f .G7f HOLLINGER pH 8.3 MILL RUN F3-1543 E 423 .G79 Copy 1 CALIFORAtA AND NEW MEXICO. SPEECH HON. JAMES S. GREEN, OF MISSOURI, L\ THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, APRIL 4, 1850, III Cjinmiltee of ike Whole on the stale of the Union, on ike PresiJenVs Message tranS' mittini^ Ike Cunstituiion of Califurnia. Mr. GREEN addressed the House as follows: Mr. CH\iaM\>j: I hnve s(ni;;lu this opportunity to address the connnittoc, with n(\ disj)ositi()ti to increase the present ra^inj; cxcitoment. My pur- pose is not to add fuel to the Ihiines that already threaten to envelop us in one jjeneral conflagra- tion. Peace is my desire. Harmony amon;; the States, with strict Justice to nil, my best elforts shall be directed to attain. But, sir, we need not di.'ijuise the truth. We .should not deceive our- selves. It is idle to sing son>;s of peace, while fearful dangers hang tliick around us. We must see the danger and rightly apprehend it, in order to provide against the ditticulty, and ward ofl'the threatened calamity. No ideal or imaginary alarm should ever excite us; but when we must know our Union is in peril, and the dearest rights of freemen menaced will) destruction, it is our soleinn duly to come to the rescue, and exert every facul- ty of body and of tnind to preserve our Govern- ment, and maintain the cherished principles of our institutions. Such is the condition of alfairs at the present time. My olject, therefore, is to contrib- ute to the restoration of harmony, and assist in the settlement of all the agitating questions which unfortunately array one section of the Union against another, and jeopardizie the longer contin- uance of our political relations. Heretofore I have abstained from saying any- thing in this Flail on the subject of slavery. Ab- stract discussion, without reference to practical legislation, seeined to me to promise no good; but now, when grave and important propositions are pending, upon which I must soon vote, it be- comes a duty to present to my constituents the considerations that govern my official action. It is my purpose to discharge that duty on the pres- ent occasion. What, then, is the question before us.' How sliall it be met and settled? and what means shall be resorted to, in order to allay the great excite- ment and ill-tccling which have been gotten up, and have spread over our land .' The real ques- tion is, the existence of domestic slavery; and its relation to the government of the Union should be examined with honesty and candor, on principles of enlightened human reason. It is useless to waste time by referring to the causes wKich have brought into existence the present state of affairs. They are well understood by the country. As practical men, we must meet the difficulty, and so adjust it within the scope of our power as to pro- duce the greatest good to all, or, perhaps more justly speaking, the least evil to the country. All are aware of the fact, that when the present Federal Government was formed, slavery existed in the States, and each one came into the Union with full knowledge of the recognition and guar- anty of slavery by the Government thus created. This fact, in a moral and legal scn.se, ifl sufficient of itself to estop every one from interfering with, and pri'judicing slavery through the action of the partnership Federal Gnvernmcnt. Honor and good faith forbid it. Slavery enters into the elements upon which this Union is based. It is found in the legislative branch, in the executive Itranch, and in the power of taxation, which may- be regarded as the vivifying and life-giving faculty of all Governments. Surely a Government ought not, and cannot, rightfully exert any power to destroy one of the elements of its own existence; and that consider- ation should stay the hand of all friends of the cdunlry from attempting to injure the institution of slavery. liut notwithstanding these facts, which cannot be doubled, the Norih allege that slavery is an evil, that it should not be permitted to spread over the territories acquired from Mexico, and that Congress should prevent it by such legislation as may be necessary to effect that purpose. To accomplish this end, different means are proposed. One is, to pass the Wilmot proviso, prohibiting slavery in all the territories; the other is, to evade the odious stigma of the proviso by artifice, and produce the same result by bringing California into the Union, and leave the other territories to follow her example, and prohibit slavery also, as the only means of insuring their admission as States. Both of these plans are designed by the provisoists to accomplish the same end — that of excluding the South from all participation in the enjoyment of the territory. It is well known that the importation of slaves has been forever prohibited under the strongest possible penalties. All increase of slavery is, therefore, perpetually cut off", and the on/i/(/iifs(ion tvilh those icho have the right to interfere xcith it, is one nf internal regulation of a preexisting institution. Slavery is here, and fully recognized by the Con- stitution, and the point is raised whether it shall be confined to a limited space, to the destruction of the people, or whether it shall be permitted to dili'use itself over a wide surtace, and thereby mitigate lis evils, and disseminate iisadvantases — the sum total of slavery being the same in each case, without increase or diminution. Now, since new territory has been acquired, why should any efforts be made to circumscribe the limits of a con- stitutional insiitulion, and prohibit it in the terr.U tory, which has been obtained by that Govf bi ment whose elementary principles are based •, Vn slavery? Such efforts look to me as suicidaT ^nd revolutionary; they have the appearance of \^an- ton insult to the southern States of the Union. .