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 SPEECH 
 
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 \ HON. WILLIAM ALLEN 
 
 O F H I , 
 
 "^ THE STATE OF THE UNION ' - -^^^" '"■* 
 
 DELIVERED IN THE V />. - .,^- - ^^ - .» 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEBRUARY 7, I^T: /^'' "" ' 
 
 The House having under consideration tl;e report from the select committee of thirty-three — 
 
 Jlr. ALLEN said : 
 
 Mr. Speakek : As the Representative of an intelligent and patriotic constituency, 
 I desire to be heard upon the pending report, which relates to a matter of vital im- 
 portance to the people of every section of this country — the preservation of the 
 American Union. Our country has never before been, and I trust never will again 
 be, so near the verge of hopeless ruin. I need scarcely refer to the many disasters 
 which have befallen us ; they are being realized to the remotest parts of the Con- 
 federacy by the people of every age, sex, and condition. Our national Treasury is 
 bankrupt; our national credit depreciated ; public and individual confidence removed; 
 our merchants have failed ; our bauks suspended ; our mechanics are out of employ- 
 ment ; our agricultural interests are paralyzed ; and thousands of our honest, toiling 
 citizens suddenly rendered almost destitute. Financial dis;re^i and ruin stalk 
 throughout our hitherto happy and prosperous land, while revolution has raised 
 its hideous form, and is marching with gigantic strides to the destruction of the 
 noblest fabric of government ever dedicated to the freedom of man. The founda- 
 dations of this proud edifice, erected by the hands of the patriots of 1776, conse- 
 crated to the freedom and happiness of their descendants, and as an asylum for the 
 oppressed of all lands, are being sapped, and the mighty structure is shaken from 
 centre to circumference; and the patriotic millions, with hearts devoted to the in- 
 stitutions of the Government, and ever cherishing the memories of the fathers who 
 framed it, with agonizing countenances and uplifted voices are crying, " God save 
 the Union I'' 
 
 In the midst of this perilous crisis, is it not our duty, as Representatives in 
 whom have been confided important trusts by our countrymen, to pause and inquire 
 the cause of all this distress and alai'ra, and, if possible, to propose a remedy before 
 our nation's history is closed ? Sir, we are recreant to every confidence reposed in 
 us, if we remain with folded arms and calm indifference to these momentous events, 
 and a fearful responsibility awaits us befoi'e the " bar of public opinion" and the 
 "bar of God." Perhaps the real cause of the misfortunes and perils by which we 
 are surrounded is to be found in the spirit of discontent, avarice, and selfishness of 
 certain reckless demagogues in both sections of the country, whose motto is "rule 
 or ruin," and who are ever ready to sacrifice the interests of their countrymen to 
 advance their unrighteous schemes for wealth and power. But the means by which 
 they have so far effected the object of their country's ruin is by the agitation of the 
 subject of slavery. This has been for a number of years the all-absorbing question 
 with politicians in all parts of the country, and about the only ground upon which 
 
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 men sought or obtained political prcfermeut. Nearly every great question of national ■ 
 policy -which formerly occupied the attention of the people ami their public servauts 
 has become obsolete, or regarded of little importance, compared with this one, 
 which, practically, has served no useful purpose to any person but that of political 
 capital to those who could obtain by it political power. 
 
 Ijut politicians of each section have dwelt long and loud upon it; they have ex- 
 hausted the vocabulary in coining popular phrases by which they might the more 
 bitterly denounce those who antagonize with them. While the norihern agitators 
 have, in the most bitter and severe manner, denounced the slaveholders of the 
 South, and those who refused to join in waging war against their institution, the 
 southern agitators have been equally vigilant in their denunciations of the people 
 of the North, whom they denounce as Abolitionists without distinction. Fanatical 
 harangues and^sentiments of impracticable men in either section, have been heralded 
 forth "by those of the other as reflecting public opinion in the entire North or en- 
 tire South. 
 
