iV^. .^M^.^ ^^^^^^^^ .>.V/)Cc, ^^^ v-> > .#^ '^^- V, "'' <^^ ^•^ **^' ^ • .♦^'"♦. b ' • "OK "^0^ .•^<='^ *•" <^ •. <- * .^0•' ^rf Ao^ o ^^^a"^ : O . k ■_a. P L A T F O R Jf Or THB AKD ITS AUXILIARIES. NEW YORK: Published by the American Anti-Slavery Society. 1860. " "' U^'^f t 1?^^ TO THE READER. The principles, purposes, and measures of the American Anti-Slavery Society and its auxiliaries having oeen extensively misunderstood, and quite as extensivel}^ misrepresented, its friends would respectfully submit to the candid perusal of the public, its Constitidion, the Declaration of Sentiments^ adopted at its formation, and an Exposition of its P/afforj/i by William Lloyd Garrison, its President. By these documents, and by its official acts, not by the opinions and acts of individuals ui)on other subjec^ts, wholly foreign to the object for which it was organized and to which its efforts have ever been scrupulously devoted, the Society asks to be judged. Inviting the co-operation of every lover of human freelom, of whatever sect, party, or sex, in the one great work of abolishing Slavery, it interrogates no person as to his or her views of Theology, or of any other foreign topic whatever; it knows neither Catholic nor Frot- 33tant, Orthodox nor Heterodox, Male nor Female, but addresses itself to every human being, and seeks to kindle the fire of Anti-Slavery in every human heart. The documents herewith submitted will, it is believed, be deemed a sufficient answer to those who are attempting to destroy its influence by falsely representing it to be a "Jacobinic " and ' infidel " association. SOCIETIES AND NEWSPAPEHS. Office of the AinoricAT. Anti-Slavery Society, 5 Beeknian Street, New York whore is published weekly the mitional A nti-Slavery Standuvd, its olkcial organ. ULn er Johnson. Editor. Terms, %2 pei annum. Office of the Massacht.setts Anti-Slavery Society, 221 Washington Street, Boston Samckl May, Jun., General AsenU At this otlice is published I he Liheraior. edUecl by William Lloyd Gakkison. This paper is not officially connected with any Ann- Slavery Socletv, but is an independent journal, devoted mainly to the abofition ol Slavery, but di'scussing i^ro and con, to a limited extent, other important subject.s. Term^". ^'2 60 i)er annum. Office of the Pennsvlvania Anti-Slavery Society, 107 North Fifth Street, rhiladelphia- J. Miller McKim, Coriesponding Secretary and General Agent. The Western Anti-Slavery Society has its seat of operations at Salem, Columbiana County, Ohio Its organ is The Anti-Slavery Bugle, edited by Benj. S. Jones. Terms, $1 50 per annum. The Michigan Anti-Slavery Society has the seat of its operations at Adrian. Jacob "Waltox, Corresponding Secretary. CONSTITUTION OF THE ^mnii:3ii liittt-SIalrn'jj ^octdo. Fanned in FUladelpUa^ Decemler Ath, 18S3. Whereas the Most High God "hath made of one blood all nations of men to dwell on all the face of the earth," and hath commanded them to love their neighbors as themselves- and whereas, our National Existence is based upon this principle as recognized in the Declaration of Independence, "that all man- kind are created equal, and that they are endowed by their Cre- ator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness;" and whereas, after the lapse of nearly sixty years, since the faith and honor of the American people were pledged to this avov.al, before Almighty God and the \\ orld, nearly one-sixth part of the nation are^held in bond- age by their fellow-citizens ; and whereas. Slavery is contrary to the principles of natural justice, of our republican form of govern- ment, and of the Christian religion, and is destructive of the pros- perity of the country, while it is endangering the peace, union, and liberties of the States; and whereas, we believe it the duty and interest of the masters immediately to emancipate their slaves, and that no scheme of expatriation, either voluntary or by compulsion, can remove this great and increasino- evil ; and whereas, we believe that it is practicable, by appeal s° to the con- sciences, hearts, and interests of the people, to awaken a public sentiment throughout the nation that will be opposed to the con- tinuance of Slavery in any part of the Republic, and by efiectino the speedy abolition of Slavery, prevent a general couvulsion"^ (4) and whereas, we believe we owe it to tlie oppressed, to our fellow- citizens who hold slaves, to our whole country, to posterity, and to God, to do all that is lawfully in our power to bring about the extinction of Slavery, we do hereby agree, with a prayerful reli- ance on the Divine aid, to form ourselves into a society, to be governed by the following Constitution : — Article I.— This Society shall be called the American- Anti-Slavery Society. Article II. — The obiect of this Society is the entire aboli- tion of Slavery in the United States. It shall aim to convince all our fellow citizens, by arguments addressed to their under- standings and consciences, that Slaveholding is a beioous crime in the sight of God, and that the duty, safety, and best interests of all concerned, require its immediate ahmidonment^ Avithout expatriation. The Society will also endeavor, in a constitu- tional wa}', to influence Congress to put an end to the domestic Slave trade, and to abolish Slavery in all those portions of our common country which come under its control, especially in the District of Columbia,— and likesvise to prevent the extension of it to any State that may be hereafter admitted to the Union. Article III. — This Society shall aim to elevate the character and condition of the people of color, by encouraging their intel- lectual, moral, and religious improvement, and by removing pub- lic prejudice, that thus they may, according to their intellectual and morai worth, share an equality with the whites, of q\\\\ and religious privileges; but this Society will never, in any way, countenance the oppressed in vindicating their rights by resort- ing to physical force. Article IV. — Any person who consents to the principles of this Constitution, who contributes to the funds of this Society, and is not a Slaveholder, may be a member of this Society, and shall be entitled to