^7^/ The South c^W>i ask for an iiicrcaee of slavery, labor from a territory, which cannot obtain a suffi- nor do they ask Ci>n:;res.s to c.stablisli it by law cietit amount of labor, can possibly benefit the in- anywhere. All iliey lObist upon ia, that the ter- Imbitanis? Labor is re(|iiired and demarjiled, and rtiury brlontjs to the whole L'inon, and not exclu- if a [)orlion is peifortned by the slaves, I cannot 8 vrly to the Norili, and that, therelbrc, they should sec how it can possibly injure the whites; so far not be excluded from it by law, but leave the sub- frt)m it, I believe it would be an advantage to the joci to the Control, of natural cauitea under the whiles. Tlie arijiiment upon which the idea is euarnnliea of tlie Oonsiilution of the United Stales, based, will up|)ly wiih equal force against all ma- The restriction could not possibly result in any chinery, and all labor-saving inventions which, to pood; to the Klavr, so far from benrtitin!; his con- that extent, dispense with white labor, ami would dition, It would jiriive a serious and material injury, appear to the bujierficial observer to diminish the Cramped and confined within the limits he now demand. occupies, hia comforts, and even necessaries of Slave labor in the United States does not, and life, muNt and \Aill diniinish in the certain ratio of cannot, diminish the (lemaiid for white labor. We natural incrcasr, until misery and starvation termi- have millions of acres of wild, uncultivated, and nate a sull'eriiii; existence, orimpcl to some horrid fertile land, the producti(Mi3 of which, in the mar- deed of blood and carnage. Similar ell'ects, from kets of the world, will more than compensate for the «»me cause, have been produced in other the labor and capital employed; and there is room countrie*^, oiid every principle of humanity, as sufficient for all our laboring population to develop well as wise legislation, require us to avoid so our resources, without injuriously afTecting the fatal a calamity. To the while population, the while laltorer by what may be periormed by the restriction is fraught with still more appalling con- slave. Indeed, the same principle that seeks to sequences— either to abandon entirely that conn- exclude slave labor, if adopted and carried out, try CO the blacks, or extcr.ninaie them, or fall will ultimately exclude all funi^ners from our victims to their starving and excited fury. country. An/irc .'Imtricanism will be resuscitated. These consequences maybe remote, but they and the worthy German, and other Iviropcan immi- aie, nevertheless, equally certain. grants, will siilFer the injuries of this false princi- JtlTcrson took the correct view of the subject of pie, by being excluded from our country and from restricting the area of slavery, and said, " I am the territory. Such restrictions are all wrong — ' certain, that as the pas.sage of slaves from one they all proceed from a false view of the subject. ' State to another would not make a slave of a Slave labor does, to some extent, change the * amgle human bein*r, who woulu' not be so with- ciiaracter and kinil of labor for which the whites ' nut It, so /AfirJi_//"iui<'n Off r (1 ^rrn/fr jiu/ac« loou/t/ are required, without, however, diminishing the nakf thrm iuilividttattii hitjipitr," iScc. ag^re!(ale tltinunil (or their labor. The same may And Mr. Madis'm, in a letter to President Mon- be said of wheal machines, corn planters, cotton roe, said, " 1 have certainly felt all the influence jtnneys, and the thousand inventions of our day. ' that could justly flow from a conviction that an But still the call for white labor continues equally ' unfunliolUd dispersion of the slarrs now within llie as great. Instead of being employed for menial • L'niltd Sltitts, was not buly bfxt fur the nation, but and other unprollt;ible service, which must be per- ' vioil farurablt fur the alaves al,\o." formed by some person, they are made mechanics. These disiiiiKuished statesmen, with that fore- artisans, farmers, &c., and the change in the kind cast and patriotism for which they ever stood pre- eminent, declared that the uncontrolled dispersion of the slaves now in the United Stales (for no more can be imported) was best, noi only for the slaves, but for the whites also. Why, then, let me ask, should these lessons of wisdmn be dis.e- garded r Why should a policy be adopted which must result in injury to both races.' The northern of employment is favorable to increased wages. To prove the truth of this remark, I invite gen- tlemen to compare the wages of labor in slave- holding and non-slaveholding States, from which It will be seen, that in the former wage^ are at least twenty-five percent, higher than in the latter. Labor is rewarded South better than it is North. Then outflit not tiiis fact to silence those who agitators pretend to admit they linve no cunstitu- clamor so much and so loud about free labor and ti"n,il power to liberate the slaves. Now, if tins free soil ? interference, by restricting the area of slavitry, os But apart from all this, and whether this posi- 11 la called, does nut have the elTert to liberate lion be true or untrue, what justice is there in sUvi'S, then nothing is accomplished to lessen Congress, whose powers arc given for the protec- njivery; but if the efl'ccl stiuuhl be to induce or lion of nil, lo legislate to the injury of the whole compel the master lo emancipate, then an end .Snuf/i, on the pretence of benefiting the territory ? would be produced by indinct meaiis, which it is Wlinl right has tlic common agent of the parlner- roncidid could not be coiiitlitiiiionully done by ship to inpire fifteen sovereign Sidtcs, t'ull meni- dirrrt mraiiN. 