 Southern agitators have warned their people to bewai-e of norihern aggression; 
 and northern agitators have, in like manner, admonished theirs to guard vigilantly 
 against southern aggression. And thus, these two classes of ultra and unreasona- 
 ble men, without influence in the beginning, have, by incessant inflammatory ap- 
 peals to the people, created that alienation and distrust which has brought about 
 the deplorable state of aS'airs we now witness. The fanatics tf the South have 
 heretofore styled themselves Democrats; but they were Democrats for the purpose 
 of destroying Democracy. The majority of the people of either section, as I believe, 
 are naturally conservative. I know those of the North are; and southern politi- 
 cians know this. But some of them have ever been ready to furnish northern agi- 
 tators with materials by which they might overpower contervative northern men — - 
 those who have periled their political success, and, amid storm.si of fanaticism, advo- 
 cated for southern people their rights, as guarantied by the Constitution. 
 
 The mad harangues of southern agitators have been scattered over the entire 
 North by northern interventionists, with the design of making the northern Democ- 
 racy responsible for all the odious doctrines .advocated at the South — such as the 
 right of secession, the revival of the African slave trade, and other propositions 
 which never were concurred in by the Democracy of the North, and by very few at the 
 South. Again: the ultra portion of the Republican party at the North have, with 
 their inflammatory appeals, not only perverted northex'n sentiment, but placed in 
 the hands of southern interventionists weapons for an unjust warfare against con- 
 servative southern men. The two extreme classes of politics have gained the 
 ascendency in their respective sections, the northern predominating over the south- 
 ern section; and, in the election of Abraham Lincoln President of the Dnited States 
 by the Republican party, aided by southern disunionists, who contributed to the 
 result by dividing the Democratic party, this inflamed state of public feeling is 
 about to culminate in the destruction of the Government. The irrepressible conflict 
 is about to be realized, not as the natural result of the institution of slavery, as 
 recognized by the Constitution, but the result of a perversion of public sentiment 
 by mad partisans; not a conflict between freedom and African slavery, but a con- 
 flict between oi-der and anarchy, between Government and revolution, which 
 involves not the welfare of the four millions of slaves in this country, but the weal 
 or woe of the millions of our own race, whose liberties are jeop.ardized thereby. 
 
 It is useless to pursue this subject. It is enough to know that this conflict exists, 
 and that if it is not soon suppressed, it will consummate the nation's destruction. 
 A number of the people of the southern States claim the right, for causes the suffi- 
 ciency of which they declare their right to be the exclusive judges, of withdrawing 
 from the Government, and severing their connection with it; and in pursuance of 
 this claim, seven of the States, so far as they can by their own action, have placed 
 themselves beyond the pale of the General Government. It is useless to consume 
 time in controverting eo preposterous a claim as that of the secessionists. No such 
 right as secession exists — at least as a constiiutional right. No such right is any- 
 where recognized by the provisions of the Constitution; but both the instrument 
 itself and the history df it; adoption, show that the Union was designed to be per- 
 petual; and that no State could become a party to that instrument except under 
 the bonds of a perpetual Union. The General Government, being the repository of 
 certain powers delegated by the people of the several States for the common wel- 
 
fare, has no rio-ht to permit the people of any State to absolve themselves from alle- 
 giance to it, without the consent of the people of the remnining Stntes, or at least 
 without the concurrence required for an amendment of the Constitution. The pre- 
 amble to the Constitution of the United States recites the following language: 
 
 " We, the people of the United States, in order to form a move perfect Union, establish justice, 
 insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote tlie general weltUre, and srcure 
 the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordaia and eatablish this Constitution for the 
 United States of America." 
 