vote at the meetings. Article V. — The officers of this Society shall be a President, Vice-Presidents, a Recording Secretary, Corresponding Secre- (5) taries, a Treasurer, and an Executive Committee of not less than five nor more than twelve members. Article VI. — The Executive Committee shall have power to enact their own by-laws, fill any vacancy in their body and in the oflices of Secretary and Treasurer, employ agents, determine what compensation shall be paid to agents, and to the Corre- sponding Secretaries, direct the Treasurer in the application of all mone3^s, and call special meetings of the Society. They shall make arrangements for all meetings of the Society, make an an- nual written report of their doings, the expenditures and funds of the Society, and shall hold stated meetings, and adopt the most energetic measures in their power to advance the objects of the Society. They may, if they shall see fit, appoint a Board of Assistant Managers, composed of not less than three nor more than seven persons residing in New York City or its vicinity, whose duty it shall be to render such assistance to the Commit- tee in conducting the afiairs of the Society as the exigencies of the cause may require. To this Board they may from time to time confide such of their own powers as they may deem neces- sary to the eflScient conduct of the Society's business. The Board shall keep a record of its proceedings, and furnish a copy of the same for the information of the Committee, as often as may be required. Article VII. — The President shall preside at all meetings of the Society, or, in his absence, one of the Vice-Presidents, or, in their absence, a President ;jro tern. The Corresponding Secre- taries shall conduct the correspondence of the Society. The Recording Secretary shall notify 'all meetings of the Society, and of the Executive Committee, and shall keep records of the samo in separate books. The Treasurer shall collect the subscriptions, make payments at the direction of the Executive Committee, and present a written and audited account to accompany the annual report. Article VIIL— The Annual Meeting of the Society shall be held each year at such time and place as the Executive Commit- tee may direct, when the accounts of the Treasurer shall be pre- sented, the annual report read, appropriate addresses delivered, the ofiScers chosen, and such other business transacted as shall be deemed expedient. (6) Article IX. — Any Anti-Slaverj Society or Association, founded on the same principles, may become auxiliary to this Society. The officers of each Auxiliary Society shall be ex officio members of the Parent Institution, and shall be entitled to dehb- erate and vote in the transactions of its concerns. Article X. — This Constitution may be amended, at any an- nual meeting of the Society, by a vote of two-thirds of the mem- bers present, provided the amendments proposed have been previously submitted, in writing, to the Executive Committee. OFFICERS FOR 1860-1. President : WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, of Massachusetts. Vice-Presidents : Peter Libby, Maine ; Luther Melendy, John M. Hawks, New Hampshire ; Jehiel C. Claflin, Vermont ; Francis Jack- son, Edmund Quincy, Massachusetts ; Asa Fairbanks, Rhode Island ; James B. Whitcomb, Connecticut ; Samuel J. May, Cornelius Bramhall, Amy Post, Pliny Sexton, Lydia Mott, Henry A. Haktt, New York ; Lucretia Mott, Robert Purvis, Edward M. Davis, Thomas Whitson, Joseph Moore, Pennsyl- vania ; Rowland Johnson, Alfred Gibbs Campbell, New Jersey ; Thomas Garrett, Delaware ; Thomas Donaldson, Benjamin Bown, Ohio; William Hearn, William Hopkins, Indiana; Joseph Merritt, Thomas Chandler, Cyrus Fuller, Michigan ; Carver Tomlinson, Illinois ; Caleb Green, Minne- sota ; Georgiana B. Kirby, California. Corresponding Secretary : Charles C. Burleigh, Plainfield, Ct. Recording Secretary : Wendell Phillips, Boston. Treasurer : Francis Jackson, Boston. (7) JEJxecutive Committee: "William Lloyd Garrison, Francis Jackson, Edmund QuiNCY, Maria Westox Chapman, Wendell Phillips, Anne Warren Weston, Sydney Howard Gay, Samuel May, Juil, William I. Bowditch, Charles K. Whipple, Henry C. Wright, Charles Follen. gcrktratioit of Snitiiiunts, or THS AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. ADOPTKD AT TIIK FORMATION OF SAID SOCrETr, TS PHILADELPHIA, OF THE 4tH DAY OF DECEMBER, 1833. Thk Convention, assembled in the city of Philadelphia, to organize a National Anti-Slavery Society, promptly seize the opportunity to promulgate the following DECLARATION OF SENTIMENTS, as cherished by them, in relation to the enslave- ment of one sixth portion of the American people. More than fifty-seven years have elapsed since a band of patriots convened in this place to devise measures for the deliver- ance of this country from a foreign yoke. The corner-stone upon which they founded the Temple of Freedom was broadly this — " that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that among these are hfe, LIBERTY, and the pursuit of happiness." At the sound of their trumpet-call, three millions of people rose up as from the sleep of death, and rushed to the strife of blood ; deeming it more glo- rious to die instantly as freemen, than desirable to live one hour as slaves. They were few in number — poor in resources ; but the honest conviction that Truth, Justice, and Right were on their side, made them invincible. We have met together for the achievement of an enterprise (8). witlioiit w"hicli that of our fathers is incomplete, and wliicli, for its magnitude, solemnity, and probable results upon the destiny of the world, as far transcends theirs as moral truth does physical force. In purity of motive, in earnestness of zeal, in decision of pur- pose, in inti'epidity of action, in steadfastness of faith, in sincerity of spirit, we would not be inferior to them. Their principles led them to wage war against their oppress- ors, and to spill human blood like water, in order to be free. Ou7's forbid the doing of evil that good may come, and lead us to reject, and to entreat the oppressed to reject, the use of all carnal weapons for deliverance from bondage ; relying solely upon