'i'hat would, consecpiently, be bers of the firm, even if it should benefit the com- legally and niftrally wrong, and if it should not mon territory or prcqieriy tr/t/ji/jin^ to the fiimf foll'iw, n« a seipience to reatnction, the sum of Noy, nir, is it not far better — more just — more M not be in the leant diminislied — so r cvMil, such inletfereiHc is h holly J • . and ought to be ciindeinned by all morable men, and by all lawz-abiding eilizeiiH. But It la Hiiinetimea said that, aliiiougli it will do patriotic — more in accoidance with the genius of ften, and with so subject. Su|i|iose restriciiiig the firrn of slavery murWopparcnt ainreritv, that It deserves a panaing should have the elfccl which is desired by its tiuticc. Let me oak now the exclusion of slave friends — liial of making ^slavery unprofitable and danfferoua, and thus coerce the South to emanci- pate — cmisiiler the mMi:i)iiu(lc of the evils which ' wouhi lie proiluoed. You take from the South 1 the full value of their slaves, amounting to the enormous sum of at least i-ifteen uvnohed Mir, Lio\s nv dollars — ruining ihoustiuds of our hest citizfus, wlu) have done us uiuch to |iromolo the general prosperiij' of ilie country as any in the Union — reducing familips, widows, nnd orphans to poverty, beggary, and misery. Nor is this all, by any means. But by removing the fIJ'ective ;)o- llce, which every master has over the slave, they will be turned loose, unfitted for self-government, to prey u|K>n the properly, honor, and lives of the whites; aiul theft and robbery, rape and murder, will become the cvery-day crimes of that popula- tion. I speak not to alarm the fears of the timid, but to point out certain effects which must follow. The valualile productions of the coiuitry will dwindle into insignificance, ns they have done in San Domingo from the same cause. Landed es- tates and other property must depreciate — the whites will be harassed with the degraded blacks, who will jrrndually sink lower and lower in the sci^e of civilization, until simie outbreak will lead to a war between the races, to be terminated only by the expulsion or e.xtiuction of one or the other. It is certain the negroes ought not to be, and cannot be, made voters, and invested with part of the governing power of the country ; and the two races beinu; here in the same political community, it devolves upon the whites within their jurisdic- tion to regulate the relation between them, con- sistently with the rights of private property, so as to produce the least evil and greatest jood. That end, in my opinion, is best attained by slavery — making it the interest of the whites to protect and control the blacks, and thereby connecimg the vig- orou.^ intellect and active energy of the white man to euide, direct, and control the physical strength of the black man, and hence resuitins in compara- tive mutual advantage. As the two races are here, the l)lacks must either be supported by so- ciety, or help to sufiport society; and the relation of muste/ and servant, it seems to me, is best cal- culated to promote the interests of both. I am told, however, that the advocates of " free soil" do not intend to abolish slavery in the States, but leave that sul>ject to State rei^ulation. But such a decl.iration cannot satisfy me, nor in- duce me to withdraw my opposition. The Inten- tion with which the proviso is ursed, does not in a political sense change the tendency and effect of the act itself; and-it is very evident that ii must injuriously aiTect all slave property, and is, in fact, one of the links, in the abolition chain of meas- ures; and its tendency to produce abolition, is the main ground upon which many hiive adopted it and now support it. And if this measure is car- ried, we have no guaranty t-hat the work of aboli- tion will slop there — liy no mr-ans. The same princifile that prompted it, will urse on to other acts, never to cease until their ultunate purpose is accomplished. It i.s far better to contend with the enemy at the fiist, than wlien driven to the last verge of our riiihis. These considerations are designed to show the impolicy and impropriety of the aboliiion off- spring, " free soil," and the necessity of energetic constuutional resistance to its enactment. The measure can produce no fiossible good, but will inevitably result in much liarm. Besides, sir, is I not something due to the frnlernnj feeling which binds this Union to;»eilier? We are lireihren of the same pfditical ''^onfc leracy. We all no doubt sincerely love the Union, and desire its perpetuity. We see the South deeply excitfd on account of wrong.? which she deems real, and whic,h the North deems iinw^inarij. This deep feeling and excited ap]irchension on the part of the South, can nil be removed, and harmony and kind feeling re- stored, without