 If the people of any State have a right to withdraw from the Feder.al Union, 
 and sever all connection with it, at such time and for such cause as they may deem 
 proper and sufficient, our Government is the sheerest system of humbuggery ; and 
 the p.atriot3 who laid its foundations, as has been supposed, upon a firm and endur- 
 iug basis, instead of being venerated and honored by the American people, as they 
 have been for eighty years, are worthy the execrations of the millions of people 
 upon whom they have entailed the direst ealamities that ever befell m.ankind. The 
 doctriue of the right of secession is absurd and ridiculous. The Union of the 
 original States was formed by the people of each, in which they, in the language 
 of the preamble just recited, "in order to form a more perfect Union, insure domes- 
 tic tranquillity, and provide for the common defence," delegated to the General 
 Government certain enumerated powers, which the Government has the right to 
 exercise ; and to that extent its power is sovereign aud paramount. As to those 
 powers which are not delegated, they remain with the people of the States, and to 
 the extent of those powers the people therein are sovereign. 
 
 The Constitution is a compact binding upon the States of the Union who have 
 become parties to it, and binding upon the people in their collective .and individual 
 capacity ; and none can avoid its provisions without a violation of that compact. 
 No more striking instance of the absurdity of this doctrine is to be found thau that 
 of the secession of the State of Florida. The people of Florida, like the other 
 seceding States, have passed an ordinance of secession, by which they claim to 
 resuDie the sovereignty which they have heretofore vested in the General Govern- 
 ment. The territory which comprises the State of Florida was purchased by the 
 Uaited States at a cost of $5,000,000. After the Government acquired the terri- 
 tory, it cost the sum of $-50,000,000 to quiet the Indians and protect its citizens. 
 A. large amount of money has been expended by the General Government in the 
 erection of forts, public buildings, &c., for the common defence and common ben- 
 efit. Previous to the acquisition of the territory its citizens were the subjects oi 
 one of the most despotic Governments of Europe — that of the Government ot 
 Spain — and were thus relieved from despotic power. Now, with a mere handful of 
 inhabitants — less than the population of the district which I represent — after the 
 Government has paid the price of their freedom, and expended millions of money 
 for their benefit, this little band of disorganizers talk about resuming their sover- 
 eignty, and propose to walk out of the Union and take the public property with them. 
 This is the position of Florida ; and the same inconsistency presents itself, in part, 
 as to Louisiana and Texas, the last two States which have seceded. 
 
 The Louisiana purchase, of which the State of Louisiana is a part, cost the Gov- 
 ernment the sum of §15,000,000. The purchase was made mainly to acquire con- 
 trol of the Mississippi river, and to afford an outlet for the commerce of the great 
 West. Louisiana has received her full share of the public expenditures ; her great 
 metropolis has been built up and enriched by our trade. She, although intimately 
 connected with the North commercially, has attempted to sever her connection 
 with us, and has placed herself in a hostile attitude to the Government. We are 
 not only to lose the price p.aid for her territory, the money expended since, bat the 
 free navigation of the Mississippi river, the paramount object in making the pur- 
 chase. It is true, she declares in her proceedings of secession that the navigation 
 of the river is to be free to States maintaining friendly relations with her, but we 
 will not be considered in that attitude unless we consent to her unreasonable de- 
 mands. 
 
 la the acquisition of Texas we were involved in a bloody war with Mexico, which 
 cost us millions of dollars and hundreds of lives; in addition to expenditures for 
 public property within the State, large expenditures have been incuiTed in trans- 
 porting and sustaining troops in part for the protection of her frontier. Only last 
 session Congress was asked to provide for two mounted regiments for the protec- 
 tion of her frontier. 
 
As a reward to the Government of the United States for extending its protection 
 over them, those States propose appropriating the public property to their own use, 
 and to use the forts and public arms in the destruction of the lives of our people, if 
 they attempt to resist their unjust demands. The territory of the other seceding 
 States was within the limits of the Confederacy ns first established; but the fortifi- 
 cations, custom-houses, and other property which they have seized, were paid for 
 out of the common treasure for the common benefit ; the people of these States 
 have an interest in them as citizens of the United States, but not simply as citizens 
 of the seceding States. This property was not only purchased and paid for at an 
 extravagant price in many instances, but the title of the ground upon which the 
 public buildings are situate was, by the legal and righful owners, vested in the 
 United States, and no claim can be set up that it reverts tQ these States in any 
 event. Not only has the Government jurisdiction over it, hut it is the absolute 
 property of the Government, and those States have no more right to it than the 
 highwayman has to his booty. These facts render the whole doctrine of secession 
 so preposterous that 1 am surprised it should find an advocate. 
 
