre- tary of state just named, is to be called up to a seat among us ; but when that event may take place, it is not in my power to say, for reasons ivhich must be obvious to every person luho hears me." Allusion, and even mention of the circumstance, was repeatedly made by members of the House of Commons, without receiving any contradiction. Pitt questioned Lord North on the sub- ject, only about a fortnight after this time. Apprehensive of that nobleman's opposition to his projected motion for a parliamentary reform, Mr. Pitt observed, while speaking in his place, that " re- port asserted, the noble lord in the blue ribband only remained a member of the lower house, for tlie purpose of opposing his proposition." Lord North replied, " that to spread such a report of his re- maining in that assembly for any particular design or object, was in itself very inde- cent." — " It becomes not me to assert," added he, " when, or whether I may ever be called up to the other house, and honoured with a seat in it. Both the power and the will reside in others. But whether my stay here may be of longer, or of shorter duration, I will always perform my duty, and give my opinion freely upon every subject that may come before me." He could not more clearly admit the truth of the sup- position, though various reasons or im- pediments probably prevented its accom- plishment. The king having expressly informed the ministers, when they caine into office, that he would not 394 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. create any British peer at their recom- mencUtion or request; it was not likely that he would violate his resolution, in order to elevate Lord North to that dig- nity ; against whom, as may be sup- posed, he felt higlily offended, or rather indignant, for his union with Fox. Lord North himself, however well he supported appearances to the world, yet probably would not have disliked, after the recent events, to have quitted a scene such as the House of Com- mons, where he made an inglorious figure, and where recollections very humiliating must continually, intrude on his mind. Fox, on the other hand, could not possibly be averse to such a removal, as he wanted no coadjutor to aid him on the treasury bench ; while Lord North's retreat would have left him sole minister, as well as manager, of the lower house of parliament. But for that very reason, Lord North ought to have felt himself in some measure compelled to remain a commoner. His party, already shaken and diminished, i he well knew, would have soon crum- bled away, when they no longer beheld, nor could have had daily access to their leader. Neither would he have attract- ed the same consideration in the other house, as he excited in his actual situa- tion. Pressed between the amity of Fox, and the hostility of Pilt, wiih the loss of America about his neck, he saw himself obliged, after having so long performed the first figure, to become only the third personage in the state. The public business of every kind, which had been nearly eight weeks de- layed by the extraordinary occurrences that we have contemplated, at length began in parliament. For the third time within the space of about twelve months, the treasury bench exhibited a complete change. Many persons came down on the ninth of April, to witness the extraordinary spectacle of Lord North and Fox taking their places, side by side, as joint secretaries of state : — a metamorphosis, or more pro- perly to speak, a transition, to be ranked among the most wonderful which the eighteenth century displayed in political life ! The new chancellor of the ex- chequer opened his financial adminis- tration, a few days later with a loan ; the conditions of which, if not as bene- ficial or advantageous to the country, as might have been wished, were neverthe- less, he said, as good as could be pro- cured under the circumstances of urgen- cy and retardment in which the culpable obstinacy of the late ministers had in- volved every department. Mr. Pitt, who had now taken his place on the op- position bench, and who from this time, notwithstanding his youth, was justly considered as the head of that party in the House of Commons; opposed and censured the terms of Lord John Caven- dish's loan; but without venturing to divide the houge upon it, as the coa- lition, he was aware, would have much outnumbered him. Governor John- stone expressed himself likewise with great severity, on the subject of the bar- gain ; qualifying nevertheless his con- demnation, with compliments to Lord John's recognised integrity and purity of intention. Fox admitted it to be a disadvantageous loan for the public ; but added, that he heard with some astonishment, the censures passed on it by Mr. Pitt, he being the principal cause that the terms were bad, by his delay in quitting office. " With re- spect to a competition," continued he, " which the right honorable gentleman has recommended, as a preferable mode, none such could be obtained on the pre- sent occasion ; the bankers having con- nected themselves so strongly, and act- ed so much in concert, that it became impossible to surmount the impedi- ments raised by them." Pilt in reply, treated the reasons alleged by the se- cretary of state, with derision ; adding, that " perhaps, a term which had late- ly become celebrated, a coalition of bankers, might better express his mean- ing, than the word concert.'''' Nor did Pitt limit his sarcasms to political allu- sion : — for, Fox having, in order to justify the principle on which the twelve millions had been borrowed, ad- verted to the doctrine of chances : Pitt replied, that " the reasoning adopted, • was only becoming a gambler and a gamester, who takes up money despe- rately, without intending ever to repay the principal." The secretary retorted with asperity, vindicated himself from the imputation thrown on him* and by HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 395 very solid arguments supported the transaction. Lord North, who was pre- sent, took merely a subordinate part in the dehate, leaving the burthen to be supported by Fox. Pitt's moral supe- riority to his ministerial antagonists, as resulting from character, was strongly manifested throngliout the whole discus- sion. [25ih of April.] Lord John's loan having borne a premium of eight per cent, within a week after its negotiation, the subject was again agitated in parlia- ment with augmented violence, Fox still taking on himself the principal de- fence of the measure. As he persisted to render the late ministers responsible for the terms, on account of the iiurry in which it was unavoidably concluded, Pitt called on him to desist from using such language ; or, if he conliiuied it, to come forward with a charge against himself, and not to make it by insinua- tion, but in direct words. Lord PSorth vainly endeavoured to moderate these mutual recriminations, and to infuse some good humour into the discussion. Pitt was not to be mollified by wit, or conciliated by advances. " The secre- tary of state," said he, '* not content with attempting to justify the loan, accuses me of neglecting to borrow while I was chancellor of the exchequer, when the three per cents were up at 70. Has he forgotten the menaces which were thrown out against the late administration, if they attempted to ne- gotiate any measure of finance ? Was not this house urged to watch us nar- rowly, in order that no loan might be set on foot ; not even the Mutiny Bill passed, so necessary for controlling the army ; nor any act which could appear like the operation of permanent minis- ters, because a coalilion had been just formed to seize upon the government?'''' Such an expression was not of a nature to be passed over by the secretary in silence. " I insist," answered he, " that it is a rash and unjustifiable assertion. The late cabinet was driven from office, as, I trust, every cabinet will be, the members of which act wrong, by a ma- jority of this house. By the same con- stitutional means, the ministry of the noble lord near me, was removed; a measure in which the right honorable gentleman fully concurred, Does he now mean to deny that the House of ('ommons possesses any ri^ht of inter- ference in the government of the coun- try ? If he does, the indecent expres- sion which he has just used, may be con-' sislent with such principles. But if he has not forgotten or abandoned his ori- ginal ideas and opinions, I hope he will Ibrbear from applying such appellations to the line of conduct, which, twelve months ago, he himself approved." Far, however, from disavowing, or in any degree retracting the obnoxious words, Pitt not only repealed them, but declared that he meant to use them on all future occasions, as being the only appropriate expressions when alhuiing to the manner in which the coalition had obtained possession of power. " I confess at the same time," added he, " that had they ever been a|)plied to the conduct which drove from eiiiploymenl the noble lord in the blue ribband, I should have expressed my indignation at it ; but I never can con- sent to regard two things so dissimilar, in the same point of view." If public opinion, independent of parliament, could have raised any man to office, Pitt would unquestionably have been elevated in April, 1783, to the situation which he attained eight months later, in December of the same year. But tjie coalition for the present remained mas- ters of the government, and compelled him to confine his opposition to verbal remonstrances. He knew his party to be too weak for hazarding a division, which could only have exposed the paucity of his numbers. [7th May.] Nor did Pitt prove more successful in an attempt which he soon afterwards renewed, to efTect a parlia- mentary reform, than he had been in the former session. He pronounced, indeed, a most eloquent address upon the subject, and was supported in his motion by Fox. Two proselytes, like- wise, Mr. Thomas Pitt and Mr. Dun- das, having read, each, their political re- cantation, adopted his principles for ren- dering the representation more extended, as well as more pure and incorrupt. But the house remained deaf to all these arguments, though illustrated by exam- ples ; the latter of which did not even 396 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. appear to liave obtained for those who exhibited them, the praise either of dis- iiuerestediiess or of sincerity. Fox and Sheridan, while they sustained Pitt's proposition, yet treated with contempt and derision the pretended sacrifice of the borougii of Old Sarum, which xMr. Thomas Pitt affected to offer up at the shrine of the ikitish Constitution, as a victim to its renevated purity. If we reflect on the close degree of consan- guinity that existed between William and Thomas Pitt, who were cousins- german, — a relationship strengthened by personal friendship, — and if we likewise recollect that Thomas repre- sented the elder branch of the family, we may perhaps incline to think that he relied on being speedily raised to the peerage for this mark of devotion, as tiffeciivoly took place scarcely eight months afterwards. Dundas, who had a long and a keen political sight, having already determined on attaching his future political fortune to Piit, probably thought a speculative political tenet to be undeserving of contention. But the recantation pronounced by both, rather tended to throw a ridicule on the propo- sition, than to recommend it to the house. Lord North made ample amends for his passive inactivity during the preceding session, when a similar dis- cussion had taken place. He spoke with uncommon ability, wit, and force of ar- gument, against all representative inno- vation, Powis, who rarely coincided with him on any point, joined him on this occasion. It has always appeared to me, that Pill's proposition for a parliamentary re- form in 178.3, was liable to less excep- tion than his motion of the preceding year. 'J"'he latter, which he inade in M iv, 178'J, opened wide the door of innovation, as it [)rop()sed " a committee to be appointed, for enquiring into the stale of the national representation in parliament ;" whereas on ili,e present occasion, he named his s[)ecific remedies fi)r the alleged evil. Amono; them, the principal cure for court influence and corruption, was "an addition of knights of the shire, and of repres^eniatives of the metropolis." We must own, that as far as theory may be trusted, of all the experi- ments which could be tried on the Bri- tish Constitution, this seems to promise the fairest for success, or in all cases to be productive of the least injury. It was compared perhaps with propriety, to the infusion of new blood into the animal body. Pitt left the deliberative wisdom of parliament to determine how many county members should be added ; but he gave it as his own opinion, that they ought not to be under one hundred. Powis, who spoke very early in the de- bate, admitted ihu among all the mea- sures devised for ameliorating the compo- sition of the lower house of parliament, the present was open to least objection ; but he did not on that account allow it to be proper for adoption. With great ability and effect he called on the clerks to produce, and to read over, as most essential when such a subject was under discussion ; the petitions for a more equal or extended representation, from the po- pulous towns of Birmingham, Manches- ter, and Sheffield, After a careful ex- amination, the clerks informed him, that not one of those three great manufactur- ing places had sent any petition to par- liament, " What! Not to be found in the list!" exclaimed Powis, "How negligent ! How oblivious of their duty to the state, and to themselves ! Do they then regard themselves as outcasts from the Constitution ! How can they so forget to demand a boon which would restore them to employment, to trade, and to happiness !" The house felt the full force of this ingenious sarcasm. Mr, Thomas Pitt, though he exposed himself to much severe comment, not unaccompanied with ridicule, for his ter- giversation in supporting the [)resent motion, when in the preceding sessi(m he had opposed a proposition of a similar nature; yet alleged some very plausible reasons lor his versatility. He was in- deed a very plausible speaker, and had a seductive species of eloquence which characterized him. Nor did he, though he coincided with his relation and friend, by any means disgrace himself in the manner of doing it. On the fontrary, while he .surrendered to ihe principle, he opposed and resisted the application. Vo the augmentation of the county members he assented ; inil, not to the number, below which the mover had de- clared they ought not to fall. Mr. HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 397 Thomas Pilt protested against the intro- diiciion of so large a body of new men, who would far exceed, he said, the limits dictated by prudence and caution. " If no other person will do it," added he, '* I will offer an amendment, by iiiserling the words, an augmentalion of one niein- ber to each county in England and Wales; and I am determined to take the sense of the house upon it." Tliere was nothing servile or dependent in this conduct. Having expressed in language ol' energy and animation, his respect for a well balanced, limited, and mitigated monarchy, such as ours ought ever to be ; he drew with the pencil of a master, the two extreme cases ; one, of a mi- nister who should throw all power into the scale of the crown ; contrasted with the other, who avowed his intention of making the balance preponderate in fa- vour of the people. It was not possible to mistake, that by the former portrait, he meant to designate Lord North ; by the latter, Fox. Both were highly co- loured, yet not destitute of truth. When he had depictured the calamities result- ing from a bad administration, supporting itself by corruption, in defiance of public opinion, of the independent part of par- liament, and of the nation ; which go- vernment he denominated " the more absolute, as wearing the mask of liber- ty ;" he held up to view, the opposite extreme. " If," observed he, " on the other hand, in a Constitution poised like our own, the force of cabal and faction could at any time seize on the executive authority, equally against the sense of the sovereign, and of the people ; — if the titular monarch should be so dis- armed and pinioned, as to be allowed no choice in the nomi)iation of his minis- ters ; no opinion as to the measures pur- sued ; no free will as to granting or withholding the favours and graces of the crown; — in a word, if nothing should remain to the monarch, except the mortifying pre-eminence of sustain- ing daily insults on the throne ; — / should not hesitate to denominate such a government, a republic; and a re- public of the worst description.^'' Neither, of the two secretaries of state could pass over without notice, allusions at once so severe and so personal. Lord North contrived, with uncommon felicity 34 of argument and expression, to blend his own defence, with the opposition which he made to the motion. Rarely have I witnessed, even from him, a dis- play of greater talent, pleasantry, and sound reasoning. Borrowing part of his artillery from Shakspeare, he played, in a manner peculiarly entertaining, upon the hundred knights proposed by Put, to be added to the county members. " / say, however, as I trust the majority wdl say, this night," continued he, " No! not filly. Wliat! not fifty! No! not one." — " The American war is held up to our view, as if it had been the war of the crown, in contradiction to the wishes of the people. I deny the fact. It was the war of parliament, sanctioned through- out its whole progress, by both houses. It was more. It was the war of the people, undertaken for the purpose of maintaining their rights over the depen- dencies of the empire. It was, in its commencement, a popular war. Could the pretended influence of the crown have not only procured majorities ap- proaching nearly to unanimity, within these walls; but almost unanimous ap- probation without doors? — True it is, that ill success rendering it at length un- popular, the people began to cry out for peace. Had the Constitution been so corrupt, or so disordered, as these refor- mers assert ; how comes it that ihe voice of the people and of this house, has so recently prevailed against the power and inlluence of the crown V After having demonstrated that the petitions from various counties of the kingdom, laid upon the table, had been surreptitiously obtained, or were sijjned only by a minority of the inhabitants and freeholders ; he entreated the indul- gence of the house, while he said a few words personal to himself. Never did I witness a more enthusiastic or more universal encouragement than he re- ceived, to induce him to proceed ! " Well, sir," said he, addressing the chair, " the fact to which I allude, is the accusation respecting bad ministers being continued in oflice, by the over-ruliuir influence of the crown, against the wishes of the people. This is not a random stroke. Its direction may be discovered, by the quarter from which.it comes ; and I will not affect to think 398 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. that it can be levelled against any other person than myself. But the aitaek is altogether unjust. I was not a minister of chance, picked up by the sovereign, and unknown to parliament. It was here I first became known. In my rise 1 was the creature of parliament. Wlien 1 fell, I was its victim. You raised me up. You pulled me down. Does my administration show the undue influence of the crown ? No ! Sir, the history of my political life forms a proof, which will overturn a thousand wild assertions, that tliere is a corrupt influence in the crown, whicli destroys the independence of this assembly. Where tiien is the necessity lor this paraded reformation ?" " 'I'he addition of a hundred, or even of fifty county members, would give to the landed interest, a decided superiority over the monied and the commercial. But let us not begin to invade the fabric of the British Constitution, which pre- serves the due equipoise between the several great interests of the empire ! Principiis obsta. Let us act as the representatives, not as the deputies, of the people. We are not to refer to them, before we deiermine. We are to use our own discretion, seeking no other guidance. In a word, let us reject those specious, but dangerous measures, which, if once adopted, will inevitably lead to subversion !" We are at a loss whether most to admire the principles, the elo- quence, or the reasoning of this admira- ble address, which would of itself suf- fice to place Lord North in the first rank of wise, enlightened, and patriotic states- men. Fox displayed on that night, his usual ability; but he found himself painfully situated ; hampered by his declarations when out of office; compelled to vote against his colleague, and to support Pitt, whom he apprehended as his most formidable adversary. He took however a sort of revenge, by holding up Mr. Thomas Pitt to ridicule. Probably, if he could have relied on continuing in office, lie would have been inclined to imitate the two examples set him by Thomas Pitt and by Dundas. And as they had abandoned in some degree their preceding opinions and declarations, in order to cement their connexion with the mover of the proposition; so the new secretary might have manifested some symptom of a more favourable disposi- tion towards the crown, and less ardour for popular rights, than he had hitherto exhibited in parliament. But Fox well knew on what loose foundations his power reposed. He felt the strong alien- ation by which the king was animated towards him and his associates in office; and he therefore did not venture on any step, which might compromise him with his Westminster constituents, or expose him to the imputation of inconsistency and apostacy. Throughout the whole period of Fox's ministerial career, while a member of the coalition, he seems never to have forgotten that he held his situation, not by the choice of the sove- reign, but in contradiction to his will. He was in fact a tribune, arrayed in con- sular robes, who always beheld before him the Palace Yard convocations, and considered himself as a representative of the people, rather than a minister of George the Third. Pitt, on the contrary, even while seated on the opposition bench, appeared to anticipate his speedy return to power as certain, and only to wait for the occasion presenting itself, to resume his former functions. Two individuals of great eminence in parliament, were prevented on that occa- sion, though by very diff'erent causes, from delivering their opinions, on Pitt's proposed measure of reform. The first. Sir George Saville, who rose when Mr. Thomas Pitt sate down, and who always slronuly supported every proposition for restraining the power of the crown ; was compelled by severe indisposition to stop short, after pronouncing only a few sen- tences. The disorders under which he laboured, and which had already im- paired his bodily strength, though not the activity of his mind, conducted him soon afterwards to the grave. Burke, whose powerful abilities would have been thrown into the opposite scale; — for he was always an enemy to experi- ments on the representation, or on the Constitution ; — stood up when Fox con- cluded, with the intention of replying to the arguments of the secretary his friend. But the disinclination evinced to hear him, and the noise made by those mem- bers who dreaded the prolixity of his speeches, was so great, as at once to ir- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 399 ritate and disgust a man, who, with all | and alluding to the proposed addition his splendid talents, never learned or of co//n/j/ members. " I do not allow," practised the secret of knowing how and exclaimed he, "that they are more when to address the house. With strong j respectable ilian the burgesses. I am marks of indignation in his countenance j myself a burgess, and so is the mover of and gestures, he resumed his seal. With | this question. Never will I consent to perfect truth did Goldsmith assert of Burke, when preparing to open his ex- haiistless stores of knowledge, to men fatigued, or averse to receive his infor- mation, that '' He thought of convincing when they thought of dining ;" while Sheridan possessed so nice a tact, and knew so well how to contract his matter, when he perceived an im- patience or a disinclination to listen, that he never experienced the mortify- ing rejection which Burke provoked. Rigby made a conspicuous figure towards the close of this memt)rable debate. Unlike Dundas, who had laid at the feet of Pitt, his former opinions ; Rigby maintained them in all their force. Nor did he fail to express the utmost as- tonishment at the change which had taken place in the sentiments of his friend the learned lord, on the subject under discussion. The friendship to which he alluded, had however suffered some injury since Lord North's resig- nation, during more than a year, in consequence of the rapid succession of ministerial changes, and political events ; and they no longer acted, as formerly, in concert. Dundas kept his eye only upon Pitt. Rigby, pressed to pay into the exchequer, his vast balances of pub- lic money, was compelled to adapt his conduct to circumstances. Their union might indeed be already considered as at an end. The ex-paymaster finally joined the coalition: while the lord advocate remained unalterably attached to the rising star of Chatham ; by the influence of which, added to his own distinguished abilities, he not only at- tained and long occupied, some of the highest employments ; but ultimately closed his career in the upper house of parliament. On the present occasion, Rigby expressed himself with his blunt, habitual, contemptuous frankness of lan- guage and of manner. Having treated the petitions for a more equal represen- tation, as undeserving serious notice, any innovation or augmentation in the actual numbers of the commons. Nay, I would prefer beholding another mem- ber added to the borough of Old Sarum, which consists only of a single tene- ment, rather than allovv another member to the city of London, which isiilready sufficiently represented in this assem- bly." — " The spirit of innovation has been carried too far, while the influence of the crown is too much curtailed. Will ministers assert," continued he, looking across the house at Fox, that they do not feel it ; and feel it as an impediment to government, in carrying on the most necessary measures of ad- ministration ?" — The secretary of state signifying by his gestures, that he did not agree to the assertion, '♦ I well know," said Rigby, without being dis- concerted, " that here, in this house, I shall receive no other reply." It won't do for gentlemen who have been most clamorous in opposition, and who have for many sessions declaimed against the influence of the crown ; to admit in the face of those whom they have misled, that they now, when seated on the trea- sury bench, smart under the inconve- nience which they have themselves pro- duced. Rut I am sure they feel it, and the public feel it not less." — " I am as great an enemy to a dangerous extension of the royal influence as any man within these walls : but it forms as ne- cessary an ingredient in the Constitution as the power of the Commons. And I hope, the time is not remote when that influence, so decried of late, will be re- stored to its former necessary and bene- ficial extent." We cannot wonder that such opinions and principles, however odious they might be to the multitude convened in Palace Yard, should have formed powerful recommendations at St. James's. Mr. Pitt's resolutions were finally negatived by a far greater majority than in the preceding year ; out of near four hundred and fifty mem* hers who voted, only one hundred and forty-nine having divided with liim. 400 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. [May.] No man in office made a more coiispicuons figure, or attracted more attention, diiring the session under consideration, than Burke: but it was not by any means such as his friends and admirers could contemplate either with pride, with pleasure, or even with approbation. It excited indeed great regret, that a person endowed with parts so eminent, and apparently ani- mated by philanthropy so extended, should nevertheless allow himself at limes to be led into the most unjustifia- ble deviations from ordinary prudence and propriety of conduct. In the pre- sent instance he involved his party, as well as himself, in equal embarrass- ment, by his intemperate precipitation. Two individuals, Powell and Bem- bridge, the one cashier, the other ac- countant, of the military pay-office, having been accused of malversations in the discharge of their functions, had been dismissed by Colonel Barre from their offices, while be was paymaster of the forces, under Lord Shelburne's administration. On Burke coming again into that employment, one of his first acts, without previously consulting Fox upon the subject, was to reinstate both those persons in their respective situations. Such a proceeding relative to functionaries labouring under heavy charges, and about to become subjects of criminal prosecution in the court of King's Bench naturally formed an ob- ject of discussion in the House of Com- mons, where it excited very pointed animadversion. Burke, petulant and irritable, defended with warmth the step that he had taken, though a measure in itself evidently contrary to the judgment of all parties. Fox, while he tacitly lamented and disapproved the act, yet, as he never abandoned his friends in distress, endeavoured to justify its au- thor. The interference was, never- theless, peculiarly painful and delicate on his part ; Powell, who had risen un- der his father, the late Lord Holland, being supposed to have connived at some of the appropriations of public money, which were attributed, perhaps very unjustly, by popular prejudice, to that nobleman, while paymaster of the forces. It was for the corrupt conceal- ment of a sum exceeding forty-eight thousand pounds in the aceount.s of Lord Holland^ that Powell and Bern bridge were now about to undergo a trial. No circumstance therefore could have been less agreeable to Fox, while standing in the conspicuous situation of secretary of stale, than to be thus com- pelled by Burke's imprudence in restor- ing them to their places, to come for- ward as the advocate and apologist of such a transaction. On the first agitation of the business, Pill having observed that the restoration of two men accused of malversation, ap- peared to reflect in no ordinary degree, on the authors of their dismission ; as well as on the late attorney general (Kenyon), who had given his decided opinion against both the individuals ; Sheridan rt)se in order to justify the transaction, as far as it involved minis- ters in any culpability. His vindication seeming to bear hard upon Kenvon, as if he had neglected his official duty in not commencing and following up a pro- secution against them : he, who pos- sessed a more than common portion of irritability, instantly came forward. In terms the most explicit he protested, that as soon as the case of Powell and Bembridge was laid before him he had delivered his opinion, that they oncht to become objects equally of a civil and a criminal pursuit. " In so strong a point of view," added he, "did I see their conduct, as to leave me no hesitation in declaring to the persons who were then in pov.'er, that such enormous offenders ought not to be suffered to remain in places of trust." Under this heavy charge, made from so high a quarter, Burke did not at first display any unbe- coming warmth. On the contrary, he rather endeavoured to extenuate, to ex- plain, and to palliate, than eilher wholly to deny, or to vindicate, the acts com- mitted in his office. But Martin, who had always expressed a decided con- demnation of the coalition, which poli- tical junction he embraced every oppor- tunity of reprobating ; having observed that he regarded the restoralion of the cashier and accountant of the military pay office, as a gross and daring in- sult to the public; Burke lost all con- trol over his temper. In a manner the most furious, starling up from the o( 1 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 401 treasury bench on which he was seated, he unquestionably would have given way to his rage, in words the most un- becoming, if more than one of his friends near him, had not forcibly pulled him down in his place, and held him there. Sir Edward A-Stley liaving nevertheless repeated Martin's assertion ; adding, that " to replace two individuals accused of a crime amounting to public robbery, implied a contempt of public opinion, and was a daring insult ;" Fox found it high time to interfere. His speech, while it implied his regret at the injudi- cious conduct of the paymaster, and his disapprobation of the whole transaction, yet made the most temperate, able, and effectual appeal to the candour and liberality of the house. After declaring that he never had heard of the restoration of the two persons in question, till Burke himself had communicated to him the fact, at St. James's, just as he was entering the king's closet ; he readily admitted the indispensable necessity for an inquiry taking place. " But," added he, " Mr. Burke thinking that punish- ment ought not to precede inquiry, has restored them to their situation ; de- termined, no doubt, on suiting his future conduct to the eventual issue." With great address Fox threw a veil over the infirmity of his friend ; and being as- sisted by the Speaker, who declared the whole conversation to be disorderly, as there was not any question before the house, the business was stopped. Tliisdis- cussion look place on the second of May. [19th — 21st May.] A transaction of so extraordinary a nature, which in- volved in it either the paymaster who had suspended, or the paymaster who had restored, the two accused indivi- duals ; though it might be arrested for a short time, yet could not, however, be wholly suppressed by ministerial power and interference. The belief and even conviction of Powell and Bembridge's guilt becoming universal, the subject was soon renewed in the House of Com- mons. Lord Newiiaven, one of the two members for Gatton in Surrey, a borough of which he was then the proprietor; and who had been raised from the rank of a baronet to the diijnity of an Irish peer, by Lord North, during the course of his administration, became the involuntary 34* instrument of reviving the discussion. For, he having made a motion on the 24lh of April, to lay on the table the treasury minute respecting the suspen- sion of Powell and Bembridge, with a view to commence an inquiry into the affiiir, now moved to discharge the order. He assigned as a reason for this seeming inconsistence, that a prose- cution having been commenced in the courts below, it would be unbecoming to continue the inquiry within those walls. But his proposition was strongly opposed from various quarters. Sir Cecil Wray, who, though he possessed no superior talents, was independent in mind, as well as in fortune, expressed his astonishiiient that the paymjster general should reinstate two persons, suspected of so great a crime as the em- bezzlement of public money. The rea- sons assigned by Burke for his conduct, namely, tliat he believed them innocent, i and that he was responsible, not to the house, but to the public," ap[)eared to him (Sir Cecil Wray), by no means satisfactory. Mr. Powis, as well as other members, sustaining the arguments, Burke was necessitated to enter on his defence, which he did with temper, if not with judgment. It would, indeed, have been most imprudent, as well as dangerous, to have allowed his anger to predominate over his reason, after plunging himself into so complicated an embarrassment. He excused the violence which he had displayed during the former debate, by alleging die respect he felt for the house, and his extreme sensibility to any marks of their displeasure. But he in the same breath desired it to be un- derstood, that nothing could be more remote from his present intention than to offer any excuse for his conduct rela- tive to the two unfortunate gentlemen in question. " On that point," added he, " I feel such a sunshine of content within, that if the act were undone, lam convimed I should repeat it. My inva- riable maxim and rule of conduct, is to compassionate and to protect the unfor- tunate, while I do not find thein to be criminal. The individuals under dis- cussion have been commitied to my protection by Providence, and I have only, performed my duly by replacing 402 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. — ♦— — them in their situations. I nevertheless and of considerable length, a division disclaim every idea of having either took, place. Near three hundred mem- acted in concert with his majesty's bers were present, of which number, ministers, or of even having asked their one hundred and thirty -seven voted for advice. Nay more, I protest that I have producing the treasury minutes. One retained these persons in office contrary hundred and sixty-one supported govern- to their own prayers and entreaties. — ' ment; thus carrying the question only As to my own share in this affair, I care ; by twenty-four. But the real victory not how deeply it is probed. My mind filled with conscious rectitude of inten- tion, was never more tranquil than on ' the present occasion." A defence, if such it can properly be denominated, which seemed to set all common rules of human action at defi- ance, and might justly be thought to remained with opposition, — the victory of public opinion ; for probably, among those persons who supported administra- tion, scarcely ten individuals approved the cause in which they engaged. Mr. Rolle, member for the county of Devon, who has been since raised to the peerage ; justly considering Burke's con- impeach the sanity of Burke's mind, did duct as not only wrong in itself, but in- not tend to conciliate his audience, or to \ suiting to the country at large ; brought slop all further inquiry. Pitt, Dundas, , the consideration of it a third time, be- Kenyon, Mr. Thomas Pitt, Pepper Ar- [ fore the house. Having demanded of den. Colonel Barre, and many others, \ the paymaster, whether he still retained persisted to demand that the treasury I his determination to keep Powell and minutes should be laid on the table. ' Bembridge in their employments, Burke Ministers, on the other hand, though ) rose, and pronounced a speech of near they admitted the imprudence of the [ two hours. He was indeed several paymaster, and lamented it, yet resisted I times interrupted, and called to order ; any disclosure whatever, under the pre- 1 the irritation of his temper carrying him tence that it might prejudice the accused | into digressions altogether irrelevant to parties, if made previous to the criminal the subject under discussion. Great proceedings about to take place in the J eccentricity, if not aberration of mind. courts of judicature. Fox exerted all the powers of reasoning, and Sheridan exhausted his ingenuity, in endeavours to protect their friend. General Con- way, while he avowed that Burke's conduct did not meet his approbation, I vet refused to consent to the production of the minutes. Nor did Lord North ' decline to perform on that evening, the service of a faithful ally to his new col- leagues. He not only voted, but spoke in the course of the debate with great apparent animation. To him, indeed, and to his adherents, more than to the Rockingham party, was to be attributed the slender majority by which minis- ters ultimately prevailed. Even that triumph, if it could deserve the name, was not obtained till Lee, the solicitor- general, had solemnly pledged himseli to the house, ihat the prosecution against Powell and Bembridge should be seri- ously conducted. As the best proof of his sincerity, he called on the late attor- ney and solicitor general, to aid him in the proceeding. Under these circum- »laiu;es, afifr a debate of great acrimony, characterized many passages of his de- fence : which implied a distempered ima- gination, under the influence of strong feeling, but destitute of the control of sober reason. He compared himself to an Indian savage, roasted by one of his countrymen, and served up as a dish, or as an entre-met. After calling on God to witness, that in all the proceedings relative to the two accused persons, he had been actuated solely by motives of justice and of conscience ; he neverthe- less added, that as so large and respecta- ble a body of members had appeared to censure his conduct, he would give way. His bill for reforming the royal house- hold, he said, constituted his irremissible crime, and had procured him numerous enemies. To that cause he appeared to ailribuie the present attack upon his con- duct, as well as the successive interrup- tions that he underwent. Of Powell and I5embridge he spoke, not only as men of uncoiniTion official merit, but of reli- gious integrity. Then diverging to other points apparently unconnected with the topic before the house, he lamented HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 403 Lord Rockingham's decease ; piii him- 1 he refused to answer the question put to self upon God and his country ; claimed i him ; and the whole business would have the merit of his reforms ; and added, that been agitated anew, if Rigby had not he had still great matters of a similar de- ; risen to satisfy the demand, by declar- scriplion to propose to parliament, if ing that Bembridge was actually sus- they did not fetter him in the mode of pended. carrying them into execution. Mingling j The House of Commons, however some of the tinei-t passages of Virgil and strong a disposition they showed on of Shakspeare, with his own justifica- 1 every occasion, to approve and to sanc- tion, he impressed his audience with tion the general measures of adminislra- mingled pity and admiration. Having | tion ; manifested nevertheless strong dis- coneluded, he started up again, merely ! approbation of Burke's conduct in this to stale that Powell had already resign ed, at his own request, and that Bern- instance, Powell, overcome either by the weight of his own distress, or by his bridge had made a similar offer ; but he inability to sustain the public opinion of trusted the house would not insist on its his culpability ; after losing in a great being carried into execution. measure the use of his faculties, put an Mr. RoUe continuing nevertheless to be of opinion that the latter ought equa end to his existence with a razor. Bem- bridge, endowed with a firmer mind, or ly to be suspended, Fox interposed ; with stronger nerves, was reserved for and though he deprecated the measure , the infamy of a public trial and condem- taking place previous to a trial in West- nation, !)efore Lord Mansfield. The minster Hall, yet, he subjoined, that as ' prosecution, which took place some so respectable a minority thought oiher- ' months afterwards ; reluctantly, but ably wise, he wished his friend to accept and fairly conducted by Lee, the solici- Bembridge's resignation. Rigby tried tor general, terminated in the complete however one more eflTort in his behalf^ exposure of the fraud imputed to Bem- but without efl^'ect. The ex-paymaster i bridge, for which the court sentenced making on this occasion, common cause j him to a severe fine and imprisonment, with his present successor ; after bear- Every exertion which the purity of our ing ample testimony to the high merits ' jurisprudence will allow, was made to of the two culprits during thirteen years | soften, or to avert, the severity of the that he had held the office ; endeavoured stroke.