any injury or sacrifice on the pari of the North. Then 1 ask, in the name of the Union, and in the name of the compromisins: spirit of our fathers who formed it, oii^htnot the North to desist and al)andon an ideal ethical dogma, which promises them no real good, but which the South regards as threatening her with ultimate I destruction. Whether the fears of the South are well or ill founded, neveriheless, when we .see such fearful consequences likely to result, will not ; the pMlriotism of the North yield a mere abstract opinion, for the sake of restoring harmony and kind feeling between the dilTerent sections of our Union.' To the North it is a mere abstraction, to the Soulh it is vital — it involves everything. Why should the strong needlessly irritsUe the weak? Is that the way to preserve the Union.' But above all, and beyond every other consideration, the Constitution stands as the great bulwark to shield and protect the South in the enjoyment of her rights; and these anti-slavery schemes, if carried out, will be in derogation of the sacred guaranties of that solemn compact. The Union" ia I formed by the Constitution. Without it, there 13 no Union. It is the only political bond that holds I us toijether: and every attack made upon it is an attack upon the Union itself. i It was especially designed to protect the mi- nority, situated as the southern States now are. The majority need n'o Constitution for their prb- I tection; but when they are making inroads upon i the only political safeguard of the minority, it ' little becomes them to charge the weaker party with a design to dissolve the Union. The charge, in my opinion, is wholly unfounded. All they j ask is their equal rights under the Federal com- ' pact. The veal disunionits are those who violate the Constitution of our Union; they are respon- i sible for all the excitement and all the dangers that surround us. 1 feel justified in speaking for Missouri, whose devoted attachment to the Unior^ cannot be surpassed by any other State. She will j be, as she now is, and ever has been, faithful to the Constitution, and vigilant in protecting the rights of her citizens. These duties are strictly conipatiblc, and as such she will certainly peiform them. Her vast interest in slave property amounts I to at least thiutv million's of i)oll.\rs, and this j would be pui in jeopardy by the measures of the \ ''Free-Soil " parly and their accessories. The wages of her industrious citizens, who earn their I living by the sweat of their brow, would be re- duced by the same means to ihe small pittance of New England wages. The security of all other private properly would be endangered by the sau'-tion of a principle which permitted one kind of properly to be destroyed or depreciated through the action of the General Government. Even the safety of life itself to all classes, rich or poor, without distinction, would be periled by threatening massacre, resulting from misrule, an- archy, and confusicm. She therefore, for the proleciion of life, lilierty, and property, to all her citizens — forall are deeply interested, whether they own slaves or not — has taken her stand under the Conniitution of the country, in firm opposition to free soil, by wlioiiisnever it nmy be advocated or encoiirageJ; and as one of her humble Rppresent- tttives, uimwed by the frdWiis of de.siiniii:^ men, I shall discharse my duly faithfully, and exert evrry power 1 possess, to protect the risrhts, the inter- cuts, ami the honor of the people of Missouri. The false and futile charge of nullification and disunion shall not drive me tVom my sworn duty; and in doini; tliis, I luuicsily bt-lieve it is the only means of preserving the Union. We cannot, and as members of this House wetlart not, attempt to dissolve this Union, which we have sworn to sup- port; but we should bnrare that we do nothin;; that will drive the people to madnc.«s, and force them, in the a^ony of despair, to make use of some revolutionary remedy, and sundt-r the polit- cal bonds that hold us together. And should that fearful crisis ever be /orrr J upon ih' people, the deep and wiiherin? e.Xfcraiioiis of mankind will b« upon those who passed and encouraged the oppressive mcnsiires that produce it. And now, Mr. Chairman, 1 will briefly call the attention of the committee to the difllrent sub- divisions into which this all-absorbinir question of slavery is divided. The whole suliject, with all Its grades, ontjiiiates in a spirit of opposition to the domestic institution of the South, ai-ul now embraces — first, tlie prohiliiiion of slavery in all the territory; seonnd, the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia; third, the evasion of the consiiiuiionai provi.sion for the reciipture of fupi- live slaves; fourth, the abolition of .slavery in all southern forts, or oiher property belongitiir to tlie United States; and fifth, the prevention of the pas- sage of slaves from one slaveholding State to another, either by land or water, in coa.stine; ves- sels. All this is sought to be done against the e^rnc-it appeal and solemn remonstrance of the South. If consummnicd, .