4< »/••!)*, PREFACE n spite of the niauiiy books already written upon J«JA?PLEpN BONA^ PARTE, I do not hesitate to offej this contribution; not only becauag it is an introduction to a more el-, aborate life of the first French Emr peror, but mainly because it is a book that has serious claims upon public ip.terest. In a plair*, succinct, though picturesque planner, I am giving some new chapters in Napoleot^'s life. I refer in particular to the account of his early literary effort^, his economical habits, and his career as a businesi^ man. Indeed, I claim that foiir of my chapters cover new fields never before enitered by the histori- an. These chapters are base^ upon authenti^i XI documents of no little historical value, which, how- ever, I am not allowed to print at this time. More than this, a number of Napoleonic views, never before printed, will be found scattered through the pages. Nearly a century has passed since Napoleon died on the rock of St. Helena, and I dare to state boldly that this period has not been long enough for us to realize the stature of that giant. When standing before some very high edifice, one will have to move backwards in order to get a correct view of it; and the higher the edifice, the farther back one must move to see it all and to secure the fullest effect of the view. Undoubtedly, there is a growing interest in Napoleon, of whom Mr. Edwin Markham, our cele- brated poet, says: "Napoleon is one of the greatest minds in all centuries. His face bore a singular likeness to the old heroic types of Greece and Rome the face of one fitted to lead in some drama of revolution. In his character v/as a strange ming- ling of caution and daring. "In his young manhood, Napoleon was touch- ed by a spiritual ray, was stirred by a desire to join the awakening forces of liberty and humanity. He dreamed of organizing the free federation of the world! To his gigantic mission he was appointed XII by Divine Destiny. But in the crisis hour he yielded to the whisper of selflove, and so betrayed Heav- en and the human race. He failed to subordinate his selfish ambition to the sacred cause of the people a renunciation that is ever the test of the nobly great. He yielded to the dream ol a colossal despotism, and so betrayed the divine hope of the world." AUTUN Jarlo Bonaparte, the first French Emper- or's father, was a poor spendthrift; to be Sure, he was a lawyer enjoying a. large clientele but he spent all his money in playing cards, and had nothing left but his, thirteen children. Apparently he did not care much for his family ; however, he had an eye for the future and was anxious to secure his sons a good educat- ion in order to make them help in the support of the family. As he spent all he earned, he thought somebody else should bear the expense of his sons' education. Being a man very v/ell known all around Ajac- cio, the capital of Corsica, he could easely enough ar- range to make the acqaintance of Count Marbeuf, the French Governor of that island; and this acquaintance, owing to his diplomacy, soon grew into friendship. When in 1778 a delegation of Corsican noblemen was sent to King Louis XVI at Versailles, Carlo Bonaparte was one of the envoyees, and later on he knew how to preserve his friendship with Count Marbeuf, though he was one of the political leaders' of the Corsicana, being always bound to agree with his fellow countrymen's dislike of the French government. When in 1778 his son, Louis was born, he knew how to arrange that Marbeuf should be his son's godfather, without disturbing in the least the harmony always existing between him and the Corsicans. Carlo Bonaparte was anxious to become a close friend of Marbeuf, not however, caring so much for sentiment, but rather considering this 'friendship' as a means of securing the Governor's political influence for his own purposes. Count Marbeuf, being one of the weak - willed French noblemen of his day, was won over by Carlo's flatteries, and when approached by the latter with the request to secure for one of his boys free entry into one of the many French Royal school's, the Count promised him to do all he could ; and as he could do something, they selected the Military School at Autun, of which Marbeuf's cousin was the principal. Carlo was well satisfied with that priv- ilege given to two of his sons ; for he knew it woul be easy enough to enter them later in the military academy at Brienne. On the 15th of December 1778 Carlo took his two oldest sons, Joseph and Napoleon, to Autim, where owing to Marbeuf's intervention, they were immediately enrolled in the military school of that place. This meant for Carlo an entirely free education for two of his many children. He intended to let them both become officers of the French Royal Army ; but failed with Joseph, who proved himself absolutely unfit for the military career. Napoleon, on the contrary, got used very soon to his new surroundings and owing to his remarkable cleverness, after a comparatively very short time, became the 'head- liner' of the Autun School. When Napoleon entered the school, he could not speak a word of French, but after a stay of only three months he spoke as fluently as any of his French school- mates. He kept himself busy with serious things, and did not cultivate -the company of his schoolmates. He was a poor boy, among children of the rich nobility, and they teased him; so whenever he could, he avoided as- sotiation with theSm; if they had to meet, they quarrelled. Owing to his Corsican accent, he was called by several nicknames, "Napaullione and "Paille-au-nez" ('straw- nose'), and whenever he joinedi their plays, the party ended with a score of 'black eyes'. It is a most remarkable fact, that while the other boys did not think even of their families, Napoleon re- membered his parents fondly and also kept a watchful eye upon everything