 But it is said the right of revolution exists when the oppression of a Government 
 becomes too intolerable to be borne. Of this there can be no doubt. In such case, 
 revolution becomes justifiable ; but is the revolution now going on of that charac- 
 ter? What is the alleged cause? The triumph of a sectional party, and the elec- 
 tion of a sectional candidate to the Presidency ; by which it is claimed a war will 
 be waged by the Federal Government against slavery until it is exterminated. Those 
 fears, however honest and well founded, do not justify such an extraordinary 
 resort as yet. Let the southern people wait for some overt act of aggression on 
 the part of the new Administration before appealing to this remedy The Republi- 
 can party have accomplished their object; they have elected their President; they 
 can now afford to be generous to their southern brethren. Their President will be 
 ansioos to be President of the whole country, .and not a fragment of it, and to close 
 his official career, as far as possible, with the respect of Lis countrymen everywhere. 
 He has been elected according to the forms of the Constitution and laws of the 
 United States, :ind should be installed as the Chief Magistrate. If he violates the Con- 
 stitution, or deals unjustly with the people of any section, there is a remedy under 
 the Constitution. In such case, if the remedy be not applied before, the people, 
 at the expiration of his term, will hurl him from power. 
 
 The people of the South are unnecessarily alarmed. Their grievances are much 
 magnified It has been claimed that their cau^ie for rebellion is equal to that of 
 the heroes of the Revolution: but the analogy does not hold good. One of the 
 chief causes of complaint on the part of the colonists was, that they were taxed 
 without being allowed representation. But the seceding States, so far from being 
 deprived of the right of representation — their representatives, at their instance, 
 have withdrawn from this Hall, and refused to participate in the deliberations 
 of this body. Vet their names are retained on the roll, and as often as it is called, 
 they are called upon to cast their votes upon such measures as receive the consid- 
 eration of the House. The colonists rebelled because of actual oppression ; the 
 cotton States because they fear oppression, as they allege, in the election of a sec- 
 tional candidate to the Presidency. The colonists were resisting actual grievance:^; 
 the secessionists are resisting imaginary or apprehended grievances. There is cer- 
 tainly no great similarity between their condition and that of their brave ancestors. 
 The security and prosperity, in my opinion, of all the States are in the Union, and 
 in the strict observance of the Constitution and the laws made in pursuance thereof 
 But the people, or at least those who assume to control public sentiment in the 
 seceding States, declare differently, and act accordingly ; and we are compelled 
 to deal with what we believe to be their follies rather than the justice of their 
 demands ; and crimin.ation and recrimination, at this point, can do no good. 
 We are called upon to deal in stern realities. Seven States have seceded, and are 
 in a stale of revolution. Others threaten to follow ; and unless some action is had, 
 and that speedily, the latter States, from their position and relation with the insti- 
 tution of slavery, although disposed to be loyal to the Constitution, may be precipi- 
 tated into the awful vortex of revolution. I have ever been hopeful that this seces- 
 sion movement would, by some means, be arrested before the border States, as they 
 lire called, should take their position with the cotton Stales; for, the Confederacy 
 cnce dissevered, the South united in a southern confederacy, and I have no hope of 
 
a reconstruction of the government. I look upon such a proposition as totally im- 
 practicable. The Confederacy once broken, it is broken forever. Therefore, I cannot 
 consider propositions of any kind which look to a division of the Confederacy. We 
 hear schemes for northern, southern, border, western, and Pacific confederacies. 
 Such propositions are ill-timed. It will be time enough to consider these propositions 
 when all hope of maintaining the present Confederacy shall have failed. Until that 
 time, I will not so far relax my energies in support of this glorious Union as to look 
 at it in a dismembered attitude. 
 