* Burke, who did not liesi- to show that no possible injury would | tate to appear in court, seated upon the accrue to the public, from suff'ering 1 bench, during the proceedings, gave the Bembridge to exercise the functions of j strongest attestations to Bembridge's accountant. His eloquence proved i character for integrity. He was accum- equally unavailing with Burke's pathetic panied there by Lord North, who like- and querulous invocations. The house I wise condescended to join in a similar remained inexorable; and Fox did not testimony to the good conduct and pro- dare to hazard the experiment of a se- j bity of the accused, during tlie time that coud division, by which, whatever miffht be the result, government would only augment the obloquy already incurred. Burke therefore appeared sullenly to ac- quiesce ; declaring at the same time, that he would not be responsible for the con- sequences which might accrue from the resignation of Bembridge. So doubtful however did his submission seem, and so strong was his repugnance to obey the orders of parliament, that Rolle repeated his enquiries on the subject, a few days he had, himself, formerly held the post of joint paymaster of the forces. But these eflorts, which proved unavailing, only attracted censure towards the per- sons who thus attempted to screen from punishment, a conspicuous delinquent: while the proofs exhibited of his guilt, impressed the public mind with opinions highly unfavourable, not mere- ly to Burke himself, at, least in a pru- dential point of view ; but to the minis- try in which he filled so distinguished a afterwards ; during which short interval i place, of time, Powell fell a victim to his re- [3d June.] Scarcely had this affair flections. This disastrous circumstance terminated, when Burke plunged himself augmenting the irritation of Burke'sraindj [ into a second embarrassment, hardly less 404 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. painful to his friends. A bill for the regulation of the pay office, having been brought into the House of Commons by himself, which gave rise to much discus- sion and difference of opinion, in its pas- sage through the committee ; the contend- ing parties agreed to fill up the blanks amicably, after the house rose, round the Speaker's chair. Burke being paymaster general, of course took an active part, as did many other members ; and the clauses were understood to have been settled in the way specified, by mutual consent. But Mr. Estwick, member for Weslbury, on a motion for the third reading of the bill, to the astonishment of the house, rising up in his place, pre- ferred a formal charge against Burke ; accusing him of having gone into the engrossing room, after the bill in ques- tion had been carried there; of expung- ing three clauses, and altering a fourth, all which he re-modelled to his own taste. Such an act. if it had been proved, might have led to very grave conse- quences ; and must in any case have attracted public censure, or produced a reprimand from the chair. Fox imme- diately came forward with his charac- teristic manliness of mind, to the aid of his friend, whose conduct was severely arraigned by Pitt. The house admitted the secretary's justification as satisfactory, and did not inflict any mark of its disap- probation on Burke; though the excuses offered, or reasons alleged, for his con- duct, were by no means such as com- pletely exculpated him in the opinions of impartial men. It appeared, however, by the testimony of Cornwall the Speak- er, that Burke had not, as he was ac- cused of doing, either expunged or altered any clause in the engrossing office. The Speaker at least asserted, and the house lent credit to his assurance, that the mis- conception had arisen from the circum- stance of his having put the question on the four clauses, under an impression that the parlies were agreed, in so low a tone of voice, that they all passed with- out notice. Pitt contended, that even though this extraordinary fact vvere true, yet the expunged clauses must be re- stored, and debated anew by the house. As the proposition could not be refused, they were therefore brought up, and finally negatived on a division, though only by a majority of twenty-eight votes. The Speaker's testimony, whether accu- rate or not, extricated Burke ; and Fox manifested the generous ardour of his mind throughout the whole transaction ; an ardour which always impelled him to cover the errors of those, with whom he was connected in politics or friendship. But he did not the less in private condemn Burke's imprudence ; and he was said to have warned the paymaster of the forces, as he valued his office, not to in- volve his friends, and the administration of which he composed so conspicuous a member, in a third similar dilemma, during the remainder of the session. In the course of the debate which arose respecting the expunged clauses, some expressions of great asperity were used and retorted by the heads of parly on opposite sides of the house. Pitt, throughout the whole period of time that the coalition remained in possession of the government, always affected to con- sider ministers, as having availed them- selves of the forms of the Constitution, in order to violate its essence, and to hold the king in bondage. While dilating on the act attributed to Burke, he did not hesitate to warn them how they ventured to make a bad use of their ill-gotten poioer." Lord North immediately rose, and repeating the words with a note of admiration, observed, that " '\^ potver ac- quired in consequence of a vote of that assembly, condemning the late adminis- tration for having concluded a had peace, could be denominated ill-gotten, un- doubtedly the language just used was correct. But if such pniver had been constitutionally obtained, as he main- tained to be the case, then he could not sufficiently express his surprise at the expression." " As to the use," con- tinued he, " which we shall make of our power, I trust, it will not discredit us. We have two principal objects to pursue. The first is, to do many things which our predecessors promised to accomplish, but which they have left undone. The other is, to prevent the mischiefs result- ing from what they have done." The ability, as well as the wit of this reply, (lid not silence the opposition. Mr. Hill, in particular, remarked on the poli- tical phenomenon which the treasury bench exhibited, where two individuals, HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 405 who a year ago, would not trust them- selves toi/etlier in the same room, were now beheld cordially embracing each other. " The house will suppose," continued he, " that 1 mean, the secre- tary lor the whig department, and the secretary lor the tory department. Such, 1 will not deny, is my meaning ; and I beg to assure the loving couple, that if they continue united for a twelvemonth, they shall have my hearty vote for the Jlitch of bacon. Necessity is the grand argument used on all occasions, to justify the present coalition. I believe, much truth is couched under that single word." Unquestionably, public opinion was adverse to the ministers ; and as they well knew how odious they were at St. James's, it behoved them to act with the greatest circumspection. Pitt did not allow a single act of their administration lo pass unexamined ; and he possessed a great superiority over two men, who however resplendent might be their ability, and however numerous their followers, yet were universally consider- ed as having made mutual sacrifices of principle, to the gratification of their am- bition. It is true that the cabinet had been taken by storm in March, 1782, as well as in March, 1783: but the same fact gave rise to very opposite sensations throughout the country. The respective adherents of Lord Rockingham and of the Earl of Shelburne, though they broke out into the most inveterate hostility, as soon as they became masters of the government; yet were impelled by one common leading object, that of termina- ting the contest willi America : — an ob- ject, to which, under the circumstances of the time, the great majority of the nation fervently wished success. Lord North and Fox derived no support from popular favour. Their possession of power stood solely on two votes of the House of Commons. Nor could they claim any merit for having expelled a mini^try, which by ill succes>, disgraces, and losses of territory, was become un- popular or contemptible. Scarcely did the coalition venture to condemn the peace, for having concluded which, Lord Shelburne was driven out of office. In- deed, it has always appeared doubtful to mc, whether the same majority which censured the treaties, would have voted for the removal of the first minister who sio-ned them. Lord North manifested much more firmness or pertinacity, than was displayed by the Ear! of Stielburne. It may perhaps be said that Lortl North still retained, even down to the last day of his slay in office, a majority, though small : while Lord Shelburne was twice left in a minority. But the former nobleman, let it be recollected, iiad a long and an awful balance to adjust with parliament, as well as with the people of England. Impeachments, prosecu- tions, nay, axes and scaff'olds, had been held up before him, who beheld an em- pire dissevered from Great Britain, while lie presided in the councils of the crown. The latter minister had, on the contrary, witnessed scarcely any except prosper- ous events during his short administra- tion, which he had terminated by con- cluding peace. He, therefore, might without any personal ilanger, have waited for more decided and affirmative testimo- nies of parliamentary condemnation, before he gave in his resignation. Why he did not so act, I will not pre- sume to say : but I am convinced, that if Mr. Pitt had occupied Lord Shelburne's place in February, 1783, he probably would have maintained himself in it, and finally have triumphed over the coalition. Among the persons of eminence who have "strutted their hour," under the reign of George the Third, and who about this time disappeared from the great public tlieatre, may be named General Sir John Irwine. His person, manners, and conversation, were all made for the drawing room, where he seemed to be in his native element. Though declining in life, yet his figure, tall, graceful, and dignified, set oflT by all the ornaments of dress, accompanied with a ribband and a star, rendered him con- spicuous in every company. He con- stantly reminded me of a marshal of France, such as they are described by St. Simon, under Louis the Fourteenth. His politeness, though somewhat formal, was nevertheless natural and captivating. Perhaps, at least so his enemies asserteil, his military talents were not equally brilliant with his personal accomplish- ments; but he had not risen the more slowly on that account, to the honours, or to the eminences, of his professioa. 406 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. While he was yet only a school-boy, his father, Lieutetiant-General Irwine, gave him a company in his own regiment, leaving him subsequently a very good estate. Besides a regiment (the Sixth of Dragoon Guards), and a government, con- ferred on him by the crown, he hail held during several years, the post of com- mander-in-cliief in Ireland, with very ample appointments and advantages. But no income, however large, could suffice for his expenses, which being never restrained within any reasonable limits, finally involved him in irretrieva- ble difficulties. The fact will hardly obtain belief, that at one of the enter- tainments which he gave to the lord lieutenant in the year 1781, at Dublin, he displayed on the table, as the princi- pal piece in the dessert, a representation of the fortress of Gibraltar invested by the Sj)anish forces, executed in confec- tionery. It exhibited a faithful view of that celebrated rock, so dear to the En- cloaks, bore the same brilliant badga of knighthood. No man belter knevV the value of external figure, aided by manner ; and Philip, Earl of Chester- field himself, had not more success- fully studied the Graces. It was impos- sible to possess finer manners, without any affectation ; or more perfect good breeding. With such pretensions of person and of address, it cannot sur- prise that he attained to a great degree of favour at St, James's. The king considered and treated Irwine, as a person whose conversation afforded him peculiar gratification. He often de- lighted to protract the discourse with a courtier, whose powers of entertain- ment, however extensive, were always under the restraint of profound respect ; and who never forgot the character of the prince whom he addressed, even for a single moment. Irwine, though so fine a gentleman, loved all the indul- gencies of conviviality, in which gratifi- glish nation; together with the works, cations he never restrained himself The batteries, and artillery of the besiegers, which threw sugar-plums against the walls. The expense of this ostenta- tious piece of magnificence, did not fall short of fifteen hundred pounds ; and so incredible must the circumstance appear; that if I had not received the assurance of it from Lord Sackville, I should not venture to report it in these Memoirs. The greatest intimacy subsisted be- tween^ that nobleman and Sir John, king, not unacquainted with these par- ticulars, having said to him one day, at the drawing room, when conversing on his common mode of life, " they tell me. Sir John, that you love a glass of wine ;" " Those, sir, who have so reported of me to your majesty," an- swered he, bowing profoundly, " have done me great injustice, " they should have said a bottle." Sir John Irwine's second wife, a daughter of the celebrated physician who owed much of his advancement"' Sir Edward Barry, who wrote with so and success in life to the protection of Lionel, Duke of Dorset. Lord Sack- ville's disinterested friendship still con- tinued to bring him into parliament, as his own colleao-ue for East Grinstead, after Irwine's return from Ireland, which took place on the dissolution of Lord North's administration, down to his final departure from England. Deco- rated with the order of the Bath, which then conferred much distinction ; and of which he never failed to display the insignia whenever he went to the House of Commons, his personal appearance was imposing. Even of a morning, in his greatest undress, he wore a small star embroidered on his frock, without which he rarely appeared any where ; and his travelling hussar much elegance and information on the " Wines of the Ancients," brought him no issue : but he afterwards con- tracted a third matrimonial connec- tion. On his return to England, his debts became so numerous, and his creditors so importunate, that though as a member of parliament, his person still remained secure, he found it im- possible to reside longer with comfort in London. Quitting therefore private- ly his elegant house in Piccadilly, op- posite the Green Park, he retired to the continent, with his wife and two chil- dren. Landing in France, he hired a chateau in the province of Normandy, where his military rank and decorations secured for him every testimony of re- spect from the surrounding gentry. He HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 407 nevertheless soon experienced such pe- cuniary difficuhies, that as he could nourish no hope of ever revisiting his native country, he removed over the Alps into Italy. 'I'iie king, wi)o sin- cerely regretted his departure from England, and wlio well knew the causes of it, often expres&ed his concern for Sir John Irwine's misfortunes ; which he endeavoured to alleviate hy sending Sir John, the sum of a thousand pounds from his privy purse, in two separate payments. I know this fact from the late Sir Charles Hotham ; who was, 1 think, himself, the channel through which his majesty transmitted the first donation of five hundred pounds. The second annual payment reached Parma, on the morning of Sir John Irwine's de- cease. He expired in that city, towards the close of May, 1788, where he en- joyed the favour and even intimacy of the Duke of Parma, and the Arch- duchess Amelia his consort, who were then the reigning princes. He had near- ly attained his sixty-first year at the time of his death ; and his characteristic habits of hospitality, accompanied with corresponding expense, distinguished him to the last moments of his career. While resident at Parma, he kept open house for all Englishmen of considera- tion who passed through the place ; and only a few days previous to his de- cease, he gave a ball and supper to the sovereigns of Parma. Yet all the au- thority of the duke was vainly exerted to procure him the riies of Christian burial, it being opposed by the priests of that bigolled country. The remains of Sir John Irwine were privately con- veyed by night, and deposited in the court yard of a proiesiant banker ; the funeral service being read by an En- glish geiiileman, and the body being fol- lowed to the grave by the few indi- > viduals of the same nation who were then at Parma. Perhaps I ought here to add, that Sir John Irwine's widow and children owed to the aeneroiis inter- position and personal applications of tlie late L(n-d Melville (then Mr. Dundas), a pension, which his majesty granted them. Nor can I induce myself to O'liit, as ii does the highest honour to that nobleman, that he obtained and for- warded to Lady Irwine, the grant in question, at a time when she had vainly solicited it from all the friends of her late husband, while Mr. Dundas was hardly known to him as a common ac- quaintance. Such acts demonstrate an enlarged and magnanimous mind.* Lord John Cavendish, though he had negotiated and brought forward the loan necessary to be raised, soon after he entered on office, yet did not propose the taxes which were to pay the interest of it, until many weeks later in the session. He at length laid them before the House of Commons, where, on the whole, they appeared to meet with general approbation, and even attracted some encomiums. But Lord John, whose talents were not eminently adapted for the discussion of measures of finance, having slated his ways and means with tolerable precision, left the task of ex- plaining and defending them principally lo his associates in power. Fox and Lord North, who undertook it with great ability, repelled the comments made from the opposition side of the house, on the new taxes : while the chancellor of the exchequer, quitting his seat on the treasury bench, retired during a considerable part of the debate, behind the Speaker's chair ; from which retreat he peeped out on either side, as individuals rose, for the purpose of ap- proving or of censuring his budget. Lord Mahon attacked it with his charac- teristic impetuosity of voice and man- ner, accompanying his comments with most severe animadversions on Lord North's financial plans, while he had remained at the head of the treasury. Fox defended his colleague, both with the arms of reason and ridicule, which instantly brought forward Pitt. Between them the discussion was maintained with equal acrimony and ingenuity for a long time. Pitt not only repeated Lord Ma- hon's assertions relative to Lord North's taxes, which, he said, from their impo- licy had generally frustrated their in- tended object, but added : " The present * For these particulars, as well as for the correction of some errors into which I had fallen relative to Sir John Irwine, I am iu- tlebted to the lady of Captain Walker, of liis majesty's royal navy, Sir John's daughter, who obligingly favoured me with them, under her hand. 408 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. budget seems to be of a similar descrip- tion. False or erroneous principles are assumed, in order to support the mea- sures adopted, which the people of Eng- land are expected to swallow as greedily as the champion of the people has uttered lliem with rapidity," Fox took his revenge on the whole cabinet of the Earl of Slielburne collectively, whom ho designated "as incapable of financial generation as it was possible for barren- ness to be : having quilled their employ- ments without leaving behind them a trace of any loan or taxes." Lord North directed the shafts of his wit prin- cipally against Lord Mahon, " whose ai)ilitiep," he observed, " being so great, without experience, must, when ma- tured by time, render him a prodigy, and an ornament to his country, al the head of the exchequer." Lord John Cavendish performed only a subordinate part, throughout the whole debate. His acknuwiedgcd purity of character, when joined to his many vir- tues, — not to dwell on his high de- scent, — rendered him universally re- spected ; and the advantage whicli his party derived from those qualities, in period of his life. Almost as well might Henry the Fifth have placed Falstaff there. Fox himself seemed not to emu- late a higher post than secretary of state, always interposing Lord John Caven* dish in the guardianship of the public money. Nor could the Ikitish people conhde their interests to more incorrup- tible integrity, than distinguished the chancellor of the exchequer: but he could not sustain the slightest compari- son with Pill, nor even with Lord North, in the powers of his mind and under- standing, or in his parliamentary talents and knowledge of business. [2d and 3d June.] The parliamen- tary prosecution instituted against Sir Thomas llumbold, continued to languish, rather than to advance towards any con- summation, throughoutthe whole session. Nevertheless, al this time, the evidence in his defence being closed, Mr. Dundas rose, and moved that the proceedings should not be discontinued by either a prorogation or a dissolution of parliament. This motion, which was intended to be accompanied with a bill for restraining Rumbold from quitting the kingdom, or rom alienating his property, till the final the public estimation, was incalculable. I decision of the enquiry, gave rise to The nation even seemed silently to de- mucli difi'erence of opinion. Sawbridge, mand some such guarantee, when the | Lord Nuge'ht, and various other mem- interests of the country were committed j bers, though by no means partial to the accused person, yet declared that they considered the whole business as uncon- stitutional and oppressive. Rigby, near two months eailier, when the subject was agitated in the house, had not hesi- tated lo stigmatise it wiih epithets of condemnation and derision. Accus- tomed lo speak his sentiments on every topic, with a blunt, overbearing, as well as dictatorial tone, " This assembly," observed he, " is acting in a ca[)acity, partly legislative, partly judicial. We are now performing the functions of a judge, and for aught I see, we may liave to do the office of hangman." On the present occasion, he treated the motion in a similar manner, " We are asked," said he, " to continue the bill in exist- ence, even after a dissolution of parlia- ment. What ! are we to bind five hun- dred and fifty-eight other individuals, to abide by and to adopt the evidence \\ hich we alone have heard ? 'I'he proposition excites ridicule." to a man of Fox's ruined fortune and dissipated habits of life. Mr. Pill, it is true, who had been so recently placed al llie head of the exchequer, scarcely pos- sessed more property than his rival. But the people of England knew how to discriminate between their respective de- ficiency. Pitt, though not more dis- tinguished by habits of economy than Fox, yet had not dissipated his small paternal fortune in any ostensible vices ; while Fox, besides a landed estate and a lui-raiive office, both which he sold, had squandered an immense sum of ready money. Indeed, tliougli Fox always ap- peared to me, whenever /oans oTjjuJgels were discussed in parliament, to display a capacity for ariihmetical calculation, and all the talents requisite for a minis- ter of finance, scarcely, if at all inferior to Mr. Pill's ability in that line ; yet, I believe, it never occurred to any man's mind, to place Fox in the control of the treasury, or of the exchequer, at any HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 409 RumboM himself, addressing the house, cnadeavery forcible and pathetic appeal to their feelings, no less than to their justice. And he was heard with great attention. In language of energy^ he depictured his suflerings, deprecated all further delay, implored the house, for their own honour and dignity, to accele- rate the conclusion ; cited iMagna Charta, the bulwark of our liberties, where it is expressly declared that the subject shall experience no delay of justice ; and protested, that whatever might prove their decision, he would not shrink from it. Nor did he omit to remark in how different a manner, Burke, who was one of his ardent prosecutors, had conducted himself towards Powell and Bembridge ; — men accused, like himself, but not proved to be criminal. Lord North, though he voted for the motion (proba- bly, more from consideration for his new allies, than from inclimuion), yet agreed with Rigby in opinion, that one parliament could not bind another ; still less could the present House of Com- mons who heard the evidence, legislate for their successors, and compel them to decide on that evidence. The solicitor general, Lee, a man of upright princi- ples, though of rude and repulsive man- ners; who had uniformly disapproved the whole proceedings, declared ttiat he could perceive no reason for changing his opinion relative to them ; and there- fore, as far as his individual vole ex- tended, he would never consent to retain Rumbold under the terrors of a reslrain- intr act. Nevertheless as Pitt and Fox, Diindas and Burke, who rarely concur- red on any point, agreed on this subject, leave was given to bring in the bill : but its features were softened down by the lord advocate, when he presented it, next day. Sir Thomas's personal pro- perty remained no longer tied up ; only his landed estate at Woodhali in the county of Hertford, being rendered re- sponsible ; and he was permitted to quit the kingdom, from which exercise of his freedom he had been previously inter- dicted. At this point terminated the prosecution, which may be said to have died of a political atrophy. While the Rockingham party, during many years had been excluded from of- fice, they loudly declaimed againslabuses 35 of every description, particularly against the extravagant expenditure of the public money in "various departments. Nor during the very short period that the treasury was under their control, which did not exceed three months, can it be denied that they endeavoured to manifest the sincerity of their engagements. Burke, who stood forward in the invidi- ous character of a reformer, acquired no inconsiderable merit with the country at large, by his exertions to reduce exorbi- tant demands, or to abolish obsolete and overgrown establishments of every kind. But with Lord Rockingham's life, these efibrts wholly ceased. From the period of their union with Lord North, when they began confidently to count on a quiet possession oi' power and emolu- ment, at least for a few years, in conse- quence of their strength in both houses of parli-ament ; they seemed to have greatly relaxed in the severity of their political principles. Above all, they manifested a decided aversion to any re- forms which did not originate with ihem- I selves, and which were not subjected to i their own ministerial control. A strik- inuj exemplification of this fact, presented itself before the end of the session. Mr. Pitt, who watched all their con- duct, and canvassed all their measures, ! with jealous, as well as unremitting at- ! teiition ; having brought forward a bill, iin order to establish regulations in the fees, perquisites, and other emoluments j received in most of the public offices ; ' instead of finding any support from the [other side of the house, as might natu- rally have been expected, met with the warmest opposition in that quarter, j Lord John (Cavendish possessed indeed ; too much ingenuousness of character, i altogether to dispute the utility of the objects proposed, and therefore contented himself with partially and indirectly re- sisting the plan : but Fox and Burke loaded the bill, its author, and the ad- ministration of which he had lately com- posed a part, with", he severest epithets or imputations. Que of the topics on which they commonly exhausied their ridicule and contempt, was the speech pr Nor were ihese the only official and vidual stationery, under which denomi- ministerial appropriations of the public nation was, however, included the ivhip cord, did not fall short, as it appeared, of thirteen hundred pounds. Lord North, when called on, made, neverthe- less, not only a plausible, but a very satis- factory defence, to most of the alleged items. Relative to the consumption of money, to private purposes, that distin- guished the times under our review. From the ministry of Sir Robert Wal- pole, down to the conclusion of Lord North's government, few places of con- siderable emolument, in any department, were given, wholly unfettered, to the 7Z?/ii!/JC0r(/, which had excited a great deal ! nominal occupant. Even under Lord of mirth, having professed at the same lime his total ignorance, Robinson un- dertook to give some sort of explanation ; which, however ingenious, or even well founded it might be, yet diverted, more than it satisfied his hearers. It is certain that during the period antecedent to 1782, the abuses practised in many grealofficial departments, which exceeded all reasonable limits, loudly demanded parliamentary regulation. I Rockingham's first administration in 1765, we find Wilkes quartered on the whole of the treasury and admiralty boards, to the annual amount of 1040/. a year; the marquis paying liim ,500/. ; the inferior lords of the treasury 60/. each ; and the members of the board of trade each 40/. This curious fact is stated in Home's letter to " Junius," of the .31st July, 1771. It was not at- tempted to be denied. When the Duke have, myselt', had occasion to hear, if of Grafton, in June of the same year. not to see, specimens and instances of depredation (for they well merit the name), which will hardly obtain belief in the present days. I knew with some degree of intimacy, a lord of trade, who possesing a borough, and a very large fortune, was, himself, a member of the House of Commons in successive parlia- ments. On his being sworn in at the board of trade, he issued an order to provide a great number of pewter ink- stands for his own use, which he after- wards commuted into one, composed of silver. I have seen him at the levee, dressed in a suit of green velvet, fabri- cated, as fame reported, out of the mate- rials ordered in his public character, for 1771, accepted the office of privy seal, which had been previously destined for Lord Weymouth, " Junius" more than insinuates, that the last mentioned noble- man was quartered by the Duke upon Rigby, who, from 1768 to 1782, nomi- nally occupied the sole paymastership of the forces. I knew a lady of quality, who having been daughter to a person high in office, was commonly said to have rode sixteen persons at one time, to whom her father had given places, under that express condition or reserva- tion. I believe she outlived them all. Governments, military appointments, offices in the excise and customs, — in a word, places of every description, at the ostensible purpose of making bags i home and abroad, were frequently loaded to contain office papers. His friends and correspondents could recognise the stationery, of which he had made an ample provision, more than ten years after the board of trade itself, abolished by Burke's bill, had ceased to have any existence. Even since 1782, similar facts are said to have taken place. This gentleman, or rather his wife, formed one on the list of British peerages, in- tended to have been either revived or created, by Lord North and Fox ; the number of which, as I recollect, amount- ed to thirty-two or thirty-three; if the with riders. I remember, at the very lime of which I am now speaking, in July, 178.3, when the bill for regulating the offices in the exchequer, was before the House of Commons, Hussey, enumerating the abuses practised, asked, " Have minis- ters never heard of quartering one per- son upon another? Will ihey venture to assert that at this moment, no indivi- dual ostensibly out of place, is quartered upon the salary of some man in employ- ment? I mean no imputation on the present government. Such practices, I coalition had forced their way a second { believe, have prevailed under all admi 412 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. nisliations, during many years." Neither] of office, were extinguished, as I know^ Fox, nor Lord North, thougli both tlie one and the other rose to speak dming the course of the evening, attempted to contest Hnssey's assertion. Mr. Pitt himself, when introducing the bill to which allusion has been recently made, by Mr. Pitt, when he became first mi- nister, throughout every department of the revenue, as far as his influence ex- tended. But he was necessitated in many cases to commit a greater inroad on the Constitution, by distributing honours and recapitulated many alienations of public j dignities as a substitute for emoluments, money, which were then practised, but { [25th and 26th June. J Notvvithsland- which we can scarcely credit in Hie j ing the ascendant which Fox exercised present times. In the navy office, where j over the cabinet, and in particular, over wo fees were allowed, and where, under\ the chancellor of the exchequer, an event that name, they were disclaimed, the ' occurred at this time, where his influence chief clerk, whose salary did not exceed j proved unequal to overcome the obstacles 250/. a year, received in gifts annually, i opposed to it. The Prince of Wales full 2500/. The lords of the treasury were accustomed to appoint their own servants to the place of stampers in the stamp office, instantly granting them leave of absence, so that the duty was performed by deputy. Not only coals and candles, but even articles of furni- ture were ordered by persons in high employment, to be sent at the public expense, to their houses, both in Lon- don and in the country. The post office, and the dock yards presented facts equally demanding reform. Pitt declared that the annual aggregate charge on account of stationery wares, exceeded eighteen thousand pounds; adding, that ( official department the business lay, con approaching the period of his minority, a separate establishment became requi- site for him ; and Carlton House, which had not been inhabited since the decease of the Princess Dowager of Wales in 1772, was chosen to consiiuite his future residence. 'J'lie income proper for his royal highness's support, became neces- sarily a subject of discussion among the members of administration, and produced great difl'erence of opinion. Fox thought that the sum of one hundred thousand pounds, would not be more than ade- quate to maintain his state ; while Lord John Cavendish, in whose immediate he had heard of apartments being papered at the expense of the public. I feel it, however, incumbent on me to state, that Lord North made not only the most ex- plicit and dignified reply to these allega- tions, as far as they regarded him per- sonally or officially, but demonstrated his own disinterestedness while at the head of affairs. " When I was placed," said he, " in the control of the treasury, I found that my predecessors had invari- ably been supplied with coals and can ceived that a moiety of the sum might suffice, under the circumstances of the country, and the incumbrances on the civil list. His majesty, being of the latter sentiment, it was adopted ; and Lord John having acquainted the house with the gracious determination of the sovereign, not to call on his people for any additional aid to his civil list, but to take on himself the present expense of the heir-apparent, limited his demand to the sum of sixty thousand pounds, as a dies at the public expense, according to ( temporary supply to the crown, and an ancient established usage. Neverthe less, I did not avail myself of the prac- tice, however confirmed by length of time, but purchased those articles out of mv own purse." He subjoined, " I not only took every precaution, in order to prevent fraud from being committed in my name, but I assure the house I will make the most rigorous enquiries, and if I discover delinquency, I will leave nothing undone to bring the of- fenders to punishment." All these modes of augmenting the fair income or salary outfit. Pitt instantly stood up, and having expressed iiis perfect approbation of the proposition, as by no means un- reasonable or excessive, he passed some very high enconiiums on the prince. Then, addressing his discourse pointedly to the seerelnry for foreign aflairs, he observed that rumours had been circulated in a manner which seemed to stamp them vvith authenticity, of a very extra- ordinary nature. " Those rumours," continued he, " asserted, that it had been the intention of some of the king's HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 413 ministers, contrary to his majesty's avowed wishes, whose paternal alFeclion for his subjects, suggested very (hfferent ideas to his royal mind; as well as con- trary to a due consideration for the ex- hausted condition of the country ; to have proposed a very enormous sum for the Prince of Wales's establishment. I rejoice exceedingly at finding those re- ports practically done away on this evening ; but, I trust, that ministers will take the present occasion to rise in their places, and to deny that there ever ex- isted the slightest foundation for such assertions. On so important a point, I expect that they will furnish us with an ample explanation." Fox, thus called on, rose, and in the manly tone which always characterized him, replied, that as the vote now pro- posed, went only to the sum of filly thousand pounds a year, that fact formed in itself a sufficient answer to the ques- tion. " But," he added, that " former Princes of Wales had received larger grants froii) parliament, for the support of their dignity." Having expatiated with equal eloquence and warmth of co- louring, on the eminent, as well as shining virtues of the prince ; not omit- ting the merit of his ready obedience on the present occasion, to his majesty's pleasure ; the secretary added, " If, how- ever, it had remained with mc to advise, or had it been my province to make the application of this day, to the house, I preceding evening ; observed, that it appeared, the obligation was solely due to his majesty for taking the allowance now made to the Prince of Wales, out of the civil list ; as well as for limiting to the sum of sixty thousand pounds, the aid demanded of parliament on the pre- sent occasion. " The ministers of the crown," continued he, " cannot lay claim to the slightest degree of merit from the alleviation thus effected in the burthens to be imposed upon the people. Much praise has indeed been bestowed by them, on the Prince of Wales, for sub- mitting to so limited a provision ; but, not a syllable has fallen from their lips, in praise of the king, who is tlie author of this meritorious transaction. I readily admit his royal highness's high merit; not, however, because the grant is in itself too small, or inadequate ; but, be- cause, from the expressions and avowal of the secretary of slate, the prince has been encouraged to imagine that double the sum ought to have been given him, independent of the civil list, or of his father, arising from a vote of parliament, to be settled on himself." — " His ma- jesty's ministers are most reprehensible, thus to recommend it in the deed, and to blast it in the act ; insinuating in the plainest manner their desire to have granted his royal highness double the provision : at the same time informing us, that the present proposition emanates solely from the sovereign, whose will do not hesitate to repeat that I should j on the present point, they were unable lo have asked for a much larger sum. But, control." — " The actual allowance of as the person who possesses the best fifty thousand pounds a year, wiih twelve right to decide upon that point, has not thousand more issuing from liie revenues coincided with me in sentiment, it be- 'of Cornwall and of Wales, constitute as comes my duly to obey, and lo act im- plicitly by his opinion." The vote then passed without a dissentient voice ; but, on the following day, when the report was made from the committee of supply. Governor Johnstone resumed the sub- ject. It required all the strength of nerves which he possessed, not to be deterred from touching upon a topic so delicate in itself, necessarily exposing the individual who agitated it, to a va- riety of unpleasant circumstances. With- out, however, suffering these consider- ations to influence his conduct, Jolm- stone, alter expressing his concurrence and satisfaction at the resolution of the 35* ample an establishment for an unmarried heir-apparent, as a country pressed down by war and taxation, can with propriety bestow " Fox having manifested some marks of contempt, or rather, of levity, at the last expression uttered by Johnstone, the governor exclaimed, " I well know, Mr. Speaker, that the largest sums, appear as mites to the secretary of state, who is accustomed to set at defiance, all ideas of moderation in his own personal expenses; and who has now ado-pte ed '" French, an accomplishment not so graluitouslv; as Mrs. Howard, or Ma- , general at that time, as it is now become; dame de Walmoden,iWonld equally have tl>ey were not less gratified by the liberal done with George the Second. [hospitality of his table, added to the Nor can we reasonably question on ' noble amenity and frankness of his man- the other hand, that his majesty justly ners. Nor can it be sufficiently regret- appreciated the secretary's character, ted, that a man so much formed to have 418 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. I done honour, and to have rendered es- sential service to his country, as Fox ; should, by the errors or imprudencies of his own conduct, have rendered himself obnoxious to his sovereign, and tluis have excluded himself from office. We cannot reflect without concern, that in the course of a life prolonged to its fifty- eighth j'ear, Fox sat only about nineteen months in the cabinet, taken altogether: while Pitt, who terminated his compara- tively short career at forty-seven, passed almost his whole life after he attained to manhood, in the first employments; or rather, in the highest situation of state, that of prime minister. However we may dispute as to the superiority of talents in these two extraordinary and illustrious men, posterity will be at no loss to decide respecting the superiority of {\\e\r judgment. [August.] Pitt availing himself of this interval of political leisure, afforded him by the triumph of the coalition, and the recess of parliament, endeavoured to catch a hasty glimpse of the continent, which he had scarcely ever before visited. As if he foresaw that no other occasion would ever again present itself for the gratification of his curiosity, he crossed over to Calais, and directed his course in the first instance, to Rheims. Lord Thurlow followed his example. Mr. George Rose, who had been one of the two secretaries of the treasury, when Pitt filled the post of chancellor of the exchequer; and who has since deserved- ly risen by his distinguished financial talents or services, to much higher offi- cial situations ; accompanied Lord Thur- low. 1 met thein by accident, at Ant- werp. Pitt proceeding afterwards to Paris, was presented by our embassador, the Duke of Manchester, to Louis the Sixteenth, at Fontainbleau, where the French court always pissed a considera- ble portion of the Autumn. His name, and the fame of his distinguished abili- ties, which had preceded his appearance, disposed all to admire him : but the king, in compliance with the stupid eti- quette, that interdicted him from speak- ing to foreigners, who were presented at court; when added to his natural shy- ness ; did not, I believe, exchange one word with Pitt. The queen, whose su- perior energy of mind emancipated her from such restraints, treated him with the utmost distinction. Marie Antoinette entered into conversation with him, as far as his cold manner, increased by an imperfect knowledge of the French lan- guage, would permit him to engage in discourse. " Monsieur,'''' said she to him, on his retiring, with a manner even more expressive than the words, " Je suis charmee de vous voir, et de vous avoir vue." Pitt took care to return to London from his short excursion, in i\me to attend the meeting of parliament. While the two leaders of ministry, and of opposition, were thus respectively occupied, the one in his official duties at home, and the other on the continent ; the king became a prey to habitual de- jection. Throughout all the troubles of his reign, when Wilkes and when " Ju- nius" excited disafieotion among his subjects, as well as during the most dis- tressful periods of the American war; or when the capital exhibited scenes of outrage and of popular violence ; he had maintained a serene countenance, and manifested an unshaken firmness. But his fortitude sunk under the bondage to which the coalition had subjected him. His natural equality of temper, suavity of manners, and cheerfulness of deport- ment, forsaking him in a great measure, he became silent, thoughtful, taciturn, and uncommunicative. Sometimes, when he resided at Windsor, mounting his horse, accoiripanied by an equerry and a single footman ; after riding ten or twelve miles, scarcely opening his lip.s, he would dismount in order to inspect his hounds, or to view his farming im- provements : then getting on horseback again, he returned back to the queen's lodge in the same pensive or disconso- late manner. From lime to time, he ad- mitted Mr. Jenkinson and Lord Thurlow, both of whom were privy councillors, to pay their respects to him. He even re- peated to the latter of those distinguished persons, his wish already expressed, of going over to his electoral dominions for a few months ; and abandoning to the ministers, the power of which they had got possession. But Lord Thurlow after again dissuading him from having re- course to any strong or violent expe- dients for procuring present emancipa- tion ; exhorted him to wait for a favour- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 419 able occasion, which Fox's impetuosity or imprudence wouhl probably furnish, to liberate himself from the yoke of the coalition. Time soon presented the propitious moment for putting this ad- vice into execution. [September.] His majesty remaining inflexible in his resolution not to create any British peers on the ministerial recommendation, they contented them- selves with tendering him a list of eight or nine Irish peerages. However reluctantly, he yet consented to exercise this act of the prerogative. Nearly about the same time, the definitive treaties of peace were concluded with France and Spain ; while David Hart- ley, who had been sent to Paris ex- pressly for the purpose, signed another treaty with America. Hartley, who was member for Hull, though destitute of any personal recommendations of manner, possessed some talent, with unsullied probity, addeil to indefatigable perseverance and labour. His sight, which was very defective, compelled him always to wear spectacles. The Rockingham party contained not among them a more zealous adherent ; but in parliament, the intolerable length, when increased by the dulness of his speeches, rendered him an absolute nuisance, even to his own friends. His rising always operated like a dinner bell. One day, that he had thus wearied out the pa- tience of his audience ; having nearly cleared a very full house, which was re- duced from three hundred to about eighty persons, half asleep ; just at a lime when he was expected to close, he un- expectedly moved that the Riot Act should be read, as a document necessary to elucidate, or to prove, some of his foregoing assertions. Burke, who sat close by him, and w^o wishing to speak to the question under discussion, which was a part of the budget, had been bursting with impatience for more than an hour and a half; finding himself so cruelly disappointed, bounced up, ex- claiming, while he laid hold of Hartley by the coat, " The Riot Act ! My dear friend, the Riot Act! to what purpose! don't you see that the mob is already completely dispersed ? You have not twenty hearers." The sarcastic wit of this remark, in the stale of the house. which presented to the view only empty benches ; when increased by the manner and tone of despair, in which Burke uttered it; convulsed every person pre- sent except Hartley, who never changed countenance, and insisted on the Riot Act being read by one of the clerks. Lord North himself recounted this story to Sir John Macpherson, from whom I received it. I have heard the late Earl of Liver- pool, then Mr. Jenkinson, say, that Hartley having risen to speak, about five o'clock, during the session of the year 1779, in ihe month of June, or of July : and it being generally understood that he would undoubtedly continue a long time on his legs, as he was to con- clude with making a motion; Mr. Jen- kinson profited of the occasion to breathe some country air. He walked therefore from the house to his residence in Par- liament-street ; from whence mounting his horse, he rode out to a place that he rented, some miles from town. There he dined, strolled about, and in the evening returned slowly to London. As it was then near nine o'clock; before he went down a second time to the House of Commons, he despatched a servant to Mrs. Bennet the housekeeper, requesting to be informed of the names of the principal persons who had spoken in the course of the debate, and likewise to know about what hour a division might probably be expected to take place. The footman brought back for answer, that Mr. Hartley continued still speaking, but was expected to close soon ; and that no other person had yet risen except himself. In fact, when Mr. Jenkinson entered the house soon afterwards. Hartley remained exactly in the same place and altitude as he was near five hours before ; regardless of the general impatience, or of the pro- found repose into which the majority of his henrers were sunk. However incredible this anecdote appears, 1 have related it without exaggeration. [October.] Autumn produced uni- versal tranquillity ; a peace with Hol- land, followed the treaties made with France, Spain, and America. In Lidia, hostilities had been long terminated wiih ihe Mharatias ; and the death of Hyder Ally, ihe most formidable enemy with 420 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. whom we had to contend in the east, which look place in December, 1782, enabled us to continue the contest with France in that quarter of the world, till the arriviil at Madras of the intelligence of a general pacification in Europe. I availed myself of a fortunate circum- stance, to convey the first information of this event to India, and thereby stopped the farther effusion of blood. Lord Walsingham, who honoured me with his friendship, having in his possession two " Extraordinary Gazettes," issued on the 23d of January, 1783, gave me one of them ; which Gazette I forwarded on the 25th of that month, by the com- mon post, overland, through Vienna, Constantinople, Aleppo, and Bussora, to a friend at Madras. It contained the preliminaries of peace just signed at Paris, between Great Britain, France and Spain. The king's ministers, as well as the East India Company, were equally bound by every principle of humanity and policy, to have anticipated liiat Gazette. But Lord Sydney, then secretary of state for the department, having delayed (on account of ihe unset- tled nature of the administration, which continued during many weeks in a species of suspension, after Lord Shel- burne's resignation), to despatch the " Crocodile" frigate with the intelli- gence ; and the court of directors re- maining from the same cause, equally negligent or torpid ; my