those which are spiritual and mighty through God to the pulling down of strongholds. Their measures were physical resistance — the marshaling in arms — the hostile array — the mortal encounter. Ours shall be such only as the opposition of moral purity to moral corruption — rthe destruction of error by the potency of truth — the over- throw of prejudice by the power of love — and the abolition of slavery by the spirit of repentance. Their grievances, great as they were, were trifling in compar- ison with the wrongs and sufferings of those for whom we plead. Our fathers were never slaves — never bought and sold like cattle — never shut out from the light of knowledge and religion — never subjected to the lash of brutal taskmasters. But those for whose emancipation we are stri\'ing — consti- tuting, at the present time, at least one sixth part of our country- men — are recognized by the law, and treated by their fellow- beings, as marketable commodities, as goods and chattels, as brute beasts; are plundered daily of the fruits of their toil, without redress — really enjoying no constitutional nor legal protection from licentious and murderous outi-ages upon their persons ; are ruthlessly torn asunder — the tender babe from the arms of its frantic mother — the heart-broken wife from her weeping husband — at the caprice or pleasure of irresponsible tyrants. For the crime of having a dark complexion, they suffer the pangs of hun- gt^r, the infliction of stripes, and the ignominy of brutal servitude. They are kept in heathenish darkn<'Ss by laws expressly enacted to make iheir instruction a criminal offense. These are the prominent circumstances in the condition of more than two millions of our people, the proof of which may be (9) found in thousands of indisputable facts, and in the laws of the slaveholdino- States. Hence we maintain, that in view of the civil and religious privileges of this nation, the guilt of its oppression is unequaled by any other on the face of the earth ; and, therefore, That it is bound to repent instantly, to undo the heavy burdens, to break every yoke, and to let the oppressed go free. We further maintain, that no man has a right to enslave or imbrute his brother — to hold or acknowledge him, for one mo- ment, as a piece of merchandise — to keep back his hire by fraud — or to brutalize his mind by denying him the means of intellec- tual, social, and moral improvement. The right to enjoy liberty is inalienable. To invade it is to usurp the prerogative of Jehovah. Every man has a right to his own body — to the products of his own labor — to the pri)tectioii of law, and to the common advantages of society. It is piracy to buy or steal a native African, and subject him to servitude. Surely the sin is as great to enslave an American as an Afki- CAN. Therefore, we believe and affirm, That there is no difference, in principle, oetween the African slave-trade and American slavery. That every American citizen who retains a human being in involuntary bondage as his property, is, according to Scripture (Ex. xxi. 16), a man-stealer. That the slaves ought instantly to be set free, and brought under the protection of law. That if they lived from the time of Pharaoh down to the present period, and had been entailed through successive genera- tions, their right to be free could never have been alienated, but their claims would have constantly risen in solemnity. That all those laws which are now in force admitting the right of slavery, are therefore before God utterly null and void ; being an audacious usurpation of the Divine prerogative, a daring in- fringement on the law of nature, a base overthrow of the very foundations of the social compact, a complete extinction of all the relations, endearments, and obligations of mankind, and a presumptuous transgression of all the holy commandments ; and that, therefore, they ought instantly to be abrogated. We further believe and affirm — That all persons of color who 1* (10) possess the qualifications which are demanded of others, ought to be admitted forthwith to the enjoyment of the same privileges, and the exercise of the same prerogatives, as others; and that the paths of preferment, of wealth, and of intelligence, should be opened as widely to them as to persons of a white complexion. We maintain that no compensation should be given to the [)lanters emancipating the slaves — Because it would be a surrender of the great fundamental principle that man cannot hold property in man ; Because slavery is a crime, and therefore is not an ARTICLE TO BE SOLD ; Because the holders of slaves are not the just proprietors of what they claim ; freeing the slaves is not depriving them of property, but restoring it to its rightful owners; it is not wrong- ing the master, but righting the slave — restoring him to himself; Because immediate and general emancipation would only destroy nominal, not real property ; it would not amputate a limb or break a bone of the slaves ; but, by infusing motives into their breasts, would make them doubly valuable to the masters as free laborers ; and Because, if compensation is to be given at all, it should be given to the outraged and guiltless slaves, and not to those who have plundered and abused them. We regard as delusive, cruel, and dangerous, any scheme of expatriation which pi'etends to aid, either directly or indirectly, in the emancipation of the slaves, or to be a substitute for the immediate and total abolition of slavery. We fully and unanimously recognize the sovereignty of each State to legislate exclusively on the subject of the slavery which is tolerated within its limits ; we concede that Congress, under the presejit national compact, has no right to interfere with any of the Slave States in relation to this momentous subject. But we maintain that Congress has a right, and is solemnly bound, to suppress the domestic slave-trade between the several States, and to abolish slavery in those portions of our territory which the Constitution has placed under its exclusive jurisdic- tion. We also maintain that there are, at the present time, the highest obligations resting upon the people of the free States to remove slavery by moral