 The people of my district are firmly and immovably attached to the American 
 Union. They behold in its maintenance, under the spirit of the Constitution, the 
 great bulwark of their safety and happiness. They can never consent to its disso- 
 lution, but will cling to it through every storm of fanaticism and revolution that 
 rages in the laud, as the unfortunate mariner clings to the last wreck of the sinking 
 vessel. They will make every concession that honor can grant or justice demand to 
 give permanence to the Government and peace to the country. They will ever 
 vindicate the nation's rights and defend its honor. They will never countenance an 
 insult from a foreign foe or an unfaithful citizen, to that glorious flag which has 
 waved in triumph over so many victories, protected our commerce upon every sea. 
 and commanded for us the respect of the civilized world. They will ever denounce 
 those who would trample upon the nation's ensign, or raise the arm of rebellion 
 against one of the best systems of Government ever established among men. They 
 are a law-abiding people, and will not countenance disobedience to the laws of the 
 country by the people of any portion thereof. 
 
 This leads mc to say something upon a subject which has been so much discussed 
 here, about which there exists a diversity of opinion, and upon which, from the 
 artful language sometimes employed by those who discuss it, there is much misap- 
 prehension — I mean the power and duty of the Government to enforce such laws as 
 may be indispensable to its existence. None but those who believe in the right of 
 secession will deny the right of the Government to enforce such laws. But the 
 policy of doing so is questioned by many who deny the constitutional right of seces- 
 sion, on various grounds. One is, that it is an attempt to coerce the seceding States; 
 and that this cannot be done without involving the country in a civil war ; and that 
 States thus coerced would be but conquered provinces, and not willing and loyal 
 subjects. The venerable President, in his annual message, tells us that we cannot 
 coerce a seceding State, for to do so would be to wage a war against a State by the 
 General Government, which the Goverument has no right to do. I do not claim 
 that the Government has any power to levy war against a State ; nor can a State, 
 as such, violate the Federal laws, and be guilty of treason to the Government; but 
 her citizens may. A State, as such, is presumed to be loyal to the Constitution 
 and laws of the United States; and when, by her Legislature, or convention called 
 in pursuance thereof, she nullifies Feder.al legislation, such action of the State Leg- 
 islature is simply void; but her citizens, who thus attempt to pervert the powers of 
 her Legislature, aud under color of State legislation trample upon Federal laws, are 
 responsible, and are amenable to punishment, whether those citizens be few or 
 many. 
 
 But the judicial officers of the General Government having resigned in some of 
 the seceding States, many of the laws, at least without further legislation by Con- 
 gress, cannot be enforced ; and some of them, indeed, cannot be enforced at all ; 
 but these latter are such as more particularly concern the people of the seceding 
 States as to rights and remedies existing between them; if they choose to deprive 
 themselves of the benefits of the laws, the misfia-tuneis theirown ; it is their privi- 
 lege to do so, if the rights of the citizens of other portions of the country are not im- 
 paired thereby. But the forts and public property may be protected, and the pub- 
 lic revenue collected — at least by proper legislation — without the aid of the Fed- 
 eral courts; and while this can be done, lam for it ; and not until it is demon- 
 strated that the Government has not the strength to defend its property, and collect 
 its revenue, can the Executive, under an oath to support the Constitution, sur- 
 render either to the secessionists. While the Government can perform these func- 
 tions, it is a Government. When it fails to do so, it is at an end. The Executive 
 cannot lightly throw off the obligations the Constitution imposes. As Represfn- 
 tatives, we cannot do so. Ami the northern people, and man;/ of the South, will 
 not consent to a quiet surrender of the public property to those who are attempting 
 
6 
 
 the overthrow of the Government. Their brave hearts and strong aims will ever 
 be arrayed agaiast a movement of this kind. A people who would willingly wit- 
 ness the last prop of their Government removed, without an eft'ort to prevent it, 
 would be incapable and unworthy of self-government anywhere. I do not care 
 how small you reduce the area of a Government, there will always be rebellious 
 subjects, who would overthrow it, if they could quiet loyal citizens by threatening 
 civil war if they were not allowed to consummate their designs. 
 