letter reached Madras about the middle of the following month of June.' Full six weeks elapsed, subsequent to that time, before any offi- cial information, either from the court of Versailles, from the British government, or from the East India House, arrived on the coast of Coromandel. Our position, at the moment when my account was received in that quarter of the globe, miuht he esteemed most critical, as we had formed the siege of Cuddalore, and were under hourly apprehension of a sally being made on the part of the enemy, whose force within the walls far exceeded the number of our own troops stationed in the trenches before the place. Under these circumstances, Lord Macartney, then governor of Ma- dras, having despatched his secretary, Sir George Staunton, to Cuddalore, with the Gazette which my friend had laid before him ; Bussy, who commanded the French forces, recognised its authen- ticity, and consented to publish an im- mediate cessation of arms. When the account of so extraordinary a fact was received in London from iMadras, early in 1784, together with the recognition of its beneficial results to the East India Company, a member of the court of directors, who then enjoyed great con- sideration in Leadenhall-street, impress- ed with a sense of the public benefits that had accrued from it, evinced a de- sire of procuring for me, as its author, some honorary mark of the company's satisfaction or gratitude. But on his mentioning the subject to the chairman and deputy chairman, they observed, that to thank me for sending out intelligence of the conclusion of peace, must seem to imply a tacit condemnation of their own delay in so long withholding, or rather, in neglecting to forward the in- formation. The business remained, therefore, unnoticed ; but I do not the less reflect upon it, as one of the most gratifying acts of my whole life. Hyder Ally, who had raised himself, like Buonaparte, from the rank of a military officer in the service of his native prince, the rajah or sovereign of Mysore, to the possession of supreme power in that country, was, beyond all competition, the greatest man whom India had beheld, since the entry of Nadir Shaw into Dehli, or perhaps since the death of Aurung Zebe. It was twice the lot of Hyder, to overrun the Carna- tic, and to penetrate to the gates of Ma- dras. His first irruption, which took place in 1769, may even be said to have dictated the treaty of peace, concluded under the very walls of the city. Go- vernor Du Pre, who then presided over the East India Company's affairs on the coast of Coromandel, held more than one interview with Hyder, while the nego- tiations were still pending, in order to adjust, or to accelerate the conditions. Insensibly, during these personal con- ferences, as their mutual distrust and distance wore off, the nabob put many questions to Du Pre, indicating equally the enlargement of his mind, and dis- playing the easy familiarity of his man- ners. One of the circumstances which most excited the English governor's HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 421 astonishment, was to see that Hyder had no eyebrows ; nor, indeed, a single hair left on any part of his face. A man constantly attended near him, whose sole function and employment consisted in pulling out, with a pair of nippers, the first hair that made its appearance on the sultan's countenance. Hyder, per- ceiving the surprise which this fact occa- sioned in Du Pre, said to him, " I ob- serve, that you wonder at my having no eyebrows, as well as at my attention in causing every hair that appears on my face, to be immediately eradicated. The reason I will explain to yon. 1 am the Nabob of Mysore, and it forms an object of policy with me that my subjects should see no face in my dominions resembling the countenance of their sovereign." Du Pre assured Sir John Macpherson, to whom he related this anecdote, tliat he believed Hyder's prac- tice proved him to possess a consum- mate knowledge of human nature, espe- cially of his own subjects. " For," added he, " the impression which the nabob's physiognomy made upon my- self, was not a little increased by its singularity." From the universal testi- mony of all those Europeans who had opportunities of knowing this extra- ordinary prince, it is unquestionable that his manners, voice, and deport- ment, were the most soft and ingratiating to be imagined, whenever he wished to please, or atlecled to be gracious and benign : but iie was terrible, and often ferocious in his anger, like the Caliph Haroun-Alraschid, or like Peter the First of Russia. He died of abscesses, or cancers, in his loins, — probably the consequences of debauchery, — which carried him off before he attained to old age. After a war, which from its com- mencement at Lexington in 1775, hail lasted near eight years, the world began to enjoy repose ; but the efforts made by the coalition to consolidate their poli- tical power, soon produced at home the most violent convulsions, which termi- nated in their total downfall. Two great legal characters finished their course nearly together, in the au- tumn of 1783. Dunning, in August ; and Wallace in November. Both were eminent in their profession ; but all the intellectual superiority lay on the side 36 of the former. Yet fortune had a greater share than merit or talents in elevating the one to the peerage, while the other failed of attaining to that eminence. If Lord North's administration had con- tinued two or three years longer, and consequently, if Lord Shelburne had been excluded from office, their destiny might probably have been reversed. I have been assured, that a short time be- fore Lord Ashburton's decease, these two distinguished lawyers finding them- selves by accident in the same inn at Bagshot, — the one on his way down into Devonshire, and the other returning from thence to London, — both of them conscious that their recovery from the disorders under which they laboured was desperate, expressed a strong mutual wish to enjoy a last interview with each other. For that purpose, they were carried into the same apartment, laid down on two sofas nearly opposite, and remained together for a long time in conversation. They then parted, as men who could not hope to meet again in this world. By Wallace's decease, Lee became attorney-general, and Mans- field was replaced in his former situation of solicitor-general, which he had filled under Lord North's administration. I passed a considerable part of the autumn with Lord Sackville, at Drayton in Northamptonshire. Though in his sixty-eighth year, he possessed activity of bod)^ cheerfulness of temper, and the perfect possession of all his faculties. Drayton had forinerly belonged to the Mordaunts, Earls of Peterborough ; from whom it passed into the possession of Henry, Duke of Norfolk, by his marriage with Lady Mary Mordatint, under the reign of William the 'j'hird. He did not, however, long retain it, having been divorced from the duchess, on account of a criminal connection which she carried on with Sir John Germain ; and as the duke had no issue by her, Drayton reverted to the lady. Lord Sackville having, as it is well known, assumed the name of Germain, and having inherited the estate of Dray- ton, it was natural that I should inquire how he came to be called to that suc- cession. He has frequently related to me the particulars, which I shall recount in his own words. 422 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. " Sir John Germain's extraction," , entered early into the Dutch service, and said he, " which was uncertain, and who was an old friend of Sir John Ger- variously reported, has given rise to main ; he always called her his country- much discussion. His reputed father , woman, visited frequently at my father's bore arms, as a private soldier, in the house, an4 was kindly received by the life-guards of William the Second, Prince j Duke and Duchess of Dorset. Finding of Orange : but his mother, who pos- himself in possession of a considerable sessed great personal charms, fame i landed property after the death of his asserted to have been that prince's mis- , wife, and desirous of transmitting it to tress ; and her son was believed to stand "' his own descendants, but being destitute in a very close degree of consanguinity | of any natural connexions, he meditated to King William the Third. Oliier cir-j to engraft himself on some distinguished cumstances tend to confirm tins opinion. , family of this kingdom. For the ex- Sir John Germain inherited no paternal 1 press purpose, while resident at Bristol coat of arn)s ; but he assumed, or rather i Wells, on account of iiis health, he cast used, as his seal and armorial bearing, his eyes upon Lady Betty Berkeley, a a red cross : meaning thereby probably to imply, that his pretensions ascended hit^her than his ostensible birth. Even when, by the provisions of his widow, Lady Betty Germain's will, I inherited Drayton, on the condition of assuming the name of Germain, no mention was made ol the arms, as is customary in daughter of the Earl of Berkeley ; whose birth, character, and accomplishments, rendered her every way worthy of his choice. The marriage took place. She was, indeed, many years younger than Sir John ; but as she possessed a supe- rior understanding, added to the most correct deportment, she acquired great almost all similar cases. King William, ' influence over him. Having been, her with whom Sir John came over here from Holland, in 1688, unquestionably regarded him with distinguishing aflec- tion, and advanced him in life. He became a member of parliament, re- ceived the honour of knighthood, and various pecuniary grants or donations to a considerable amount, were conferred on him by that prince. " Sir John Germain, who possessed a very handsome person, was always a distinguished favourite of the other sex. His connexion with the Duchess of Norfolk, finally procured him this place and estate, she having married him, after obtaining a divorce from her first husband. They lived together several years ; but no children being left alive, and the title of Earl of Peterborough having reverted to a collateral branch of the Mordaunt family, she bequeathed to him, by her will, in the year 1705, the house and property of Drayton, which lay entirely in her own disposal. Sir John, who, though he was naturalized, and become by long residence in this country, in a great degree, an English- man, retained, nevertheless, many of the habits of a native of Holland, attached himself much to my mother. She being the daughter of Marshal Colyear, brother to the first Earl of Portmore, who had self, previously intimate with the Duchess of Dorset, the friendship be- tween the two families became cemented by the alliance. Sir John Germain had several children by her, who all died young ; and in the evening of his life became a martyr to the gout, as well as to other diseases. Lady Betty assidu- ously performed every duty of an affec- tionate wife, and of a careful nurse, about his person. " A short time before his decease, which liappened in the year 1718, hav- ing called her to his bedside ; ' Lady Betty,' said he, ' I have made you a very indifferent husband, and |)articularly of late years, when infirmities have render- ed me a burden to myself : but I shall not be much longer troublesome to you. I ad- vise you never again to marr)' an old man: but 1 strenuously exhort you to marry when I am gone, and I will endeavour to put it in your power. You have fulfilled every obligation towards me in an exem- plary manner, and I wish to demonstrate my sense of your merits. I have there- fore, by my will, bequeathed you this estate, which I received from my first wife ; and which, as she gave to me, so I leave to you. I hope you will marry, and have children to inherit it. But if events should determine otherwise, or if HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 423 you should not have issue tliat survive you, it would give me pleasure to ihiiik, that Drayton descended after yourdecease to a younger son of my friend, the Du- chess of Dorset.' In consequence of this wish, expressed by Sir John Germain on his death-l)ed,I now enjoy the estate. Lady Betty, though young when left a widow, and though siie survived iiim above tilty years, never married a second lime. Her friendship for my mother, always con- tinued without diminution ; and her re- spect for the desire manifested by her husband, induced lier to fulfil his wishes, to the exclusion of any of her own rela- tions." While writing on this subject, I siiall endeavour to throw into one point, some of the nurherous particulars relative to his own family, which in the course of conversation I heard from Lord Sack- ville. They all may be said to hold, more or less, to English history. In order to give, them more verity and ac- curacy, I shall, as nearly as I am able, present them in his own words. " The Sackvilles," said he, "who came into England with the conqueror, and who derived their name from a small village of Low Normandy, have never branched in the lapse of more than seven hundred years. During the two last centuries, the family has produced three distinguished men; of whom the first was the lord treasurer Bnckhurst, whom our great Elizabeth thought wor- thy to succeed Lord Burleigh in that high office, and whom James the First cre- ated Earl of Dorset. It would have been fortunate for the Scottish king, if he had presided longer in the councils of the crown; but he soon followed his royal mistress, and made way, after a short interval, for those favourites, Carr and Villiers, who covered James with dis- grace. His grandson, Edward, Earl of Dorset, the friend and contemporary of Lord Herbert of Cherbury ; but, better known by his duel with Lord Bruce, performed an eminent part under Charles the First. He accompanied that prince during the civil wars, and fought in most of the actions, from Edge Hill, down to Naseby. But like the virtuous Lord Falkland, he regretted and lamented the very advantages, to which he contri- buted by his sword. Many of his letters, written between 1643 and 1646, which are preserved among the Dorset Papers ; descriptive of the scenes of havoc then acting in every part of the kingdom, con- vey a high idea of his principles. His days were embittered and abbreviated by his royal master's tragical end, which he only survived about three years. My grandfather, Charles, commonly called tlie witty Earl of Dorset, died about ten years before I was born, after having survived in a great degree his faculties. He was during his whole life, the patron of men of genius, and the dupe of women. Bountiful beyond measure to both, though he inherited not only the paternal estate of the Sack- villes, buthkewise, that of the Cranfields, Earls of Middlesex, in right of his mo- ther ; yet at his decease, my father, then eighteen years of age, possessed so slender a fortune, that his guardians, when they sent him to travel on the con- tinent, allowed him only eight hundred pounds a year, for his provision. Charles, Earl of Dorset, married three times ; but only one of these marriages contributed either to his honour, or to his felicity. His first wife was the celebrated Coun- tess of Falmouth, well known by her gallantries ; ihe Miss Bagot of ' Gram- mont's Memoirs,' whom Dryden has de- signaled as * A teeming widow, but a barren wife.' Happily she left him no issue ; and in his second matrimonial connexion, he consulted noi only his inclination, but his judgment, when he gave his hand to a daughter of llie Earl of Northampton. He had then nearly attained his fiftieth year; and as he was only twenty-three at the time of Charles the Second's re- storation, the excesses of that dissolute reign, in which Lord Dorset led the way, had already enfeebled his constitu- tion. Strongly attached to the princi pies of civil liberty, he quitted James the Second, when that infatuated prince attempted to introduce popery ; and con- ducted the Princess Anne of Denmark from her father's palace at Whitehall, to the coach which waited for her in St. James's Park, in order to convey- her to Nottingham. While crossing over from 424 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. the palace to the park, by night, and in winter, one of her royal highness's shoes sticking fast in the mud, the accident threatened to impede her escape: but Lord Dorset immediately drawing off his while glove, put it on the princess's foot, and placed her safely in the carriage. To King William, my grandfather ren- dered himself not less acceptable, tlian he had been to Charles the Second ; and I have always been assured that it only depended on himself, to have been raised to a dukedom under William's reign: but his wife's relations, the Comptons, treating the matter, when he mentioned it to them, with great indifference, he said, ' the Earldom of Dorset was quite court, as a witness to prove him an idiot.' " My father having lost his own mo- ther, when very young, was brought up chiefly by the Dowager Countess of Northampton, his grandmother ; who being particularly acceptable to Queen Mary, she commanded the countess al- ways to bring her little grandson. Lord Buckhurst, lo Kensington Palace, though at that time hardly four years of age ; and he was allowed to amuse hin)self with a child's carl in the gallery. King William, like almost all Dutchmen, never failed to attend the tea-table, every evening. It happened thai her majesty having one afternoon, by his desire, good enough for him.' In fact, my fa- 1 made tea, and waiting for the king's av- ther only attained to that dignity, near thirty years afterwards, under George the First. " Extenuated by pleasures and indul- gences, the Earl of Dorset sunk under a rival, who was engaged on business in his cabinet, at the other extremity of the gallery ; the boy hearing the queen ex- press her impatience at the delay, ran away to the closet, dragging after him premature old age ; though not as early the cart. When he arrived at the door, as Rochester, Buckingham, and so many j he knocked ; and the king asking ' Who others of his contemporaries had done, is there ?' ' Lord Buck,' answered he, including Charles the Second himself ;' And what does Lord Buck want with all of whom fell victims to their immo- 1 me?' replied his majesty. ' You must derate pursuit of enjoyments. A few come to tea directly,' said he, ' the queen years before he died, he married a wo- { is wailing for you.' King William im- man named Roche, of very obscure con- mediately laid down his pen, and opened nexions, who held him in a sort of cap-, the door; then taking the child in his tivity down at Bath, where he expired arms, placed Lord Buckhurst in ihe at about sixty-nine. She suffered few cart, and seizing the pole, drew them persons to approach him during his last both along the gallery, quite to the illness, or rather decay ; and was sup- room in which were sealed the queen, posed to have converted his weakness of Jjady Northampton, and the company, mind, to her own objects of personal But no sooner had he entered the apart- acquisilion. He was indeed considered menl, than, exhausted with the effort, to be fallen into a state of such imbeci-' which had forced the blood upon his lity, as would render it necessary to ap- ' lungs, and being naturally asthmatic, he point guardians, with a view to prevent threw himself into a chair, and for some his injuring the family estate : but the ' minutes was incapable of utteringa word, intention was nevertheless abandoned, breathing with the utmost difficulty. You have no doubt heard, and it is a fact, • The Countess of Northampton, shocked that with a view of ascertaining whether i at the consequences of her grandson's Lord Dorset continued to be of a sane mind. Prior, whom he had patronized and always regarded with predilection, was sent down to Balh, by the family. Having obtained access to the earl, and conversed with him. Prior made his re- jjort in these words. ' Lord Dorset is certainly greatly declined in his under- standing ; but he drivels so much better sense even now, than any other man can indiscretion, which threw the whole circle into great consternation, would have punished him: but the king inter- posed in his behalf; and the story is chiefly interesting, because, (as serving to show how kindly he could behave towards a troublesome child), it places that prince in a more amiable point of view, than he is commonly represented in history. Henry ihe Fourth of France, talk, that you must not call me into I when playing with his own children, HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 425 could not have manifested more amenity, or good Inimour. Tlie queen being ac- customed to take Lord Buckliurst in her arms, and to caress liim when he came to Kensington ; his nurse, aware of the circumstance, gave him secretly a writ- ten paper, which she charged him to deliver privately to her majesty. He did so, without acquainting Lady Nor- thampton, who being present, would Kave interposed to prevent him : but the queen insisted on perusing its contents. It contained a petition drawn up by tlie woman, in favour of her brother, then condemned to death for a capital crime. Queen Mary, touched with tiie incident, laid it before the king, who caused en- quiry to be made into the circumstances of the case, with a view of extending mercy to tiie culprit. On examination, the crime, from its magnitude, not ad- mitting of pardon, the queen, as the only alleviation left in her power to bestow, gave Lord Buckhurst a purse containing ten Jacobusses ; enjoining him to present it to his nurse from herself, with the as- surances of her concern at the impossibi- lity that existed, of saving her brother's life." " I was born," continued Lord Sack- ville, in the year 1716, in the Hay- market, where my father then resided ; and received my name from George the First, who was my godfather, having honoured the ceremony of my baptism by his personal presence. One of the earliest circumstances which made an impression on my mind, was that of being carried, at five years of age, bv the servants, to the gate of St. James's Palace, in order to see the great Duke of Marlborough, as he came out of court. He was tlien in a state of caducity ; but still retained the vestiges of a most grace- ful figure, though he was obliged to be supported by a servant on each side, while the tears ran down his cheeks, just as he is drawn by Dr. Johnson, who says, ' From Marlborough's eyes, the tears of dotage flow.' The populace cheered him, while passing through the crowd to enter his carriage. I have, however, heard my father assert, that the Duke of Marlborough by no 36* means fell into irrecoverable or settled dotage, as we commonly suppose ; but manifested at times a sound understand- ing, till within a very short period of his decease ; occasionally attending the privy council, and sometimes speaking in his official capacity, on points of pub- lic business, with his former ability. " No man displayed greater zeal than my father, for the succession in the House of Brunswic. After Queen Anne's death in 1714, he was sent to Hanover ; returned with the new king from Heren Hausen to England, in Sep- tember of tlie same year; and had the honour to accompany George the First, in the coach which conveyed him on his landing, from Greenwich to London. Thirty-three years earlier, he had been a suitor for the hand of the queen, whom he then succeeded ; having come over with tfiat view, from Germany to this country, in 1681, by permission of his father, Ernest Augustus ; but the proposition failed of success. On his return, ridinjj a common post horse from London to Gravesend where lie took shipping for Holland, the horse and the road being equally bad, he got a severe fall, and arrived at Gravesend, covered with mud. The king, who related this circumstance to Lord Dorset, as they came up together in the coach, recog- nised, and pointed out the spot where the misadventure befelhim. " When the intelligence of his de- cease, which took place near Osna- bruffh, in the end of July, 1727, arrived in London ; the cabinet having imme- diately met, thought proper to despatch the Duke of Dorset with the news to the Prince of Wales. He then resided at Kew, in a state of great alienation from the king; the two courts maintain- ing no communication. Some little time being indispensable, to enable my fattier to appear in a suitable manner before the new monarch, he sent forward the duchess his wife, in order to announce the event. She arrived at Kew, just as the prince, according to his invariable custom, having undressed himsplf after dinner, had laid down in bed. The duchess demanding permission to see him immediately, on business of the greatest importance, the servants ac- quainted the Princess of Wales with her 426 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. arrival ; and the duchess, without a moment's hesitation, informed her royal highness, that George the First lay dead at Osnabrugh ; that the cabinet had or- dered her husband to be the bearer of the intelligence to his successor, and that the duke would follow her in a short time. She added, that not a moment should be lost in communicating so great an event to the prince, as the ministers wished him to come up to London that same evening, in order to summon a privy council, to issue a proclamation, and take other requisite measures, at the com- mencement of a new reign. " To the propriety of all these steps, the princess assented ; but at the same time informed the duchess, that she could not venture to enter her husband's room, as he had only just taken off his clothes, and composed himself to sleep. ' Besides,' added she, ' the prince will not give credit to the intelligence ; but will exclaim that it is a fabrication, de- signed for the purpose of exposing him.' The duchess continued nevertlieless to remonstrate with her royal highness, on the injurious consequences of losing time ; and adding, that the Duke of Dorset would expect to find the prince not only apprised of it, but ready to ac- com[iany him to London; the Princess of Wales took off her shoes, opened the chamber door softly, and advanced up to the bedside, while my mother re- mained at the threshold, till she should be allowed to enter the apartment. As soon as tlie princess came near tiie bed, a voice from under the clothes cried out in German, ' Was is das ?' ' 1 am come, sir,' answered she, * to announce to you the death of the king, which has taken place in Germany.' ' That is one damned trick,' returned the prince, ' I do not believe one word of it.' ' Sir,' said the princess, • it is most certain. The Duchess of Dorset has just bl-ought the intelligence, and the duke will be here iminediaiely. The ministers hope that you will repair to town, this very evening,, as your presence there is indis. pensable.' Her royal highness then threw herself on her knees, to kiss the new king's hand ; and beckoning to the Duchess of Dorset to advance, she came in likewise, knelt down, and assured him of the indisputable truth ©f his father's decease. Convinced at length of the fact, he consented to get up and dress himself. The IJuke of Dorset arriving in his coach and six, almost immediately afterwards, George the Second quitted Kew the same even- ing, for London." I return to the progress of public affairs. [November.] When we reflect on the manner in which Fox had attained to power ; as well as on the long, though in- effectual resistance made by the king ; fol- lowed by his sullen resignation under a yoke which he found it impossible to elude or throw off; — when we con- sider these facts, it cannot excite sur- prise, that Fox should meditate the means of confirming and perpetuating his precarious tenure of office. He felt himself personally odious to tiie sove- reign, whom he had too deeply offend- ed, easily to obtain forgiveness. From that quarter therefore, he well knew that he might be undermined or subverted ; but he could not hope to receive a cor- dial support. Unfortunately, he had likewise recently lost in a very consider- able degree, the confidence and attach- ment of the people. So long as the American war lasted, he retained, in de- fiance of his private irregularities, their ardent affection. Of this sentiment, they gave him many proofs: particularly after his duel with Mr. Adam, when the wound which he received, exciting ap- prehensions for his life, the populace surrounded his lodgings, with testimo- nies of clamorous anxiety, as well as of corresponding resentment against his ministerial and persona! opponents. Since that time, the inhabitants of Westminster manifesting the same par- tiality, had elected him one of their re- presentatives in parliament ; a situation which enabled him not only to defend their liberties in the House of Com- mons, but conferred likewise the means of convoking, haranguing, and propelling them in tumultuary assemblies, con- vened for the express purpose in West- minster Hall. To a man of Fox's en- ergy and talents, the additional facility of thus presiding in a species of mob, at the very door of the two Houses of Par- liament, as wellas at a very inconsider- able distance from the royal residence, doubled his consequence ; and might be HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 427 said 10 render liini a tribune of the peo- j that colony, a receptacle or space of pie, ill the most literal sense of the word, ground, surrounded by walls, into which nearly as that oifice was exercised,in an- | was commonly thrown every species of cient Rome, previous to the subversion | corrupted and putrefied substance. In a of the commonwealth. Nor had his ; hot climate, the process from dissolution popularity sutlered at all in the general to revivification, we know, is very quick, estimation, by his acceptance of office | Maggots in immense numbers, of a pro- under Lord Rockingham ; though the digious size, were speedily generated or fallacy and delusion of many of his produced from this filth ; which the promises or assertions, had become suffi- ciently manifest, even during his short stay in the cabinet under that adminis Chinese inhabitants of the settlement, who possessed no means of regular sub- sistence, and who therefore were not Iration. On tlie motives, and on the I fastidious about their diet, used to coUeet propriety or necessity, of his resigna- | with rakes, from of!" the heaps of car- ■'"■■■" * ■ cases, and to devour immediately, after lion, after Lord Shelburne's elevation to the head of the treasury, mankind seemed indeed divided; some applauding it, as an act of magnanimous public virtue, renunciation, and self-devotion ; while others beheld in it only personal rivality, enmity, and resentment. But, relative to his junction with his present colleague Lord North, the suf- frages of the world, from the highest, down to the lowest classes, united to reprobate it in a greater or in a less de- gree. And I have always thought that Fox himself, in his impatience to regain office, miscalculated, or did not suffi- ciently appreciate, the operation on the public mind, of his conduct ; in thus taking to his bosom in March, 1783, the very minister, on whose head, in March, 1782, he had invoked the utmost ven- geance of an offended and ruined nation. Some longer interval of time was re- quired, to reconcile men to such an ap- parent dereliction of principle, and so total a sacrifice of decorum, at the shrine of ambition. Here the transmutation had been so rapid, as not only to shock the most ordinary understanding ; but, even to impress with secret concern or disgust, many of those who, nevertheless, affected to justify, and to support the measure. Pope says, " Lust, through some certain strainers vrell refin'il, Is gentle love, and charms all female kind." But it must pass through those re- finers, and leave its dross behind, or conceal it, before love can charm, or challenge respect. I have heard Colonel Macalister, late governor of the island of Penang in the East Indies, frequently fissert, that there existed in the town of frying them in ghee, or melted butter. Col. Macalister indeed added, that the Chinese who used such aliments, became subject to cutaneous and leprous diseases of the most inveterate kind. We per- ceive, however, that all animal and ve- getable substances perpetually change their forms ; and disgusting as this recital may be, that sentiment only arises from the rapidity of the metamorphosis. Pre- cisely of the same kind, in a political sense, appeared the coalition between Lord North and Fox ; a transformation, which being consummated in the space of a few hours, was then imposed upon the House of Commons and the nation. But the English, indignant at such a compact, which revolted their moral feelings, rejected in general with abhor- rence, the dish served up to them, and dismissed the state cooks who had pre- pared it for the country. Well aware as Fox was therefore, that thouorh he had a second time forced his way into high employment, yet he nei- ther enjoyed the favour of the crown, nor any longer possessed the affection of the people in general ; it was natural he should look to some other quarter, for permanent support. In the two Houses of Parliament, where he commanded a decided majority, he beheld the founda- tion on which he might construct a cita- del, unassailable, as he conceived, either by the sovereign or by the nation. India, which presented the materia^ for his edifice, seemed to invite his exertions to re-model tliat vast empire, convulsed and half subverted by internal discord or corruption, added to external hostilities. Burke, whose friend or relation of the same name, William Burke, was already 428 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. stationed in the east, as agent with the \ Rajah of Tanjore ; and who had, himself, taken a most active part in all the parlia- mentary discussions arising out of the reports of tlie secret and select commit- tees, during the two preceding sessions ; aspired with equal ardour, to second Fox in this great undertaking. It had even been amiounced from the throne, when the king terminated the sitting of parlia- ment, in the preceding month of July, that India would form the first object of their deliberations, on their again meeting for business. During the course of the autumn. Fox and Burke, therefore, aided by the law officers of the crown, drew up, and pre- pared the memorable bill, which it was intended to introduce, as soon as the session should commence in November. They communicated all the heads and outlines of it, to Lord North ; with whom, indeed, as being in his department, the measure ought strictly to have originated: but who was induced in this instance, as in many other cases, to allow the ener- gies of his colleague, added to the supe- rior information possessed by Burke on the subject, to supplant, and in some measure to supersede him in his official functions. The bill, thus far organized, and having been generally approved in the cabinet, was then submitted to the king, for his private perusal and sanction ; accompanied with becoming expressions on their part, of the wish and desire en- tertained by ministers, to accommodate it to his majesty's ideas upon every point, before it should be brouglit into parliament. Unable of himself, by the powers of his own mind, witliout some assistance, to form a competent judgment upon its complicated provisions, opera- tion, and general results, it was under- stood and believed that the king had early thought proper to lay it confiden- tially before Lord Thurlow ; desiring at the same time to know his legal opinion respecting its nature. Common rumour added, that the opinion delivered by Lord Thurlow, represented it as calculated to render ministers independent of the crown; and as containing many clauses injurious to, or nearly subversive of, the British Constitution itself: but that his majesty was advised to wait for its more complete development, before he ex- pressed any disapprobation, or attempted any resistance. Such might be con- sidered the general state and aspect of things in the first days of November, when a curious incident, which unex- pectedly took place at St. James's, and which excited no little speculation, seem- ed to show that the ground on which the ministry stood, was hollow and treacherous. Sir Eyre Coote, who long commanded the armies of the East India Company, on the Coast of Coromandel, with dis- tinguished reputation, and whose name is immortalized in the modern iiistory of Asia ; after repulsing Hyder Ally, and rescuing the Carnatic, expired at Ma- dras, worn out and extenuated by dis- ease, on the 26th of April, 1783 ; having survived his antagonist Hyder, scarcely five months. The intelligence of his decease, which was transmitted overland, reached Leadenhall-street, early in No- vember. No sooner had it been com- municated to Fox, than he immediately destined the ribband of the order of the Bath,wh\ch became vacant on Sir Eyre's death, for one of his intimate friends, Mr. Bielby Thompson. This gentle- man, who possessed a very fine estate in Yorkshire, at Wetherby Grange, near the town of that name ; sat at the time in parliament, as a member for Thirske in the county of York. Fox. after con- ferring on the subject, with the Duke of Portland and Lord North, whom he ac- quainted with his intentions, repaired to St, James's ; where having gone into the closet, he announced to the king, the event that had taken place in India. He then mentioned Mr. Thompson, as the person whom he wished, on the part of ministers, to recommend for the vacant ribband; and his majesty in answer, seems to have expressed that species of acquiescence, more probably tacit than couched in precise words, which the secretary at once interpreted, whether judiciously or not, to constitute full com- pliance. Without waiting therefore, for any more explicit declaration from the king on the subject, as prudence seemed to dictate, Fox informed Mr, Thompson, of his having received the royal assent ; and added, that the investiture would take place at the next levee. Direc- tions were'accordingly issued to Norroy, HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 429 King of Arms, and the proper officers belonging to the Herald's College, to attend at St. James's lor the purpose. The circumstance being publicly known, Mr. Thompson was felicitated by anti- cipation, on the honour destined for him : but the sequel proved that Fox had either miscalculated or misunder- stood, the whole transaction. On the day fixed, his majesty went to St. James's at the usual hour, to prepare for the levee. After he had hnished dressing, he sent out the groom of the bed chamber in waiting, as was his fre- quent custom, to bring him information relative to the number of persons who were arrived. The gendeman returning, acquainted the king, that besides a great crowd come to attend the levee, the officers of the Bath stood likewise with- out, ready for the investiture. With some surprise marked in his counte- nance, the king asked, what investiture he meant? To which question here- plied, not without hesitation, that he un- derstood it was intended to confei;, the order of the Bath on Mr. Bielby Thomp- son who was attending there in person for that express purpose. His majesty made no answer ; and immediatelyafter- wards, the Duke of Portland entering, went into the closet. In the course of his audience, the king observed to him, that no official account having been as yet received from India, of Sir Eyre Coote's death; however authentic the information of that event, transmitted from Madras, might prove; and his rib- band, together with the other insignia of the order, not having been hitherto de- livered back to himself; he apprehended it would be informal to fill up the va- cancy, till those points were previously ascertained and executed. The duke, taken by surprise, after attempting re- spectfully to bring his majesty to another way of thinking, withdrew ; and finding Mr. Fox in the next room, communi- cated to him this most unexpected and mortifying piece of information. The secretary, equally astonished, as well as chagrined, instantly went in, when a long conversation took place be- tween him and the sovereign. In its progress. Fox stated that having some days preceding, laid the business before his majesty ; and conceiving that he had obtained his royal approbation and con- sent to confer on Mr. 'I'hompson the vacant red ribband, it had been so signi- fied to that gentleman ; who, together with the proper officers, were then wait- ing without, in readiness for the cere- mony. He added, that in point of fact, no possible doubt could be entertained of Sir Eyre Coote's death ; and that a disappointment, after the preparations and publicity of the affair, could not fail to be attended with very unplea- sant consequences to administration, in the general opinion. To all these arguments and expostulations, the king, after alleging his own reasons, remained inflexible. Fox therefore quitting the closet, returned to his colleagues, various of whom, assembled in the outer room, were waiting under considerable anxiety, and imparted to ihera the unsuccessful result of his audience. No little confu- sion ensued among them. Mr. Thomp- son, apprised of the mortifying fact, re- turned home. The officers of the Bath, ordered to withdraw, were acquainted that the ceremony expected, would not take place on that day. Every person present formed his own comments or conjectures respecting the scene which had just passed under his eyes ; and the old courtiers did not fail to draw infer- ences from it higlily adverse to the dura- tion of ministers. It was obvious that the king, who felt no disposition to oblige them, had got possession of the advantage ground in the contest; where- as Fox had acted with some degree of indiscretion, as well as precipitation, in presuming upon an assent, rather im- plied or assumed, than unequivocally expressed. Many men considered the whole proceeding as a thing concerted, and the result of deeper causes than were apparent to common observers. By exposing the administration to ridi- cule, as well as to mortification, it un- questionably served to prepare the public mind for some approaching convulsion or alteration in the government. If the business of Sir Eyre,..Coote's ribband was attended with these unplea- sant results to the ministry, they received on the other hand, just at this time, a prodigious accession of strength and consideration, from the avowed junction of the Prince of Wales : who having 430 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. attained his twenty-first year in the pre- ceding month of August, had recently established his court and residence at Carlton House. Nature had bestowed uncommon graces on his figure and per- had sacrificed or restored to France and Spain, almost all the acquisitions of Pitt. Wilkes and " Junius," aided by Churchill, had covered with opprobrium, or overwhelmed with ridicule, almost son : nor were his manners less highly all the ministers employed between the distinguished than his birth. Probably James, Duke of Monmouth, son of Charles the Second, did not excel him in all these bodily accomplishments. Like the princes of the House of Bruns- wick, he manifested an early tendency to become corpulent ; nor did he, like George the Third, repress that disposi- tion by abstinence or renunciations. Convivial, as well as social in his tem- per, destitute of all reserve, and affable even to familiarity in his reception of every person who had the honour to approach him, he presented in these re- spects, a contrast to the shy, correct, and distant manners of the king, his father. Endowed with all the aptitudes to profit of instruction, his mind had been cultivated with great care ; and he was probably the only prince in Europe, heir to a powerful monarchy, competent to peruse the Greek, as well as the Roman poets and historians, in their own language. Capable of warm and steady friendship, he possessed a heart not less susceptible of love, and alive to the impressions, as well as to the seduc- tion, of female charms. Humane and compassionate, his purse was open to every application of distress ; nor vvas it ever shut against genius or merit. Even if these virtues were mingled with considerable alloy, yet his facility, his ardent pursuit of pleasure, and his inat- tention to economy, all might derive some apology from his youth, and the elevation on which he stood ; circum- stances that necessarily exposed him to great, as well as corresponding tempta- tions of every kind. Nor ought we, if we candidly exa- mine the subject, to foel either surprise, or any degree of moral disapprobation, at the predilection and preference which he had imbibed, and which he openly manifested, for an administration odious to his father. When he looked back on the twenty-three years of George the Third's reign, he beheld little matter of admiration, though ample reason for re- gret. At the peace of 1763, Lord Bute treaty of Fontainbleau, and the com- mencement of the American war : nor had the sovereign himself escaped their severe animadversions on his personal conduct and government. In the gulf of the American contest, the treasuries of England had been expended, her navy disgraced, her commerce nearly destroyed, her public burthens accumu- lated, her national debt immensely aug- mented, her armies defeated or made pri- soners, and we had finally lost a vast empire beyond the Atlantic. Precisely as this calamitous consummation took place, the Prince of Wales, emerging i'rom the restraint under which he had been hitherto held, made his appearance on the theatre of public life, and eman- cipated himself from parental superin- tendence or control. It was not merely natural, but almost unavoidable, that he should view those events through the optics and representations of Fox and Burke, rather than through any other medium. Neither George the Second, nor Frederick his son, could plead the same apology, or exhibit such valid causes to justify enlisting, as they respec- tively did, under the party adverse to the measures, of the crown. Fox and his friends, who well knew how to improve these favourable circumstances, con- trived to effect a deep, as well as a per- manent impression on the affections, no less than on the understanding, of the heir apparent. [11th November.] The session now commenced ; — a session rendered con- spicuous beyond any other of the long reign of George the Third, by the mag- nitude, singularity, and importance of its events ; unless we should except from this remark, the parliament that met in November, 1788, on the king's memo- rable malady. A species of ostensible unanimity, like the calm that sometimes precedes the storm, characterised its opening; Mr. Pitt concurring warmly in the address to the throne, moved by administration, for approving the defini- tive treaties signed with France, Spain, HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 431 and America : though he did not fail to remark with indiiznant asperity, on the inconsistence of Uianlviiig the crown lor merely consummating the very work, of which he and his colleagues had lai(i all the foundations; in consequence of conferring which national benelit they had been driven Irom office. *' Yet," concluded he, " if the measures which ministers mean to propose, should meet my ideas, and appear to me salutary in their nature, I will not endeavour to de- feat them by an ignoble opposition ; but I will on the contrary give them my best support." Fox, with much inge- nuity, endeavoured to demonstrate to the house, that the delinitive treaties, far from being servile transcripts of the pre- liminaries, were, on the contrary, materi- ally altered in favour of this country. And with a view to prove his assertion, he particularised three articles, on each of which, as he asserted, important ame- liorations had taken place. These were, first, relative to the condition of the British inhabitants of the