and political action, as prescribed in the Constitution of the United States. They are now living under a (11) pledge of their tremendous pb3'sical force, to fasten the galling letters of tyranny upon the limbs of millions in the Southern States ; they are liable to be called at any moment to suppress a general insurrection of the slaves ; they authorize the slave-owner to vote on three-fifths of his slaves as property, and thus enable hiin to perpetuate his oppression ; they support a standing army at the South for its protection ; and they seize the slave who has escaped into their territories, and send him back to be tortured by an enraged master or a brutal diiver. This relation to slavery is criminal and full of danger : it must be broken up. These are our views and principles — these our designs and measures. With entire confidence in the overruling justice of God, we plant ourselves upon the Declaration of our Independ ence and the truths of Divine Revelation, as upon the Everlasting Rock. We shall organize Anti-Slavery Societies, if possible, in every city, town, and village in our land. We shall send forth agents to lift up the voice of remon- strance, of warning, of entreaty, and rebuke. We shall circulate, unsparingly and extensively, anti-slavery tracts and periodicals. We shall enlist the pulpit and the press in the cause of the suffering and the dumb. We shall aim at a purification of the churches from all par- ticipation in the guilt of slavery. We shall encourage the labor of freemen rather than that of slav^es, by giving a preference to their productions ; and We shall spare no exertions nor means to bring the whole nation to speedy repentance. Our trust for victory is solely in God. We ma}'- be person- ally defeated, but our principles, never. Truth, Justice, Reason, Humanity, must and will gloriously triumph. Already a host is coming up lo the help of the Lord against the mighty, and the prospect before us is full of encouragement. Submitting this DECLARATION to the candid examination of the people of this country, and of the friends of liberty through- out the world, we hereby afRx our signatures to it; pledging ourselves that, under the guidance and by the help of Almighty God, w-e will do all that in us lies, consistenily with this Declara- tion of our principles, to overthrow the most execrable system of slavery that has ever been witnessed upon earth — to deliver our (12) land from its deadliest curse— to wipe out the foulest stain whicl. ests upou our u,-.tional escutcl,eon-and to secure to the co ored pop. E of tl,e Uuited States all the rights aud pnv.leg.s wWch belon. to them as meu and as Amencaus-come what my to our .Srsons, our interests, or our reputat.on-whether we Uve\o witne'ss the triumph of liberty, justice and "j'Makitt or perish untimely as martyrs in this great, benevolent, and ^"'Vone at Philadelphia, the Cth day of December, A. D. 1833. EXPOSITION OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY PLATFORM. JSoiton, iluy, 18o3. [PI,on..g™i.l,icr,lIy rci«rteermitted to vote in this government — as one half of the popula- tion, on account of their sex, are politically disfranchised — as iiiany persons are conscientiously opposed to upholding a gov^ern- ment of violence and blood — as man}^ others are precluded from the ballot-box by their views of the pro-slavery compromises in the Constitution — a mere poliiical organization must necessarily be exclusive, and therefore contracted in its sphere of activity and influence. Sir, we want something better than either the one or the other, something more catholic, more philosophical, more comprehen- sive. Can we get it ? What ought to be its leading character- istic ? AVhat should be the condition and test of membership ? I add- In the third place, the organization must not exclude women either from membership or from active participation in its affairs ; because women abhor, and have reason to abhor slavery, as intensely as men ; and because as many women are clanking their chains, and crying for relief as men. Every member must be permitted to " plead the cause of all such as are appointed to destruction," on his or her own responsibility, as a sense of duty may determine. Lastly, the object of the organization must be moral agita- tion — the promulgation of the truth, and its application to the consciences of a peojile who are " laden with iniquity," and (15) " whose lianrls are full of blood." It is a moral regeneration which is to be effected, as much now as in apostolic times, and by the same instrumentality — the foolishness of preaching. It is evident, moreover, that such an organization should be based upon a self-evident truth, and animated by a vital prin- ciple, a]ipealing alike to the understanding and conscience of every human being, without regard to religious or political opin- ions. That truth is, that slaveholding is, under all circumstances, a sin against God ; and, therefore, that immediate emancipation is the right of the slave and the duty of the master. What is self-evident is all-embracing, and may be held in common by men and womi^n ; by Christians and infidels ; by those who belong to religious bodies, and by those who do not; by those who exer- cise the elective franchise, and b}^ those who are disfranchised for conscience' sake. We can all give our hearty indorsement to the principle, — requiring nothing beyond this, that each one shall ap2)lt/ and carrrj it out, loith conscientious fidelity, at whatever cost, and wherever it 7nay lead^ according to the light that is in him. Well, what next ? The platform of the organization must be fi'ee to ail, and speech upon it left untrameled. There must be a willingness to hear not only those who are friendly to its ob- ject, but also those who are hostile to it; for the truth has nothing to fear in an open encounter with error, and ever courts inquiry and examination — ever coming out the better and stronger for it. Now, sir, this is the spirit, the freedom, the platform of the American Anti-Slavery Society. That Society is willing to hear, at its own pecuniary expense, in its own meetings, whatever may be said against its principles or measures, in