«lip must be completely and irretrievably mined. Her voire is therefore rained in defence of her diare.xt rights, and foi the inain'enance of the Union in its purity; and ue would be derelict in duty, if we did not pay proper resf'ict to it in the adjii.stment of this whole sub- ject. It otiglil to be done, it ran be done, and I still indulge the fond hope that it irill be done. Already are favorable indications coming to us from the North. The sincere friends of constitu- tional Union thf-re, not influenced by political trirksiers and deiii.igogues, but by a smse of honor and pnirioiism, exjirens a d< sire to selfle the rpies- lioil on principles of juHiirv; and erpinlily to the South, and thus forever remove the unfortunate elcmmt of discord. 1 have submiiK'd a [irnpnsiiion by which the queMioM,in all the territory acipiiri-d from .Vlcxii-o, c«n be finally anil ilefiiiitrly seitlcd. It is, to ex- tend Ihi- Mi»ii«ouri compromise of 3fjO 30' due wmt In the I'iKifir orcnii, i-xr|ii(ling iai(l ii:;liili scciiini nC llii' s;iiil acl [tliir cnni- prnMii.i; liylrcahj, or liy coiiijHcsl." This resolution, instrucling the Senators and re- questing the representatives, is plainly and expli- citly in favor of the compromise I am now advo- catins:, and for its application, not only to territo- ries, but also to Slates. Nor has this resolution ever lieen repealed. In 1845), the legislature de- clared, " that for the sake of liarmony, and for the • preservation of our Federal Union, we [they, the ' General Assembly] will still sunclion the njiplica- ' tion of the ])rinci])les of the Missouri compromise to * the recent territorial acquisitions," &c. The will of the Slate, thus clearly expressed, is strictly binding u|>on the Senators, and should in- fluence all her servants in their political action. 1 shall therefore most heartily vole for the compro- mise, knowing it to be the will of my Stale, and especially my district, and believing it best calcu- lated to restore quiet to the people, and peace and security to the Union It tnay be said by way of objection, that this compromise line will not iiannonize with the geogiaphical conformation of the territory, and consequently produce some inconvenience to tlie settlements. Ee this as it may, I hold the permanent good of our present Union paramount lo all considerations of convenience to the territories. And besides, it is well known that the habits of society, and the customs of communities, will so(rties, until their power has become formidable, and hence has resulted the serious and crying (viis of which we so jus-ily complain. Bill tie p,is.«a2e of the laws I have indicated, if fai'liful'v executed, will, I hope, remove this gricvatici, and enable us to glide on sniooihly and harmoniriusly, as brethren of the same Govern- ment, owing allegiance to the same Constitution. Thus fur in the adjuf-tment of the sul ji-ct, ;)&.n- tire Bciioi) is rfquirtd to do justice to the country, and to pnrify the turbulent elements of discord. For the other branches of the sul ji-ct, ntgalh-e ac- tion is necessary — in other worcTr', a settled and fixed iiiid('r.ituiidino{iular will. Whatever, ihercforc, can influence the public will, and settle it down upon n just appreciation of constitutional obligation, is of the utmost imiiortance to the statesman who seeks his country's good. The delilieraie declara- tion of the Government made on this subject, in connection with the adjustment of the who'e con- troversy, to .save the Union from the siarilin>j dan- gers that surround it, will go forth to the cuintry in an imposing aspect, and exert an irresistible influence on the intelligent mind. The harassing agitation will grow less and less. The northern masses will discountenance the wicked incendiary; the southern citizen will feel secure under the protection of the Constitution. Peace will f.pread over us as a mantel, the kindly feelings of the human heart will be called into lively exercise, and brotherly love will unite us together, closer and closer, in perpetual bonds of mutual interest and fraternal regard. Mr. Chairman, these brief hints and sugges- tions are m:ide with the sinceie desire of eliciting some just plan of amicable compromise. That which I have proposed is reasonable and just, and sui,ted to the present distracted condition of the country. It will inflict no injuries upon the North, and it will calm the troubled mind of the South. The whole qufsiion will be disposed of, and no bone of contention left to disturb our peace, and excite one section of the Union against another. For these reasons I am anxious to see this plan adopted; but 1 am ready and willing to .■support any other mode of adjustment which may be more acceptable to all paities, nnd better calculated to promote the ends of justice, and preserve the equal rights of the members of this confederated Union. Indeed, so far as the territorial branch of the ques- tion is concerned, (he Mi.-souri compromibe is not the proposition 1 would prefer, if 1 had my choice. Hut a« concc-'sions are necessary to etl'ect a com- plete seltlrnicnt — as the State of Missimri has twice instructed in favor of it — and wiih the hope and expectation of bringing the North and South to common ground, and bilcnce the clamor of free foil in all time to come, I am ready to yield so i'dr, and make a final and conclusive tlisposiiion of the subject on the terms I have proposed. Mr. Cliairiiinii. n fi« «ouls with nf< iiiice to Cn!ifiiniin. A liill i» iiciiiliiic; Tiir ln-r ailiinssiuii iiiio iIm- t'liitm ns ii State, uitli llie IxiiiiKlMiiis ^he c'liiiiii!i, luiil uiilmiii si tiling ur ut- lt iiiplini; (CI selllf, iiiiy of tin- mini- ihkm.chh ih'w :isriliilinK tile |iiil)lie niid ri>(liniK> rinir llie I'nioii ini iIk- Milijeil of «l»viiy. It is s|il li\ ilie Atvli- lioiiUls mid l-'ixe Soiii IS. Tioiii llu- liul liiiil slio.iy \\\'\ l)C r>>ii v< r I'Xi'liiilril, anil thus sii c-oiiiplisli nil llit ) il< sir< il fiom I fie Wiliiiot |iio\is will also i luliiii Stnie : iln liisi i-lntsfiooi it hcmuse tliivi r> uill III' ilieiiliy tM-liitli il, mill ilii- liiilii' I'liMir it imt- IV I haini iliiif; {\ii- ixrliisiiili. 