Island of Tobago; secondly, an accurate defini- tion 'of the geographical limits, within which the gum trade on the coast of Africa, might in future be carried on ; and lastly, the precise boundaries affixed to the possession of our allies in the East Indies. I own, however, that the aggregate merit of these concessions, or rather alterations, did not appear to me entitled to much encomium. They seemed to be rather inaccuracies or in- advertencies, than defects ; and were such blemishes, as every administration must equally have perceived and reme- died after the lapse of a few months. Pitt made little answer to the secre- tary of state's speech, in the |)rogress of which, he had announced his intention of bringing forward almost immediately, his plan for the new government of India. But Governor Johnstone, with the warmth, not to say violence, which characterised every sentiment that usually fell from his lips ; claimed for Mr. Hastings, all the merit of expelling Tippo Sultan from the Carnalic, as well as of effeciing a peace with the Mliaratta empire : — Services, which, if tliey were justly due to the ability or wisdom of the governor general, as Johnstone asserted, might have challenged higher testimonies of national or parliamentary approbation, than Fox's boasted im- provements contained in the definitive treaty made with France. Johnstone concluded by warning the ministers, not to enforce any plans for the administra- tion of India, without previously con- sulting the persons, who, from local knowledge and experience, knew the remedies most applicable to the disor- ders of those remote and valuable pos- sessions. The treasury bench observed a profound silence, and the house soon af- terwards broke up ; all men looking for- ward with anxiety to the great measure now announced from ministerial autho- rity, and of which the leading features were already known by common report, to be of the most vigorous, as well as affirmative nature. The celebrated "East India Bill" followed, after the interval of a few days. It was natural to suppose that Lord North, within whose depart- ment lay all regulation of our concerns in that quarter of the globe, would of course o()en the measure officially to the house. But instead of so doing, he absented himself on account of indisposition, leav- ing Fox to perform the task ; — a line of conduct, which, whether it arose from real necessity, or whether it was pre- concerted, operated very disadvantage- ously on the minds of many individuals attached to Lord North, who had hitherto supported the coalition. They beheld themselves in fact, completely abandoned by their ancient leader ; who seemed to have delivered up himself, his followers, his sovereign, and his political princi- pies, to the uncontrolled dominion of liis new associates, Fox and Burke. [18lh November.] I scarcely ever remember, during the time that I sate in parliament, a day on which public ex- pectation was wound up to a higher pitch, than when Fox opened his bill. He did it in the most able and masterly manner, detailing with perspicuity, in language equally lucid and persuasive, the accumulated embarrassments, abuses, and mal-administration, which had ne- cessitated the adoption of a measure of vigour, for the extrication of the East India Company. Having stated the grievances, among which he did not omit Hastings's ambitious, profuse, and oppressive policy, as the leading source 432 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. I of the calamities under which India laboured ; and having declared thai no- thing except a total change of the ancient system, could effect any real benefit, he proceeded to unfold his gigantic plan. " My intention is," said he, " to pro- pose the formaiion of a board, consisting of seven individuafs, invested with power to appoint, as well as to displace, all officers throughout Indostan ; and under whose authority, the whole government or administration of our extensive pos- sessions in the east, shall be placed. My next proposition will be for the establish- ment of an assistant or subordinate board, to be composed of eight persons ; to whose superintendence shall be submit- ted all the commercial concerns of the East Iriilia Company. But the latter board is designed to be subject to the absolute control of the seven first named commissioners ; who, as well as the others, are to hold their sittings here in England." — "I mean that parliament shall in the present instance, name all the commissioners ; and I intend their duration to be for the term of three, or of five years, which time will enable us to form an estimate of the efficacy and uti- lity of the institution. If experience shall prove it to be beneficial, I would then rive to the king the power of filling up livion of past animosiiies, and a cordial co-operation for the benefit of their countr}^ had fully succeeded. " On the present occasion I lament, indeed," add- ed he, " that illness and infirmity should deprive me of the great abilities pos- sessed by that noble person ; but I am authorised to declare, that we perfectly coincide in sentiment respecting the subject now before parliament; and as the bill must demand a certain time for its discussion, I trust I may still pro- mise myself the benefit of his powerful support." As the strongest proof of Lord North's acquiescence in, and ap- probation of the measure. Colonel North, his eldest son, seconded Fox's motion. All eyes were then directed towards Pitt, who instantly rising, sarcastically remarked, that although Lord North was indisposed, yet he did not conceive any material impediment to public afi"airs would result from it ; as the se- cretary of state had demonstrated how competent he was to perform, not only his own share of parliamentary business, but the duties of his colleague likewise. Relative to the bill now brought forward he should suspend his judgment till it came fully before the house ; adding, " Enormous abuses have been, no doubt, committed in the management of East all future vacancies among the superior India afiairs. And enormous must they commissioners. To the court of pro- prietors would be left the right of nomi- nation at the inferior board." When he had thus developed the out- lines of his proposed bill^ and endeavour- ed to demonstrate its salutary operation, if adopted ; at the same time anticipating and replying to such objections as he con- ceived, might be made to it, he proceeded. "The situation of the country," observed he, " demands of a minister, not only vigorous measures, but even a degree of risk, and superiority to personal consi- derations of danger. This is not a mo- ment, in which a secretary of state can remain idle. Those who prefer indulgence before application, may re- tire to private life. My office calls for exertion." Then reverting to his coa- lition with Lord North, he assured the house, that no material difference of opinion had arisen between him and his noble colleague, during the past sum- mer. The experiment of a mutual ob- be, if they can justify a measure, which at once abrogates all the ancient charters or privileges granted to the company since its first existence." — " Is it not the avowed principle of the bill just an- nounced, to place the whole power over our East India dominions, in the hands of seven individuals, who will derive their immediate appointment from the minister himself? In that minister will centre therefore prospectively, the im- mense patronage of those rich and extensive provinces. I am ready, as far as regards my own opinion, thus early to declare, that the whole system of the secretary of state appears to be absoluie despotism on one side; and on the other, llie most gross corruption." These severe animadversions, however just they miglit be in themselves, could not however arrest the progress of the measure, which proceeded with unexam- pled rapidity through the lower house of parliament. HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 433 Itis no longer possible, after the lapse of above thirty years, to deceive either our- selves or mankind, relative to the nature, provisions, and efi'ects of the bill in question. Its most determined enemies cannot dispute the energy, vigour, and decision, which breathed through every clause; nor will candid men refuse to allow the beneficial tendency of many of its regulations. But neither can the friends ol Fox, however they may idolize his memory, deny the unwarrantable spirit of ambition, rapacity, and confis- cation, by which it was equally distin- guished in its leading features. The instant seizure of all the efi'ecls, papers, and possessions of a great chartered company ; the total extinction of the court of directors, who had so long conducted its affairs ; and the substitu- tion of two new boards, named by the ministry, through the medium of par- liament for the future government of India — these measures, however their necessity might apparently be demon- strated, seemed rather revolutionary subversions of properly by arbitrary au- thority, than suited to the mild, mode- rate, and equitable spirit of the British Constitution. Other lealures of the bill appeared slill more open to objection, since they evidenlty vested in adminis- tration, and therefore in Fox, as the mi- nisterial leader, a power independent of the sovereign. Such, in particular, might be esteemed the clause, which ultimately extended the duration of the ! act, to four years; a term exceeding the possible period to which the exist- \ ence of the House of Commons then silting, could be protracted, they having already entered on their fourth session. Many other regulations, growing out of the bill, or connected with the mea- sure, excited just alarm. Even in the subsequent selection of the seven com- missioners, who were to be :i[)pointed for the future adniinistratidii of ihe East India Com[)any's affairs at home and abroad, Fox's ascendantoverhis colleague was clearly deiined : Lord Filzwilliain, as the personal representative of the de- ceased Marquis of Rockingham, being placed at the head of the board ; while Mr. Frederick xMuntagu, another most respectable adherent of the same politi- cal party, stood second in the list. 37 Colonel North, Viscount Lewisham, and Sir Gilbert Eliott, the three next com- missioners, represented Lord North's interest and connexions. No division was attempted on any of these names, but I will remember the general laughter excited through the opposition ranks, when Colonel North was proposed. Indeed, Fox was so well aware of the sneers or comments to which that nomi- nation would give rise, that he anticipa- ted them in his speech on the occasion. But, in order to secure at once the ma- jority of voices, together with the effi- cient control of the board itself; Sir Henry Fletcher, one of the representa- tives for the county of Cumberland, who in the year preceding had been raised to the dignity of a baronet, by the Marquis of Rockingham ; and Mr. Robert Gre- gory, member for Rochester, were added to the number. Both these last named gentlemen, well known for their devoted attachment to Fox, and possessing seats in the House of Commons ; having like- wise in their own persons, recently and repeatedly filled the highest situations in the East India direction ; it was obvious, must be resorted to as guides, on account of their local knowledge and experience in the company's concerns. No mea- sures, it must be owned, could have been more ably concerted, for bringing under ministerial influence, and for perma- nently retaining under their subjection, the immense patronage, and all the sources of power, or of emolument, con- nected with India: while, on the other hand, it was well understood, that the first employments, civil and military, from the post of governor-genera! of Bengal, or commander-in-chief at Cal- cutta, down to the seats in council at Madras and at Bombay, were already promised or filled up, principally with members of parliament, distinguished for their adherence to administration. The names of the individuals destined for these high situations, became circulated in every company ; and as many of them were better known among ihc club at Brookes's, than in Leadeiihall- street; the consciousness of alt India being speedily subjected to their r;ipa- cious hands, by no means tended to reconcile or to tranquillize the public mind. 434 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. [20th November.] Happily for the British Constitution, the activity and energy of opposition, seemed to keep pace with the bold policy and ambition j of the secretary. Rir. William Gren- ville, then member for the town of Buck- ingham, and youngest of three brothers, who have all filled with disliiiclion ^ome of the highest employments of state, under the reign of George the Third ; came eminently forward on the present momentous occasion. In a speech of great length, and greater ability, he gave first presented themselves on that even- ing, to the notice of the house ; but, on opposite sides : the former attacking, the latter defending, Fox's bill. Scarcely any impression of the speech pronounced by Scott, remains on my mind or me- mory, except a general idea of the calm- ness and candour which characterized it. One only sentiment has survived in my recollection, when he strikingly observ- ed, that, " though ministers, by the words which they had put into his ma- jesty's mouth, at the opening of liie ses- promise of those vigorous powers of j sion, had called upon parliament to Re- mind, which he has since unfolded \n\ liberate; yet it was now obvious, that the upper House of Parliament, both in, instead of consulting on the affairs of and out of office. He wanted, indeed, i India, the secretary of state had only llie commanding tone, the majesty, and convoked them for the purpose of f/e- a!l the captivating rotundity, as well as i cision.''' splendour of Pitt's eloquence ; but, in Fox, in his reply, while he treated solidity of argument, in depth of thought, Scott with great marks of consideration, and the qualities that constitute a states- and even of respect for his talents, as man. he might be tliought to equal his well as for the temperate mode in which disiinguished relation. Having pointed out in the most convincing terms, the rapacity, despotism, and personal ag- grandisement, which lay concealed be- hind the ostensible regulations of reform, in Fox's bill ; — having endeavoured to unmask the attempt made to hoodwink and deceive the house, by nominating commissioners who would look only to the minister, and not to the sovereign, for the duration of their power ; — he de- manded, " By whom has a plan so preg- nant with ruin to the Constitution, been originated and matured ? — By the very man, whose voice has during many years been loudest in declaring, that the influence of the crown is excessive, and big with danger to the liberties of the country." In language more measured, and destitute of classic ornament, but, he had delivered his opinions, exhausted on Jenkinson the severest epithets of re- proach. " I well anticipated," exclaimed lie, " long before they were uttered, the observations whick would proceed from that quarter. When I first heard the doctrine broached, of separating the crown from its ministers, and treating them as divided interests, I instantly foresaw who would take the lead on the present evening. Such doctrines could originate frou) no other individual. When the measures of government call for censure or punishment, then, indeed, I admit, ministers are solely responsible : but in almost every other point of view nothing can be more invidious or false than to make such a distinction." Pitt, notwithstanding, who doubtless already knew the ground, pressed the secretary not less calculated by its very brevity to [ of state upon this lender subject with impress his audience, Jenkinson stated the measure projected, " as setting up within the realm, a species of executive authority, which would be independent of all control on the part of the sove- reign." Nor did he fail to expose and to denounce the audacious spirit of legis- lation, which could propose a plan so subversive of every principle on which rest the liberties of England. Two in- dividuals who have risen in our time to the highest honours and dignities of the bar, Scoll and Erskine, both, I believe, redoubled force. Having remarked on the inconsistency and contradiction of Fox's assertions respecting the unity of the sovereign and his ministers: "We hope indeed," added he, " that they do materially differ. Whenever adminis- tration passes the limits of justice and of moderation, we trust that we shall always be able clearly to distinguish the minister from the sovereign. The secretary has exerted much ingenuity in alten)pting to conciliate and blend two powers, which are in themselves dis- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 435 linct. I can, however, discover no rea- son for his introducing the present bill at so early a period of the session, and pressing it forward llirough the house, without allowing it a full discussion, except the design of settling ministers in the enjoyment of unlimited and abso- lute power.'' It was evident by these expressions, how imprudently Fox had acted in bringing forward a measure, which, besides its rapacious features, and its arbitrary spirit, enabled his op- ponents to accuse him, not without good reasons, of labouring to build up his own greatness, and to cement his own power, at the expense of the prince vviiom he served. He thus opened with his own hands the political abyss in which he was eventually swallowed up. So blind is ambition, unless regulateil and restrained by judgment as well as moderation ! Irritated at the motives imputed by Pitt and his friends, to ad- ministration, in framing the East India Bill, Burke rose towards the close of the debate, rather to indulge his spleen, and to vent his anger, than to apply to Pitt's argunients the touchstone of reason. " Those arguments," he said, " came, not from the head, but from the heart; and therefore neither merited, nor were capable of receiving an}' answer. The ministerial opponents knew their own base motives, for which reason they attribuied to others, the feelings by which they were themselves animated." No division, however, as yet took place, and the bill proceeded forward with un- exampled rapidity; while every other topic of conversation throughout the metropolis, and I might almost say, tlirouglioiit the kingdom, was sus- pended in the contemplation of this new, as well as comprehensive mea- sure. [27th November.] Both sides, mean- while, prepared for the greatest exertions, and it was evident that ministers, secure of a decided majority in each House of Parliament, dreaded nothing except de- lay. But the heads of opposition had already found effectual means to inform the sovereign of his danger, and to rouse him to resistance, though its effects were not immediately perceptible. Fox, con- fident in the superiority of his numbers, which circumstance he thought he had well ascertained ; and instructed by all past experience since the period of the revolution of 1688, that no British sove- reign could venture to oppose himself personally against the representatives of the people, sustained by the Peers; only calculated the time which his bill would demand in its passage. He did not sufficiently reflect, that he had lost in great measure the popular support, with- out having acquired the favour of the crown. Nor did he seem to have justly appreciated the general disapprobation, or rather detestation, which the East India Bill eventually excited through all ranks of society. On these powerful auxiliaries, though hitherto not fully ma- tured, Pitt confidently counted. Never, on any occasion, did Fox display the vast capacities of memory, lucid arrange- ments of ideas, and facilities of clothing his matter in language of energy and effect, with which nature had endowed him, more fully than on the second reading of his bill.' Having endeavoured bv a series of arithmetical reasonings, founded, as he asserted, on the accounts presented by the East India Company at the bar of the house, with the view of showing their solvency ; to prove tha they were on the contrary, in a state o. distress approaching to bankruptcy ; Fox added : " I well know that in bring- ing forward the present measure, I ex- pose mv own ministerial situation to hazard. But when, on great national grounds, I can establish a system at once salutary, as well as useful, to this country and to India, I value little the personal risks that 1 may encounter. If I fall, I shall fall in a great and glo- rious struggle, not only for the wel- fare of the company, but for the bene- fit of the people of Britain, and of Indostan." Lord North, who had hitherto been absent from the house ever since the commencement of the session, attended in his place on that evening, seated by Fox's side. He even spoke at consi- derable length, in support of the bill ; but, as I thought, without his usual ani- mation, and powers of persuasion or entertainment. Not a scintillation of that wit, which so often electrified or delighted his hearers, pervaded his speech ; and though it displayed great 346 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. ability, the understanding, rather than conviction or inclination, seemed to dic- tate all he littered. Pitt, on the other hand, fastened like a vulture on the secretary's measure, which he held up to the abhorrence of all mankind, as " the most desperate and alarming attempt to exercise tyranny, which ever disgraced the annals of this, or of any other coun- try." " Is the pretended relief," ex- claimed he, " which we are to adminis- ter in Asia, to be grounded on injustice and violence in Europe ? — I pledge myself to the world at large, to point out the fatal operation of this bill on everytiiing sacred or dear to English- men ; to prove its inimical influence on our Consiitution and liberties ; and to establish by incontrovertible evidence, the false and pernicious principles on which it is founded. But all these par- ticulars necessarily demand lime, which the indecent, as well as unprecedented precipitancy of the business, virtually proscribes," — " The secretary has passed in review the statements made by the company, and the accounts presented at the bar, with a rapidity which ren- ders comprehension difficult, and detec- tion almost impossible. For this, as well as for many other reasons, I trust there can be no objection to defer the debate for a single day, in order that the false- hood of the assertions made may be ren- dered manifest to every compreiiension." Vainly, however, were any reclamations addressed to ministers who dreaded, above all things, the operation of delay ; and who, after having taken the cabi- net by storm, were now impatient to apprehensions, from the interposition of delay, by the haste, not to say the pre- cipitation, with which he propelled the bill through the House of Commons. Notwithstanding the opposition given to it in every stage, by Mr. Pitt and his friends ; in defiance of petitions pre- sented from the proprietors, as well as from the directors, of the East India Company ; and equally contrary to the general sentiment of the capital, no less than to the almost unanimous voice of the nation, which soon began to manifest itself; he pushed forward the measure with indecent ardour. Scarcely three weeks elapsed, from the time of his moving for leave to bring in his bill, on the 18lh of November, to his appearance at the bar of the House of Peers, on the 9th of December, when he presented it in person, " magna comitunte caterva,"" after its having passed the House of Commons. An ordinary turnpike, canal, or enclosure bill, if opposed in its prin- ciples or progress, might have taken longer time, than did this gigantic expe- riment to render adminislraiion in some measure independent of the t;rown, and of the people. Yet so well had the secretary meditated his plan, such was the parliamentary strength possessed by the coalition, and such the ascen- dancy of Fox over the lower house, that upon every division he carried the question by a vast superiority of num- bers, generally exceeding the proportion of two to one. On the question of going into the committee, which took place on the first of December, I quilted Lord North, whom I had commonly supported secure their possession of power beyond up to tiiat time, and joined the minority ; the reach of accident or fortune. Fox ) conceiving it to be, upon every view of refusing to postpone the discussion, even ^ the subject, improper longer to adhere to for a few hours, the division took place ; which, as being the first trial of strength on the East India Bill, excited no little expectation. It proved a triumph to the coalition, and seemed to set at defiance all further opposition within the walls of that House of Parliament; administra- tion carrying with them 229 votes, while the minority did not exceed 120. Un- der these prosperous, but fallacious appearances, terminated the month of November. [December.] Fox himself gave, in- deed, the strongest indication of his own a minister who seemed to have forsaken himself. The consternation which Fox's bill occasioned in Leudenhall-street, among that description of men against whom its provisions were known to be peculiarly levelled, was commonly, though erro- neously, said to have proved fatal to Sir William James, who died very suddenly, just at this time. It is however true that he was seized with an indisposition, while sitting in the House of Commons, durinsi the progress of the " East India Bill," which compelled him instantly to HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 437 return liome ; but he recovered in a car- I by master hands. Every species of in- tain degree the attack, though he never afterwards quitted his own house. His death took [)lace instantaneously, during the performance of the ceremony of \ua only daui^iiter's marriage with the late Lord Rancliff, then Mr. Boolhby Par- kyns. 1 knew Sir William James with great intimacy, and discussed with him, the probable results of the East India measure, during the short interval which elapsed between his first seizure, and the day of his decease, at his residence in Gerrard-street, Soho. His origin was so obscure, as almost to baffle enquiry, and he had derived no advantage from education; but he possessed strong natu- ral abilities, aided by a knowledge of mankind. Having been sent out early in life, to Bombay, in the East India Company's naval service, he there dis- tinguished himself, by commanding the memorable expedition undertaken against Angria the pirate ; when we made our- selves masters of Fort Geriah, his prin- cipal establishment on the coast of the Concan. Returning to his native coimtry after this successful enterprise, by which he acquired not only some fortune, but considerable reputation ; he rose to the first employments at the India House, as a member of the court of directors ; sat in successive parliaments ; was elevated by the friendship of the lale Earl of Sandwich, when first lord of the admi- ralty, to the baronetage ; and had been elected deputy master of the Trinity House, in the preceding montli of June, when Lord Keppel was chosen master of that corporation. Those persons who asserted that Fox's bill killed him, seem to have forgotten that he had nearly attained his seventieth year, when he expired. As his dissolution took place on the I6ih of December, he had not the satisfaction to witness the rejection of that obnoxious measure by the Houseof Peers, which happened on the following day. Never, probably, was so great a por- tion of intellect brougiu to bear upon one point or subject, in so short a space of lime, as the House of Commons exhi- bited between the opening of the East India Bill, and its triumphant arrival in the upper House of Parliament. All the sources of argument, declamation, wit, and pathos, were successively touched 37* formation enlightened the object under discussion ; nor was any weapon of sophistry, humour, or even severe in- vective, left untried, which might operate on the understanding, passions, and feelings of the audience. The salient points of debate were so many, so strik- ing, and so animated, as to defy the powers of memory ; leaving on the hearer's mind, only a confused recollec- tion of their beauty, delicacy, or severity. History, ancient and modern, poetry, even scripture, all were successively pressed into the service, or rendered subservient to the |)urposes of the con- tending parties. Will it be believed that the '* Apocalypse" of St. John furnished images, which, by a slight effort of ima- gination, or by an immaterial deviation from the original text, were made to typify Fox, under the form of the "beast that rose up out of the sea, having seven heads ?" Their applica- tion to the seven commissioners a[)point- ed by the bill, was at once so happy, and so natural, that it could not be mis- taken, and stood in need of no explana- tion. The words which were made to designate the secretary of state himself, seemed almost to identify him by a very characteristic feature, his buld eloquence. " And there was given to him a mouth speaking great things.''^ But in the duration of the power of the beast, as compared with that of the East India Bill, a diff'erence of six months appear- ed : the " Apocalypse" stating that "power was given unto him to continue forty and two months ;'''' whereas Fox's bill comprehended forty-eight months, or four years. Pensions, peerages, and places, were pointed out by the passage where it is said, " and he causeth all, both small and great, rich and poor, to receive a mark in their right hand, or in their forehead," Mr. Scott who, now as Lord Eldon, holds the great seal, was the person by whom so curious an allusion was pre- sented to the house ; as I think, on the third reading of the bill. But Sheri- dan, though lie could not possibly antici- pate an attack of such a nature, yet having contrived in the course of the de- bate, to procure some leaves of " the book of Revelations," with admirable- 438 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. ability found materials in that work, equally suited to Fox's defence or justi- fication; transforming him ffom "the dragon and the beast," under both which type he had been desijrnated, to a species of angelic or tutelary being, by producing other quotations taken from St. John, full as applicable in their tenor to the secretary of state. [1st December.] The powers of mind exerted throughout the progress of the measure, seemed to be concentrated in the memorable debate that took place upon sending the bill to a committee, which was opened by Powis. His beautiful and severe animadversion on its double author ; a metaphor drawn likewise from Holy Writ; made a strong impression. "I hear indeed," said he, " the voice of Jacob," meaning Fox ; " but the hands are those of Esau." Lord North, who was present at the lime, though much indisposed, quitted the house in the course of the evening, overcome with the immoderate heat. Powis, who did not hesitate to denomi- nate the bill, " the modern Babel, which already almost reached the clouds ;" and who compared Fox's treatment of the East India Company, with " Shy- lock's demand of a pound of flesh, to be cut nearest the heart:" expressed nevertheless his personal respect for the secretary ; but added, that he " wished to see him the servant, not the master, of his sovereign." No speech pro- nounced within the walls of the House of Commons, tliroughout the whole pro- ceedings during the great experiment made by ministers to consolidate their tenure of office, tended more to accele- rate their downfall, than did this of Powis. He was neither a candidate for place, nor a courtier, whose eyes were directed to St. James's ; nor a lawyer, looking to the dignities and preferments of Westminster H.ill. As a country gentleman, representing an extensive county, he delivered with manly firm- ness, his opinions ; which were found- ed in common sense, couched in lanffunse of great force, rising at times to a pitch of affecting eloquence, and sustained by unimpeached probity. During the Ame- rican war, he had served with zeal and ability under Fox, in the front ranks; had conduced by his active exertions, to diminish the influence of the crown, and had greatly contributed to drive Lord North from the helm. But he now be* held the structure which he had lent all his efibrts to overturn, raised anew on more solid foundations ; while " the man of the people, was converted into the champion of influence." — "If," said Powis, " the secretary of state's moderation did not form a guaranty against his ambition, we might imagine him, when communing with himself, thus to express his intentions ; ' I have, it is true, forced myself into high em- ployment, by joining a man and a party, whom, after successive years of parlia- mentary opposition, I had expelled from power. But, by my junction with the no- ble lord in the blue ribband, I have lost much of my popularity. Still, as 1 have great influence throughout the country, sustained by powerful connections, I will make good use of my lime. The Indies shall constitute the basis of my greatness. Availing myself of my pre- sent prosperity, I will construct a golden fortress in this new land of promise ; which, by placing in it a select garrison of chosen and determined adherents, on whose zeal and attachment I may im- plicitly rely, I can render impregnable. A fortress which will not open its gates, either to the summons of the people, or to the commands of the sovereign.' — " For God's sake, let us unite to crush this awful pile, before it swells to such a size, as to leave no room for the other component parts of the British Constitution ! Already scarce a vestige of the East India Company is to be traced ; and if the present bill passes, we shall consign the glory, dignity, and the liberties of our country, to ultimate, as well as certain destruction." Burke, unable longer to observe si- lence after such reflections, then rose ; and in a dissertation, rather than a speech, which lasted more than .three hours, exhausted all the powers of his mighty mind, to the justification of his friend's measure. The most ignorant member of the house, who had attended to the mass of information, historical, political, and financial, which fell from the lips of Burke on that occasion, must have departed, rich in knowledge of In- dosian. It seemed impossible to crowd HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 439 greater variety of matter applicable to the subject, into a smaller con)pass ; ami those who differed most widely from him in opinion, did not render the less neither churches, nor hospitals, nor schools, nor palaces. If to-morrow we were expelled from Indostan, no- thing would remain to indicate that it justice to his gigantic range of ideas, his ( had been possessed, during the inglo- lucid exposition of events, and the har- I rious period of our dominion, by any monic flow of his periods. There were better tenants than the ouran-outang or portions of this harangue, in which he i the tiger." This fine burst of imagina- appeared to be animated by feelings and lion, even though we should conceive it considerations the most benign, as well to be too highly coloured, yet presents as elevated ; and the classic language in which he made Fox's panegyric, for having dared to venture on a measure so beset with dangers, but so pregnant, as he asserted, with benefits to mankind, could not be exceeded in beauty one of the most vivid assemblages of animated life, ever submitted to the hu- man understanding, while it appeals to the best feelings of our nature. His euiogium of Mr. Francis (now Sir Philip), whether we acquiesce in its Indeed, if I were compelled to name exact accuracy of resemblance, or not the finest composition pronounced in the House of Commons, during the whole time that I remained a member of that assembly, from 1780 to 1794, I should select this speech of Burke. Nor can 1 be suspected of partiality either towards the author, or the production. The former, though he excited admiration by his genius, was too much the slave of his own prejudices, too implacable, petu- lant, irascible, and impervious to reason on many subjects, to awaken general good will, or to conciliate affection. To the whole system which his arguments were meant to support, I was decidedly hostile. Yell did not on these accounts render less justice to the matchless powers of intellect which matured so wonderful an effusion. Far from suffer- ing by a comparison with the orations of the great ancient masters, Greek or Roman, I believe it would gain on an impartial examination. Among the pas- sages of peculiar beauty, might be named his picture of the young men sent out from India, in order to amass sudden wealth. " Animated," said he, " with all the avarice, and all the impetuous ardour of youth, they roll in, one after another, wave after wave : while no- thing presents itself to the view of the unhappy natives, except an in- terminable prospect of new flights of voracious birds of passage, with appe- tites insatiable for a food, which is con- tinually wasting under their attacks. — Every other conqueror, Arab, Tartar, or Persian, has left behind some monu- ment, either of royal splendour, or of useful benevolence. England has erected cannot be perused without admiration. Yet was it exceeded by his portrait of Fox, whom Burke compared with the lawgivers of antiquity, while legislating for Asia, and despising every personal consideration, in order to diffuse felicity over distant portions of the earth. " He is well aware," added Burke, "of the snares which are spread in his path, from personal animosity, from court in- trigues, and possibly, from popular de- lusion. But, he has hazarded his ease, his security, his power, and his popu- larity, in the present noble attempt. This is the road which all heroes have trod before him. He will recollect that obloquy constitutes a necessary ingre- dient in the composition of glory. He will recollect, that it was not only in the Roman customs, but, is in the nature and constitution of things, for calumny to ac- company triumph." However classic might be these allusions, and whatever magic might pervade the whole of Burke's discourse ; or, however per- suaded he was of the reality of all the predicted advantages, that would flow from the measure ; the moral effect of his speech in producing conviction, by no means corresponded with the admira- tion whicj* it excited. Fox, who re- served himself on that night to answer Dundas and Pitt, rose at a late hour, and spoke with his usual ability. "A char- ter," observed he, " is only a trust for some given benefit. If abused, it may, and ought to be resumed. Sovereigns are sacred; yet, with all my reverence and attachment towards them, had Hived under the reign of James the Second, 1 / 440 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. should certainly have contributed my ef- forts in those illustrious struggles, which rescued us from hereditary servitude, and recorded the doctrine that trust abused, is revocable^ On Mr. Thomas Pitt, who, when alluding to the East India Bill, had asserted tliat " it was a measure which might be naturally expected from a coalition of two men, who having first seized by force on tlie government, evi- dently intended to finish their career by dealing a death-blow to their country," the secretary animadverted in terms of more than ordinary asperity. *' I will tell that honorable gentleman," said Fox, looking him steadily in the face, ''that the men who have brought forward this bill, are not to be brow-beaten by studied gesture ; nor terrified by tremulous tones, solemn phrases, or hard epithets. To arguments, they are ready to reply. He charges us with having seized upon the government. His majesty changed his ministers, last April, as he did twelve months earlier; each time in conse- quence of a vote of this house. So his predecessors did; and his successors will, I doubt not, imitate the example. The votes of Parliament always have, and always will, I trust, decide on the duration of ministry. Such is the nature of our Constitution." Then addressing himself to the house at large: " A double game," exclaimed Fox, " is playing on this occasion by opposition, to which, I hope, this assem- bly, and the whole kingdom will pay at- tention. It is attempted to injure ad- ministration through two channels at the same time ; through a certain great quarter, and through the people. To the former, they assert that the present bill increases the influence of ministers against the crown : while they persuade the nation, that it augments the power of the sovereign to their injury. That they will fall in both these experiments, Ihave no doubt. In i\\Q great quarter,! trust, they are well understood ; because the princely mind of that elevated person- age, forms a security against their de- vices. They will speedily dissipate by their conduct, any temporary illusion which they may have spread among the multitude." Nor was Fox less severe in his remarks upon Jenkinson, than he had been, when commenting on Mr. Thomas Pitt. The former of those gen- tlemen being seated near William Pitt on the opposition bench, as was likewise Dundas, '» When I behold," observed the secretary, "the right honorable gen- tleman now surrounded by the objects of his early and hereditary aversion, and hear him revile the coalition, I am lost in amazement at his inconsistence. Well may my noble friend, the chancellor of the exchequer, assert, that we never sought to attain power by cabal, or in- trigue ! The safest path to royal, as well as to popular favour, is by reducing the burthens, and restoring the glory of the nation." Then fixing his eyes on Jenkinson, " let those persons," said he, " who aim at ojfice through other chan- nels, by mysterious and inscrutable means, speak out ! If they will not, the country must perceive that their arts cannot bear examination, and that their safety lies in their obscurity. The prin- ciples which ive profess, are thoroughly known. With them I prefer to perish, rather than maintain myself by adopting others," After endeavouring to do away the efl'ect of Powis's soliloquy, which seemed deeply to afl'ect him. Fox con- cluded by addressing his last words to Pitt; who in the course of a most able speech, had declared that " he would stake his character with the public, on t!>e dangerous nature and tendency of the bill under discussion." " I meet him," said the secretary, " in his own terms of defiance, and I oppose him, character against character. I stake upon the excellence of the present measure, all that is most dear to men ; talents, honour, present reputation and future fame. All these I risk on the constitutional safety, the enlarged policy, the equity, and the wisdom of the bill^ There were per- sons who thought that under all circum- stances of the case, the stake was by no means equal ; and that it resembled the armour of Diomed, when weighed in value against that of Glaucus. The di- vision, however, which took place at a very late hour, fully equalled the expec- tation of ministers, being more than two to one. Ayes, 217. Noes, 103. So numerous and flattering a support, which proved how well the secretary had pre- pared the ground, only accelerated the final catastrophe. HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 441 rSth December.] On the third read- ing of the bill, a new auxiliiiry appeared on llie side of opposilion, in the person of Mr. John James Hamilton, since raised by Piit to the dignity of a mar- quis ; who having taken his seat only a few days preceding, as a member of the house, opened the debate in a speech of considerable ability, Wilkes drew, how- ever, far more attention, not only by the decided part which he took against the measnre itself, but by the classic, ner- vous, and pointed terms in which he in- veighed against its fabricators. " No epithet," said he, " can reach the enor mity of its gnilt, and I shall tlierefore content myself with characterizing it as a swindling bill, drawn and presented by the secretary of state, to obtain money on false pretences. 