whatever temper or language. If it has any favors to grant, they are granted espe- cialh' to those who are disposed to assail it — giving them (in the greatness of its magnanimity) not only an equal chance, but more than justice requires, if desired. This is the secret of its freshness and power. If ever the time shall come when this lofty trait in its character shall be blotted out, then you may write '' Ichabod" upon its walls, and proclaim its downfall. Sir, we resort to no disciplinary measures. We put forth no bulls of excommunication. We neither exclude nor suspend any n::embei", on anv cfround whatever. Everv one is as free to fjo as he is free to come, incurring no censure for his withdrawal. As a condition of membership in the Society, we are agreed simpW (16) as to tlie -a"bstract principle ; we are agreed, also, that it is the duty of each and all to adhere to it, as its legitimate application may be perceived, " remembering them that are in bonds, as bound with them." Whenever any thing is found hostile to its progress, then whoever makes the discovery is bound to cry out against the obstacle, and attempt its removal. If, in the course of the conflict, he shall find himself called upon to cut off his right hand or pluck out his right eye, there must be no hesitancy —•the hand must come oflf, the eye must come out. Sir, we are sometimes accused of being narrow and exclusive in our organization, — of imposing tests and requiring conditions which interfere with individual conviction and personal freedom. No accusation can be more unjust, no opinion more erroneous. Do we say that the members of the American Anti-Slavery Soci- ety must agree in proclaiming the Constitution of the United States to be " a covenant with death, and an ao-reement with hell "? Do we say that none shall be members who vote for such men as Franklin Pierce or Winfield Scott ? Do we say that they shall be excommunicated, if they remain with the Whig, or Democratic, or Free Soil party — or with a pro-slavery church or denomination, or support a pro-slavery clergy ? We say no such thing ; we make no such requirement ; we let every man stand accountable to his God. But there is one thing we do, and mean to persist in doing : we keep our platform open to all, and free to all, without respect of persons. We utter our convictions fearlessly and independ- ently as to who and what is pro-slavery, and allow nothing in Church or State to pass unchallenged respecting its position to the anti-slavery cause ; we mean to criticise, reprove, and warn, and are ready to be criticised, reproved, and warned in turn. Of course, the American Anti-Slavery Society is as much bound to make a faithful application of its distinctive principles as each individual member. To be elfective in its operations, it must cherish and promulgate definite opinions — the collective opinions of its members, as expressed by a majority on any given 2")oint, for the time being. True, it may sometimes err in judg- ment ; it may not always come to a right decision ; still, as it ever holds itself open to reproof and conviction, as it gives the minority every desirable opportunity to expose its fallacies or errors, this aftbrds no good reason for refusing to cooperate with it, unless it palpably discards its fundamental principle. All that (17) can be done, among fallible human beings, under the circum' stances, to arrive at a true result, is assuredly done ; and where this spirit prevails, in ninetj-nine cases out of a hundred, rely upon it, that result will be satisfactory — such as duty demands. Welcoming the light, from whatever quarter it may shine, how is it possible for the Society to evdnce a stronger conviction of the rectitude of its course, — or, if in error, a more manly desire to be set right, — or a more unselfish consecration to the cause of the enslaved in our land ? No step has the American Anti-Slavery Society ever taken backwards. Not that it is conceited, dogmatical, unwilling to yield when in error ; but because there has been no occasion for retracting or going back. We have abandoned many of our steps, but it is the abandonment of conquered outposts in our onward march, to grapple all the more vigorously with the enemy in the citadel of his strength. We do not stand precisely where we did twenty years ago, or even ten years ago ; we are all the while finding new issues and making fresh advances ; and all this is essential to the abolition of slavery. Now, then, if we do not dictate to any man to what party he shall belong, to what creed he shall subscribe, to what church he shall give in his adhesion, or from which he must withdraw, or what he shall think or say of the Constitution or government of the country — if we allow him free speech, and he professes to agree with us in principle^ and in the duty of adhering to it under all circumstances — what excuse has he for absenting himself from this platform ? How can he justify himself in lifting his heel against us ? Why should he run away ? Here is the place to maintain his position. What if the Society deem him to be un- sound in some of his views, or pro-slavery in some of his relations to Church or State ? He believes his position to be a tenable one. Then, as a conscientious and sincere friend of the slave, he will be serene and unmoved, instead of getting angry and furious. Instead of impeaching the motives or spirit of the Society, he will say, " You give me all I ask — all that any man, who has a soul, can desire — the opportunity to state my convictions freely, and to defend my conduct; and that is enough ! Beheving that 1 am right, I have full faith that, ultimately, I shall have the sat- isfaction of seeing the Society espouse my side of the question." And yet, Mr. President, what secessions have taken place from our ranks, from time to time- ! All the way through, following (IS) all along the track of out march, are to be found the carcasses of multitudes who have perished by the way. They ran well for a time, and then they fell to the earth, and perished. Others, grow- ing hateful and personal in their spirit, placing their sectarianism above and beyond the anti-slavery cause itself, have become