 The idea of peaceable secession, however desirable, when secession becomes inev- 
 itable, is, in my opinion, utterly impassible. Does any one suppose that, if the 
 sections cannot now agree upon a settlement touching the question of slavery in 
 the Territories, they will amicably adjust the important differences which must 
 arise upon a separation? Will not the demands on the one side, and the determi- 
 nation to resist them on the other, be rather increased than diminished, when once 
 all hope of conciliation has failed? To my mind, most certainly such will be the 
 case. All fraterual feeling will then be dissipated ; all regard for constitutional 
 obligations will then have ceased ; respect by one section for the rights, feelings, 
 and interests of the people of the other, will no longer exist. But in the maddened 
 frenzy, fraternal hatred, unrestrained ambition and avarice which will have control 
 of the public mind, in that dark day of anarchy, which I shudder to contemplate, 
 all sections, in a mad strife to obtain as much as possible of the cargo of the de- 
 serted and sinking ship, will ultimately seek, in an appeal to arms, the final arbit- 
 rament of their diflerences, and a means of revenge for their real or supposed 
 grievances. Let separation for the time be peaceable, with two independent Gov- 
 ernments carved out of the same common territory, the subjects of each fresh from 
 scenes of strife, their bosoms rankling with hatred and jealousy toward each 
 other — as would be the people of the northern and southern confederacies in the 
 event of their construction — and how long would the Governments cherish friendly 
 relations toward each other? 
 
 Sir, when we talk about a peaceable separation of the two sections of the Con- 
 federacy, an amicable division of public property, and an amicable adjustment of 
 the relations that are to exist between the two confederacies as two distinct nations, 
 we deceive ourselves and attempt to misguide others. We should not suffer our- 
 selves to be deluded with the belief that this mighty Republic — the boon of our 
 fathers, cemented with their blood, and consecrated by their memory, with its in- 
 ternal relations with its States and the people of each; with all its vast relations 
 and intercourse with nations abroad, with thirty-four sovereign States revolving 
 around its constitution.al centre, and bound by the affections of thirty million peo- 
 ple, taught from their infancy to regard it as the palladium of their liberty and 
 safety, and who cherish with fond and proud recollection the valor and patriotism 
 of their brave ancestors who established it — can dissolve and pass away without a 
 struggle. No, sir; while patriotism can predominate over p.assion and prejudice, 
 it will stand a proud monument of the wisdom of its founders ; and when it falls, 
 if fall it must, it will go down beneath a sea of blood. I do not desire to indulge 
 in too gi'eat a stretch of im.agination on the terrific scenes which I believe must 
 surround the Republic as it departs from its place among the nations of the earth ; 
 but the history of other nations, as well as the nature of our Government and 
 character of our people, corroborate my views, whether in this instance I am 
 correct or not. 
 
 Is it not of the utmost importance that every effort be made to avert the calami- 
 ties of a dissohition, in whatever form, and by peaceable measures preserve, if pos- 
 sible, the rich inheritance? Will we not be held responsible by the people we rep- 
 resent, and by generations to come, if we fail to use every efl'urt within our power 
 to avert these evils? It will not be a sufiicient excuse for us that we could not 
 compromise the difficulties by which we are surrounded without a sacrifice of some 
 favorite dogma, by which we have been promoted to the places we occupy. The 
 various abstr.ictions upon the subject of slavery will be found of no consequence 
 when compared with the weal or woe of the thirty million people we represent. 
 