1 consider it as the bitter fruit of the coalition: — for, after the lamentable consequences that result- ed from the infraction of the ^/hnerican charters by the noble lord in the blue ribband, I believe he would never have ventured to attack the franchises and property of a great chartered company, if he had not connected himself in im- pious league with so daring a colleague. When he had secured a fit accomplice, the plan and share of the plunder being previously adjusted, it was resolved be- tween them, to rob the East India Com- pany. I protest that I nourish no ill will personally, to either of the secre- taries of state ; but I deprecate and dread the unnatural, incongruous union of two individuals, who never could have been brought to coalesce, except for the division of the public spoils, and for the partition of all power among themselves ; to be followed by the de- struction of public freedom, and the in- dependence of this assembly. The noble lord possesses, I believe, the most un- spotted integrity: but love of place, combinintr with indolence of natural dis- position, led him throughout the whole progress of the American contest, to con- nive at men iiv public office fleecing the stale, beyond the example of former times. His own hands were clean ; but not so those of his dependents. As a private nobleman, he is formed to bead- mired and beloved. To a rich vein of elegant, brilliant and classic wit, he joins easy manners, unafTected suavity of temper, and every amiable or com- panionable quality. Would to heaven I could commend his reverence for the Constitution, his love of freedom, and his zeal for the preservation of those privileges and franchises, which consti- tute the birthright of Englishmen !" This accurate and admirable portrait, sketched by the hand of a master who well knew the original, was followed by an apostrophe to Fox, not less calculated to attract attention. " With the present colleatjue of that noble lord," continued Wdkes, " I have acted during many sessions, in hostility to him. By his side I fought in all the struggles to re- press the power of the crown. With what admiration have I listened to his manly eloquence, sustained by the powers of argument and reason ! So perfect a parliamentary debater, this assembly has never beheld! I grieve when I reflect how unavailing have been all our efll'orts, to prevent the dismember- ment of s(» large a portion of the empire. But I am indignant when I see the noble lord occupying one of the highest em- ployments, reconducted to power, nay, caresssed and cherished by the very man who solemnly engaged to impeach him, as the great criminal of state, the cor- rupter of parliament, the author and contriver of our national destruction" From every quarter of the house, the keenest shafts were aimed at the mea- sure ; some of which penetrated deep, while others only appeared to graze on the surface; butall left their impression. While Pitt powerfully sustained by Mr. William Grenville, and Dundas, attacked it with the arms of reason ; others tried the operation of irony and ridicule. Arden, who soon afterwards became solicitor general, on the change of mi- nistry, clung 10 it through every stage with great pertinacity and spirit, not un- accompanied by legal ability. The seven commissioners, and their eight assistant directors, were compared by Mr. Wilberforce, to so many doctors and apothecaries, summoned for the pur- pose of putting the patient, the East India Company, to death, according to the rules of art. Many members, long accustomed to consider Fox as the star by which they guided their political course, covered him on this occasion, 442 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. with reproaches or maledictions. Mar- tin, a man, who though not disiingnished by superior intellectual parts, yielded to none in probity, invoked curses on the coalition, a« the grave of all principle. " When once the present bill is passed," said he, " men vviio think and act inde- pendently, may spare themselves the trouble of coming down to this assembly. — I will, however, steadily oppose it, as I have done in every I'ormer stage, till it is sent up to the Peers. I trust, they will esteem it utterly inconsistent either with their justice, or with their dignity, to pass such a bill. But even if it should be otherwise, one hope is still left us. — I mean that his majesty will refuse his assent to so pernicious a mea- sure." iMarlin did not hesitate to de- clare, that neither Sir George Savile, nor Sir Charles Turner, the latter of whom was already dead; and the for- mer lay extenuated by diseases which speeddy conducted him to the grave; — would, had they been present, have lent any countenance or support to the East India Bill. Sir Richard Hill, to whom scripture was familiar, compared the secretary's conduct in affecting to protect and caress tlie East India Company, while hn im- molated them to his ambition ; with the treachery of Joab to Ainasa, who at the moment that he pretended to embrace him, slabbed him to the heart. " If," added Sir Richard, '• I miglit present a gift to him wh(j will have extended at his feet, the whole patronage of the East, and who by this bill will be ren- dered greater than any oriental nabob : — If the secretary would deinn to ac- cept from my hands, so small a boon as a motto, I will venture to offer him, ' N'on sum quails eram.'' " In more homely language, destitute of advenli- tious ornament. Sir Cecil Wray de- clared that the measure impressed him with horror, from its enormity, corrup- tioui, and pernicious consequences to the state. Some of the finest passages of Shakspeare, taken from his "Julius Caesar," were applied by Scott and Arden to Fox, as the new dictator, with extraordinary effect. Powis ac- cused the secretary with deceiving him- self and the house, by professions of zeal and disinterestedness, which served only as a cover to his ambitious designs. " He still persists," said Powis, " to maintain the purity of his political prin- ciples, and to bid his deluded co\intrymen confide in his fair promises. But 1 form my judgment by measures, not by men. And by that criterion I mean to try all the su[)poriers of the present enormi)US mea- sure, wliich aims a mortal blow at the independence of parliament." Jenkin-, son temperately, but in language of energy, depictured the unconsiituiional nature of the power thus atteinjjted to be set up, which must prove subversive of the royal prerogative ; and from opposite sides. Fox was assailed as the enemy of his country, who sacrificed to his insatiable ambition, the character, and the consideration, that he had attained by a long series of public ser- vices. Not that he by any means wanted de- fenders distinguished for integrity, as well as for legal and parliamentary ability. Mr. Erskine spoke repeatedly, at great leiigtii, during the progress of the bill, in support of this obnoxious measure. His enemies pronounced his perlormances tame, and destitute of the animation wliich so powerfully charac- terised his speeches in Westminster Hall. They maintained that, however resplen- dent he appeared as an advocate, while addressing a jury, he fell to the level of an ordinary man, if not below it, when sealed on the ministerial bench ; where another species of oratory was demanded to impress conviction, or to exhort ad- miration. To me, who, having never witnessed his jurisprudenti;rl talents, could not make any such comparison, he appeared to exhibit shining powers of declamation. Lee, the attorney gene- r»\, in a speech replete with that coarse, strong, and illiberal species of invective which usually accompanied his addresses to the house, and which always appeared to me more befitting the Robiiihood society, than accommodated to a legisla- tive assembly, treated y^ilh indignant contempt the repugnance manifested to violate the charter of the East India Company. He did not even hesitate to describe that charter, esteeined by n)any members so sacred, and incapable of subversiwn except by arbitrary violence, as "a mere skin of parchment, to which HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 443 was appended a seal of wax." This impriuleiit, if not censurable declaration, coming from sucli a quarter, however qualified or palliated it might be by sub- isequent explanations, operated injuri- ously to ministers. With the same con- tumelious levity he spoke of his office, which, he said, " he valued not a rush ;" adding, " my learned friend (Arden), should have it to-morrow, if 1 did not conceive that by continuing to hold it, I can be of some utility to administration." The chancellor of the exchequer, irritated at the severe animadversions made by Mr. Thomas Pitt, on the violence with which administration had seized on the reigns of government, denied the charge with much indignation. His eloquence fell, however, far short of his feelings, and was addressed rather to the moral sense of his auditors, than it ap[)ealed to their understandings or to their judg- ment. General Burgoyne, arriving post from Ireland (spontaneously, as he asserted), and quitting the meaner duties of com- mander-in-chief, which employment he lield in that kingdom, in order to fulfil his higher obligations as a legislator at "Westminster, spoke warmly in favour of the bill. Having, many years earlier, acted as chairman of one of the first committees appointed by the house, for inquiring into the affairs of the east, he was heard with attention. He confirm- ed all the horrors and enormities attri- buted by Burke to the Europeans who governed Asia : atrocities, which the general illustrated by a citation pre- pared for the purpose, extracted from the sixth iEneid of Virgil, descriptive of the guilt of a powerful criminal, such as Hastings might be esteemed, condemned for his crimes on earth, to undergo the p-ains of Tartarus. It did not impress the house as powerfully as Arden's line from Shakspeare, directed to Fox, « It is the bright day that brings forth the adder;" or as Wilberforce's invocation to the secretary of state, under the character of the fallen angel, furnished by Milton. 1 remember Burke addressing Lord Norih, when first minister, in some- what similar terms, shortly before his resignation, early in 1782. Rigby pro- fessing an equal contempt for quotations from Shakspeare, or from Milion, and expressing his admiration at hearing scripture fall from the lips of a lawyer; with none of which materials for debate, he said, that he came provided ; yet pro- fessed to have furnished himself with some arguments applicable to the subject under discussion. Without circumlocu- tion, or any false scruples of fastidious delicacy, he declared his utter disregard of the chartered rights of the company, which, he said, he considered "as a bugbear, only tit to intimidate children." He even advised their violation, as the primary step to all reform in the admi- nistration of India. No individual distinguished himself more throughout the whole progress of these interesting proceedings, than Sheri- dan ; whose matchless endowments of mind, equally adapted to contests of wit, or of argument, and even under the control of imperturbable temper, enabled him to extend invaluable assistance to the minister. But neither was Fox wanting to himself, or to his friends. On the contrary, performing every function of a general, and of a private soldier, combating in the front ranks, leaving no charge unrepelled, no insinnalion unno- ticed, no argument unrefuted ; he filled with astonishment, as well as with ad- miration, even those who thought them- selves best able to appreciate the magni- tude and extent of his parliamentary talents. After defending his bill from the severe attacks of Pitt, he did not disdain or omit to answer the allegations made by various members of inferior weight. 'J'o Powis, to Scott, to Dun- das, and even to Martin, he severally directed the most pointed replies, calcu- lated to justify him, not only as a minis- ter, but in his individual and moral capa- city. Determined on carrying through the hill, without a moment's delay ; apprehensive of new obstacles arising, every hour, within as well as without the walls of the house : and seeming to regard parliament as convoked, not for the purpose of deliberation, but of deci- sion ; he refused to postpone the mea- sure even for a single night. Vainly Scott adjured him, in the language of Desdemona to Othello, " Kill me not to-night, my lord ! let me live but one 444 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. day !" The house, towards two o'clock in the morning, became so clamorous for the qiiestion» thai a division was on the point of taking place, wiien an unex- pected incident prolonged the discussion, and arrested the universal impatience of the assembly. Mr. Henry Flood, one of the most celebrated orators in the Irish Parlia- ment, who had just been brought in for the city of Winchester; rising lor the first time, prepared to speak in the Bri- tish House of Commons. His appear- ance produced an instant calm, and he was heard with universal curiosity, while he delivered his sentiments, which were strongly inimical to the East India Bill. Though possessing little local, or accu- rate information on the immediate sub- jerjt of debate, he spoke with great ability and good sense : but, the slow, measured, and sententious style of enunciation which characterized his eloquence, how- ever calculated to excite admiraiion it might be in the senate of the sister king- dom, appeared to English ears, cold, stiff, and deficient in some of the best recommendations to attention. Unfor- tunately, too, for Flood, one of his own countrymen, Courtenay, instantly open- ed on him such a battery of ridicule and wit, seasoned with allusions or reflec- tions of the most personal and painful kind, as seemed to overwhelm the new member. He made no attempt at reply, and under these circumstances betran the division. It formed a triumphant exhi- bition of ministerial strength, the coali- tion numbering 208, while only 102 per- sons, of whom I was one, followed Pitt into the lobby. Yet within twelve days afterwards he found himself first minis- ter, and so remained for above seventeen years. Meanwhile, the secretary never relaxed his exertions, till, having sur mounted all opposition, he carried up the bill, accompanied by a v;ist number of his adherents, who participated in his success, to the bar of the House of Peers. Its passage through that assembly being already secured, as he justly conceived, on solid grounds, and the royal negative never exciting any apprehension, the measure seemeil apparently to be placed beyond the reach of fortune. [9th — 17lh December,] But, with the anival of the East India Bill in the House of Lords, terminated nevertheless the prosperous career of ministers. The king, whose opinions and wishes, how- ever they might have been suspected by, or'even known to a few persons, were not as yet publicly divulged, or clearly ascertained ; now coming forward, as the urgency of the occasion seemed to de- mand, communicated through authentic cliannels, his utter disapprobation of the measure. Lord 'J'emple, though one of the first individuals thus authorized, formed by no means the sole or exclu- sive medium, through which the royal pleasure was so signified and circulated. Very little time, in fact, remained to the sovereign, if he desired to avert the im- pending misfortune. For, the secretary of stale, who seems to have been well aware that as soon as the measure was felt and understood, it would excite uni- versal alarm ; had betimes secured such a majority in the upper house, as must speedily have left to tiie crown no pos- sible means of relief, except one scarcely known to the British Constitution since the revolution of 1688 ; namely, a re- fusal of the royal assent to the bill, after its passage through both Houses of Par- liament. In this critical juncture, his majesty caused such arguments or expos- tulations to be offered to many members of the House of Lords, spiritual, as well as temporal ; and the necessity of re- sistance was so strongly depictured by his emissaries, as to overturn all Fox's machinery in an instant. Proxies given to the minister, were suddenly revoked; and after first leaving the administration in a minority of eight, upon the question of adjournment; the bill itself was sub- sequently rejected two days later, by nineteen voles. One hundred and se- venty-one peeTs voted on the occasion, either in person, or by proxy ; a prodi- gious attendance, if we consider the limited numbers of the British peerage at that time. The Archbishops of Canterbury and of York, led the way, through the I'ormer prelate, whose connexions, political and matrimonial, seemed to connect him with the coalition, had been previously re- garded as a firm supporter of the mea- sure. The latter (Markham), who was not less a courtier than a scholar, through- out life always kept his eye constantly HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 445 nxed on the throne. Nor can it excite surprise, that all those noble individuals without exception, who occupied situa- tions in the royal household, or near the king's person, should, without fasti- diously hesitating, give the example of tergiversation. The greater number among ihem, had only assented to the East India Bill, on a supposition, and under the belief, that it had received the previous concurrence or approbation of his majesty. They abandoned ministers, and joined the crown ; manifesting by their votes, how vast is the personal in- fluence of the sovereign, when strenu- ously exerted, over the members of the upper House of Parliament. The Prince of Wales, wlio had only taken the oaths and his seat in that assembly, on the lirst day of the session, the llth of No- vember; when it was moved to adjourn on the 15lh of December, had voted in person with the administration. But, having received a notification of his fa- ther's disapprobation of tlie East India Bill, and of the whole conduct of minis- ters, he absented himself on the second division, when that measure was finally rejected. Lord Rivers, one of the lords of the king's bedchamber, who had given his vote by proxy to the coalition, on the first question, withdrew it on the se- cond division; as did the Earls of Hard- wicke and of Egremont. Lord Stor- raont, though as being a member of the cabinet, and president of the council, he had personally supported the bi/l on the 15th, when he considered it as having the sanction of the crown, yet voted on the other side, forty-eight hours after- wards. His uncle, the Earl of Mans- field, who was supposed to have in- fluenced him in this determination, exhi- bited the same example. Both were present in the first division, as support- ers of the measure ; and both appeared in the house as enemies to it, when thrown out on the 17lh of December. The Earl of Oxford, one of his majesty's most ancient servants, who had been near his person more than twenty years, in the capacity of a lord of the bed- chamber ; having been induced to sup- port the coalition by his proxy on the 15ih, sent it to the opposite side, on the subsequent division. Fox and Burke, together with many of their warmest ad- 38 herents, who during the progress of the first debate had remained on the steps of the throne, in order by their presence to encourage their friends in the upper house, had the mortification to witness the defeat experienced on that evenini^ ; — a defeat which served as a warning of its final destiny. The debates which took place in the upper house, on the two questions of ad- journment and of rejection ; however inferior an interest they excited, when compared with the discussions that agi- tated the House of Commons on the same subject; yet strongly arrested national attention. Lord Thurlow, after repro- bating the bill, and treating with con- temptuous ridicule the reports of the " select committee," on which defective or erroneous foundations, the pretended necessity for the measure rested ; de- clared that " if it passed, the king would in fact take the diadem from his own head, and place it on the head of Mr. Fox." In more intemperate language, scarcely befitting so dignified an assem- bly, the Earl of Abingdon, a nobleman of very eccentric character, and restrained by no forms of parliamentary decorum, while expressing his abhorrence of a coalition which had given birth to this political monster; qualified Charles James Fox by name, as " a mountebank secretary of state, accustomed formerly to ascend the stages at Covent Garden, and at Westminster Hall, from which he harangued the mob ; but now calling himself the minister of the people, though animated by the criminal ambition of Cromwell, and aiming at regal power." He even accused the secretary wiih ex- ceeding in violence, by his seizure of the East India Company's charter, the worst acts of those tyrants, Charles the Second, and his brother James. With great pertinacity, the Duke of Richmond pointed out the injustice of the measure : nor did the lies of consanguinity whicii connected him with Fox, prevent him from severely arraigning the recent grant of a pension of one thousanil pounds a year, made to Sir William Gordon ; in order, by vacating his seal for Poris- mmith, that he might enable government to introduce Mr. Erskine into the House of Commons, at this critical juncture. Unsolicited, and unconnected with party, 446 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. Lord Camden entered his strong protest against such an infraction of all law on the part of adininisiratioii, by bringing forward an act, not, as it professed to be, of regulation, but of rapacious confisca- tion. Ministers, thus powerfully assailed, if they exhibited the talents, by no means displayed the energies, exerted by their opponents. Lord Loughborough, on ■whom devolved the principal weight of defending the government, found himself ill supported in that attempt. The Speaker, Lord Mansfield, voted indeed with administration on the question of adjournment; but remained altogether silent, and extended no active assistance. Conscious that his colleagues had lost the confidence of the king, the Duke of Portland alluded with warmth, in the course of debate, to Lord Temple's re- cent audience of the sovereign, which he denounced as a violation of the Constitu- tion. But that nobleman avowing the peared so clearly demonstrated, unless by a decided personal effort to arrest the bill in its progress through the House of Lords, that the country al large affixed its sanction to the act. There were, nevertheless, it must be admitted, many individuals who thought that the royal disapprobation should have been earlier signified ; and who inclined to accuse the king of something like duplicity or deception, in his treatment of adminis- tration. We must however candidly allow, that he was not bound to observe any measures of scrupulous delicacy, with men who had entered his cabinet by vio- lence, who held him in bondage, and who meditated to render that bondage perpetual. Nor was it easy for him to discover and to detect, by the force of his own intellect, without legal assistance, the invasions on his independence and prerogative, contained in the provisions of the bill, as originally submitted to him ; till they were exposed and made fact, and justifying it as the privilege of i manifest, by the discussions that took an hereditary counsellor of the crown, to offer advice, called on the duke to bring forward against him a specific charge. Lord Shelburne, though he once, 1 be- lieve, attended in his place, took no part whatever in the discussions, nor ever voted on the question, either in person, or by proxy : — a line of conduct, which, when we consider that he had been ex- pelled from power by the coalition., only a few months earlier, opened a wide field for political speculation, on the mo- tives of his silence or secession. It will be readily admitted, that if we try the conduct of George the Third, in personally interposing to influence the debates, and to render himself master of the deliberations of the upper house, by the spirit of our Constitution, as fixed since the expulsion of James the Second ; it appears at first sight, subversive of every principle of political freedom. Such an ill-timed and imprudent inter- ference, had in fact laid the foundation of all the misfortunes of Charles the First. place in the House of Commons. The rapidity with which it was carried up to the Peers, and the little delay which Fox evidently meant it should there undergo, before it was presented for his concur- rence, left him no option in his line of conduct, and very little time for action. These reasons exculpated and justified an interference, apparently so irrecon- , cileable with the genius of the British Constitution. A fact not generally known, but not the less true, is, that his majesty was advised, and had taken the resolution, if the bill had actually passed the House of Lords, to have nevertheless refused to it the royal assent. He would then have instantly changed his ministers, dissolved the parliament, and thrown himself for protection upon his people. Those persons who have had the bes opportunities of knowing his character, and appreciating his firmness under the most alarming or distressful circum- stances, while sustained by the convic- tion of acting right ; will not doubt or But the same line of conduct, which in disbelieve the fact. Nor would the na- 1641 excited general indignation, in 1783 awakened no sentinient of national con- demnation. On the contrary, the king's position being perfectly understood ; the impossibility of his extrication from the ministerial toils wound about him, ap- tion, probably, have condemned his con- duct, or have delivered him up again into the hands of tiie coalition. Happily, however, the middle line which he adopted, prevented the necessity of re- curring to such painful extremities. HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 447 [17th December]. Though Fox's bill was thus rejected by the up'per house, he still remained, together vvitji Lord North, in possession of their respective offices, no change wliatever in adminis- tration iiaving yet taken place. Fox even delivered, as secretary of state, from the treasury bench, the most bitter and animated philippic ever pronounced within the walls of the House of Com- mons ; in the course of which, he dealt out every accusation against the sove- reign, and those members of the House of Peers ; the praetorian bands, or rather i\\e janizaries, as he denominated them ; formity.with the acts of George the Third, in thus personally exerting himself, through various noble individuals, to throw out the East India Bill. The elements of the business being arranged and prepared, a second motion was pro- posed from the ministerial side of the house, reprobating, as " subversive of the Constitution, the attempt to report any opinion of his majesty upon a de- pending bill, with a view to influence members." Its object being to de- signate and to criminate Lord Temple, who had exerted himself more than any other peer in circulating the royal who had strangled the measure by their: wishes, the proposition was strongly op- sultan's order. Nor did he hesitate to i posed by Mr, William Grenville, that compare the paper intrusted by his ma- j nobleman's yoiingestbrother. He called jesty to Lord Temple, which had oper- j on the accuser, to stand forth, and to ated such injurious effects to theadminis- | make good the charge, tration, with the rescript of Tiberius sent I Pill, after treating with derision the to the Roman senate from Capraea, for preparatory formalities wliich introduced the condemnation of Sejanus, unheard in 1 the resolution then submitted to the his defence, and without adilucing proofs j house, demanded on what ground the of his guilt. In classic language, and in I assertion ilself reposed, except upon the words of Juvenal, he reprobated such I vague surmise, or common rumour? an interference, as wholly destructive of the British Constitution The whole of this debate formed one of the most curious and singular scenes ever witnessed ; the ministers being vir- tually out of office, though still occupying their official seats; while Pitt and his friends, though nominally in opposiiion, in fact possessed the royal confidence. Fox anticipated indeed with certainty, the total rejection of his bill in the upper house : but as the Peers sate late before the division took place, the fact was not known at the hour when the secretary made his memorable philippic. The pro- ceedings in the House of Commons, were opened with a sort of mock solemnity, calculated to give them a degree of drama- tic effect ; the mace being sent round, on a request made to the Speaker, for the pur- pose, to summon the attendance of all members found in the adjacent rooms. This extraordinary mandate from the chair, so unusual, was designed to spread alarm, as if the privileges of the house were invaded by the unconstitutional in- fluence or interference of the crown. Precedents were sought for and found, for the vote proposed to be adopted, in the year 1640, when the conduct of Charles the First was said to exhibit a striking con- Fox now came forward for the last time in his ministerial capacity, and in a speech of unreasonable length, but of prodigious energy, accompanied with more than ordinary as[)efity of language, he endeavoured to rally his disheartened troops ; among whom, many already began to perceive that they had com- mitted themselves, on erroneous suppo- sitions, beyond their intentions. We may, indeed, safely assume, that only a small proportion of the five hundred and fifty-eight members who then composed the lower House of Parliament, pos- sessed ability, industry, and leisure suf- ficient, in addition to local knowledge, for enabling them to weigh in their owa scales, the East India Bill ; — a measure of so complex and comprehensive a na- ture in itself; and at that time, not at all generally understood throughout the kingdom. Fox's followers, it is true, were for the most part, zealously and personally attached to him, as their sole leader round whom they rallied, in or out of power. But Lord North counted many adherents, who, in supporting his measures, believed that they were main- taining the government, and looked more to the minister than to the man. Various individuals held offices in the 448 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. roval household, or about the court ; | like manner, no sooner were pretended among which description of members, a great defection must naturally be ex- pected. Such was the state of that assembly on the night of the 17ih of December ; one of the most extraordi- nary to be found in our history ! '' The deliberations of this evening," observed Fox, when he rose, " must de- cide whether we are to be henceforward freemen or slaves ; whether this house is the palladium of liberty, or the engine of despotism ; whether we are prospec- tively to exercise any functions of our own, or to become the mere echo of secret influence. I trust Englishmen will be as jealous of that influence, as superior to open violence. The bill, though matured by all the abilities of this house, and though supported by nearly two to one, on every division during its progress, will in all proba- bility be lost elseivhere. By whom ? By an independent majority? No! Bv the votes of the lords of the bed- chamber." After exhausting his resent- ment on those noble persons, who had, as he asserted, " forfeited by tiieir con- duct, every claim to the character of wentlemen, and degraded the character- istic independence of the peerage, as well as villified the British legislature in the eyes of all Europe," the secretary diverged to other topics of declamation. " On what foundation," demanded he, " do the ministers stand, who come into office by means of secret influence ? Have they not a halter about their necks ? They hold their employments, not at the option of the sovereign, but of the very reptiles who burrow under tiie throne. What man would stoop to such humiliation ! Boys, without judg- ment, experience, or knowledge of the world, may thus precipitately follow the headlong course of ambition, and vault into the scat, while the reins are com- mitted to other hands ; but the minister who can submit to such degradation, and the country which tolerates it, must be mutual curses to each other." Having thus depictured Pitt's position. Fox turned round upon Jenkinson. " During the interregnum of the last spring," observed he, " I never had a doubt, with whom that disgraceful sus- pension of government originated. In grounds of objection stated to the East India Bill, than I instantly looked to the same quarter. The same dark and mysterious cabal which then invested the throne, misleading the royal mind with unworthy arts, has been once more em- ployed to perform a similar part. But will this enlightened country revert to those ages when princes were tyrants, ministers were minions, and government only intrigue? For God's sake, in every case strangle us not in the very moment when we look for success, by an infa- mous band of bed-chamber janizaries ! When the hour arrives, and it may not be very distant, which shall dismiss me from the public service, I will not imi- tate the example set me by the late chancellor of the exchequer, of lingering in office after the national voice calls on me to be gone. I did not come in by the Jiat of majesty , though by that fiat I am not reluctant to go out. I ever stood, and wish only to stand, on public ground. The people of England have made me what I am. It was by their partiality I have been called to a station in their service. Perhaps it would not be treating them well, hastily or precipi- tately to abandon the post which tJiey have confided to me." Fox concluded, nevertheless, this harangue, one of the most violent ever pronounced in my time, within the walls of the house, by an encomium on the very sovereign whose service he was about to quit, and on whom he had thrown out so many severe reflections. " No man," said he, " venerates him more than I do, for his personal and domestic virtues." But as he subjoined, that " the present gene- ration regarded his majesty for the virtu- ous example which he exhibited, and posterity would long adore him for his progeny,''^ Pepper Arden did not fail to remark, that Fox's veneration for the sovereign arose principally from attach- ment to his posterity. Vainly, nevertheless, Pitt urged him to retire, and thus to anticipate his dismis- sion from employment. Content with rendering the majority of the house sub- servient to his views, by passing various resolutions, calculated not only to stig- matize the late interference of the crown ; but intended at the same time to HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 449 prevent ihe inlerruplion of their delibera- tions, by any act of prerogative ; all w^hich motions he carried by a majority of more than two to one ; the coalition ministers refused to give in their resig- nation. Under these circumstances, which called for decision, the king dis- played no irresolution. Conscious that he had advanced too far to recede, either with honour or with benefit, he passed the whole of the 18th of December, in making dispositions for the formation of a new cabinet ; and finding, at a laie hour of the evening, that the two secre- taries of state declined to resign, he sig- nified to them, by a messenger, that he had no further occasion for their ser- vices. They received at the same time, information, that a personal inter- view would be disagreeable to him ; and were ordered to deliver up the seals of their respective departments, through the medium of the two under-secretaries, Fraser and Nepean. Mr. Fox imme- diately complied ; but Lord North, hav- ing deposited the seal of his office in the hands of his son, Colonel North, one of his under-secrelaries, who could no where be found for a considerable time ; the king wailed patiently at St. James's, till it stiould be brought to him. Mr. Pollock, first clerk to Lord North's office, who had already retired to rest, being called out of his bed, in conse- quence of the requisition from his majesty, went in search of Colonel North. Afier a long delay, he was found, and produced the seal ; which being brought to the king about one o'clock in the morning, he delivered it into Lord Temple's hands, and llien re- turned to the queen's house. [I9th December.] On the ensuing day, it being indispensable to form a government with the least possible delay, Mr. Pitt, notwithstanding his youth, was placed at the head of the new cabinet, as first lord of the treasury, and chancellor of the exchequer ; an in- stance without precedent in our annals, and which will probably never be again realised ! Lord Bolingbroke, then Mr. St. John, had indeed, under Q,ueen Anne, been made secretary at war, as early in life ; and we have since seen Lord Henry Petty, now Marquis of Lansdown, at about the same age, raised 38* to the chancellorship of the exchequer, in 1806, after Mr. Pitt's decease. But there is a wide interval, from either of the above examples, to the elevation be- fore us. If we reflect likewise on the decided majority against which Pitt had to contend in the House of Com- mons, conducted by such energies and talents as Fox possessed ; we may be tempted on first consideration, to accuse him of imprudence and temerity. The event nevertheless proved, that in ac- cepting employment, under all the dis- advantages here enumerated, he had maturely weighed the peril and the con- sequences. Other impediments, not less serious, presented themselves in the interior of tlie cabinet recently formed ; where Lord Temple insisted on the im- mediate dissolution of parliament, as a step necessary to their ministerial pre- servation, if not even to their personal safety. But Pitt, with consummate judgment, while he retained in his own hands so powerful an engine, which he held suspended over the House of Com- mons, abstained from using it, till the progress of affairs should justify the in- terposition. Conscious that no act of the royal prerogative, could be more generally repugnant to the inclinations of the members of tne lower house, than a dissolution before they had sat half the period for which they had been elected, he resisted Lord Temple's proposition ; who, in consequence, immediately re- signed, only three days after his ap- pointment ; thus involving the half- formed administration in confusion and embarrassment, not wholly exempt even from some degree of ridicule and of dan- ger. Never did any ministrj'^ com- mence its career under a more inaus- picious and apparently desperate pre- ) dicament, which was destined so long j to retain possession of the reins of power ! Pepper Arden having moved Pitt's writ for the borough of Appleby, Dun- das, acting as his delegate while he could not be personally present in the house, endeavoured to induce that assembly to meet on the subsequent day (Saturday, the 20lh of December), in order to expe- dite the passage of the land tax. But Fox, now out of office, affecting to sup- pose that an immediate dissolution of 450 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. Parliament impended, peremptorily re- fused his consent to the proposition. He observed, that " though he did not deny the right of the crown to dissolve, yet no person would venture to say, such a prerogative ought to be exercised, merely to suit the convenience of an ambitious young man" Lord Mulgrave, who not long afterwards became joint pay- master of the forces under the new mi- nistry, supported Mr. Dundas ; and in the course of his speech expressed great pleasure, that " a faction which had too long maintained possession of power, was at length driven from place." Lord North and Fox being seated close to each other on the opposition bench, sustained by a very numerous attendance of their friends, constituting an undisputed ma- jority of the members present; a loud and general laugh arose among them, at the word faction. I am glad," re- siimed Lord Mulgrave, " to find that gentlemen are so merry upon their mis- fortune. I still, however, rejoice tiiat their power is extinct. Not that I mean," looking at Lord North, " I am glad to see my noble friend in the blue ribband, out of employment. I respect his cha- racter. 1 too well know his integrity and abilities, not to wish that he were in office; but I lament to behold him in such bad company." Kenyon likewise spoke on the same side, with his cha- racteristic disregard of ail personal ob- jects or interests, though he was made attorney general only a {e\\ days after- wards, for the second time. " I am neither in the secrets of those persons "who are just dismissed," said he, " nor of their successors ; and therefore I can- not know whether Parliament will, or will not be dissolved. If a dissolution should take place, I am ignorant whether I may have a seat in the next House of Commons. Nor, indeed, do I wish it. But be that as it may, I will support the proposition of Mr. Dundas, because the most fatal consequences to public credit must ensue, if the land tax does not speedily pass." LortI North answered both Kenyon and Lord Mulgrave, wiih his accustomed suavity, wit, and powers of argument: but Fox, holding fast the supremacy which he possessed over thi- ll uuse, refused to permit the assembly lo meet on the following dav. Nor did Dundas venture on a division, well knowing how decided a superiority of numbers the coalition could command within those walls. An adjournment then took place. [20th and 21st December.] Mean- while the sovereign proceeded to consti- tute a new administration ; but, even after Lord Temple's resignation, when the cabinet was at length completed, Pitt might be said to constitute its whole strength in one house, as Lord Thur- low equally sustained the weight of go- vernment in the other assembly. The great seal was entrusted to the latter, for the fourth time under the reign of George the Third. Lord Gower, made Presi- dent of the Council, and the Duke of Rutland, who was appointed privy seal, brought indeed, collectively, a consider- able accession of parliamentary interest and connexions; but, could boast only a very scanty addition of eloquence, or of talents. The new secretaries of stale, Lord Sydney, and the Marquis of Car- marthen, even if their abilities had been of the most brilliant description ; — an as- sertion which assuredly could not be made consistently with truth; — yet were both members of the House of Peers: a disadvantage only to be sur- mounted by Pitt's taking on himself, the whole weight of business in the House of Commons, and thus uniting in some measure in his own person, the defence of every department. Lord Howe, re- stored lo the head of the admiralty, was re-admitled into the cabinet ; and the Duke of Richmond relumed lo the ord- nance ; bul no mention was ever made of Lord Shelburne, for any place in the administration. He seemed to be com- pletely extinct in the public recollection. Sir George Howard obtained the com- mand of liie forces ; but neither he, nor the Duke of Richmond, were taken into the cabinet. The new commander-in- chief, a man of almost gigantic stature and proportions, who had long been de- corated with the order of ihe Bath, was universally esteemed ; himself highly bred, an accomplished courtier, and a gallant soldier : but like Sir John Irwine, of whom I have had occasion to speak, he owed his military elevation and em- ploy n)enis, more perhaps to royal favour than to any distinguished talents, or pro-» HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 451 fessional services'. He was one of the brother of Sir Robert, who had represent- represeiitalives for tlie town of Stamford, ed the English sovereign, at the courts His legiiimate descent from, or alliance of Louis the Fourteenth and Fifteenth ; by (lonsanguinily with the Dukes of he might at least be regarded as equal ia Norfolk, notwithstanding the apparent talents, to any of the noblemen who had evidence of his name, was, I believe, not , filled that office during the last years of established on incontestable grounds. ! George the Second, or under the reign He attained, as did General Conway, of George the Third ; if we except, as not many years afterwards, to the rank we must do, Jjord Slormont. To Marie of field marshal ; a dignity of which the ' Antoinette, the French queen, the Duke British service had antecedently furnish- of Dorset rendered himself highly accep- ed only a few examples. For the em- ; table, possessed her esteem, and enjoyed bassy to Paris, the Duke of Dorset was | some degree of her personal favour ; — selected by Pitt. As he honoured me j circumstances by no means unessential with his friendship down to the close of; to a man placed in his public situation, his life, or rather till he survived him- [ as that princess performed a much more self, it may be naturally expected that I! important part in the cabinet and councils should saw a few words respecting him. ' of Louis the Sixteenth, than did the two He was the son of Lord John Sackville, queens, her immediate predecessors, elder brother of Lord George ; and sue- i Maria Theresa, daughter of Philip the ceeded collaterally to the title, on the Fourth, King of Spain, who espoused demise of his uncle, Charles, second Louis the Fourteenth ; and Maria Lec- Duke of Dorset, mentioned so frequently zinska, consort of his successor, possess- in " Dodington's Diary," as the Earl of ed throughout their whole lives, no Middlesex. The duke, when named em- ' shadow of political power of interest, bassador to Versailles, had nearly attained Marie Antoinette's protection, aided by his fortieth year. His person, if not' his connexion with the Polignacs, had handsome, was highly agreeable; his ^ sufficed to procure for the Count d'Adhe- features, pleasing ; the expression of his ' mar, at the conclusion of peace, the em- countenance, noble, and interesting ; his bassy to the court of England : but he manners soft, quiet, ingratiating, and ! was far inferior in every accomplishment formed for a court ; destitute of all affec- , of mind and of manners, to the Duke of talion, but not deficient in dignity. He Dorset. displayed indeed, neither shining parts, | Mr, Arden became solicitor general. nor superior abilities. Yet, as he pos- Nature has seldom cast a human being sessed good sense, matured by know-j in a less elegant or pleasing mould, ledge of the world, had travelled over a Even Dunning's person would have considerable part of Europe, and had im- j gained by a comparison with Arden's proved his understanding by an extensive j figure and countenance. Nor were his acquaintance with mankind, he was well legal talents more conspicuous in the calculated for such a mission. He had general estimation of the bar. But his passed much time in Italy, where heim-; earl)' acquaintance with Pitt, which time bibed a strong passion for all the fine had matured into friendship, covered or arts, and a predilection for men of talents ; concealed every jurisprudential deficien- and artists; --a taste which he indulged! cy. That powerful protection, in defi>- even beyond the limits of his fortune,! ance of Lord Thurlow's avowed dislike, and in the gratification of which, he mani- ! or rather antipathy, conducted the new fested that he inherited some of the quali- [ solicitor general rapidly to the honours ties of his celebrated ancestor, Charles, | and dignities of the law ; finally placing Earl of Dorset. But the mediocrity of j him, where almost all those individuals his estate, when contrasted with his high patronised by the minister, found their rank, imposed limits on the liberality of ultimate repose, in the House of Peers, his disposition. Considered as embassa- ! He possessed no mean talents for debate, dor to France, though he could not sus- j and displayed not only ardour, but abi- tain a comparison for diplomatic ability, i lity in the defence of his friends. When or strength of intellect, with tiie Earl of j Fox, at this very time proposed that a Stair, or with the first Horace Walpole, j resolution should be adopted, declaring 452 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. any minister criminal who should advise j brother to the Earl of Warwick, resigned his majesty to dissolve the parliament, Arden instantly stood up to reprobate ' such doctrine. *' What impediment," exclaimed lie, " can be opposed to the just prerogative of the crown ? A reso- lution of this house ? He must be in- deed a timid minister, unfit to govern this great country, who can be deterred from advising a dissolution, by any terror of such a nature. Is this House of Com- mons to judge upon a question of their own continuance, or annihilation ? That measure is not to be tried before such judges. It will be determined by another house within these walls ; and they may possibly applaud, instead of censuring or condemning the resolution. I admit that it is no light matter to advise such a. step : but the individuals who are to be annihilated by its operation, are of all others the least proper to decide respect- ing it." Fox replied, that " he must be a bold minister indeed, who should dare to despise the voice of the people." But Arden rose a second time, and while he admitted that the people merited every attention, when their opinion was solemn- ly or clearly pronounced, maintained, and distinctly repeated his original de- claration. It must likewise be allowed, that no man in parliament, had given a more pertinacious and unremitting oppo- sition to Fox's East India Bill, than Ar- den. The last blow aimed at it, before it passed the lower house, came from his lips. For I recollect, that after that obnoxious measure had been carried, on the third reading, by a majority of more than two to one ; the solicitor general, Mansfield, having risen to move for leave to bring up a clause, declaring it to be a public bill ; Arden exclaimed, that " he had no objection : but that he was not surprised at its having escaped his learned friend's memory, as every other person considered the bill to be a private job.'''' With that stigma impressed on the mea- sure. Fox, regardless of the sarcasm, bore it in triumph to the bar of the Lords. The king's table, covered with badges of office, seals, wands, and gold sticks, profusely given in by the adherents of the dismissed ministers, presented an extraordinary spectacle. Among the foremost to testify his ministerial fidelity, the Honorable Charles Greville, next his office of treasurer of the household. Possessing, like his uncle. Sir William Hamilton, an elegant mind, and a taste for many branches of the fine arts, which pursuit had carried him into expenses beyond the bounds of severe prudence ; his resignation of such an employment could not therefore be to him in any sense, a matter of indifference. I have heard Mr. Greville, whom I very parti- cularly knew, often say, that the king most kindly expostulated with him, when he entered the closet to lay down his place, and urged him by no means to commit an act so unnecessary ; the treasurership of the household being, not a ministerial, but a personal situation in the family of the sovereign. I ought likewise to add that Fox, who well knew Mr. Greville's private embarrassments, had, with a liberality of mind truly noble, exhorted him to retain his post ; absolv- ing him at the same time from all con- siderations of a political kind. But his feelings of honour were too delicate, to permit of his following either the sug- gestions of convenience, the exhortations of Fox, or the expostulations of his sovereign. He retired for several years from