em- bittered against the Society, and sought to destroy it ; and evi- dently far more anxious to cripple the efforts and blacken the character of the uncompromising Abolitionists, than to bring slavery into disrepute. Again I ask, what is it that we exact ? Not conformity in judgment or practice as to the application of the principle to which we subscribe, in order to membership in the Society, but only as to the principle itself — an indorsement of its soundness and paramount importance. We make due allowance for the fact, that mankind make progress, if sometimes rapidly, more commonly by a slow process. We know in the nature of the case, that all men do not leap to the same conclusion, logically, or by intuition, at the same moment. We know that, among those who are equally honest, there may be justifiable hesitancy on the part of some, and honest doubt on the part of others, as to where the principle fairly applies. We admit that there will be cases where men the most clear-sighted may, for a time, be some- what troubled to decide whether this or that step is really a com- promise of principle. But then, sir, all these things must be tol- erated, if we would work together for the overthrow of slavery. Ultimately, we may all see eye to eye. Sir, if a member of our organization can belong to the Whig or Democratic party, and feel that he occupies a true anti-slavery position in so doing, let him remain with the party. To his own conscience let him be true. To his own master he must stand or fall. What we shall do is, when he comes upon our platform, to endeavor to show that his position is inconsistent with the princi- ple he has accepted, and is practically pro-slavery. As Lot was commanded to Hee out of Sodom, that he might not be destroyed with its inhabitants ; as God says to his people in Babylon, " Come out of her, that ye be not partakers of her sins, and that ye receive not of her plagues ;" so we think anti-slavery demands the abandonment of every pro-slavery sect and party. Still, if any one does not feel called upon to leave his party, or church, or the government, he is at liberty to remain in it ; and he will manifest his sincerity by exhibiting a manly front, and evincing (19) his readiness to be examined as to his cotduct. He will endeavor to show that he is actuated by the highest regard for the cause of those in bondage, and that in the position he occupies, he sin- cerely believes he can do better service to that cause than in any other way. Now, sir, can you conceive of any thing more charitable than this — more magnanimous than this — more sublimely courageous than this — a higher evidence of a desire to be in the right, and a wish never to be in the wrong, on the part of our Association ? Where is there such liberty conceded on any other platform, reli- gious or political ? What other enterprise — except the little, despised Non-Resistance enterprise — has ever been so constituted, or so indulgent on the score of freedom of speech to all ? The Free Soil platform is not free ; the Free Soil meeting is not free — (I say it not invidiously, of course — I only deal with the fact.) It is exclusively for Free Soilers ; it does not say, " We welcome every man to this platform, to show us wherein we are in the wrong," No ; what is the reason ? I have my own opinion about it — what do you think ? "Thrice is he armed who hath his quarrel just." There are those in our ranks who deem the position of the Free Soil party not the highest and best for the cause of the slave. They might come on to the platform — and if it were a free one, they certainly would come — and there would be a searching ex- amination. Is it to prevent such an examination that their meet- ings are not as free as our own ? Why, sir, if at any of their gatherings they can get a Webster Whig, or a Hunker Demo- crat, to undertake the defense of his party, or to make an assault upon theirs, there is great rejoicing, and they are quite ready to shout, " To the platform — to the platform ! Hear him — hear him !" Why is this ? Because, as against the Webster Whig or the Hunker Democrat, the Free Soilers know that they occupy the vantage ground, and can cover him with confusion of face. But with regard to the radical, uncompromising Abolitionists, their presence is not welcomed, and they are not invited to occupy the platform. Wm. a. AVhite, of Watertown — Does Mr. Garrison mean this Convention to understand, that the meetings of the Free Soil- (20) ers are not open to all who claim to be the friends of the slave, or whether they do or not ? Mr. Garrison — I will answer that question by asking another, which is the Yankee method, you know. Does our friend White mean to say that the Free Soil meetings are thus free ? Mr. White — I do ; and I hereby invite Mr. Garrison to at- tend the next Free Soil Convention, and make a speech. (Laugh- ter and applause.) Mr. Garrison — Very good ! But is our friend authorized, in behalf of the party, to make the invitation ? Mr. White — No, sir ; I make it on my individual responsi- bility. Mr. Garrison — I doubt if such an in^ntation would receive the sanction of the party as such. At any rate, it has never yet been proclaimed to the world. But I am not the man to quarrel with that spirit, but will ever give it the right hand of fellow- ship. Mr. President, adopting the fundamental principle of the American Anti-Slavery Society, what have we done with it in our organization ? In a faithful application of it to men and meas- ijres — to the religious and political institutions of our land — to constitutions and lav/s — we have made many discoveries — dis- coveries that have filled us, sometimes with amazement, some- times with deep regret, sometimes with heartfelt anguish ; be- cause we started at the outset, mixed up with the old parties and with the religious sects, ardent in our attachment and earnest in our support of them. We did not know where we were going ; -v^e could not tell what was before us ; for who foresaw, when he gave in his adhesion to the cause of the oppressed, that he would be called upon to give up his party, his church, his minister — to lose his reputation and jeopard his worldly