 We should rise above all party prejudice and party considerations. If we cannot 
 do this, we are unfit to occupy the places we now hold. But if we ever compro- 
 mise, it must be by mutual concessions. It will not do for one section to demand 
 a compromise upon certain terms, and reject all others. Each Representative here 
 must be expected to act as he can answer to his constituents and to his conscience. 
 
But in doing this, liberal concessions can be made by all parties, without giving 
 
 offence to the former or doing violence to the latter. 
 
 My proposition for a settlement would be, to let the people, both in our present 
 and luture acquired territory, settle the question of slavery for themselves, ia such 
 a manner as to place it beyond the control or responsibilHy of the Government. 
 But, in supporting such a proposition, I would make no sacrifice, but would simply 
 be carrying out my views of the true policy upon this question. I must, therefore, 
 be ready to accept other propositions for a settlement of our difficulties. And I 
 will ever be found ready to make all honorable concessions, when, by doing so, I 
 can aid in restoring fraternal relations between the sections, and settling the ques- 
 tion which hag given rise to our unhappy difficulties. I shall vote for the proposi- 
 tion reported by the chairm.an of the committee of thirty-three, Mr. Corwin ; and 
 would willingly support other propositions which have been offered here for the 
 purpose of terminating our troubles. The most important of the propositions 
 reported by the chairman of this committee is that which proposes the admission 
 of the territory south of 36° -30' at once as a State, with such constitution as the 
 majority of the people may determine. This should at once settle all disputes as to 
 our present territorial possessions. 
 
 If, after making all honorable concessions, and using all the means within our 
 power to prevent the fearful spread of revolution, our offers for peace are rejected 
 and our appeals unheard, by those who are madly rushing forward and dragging 
 their countrymen after them into the awful abyss of anarchy and civil war, the 
 responsibility will not rest upon us ; our ruined countrymen cannot reproach us 
 with being the authors of their misfortunes, however great. Surely no one who 
 has a spark of humanity, to say nothing of patriotism, desires to see the country 
 plunged into a civil war. The majority of the people in the North, I am satisfied, 
 are opposed to war, if it can be avoided; but there must be a limit to the demands 
 of the secessionists. If they carry their movements too far, they may exasperate 
 the most moderate of the northern people. The seizure of the forts, arsenals, navy- 
 yards, custom-houses, and vessels of the Government by the people of the seceding 
 States, firing upon its vessels, striking down its flag, and the many other acts 
 recently committed under the alleged right of secession, if persisted in, will eventu- 
 ally arouse among the Union-loviug people of the country a spirit of retaliation as 
 terrible as they have been forbearing, and which will be deaf to all existing com- 
 plaints. The acts of the seceding States are not justified by any existing provoca- 
 tion. 
 
 The question for the Government to decide will then be not whether it will coerce, 
 but whether it will be coerced into submission. I make these suggestions with the 
 kindest feeling toward my countrymen in all sections ; but these are stubborn facts 
 which I cannot overlook. The State which I, in part, represent, contains among 
 its population many who owe their nativity to southern soil, and who are bound to 
 the southern people by ties of consanguinity, as well as of nationality. Situated 
 on the border, separated from the slaveholding States of Kentucky and Virginia 
 only by the Ohio river, our relations with the southern people are intimate, and 
 our interests, in many respects, identical. We have a common interest in the 
 navigation of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, and a common interest in maintain- 
 ing those relations which secure us equal and uninterrupted rights in those great 
 channels of commerce. The southern States want our trade ; and we want theirs, 
 except their negroes. Why should our relations of peace and amity and kindness 
 be destroyed in an angry strife equally hazardous to both sections ? 
 