court, and from public life, into comparative obscurity. Lord Hinchingbrook, less scrupulous, and perhaps with better sense, instead of quitting his office of master of the buck hounds; though his father, the Earl of Sandwich, followed the fortunes of the cofdition ; wisely abandoned that ob- noxious party, and declined to give in his resignation. Sir George Yonge went back to his office of secretary at war which he had held under Lord Shel- burne's administration ; a post that seem- ed to be hereditary in his family ; his father. Sir William Yonge, having occu- pied it with much distinction, under the reign of George the Second. Sir Wil- liam, who performed no inconsiderable part in the political annals oi that period, was equally distinguished likewise in another line, among the men of wit, pleasure, and gallantry, Lady Vane makes honorable mention of him, in. those Memoirs of her Life, which Smollet has inserted in the third volume of his "Peregrine Pickle." I have heard Lord Sackville say, who remem- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 453 bered Sir William Yonge, that, when secretary at war, iiaving waiieil otficially on John, Duke of Ariryle, then coni- mander-in-cliief of the lorces, in order to make his report on a matter of business ; the duke kept him standing, wiiile he himself remained sealed for a considera- ble time. Their ministerial conference being ended, he immediately requested Sir William to lake a chair. " No sir," replied he, " if the secretary at war is not worthy to sit down in the presence of the commander-in-chief; it would be altogether unbecoming Sir William Yonge, to be seated in com- pany with the Duke of Argyle." So sayinu, he abruptly quilled the room. Sir George Yonge, with whom I was much acquainted, did not want talents, and he maintained his place in a debate, though he possessed no pretension to eloquence : but in parliamentary capa- city, I always considered him as inferior to his father. [22d — 24th December] Meanwhile Fox, who remained completely master of the House of Commons, where Mr. Pitt could not appear during the time necessary for his re-election ; might be said to sway with absolute power, the deliberations of that assembly. His first cares were directed to prevent either a prorogation, or a dissolution of parlia- ment, by adopting resolutions calculated to render each of those proceedings diffi- cult and dangerous to ministers. Hav- ing consented to pass the land tax bill, for whicti act of compliance with public necessity, he assumed no ordinary merit, as a proof of his superiority to all interested or factious views, he made a full display of his omnipotence within those walls. Nor could all the assu- rances given by Mr. Dundas from the treasury bench, though confirmed by Mr. Bankes, the friend and representa- tive of the new first minister; declaring by his express authority, that he would neither advise such an act of preroga- tive, nor would continue in office, if the crown had recourse to it ; prevail on Fox to allow of an adjournment fur the Christmas recess, till he had voted, without experiencing any impediment, an address to the throne, of tlie most criminating nature, which was ordered to be presented by the whole house. Affecting to consider Pitt as a mere crea- ture of secret influence, the child of the bacdi stairs, Fox treated Bankes's reite- rated protestations in the name of the chancellor of the exchequer, with the most insulting and contemptuous levity or disregard " As far as that gentle- man's private character is concerned, said Fox, " I would readily take his word ; but to speak plainly, if I was, myself, in the situation which he now fills, knowing as much as I do of the power of secret influence, I would not ask any man to take my word. Be- cause at the very moment when I might be engaged in declaring that parliament would not be dissolved, that very mea- sure might be determined on, in conse- quence of secret advice. — It is the duty of the house to banish that pernicious and baneful agent, secret influence, for ever from about the throne." Bankes still pressing the point, and repeating, that " if any idea of proroguing or dissolving parliament should be enter- tained anywhere, Mr. Pitt would instant- ly resign ;" Fox replied, " I have no doubt that he might act spiritedly on the occasion : but what compensation could his resignation produce to the public for the evils which must result from a dissolution? — There is not a moment to be lost ! and I hope that if any adjournment at all takes place, it will only be for a few days." On receiving the king's answer, which, though gracious and conciliating in its expressions, did not breathe the less determination ; after passing upon it the most severe comments, as a mix- ture of duplicity and ambiguity, Fox then permitted of an adjournment for the short period of sixteen days ; an interval indispensably requisite to com- plete the ministerial arrangements. The resignation or dismission of the new administration, was however confi- dently anticipated by the party, and announced by Fox himself in one of his speeches; — I think, on the 24th of December; — when he ventured to pre- dict, that its duration could not possibly exceed a few weeks. " The state of this country," exclaimed he, " will not admit of a long recess : — for, as the present ministers cannot stand long; and indeed, to talk of the permanency of 454 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. such an administration, would only be laughing at and insulting them ; it will become necessary to move tor another set of writs, after the holidays, in the room of those gentlemen who must vacate their seats, on the formation of a new government. In order therefore to prevent tlie calamities that menace the Constitution, I would propose the short- est recess possible." — "It may be urged, that knowing, as I do, the mi- nistry cannot last, 1 manifest an impa- tience to be restored to oflice. I do not k^iow that I shall form one of the next administration ; but I confess, I am im- patient that the sense of the house may be speedily taken on the present minis- ters." So confident was he, indeed, or at least he pretended to be, of Pitt's in- evitable dismission, that he mentioned in a subsequent part of his speech, the youth of the chancellor of the exche- quer, and the weakness incident to his early period of life, as the only possible excuse for his temerity in accepting office. How far Fox thoroughly be- lieved his own predictions of his rival's imminent fall, may perhaps be ques- tioned ; but the most experienced mem- bers among them, with VVelbore Ellis at their head, joined ostensibly in this opinion ; which, it must be confessed, was built upon all the precedents known since the elevation of the House of Hanover to the throne. Lord North, who had been absent, from the effect of indisposition, during a great part of the debates, while the East India Bill was in its progress through the House of Commons; made ample compensation for his short and involun- tary retreat, by his presence and ex- ertions after the dismission of ministers. During the number of years that I sat with him in Parliament, I never witness- ed a more brilliant exhibition of his in- tellectual powers, than on the 22d of December, when Erskine moved for an address to the throne, deprecating a dis- solution. Indeed, from the instant he rose, till he concluded, almost every sen- tence teemed with the keenest wit, or with the most severe, yet delicate satire. Ill the commencement of his speech. Lord North justified by cogent argu- ments, his union with Fox, as having been dictated by state necessity and pub- lic utility; eulogizing in animated lan- guage, the virtues, no less dian the abilities, of his late colleague, whom he wished in future always to be designated ' as his " Right Honorable Friend." "Our politicaljConnexion," continued he, " was lounded on principles of mutual honour. The great points of policy on which we had ditrered, being no more, we thought that without inconsistency we might cordially act together. The experiment has succeeded. No little jealousies have disturbed our union. All has been good faith on one part, and con- fidence on the other. No unworthy concessions were made by either side. I appeal to my Right Honorable Friend, i if I ever renounced or sacrificed any I opinion resting on principle, unless when the propriety of such renunciation became apparent from reason and argu- ment. On the other hand i must de- clare in justice to him, that he never abandoned any principle which he main- tained when in op[)osition to my govern- ment." — " We are charged with having seized on the reins of power. This, I confess, is a charge which I do not un- . derstand ; — for, the country waited full six weeks, without having any adminis- tration. Every effort was vainly ex- erted to form a cabinet, and when all means failed, the ministers quitted their offices. The cabinet remained empty ; so that if we seized on it, we could only have so done, by marching in after the garrison had fled ; who, while evacu- ating the fortress, exclaimed, ' what a cursed coalition is this, which expels us from our situations !' — If, however, we did get possession of power, we at least carried it by storm, bravely, in the face of the enemy, not by sap. We made our advances above ground, in view of the foe. Not by mining in the dark, and blowing up the fort, before the gar- rison knew that any attack was medi- tated." The ingenuity, pleasantry, and force of this eloquent defence, can hardly be exceeded. Then, after severely arraign- ing the mode of Pill's admission into the cabinet, which he stigmatized as surrep- titious and unconstitutional ; he diverged with inconceivable humour into the path of ridicule, so analogous to liis for- mation of mind. Alluding to the wish HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 455 expressed more than once by Mr. Mar- tin (borrowed from Hotspur's invoca- tion in Sliakspeare),that a sUirling should be perched on llie Speaker's chair, who might incessantly repeat the words, " Cursed coalition /" he observed, that so long as an honorable member of that house, "continued to pronounce those sounds, as if by rote, and without any fixed idea, let what would be the subject of debate ; he conceived the starling to be unnecessary, inasmuch as the gentle- man would make just as great an im- pression as the bird on his hearers." Having convulsed the house with laugh- ter, by this severe, but ludicrous re- mark, he compared, or rather he con- trasted, the conduct of the two men who were shut up in the Eddystone Light- house, during six weeks, with the oppo- site line of action embraced by Fox and himself. " Those men," said he, "from reciprocal enmiiy, preferred letting the fire go out, and beholding the navy of England dashed to pieces, rather than lend each other any assistance. But, we, animated by other and more en- larged sentiments, considered the pre- servation of the vessel of stale, our pri- mary duty ; and, we agreed, that at all events, the fire in the lighthouse should not bt extinguished." An allusion so ingenious, as well as felicitous, almost electrified his audience ; and if wit could have supported or restored the coalition, it must, when falling from his lips, have overborne every impediment. But the moral impression made on the public mind, to their disadvantage, daily ac- quiring strength, finally completed their downfall, though the catastrophe was protracted for more than three months, by various circumstances. [26th — 31st December.] If the strug- gle for power had lain only between Pitt and Fox, the former of whom, whatever might be the extent of his talents, was unable to command a ma- jority upon any question that arose in the House of Commons, while the latter carried every motion ; the contest would, no doubt, have been soon de- cided. Or had the dispute been, as under Charles the First, between the sovereign, claiming to exercise preroga- tives antiquated and oppressive, on tlie one hand, and the representative body on the other, propelled and sustained by the people, as their organs and protectors against arbitrary violence, — the termi- nation might have been foreseen without much penetration. But Fox, though he was become by his union with Lord North, master of the deliberations of the lower house, had sacrificed to that very- union, in a considerable degree, the good opinion of the country ; and the remainsi of his former popularity which survived his coalition with Lord North, had since been shipwrecked in the India Bill. He had, therefore, imprudently, though as it would nevertheless seem, reflec- tively engaged in a conflict where the crown and the nation both combined against him. Without the aid of the people, the sovereign would, indeed, liave been powerless. As little could the House of Peers, unsupported by the public voice, have checked his career. It was their union which became irresis- tible. Fox, who, whatever his admirers may assert, possessed more genius, elo- quence, and talent, than prudence or judgment, does not appear to have deeply weighed and appreciated these facts before he entered the lists. Un- fortunately for him, too, the champion wanted by the crown, and who seemed to be expressly made for the conjuncture, presented himself in Pitt. His name, rendered illustrious by his father's public services ; the decorum of his manners, so opposed to those of Fox ; even his very youth, which should have operated against him, appeared to recommend him to national favour. The king availed him- self of these aids to overwhelm the coali- ^ion under the ruins of the fortress which they had so nearly constructed, and fondly deemed inassailable. Only time was still wanting in order to enlighten, to awaken, and to animate the people at large ; who not being as yet fully in- formed upon all the points of Fox's bill. required to be roused into exertion, be- fore ihe last address should be made to them as electors. I well remember, not more than a fort- night subsequent to the period of which I am now speaking. Governor Johnstone rising in the hoiise ; — I believe, it hap- pened on the first day of their meeting after the recess, the 12lh of January ; — insisted wiili great force of reasoning, on 456 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. this point. I knew Johnstone well, consiiited, and indeed acted in some de- gree of concert with liim, througiiout the whole progress of the East India Bill, He was not less attached to Lord North, than myself; but that amiable nobleman, as well as most accomplished statesman, no longer held the reins. Surrendering all his own volitions, he seemed to adopt those of his more active, as well as ambitious colleague : — for, assuredly, Lord North, if he had not been associated with Fox and Burke, would never, from the suggestions of his own judgment, or inclination, or opinion, have originated so strong and unconsti- tutional a measure. He was carried along by the torrent, and finally swept away in its course. Johnstone, address- ing the House of Commons, expatiated on the rapacity, and other features of Fo.x's Bill, " It becomes," said he, " more detested from day to day, by the wisest and most impartial men through- out the nation, as the confiscating prin- ciple on which it is founded, and the artifice with which it has been carried on so far towards its completion, are more known and understood by all ranks. The rejection of so dangerous an expe- riment on the British Constitution, is re- warded by every thinking individual, as one of the greatest triumphs over inordi- nate ambition, recorded in our annals, I do not assert that these sentiments have as yet pervaded the lower orders of so- ciety. The dangers arising from poli- tical or legislative institutions, when veiled by the arts and eloquence of su- perior statesmen, or of accomplished orators, are not immediately obvious to the wisest capacity, and make their way slowly to vulgar comprehension. Thank God, they are obviated for the present moment ! But whether there exist sense and virtue sufficient in the country, to protect us from the machinations still carried on against tht4public freedom ; — forms the great cause of that struggle, on which we are assembled to decide with- in these walls." Pitt, with a judgment beyond his years, instead of prematurely dissolving the House of Commons, as a man of meaner talents, or of less resource, would have done ; undertook the experiment of endeavouring first to conciliate, or to convince, the majority ; thus allowing the popular sentiment full leisure to ex- pand, and finally to overpower all resist- ance : while he reserved for the pro- per moment, whenever it should be thoroughly matured, his final appeal to the country, by a dissolution. Such was the real state of afi'airs in the last days of December, 1783, at the time when Pitt, contrary to all precedent, and under apparent difficulties the most in- surmountable, ventured to accept the reins of government. It forms an object of the most natural and rational curiosity, minutely to survey him at this critical period of his life. He was not then much more than twentyr four years and a half old, and conse- quently had not attained the age, at which many individuals, under the testamen- tary dispositions of their parents, are still legally considered to be in a stale of tutelage or minority. In the forma- tion of his person he was tall and slen- der, but without elegance or grace. His countenance, taken as a whole, did not display either the fine expression of cha- racter, or the intellect of Fox's face, on every feature of which, his mind was more or less forcibly depictured. It was not till Pitt's eye lent animation to his other features, which were in themselves tame, that they lighted up, and became strongly intelligent. Fox, even when i quiescent, could not be mistaken for an } ortlinary man. In his manners, Pitt, if not repulsive, was cold, stiflf, and with- out suavity or amenity. He seemed never to invite approach, or to encourage acquaintance ; though, when addressed, he could be polite, communicative, and occasionally gracious. Smiles were not natural to him, even when seated on the treasury bench ; where, placed at the summit of power, young, surrounded by followers, admirers, and flatterers, he maintained a more sullen gravity than his antagonist exhibited, who beheld around him only the companions of his political exile, poverty, and privations. From the instant that Pitt entered the door-way of the House of Commons, he advanced up the floor with a quick and firm step, his head erect and thrown back, looking neither to the right nor to the left ; nor favouring with a nod or a glance, any of the individuals sealed HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 457 vn either side, among whom, many who possessed rive thousand pounds a year, would liave been gratified even by so slight a mark of attention. It was not thus that Lord Nortli or Fox treated par- liament; nor Iroin them, would parlia- ment have so patiently endured it : but Pitt seemed made to guide and to com- mand, even more than to persuade or to convince, the assembly tliat he addressed. In the flower of youth when he was placed at the head of administration, he manifested none of the characteristic vir- tues or defects usually accompanying that period of life. Charles the Twelfth, King of Sweden, could not have exhi- bited more coldness, indifference, or apathy towards women ; a point of his character, on which his enemies dwelt with malignant, though impotent, satis- faction ; while his friends laboured with equal pertinacity to repel the imputation. To him the opposition applied, as had been done to his father, the description given of a Roman youth : " Multa tulit, fecitque Puer; suJavit et alsit ; Abstinuit venere." ■ — In order to justify him from such a sup- posed blank in his formation, his adhe- rents whispered, that he was no more chaste than other men, though more de- corous in his pleasures ; and they as- serted, that he made frequent visits to a female of (hsiinguished charms, who re- sided on the other side of Westminster Bridge : but I never could learn from any of them, her name or abode. Pitt's apparent insensibility towards the ntiier sex, and his chastity, formed, indeed, one of the subjects on which the mino- rity exhausieil their wit, or rather, their malevolence ; as if it had been necessary that the first minister of George the Third, should be, like the chancellor of Charles the Second, " tlie gre;itpst liber- tine in his dominions." I recidlect, soon after Pitt became confirmed in power, his detaining the House of Commons from tlie business of the day, during a short time, while he went up to the House of Lords ; and as Mrs. Siddons was to perform the part of " Belvidera" that evening, when Fox never faileil, if possible, to attend, seated among th(^ musicians, in the orchestra at Drury 39 Lane, the opposition impatiently ex- pected Pitt's return in order to propose an adjournment. As soon as the door opened, and he made his appearance, one of them, a man of a classic mind, exclaimed, " Jam redit et Virgo /'* If, however, the minister viewed wo- men with indifference, he was no enemy to wine, nor to the social conviviality of the table. His constitution, in which a latent and hereditary gout early dis- played itself; which disorder, heighten- ed by political distress, domestic ami foreign, carried him off at forty-seven ; always demanded the aid and stimulus'of the grape. It was not therefore in him, so much a gratification or an indulgence, as a physical want, though he unques- tionably yielded to its seductions, with- out making any great effort at resistance ; resembling in this respect, a distinguish- ed consular character of antiquity, rela- tive to whose virtue Horace says, " Narratur et Prisci Catonis, Saepe Mero caluisse Virtus." In the autumn of 1784, he had, indeed, nearly fallen a victim to one of those festive meetings, at which no severe re- nunciations were enjoined by the host, or practised by the guests. Returning by way of frolic, very late at night, ora horseback to Wimbledon, from Addis- combe, the seat of Mr. Jenkinson, near Croydon, where the party had dined. Lord Thurlow, who was then chancellor, Pitt, and Dundas, found the Turnpike Gale situate between Tooting and Stieat- ham, thrown open. Beingelevated above their usual prudence, and having no ser- vant near them, they passed through the gate at a brisk pace, without stopping to pay the toll ; regardless of the remon- strances or threats of the keeper of the turnpike, who running after them, and believing them to belong to some high- waymen, who had recently committed depredations on that road, discharged the contents of his blunderbuss at their backs. Happily he did no injury. To this curious and narrow escape of the first minister, which furnished matter of pleasantry, though perhaps of rejoicing, to the oppogiiion, allusion is thus made in the " Rolliad :" 458 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. " How as he wandered darkling o'er the plain, His reason drown'd in Jenkinson's cham- paign, A rustic's hand, but righteous fate withstood, Had shed a premier's, for a robber's blood. Probably, no men in high office, since Charles the Second's lime, drank harder than Pitt's companions; as, in addi- tion to the individuals already named, we should not omit the Duke of Rutland and Lord Gower, neither of whom pro- fessed or practised mortification. Once, and once only, the House of Commons witnessed a deviation from strict sobriety in the first minister and the treasurer of the navy ; who having come down after a repast, not of a Pythagorean descrip- tion, found themselves unable to manage the debate, or to reply to the arguments of the minority, with their accustomed ability. No illiberal notice or advan- tage was however taken of this solitary act of indiscretion. The house broke up, and it sunk into oblivion. Fox never subjected himself, either in, or out of office, to similar comments. He was always fresh ; but the treasury bench, under the coalition ministry, had not wanted some noble advocates of the House of Howard, for the quick circula- tion of the bottle. Pitt, at his coming into office, was soon surrounded by a chosen phalanx of young men, who participated in his triumph, pressed near him on a day of expected debate, and constituted the re- source of his leisure hours. Powis, when describing about this time, " the forces led by the right honorable gentle- man on the treasury bench," in his speech of the 9lh of March, 1784, only a few days previous to the dissolution of Parliament ; said, " The first may be called his body guard, composed of light young troops, who shoot their little arrows with amazing dexterity, against those who refuse to swear allegiance to their chief." High birth, personal devotion, and political connection, more than talents, formed the ordinary foun- dation of the minister's partiality for those distinguished individuals ; most of whom, with only one exception, we have since seen elevated to the peerage, or loaded with preferments and sinecure appointments. In general, the Duke de Montausier's observation to Louis the Fourteenth, when speaking of Versaillea, " VoKS avez beau /aire, sire, vous rVen ferez jamais qu unfavori sans merite,^^ might well apply to them. With Fox's associates and comrades. Hare, Fitz- patrick, and Sheridan, they could sus- tain no competition for mental endow- ments. Lord Grenville, then Mr. Wil- liam Grenville, must not however be included in this remark. His near connection with the first minister, by cousanguinity, when added to his distin- guished abilities, placed him on far higher ground. As little will the obser- vation apply to Lord Mornington, since created Marquis Wellesley ; to the pre- sent Earl of Harrowby, then Mr. Ry- der ; or to Wilberforce : all three, men of undisputed talents. In suavity of temper, magnanimity of disposition, and oblivion of injury or ofi"ence. Fox rose superior to Pitt. Even Dundas possessed far more libe- rality of character, as he manifested on many occasions. I have heard Fox, after dealing out the severest insinuations or accusations against Lord North, when that nobleman was at the head of the treasury, towards the end of the Ameri- can war ; on being convinced that he had exceeded the fair limits of parliamentary attack, or had deviated into personal abuse, explain, retract, and apologise for his violence or indecorum. Mr. Pitt, though he rarely committed such a breach of propriety, and was more mea- sured in his censure or condemnation, seldom, if ever, made concession. He even tried, at an early period of his mi- nisterial career, to overbear Sheridan, hy making sarcastic allusion to the theatrical employments or dramatis avocations of that eminent member, as forming a more appropriate object of his attention, than parliamentary declamation and pursuits; — allusions, which, however classic the language in which they were couched, miiihl be justly deemed illiberal in their nature. But Sheridan, "wiili admirable presence of mind, turned against him his own weapons ; leaving behind him the impression of his genius, drawn from the very key on which Pitt had pressed, when he applied to the first minister the denomination of the " Angry Boy," with which Ben Jonson furnished him on the instant. HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 459 In classic knowledge and acqnire- ments of every kind, as drawn from Greek and Roman soiiroes, Put and Fox might fairly dispute for pre-eminence ; but the latter left his rival far behind, in all the variety of elegant information derived from modern history, poetry, and foreign languages. We ought not, indeed, to be surprised at this supe- riority, if we recollect that Fox was above ten years older tlian Pitt, liiat he nourished a much stronger natural attach- ment to polite letters, and enjoyed infi- nitely more leisure for its indulgence. Pitt, as far as my means of information ! ever enabled me to form a judgment, pos- sessed comparatively small general ac- quaintance with those anthors, which furnish the libraries of men of taste and science. How, indeed, we may ask, should he ever have attained it ? Several months before he completed his twenty- second year, he found himself, with a very slender fortune, placed in the House of Commons, which situation opened to his aspiring anil ambitious mind, the most brilliant prospects of elevation. From that period, if we except the pro- rogation of 1781 ; — for in 1782, he was chancellor of the exchequer, and in 1783, he visited the continent; — what portion of time could he devote to literary pur- suits or accomplishments ? Near seven years later than the period of which I speak, in the autumn of the year 1790, when it was expected that a rupture would have taken place, between the crowns of Great Britain and Spain, re- specting the affair of Nootka Sound ; be- ing alone with him in Downing-street, and conversing on the subject of the Spanish possessions lying "along the shore of the Pacific Ocean, he owned to me that he not only never had read, but, he assured me, he never had heard of Commodore Byron's Narrative of his Shipwreck in the '' Wager," on the coast of Patagonia : — A book to be found in every Circulating Library. But, on the other hand, the rapidity and faci- lity with which he acquired, digested, and converted to purposes of utility, his knowledge, was altogether wonderful. With the French language he was gram- matically conversant ; but, at twenty-tive he spoke it imperfectly, and wrote in it without freedom or facility, though he subsequently improved in these particu- lars. I repeat it, as a secretary of state for the foreign department, he could have sustained no competition with Fox, in all the branches of solid, or of ornamental attainment, that qualify for such a situa- tion. It is not easy to decide relative to their respective superiority in eloquence. Fox's oratory was more impassioned ; Pitt's could boast greater correctness of diction. The former exhibited, while speaking, all the tribunitian rage ; the^ latter displayed the consular dignity. But it must not be forgotten that the one commonly attacked, vvliile the other generally defended ; and it is more easy to impugn or to censure, than to justify measures of state. Had they changed positions in the house, the character of their speeches would doubtless have taken a tinge, though it would not have been radically altered, by sucli a varia- ti()n in their political destiny. From Fox's finest specimens of oratory, much, as it appeared to me, might generally have been taken away, without injuring the eflfecl, or maiming the conclusion. To Pitt's speeches nothing seemed wanting, yet was there no redundancy. He seemed, as by intuition, to hit the precise point, where having attained his object, as far as eloquence could efTecl it, he sat down. This distinctive and opposite characteristic of the two men, arose, partly at least, from an opinion or principle which Fox had adopted. He assumed, thai one-third of his audience was always either absent, or at dinner, or asleep; and he therefore usually made a short resumption or epitome of his arguments, f(»r the benefit of this part of the members. So that, after speaking at great length, and sometimes apparently summing up, as if about to conclude; whenever he saw a considerable influx of attendance, he began anew : regard- less of the impatience manifested on the part of those whose attention was already exhausted bv long exertion. Pitt never condescended to avail himself of such a practice; neither lengthening his speeches nor abbreviating them, from any con- siderations except the necessity of fully developing his ideas. Indeed, so well was the relative proportion of time gene- rally taken up by the two speakers, on 460 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. great occasions, known to tlie old mem- bers, that they calculated whenever Fox was three hours on his legs, Pitt replied witliin two. In all the corporeal part of oratory, he observed, likewise, more moderation and measure than Fox ; who on great occasions, seemed, like the Pythian priestess, " to labour with ih' inspiring God," and to dissolve in floods of perspiration. The minister, ii is true, became sometimes warmed with his sub- ject, and had occasionally recourse to his handkerchief; but rather in order to take breath, or to recall his thoughts, by a momeniaiy pause, than from physical agitation. A vital defect in Pitt's composition as a man, must be esteemed his want of economy ; it was hereditary, constitu- tional, and remained insurmountable down to the close of his life. The great Earl of Chatham, his father, had to con- tend with the same characteristic defi- ciency ; and never understood, as Lord Holland had done, the art of accumula- ting a fortune. But the first Mr. Pitt, besides the lucrative sinecure of the privy seal, which he held during several years, enjoyed the estate of Burton Pyn- sent in the county of Somerset, be- queathed to him by Sir William Pyn- sent, together with a pension of three thousand pounds a year, bestowed on him by the crown. None of these pos- sessions, however, descended to his second son, whose wiiole patrimonial inheritance amounted, I believe, only to five thousand pounds ; and it never re- ceived any ostensible augmentation, ex- cept a legacy of three thousand pounds, bequeathed him in October, 1787, by the Duke of Rutland. We may, there- fore, be enabled, with these data, to form some idea of the elevation of Pitt's mind, his contempt of money, and his disregard of every selfish or interested object ; when, on Sir Edward Walpole's decease, in January, 1784, he disdained to take the clerkship of the pells in the exche- quer, ihough, as the head of that depart- ment, he might have conferred it on himself; though Lord Thurlow pressed him not to reject such a fair occasion of rendering himself independent, and though every man in the kingdom must have approved the act, on an impartial survey of his situation. For he might not have retained his official employ- ments during a single week. Perhaps it is to be regretted that he should have made such a sacrifice of private interest to glory ; but it operated throughout his whole life, and even beyond the grave, by its elTect on parliament and on the nation. Antiquity cannot exhibit any more shining instance of disinterested- ness, either drawn from Theban and Athenian story, or from the consular ages of Rome. Juvenal's observation on human nature. " Quis enim virtHtem amplectitur ipsam, Praemia si tollasl" did not seem to apply to Pitt. Possibly, however, on a deep estimate, he found even his pecuniary recompense in this noble act of renunciation. The House of Commons would hardly have bestow- ed the posthumous marks of solid admi- ration and respect, which they voted in 1806, on any minister who had enjoyed during two and twenty years a sinecure place of three thousand pounds per an- num, in addition to his official emolu- ments. The salaries and other advantages an- nexed to the place of first lord of the treasury and chancellor of the exche- quer, even though unaided by any pri- vate fortune, yet undoubtedly, with pru- dent management, might have been found adequate to Pitt's annual expendi- ture. But when unsupported by eco- nomy, they proved wholly insufllicient for the purpose. When he was ap- pointed first minister, hisyoungesi sister, Lady Harriet Pitt, resided with him, and superintended his establishment in Downing-street. She possessed, in ad- dition to other eminent intelleciual en- dovvnients, that quality which her father and brother wanted ; and so long as she personally controlled his domestic afl^airs, I have been assured that they were re- strained within very reasonable limits. Unfortunately for him, in September, 1785, within two years after he came into power, Lady Harriet gave her hand to Mr. Elliot, who became Lord Elliot, on his father's demise ; and subsequent to her marriage, Pitt's pecuniary con- cerns fell into the utmost disorder. Debts accumulated ; and it was com- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 461 tnonl}' asserted, tliat llio collectors of the taxes found more ditliculiv in levying them from the chancellor of the exche- quer, than from almost any other inha- bitant of Westminster. Even trades- men's bills, particularly those of coach- makers, were said to be frequently paid, not in money, but by ordering new arti- cles, and thus augmenting the pressure of the evil itself. It was not till 1792, on the Earl of Guildford's decease (better known to us as Lord North), that iMr. Dundas having learnt the intelligence, and knowing his friend's disinterestedness, hurried to St. James's, went into the closet, and asked of his majesty, the place of lord warden of Cinque Ports, for Pitt ; which office the king immediately conferred on him, though ilBhad been previously intended by the sovereign, as I know, for the late Duke of Dorset. Such was the superi- ority of the first minister's mind, to every object of personal emolument or acqui- sition, that he disdained to ask any in- dividual reward, even from the prince whom he had so long and so efficaci- ously served. For my knowledge of on the circumstances here enumerated, we may regret, but we cannot wonder, that after holding the reins of govern- ment almost his whole life, and confer- ring so many dignities, as well as offices, during a period, taken altogether, of near nineteen years, he should ultimately die not only poor, but oppressed under a burtlien of debt. Yet must we distin- guish between a sort of virtuous, or at least, venial poverty, if I may so express myself, caused by want of economy, iu a man who devoted his exertions to the public service ; and Fox's similar wants, produced by a rage for play, which not only reduced him from affluence to a state of dereliction, but finally compelled him to accept an eleemosynary contribu- tion from his political and personal friends, in order to furnish him with the means of subsistence. It is unnecessary to contrast the two positions or charac- ters, which undoubtedly excite in our minds very opposite sensations, and awaken widely (lifTerenl degrees of mo- ral censure or disapprobation. Pitt's great superiority over his antago- nist, and his consequent ministerial suc- this curious and interesting fact, I am cess, flowed principally from two causes, indebted to the Right Honorable William The first was, his admirable judgment. Dundas, nephew to ihe late Lord Mel- That intelligence restrained his parlia- ville, whose authority on such a point, I presume, is superior to all contradiction. The salary, which in Mr. Pitt's person was rendered nominally three thousand five hundred pounds a year might have formed a very handsome addition to his official income; but the necessary de- ductions of many kinds to be made from that sum ; the expenses which he innir- red in altering or embellishing VValmer Castle ; and more than both these sources of expenditure, his facility or liberality in granting small pensions to invalided or aged artificers, of various denominations, belonging to the Cinque Ports ; so many combined causes re- duced the real receipt below half its ostensible amount. Yet when he went out of offlce in 1801, loaded with debts, he possessed no other independent means of subsistence. It is indeed true, that as early as 1790, he had been elected master of the Trinity House ; but I have always considered that appointment, though highly honorable, as unproductive of any pecuniary emolument. When we reflect 39* mentary exertions during the American war, and induced hiin, while heaping ac- cusations on the ministers, to spare the king. I know that he received a hint, soon after he began to speak in the House of Commons, warning him to avoid that rock on which Fox had split, and to be cautious how he mentioned, or alluded with severity, to tiie royal name. He did not despise the advice. The same superior intelligence impelled him, when Lord North was driven from power, to refuse office under an adminis- tration, which, he foresaw, from its com- ponent materials, could only be of short duration. It dictated to him, to lake the chancellorship of the exchequer under Lord Shelburne ; but it equally suggest- ed to him, the impracticability of retain- ing the situation of first rainisier, when pressed by his majesty in March, 1783, to assume tliat high office, after the Earl of Shelburne's resignation. In renoun- cing a situation so flattering to his pride and his ambition, though it lay coiujdele- ly within his grasp, he exhibited, when 462 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. not twenly-four, the deepest and calmest discernment : for if he had yielded to his own inclinations and ihe wishes of the sovereign, it seems certain that he could not liave mainlained himself in power against Fox and Lord North ; who had not then committed any other act calcu- lated to excite the public condemnation, except the mere approximation of their respective parliamentary adherents, fol- lowed by their own political union. Piit, with consummate judgment, wait- ed till the coalition had brought forward the " East India Bill," and could no lon- ger recede, in order to profit of their in- discretion. He accepted in December, the two employments, which, nine months earlier, he had wisely declined ; ex- hibiting, on both occasions, equal ability : but he never associated Lord Shelburne to his power, nor allowed him a place in the cabinet. His whole conduct, while struggling against Fox's majority in the House of Commons, during suc- cessive months, which I witnessed, form- ed the triumph of paramount capacity over imprudent ambition and rapacious precipitation. If we were to pursue the comparison lower down in Pitt's life, we should trace the same effects resullintr from similar causes, during the critical conflict which look place between iiim and Fox, in the winter of 1788 ; when the latter, instead of advising the heir apparent to accept the regency under any conditions, however apparently severe, on whi longer, except with a borrowetl light. He is a man of whom I cannot say, lauclamlus ; but ornandus, tollendus. I would that such could be the case." Lord North, in the course of his speech, having alluded with great good humour, to Powis's observa- tions, however painful, on his shining with a borrowed lustre ; observed, that a classic ex[)ressfor} had been applied to him, though with the difTerence of a monosyllable ; — non laudandus ; — or- nandus — tollendus. "I hope," con- tinued he, " tollendus is not to be under- stood in the worst sense. It is not meant to kill me. It is only intended that I should be ornandus: — in vulgar English, kicked up stairs. But, sir, I feel no inclination to be kicked up stairs. 1 should be very unwilling to stand in. the way of any political agreement which might be beneficial to the country ; yet I will not go up to the House of Peers. I will remain in this assembly, for the purpose of defending my honour and character. If in the course of nature, such an event should indeed take place, I shall esteem tl a very great distinction. I mean, provided the present ministers will suffer this house to retain its appro- priate privileges in the British frame of Constitution. If they do not sufler any Constitution at all to survive, then I will repair to that house, as to a place of rest, a place of sleep, where I may repose during the rest of my life. But, neither my honour nor my character will allow me at present to accept of a peerage. Its acceptance would place me in Agrip- pina's situation, when she says, ' /e vols croitre les honneurs, et tomber man credit.'' " So much suavity, taste, and wit, did that most amiable, as well as accomplished nobleman, usually mix up with his addresses to Parliament! He had not many imitators ; — for, never, I believe, were debates conducted with more asperity and personal recri- mination, than during the period of Pitt's and Fox's contest for power. Accusa- tions the most futile and unbecoming in their nature, were preferred on both sides, with the view of rendering each other odious to the nation. Sir Richard Hill, member for Shropshire, animadvert- ed with some severity, on the frequent attendance, and marks of warm interest exhibited by the Prince of Wales, while present in the lower house. " VVhat~ ever censure may be lavished on secret influence," observed he, " con'M/;/ influ- ence must necessarily be pernicious. The former may produce possible benefit. The latter never can, under any circumstances. What might be the consequence, if it should happen that an heir apparent attended the debates of this assembly, and endeavoured by his- looks or gestures, to countenance a fac- tion, and to injluence individual votes? Might not such conduct be esteemed a species of corrupt influence V* A very- general cry oi order I accompanied with 476 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. testimonies of disapprobation, arising from various parts of the house ; Lord Melbourne, who then occupied the place of a gentleman of the bedchamber to the Prince of Wales, declared that the words spoken, amounted to a direct attack on his royal highness, and therefore he should demand proof of the alleged fact. Sir Richard replied, that " the prince to whom he alluded, was only a suppositi- tious personage." Lord Delaval, on whom the coalition ministers had con- ferred an Irish peerage, only a few months earlier ; and who was raised to the British peerage by Pitt, about two years later ; — a nobleman with whom I had the honour of being much acquaint- ed, and whom I may have occasion to mention again in some part of these Memoirs ; — rose to remark, that " the Prince of Wales acted most wisely in attending debates, for the purpose of im- bibing just ideas of that Constitution, which must probably at some future day be placed under his protection, as its natural guardian." But Hill, not at all disconcerted, calmly answered, that " for such purposes as those just mentioned, he could have no objection to his royal highness's appearance in that house." Here the conversation terminated. The prince, though from deference to his father's wishes, signified to him, he had absented himself on the day when " the East India Bill" was finally reject- ed in the upper house, yet did not the less retain and avow his predilection for its authors. His presence in the House of Commons, among the Peers, where he took his place under the gallery, might therefore be considered as indirectly en- couraging to Fox and the coalition. Frederic, Prince of Wales, his grand- father, had, however, as is well known, given the same marks of partiality to the minority which drove Sir Robert Wal- pole from power, in the beginning of 1741, without exciting any comment or disaiiprobation. Pulleney, then at the head of opposition, even alluded in one of his speeches, to his consciousness of the august personage before whom he spoke. Sir Richard Hill, whom I very particularly knew, was one of the most upright, disinterested, and honest men who ever sat in Parliament. Andrew Marvel was not more incorrupt ; but his religious cast of character laid him open to the shafts of ridicule. His manners were quaint and puritanical ; his address, shy and embarrassed. He possessed how- ever a most benevolent disposition, toge- ther with a great estate, which enabled him to gratify his generous and philan- thropic feelings. Sir Richard, though he attained to old age, being, I believe, seventy-five at the time of his decease, remained always unmarried. In the simplicity, singularity, and eccentricities of his character, as well as deportment, he always reminded me of Addison's Sir Roger de Coverley. The " Rolliad," which treats him with severity, describes him as " Friend of King George, but of King Jesus more." In the same manner the Earl of Dart- mouth, while a member of Lord North's cabinet, being likewise known to enter- tain very deep sentiments of religion, had obtained from the opposition of that time, the nick-name of " the Psalm Singer." The indecorous personality of debate that distinguished the lower house, dur- ing this extraordinary crisis of afTairs, produced scenes apparently unbecoming the assembly where thev originated, and such as we would vainly ex()ect to find in more tranquil periods of our parlia- mentary history. General Ross, a man of very eccentric manners, rising in his place, accused a lord of the bedchamber, the Earl of Galloway, with endeavouring to influence his vote, by allusions or di- rect intimations of the royal dis[)leasure at his supporting the coalition. Lord Galloway's brother, the Honorable Keith Stewart, read a written denial of the as- sertion : but the general persisted in maintaining the charge. He had served with great gallantry and distinction, under General Eliott, during the memo- rable siege of Gibraltar ; where he com- manded the troops employed on the 27th of November, 1781, in the sally made from the garrison with such success, when the lines and batteries of the be- siegers were burned or destroyed. This extraordinary attack on Lord Galloway, was commonly denominated " General Ross's sa//?