interest — to the extent he has been required to do ? But we took the pledge of fidelity to the slave. We declared his cause to be good and true — yes, divine ; and hence, whatever obstructed his triumph, must be from the adversary, and not from God. At what hazard and cost all this has been done, let posterity decide. (21) On many points, slowly but surely, we have arrived at great unanimity of sentiment. We are generally agreed in the opin- ion, the Whig party of the country is foully pro-slavery, and therefore ought to be abandoned. We are equally convinced, that the Democratic party is utterly subservient to the Slave Power, and thoroughly polluted, from which it is the duty of every pure-minded man and every true Democrat to withdraw. We also affirm that a Church, claiming to be the Church of Christ, and yet having no bowels of mercy for the oppressed, nay, receiving slaveholders and slave-breeders to its communion-table, is ,a Church with which no Christian abolitionist ought to be con- nected ; and that, if there be one thus associated with it, he is bound, by his fidelity to God and the slave, to withdraw from it, and register his testimony against it as an anti-Christian body. To such conclusions, after careful examination and mature consideration, we hav^e come, with but few dissenting voices in our ranks, but not without great hesitancy and reluctancy on the part of some, for a time. All did not see the duty at the same moment; at first, perhaps, only a solitary member saw the guilt of the relation, raised the warning cr}'^, and called for consistent action. Then another and another apprehended it clearly, and the discussion went o^, until nearly the whole body became sat- isfied as to its reality, and pronounced sentence of condemnation accordingly. We come now to the question of withdrawal from the gov- ernment, in consequence of the pro-slavery compromises of the Constitution. On this point, while the members of the Amer- ican Anti-Slavery Society are now generally agreed, the professed friends of the slave, acting in other relations, are very much divided. They advocate vai'ious and discordant notions about the Constitution. Some say they hold it to be thoroughly and inten- tionally anti-slavery, and so they can vote and hold office under it without any compromise of principle ; others acknowledge its pro-slavery features, but argue that as it provides for its own amendment, the ballot may be innocently thrown with that ob- ject in view; while others think that, if nothing more can be accomplished by the elective franchise than the election of men to Congress who will exert themselves to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia and the Territories, and to prevent the fur- ther extension of slavery, it justifies political action. Ilere is a wide difference of opinion ; but what then ? What if we differ (22) ad infinitum as to the application of tlie principle by which we profess to be governed ? I want to know who the man is who is going to run away from the anti -slavery platform on that account ; and if he runs, I want to know what is the matter with him. He says that his own position is sound and practical ; that his con- science is satisfied ; that his judgment is confirmed, and he has not a doubt troubling his mind. What cause has such a man to run from any body ? Is not he who is in the right the " one man who shall chase a thousand," and one of the " two who shall put ten thousand to flight ?" But if he be not in the right, even then he will manifest no disposition to flee, if he sincerely be- lieves he is right, or desires to be so if in error. The language of his heart will be, " Search me as with a candle, and see if there be any thing wrong in me." Being fallible, he may honestly mis- t-ake his way, or misapprehend his duty; but he is not the man to keep from a free arena because somebody will impeach his judg- ment or censure his conduct — far otherwise ! Who that is really sati! ;„!„ A """=■•. ■'"° cieigy and missionaries throuo-hont tho new relation, and, above all urpn'ncr ,,"';'^JJ'^f*'^^i'ties of their that higher libertWith\thThif ;^U::/t ThtK^^^^^^ In every quarter we were assured that the day was lile a slh ba h. Work had ceased; the hum of businesltal siiM .t^ noise and tumult were unheard on the streT, T. •? ' "^ vaded the towns and counti^ A LIk !k • T™')'?"'' "^ P"""- wicked ceased from troS' and tt '"'^''^ ' "'^'''^ '^' the slave wa3 free fran^ the mf'ster' '^.'^/'"■'y "-^^^ "] ''''' «"'! that they went to the'cha" Lerf het^own IT^' " assembled greeted them, sho'ok hands with them and' ethan'l^d the most hearty good wishes. excnanged At Cedar hIi^' if ''''f"''' ^■'"' ^^"""^'^ ^" "^^' the inland. At Oedar Hall, a Moravian station, the crowd was so ereat that Jo v^g^^oii^g S' " ""-' '"^ ""-'^-^ ^'■- ''^-4:1 At Grace Hill, another Moravian station, the negroes went to the missionary on the day before the 1st of Aif^us and. begged that they might be allowed to have a mtethi^ in the diapel at sunrise. It is the usual practice amongX Moravilnt the moimng of Easter; but as the people besought very earnestly for this special fijvor on the Easter morning of their freedom i^ was granted to them. ° ireeaom, it somf H^^JI^l "'" f °™'"? *-^% assembled at the chapel. Fof posed th^tt:^' '" V° Fr'"' ,'"r ^^- '^'^« ">issionary ?hen pro diencefell UJh "'' ^"''^ f^^"" """^ ^'"^- Th/ whole au the fo W "fversr" ""'' "' '""^ " ^^"-^ ^"'"■^--■g with " IS'ow let lis praise the Lord, With body, soul, and spirit, "Who doth such wondrous things Beyond our sense and merit." 