1 liiiii- no iltsiu- to iiii|>ii|;ii the iiiolisi t oruii) man's iHiliiinil anion, liiii ihi t'i>ii«>i|iii iiis it— itilliiii: riiiiii II t'liiisiiltili u !• piiii iiliMiliii il III iioi siiFDiion. Anil, lir.foi OIK I cnniiiii n hkiiiIi it uiili n.y si ii«r iil' diiiy III I III' Sinn- i.r Missouri. Ill si/ie Tin ilir iiiliiiissii ii i.l't iilirornin, %sitli hi r pri-si in liiiiii.iluiii s. imili i i xikiin^ci'iri'iinisiiii.ii t. iiiul I lite till mill riKiiisi r iliis ilillli'iili iiiiililiinirt ii'iis siili,|ici im- uiljiisiiil anil iiiisi nil il. I'.iii I ui-li 11 ili-iii ei!y iiiuii i^looil ll'ui I till iiiii I |'|ii I' III iliiriiiii. nr ilir iiiliiissiiiii'i I iiiiv iilliir Slut', rniii ill.- II' fill I tli:il ilii' |iioplr iliiiiiii ilicide nirninsl ill! iiitliiiiiiiiii of it i >tir siutrr). Ksiry snseriitrn Sliile is eiilii id iiiili n riiiine Ihul qiiitiiiiii I'lir liiVo II' The uiveii iKii \t i.pli' me llir Im'I ,iiiil|r<-<> ol' iln ir oSMi wiiiiti and ilii irouii ml' lists; nnd so t'ai ii« ('on, ii >« it iiiiu'i nnd, iiiy rhi.icr (inil pii r. rii d piinri|ili' i» iimi nilrrrniln.n. to Im- ■'■"'••' " '•■ Inn tpiiit mill hiiin-»t nnilii'tliinilinf;. At list III nrliinl aid tral iiiin-iiiii ivi nii'ii. iiiid Ihi Mil nil III) /i/rMi>/r>/uiid uanniifil, I Ihi inilh. iimI t;ild niirllii sriii im nnili island iln il< eliimiT n'l^rtiCr ofantf r.ifrniiroUM roiu'i hI and cuvtriip r ihr .tliolllliil isls. I iin-iiiii I VI III inn lo iiu an l/irrniire ) Ui-mnil Ciiis, tlifiiciiiidiiliiif r,ii- ilir|iitsiil,iiev. Ill thai siiisf, 1 liuvi- al- ways biLii iM lavor i>l it, ami uin w yi I. Uut, sir, lias mn iiuii-iiiti-rvL'iitioii, as lliiis imiiIiisIimhI, lii-rii ai>plied lu falili.rnin T Have- the i.ro|>lf tli.n- lii-.ii Kll |hi- fi-Ttly fiLV (.1 clio.isi' or ii'liisr »lavLiy, anil iiillii.iu-.il aluii.- by ihi'ii- invii iiiu.iii iiiDii ' lo answer iln si' iiiiiiiin(.'S, lit tlie fiicti U- aiMiRid anil can I'liily consul, iril. Uiiiint,' "i' st^siiin orConi^riss in 18 H,|)iM|H>siti(ins wcrf rc- pcatcdly iiiaiU- lu jjivc kov. riiimnls lo Canroinia, anil (In- oilifr teiiiioiy, «ii|i,)iit an\ |Mc)vi-.ion in ri^aril lo slaviiy, Icaviiiij I lull s'lilijict lo bjilJiriiiniKil l)j llir |k-o|)Ii- acconlin;; to tlicirovvn will and pliMsinv ; anil ilial iiioili- was called ;i'//i- interwutiuii. li was |n-, ss, d aii) se the principle of non-intei- vention,and compel (he insertion of a provision i'ore>er exclu- tling slavery. Now, when the convention assembled in California, these facts were all before them. I'hey saw that Coiigi ess had re- pudiated the doctrine of non intervenlicni ; that Congress had refused to trust the decision of the question to the discretion of the territory ; tliat Congress had shown a settled detenniiiation to exclude slavery theiifrom; that the northern States and northern jn-esses, and northern feeling, were ri-solved to pre- vent the admission of any more slave Stales; that the majority in Congress were determined on the same course ; and seeing this, they knew that the only possible chance to be admitted into the Union as a State was, to ]> oliibit slavery therein. Tne force of necissity, growing out of llie action of this body, compelled them to proliioit slavery. They believed it was the only means of obtaining a gjveinaieiit. That belief was pre- dicated on the prior action of the Free-Soil majority. here. The question actually before them was a ;^ovcniincnl exclu- ding sUivei ij, i)V no ifoveriinient at all. Under these circuni- sianees, they decided , and that decision is now before us. Hut can that be called nou-inteivention^ Were they at li- berty to exercise ill -ir discivlioii on the subject :' Could they expect to beadiuitted as readily icilh as ivi/lioul slavery i" No, sir; no. I'here was a manifest coinpuU-ion operating upon tlieni ; and to call such a decision volunta y, and the i\ suit of non-intervention, is as contradictory as to ^ay a man parted with his leg from rhuice, « hen, ill point ot f.ict, you had wounded it, and caused it lo tester, and iiillame, and mortify, until amputation became necessary to save life. Sir. in this conneclion there is another fact worthy of con sideratioii. \\'lien ih proposition to excUide slavery was pending iiefoie the convention of California, llie propriety of submitting iliat question lo the direct vote (,f ihe people, in a separate article, was suggest-d, and )et the cuiiveiiiion did not permit it to be done. I'hey wiiiiid not tru-.l the question to the [tco'ile. I hey Jilaced the whole coii%iitiiiioii as a unit bcfiire them, and compelled ihem to vole for it. including the prohibition of slavery, or against tlie w hole, w huh w oual have lefttliem w iihont governuHiitaiul wlihout proteciion. Hence, the people tin ll.