going on about him. A poor boy among rich ones, he was anxious to show them that in spite of his poverty he was 'a boy who could stand among boys'. He read everything he could get at and retained all he read. The little boy knew already much of his coun- try's past and present political situation and was very much interested in everthing concerning Corsica and its bitter fight with France. He was proud of his Corsican descent and he boldly called Paoli, the leader of the Cor- sican Revolution, the benefactor and saviour of his native country. One day one of his teachers. Father Chardon, while talking of the history of Corsica, made an unfavor- able remark about the said Paoli. Little Napoleon grow- ing indignant was asked by the teacher why he got so excited and he emphatically replied, "'You should not talk in that way of Paoli, for he is a fine fellow, and I would be only too proud to become his counterpart sometime". He, in the early years at Autun, gave various evidences of his peculiar character. Father Chardon noticed very soon the difference between Napoleon and the other pupils and became so much interestd in the little Corsican, that he kept a regular diary concerning that remarkable boy. In 1823 after Napoleon's down- fall, Father Chardon wrote a letter to Forrin, another priest, in which he made the following characteristic remarks concerning their former pupil : "I knew him very \vell, and, though I could not have even the slightest idea of his ever becoming the ruler of the whole of Europe, I always thought, he would one day attract much attention He was as peculiar a boy as he could be. I do not remember having ever seen him smile ; he was peevish, did not like his schoolmates and did not mingle with them. As far as his intelligence was con- cerned, he was my best pupil. During the lessons he always looked me straight in the face and did not miss s word I said. I very often used to recapitulate my lec- tures for a better understanding's sake ; and when doing so I always noticed Napoleon's distraction. Once I could not refrain from telling him, he should attend even to these repetitions; when apparently growing impa- tient he abruptly replied, 1 do not care, for I know it already'. In contrast to Napoleon's willfulness, even roughness, his brother Joseph was very polite and gentle". — FIRST LITERARY ATTEMPTS rom Autun, Napoleon was sent to Brien- ne, and finally to the military academy at Paris ('Compagnie des cadets gentil- hommes etablis en I'ecole Royale et en- tretenus du Roi'), this being the highest military school maintained by the French King and established especially and exclusively for the descendants of ancient nobility. There Napoleon caused his teachers much annoyance. Being anxious to know everything, he very often embarrassed his professors with such peculiar questions, that they had begun to dread his inquiries. He did not like his comrades at Autun nor Brienne, but now he practically hated everybody but De Mazis, his only fellow-countryman. He was un able to understand for what reason he, the poor boy, was 8 brought among the descendants of the proud and rich Royal Nobility. He grew exceedingly severe and his only comfort was that he could often meet his favorite sister, Eliza, who was studying at the Sanit-Cyr Royal College. He noticed what was going on around him and nothing could escape his sharp sight. But, the more he saw, the more dissatisfied he grew. He kept wond- ering how young men brought up in luxury could ever become good soldiers, and the ridiculous pride of his schoolmates, dividing themselves according to the higher or lower rank of their parents into exclusive parties, made him simply furious. The many sinecures among the professors and other employees of the Academy naturally did not smoothe his bad humor. Because he was classified in the 'lower party' and in spite of his remarkable cleverness, his schoolmates hardly took any notice of him. Just for a pastime he kept a regular diary, which has become a very important historical document. There we note the following remarkable sentence: "I think it would be much more proper if these young men would be brought up in a really military way, willing and satisfied to eat rye-bread and to clean their clothes and boots themselves, instead of living like idle gentle- men, fed with most extravagant food and surrounded by a score of stupid valets". Napoleon was a boy of fifteen when his father died, (Feb, 24, 1784) and owing to his sturdy independ- ence he got along without any help. He inherited his mother's, (Letizia's) profound piety, though he had some leaning towards the atheism of his father. He knew very well that his father died without having seen a priest and he did not blame him for having refused his cousin. Canon Fesch, who wished to provide him with the last sacraments. This shows us that young Napole- on was vacillating between the fanatic piety of a Corsican and mere atheism. He was deeply touched by his father's death, whom he loved sincerely though he did not greatly respect him. After the first touch of grief and sorrow he wrote to his mother as follows: "Time has already in part soothed my sorrow. I felt that event must soon occur ; therefore dear Mama, I pray, do not cry too much". While Carlo's widow, Letizia, surrounded by four of her children, Louis, Paula, Caroline and Jerome, was living at Corsica in poverty, Joseph and Lucian were at the Brienne military school, Eliza at Saint- Cyr and Napoleon was eagerly aquiring military knov/ledge. He actually devoured the contents of his favorite book "The History of Corsica" and Rousseau'3 writings. No wonder he did not think much of the ^Society' of his day and grew more and more excited over the selfish and vain spirit which pervaded his surround- ings. The boy of fifteen undertook a very remarkable task in writing