/." Lampoons, a weapon, HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 477 in the manqffement of whicli, the opposi- tion unquestionably excelled their oppo- nents, were circulated wilh great assi- duity and efl'ect. In one of them, Stewart was thus apostrophized : " Captain Keith, Captain Keitii, Ki'cp your tongue in your teeth, Lest you bedchamber secrets betray ! And if you want more, Why, my bold commodore. You may borrow of Lord Galloway." Keith Stewart, who was a captain in the royal navy, had incurred, as a pro- fessional man, some censure or reflec- tions,, perhaps very unjustly, during the war wilh Holland, for havinsj allowed a homeward bound Dutch ship of war to slip thrfiugh the Downs, and reach the Texel, while he was said to have been on shore at Deal. His brother. Lord Galloway, having, like Lord Sandwich, the inside of his mouth most defectively furnished for purposes of mastication, it was well known, used a complete set of artificial teeth. Sir Richard Hill, accus- tomed almost always to draw his allu- sions or authorities from Holy Writ, en- deavoured to prove that even benefits might result from secret influence, by adducing the instances of Haman and of Mordecai. " The honest Israelite," he observed, " repaired privately to court, and averted the danger which threatened the people of God, from Hainan's ambi- tion ; who being driven from the cabinet, j was finally suspended on a gibbet." I j thought, however, at the time when Sirj vassing for votes, from one extremity of the kingdom to the other: — an imputa- tion repeated in still stronger language by General Conway, who denominated their agents, rat catchers; but which charge was repelled by the chancellor of the exchequer, as wholly destitute of proof. On the other hand, Rigby com- plained that Robinson, in the anticipa- tion of a speedy dissolution of Parlia- ment, had made use of ministerial in- fluence, to afl'ect the future election of a member for the borough of Harwich ; though he did not think proper to ground any specific motion on liis complaint. Fox, alluding to the reflections which had been thrown out by Sir Richard Hill, on the Prince of Wales, for attend- ing questions under agitation in that house, exclaimed with warmth, " God forbid that royal personage should not participate in its political concerns ! Where can he so well imbibe a know- ledge of the principles of our Constitu- tion, as within these walls ? How can he better illustrate the excellence of his character, than by thus blending personal respect for the king his father, with attachment to his country ?" Not deter- red however by such observations, from animadverting on other circumstances connected with his royal highness's per- sona appearance under the gallery ; the new treasurer of the navy remarked hypotheiically, that " if the great person- age in question, not content with mere- ly listening to the debates, should on any occasion testify by his behaviour or Richard pronounced this speech, that Pitt I gesticulations, while in the house, a pre- was not perfectly pleased with the com- parison made between liiiDself and Mor- decai. Even Dundas, who might have been esteemed incapable of descending to such modes of attack ; yet, when re- ferring to Lee's very imprudent asser- tion, made, I think, on the I2th of .lanu- dilection or partiality for any set of men ; such marks of his preference would be unbecoming, and might operate as a means of influence." No answer was given by any member of the oppo- sition, to the supposed case thus stated : but Lord North, in the course of the ary, that " a charter was only a scroll of I evening, after expatiating on the eminent parchment, with a piece of wax dangling to it ;" observed, that it had been asked with equal reason, " What was the great harm of hanging an attorney general ? An hanged attorney general, was only a carcase dangling at the end of a rope." Sheridan, however, retorted on him with equal ability and severity, for this cti- rious metaphor. Lord North did not scruple to accuse the ministers wilh can- 1 virtues of the heir apparent, expressed a becoming admiration at " his attending the House of Commons, where he might imbibe the true spirit of our Consiilulion, and become acquainted with the nature of this limited government, rather than lis- tening to flatterers. The comments on this delicate subject, proceeded no fur- ther, and were not renewed during th© remainder of the Parliament. 478 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. [23d January. 3 The city of London led the way to the rest of ihe kingdom, by going up at thisjuncture to the foot of the throne, wiih an address, tlianking his majesty for the very interference, which the House of Commons had pronounced to, be subversive of the Consiitution. They retorted at the san)e lime, upon the authors of Fox's India Bill, the charge of " raising a power unknown to this free government, and highly inimical to his safety." Eiicourajjed by sucii unequivocal demonstrations of the affec- tion of the .metropolis, and of the corre- sponding dei'eciion in the opposition ranks, Pitt fiad already, framed and brought forward another East India Bill, the second reading o( which look place at tliis time. All the faculties of the two great leaders, who had originated those respective measures, were exerted in its attack and its defence. Fox, after con- trasting its pretended inefficiency and fluctuation of system, with the vigour which characterised his own measure for the government of our Asiatic posses- sions, concluded by protesting, " If the present 6i// is adopted, the company may continue to transmit orders to iheir ser- vants. They may fill their despatches, with morals and with ethics ; but all their commands will be perused with in- difference, and treated with disrepecl. If adopted, I do not hesitate to assert that India is lost, irrecoverably lost for ever." This most unfortunate predic- tion was not however meant so much for futurity, as calculated to operate on the appreliensions of his audience. Tlie chancellor of the exchequer, with more attention to the patience of the house, briefly pointed out as dangerous, as .well as unconstitutional nature of the power, proposed by Fox to be vested in Lord Fitzwilliam, independent of the crown; dependent on the good graces of the ministers who could command a majo- rity in Parliament." The division took place before midnight, when Pitt's bill was rejected only by eight votes, out of four hundred and thirty-six persons who divided. Such, indeed, was Fox's con- sciousness of these victories finally termi- nating in defeat, that no sooner had he thrown out the bill of the minister, than he moved for leave to introduce his own bill a second time ; but so changed and modified in its leading principles, as to be scarcely recogni- sable for tlie same measure. He un- questionably perceived when too late, the error into which his own ill regulated ambition, propelled by Burke's ardent and theoretical spirit, had precipitated the party. In order, iTierefore, to con- ciliate the favour of the house, and of the country, to the measure, he now offered to abandon almost all its obnoxious provisions ; particularly the patronage, which had excited so much obloquy and clamour. There remained only two fundamental principles or features, which he declared himself unable to retract, namely, the permanency of the system for the government of India, under par- liamentary, not royal authority ; and secondly; that the supreme control itself should be established, noton the. Ganges, but here at home. The proposition however, appeared to be no longer suited to the exigency. It is impossible not to accuse Fox of betraying want of judg- ment throughout every part of the trans- actions which led to his ministerial down- fall. A cautious, or a temperate states- man, would not have furnished the sove- reign to whom he was personally unac- ceptable, with the means of precipitating him from the elevation which he had attained with so much labour. Had the coalition made a judicious and moderate use of their power, the king, however he might have lamented his situation, could not have liberated himself from their yoke. They enabled himj by their errors, to emancipate himself. When we reflect that another coalition, formed by Lords Grenville and Grey, unin- structed l)y experience, renewed and ex- hibited in 1807, nearly the same error, followed by the same results, it affords no common matter of astonishment. After the rejection of the minister's bill for the government of India, Fox, sustained by members in various parts of the house, endeavoured to force from Put an explicit declaration of his inten- tions relative to a dissolution of Parlia- ment ; but neither menaces nor expostu- lations cotdd prevail over his determina- tion to observe a profound silence on that point. He resembled a rock against which the waves dashed and spent their force. To General Conway, who ac- HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 479 cused him of attaining power by uncon- stitutional means, anil existing by cor- ruption, he replied with great dignity, but r-efnsed to answer any interrogatories from individuals. " I will be tlie sole judge of my own honour," said he, " and though I have not been long accus- tomed to the strong language used within these walls, yet neither unsupported slander, nor intemperate threats, shall discompose my temper." Vainly Fox exhausted his indignation on the minis- ter's "sulky silence, and want of decency towards the house." With as little efTect, Lord Surrey pledged himself, if Pitt persisted in denying the information demanded, to bring forward a motion of a compulsory, or a criminating nature. Lord North and Sheridan each assailed him with every weapon of debate ; while Martin, notwithstanding his avowed detestation of the coalition, declared tliat on this occasion he could not support administration ; but would abandon them if the threatened resolution should be brought forward. Pitt remained im- moveable. It was a moment of crisis; the majority irritated, clamorous, and ripe to have come to a vote of a violent nature. But Fox, who well knew that any such act would only furnish a mo- mentary triumph, followed by the de- struction of his parliamentary machinery, interposed with apparent moderation. " Perhaps," observed he, " the minister conceives that because he has insulted this house to such a point, he may pro- ceed still farther. I am, nevertheless, averse to take any intemperate advantage of his conduct." He, therefore, pro- posed an adjournment of a lew. hours, till 12 o'clock of the same day (Saturday, 24th of January), expressing his hope that a full attendance should then take place. His expectations were realized ; for I have rarely witnessed a greater number of members than assembled on the occasion. Fowls instantly rising, with marks of strong and visible emotion, reiterated Fox's question of the preceding night ; but Pitt, though he no longer declined making any reply, yet was with difficulty induced to guaranty the existence of the House of Commons, even for eight and forty hours. With that slender a.ssurance of their duration, they instantly adjourned. Notwithstanding the rising indignation of the capital and the country, which every day manifested itself with aug- menting energy, in favour of administra- tion ; yet the minister's situation at this juncture, equally painful in itself, as it was without precedent in our parliamen- tary history, appeared to be at times not wholly exempt from personal danger. Fox might be said, without either metaphor or exaggeration, to hold suspended over his head the severest marks of the indigna- tion of an ofTended House of Commons. His removal from the king's presence and councils, as an enemy to his country; his impeachment, or his commitment to the Tower; any, or all of these propo- sitions, might probably, nay, might cer- tainly have been carried, in moments of effervescence, when the passions of a popular assembly, inflamed by such a conductor as F'ox, seemed to be ripe for any act of violence. The irritation and impatience produced by debates, pro- tracted or repeated night after night, rendered his followers susceptible of impressions the most hostile to the minister ; who, in sullen majesty, or in contumelious silence, heard, unmoved, their clamorous denunciations, seated calmly on tlie treasury bench. Mr. Pitt displayed in that situation, during suc- cessive weeks, a combination of forti- tude, self-possession, presence of mind, and ability, which I never recollect with- out admiration. He did not, indeed, manifest the suavity, amenity, and wit, of Lord North, or of Sheridan. But always ; preserving the command of himself, he was never led into deviations from cau- i tion and prudence, even when he seemed most to set at defiance, the menaces of his adversaries. If we reflect on his period of life, our surprise is augmented. He constituted, indeed, in himself, the administration which he defended ; and which, without hiin, could not have been maintained for a single week in existence. It may naturally be asked, why Fox, holding in his hand so powerful an en- gine as the majority of a House of Com- mons, which assembly, he well knew, might every day be dissolved ; and the individual members composing which superiority, he saw diminishing after almost every debate or division, in con- 480 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. sequence of the natural operation of a ! variety of obvious causes ; yet should never have let fall its vengeance on the head of the minister, whom he apparent- ly held in his power? Why, when he saw all the ordinary expedients exhaust- ed or ineffectual, which might compel the king to dismiss his administration, or induce the ministry to resign ; did he tamely wait, till Mr. Pitt's measures being ripe, and the country having de- clared almost unanimously on his side, a dissolution reduced the coalition to in- significance, and overwhelmed their ill- concerted schemes for perpetuating their authority? Fox wanted neither vigour, decision, nor inclination, to have antici- pated his own approaching fall, and the extinction of his ambitious plans. Nor could he deceive himself relative to the political destruction which impended over the coalition, if they did not prove victorious in the actual contest. How then, and on what principles of common sense, are we to explain this seeming contradiction in his conduct ? Fox possessed no absolute certainty in the lirst place, whatever he might be- lieve, that the same majority which had supported him in voting remonstrances to the throne, would either stop the supplies, or carry up an address for Mr. Pitt's removal. Various country gen- tlemen already called for a union, and thought that no administration from whicli he should be excluded, would be found equal to the national emergency. Even many of Fox's sup- porters among them loudly deprecated all extremities. They might abandon him. He might therefore be left in a minority, and all his consequence, as the head of a great party, would thus be lost by one imprudent step. But granting, however, as seemed most probable that he should carry a personal question against Mr. Pitt, by ten, twenty, or thirty votes in a crowded house ; what would be the inevitable effect of such a victory ? That the king, sustained by the voice of the country, and not susceptible of fear, when he believed himself to be acting right; instead of dismissing his minis- ters, would dissolve the Parliament, and confidently appeal to the people, against their own representatives. In that case. Fox, far from attaining his object, would only have accelerated a dissolution ; and wolild afford to his antagonist, a plausi- ble, if not a solid excuse, for advising the sovereign to adopt that measure. These were unquestionably, the real causes of Fox's seeming moderation. Nor did Pitt, on the other hand, want motives equally powerful in restraining him from any precipitate movement. The county members who supported him, were adverse to a dissolution, un- less circumstances rendered it indis- pensable. By temporising and protract- ing, however irksome, and even in some degree humiliating, might be considered his situation in Parliament ; he gave time for the public sentiment to be loudly, as well. as generally pronounced, and could avail himself of it at any mo- ment. Such were the considerations which mutually withheld the two chiefs from proceeding to extremities, till the natural and unavoidable progress of affairs, produced the final consumma- tion. [26th January.]] The idea of endea- vouring to reconcile two men, who com- bined in their characters, almost all the great endowments fitted for government ; if it could be realized, seemed apparently pregnant, at first view, with incalculable benefit to the country. Some individuals of respectability in the House of Com- mons, impelled by these feelings, under- took the experiment. As early as the 20th of January, the idea was suggested from various quarters, in the course of debate ; but neither Fox nor Pitt, though both aft'ected to consider it as an object highly desirable, pretended to think it practicable without a sacrifice of prin- ciple. Fox fairly avowed that he enter- tained very little hope of seeing such a union effected, as could prove a blessing to the country. The chancellor of the exchequer professed a similar conviction, and stated it in still plainer language. " I am by no means averse," observed he, " to the union so strenuously and so respectably recommended ; but, I agree with the right honorable gentleman (Fox), that such a union, not founded on principle, would only prove fallacious, and would produce disunion in a quarter where it must be attended with worse consequences to the state, than can result from our disputes in this assembly." HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 4^1 Marsham, while he coincided in senti- ment with the two preceding speakers, yet expressed his warm salislaclioii at the assurances wliich they gave, of ifieir mutual disposition to act together for the public extrication. But Powis, with more discernment, exclaimed, " A union of abilities has been loudly called for within these walls. I rather wish to see a union of principle. The former may produce discordant counsels, and feeble measures. The latter must have oppo- site results." In fact, however specious the project appeared in theory, it proved impracti- cable, and only served to demonstrate the futility of the attempt. The St. Alban's tavern became the scene of this parliamentary drama, to which place re- paired about sixty or more members, distinguished for high character, large property, and acknowledged uprigiuness of intention. Though they chose Mr. Thomas Grosvenor, brother to the peer of that name, and one of the representa- tives for the city of Chester, as thei'r no- minal chairman ; their deliberations and proceedings were chiefly conducted by two gentlemen, who had already on vari- ous occasions, taken a lead in the debates carried on within the walls of the house. 'I'he first, the Honorable Charles Mar- sham, son and heir of Lord Romney, himself member for Kent ; though a man by no means prepossessing or engaging in his manners, which were coarse and inelegant; yet wanted not ability, and attracted deservedly general considera- tion in his parliamentary capacity. The other, Mr. Fowls, whom 1 have had so often occasion to mention, and who com- monly prefaced his speeciies, on occa- sions of great interest, by a copious dis- charge of tears, which he seemed to com- mand at will ; challenged attention from his recognised integrity, eloquence, energy of mind, and impariialiiy. The Duke of Portland, as nominal liead of one party, and Pitt, as leader of the other, afl'ected equally to receive with deference, the propositions made to each, on the part of the associated members. It is prob:ible, however, that the duke, in this profession, might be more sincere than the minister. Difhculiies and ob- jections, cither to a personal interview, or to a negotiation, were started in turn •11 by both. Pitt refusing to resign, or even to hear of a virtual resignation, whicii was required of him, as a previous step to any conference lor the purpose of forming an extended administration ; the overtures were suspended, and finally broken ofT, in consequence of these pre- liminary impediments. But the patriotic zeal of the St. Alban's meeting, was not to be overcome by ordinary obstacles ; and they returned to the charge some time afterwards, apparently under more l)ropitious auspices. In compliance with their suggestion and wishes, the king was even induced, towards the end of the month of February, to send a message to the Duke of Portland, recom- mending a conference between him and Pitt, with a view to constitute a ministry, on " a wide basis, and on fair and equal terms." Instead of instantl}' closing with such a proposition, from which, neither the sovereign, nor the chancellor of the exchequer, whatever might have been their secret wishes, could easily recede, without incurring the imputation of insincerity ; the Duke of Portland and Fox thought proper to cavil about the acceptation of the term "equal." At this opening, with which they injudi- ciously furnished him, Pitt escaped, by refusing to define any expressions, be- fore the proposed interview. All further efll*orts were therefore ulti- mately abandoned, with a view to pro- duce a political union between two men, whose mutual animosity and rivality seemed to derive new force, from the un- successful attempts made to effect a re- conciliation. With whatever compla- cency and ostensible alacrity, Pitt inva- riably received tlie propositions for such a junction, it is difficult to persuade our- selves that he could cordially desire their accomplishment. He beheld the prize for which they were contending, nearly attained and secured. His ambi- tion impelled him to govern alone, with- out an equal and a coadjutor in the cabinet, of such energy as Fox. Even their recriminations in Parliament, which had been so acrimonious and so recent, seemed hardly to admit of being buried in instant oblivion, without a mutual sacrifice of principle. We are warranted therefore, in believing, that an ac.-om- mo (1 ation, foreedon both by imperiou HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. circumstances, would have proved hol- low, insincere, and of short duration. They appeared to be not formed for acting together as members of the same administration ; nor did ihey ever openly coalesce for an instant, during their whole remaining lives. The French revolu- tion itself, which successively brought over to government, as lo an asylum against the evils of a sanguinary anar- chical republic, so many other eminent individuals, at whose head were the Duke of Portland, Burke, and Wind- ham, could never induce Fox to quit the opposition bench. He remained fixed lliere above two and twenty years, till death liberated him from his antagonist; and he then only became a minister, when, perhaps unfortunately for his country, his own career drew to its close. During the debate of the 26th of Janu- ary, in answer to the charges brought against him by Fox, who called on liim to resign his unconstitutional power, as a necessary preliminary to any union ; the new first minister replied with equal dignity and force of expression. He seemed, indeed, to feel not the slightest apprehension from the indignation or the votes of his antagonist's majority. " I came into office," observed he, "to ful- fil the duty which I owe his majesty, whose confidence I have not forfeited by any experiment for introducing a new power or estate into the Constitution." " I consider myself as aggrieved ; since, wholly untried in my ministerial capa- city, 1 lie under the censure of a resolu- tion of this house : but I have at least the consolation to reflect, that in propor- tion as the present cabinet becomes more known, its members rise in the confi- dence and esteem of Parliament, as well as of tlie people. I may appeal for the truth of my assertion, to the decay ins? majorities of the opposition. — Not that I am inimical to a reconciliation or a union, which has been so strongly re- commended ; but, in order to accom- plish this object, all personal views or prejudices, all pride and punctilio, must be laid aside. The right honorable gen- tleman has insisted on the entire resig- nation of the present ministers, previous to any negotiation. But though I occupy an employment of eminence, it is not one of choice ; and I trust, whenever the occasion calls for it, I shall approve my- self neither tenacious of power, nor im- properly attached to office. I act from patriotic, not private views : but my sense of public duty compels me to retain my actual situation, till another arrangement can be formed ; and not to suffer this great country to be again plunged into a state of anarchy, accom- panied with the absence of all govern- ment, as we experienced on a recent occasion. The inflexibility and deter- mination manifested in Pitt's speech, left little rational prospect of accommo- dation. [2d — lOlh February.] The discus- sions which took place in the House of Commons, between the termination of January, and the middle of the ensuing month, though equally violent and acri- monious with the preceding debates, contained less matter of interest, or of novelty. Accusations, levelled against the " East India Bill," from the treasury bench ; or against secret influence from the opposite side ; began to weary their hearers, and made little impression. Fox continued, it is true, master of the deliberations of the lower House of Par- liament ; his majorities sometimes falling as low as nineteen, and at other times rising to thirty-one : but this precarious superiority was far overbalanced by his decline in the popular esteem. No elo- quence, nor any exertions of sopliistry, could reconcile the public to his union with Lord North, followed immediately by the introduction of a measure, ob- viously calculated to cement their poli- tical power at the expense of the crown, which it must have reduced to a state of insignificance or vassalage. During the course of the debate which arose on the 2d of February, when Mr. Grosvenor moved that " an extended and united administration was necessary for the ex- trication of the country from its distracted state," great difference of opinion re- specting its eligibility, was exiiibited among the members of the assembly. Fowls, whose sentiments upf)n every point inspired great respect, declared that "a general coalition was now be- come a matter, not of choice, but of necessity." " No man," added he, " can any longer oppose it, without HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 483 voting in effect that the national business shall l)e suspended, which must produce general ruui." Widely dillerent was the view of things taken by Sir Cecil Wray, who, however inferior to Powis in ability, yet, as being Fox's colleague for VVe&tniinsler, and possessing plain common sense, was heard with much attention. "1 cannot," said he, " con- mentary proceeding, Pitt commented with much severity and justice of ani- madversion. " 'Pile house," observed he, " has been insidiously led on from one resolution to another, without ever discussing any single proposition on its own proper merits. The first resolutions were voted at six in the morning, — a most unusual hour, — with scarcely any sistenlly with mj' duly or my principles, debate or discussion. The second grew contribute by my voie to replace in cabinet, the very individuals, who by their late daring invasion of the rights and properties of their fellow subjects, have been so justly dismissed by his majest}', and some of whom ought to have been brought to the block.'''' "As to the distractions in the stale, which are mentioned in the motion, I know of none ; nor do I believe in their existence. On the contrary, the people seem to be nearly of one opinion, respecting the present ministers and those recently in power. The former are generally re- garded as honest and virtuous ; while the others are thought to have justly forfeited their employments, for having attacked the most sacred privileges of their fellow citizens. There are hardly two opinions on this subject, without doors. This house, indeed, has declared that it has no confidence in the adminis- tration ; but the addresses which are daily pouring in from different parts of the kingdom, prove how much tlie public confide in them. 'Phe unavoid- able inference is, that the voice of the House of Commons, is no longer the voice of the people of EnglancL'" Fox, in his reply, treated the ad- dresses to which Sir Cecil had alluded, with great contumely ; not foreseeing how rapidly they would spread over ihe whole surface of the country. Of West- minster, and of Middlesex, he spoke as portions of England inaccessible to ministerial artifice or delusion. The chancellor of the exchequer having assented to Mr. Grosvenor's motion, Mr. Coke, member for Norfolk, imme- diately proposed, that the continuance of the present ministers in power is an obstacle to an extended and united admi- nistration ;" Fox thus conducting his majority forward from step to step, till he should carry them to the intended consummation. On this mode of parlia- out of the former, and were followed by the third. But how had they been dis- cussed ? As mere corollaries to the preceding propositions, which this assem- bly was bound in consistency to adopt, as a matter of course. Thus artfully have we been kept from forming a fair estimate of the questions submitted to us." — Having entleavoured to point out the contradictions in which Powis in- volved himself, by voting for the reso- lutions, though he opposed and disap- proved thein ; though he admitted that " they were hastily proposed, grounded on doubtful or unauihenticated premises, and held out unfair conclusions ;" Pitt adverted to other parts of that gentle- man's speech. " He does not wish me," added the minister, " to quit the fortress, as he denominates it, that I occupy, and to march out with a halter about my neck. Sir, the only fortress that I recognise, or ever wish to defend, is the fortress of the Constitution. For its preservation I will resist every attack, and every seduc- tion. With what regard, indeed, either to my own personal honour, or to public principle, can I change my armour, and meanly beg to be received as a volunteer among the forces of the enemy ? 'Phis is a humiliation to which I never will condescend." — "I am, nevertheless, flis- posed to facilitate, as far as my principles will allow me, the union so much desired. But I see no reason for the previous resignation of ministers, and never will consent to it. If the house think otherwise, there are constitutional means open to them, either by impeach- ment for our crimes, if we have com- mitted any, or by addressing the crown for our removal." Mr. Coke's motion passed by a majority of nineteen, in a very crowded house, where four hun- dred and twenty-seven members were present. • Notwithstanding this apparent triumph 484 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. of the coalition, their cause declined in ihe public estimation from day to (lay. Neither the powerful eloquence of Fox, the sallies of wit wliich illuminated every speech of Lord North, nor the happy mixture of humour, argument, and satire which characterised the efTorls of Sheridan in parliament, could rescue the party from the imputation of having made mutual sacrifices of principle. Daring the debate of the subsequent evening, the third of February, Sheridan even avowed, without circumlocution, that when Fox first communicated to him the proposition of coalescing with his ancient adversary, he advised his right honorable friend by no means to accede to it ; as the insurmountable prejudices imbibed throughout the nation would infallibly produce the loss of his popularity, character, and general esti- mation. Sheridan added, indeed, that on maturely weighing the motives of state necessity by which it was dictated, when sustained by his experience of the honour, principles, and steadiness of Lord North, he rejoiced at the union which had taken place, even in contra- diction to his own advice. But it is evident from this disclosure of his sen- timents, that he reasoned more dispas- sionately than Fox ; who, seduced by his ambition, goaded by his wants, and beholding only the numerical ascendant which Lord North's junction would give him, in one, if not in both Houses of Parliament, imagined tliat he could coerce the sovereign, and might either persuade, delude, or despise the people. The event fully justified Sheridan's opinion, and manifested the superiority of his judgment ; since, even though we should admit that Lord Sholburne would inevitably have remained in power if Fox had not joined Lord North, yet the former must have occupied tiie most im- posing situation as a public man, placed in some measure at the iiead of the Rockingham party, while maintaining his original ground of opposition ; and could not probably have been long ex- cluded from a participation in the coun- sels of the crown, even by Pitt himself. In vain did Sheridan, with admirable wit, endeavour to show that an equal t-uTifice of all political principle^ had taken place on the ministerial side of the house as was exhibited among the mem- bers opposite them: — an assertion which he attempted to illustrate by the spectacle which the treasury bench pre- sented, where the individuals now seated side by side, were beheld recently acting in hostility towards each other. But the union of inferior or subordinate persons, did not excite sentiments of equal repug- nance, nor awaken such moral condem- nation, as the coalition of two princi- pals, the one of whom had, for succes- sive years, been loaded by the other, with the severest imputations, and de-. nounced as a just object of national ven- geance. In vain did Fox accuse the first minister,after assassinating the Con- stitution by secret influence, in one House of Parliament ; with having re- course to methods of the basest corrup- tion, in order to procure a majority in another." As vainly did Rigby reproach Pitt with lavishing peerages for the same purpose; while it was notorious that the late administration was debarred from conferring similar dignities, and had not been able to make even a single British peer. With as little effect did Marsham read the resolutions adopted by the meeting at the St. Alban's tavern., aifirming" that any administration found- ed on the total exclusion of the mem- bers of the last, or of the present minis- try, would be inadequate to the public exigencies ;" or did Powis urge the chancellor of the exchequer to resign, as a necessary preliminary to all con- ciliation. Pin, though he still professed to desire an union, " provided it could be effected without a sacrifice of prin- ciple or of honour ; yet not oidy refused previously to retire from office, but start- ed many ulterior impediments to the ac- complishment of the object itself. No symptoms of approximation be- tween the contending parties, beyond unmeaning professions of mutual disposi- tion to bury in oblivion past animosities, took place : while among their respec- tive adherents, a spirit of inveterate en- mity was exhibited. Lord Mulgrave, in one of his speeches, charged Fox with " trampling the House of Brunswick under foot," by his " East India Bill ;" and though called to ortler by the late secretary of state, inveighed against him as " a plunderer and an invaderJ* HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. 485 Governor Johnstone said, that " if an election for a king were to take place in this country, Mr. Fox should have his vote ; so high an opinion did he enter- tain of those transcendant abilities which the riglit honorable gentleman possess- ed : but wishing to preserve the Consti- tution, he had negatived a bill which would have placed its author above all control." " His talents," added Johnstone, "I admit to be pre-eminent : so were those of Julius Cffisar, who undid Rome. Oliver Cromwell, who made the House of Commons his instrument, overturned the Constitution. Such would have been the effect of the East India Bill, if if had passed the legislature. Nor,j is the con- tinuance of the present minister in office, less necessary in order to prevent the renewal of that measure, than was his original acceptance of employment, to defeat it in the first instance." Wilber- force declared, that " even if that obnox- 1 ious bill had passed the House of Peers, by as great a majority as it did the lower house yet he should equally have thank- ed the crown for dismissing the late ministers." Pitt himself, treating with defiance, as well as with contempt, Fox's indirect attempts to force his resignation, called on liis antagonist to come boldly forward ; and either to criminate his con- duct as a minister, or to move a personal question for his removal from office. Professing his own purity, both as a man, and as a public functionary, he avowed his indiflerence for all the clamour of party, or the unfounded imputations brought against the mode of his attain- ing power ; and concluded by trusting that the house would do justice to the motives, which actuated his present line of conduct. [Ilth — 17lh February.] Burke by no means took the same active or con- spicuous part in the debates that fol- lowed the rejection of the " East India Bill," as he had exhibited while the measure was on its progress to the upper house. With the loss of the pay office, he seemed to have lost for a time, much of his energy of mind. Even Lord North scarcely occupied the second place in these parliamentary convul- sions, where Sheridan and Erskine, Fowls, and even Marsham, severally at- tracted almost as much attention, as the 41* late first minister. His blue ribband, seen conspicuous among the great coats, buff waistcoats, and dirty boots of his new allies, involuntarily recalled the re- flection of his having given the law from the treasury bench, during twelve years, to the same assembly, in which he now- performed so humiliating and inferior a character. He bore, nevertheless, this political change, under which many men would have sunk, with that im- perturbable serenity and equality of temper, which ever distinguished him through life. He acquired even the ap- plauses of every party, by the manly promptitude, and cheerful readiness, which he showed to sacrifice all per- sonal objects or interests to the public tranquillity. When Pitt avowed, that however highly he might respect that nobleman's abilities, or esteem his pri- vate character, yet they could never sit together in the same cabinet; Lord North, while he loudly censured the contemptuous dignity, and unaccommo- dating spirit of the chancellor of the ex- chequer; nevertheless declared, that no considerations relative to himself, sliould for an instant impede the formation of a new ministry, consonant to the general wishes of the country. j " There may be individuals," ob- served Pitt, "against whom I entertain no personal dislike or ill-will; whose private character I even respect and re- vere : whose abilities are great ; and yet with whom I could never bring myself to sit, or to act in the cabinet." No re- ply could be more dignified, yet disin- terested, than that of Lord North. " It is impossible for me to avoid perceiv- ing," said he, " that I am the person to whom allusion is made. From what- ever quarter, however, such expressions may come, and with whatever form of words, they maybe clothed, I never will quit my situation, or be was no credulous man at all, scarcely a sound believer. He told my husband the story himself; 506 ADDENDA. his nephew told it him. All London heard the tale. He told it to everybody himself; most circumstantially, of course, to his valet, Williams. But a Welsh ladj, being at the play, heard Cap- tain Ayscough tell it in the box, two nights be- fore the death of my Lord Lyttcltnn. Page 142. He [George the Third] was deeply enamoured of Lady Sarah Lenox, who married Sir Charles Bunbury, and many, many years after, married Mr. Napier. The Duke of Rich- mond never forgave Lord Bute hindering his sister from being queen — of course; and said, that Wilkes ought to be encouraged, if it was only because he acted as a thorn in the king^s side. Page 145, 1. 48. [Lady Archibald Hamilton] mother of poor dear old Mr. Hamilton, who died here [Batb] in the circus a very few years ago. He was father to Lady Aldborough, yet living, and to Jane Holman, lately dead. Prince Fre- deric was his godfather. I loved Jane Holman sincerely. Page 147, 1. 6G. Her letters are proofs of her truth, her tenderness, her plain sense ; but wholly unadorned by literature. I mean Queen Mary's. Page 158, 1. 86. Hamilton had none [lineal representatives] that he owned. He once told me that he was the nineteenth child of his father and mother, and that neither he, nor any of his brothers and sisters, had living and legal issue : I mean legitimate. Page 165, 1. 103. His (Lord North's) odd revenge on Burke should have been mentioned. The orator was inveighing against him while he slept, or appeared to sleep, till one language being insufficient for his abuse of such a minis- ter, Burke, quoting Latin against him, pro- nounced the word " Vectlgal," as here accentu- ated. " Vectigal !" siid Lord North, and slept again. Page 185, I. 12. Thurlow, enraged one day at dinner with his butler, cried " Go to hell ! Go to the devil ; — to the devil, I say." — " Give me a character, my lord," replies the arch fellow ; " genllemen like to have a character from an acquaintance.^' Ibid. 1. 29. He (Lord Chancellor King) told my grandmother that they put him appren- tice to a grocer ; " but," says he, " my lady, I could never abide the shop after I had done eat- ing the plums." Page 187, I. 61. He (Mr. Jenkinson) was to me a very particularly agreeable man as a con- verser ; unaffectedly good-humoured, and plea- sant in his voice and manner — though emi- nently ugly, long and lean — with strange sort of eyes, oddly thrown up, or cast down ; but ne- ver looking like the eyes of any other man. Page 190. Wallace was a coarse man with a provincial dialect — his wife was amiable. — Wedderburn was charming; but then he was all over affectation, and had beautiful eyes ; and I liked Jenkinson better. Page 342, 1. 42. So he (Rumbold) was, and what is much more surprising, he had the air and look of a man of quality. Very strange, surely, in a black-shoe-boy, for such he was, « starting. Page 383, 1. 28. By no means disinterested : he (Dr. Moore) was sure to get a preferment from the duke, and only a life-annuity from the duchess, — to whom he probably preferred some other woman. It was prudent management of ^ good fortune, but by no means a proof of disin- terestedness. Page 384, 1. 33. The character of George the Third was uniformly moral, and uniformly discreet. He was what we call a steady boy in early youth. A confidential friend, and natural son, indeed, of one of my uncles, was about the court in Leicester Fields, when Prince Frederic of Wales died : he told my mother the following story : — " The princess was sitting one day of her early widowhood pensive and melancholy, her two eldest sons playing about the room. 'Brother,' said the second boy, 'when you and I are men groivn, you shall be married, and I will keep a mistress.' — 'Be quiet, Eddy,' re- plies the present king 'we shall have anger.pre- sently for your nonsense. I'here must be no unstresses at all.' — ' What you say I' cries old Augusta; 'you more need learn your pronouns as the preceptor bid you do. Can you tell vat IS a pronoun T : Yes, very well,' replies Prince Edward : ' a pronoun is to a noun what a mistress is to a wife, — a substitute and a representative.' " Page 396. [Mr. Thomas Pitt.] A finical lady-like man. He married Miss Anne Wil- kinson, a rich merchant's daughter, and was father by her to the mad Lord Camelford. The other sister, poor soul ! married Lord George Sackville's Smith, as they called him, and was by hina mother to the hero, Sir Sydney Smith. INDEX. Abingdon, Willoughby Bertie, Fourth earl of, his reflections on Mr. Fox, 445. Acton, Glievalier, his improvements in the Nea- politan navy, 96. Adam, Mr., Treasurer of tlie Ordnance, his par- hamentary eloquence, 280 ; his attack upon Fox, ib. Aiguillon, Duke d', money entrusted to his care for the support of Madame du Barry, 58. Albany, Louisa Countess d', character of, 110; her marriage with the Pretender, ih. ; her re- ception in London, ib. Alcantara, royal carriages kept at, 35 ; aque- duct in, 46. Alfieri, Count, his attendance upon the Count- ess d' Albany, 108, Alphonso VI, King of Portugal, character of, 45 ; deposed, ib. ; imprisoned at Cintra, ib. ; his death, ib. Althorpe, George John liOrd, afterwards Earl Spencer, remarks respecting him, 333. America, attempt to tax the colonies of, 161 ; dissevered from England, 244 ; Congress of, refuses to negotiate with Great Britain, 302 ; negotiations for peace between Great Britain and, 343 ; emancipated from Great Britain, 347. American Government, remarks respecting, 231. treaty, effects of, on Great Britain, 364; character of, 371. war, remarks respecting, 161, 162, 163, 230, 239, 243, 2.50, 268. Amherst, Jeffery first Lord, his character and personal appearance, 182; his victories in America, ib. ; bis reserved disposition, 183. Anson, Commodore, notice of his expedition round Cape Horn, 345. Aqueduct of Alcantara, constructed by John V.46. Aranda, Count d', Spanish ambassador at Paris, his instructions, 353. Arden, Mr., appointed solicitor-general, charac- ter of him, 451 ; his political talents, ib. Arnold, Gen. remarks on his appearance at Court. 272. Ashburiiham, John Earl of, groom of the stole, remarks respecting, 310. Ashburton, John Dunning first Lord, see Dun- ning. Atkinson, Mr. assertion respecting, 226, 228. Aubigne, M. d', anecdote in the "Memoirs of his own Life," 94. Augusta. Caroline, Princess of Brunswick Wolf- enbuttel, married to the Prince of Wirlem- berg, 85 ; her mysterious death, ib., 86, 87. Augusta Elizabeth. Princess of Tour and Taxis, her supposed execution, 100. Aveiro, Duke d', his conspiracy to assassinate King Joseph I. 35, execution, 36. Bahama Islands, Spanish expedition against, 344. Banbury, inhabitants of, their address to the king, 486. Bankes, Mr. member for Corfe Castle, his allu- sion to the proposed cession of Gibraltar to Spain, 352. Barbara, Princess, afterwards Queen of Spain, her marriage with Ferdinand Prince of Astu- rias, 48 ; her taste for music, ib. ; death, 49. Barre, Col. his charges against Lord North, 167; his talents as a speaker, 206; his '^pinion of Mr. iS'ecker, ib. ; moves to noaiinale commis- sioners of accounts for the House of Com- mons from its own members, 2o7 ; appointed treasurer of the navy, 296; pension granted to, 334; his speech respecting 335 ; appoint- ed clerk of the pells in the exchequer, 471. Barrington, Admiral, repulses d'Estai^n at St, Lucie, 129 Barry, Countess du, her influence witli Louis XV., 57; provision for her, 58, Basset, Sir Francis, afterwards Lord Dunstan- ville, his exertions to increase the provision for Lord Rodney, 326. Bateman, Lord, character of, 301. Bathurst, Allen, raised to the peerage by Queen •Anne, 185; Pope's allusion to, ib. Henry second Karl, his character as Lord Chancellor, 185. Battistini, Mr. his theatrical talonfs, 32. Beauclerk, Mr. his remarks respecting Dr. John- son, 69; his intimacy with Mr. Fox, 200. Bedford, Francis Kussell eighth Duke of, Ju- niiis's accusations against. 