^elves have never had an opportnnit) totleter- mine this question, as free moral agents. Constiaint and co- ercion a e exhibited throughout the whole pioc, I dings. On a questiiui so impoitant and so delicate, it was certainly due to tJie people of ihe territory, as well as the whole Union, that it should have been snbinitled as a single question to a dir. ct decision of the qualified elecloi-s. And not only so, but the w hole sirocture of the I'll nda men la I law should have been kit to those w ho, in a correct sense, are rili^ens, domiciled there, and wboaieto live under the constitntioii after its adoption. It is well known thai a very large niiiiiberor tli.jse who parti- cipated in that inoveineiu are still citi/.ens of other Stales of the Union. I hey le t their families in the hiali s, at Iheir liermaiieiit homes, and went to California for a leniporari/ /jur/me; and it is not just for tin m tosha|ietlie institutions of a government under which they are not to live. It is coii- tiary to the wt llestabhshed principle of selj'-^uvrriiment. 'Vhe /jerinnnent c.ti/.eiis of a country shoii d govern it, and not strangers and adveiiiiiii i-s, however worthy, who Irappen to be within its limits. And if it would be an arbitiaiy act for Congress to interfere in such caMs, it would certainly be equally objeciionable for citi/.ens of other St ites, after filling to get Congress to do so, to interfere and accomplish tile same thing. And what right had the Executive to advise the erec- tion of a Slate, ivlieii Coiigrt-st had rei'mr.il to pnii a law au- lhon/.iiig the «aiiie thing!' 'the Kxeciiiivc udvii<'>,eiicuuni- gen, and accoiiiplishrs w hat Congrm had refused lo permit 1 And with all this evidence befon me, 1 am to lie told that it n the qiiintesM'iice of noii-iiiter\eiiiion ! Sir, the case is quite anoiiiiilous anil most extraordinary. Hut, to t. St the sinceiily of geiiileiiien, niid lu bring about a Correct iindeistanding ot each other's conduct, I u ill siibunl a liro|>osilioii. 1,1 1 us organi/.eteirilorial governments lor New Mi xico, foi l)eseret,aiicl for California, aiuhuri/.ing the latter to form a conslilutimi Jiia as tli, y may p'.easi , provided it be re|)ub:iean, anil guar ml) ing her admission iiiio ih- Union. Mow maiiv gnileiiien pic's nl wniild vote lor thai proiiosition? llowmaiiyol' ilio,e who pr. tend to belli favor of non-inter- vention would siippoil a pioposilion, uliirli is siiili in pointop , fact, and which would submit the (lueslion cseliisu. ly lo the people? No trouble or inconvenience wooKI arise Iromit. The people winild be proli eled, and society more sellied, ainl better prepared lo frame their lundamental law. 'I'lu y would then come iiilo ill • Union in the regular way, they would settle the question for iheinsi Ives, under the assiiiaiice that they had their choice ; anil pi'aclieal non-intervention would be carried oiil. I his ilisjiosiiion of ihe subject wciiiid jiacify the South, and it could nol possibly operate lo ihe iiijniy of any seclion of the Union. And surely the North should be satisfied Willi it ; for I hey have already, by keeping up iheagi- taj-ion, kejit the slaveholders from going to California, and the Free Soilers are now exulting at having accumjilidied that much of their unjust scheme. Another objeciion to ihe admission of California at this time is, the unreasonable boundary she claims, 'ihe subject of boundaries for a new State, falls approiinalely within the duly of Congress. California claims the while Pacific eoa-l, from Oregon to the Mexican line, making about nine huiulied milts of coast line, and nearly equal, in degrees of latitude, to the distance Iroin Galena to Nalcliez. 1 his is too long for one single State, and should be curtailed by us to some reasonable length. I have, therefore, jiibinitted an amendment, to make the southern l)ounitiny of Califinnia the line of 31)-" 30' north latitude, leaving siiHicient terrilmy south of that line for aiioiher excellent State. This amendment is offered in obe- dience to tlie instructions of the State of Missouri, to whom I am iinderso many obligations for past favui^, and whose ex- pressed will it affords ine a pleasure to obey. She has in- structed her Senators and reqif sted her Kepresentaiives to vote lor the application of the line of ifP 30' to the organizfi- tiun of territories or States. '1 he iiistiiiction is obligatory U])oii the Senaiois, and I will not disregaril llie request. Itis just and proper in itself, and will niakeaii equitable division of the terrilory. California will slill be kfi siillieieiill) laigefora Slate, and will still be nearly tiviee the size of Miisouri. And if this amendment is rejected, and the voice of .Missouri ii) f ivor of It unheeded, and if no satisf iclory adjustment is made of thewh lie pr. Ssioii. .\ refusal to give us ji fair settlenieiit Insecure our I properly, shuuld satisfy ihe most incredulous, that the design is to carry on thttinoaiiiral warfare until the wli.ile sysrem of anti-slavery aggri ss'fon shall be fully consuinniati.d. Whyro much anxiely to admit California under tin se circumstances ? It does not settle the present eoniioversy. It dins not piiimise IIS peace. Why not establish a good territorial governuK-nt wiiliuut the Wilmot | rot .so, lu continue until .h population shall become harnt'inize'lyw the order of society , and then per- mii the fornialioii of a Slate i,'overiiiiii iil, wiih proper bouu- d.iries, on the true principles of non-intervention ? It is con- tended, however, that California cannot be leiiianded lu the territorial conditiini, and to support that argiiimnt we are re- ferred to the Missouii controvirsy. Cientlemen overlook thfi fact that Calif.irnia is yet a teiritoey, and not an indepi ndent .Stale ; and that no remnniling is necessary. .Missour was nil ' inilepeiiileiit iita{x-, forineiliu coni/ilifinre nilh n Invj of Con- ^ gress authorizing it. Sliecunscqiieiill} could not be \\ mand-* ed. Nut so with California. Slie is not yel a Siaie.and never can become one, without the consent of Congriss, except by revolution for separate independence as a nation. There is no analogy in tlie two cases. There is not the first point of ivseinb'ance between them. 