2* (30) The sint^^ino- was frequently interrupted with the tears and sobbings of "the melted people, until finally it was wholly ar- rested^and a tumult of emotion overwhelmed the congregation. The missionary who was present ou the occasion said that the scene was indescribable. During the day, repeated meetings were held. At eleven o'clock the people assembled in vast numbers. There were at least a thousand persons around the chapel who could not get in. For once the house of God suffered violence, and the violent took it by force. After all the services of the day, the people went ao-ain to the missionaries in a body, and petitioned to have a meetinor in the evening. At Grace Bay, the people, all dressed in white, assembled in a spacious court "in front of the Moravian chapel. They forrned a procession, and walked arm in arm into the chapel. Similar scenes occurred at all the chapels, and at the churches also. We were told by the missionaries, that the dress of the negroes on that occasion was uncommonly simple and modest. There wjis not the least disposition to gayety. We were also informed by planters and missionaries m every part of the island, that there was not a single dance known of, either day or night, nor so much as a fiddle played. There weie no riotous assemblies, no drunken carousals. It was not in such channels that the excitement of the emancipated flowed. They were as far from dissipation and debauchery as they were from . violence and carnage. Gratitude was the absorbing emotion. From the hill-tops and the valleys the cry of a disenthi-alled peo- ple went upward, like the sound of many waters — " Glory to God ! glory to God 1" The testimony of the planters corresponds fully with that of the missionaries. Said R B. Eldridge, Esq., after speaking of the number eman- cipated, "Yet this vast body (30,000) glided out of slavery into freedom with the utmost tranquillity." Dr. Daniell observed, that after so prodigious a revolution in the condition of the negroes, he expected that some irregulari- ties would ensue ; but he had been entirely disappointed. He also said that he anticipated some relaxation from labor during the week following emancipation. But he found his hands in the field early on Monday morning, and not one missing. The same day he received word from another estate, of which he was (31) proprietor, that the negroes had to a man refused to go to the field. He immediately rode to the estate, and found the people standing with their hoes in their hands doing nothing. He ac- costed them in a friendly manner : " What does this mean, my fellows, that you are not at work this morning?" They imme- diately replied, — " It's not because we don't want to work, massa; but we wanted to see you first and foremost, to know what the haryain would he!" As soon as that matter w^as settled, the whole body of negroes turned out cheerfully, without a moment's cavil. Mr. Bourne, of Millar's, informed us that the largest gang he had ever seen in the field on his property, turned out the week after emancipation. Said Hon. N. Nugent, — " Nothing could surpass the universal propriety of the negroes' conduct on the 1st of August, 18341 Never was there a more beautiful and interesting spectacle exhib- ited than on that occasion." — Thome and Kimball on W. I. Emancipation. THE FINAL TRIUMPH. Public opinion cannot be walled in. The people of the South cannot shut it out from their borders. It knows no bar- riers — is not arrested by geographical boundaries — is not hemmed in by State lines or imprisoned by State legislation. It is a moral^ atmosphere which spreads itself noiselessly throughout the domains of intellect and intelligence. Like electricity, it minifies itself with all the elements of the moral world, and imperceptibly becomes a part of the mental constitution. Neither its proo-ress nor its power can be staid. Its course is onward, and itsljon- quests are unceasing. It will infuse itself into the bosoms of our Southern brethren, and disentomb the buried spirit of liberty there. It will awaken again in them those generous sympathies, those noble purposes, and those elevated sentiments, which they once so gloriously exhibited, and which have no fellowship with slavery. Their pulses will yet beat in unison with those of their Northern brethren on this subject. The pleadings for the op- pressed, which stir New England hearts, will yet find a response (32) in Carolinian bosoms; and the shout for emancipation which shall go up from Bunker's Hill, will be echoed from the field of Guilford and the heights of Yorktown. ^ ^ The day that shall witness the triumph of public opinion ovei slavery is fast approaching. From the eminence on which I now stand, I see in the far-off distance the great prison-house of death. Its gloomy walls, built up on human hearts, and cemented bj human tears and blood, tower up into the skies with an heaven insulting glory. Its impious spires and unhallowed domes, bur nished wkh the gold wrung from the sweat and toil of the defenseless, flash defyingly in the sun. It seems to mock the power of the earthquake and the storm. But while I gaze, I see the heaving of the ocean of public opinion beneath my feet. The great fountains of its deep are breaking up. I hear the moan of the coming tempest as it musters its storms afar off ; and the skies gather blackness above my head. The billows go sweeping on in majesty and might. The surge beats upon the base of that proud edifice. The indignant tempest goes career- in cr over the face of the moved waters. The roar of the roused ocean comes thundering upon the ear. The waves, crested vvith fury, beat with resistless energy upon its massive structures. The waters and the storm are up in their wrath, and speak now with an " earthquake voice." I see that Bastile of human hearts trem- ble from its very base. Its walls are shaking in the elemental war. Behold its towers and turrets nod and topple to their tall. See ! its foundations give way— it reels, it sinks, it plunges is titution niay be amended by a vote of two ttjirds of the mem- bers in attendance at any annual meetintr; provided, that the auxiliaryship of the Society shall not be changed, unless notice ol intention to move such chansre shall iiave been given, in writing, to the^Execuiive Committee at least one month previous to such meetingT President : DE. HENRY A. HAETT. Vice-Presidents : Edward W. Gilbert, Erasmus D. Hudson, TnEODOEE Tilton. Corresponding Secretary : Oliver Johxson. Recording Secretary : Jamks B. Richards. Additional Members of the E^ectiiive Committee: S. H. Gat, Abbt H. Gibbons, Cornelius Bkamiiall, J. F. Cleveland, Elias Smith. ■^ ■ - 54 W » / .0 ...9^-^ % A * "C^ • • ' '^. ^, „./. '^- .4.^ °o e » ^0 <-, A V J^ c, < * « • * ^ ^^ « •-♦ ^. 'o .. •■•"• ^ n, ' • .«^♦^;;^''^' o« » i4. -i'