149. Bembridge, Mr. accusations against, 400 ; re- stored to his situation in the Pay Office, ib.- his trial, 403 ; sentenced to a fine and impri. sonment, ib. Bengal, court of committee appointed to exa- mine the stale and abuses of, 232. Berkeley, Lady Betty, see Germain, Ladxj Betty. Berwick, Duke of, placed at the head of the French forces on the Ivhine, in 173!, 54. Beyra, Prince of, married to Donna Maria Bene- dicti, 39; his personal appearance, 40; death, ih. 508 INDEX. Bill — for reforming the civil list, brought for- ward l)y Mr Burlic, 201 ; — for the reform of the king's household, introduced by Burke, 219; rejected, 220; — for the reduction of the civil list, introduced by Burke, 303; plan of, ib. ; remarks respecting, 305, 306 ; — for preventing contractors sitting in parliament, introduced by Mr. Jennings Gierke, 304 ; — for excluding officers of the excise and cus- toms from voting at elections, introduced by Mr. Crewe, ib. ; — for preventing bribery at elections, introduced by Lord Mahon, 327 ; — for the regulation of a[)poiiitinents in the M'^est Indies and America, 331; — for the regulation of the pay otfice, introduced by Burke, 404 ; — for establishing regulations in public offices, introduced by Pitt, 409. Bolton, Henry Paulct last Duke of, appointed governor of the Isle of Wight, 297. Bonaparte, J\a|)oleon, remarks respecting, 56; on his projected invasion of England, 215. Boothby, Mr. his opinion of Mr. Fox, 195. Boscawcn. Mrs. character of, 71 ; her account of Lord Bute's first introduction to Frederick Prince of Wales, 148. Brtufflers, Marchioness de, mistress of the Duke of Lorraine, 53. Bourbon, Duke of. his proposals for Louis XV.'s marriage, 50 ; demands an English princess, 57 ; banished to Chanlilly, i/>. I B»yd, Hugh Macauley, supposed author of" Ju- I nius's Inciters, " 157. '^--i-Jdotk, Gen. defeated in Carolina, 147. ' jjnza, Duke, see John IV. \ ■ family of, remarks respecting, 44. I Brazil, Princess of, character of, 38. Bristol, George fifth Earl of, anecdote respect- ing, 64. Brunswick family, singular circumstances re- specting, 87. Prince Ferdinand of, bis military talents, 77 ; his connexion with the Illumines, ib. 78 ; his accusation against Lord Georg<^ Germain, 178; his popularity, ib.\, charges against, ib. Prince Louis of, his popularity in Holland, 77; character, ib.\ notice of his death, ib. Brunswick Blanckenherg, Princess Charlotte Christina of, remarks respecting her death, 87. Lunenburgh, Princess Caroline Matilda of, see Caroline, Queen of Denmark. Wolfenbutlel, Princess Elizabeth notice of her imprisonment at 8tettin, 87. — Zell, Princess Sophia of, notice of her imprisonment, 87, Buckhurst, Lord Treasurer, remarks respecting him, 423, Lord, see Dorset. Burgovne, Gen. description of him, 208; asper- sions upon his charactt!r, 209 ; his interview with Fox, ib. ; his opinion of Lord George Germain, ib. ; iiis invectives against the cor- ruption of Parliament, 234 ; supports the mar- riage bill, 241; his animadversions on the king and liOrd George Germain, 253 ; his opi- nion of the American war, ib. ; sent as com- manderinchief in Ireland, 297 ; supports the East India Bill, 443. Burke, Mr., 71 ; his conduct on the riots of 1780, 122; accuses government of neglect in not supplying the garrison of Gibraltar with gun- powder, 175; his extraordinary talents, 201 ; his exertions in bringing forward the bill for the reform of the civil list, ib ; his opinion of M. IVecker, 202; his condemnation of the American war, ib.; remarks on his parliamen- tary conduct, ib. ; his connexion with Earl' Verney, 203 ; his oratory, ib ; anecdotes of him, ib. ; his ridicule of Lord North, 204 ; his correspondence with Dr, Franklin, ib. ; his Irish accent, 205 ; his leivper. ib.; comparisons between him and Fox, ill.; his speech respect- ing 8ir H. Palliser's appointment as governor of Greenwich Hospital, 219 ; his bill for the reform of the king's houseiiold, ib. ; his opi- nion of Mr. William Pitt, 222 ; his compari- son between Lord JNorth and M. Necker, 227 ; anecdote of, 231 ; moves an inquiry into the treatment of the inhabitants of St. Eustatius, 236 ; his opinion of the marriage bill, 241 ; his remarks on the state of the country, 248 ; on the folly of taxing America, ih.; his opi- nion of the proposed address to the king, 250 ; his comparison respecting Mr. Welbore Ellis, 266 ; bis attack upon his speech, 267; his o[)inion of the loan proposed by Lord North, 269 ; objects to the postponement of the taxes, 277 ; his description of lbs state of the nation, lb. ; ridicules Lord North, ib. ; his attack upon Mr. Welbore Ellis, 279 ; his speech on Lord North's resignation, 290 ; appointed paymas- ter, 296 ; introduces his bill for the reduction of the civil list, 303 ; his plan for the proposed reduction, ib. ; remarks on his bill, 304, 305 ; his own opinion of it, ib. ; his remarks respect- ing Kodiiey, 322 ; his encomiums on the Mar- quis of Rockingham, 330 ; his regret on relin- quishing his office, 332 ; assertions respecting, ib ; his declamations against Ijord Shelburne, 338; against Gen. Conway, 26. ; ridicules the king's speech, 348; reproved by Lord North, (550; his comparison resjiecting ministers, 3.1 1 ; his opinion of the proposed cession of Gibraltar to Spain, 352 ; remarks on his sjieeches, 370 ; his reproof of .Mr. Duncombe, 377 ; resumes his office of paymaster, and se- cretary of the treasury, 391 ; Goldsmith's as- sertion respecting, 393; remarks on his resto- ration of Powell and Bembridge to their situ- ations, 400 ; his defence, 401,402 ; his exer- tions in favour of Bembridge, 403; his bill for the regulation of the pay-office, 404; ac-. cusations against him, ib. ; his remarks on the king's speech, 410 ; his allusions to Pitt, ib. ; his views respecting India, 427 ; draws up a. bill resj)ecting, 428; his speeches on the East India bill, 435, 438, 439; his character of Fox, 439 ; bis remarks on the corruption of parliament, 466, 467 ; on Mr. Thomas Pitt's elevation to the peerage, 471 ; remarks on his dejection, 485. Bussy, M. commander of the French forces at Cu- dalore, proclaims the cessation of arms, 420. INDEX. 509 Bute, John Stuart first Marquis, Georg-e Ill.'s partiality for, 143; attacks upon him, 144; account of his first introduction to Frederick Prince of Wales. 148; his talents, //;.; his character, 149; his administration, /6. ; resigns, ib.\ accusations ayainst hiin, ib. 150; remarks on his relinquishment of office, 151 ; reports respecting, ib. ; his visits to the Princess Dow- ager of Wales, ib.\ his desire to resume poli- tical power, ib. ; remarks on his conclusion of the treaty of Fontainbleau. 153. Byng, Adniiral, notice of his execution, 147. George, member for Middlesex, his speech respecting the loan borrowed by l>ord North, 226; his three motions respecting, 227; speech on thclistof subscribers to the loan, 229. Byron, Admiral, account of, 112; his action ofi" Grenada, 1 13 ; recalled to Kngland, ib. Calabria, Duke of, remarks respecting his imbe- cility, 93. Camden, Charles Pratt first. Lord, order of the Garter, conferred upon, 62 ; Junius's letter to, 212; his parliamentary character, 213; as lord chief justice of common pleas, ib. Cambens, remarks respecting him, 42. Canterbury, Archbishops of, see Cornxvallis, Hon. Dr. Frederick, and Jlfoore, Dr. Carleton, 8ir Guy, sent to America, to declare the independence of the colonies, 302. Carmarthen, Francis (Jodolphin Osborne Mar- quis of, objects to Lord George Germain's ele- vation to the peerage, 262. Carnatic war, committee appointed to inquire into the causes of the, 142. Caroline, Queen .of JNaples, Archduchess of Austria, united to Ferdinand IV., King of ■ Naples, 94 ; character of, 97. Matilda, Queen of Denmark, notice of her imprisonment and death at Zell, 88. Queen of England, character of, 147. Carvalho, Sebastian Joseph, Marquis de Pom- bal, his influence with King Joseph I, 34; account of him, 46 ; his unpopularity, 26. ; his improvements in Lisbon, 47. Catherine II, Empress of Russia, her friendship for Sir Thos. Wroughton, 79 ; her intrigue to entrap the supposed daughter of the Empress Elizabeth, /6., 81 ; extenuation of her conduct, 82; injurious reports respecting, ib.; invites the Prince of Wirtemberg into her service, 8^; her partiality for t'le princess, 86; lia- nishes her to the t.'astle of Lhode, ib. ; informs the prince of her death, ib. ; remarks on her conduct, ib. ; her alliance with Joseph II, 101 ; unites with the Baltic powers against Eng- land, 133; comiiarison between her reign and that of George HI, 199. Cavendish, Lord John, character of, 208 ; ap- pointed chancellor of the exchequer, 294 ; his resignation. 337, 338; moves an amendment on the subject of the American treaty, 360; encomiums on him, 373 ; justifies Fox's union with Lord North, /A. ; appointed chancellor of the exchequer, 390 ; Fox's influence with, ib.; his proposed loan, 394, 407 ; general esteem for, 407; his opinion of the Prince of Wales's proposed income, 412 ; Fox's reproof of, 415. 43*^ Chandos, Duchess of, remark of, 135. Chantilly, Mademoiselle (Madame Favart), re- jects Marshal Saxe's overtures, 55. Charles Anselm, Pritice of Tour and Taxis, se- parated from his wife., 100. Chartres, Duke de, remarks respecting, 61 ; ac- cusations against him, 62. Charles Edward, Prince (the Pretender), re- marks respecting, 107; amount of his income, 108; hi.s personal appearance, 109; his debi- litated state, ib. ; his inebriety, ib. ; seeks re- fuge at P'lorence, 110. Charles I, King of Kngland, comparison be- tween him and King George II [, 32 ; his insincerity, 33. Charles I II, King of Spain, his desire to re-annex (Gibraltar to Spain, 353. Chesterfield, I'hilip Stanhope fifth i'lar! of, anec- dote of, 137. Choiseul, Duke de, his proposal to attempt the restoration of the Stuart line, 109. Chudleigb, Miss, afterwards Duchess of Kings- ton, her repartee to the Princess Dowager of Wales, 151; her allusion to LordThurlow, 184, Churchill, John first Duke of Marlborough, created Prince of Mildenheim, 103. ■ Lady .Mary, her intimacy with the Duke of Lorraine, 53 ; her account of his death, ib. the poet, his allusion to Lord Sand- wich in his jjoem of the Candidate, ISO ; his description of Wedderi-urn. 213. Clarendon, Edward Hyde first Earl of, accusa- tion against, 150. Clement XIV. Pope, refuses Prince Charles Ed- ward the public honours at Home, 108. Gierke, Sir Philip Jennings, his assertion re- specting Mr. Atkinson, 226; introduces the bill to prevent contractors sitting in parlia- ment, 230, 304. Clinton, Sir Henry, appointed to command the army in America, 163. Coke, Mr. Daniel Parker, member for Notting- ham, moves the thanks of the House to Lord Cornwallis and Sir Henry Clinton, 128; his attack upon ministers, 315; upon the pen- sion granted to Col. Barre, 334; his opinion of delegates, 369 ; moves to petition the king to form an administration, 384. Coligny, Henrietta, literary entertainments given by, 73. Commons, House of, remarks respecting the great change in. 298 ; comjiarison respecting, 313; personality of debate in, 476 ; presents an address to the king, 490, Conway, Gen , character of, 208; introduces a motion to petition the king " to renounce any attempt to reduce America by force,'' 266 ; his address to Mr. Welbore Ellis, ib.; re- minds Dundas and Rigby of the declarations respecting the .'\merican vi'ar, 270 ; moves an address to the king to terminate the American war, 272 ; proposes a vote of thanks to the king, ib. ; his dsfence of Earl Shelburne, 337. Coote, Sir Eyre, commander of the army on the Cororaandel coMSt, his death, 42S. 510 INDEX. Cooper, Sir Grey, his speech on tlie estimate for supplying the army, 500. Cornwall, Mr. chosen speaker of the House of Commons, 126; his talents, zi. ; allusion to in " the Rolliad," ib. Cornwnllis, Charles first Marquis, remarks re- specting, 128 ; his victory over the Americans at JN'orlh Carolinn,239, 2'J3; establishes him- self at York 'i'own, 244; his surrender, «A., 247, 258. Hon. Dr. Frederick, Archbishop of Canterbury, his death, 382. Corsica, island of, annexed to France, 159. Courtenay, Mr. one of the members for Tarn- worth, character of, 224; his reply to Sheri- dan's reproof, 225; his speech respecting the marriage bill, 241 ; his opinion of the Ameri- can war, 250 ; liis speech on the resignation of ministers, 290; his remarks on Lord Shel- burne's selection of Pitt, 349. Cowper, George Nassau Clavering third Earl, created a prince of the German Empire, 103. ("ountess, the Grand-duke Leopold's attachment to, 103. Cranston, Lord, his account of Rodney's en- gagement with Ue Grasse, 319 Crewe, Mr. afterwards Lord, introduced a bill for excluding oflicers of the excise and cus- toms from voting at elections, 304. Crown jewels, anecdote respecting, 340. Cumberland, William Augustus third Uuke of, his conversation with George III, 31. Cunningham, Gen. James, governor of Barba- does, his account of the hurricane of 1780, 124. Cust, Sir John, his talents as Speaker, 126. iJalrymple, Sir John, his statement respecting the Princess Sophia, 1 10. Darby, Admiral, seni to relieve Gibraltar, 175; succeeds in his object, 244. Dartmouth, William Legge second Earl of, ap- yiointed Lord Steward, 390. Dasliv ood, Sir Francis, afterwards hmi\ le Dcs- penser, founds the Society of the Francis- cans, 198. Delaval, Sir John, afterwards Lord, his eulo- giumson Lord North, 290 ; his speech on the Prince of Wales's attendance in the House of Commons, 476. Derby, Edward 22d Earl of, his defence of, Fox, 339. Devonshire, William Cavendish fifth Duke of, order of the Garter conferred u]Jon, 310. Duchess of, her partiality for Dr. Johnson's conversation, 72 ; her alarm on the slots in London in 1780, 1 18. Dick, Sir John, British consul at Leghorn, his account of the seizure of the supposed Prin- cess of Tarrakanofl", 80, 81 ; remarks respect- ing him, ib. Di^by, Admiral, Fent to America to declare the inde|>«ndcnce of the colonies, 302. Dodinglon, .Mr, his opinion of Prince Ferainand of Brunswick, 178. Dolbtn, .Sir 'vVilliam, his opinion of associations and delegates, 2;i(; ; refuses to support the ^notion for the di.smnssion of Lord Sandwich, 26C ; declares bis inleiition of supporting ad- ministration, 270; his opinion of Lord North. 285 ; his remarks respecting him, 388. Dorset, Edward eighth Earl of remarks respect- ing him, 423. Charles tenth Earl of character of, 423 ; his marriages, ib. ; refuses a dukedom, 424 ; his inibecility. ib. Lionel Cranfield Sackville first Duke of (Lord Buckhurst), anecdotes of, 424,425; accompanies George 1. to England, ib.; in- forms the Prince of Wales of his death, ib., 426. John Frederick Sackville third duke of, Marie Antoinette's observations to, 36 ; ap- pointed ambassador to Paris, 451 ; (;haracter of ib. ; Marie .Antoinette's esteem for, ib. Drnprr, Sir William, Junius's attack upon him 156. Duncan, Admiral I^ord, notice of his victory off Camperdown, 319. Duncombe, Mr. one of the representatives for York ; his petition for more equal representa- tion in parliament, 377 ; refuses to support Lord North, ib. Dundas, Mr, Lord Advocate of Scotland, after- warils Lord .Melville, his opinion of Lord North, 165; character of, 190; his speeches, ib.; his intimacy with Rigby, 191 ; his opi- nion of Mr. Pitt, 252 ; his allusion to Lord George Germain, 256; imputations against him. 268 ; his retort upon Burke, 281 ; his inquiries of Fox, ib. ; his reply to Fox's ani- ujadvcrsi-ons upon J..ord North's adnn'nistra- tion, 302 ; his reports res{)ecting the East India Com[)any's affairs. 311; his remarks on the conduct of IMr. Hastings. ?7». ; supports Lord North's administration, 3IS; his politi- cal Cii[)acities, ib. ; disapproves of the proposed address to the king respectmg K'odney, 323, 324; his encomiums on Air. Orde, 334 ; ap- pointed treasurer of the navy, ib.; his re- marks on Fox's coalition with Jyord North, 361 ; remarks on his appointment as keeper of the signet in Scotland, 380 ; his reply, ib. ; approves of the profx>sed parliamentary re- form, 395 ; his speech respecting Mr. Wil- liam Pitt, 398; his encomiums on him, ib. ; his reply to Fox's imputations against admi- nistration, 401 ; his speech respecting the pro- posed address to the king, 408; his propo- sition respecting the land tax, 449; solicit* the place of lord warden of the Cinque Ports for Mr. William Pitt, 461; his accusations against opposition, 495 ; his vindication of Pitt, 496. Dunning, Mr. his personal defects, 206 ; his abilities, 207 ; his union with Barre, zZi. ; his opinioji of associations, 2oG ; remarks re- specting him, 271 ; created lancaster, 29C ; his opinion of delegates, 369 ; his proposition for diminishing the in- fluence of the crown, 370 ; his death, 421. Dutch war, debates respecting, 199. Eartiiquakes in Lisl)on,33, 42, 43. Fiast India Company, secret committee to en- quire into thcaliairs of the, 311. INDEX. 511 East India Bill introduced by Fox, 431 ; plan of, 432; debates on, ib-, 434,435; passes the (Jominons, 436; attacks upon it, 441 f the king's disapprobation of, 444 ; rejected by the Lords, ib , 447 ; alterations in, 478 ; introduced by Pitt, ib. Eden, Mr. Lord Sandwich's letter to, 179 ; his speech on the state of Ireland, 299 ; moves to bring in a bill rcspeclina;, ib. ; refuses to with- draw his request, 300 ; disap|)roves of the American treaty, 357 ; enters his protest re- specting, ib. Effingham, 'J'homas Howard third Earl of, ac- cused of favouring the rioters of 1780,123. Ellis, Mr. Welbore, anecdote respecting, 165; character of, 169 ; appointed to succeed Lord George Germain, as secretary of state, 260; remarks on his capabilities, 266 ; Burke's eomparison respecting, /6. ; difficulties of his situation, ib. ; his speech, 267 ; Powis's re- marks respecting him, 278 ; his reply, 279. Eliot, Dr. created a baronet, 175 ; his marriage I with Lady Harriet Pitt, 333 ; his elevation to the peerage, 471. Eliott, Gen. defeats the Spanish floating batte- ries, 346, 348 ; one of the commissioners ap- pointed to administer the East India Com- pany's art'airs, 433. Elizabeth, Empress of Russia, remarks respect- ing, 78. England, fakes possession of the Falkland Is- lands, 159; discontent in, 163. Princess royal of, married to the Prince of Wirtemberg, 85, 87. English ]\a"y in 1779, 113; party and faction in, 320 ; remarks respecting, 340. Erskinc, Mr. afterwards Lord, character of, 71 ; supports the East India Bill, 442 ; remarks on his speech, ib. Eustatius, St. debate respecting the capture of the island of, 175. Falkland Island, annexed to England, 159 : re- specting, 160. Falmouth, Hugh Boscawen third Viscount, his death, 260; anecdote of, 261. Farinelli, his influence with FerJinand VI, 48. Favart, Madame, see Chantillij. Fclkesheim, tJount de, character of, 88; story related by, ib. Ferdinand IV. King of Naples, his partiality for Sir William Hamilton, 91 ; determines to re- main at pea«e with England, 92; his per- sonal appearance, ib.; character of, ib.; his neglected education, ib. ; his grief fV)r the death of the Archduchess Josephs, his in- t"uije J wife, 93 ; his marriage with the Arch- duchess Caroline, 94; anecdotes respecting him, ib., 95 ; his partiality for wrestling, ib. ; for hunting, 96; his afleclion for his people, ib. ; for his queen, 97. Ferdinand VI. Prince of the Asturias, after- wards King of Spain, his marriage, 48 ; his taste for music, ib. ; his death, 49. F^ielding, Mr. his grave at Lisbon, 43 ; remarks on his productions,//!;. Fitzpatrick, Col. his opinion of the riots of 1780, 226 ; negotiates the coalition between Fox and Lord North, 359 ; appointed secretary at war, 392; character of, ib. Fitzwilliam, William Wentworth, second Earl apppointed one of the com:nissioners for the administration of the Kast India Company's aflairs, 433 ; his character of Pitt, 489. Fletcher, Sir Henry, one of the representatives for Cumberlatid, appointed one of the com- missioners to administer the East India Com- pany's afiaifs, 433. Fleury, Bishop of Frejus, his influence with Louis XV., 49 ; remarks on his administra- tion, 51 ; his decease, 54. Flood, Mr. Henry, his speech on the East India Bill, 444. Florence, interesting antiquities in, 102 ; pros- perity of, uruler the government of the Grand Duke Leopold, 103. Fontainbleau, remarks respecting, 153. Fox, Chas. James, remarks respecting, 30, 105 ; his conduct respecting the riots in 1780, 122 ; his opinion of Sir Hugh Palliser's nomination to the governorship of Greenwich Hospital, 127; his insinuations against Lord George Germain, ib. ; his remarks respecting Lord North, 166; respecting Lord George Ger- main, 175; respectiniT Lord Sandwich, 182; his opinion of Lord Thurlow, 184; notice of his union with Lord North, ib. ; his remarks respecting him, 180; his esteem for Mr. Kigby, 188; his personal appearance, 192; his neglect of dress, ib. ; his descent, ib. ; his travels, 193; Junius's remarks respecting him, ?6. ; his amusements, 194; his propen- sity for gaming, ib. ; opinions of him, ib. ; his historical productions, 195; his poverty ib.; 196 ; Rigby's speech respecting him, ib. ; his excesses, 197; his rural amusements, iZ>. ; his friends, ib. ; his conduct to Mrs. Hobart, 198 ; his speech on the debate respecting the Dutch war, 199; his comparison between Henry Vr. and George HI., ib.\ his knowledge of the classics, 200 ; anecdote of him, ib. ; his poetic talents, ib. ; comparison between him and Burke, 206; his interview with General Burgoyne, 209; his reprobation of Wedder- burn, 213; censures administration for ap- pointing Sir Hugh Palliser governor of Green- wich Hospital, 216; his allusion to Admiral Keppel's election for Surrey, ib.; his asser- tion respecting Sir Hugh Palliser's resigna- tion of his employments, 217; Johnstone's charges against him, 218 ; his opinion of Mr. Pitt, 223; his popularity, 224 ; his speech re- specting the loan borrowed by Lord North,, 226; respecting the right to act as delegates, 236; advises peace with the American colo- nies, 238; his reproof of Kigby, 240; his opinion of Dundas,z6. ; of the first Earl of Chatham, ih.; his conversation with Dr, Franklin, 241; his opinion of the marriage act, ib. ; his comments upon Commodore John- stone, 242 ; his imputations against adminis- tration, 243 ; accuses ministers of being in tba pay of France, 247 ; objects to sending an ad- dress to the king, 248 ; his attempt to stop the supplies for the American war, 250 ; re- 512 INDEX. marks on his conduct, 2r)l ; his personal im- putations against George III. ib.; against Lord Sandwich, 257 ; moves an inquiry into his conduct, 259, 263, 205; his attack upon Jenkinson's speech, 267; remarks on his im- prudent expressions, 268 ; attempts to induce Dundas to vote for the termination of the American war, ih.; his opinion of Lord North's proposed loan, 269 ; disapproves of the king's reply to the address from the Com- mons, 273; his ridicule of Lord North's pro- testations,//;. ; his remarks on the termination of the American war, ib.\ his speech on the proposed truce with the American colonies, 275 ; remarks on it, 276 ; Adam's attack upon him, 2S0 ; his political opinions, ib., 281; his reply to Dundas, ib. ; his apology to Lord North, 285; his speech on his resignation, 289 ; remarks on his brilliant prospects, 293 ; named one of the secretaries of state, 294 ; his opinion of the public right to demand in- terest on the balances of money retained by the accountants, 296 ; reproves Mr. Eden for his motion respecting Ireland, 299 ; his speech on the afTairs of Ireland, 301; his corre- spondence with the Russian minister respect- ing Holland, 302 ; his declamations against Lord North's administration, ifj.\ his speech on the bill for reducing the civil list, 303 ; re- specting Lord North, 308, 311; his condem- nation of the preceding ministry, 312; his pecuniary embarrassments, 314 ; his reply to Mr. Daniel Parker Coke, 315 ; his speech re- specting Ireland, ib. ; moves to repeal the act declaring the dependence of Ireland on Great Britain, 316; his desire for pulilic approba- tion, 317 ; moves the thanks of the House to Sir George Rodney, 320, 323 ; accusations against him, 322 ; his speech respecting his recall, 324, 325 ; remarks on his selection of Pigot to replace 8ir Georga Rodney, 326 ; predicts a change of administration, 327; his speech respecting the bill for preventing bri- bery at elections, ib.\ respecting the inquiry into the balance of money in the hands of public accountants, 32S ; his conduct on the death of the Marquis of Rockingham, 329 ; his eulogium on him, 330 ; his speech on the bill for regulating appointments in America, 331 ; his private circumstances, 331, 332 ; re- maiks On his resignation, ib.\ his reply to Bamber Gascoyne, 336 ; his accusations against Lord Shelburne, i7»., 337 ; his incon- sistent character, 336 ; his reason for resigning his secretaryship, ib.:, Pitt's accusations against him, 337 ; comparison between the conduct of him and Pitt, ib. ; insinuations against him. 339; convokes his constituents 343; his remarks on Lord Shelburne's declara- tions, 349 ; on the proposed cession of Gibraltar to Spain, 352, 353 ; his attempt to compel the production of the provisional treaty with America, ib.; his opinion of the American treaty, 357 ; I^iord Shelburne's overtures to, 358 ; his reply to them, ib. ; account of his co- alition with Lord North, 359 ; animadversions on his conduct, 361 ; his reply to them, 362 ; his speech respecting delegates, 369; respect- ing peace with America, 37) ; general opi- nions respecting his union with Lord North, 372,373,389; his allusion to the coalition, 373 ; Lord North's encomiums on him, 376; the king's opinion of him, 380 ; his remarks on Lord Thurlow, ib. ; on Mr. Townsend's elevation to the peerage, ib. ; his reply to Mr. Dundas, ib. ; his opinions on the state of the country, 385;- ofltjrs to receive Pitt into the coalition, /6.; his speech respecting .lenkinson's influence with the king, 387 ; his justification of his union with Lord JN'orth, 388 ; appoint- ed secretary for foreign affairs, 390 ; his influ- ence in the treasury, ib. ; with the ministers, ib. ; his opinion of Lord Cavendish's pro- posed loan, 391; his reply to Pitt's imputa- tions, ib., 395 ; remarks on his ministerial ca- reer, 398 ; his speech on the restoration of Powell and Bembridge to their situations, 400, 401 ; his defence of Burke, 404 ; his ad- vice to him, ib. ; comparison between him and Pitt, 408 ; his opinion of the proposed in- come for the Prince of Wales, 412, 413 ; of the bill compelling- public accountants to deli- ver up their balances, 414; his accusations against Pitt, 415; his influence in govern- ment, 416; his political character, 417; at- tempts to ingratiate himself in the esteem of the king, ib. ; conversation respecting him, ib. ; his attention to his parliamentary duties, ib.; attempts to secure his tenure of office, 426 ; comparisons respecting his popularity, ib., 427 ; respecting his coalition with Lord North, ib. ; his views in India, ib. ; his India Bill, 428, 431, 432 ; solicits the order of the Garter for Mr. Bielby Thompson, 428 ; his conversation with the king respecting, 429 ; his influence with the Prince of Wales, 430 ; his .speech on the treaties of peace, 431 ; on his India bill, 434, 435 ; carries the bill to the Lords, 436 ; comparisons respecting him, 437, 438; Powis's reflections on him, ib.; Burke's character of, 439 ; his reply to Mr. Thomas Pitt, 439 ; allusions to Jeukmson, 440 ; to Pitt, ib. ; Wilkes's reflections upon him, 441 ; Sir Richard Hill's comparison con- cerning, 442; his defence of the bill, 443 ; reflections upon him, 445; his accusations against the king, 447 ; his speech on the bill, 448 ; delivers up the seals of his olfice, 449 ; his speech on the jiroposed dissolution, 453 ; Lord North's eulogiums on, 454 ; his unpo- pularity, 455; his classical knowledge, 459 ; couiparison between his oratory and Pitt's, ?6.; his conduct respecting the regency, 462; his attachment to .^jiss Pulteney,/6. ; his want of moral deportment, 463 ; caricatures respect- ing him, 471 : his influence in the Commons, 472; his charges against Pitt, 473: his re- marks on the Prince of Wales's attendance in the Commons, 477; on Pitt's East India Bill, 478 ; moves for leave to re-introduce his East India Bill, ib. ; his alterations in it, ib. ; remarks on his conduct to Pitt, 480 ; plan to procure a reconciliation between him and Pitt, 480,481;. his attachment to the opposition. INDEX. 513 bench, 481 ; charge's against him, 484 ; moves an adjournment, 486; conduct of the inhabi- tants of Westminster towards, 48S ; remarks on his declininn influence, 489 ; Pitt's reflec- tions on him, 492: delays the progress of the mutiny bill, 494; his eiubarrasseJ situation. 495; his remarks on Pitt, 499 ; cause of his defeat, 501 ; his delusions, ib. Fox, Sir Stephen, reports respecting him, 192. See Holland, Lord. France, notice of the peace between England and, 136. Francis, Prince of Tuscany, afterwards Empe- ror of Austria, his marriage with the Princess Elizabeth of VVirtemberg, 85. Francis, Sir Philip, opinions respecting his being the author of " Junius's Letters." 159. Franciscans, society of, founded by Sir Francis Dashwood, 198. Franklin, Dr., Notice of his correspondence with Burke, 204; his conversation with Mr. Fo.x, 240 ; his attempts to emancipate America from Great liritain, 347. Fraser, Mr., under secretary of state, his remarks on George II. 's blindness, 146. Frederick William I., King of Prussia, his re- ception of Paul, Grand-duke of Russia, 83; anecdote of, 84 ; his interview with the Em- peror Leopold at Piliiitz, 105 ; his negotia- tions, with the Eniperor Leopold, ib. ; his dislike of England, 133. Galloway, Lord, accusations against him, 476 ; anecdote of, 477. Gascoyne, Bamber, his attack upon the pension granted to Colr>iiel Barre, 335 ; his speech respecting associations, 368 ; confusion in consequence, 369. Gaston, John, remarks respecting, 102. George L, King of England, remaiks respecting, 141; his partiality for Dr. Younger, 307; grief for his supposed death, ib. : his conver- sation with Lord Dorset, 425 ; his death, ib. €f€orge the II., King of England, his dislike of Lord Tem()le, 62 ; remarks respecting, 141, 144, 146; character o\\ib.; his opinion re- specting Lord George Germain, 178 ; account of his accession, 425. George III., Sir Nathaniel Wraxall's opinion of, 29 ; character of, 31 ; his objection to confer the Garter upon Lord Camden, 62 ; consents to his daughter's marriage with the Prince of Wirtemberg, 87 ; his unpopularity, 1 12, 142 ; his firmness during the riots in 1780, 119, 121, 122 ; Junius's reflections upon him, ib ; refuses his permission for Sir Fletcher Nor- ton's re-election as Speaker, 126; his tem- perance, 133; remarks respecting, 134; his tendency to corpulency, /6. ; his levees, ii. ; remarks on his reign, 135 ; comparison be- tween him and Charles L. ib. ; his warrant to take Wilkes into custody, 136; his fidelity to his engagements, ib. ; his reception of Mr. Adams, the American envoy, ib. ; his conduct on the signing of the preliminaries of peace with France, ib. ; his attention to his corona- tion oath, 137; prepares for the installation of the knights of the Garter, ib. ; his eUilca- tion, 138 ; his taste for the arts and sciences, 139; his personal courage, ib.\ attempt to assassinate him, 140; threatening letters sent to, ib. ; his attachment to Pitt, ib. ; remarks respecting him, ib. ; compared to George the First and Second, 141 ; his partiality for Lady Sarah Lennox, 142; his secluded life previ- ous to his accession, i6.; Junius's remarks respecting, 143; reports respecting him, t6. ; his attachment to Lord Bute, ib.\ his personal resemblance to Lord North, 145 ; his unpopu- larity through signing the treaty of Fontain- bleau, 152; his firmness during the riots of 1769, 153; Junius's letter to, 154; his re- marks respecting him, 155 ; prejudices against him, 161 ; his opinion of the right to tax America, ib.\ his firmness during the Ameri- can war, 164; his personal dislike of Dr. Elliot, 175; comparisons between his reign and that of Catherine II. 199; between him and Henry VI., ib.\ remarks on his conduct towards Fox, 201 ; esteem of his subjects for him, 215; regrets the hosiiliiies with Hol- land, ib. ; bill for reforming his household, 219, 221 ; visits Admiral Parker at the Nore, 243; verses respecting him. 244; his letter respectinij the surrender of the British forces at York Town, 247 ; his firmness, /6. ; Fox's imputations against him, 251 ; raises Lord George Germain to the peerage, 261 ; his reply to the petition from the (/'ommons, 272; refuses to accept I^ord iVorth's resignation, 287 ; regrets his retiremer;t from ofliice, 292 ; his conference with the Earl of Slielburne, 2'93; with the Marquis of Rockingham-, 294; places him at the head of the ministry, ?6. ; his preference of Lurd Shelbume, ib. ; raises Dunning to the peerage, 295 ; creates Sir Fletcher Norton Lord Granlley, ib. ; his friendship for Lord Bateman, 301; confers the order of the Garter upi>n his third son. Prince William Henry, 310 ; petition to re- call Sir Elijah Im[)ey from Bengal, 311; prorogues the parliament, 340 ; his speech on the re-opening of the session, 348; Burkes ridicule of, ib- ; his conduct on Lord Shel- burne's resignation, 379; his opinion of Fox. 380 ; his interview with the IJnke of Port- land and Lord North, 381 ; oilers the arch- bishopric of C^anterbury to Dr. Hurd, 382 ; to Dr. Louth, ib. ; his projected visit to his electoral dominions, 383 ; petitiism^ (^(»)(^i^isir^q FOR THE USE OF PRIVATE FAMILIES. EDITED BY MRS. SARAH J. HALE. In one large and very neat royal duodecimo volume, extra cloth, with numerous illustrations. 4 VALUABLE WORKS PUBLISHED BY LEA AND BLANCHARD. A UNIFORM AND CHEAP EDITION OF riOKEHS? STOTELS AHD TALES, In three large and beautiful octavo volumes, extra cloth, containing about twenty-two hundred and fifty large double-columned pages. Price for the whole only Three dollars and seventy-Jive cents. 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It is sufficient for us to thank Lord Campbell for the honest industry with which he has thus far prosecuted his large task, the general candor and liberality with which he has analyzed the lives and characters of a long succession of influential magistrates and min- isters, and the manly style of his narrative. We need hardly say that we shall expect with great interest the continuation of this performance. But the present series of itself is more than sufficient to give Lord Campbell a high station among the English authors of his age. — Quarterly Rev, 1* LAW BOOKS PUBLISHED BY LEA AND BLANCHARD. WHEATON'S IKTERNATIONAL LAW. ELEMENTS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW. BY HENRY WHEATON, LL. D. Minister of the United States at the Court of Prussia, 4"C. Third edition, revised and corrected. In one large and beautiful octavo volume of six hundred and fifty pages. Extra cloth, or fine law sheep. "In preparing for the press the present edition of the Elements of International Law, the work has been subjected to a careful revision, and has been considerably augmented. The author has endeavored to avail himself of the most recent questions which have occurred in the intercourse of States, and has especially sought for those sources of information in the diplomatic correspondence and judicial decisions of his own country, which form a rich collection of instructive examples. He indulges the hope that these additions may be found to render it more useful to the reader, and to make it more worthy of the favor with which the previous editions have been received." — Preface. Hon. Chancellor Keivt says : — " The book is admirably got up as to paper, type and bind- ing, and the merits of the work are well worthy of all that attention and care. I entertain no doubt that the demand will equal your expectations." Professor Greenleaf says: — "It is a beautiful book, and does great credit to the pub- lishers, as the work itself has already done to the distinguished author." " We are not surprised that a third edition of this profound and invaluable work has been called for. Its appearance at this juncture, when the exigencies of the country have directed every intelligent and inquiring mind to the study of the mutual rights and duties of nations, is opportune. To the study of this glorious science, Mr. Wheaton has brought a powerful and enlightened mind, vast energies in research, and a comprehensive and philosophical spirit. He is profound without being heavy; and his style, while it has all the dignity which the subject demands, is animated and agreeable. The work is especially valuable in this country, as it treats, with great fulness, of the American decisions and views bearing upon the subject. Mr. Wheaton's work is indispensable to every diplomatist, statesman and lawyer; and necessary indeed to all public men. To every philosophic and liberal mind the study must be an attractive, and in the hands of our author it is a delightful one. The work is 'got up' by the publishers in a style that might be adopted as a model for that class of publications. We are glad to see that the war against eyes, so long prosecuted in printing professional works, is being abandoned; those who have not been already blinded by the mote-like minuteness of the type in the publications of some years back, will appreciate and enjoy the clear and expanded pages now before us." — North American. HILL ON TRUSTEES. A PRACTICAL TREATISE ON THE LAW RELATING TO TRUSTEES; THEIR POWERS, DUTIES, PRIVILEGES AND LIABILITIES. BY JAMES HILL, OF THE INNER TEMPLE, BARRISTER AT LAW. EDITED BY FRANCIS J. TROUBAT, OF THE PHILADELPHIA BAR. In one large octavo volume. " As to the merits of the author's work, the editor can confidently say that, in his opinion* it far surpasses any other on the same subject. Every lawyer who peruses or consults it, will most certainly discover that Mr. Hill writes like a man who has a reputation to lose and not to build up. Such writers are i'ew and precious. The editor begs leave to iterate the important observation made by the author, that his work is principally intended for the instruction and guidance of trustees. That single feature very much enhances its practical vsdue."— American Preface. LAW BOOKS PUBLISHED BY LEA AND BLANCHARD. SFENCB'S SQUIT^ JURISDICTION. THE EQUITABLE JURISDICTION OF THE COURT OF CHANCERY, COMPRISING ITS RISE, PROGRESS AND FINAL ESTABLISHMENT. To which is prefixed, with a view ,to the elucidation of the main subject, a concise account of the leading doctrines of the Common Law, and of the course of procedure in the Courts of Common Law, with regard to Civil Rights ; with an attempt to trace them to their sources. And in which the various alterations made by the Legislature down to the present day are noticed. BY GEORGE SPENCE, Esq., one of her Majesty's counsel. In two octavo volumes. Volume I, embracing the Principles, is now ready. Volume II is rapidly pre- paring and will appear early in 1847. It is based upon the work of Mr. Maddock, brought down to the present time, and embracing so much of the practice as counsel are called on to advise upon. "If Mr. Spence's professional engagements should admit of his completing with due accuracy, a work of this elaborate and comprehensive character, he will have conferred a lasting service on his profession. This gentleman's qualifications for the task are undoubt- edly great. To say nothing of his great practical experience, he is the author of the valu- able ' Inquiry into the Origin of the Laws of Modern Europe,' " &c.— Warren's Law Studies, p. 241. « Mr. Spence has entitled himself to these thanks by the production of the volume now before us, in which we find, as the result of inquiries that must have been pamfully labori- ous, a deeply interesting account of the origin and gradual growth of the Court of Chancery, and of its equitable principles." — London Jurist, July, 1846. FRZIO'CZFZiSS OF GTil'Ml'SS ii.lt LAW. In one small volume. Being part of the series of " Small Books on Great Subjects.'' Price twenty-five cents. TAYLOR'S JTJRISPiH^TJrEnaE. MEDICAL JURISPRUDENCE^ BY ALFRED S. TAYLOR, LECTURER ON MEDICAL JURISPRUDENCE AND CHEMISTRY AT GUx's HOSPITAL. With numerous Notes and Additions, and References to American Law. BY R. E. GRIFFITH, M.D. In one volume, octavo, neat law sheep. CHITTIT'S I^EDICAL JURISPRUDENCE. In one octavo volume, sheep, with numerous woodcuts. TRAILL'S MEDICAL JURISPRUDENCE. In one small octavo volume, cloth. PREPARING FOR PRESS. A TREATISE ON THE LAW OF CONTRACTS AND ON PARTIES TO ACTIONS, EX CONTRACTU, J3Y C. G. ADDISON, Esq., OF THE INNER TEMPLE, BARRISTER AT LAW. With Notes and Additions, adapted to American Practice. 8 LAW BOOKS PUBLISHED BY LEA AND BLANCHARD. MILLIARD ON REAL ESTATE, NOW READY. THE AMERICAN LAW OF HEAL PROPERTY, SECOND EDITION, REVISED, CORRECTED, AND ENLARGED. BY FRANCIS MILLIARD, Counsellor at Law. In two large octavo volumes, beautifully printed, and bound in best law sheep. This book is designed as a substitute for Cruisers Digest, occupying the same ground in American law which that work has long covered in the English law. It embraces all that portion of the English Law of Real Estate which has any applicability in this country; and at the same time it embodies the statutory provisions and adjudged cases of all the States upon the same subject ; thereby constituting a complete elementary treatise for American students and practitioners. The plan of the work is such as to render it equally valuable in all the States, embracing, as it does, the peculiar modifications of the law alike in Massa- chusetts and Missouri, New York and Mississippi. In this edition, the statutes and decisions subsequent to the former one, which are very numerous, have all been incorporated, thus making it one-third larger than the original work, and bringing the view of the law upon the subject treated quite down to the present time. The book is recommended in the highest terms by distinguished jurists of different States, as will be seen by the subjoined extracts. Judge Story says: — "I think the work a very valuable addition to our present stock of juridical literature. It embraces all that part of Mr. Cruise's Digest which is most useful to American lawyers. But its higher value is, that it presents in a concise, but clear and exact form, the substance of American Law on the same subject. I know no work that we possess, whose practical utility is likely to be so extensively felt." " The wonder is, that the author has been able to bring so great a mass into so condensed a text, at once comprehen- sive and lucid." . Chancellor Kent says of the work (Commentaries, vol. ii., p. 635, note, 5th edition) : — " It is a work of great labor and intrinsic value." Hon. Rufus Choate says : — " Mr. Hilliard's work has been for three or four years in use, and I think that Mr. Justice Story and Chancellor Kent express the general opinion of the Massachusetts Bar." Professor Greenleaf says : — " I had already found the first edition a very convenient book of reference, and do not doubt, from the appearance of the second, that it is greatly improved." Professor J. H. Townsend, of Yale College, says : — "I have been acquainted for several years with the first edition of Mr. Hilliard's Treatise, and have formed a very favorable opinion of it. I have no doubt the second edition will be found even more valuable than the first, and I shall be happy to recommend it as I may have opportunity. I know of no other work on the subject of Real Estate, so comprehensive and so well adapted to the state of the law in this country." The work before us supplies this deficiency in a highly satisfactory manner. It is beyond all question the best work of the kind that we now have, and although we doubt whether this or any other work will be hkely to supplant Cruise's Digest, we do not hesitate to say, that of the two, this is the more valuable to the American lawyer. We congratulate the author upon the successful accomplishment of the arduous task he undertook, in reducing the vast body of the American Law of Real Property to " portable size," and we do not doubt that his labors will be duly appreciated by the profession.— Lau; Reporter, Aug., 1846. I LIBRARY OF LITERATURE PUBLISHED BY LEA AND BLANCHARD. 9 BY G. B. NIEBUHR. Complete in two large octavo volumes, done up in extra cloth, or five parts in paper, price $1 each part. Translated by JULIUS CHARLES HARE, M. A. WILLIAM SMITH, PH.D. CONNOP THIRL WALL, M.A. LEONHARD SCHMITZ, PH.D. WiTu A Map. The last three parts of this invaluable book have never before been pub- lished in this country, having only lately been printed in Germany, and translated in England. They complete the history, bringing it down to the time of Constantine. THE HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES FOR THE RECOVERY AND POSSESSION OF THE HOLY LAND: BY CHARLES MILLS. In one part, paper, price one dollar. THE HISTORY OF CHIVALRY; OR KNIGHTHOOD AND ITS TIMES; BY CHARLES MILLS. In one part, paper, price $1. Also the two works, Crusades and Chivalry, in one volume, extra cloth. PROFESSOR RANKE'SJISTORIGAL WORKS. HISTORY OF THE POPES, THEIR CHURCH AND STATE, IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES: BY LEOPOLD RANKE. TRANSLATED FROSI THE LAST EDITION OF THE GEHMAN, BX WALTER K. KELLY, ESft., B.A. In two parts, paper, at SI each, or one large volume, extra cloth. This edition has translations of the Notes and Appendices. THE TURKISH AND SPANISH EMPIRES, IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY AND BEGINNING OF THE SEVENTEENTH, BY PROFESSOR LEOPOLD RANKE. TRANSLATED FROM THE LAST EDITION OF THE GERMAN, BY WALTER K. KELLT, ESQ. Complete in one part, paper, price 75 cents. BY PROFESSOR LEOPOLD RANKE. Parts First and Second now ready. Price twenty-five cents each. TRANSLATED FROM THE SECOND EDITION BY SARAH AUSTIN. To be completed in about five parts, each part containing one volume of the London edition, This book will conclude the series of Professor Ranke's valuable historical works. A HISTORY OF THE HUGUENOTS; A NEW EDITION, CONTINUED TO THE PRESENT TIBIE, BY W. S. BROWNING. The object of this work is to give a clear detail of the circumstances connected wnth the troubles generally caMed ihe Rfligioiis u'ars of Fra7ice. Those events are interwoven with our own history, and are frequently refered to in the present time. Among tlie many works which relate to the Huguenots, there is scarcely one that comprises tlie whole in a connected narrative ; and not one, in the English language at least, which is exclusively historical, and divested of all theological discussion. In the present edition, the progress of events is traced to the present time, comprehending the fullest account as yet given of the tragical proceedings a t Nisraes, on the restoration of the Bourbons in 1S15. MiiMoiiiiii ©IF 'nmm mmK(^'m ©if m-um^B ©ii®m©ii '^mm 'msm'mn)% BY HORACE WALPOLE, YOUNGEST SON OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE, EARL OF ORFORD. Now first published from the original manuscript, edited, with Notes, by Sir Denis le Maechant, Bart. 'w.A.i.FOX.is'S iTcv^r z