 Within tho confines of the district which I have the honor to represent is the 
 "bloody ground" upon which occurred the frightful massacre of our countrymen, 
 memorable in the country's history, and known as St. Clair's defeat; where the gallant 
 Wayne afterwards established a fort which he called Recovery, and where a ilour- 
 ishing village now stands, bearing the latter name. There lie mouldering in the 
 dust the bones of six hundred valiant patriots who fell beneath the cruel warfare 
 of the savages of the forest, who, in overpowering numbers, arrested the progress 
 of the American Army when marching forth in defence of the early pioneers of the 
 northwestern territory. The brave sons of Kentucky and Virginia were then will- 
 ing to peril their lives in the protection of our citizens, and in opening that vast 
 territory to the peaceful pursuits of civilized life. Our people are capable of 
 appreciating the magnanimity of those gallant sons of the South who periled and 
 
sacrificed their lives for the protection of our infant settlements. It would indeed 
 be base ingratitude in us, now that we have grown prosperous and powerful, if we 
 were found willing, upou the first and slightest pretext, to fly to arms, and engage 
 in a bloody conflict with the descendants of our kind benefactors. 
 
 The recollection by our people of the disinterested and self-sacrificing patriotism 
 of those heroes of the southern States who poured their blood upon our soil, and 
 left their bones as mementoes of their valor, if we were governed by no higher obli- 
 gations, would be suflicient to restrain us from seeking a collision with our sou th- 
 em brethren; and the recollection of their brave sires who sleep upon our soil 
 should restrain the people of the South from doing any act which might precipi- 
 tate the States in a fraternal war, and again drench our land with blood. Let the 
 memory of their brave ancestors, and their chivalric deeds, restrain them from 
 willingly surrendering the graves of their countrymen to the jurisdiction of a 
 foreign Government. Every feeling of our natuie and every impulse of humanity 
 shrinks from a contemplation of such a war as that which must arise between the 
 sections of this Confederacy, if moderation and forbearance do not characterize 
 the counsels and proceedings of the people of all sections. Imagination cannot 
 depict the sorrows and calamities which must not only befall our people, in such 
 an event but also the oppressed subjects of foreign Powers who are looking to our 
 Government as a beacon-light, by which they hope to be guided into a safe de- 
 liverance from the tyr.anny of their despotic rulers. 
 
 I rejoice to learn that Virginia, the "proud Old Dominion," the mother of Presi- 
 dents and of States, the mother of the great Northwest, from whence I hail, has, by 
 the voice, as recently expressed, of her patriotic and chivalric sons, declared her 
 disposition to forbear for a time, to give time for deliberation and reflection, with 
 the hope of a reconciliation — with the earnest desire that some measure may be 
 devised and consummated that will satisfy the conservative people of all sections. 
 I trust that a like spirit will prevail among the people of the other border States. I 
 know the people of these States have some cause of complaint against the North. 
 The Constitution has sometimes been disregarded, and the laws violated to their 
 injury. I regret it. I believe the majority of the people of the North are opposed 
 to these violations of the national compact. Although, in the bitterness of party 
 feeling, they may have supported men and measures giving countenance to them, 
 yet, after seeing and feeling the results of this unwarranted interference with the 
 aflairs of the people of the South, I believe they will not onlyoppose, but use every 
 effort to suppress, violations of law, which may impair the rights of the people of 
 the South and disturb fraternal relations between us. Let the people of all our sister 
 States who are now considering the propriety of disunion pause before they reach 
 the brink of revolution, and ponder well the perils into which they precipitate 
 themselves and their countrymen, by falling into line with the now retreating 
 column. 
 
 Under a vague expectation of providing for their better security and future pro- 
 tection, may they not sacrifice peace, and liberty itself, to the wild ambition of 
 designing demagogues ? 
 
 In conclusion, let me entreat my compeers here, and my countrymen everywhere, 
 to unite at once, to unite speedily, upon some measure which will quiet the storm 
 which rages around us, and dispel the dark cloud of disunion which lowers over our 
 heads, that we may again bask in the sunshine of national prosperity and happiness, 
 and transmit unsullied to future generations the precious charge committed to our 
 care, of our national independence and national honor. 
 
 McGni 4 WiTHEKOw, Printers, Washington, D. C.