'I hey aix- wholly dis- similar in facts, princi-ik's, and attending circiiinstances. The one was a Slate, the other is not ; the one w as formed by consent of Congress, the other is an attempt at foriiiation not- witlisianding the refusal of such consent; the one was created 8 in Ihr r»-.ii!nr, l>i^l »«jp ; tli«- uthrr by ilungrniut uliiii|; nil iiiilrpi'iitlfiil iiiiliuii. C"oiiK.f»5 c-aii oiil\ mdiiii mill tlir L'liiiiii »uvi.Ui;;ii, iiidi |ii iiili'lil SIal«-«. and caiiLoi rmiipt'l lln-iii tu ii|i|il\ I'nr ailiiii»ii>ii. I( it, uiul iiiiist U.IM;: V .1 t iliiiiUiiy u|i|ilirMlt olIiiT |»ti|>lf III in;; in tin- ti-nilury ol -III*, cnii ci'iiilfiiii iiiili III iiili-iit State- wlnii ()■ ; ; till not Htk to lit- nilniitlt'il iiitii III.' L'liiiiii, till- jiirmlati 11 <•! tin- I'lnit-d Sialis limy Ih- oikIxI at any liiiir, anil ibt- tiinin- by uliicli tlir ti-rntoruii nri- lirUI, ii v»ry pi-e- cniiuiit, iiiilit-il. Sir, ihi- |Miii'iimi will and |ilt-:isiiri-, anil t-aset liii^lit :iri«t- wlii'ii liny «iiuld Im- jnttilii il in nsuiting to llit- n-toiiitioiiiiry n?lit, anil ai-l »itlioiit tin- I'liiitiiit of C'oii(;rt ss ; but nIiII It uoiilil Im- II iv«ulii(iiiii, ami nut ilii' t-\i-rcist- of u con rini'iinnl fiiivilct;r. ('uliloinia, tluii, nut btini; Hli iii- di-|><'iiili-i:t sipit', has no HkIiI lo insiii ti|inii ndiiiiMiun. Hut iiiitttiili«l..iuiiiii; all thi-ic Valid olijictiiiiis. I :iin,ii<.'verthelt'SS, willini; III Milt- lor lit-r odiiii'xiiiii. »illi snitablt'- btiiiiidarii'i, piotidtd Uf.cxii nlw iiiiikt- a tiiial niljii>lin nl of ilit- siiliji ct ol" ilit|iiiti' on viiiilat-tory ti riiit. lor ilu liKiiiii; tjood ul' ilit- Union, I will riirt');ii obji ciiiiiK utiicli, iinik-r «ili. r ciiciini- •laiict-n, 'thoiild jntiil'y lu-r ii-jtctioii ; anil I would ll-i 1 aiitliuri- T.«ii to diiio I'miii tliii consiiUiiiiiu.i. 1 liuu^ch tin- pri it-i.ilt d roiittitiitiuii ori'aliruniiii i\ nil ill«-|;itiiuati- otiVpriii); iiriisiirp- t-d |Mj»i-r, )t-t Wf i-oiild now It-giiliv.e tilt- act by ijiviiig a toii- II lit uhich would al'tirward bi- coiistruiil, nii tin- pniicipli- of prviiiniptiiin, to apply to iliv tiiiii-iirili lornialinn. I Inn Iht- S'litt- ci.uid Ik- ailniittt'd into tin- Uiiiim, and thi-sutwo acts iini^it ('\iii Ik- euiitt-iii|>uniii<'oiis in pnii.t of linif. Rut this t-xtmordiiiary pioci-tdiii); ilioiilil nt-M-r bi- toltnitt-ui round this must dilikullvnd dan^i-roiis of nil other • Ulljll'lt. .Mr. Cliainiian, I have now given, with as much brevity as (Mntible, ni) honest convictions with repaid toihe means by uhirh roiistiliilioiial uiiiiiu c.Mi be presrr>'til, and the equal riifhtsof the States inaintxiiiiid. 1 have purposely omitted the iiiS't-i|ipli( us to this deplorable condiiion. '1 hat : cause is the slavery lipitalioii. li h;is been raised and fosfert-d at the .S'lirtli.aiiil 111^. d upon C'oiiu;iess in its various shapes. I Hut for this, theSoinli would be satislitd. '1 lu y ask furnulh- inp, ami einplore to be let alone. How easj, llien to pacify I the country, and nvt it the present danger. How t asj lo save the Union, if ifentleinen love it us iiiiicii as tlie\ piett nil. Let them but cease tliiir attacks upon southern rights-- 1' I them respect the Constiiutioii, as il was coll^trul-(l and adiiiiiiisiei^ ' ed III ihe earlier days of the Republic— Icftlieiii absiain from wanlon insult mid reckless iriil.iiion-— let thtiu tui.t us as I breihren and as equals, and all will yet be well; |)iaee and 1 traiiquiility willapain be rc-stored. And will 1 ol iliis Union ! locitig people do that nnuli fur ilu- suke of the Union : I he ' South are jieifeetly ciinltiit «illi the Cunsiitiilioii :is it is, and I as it came from the hands of our revoliiiiuiiary falhei*; but havini; become alarmed at the fiarful assaults made upon their rights, they now iiisiNt upon a full, fair, and complete settlement of the whole subject of di-piite. H they are to re- main as eipinls under the" federal compact, they, desire to know il now— if they are to Im.- degraded step by step to the abject conditi n of vassalage, they wish to be infoiined of it at once. Surely, if |iei-sonal and' parly considerations be all discarded, and the counlry"s weal alone considered, we can arrive at some conmion untlerstanilint;, wliich will so )llie and concilia'e the troubled mind of the ptiiple. 1 liieiils Call neither intiiiiid;ile llie Somli nor the Norili, and supplication is not the language of rreemeii. A returning sense ol justice is my w hole reliance in this trying emergency ; and 1 sincero- ly hope, that in all our t ti■o^l^ to tlispose of ihis qiiisiiun in a just, amicable, anil smisfaelory manner, we will invoke a spirit of kindness and goiitl will, ever reniembering that liar- nioiiv is the lieauty and stitnglli of all insliluiiuns, but more particularly ours. Printed at the CongrcKiional Globe Office. LIBRPRY OF CONGRESS '(l"'ll''''(l'l''''(l''"ll' 'I'll 'l'l''lll'll<"l" 'II" II''1|I 011 898 117 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 011 898 117 •. :J