a serious study concerning pedagogy entitled "Remarks Concerning Education in the French 10 Cit ■" W - Q military schools" ('Memoires sur Teducation dans leu ecoles militaires de la France"). He dedicated his work to none less than the Secretary of War, being sure of thus making a 'hit' with it. He felt his work would need an expert proof-reader, so he sent the manuscript to Father Breton, his former teacher at Brienne, who in ans- wer persuaded the young author to set aside his work at least for a while. Later on, when general, and then Emperor, he ceased to care for his first literary ettempt, which was never put into book form. But for quite a while he could not forget this failure, and he grew once more anxious to learn as much as possible. He was exceedingly diligent in picking up everything he could get at, but he hated to learn 'by heart', as he knew he could retain everything he once understood, and was too likely to think he could under- stand everjrthing, ' During his anxious preparation for the lieutenantship he found time to make a new attempt at lit- erature. Taking notice of the fact, that the Academy of Lyons offered a prize of one thousand two hundred francs for the most elaborate essay on the topic ''To state the main principles for gaining real and true happiness", he immediately began writing, confident of winning success and the money too. It should be stated as a matter of fact that he never cared for money, but he felt proud just at the thought of showing his comrades he cotild 11 'earn' what they had only inherited. His essay was based upon the following principles: "The greatest hap- piness must be to recognize and to enjoy all the beauties of nature and to live in the midst of a loving family. There are many different means to gain this happiness. In the first place there is virtue, which encourages and strenghtens the character, though energy and intellect ere to be considered the main things. The strenghtened character gets used to fight for only good and noble purposes, while the weakened becomes absolutely unable to perform anything worth while'. He wrote his essay with all his fervent zeal and enthusiasm and as soon as he finished copying it (this might have been the hardest part of his work as he wrote a wretched hand) he immediately sent the neatly wrap- ped package to the Acadeiny of Lyons, anxiously waiting for the result. They at the said Academy were impolite enough to keep him waiting for over two months; but finally came their answer, convincing the angry young author of his second literary failure. "The manuscript deserves to be kept in the archives of the Lyons Acad- emy", was the resolution of the judges, a verdict with which young Napoleon was not satisfied at all, at which indeed, he felt sadly disappointed. And trying by all means to know some particulars about his essay, he final- ly got the following criticism: '"This essay seems to be the product of an exceedingly abundant and dreamy fant- asy. While the author did not know how to write, or 1'> compose his work, on the other hand he is apparently a little too sentimental". For all of this criticism he really might have been proud of the fact that his essay was found worthy to be stored in the archives of the Lyons Academy; for there hardly was before him, nor will easily be found after him a boy of fifteen daring enough to compete for a literary prize of such importance; and in spite of the fact that both of his attempts were failures, they give proof of his most remarkable intelligence. it^^-^s ^^Nsi <<'*Tr4v> tt^'^y »t^^ 4^ll>» /^' ffldlilijlijllCMi LIEUTENANT BONAPARTE n the month of August 1785 Napoleon passed exaimination for lieutenantship. Even here he was not a great success, being among fifty eight applicants the forty second. His professors knsw him to be fit for the lieutenancy though they, could not grant him a good diploma owing to his carelessness in 'learning' his lessons. Every one of the young men before leaving for the army received a dismissal of which the main part was the rubric for "Remarks". In Napol- eon's dismissal we note the following characterization: "Very diligent and of extreme reserve, always preferring serious occupations to distractions of every description, his greatest pleasure being the reading of foreign auth- 14 i^t^^^m9^^'WxMM^^^0^}'^'^-:^^^ Ck t) > H 2 > Ob., 3 < i:%mm ors. It is worth while to note here that, while being al- most too concerned to pick up the abstract matters ol study, he does not care at all for graphic studies. He is excellent in mathematics and also geography, but knows astonishingly little about orthography. He spoke only when spoken to, and then in a most distinct and clear way. He was fond of arguments and was very con- vincing; selfish and ambitious, in spite of all his pecul- iarities he deservs all help and encouragement, because of: his excellent military qualities". On September 1st, 1785, he was appointed lieut^ enant of artillery in the Regiment De La F6re, at Val- ence. He was as happy as he could be, though badly dis- appointed by the delay of his final appointment. On October 26, he wrote a letter to a certain pawn-brocker in Paris, Labitte, requesting him to send some money on his uncle's, Paravicini's pension. It never could be found out whether he got that money or not,. nor how he resat to that peculiar method of raising itr it is however characteristic of his whole life, that at the- very start of his military career he was without help- He realized that his poverty would be to disadvantage up- on entering the staff of his regiment, for he knew it would be hard to hold his rightful position among the well-to-do officers, without money. On the whole, however, he considered himself well fitted for the services he was to perform, but found much to criticize in the conditions oir the Royal Army. And in this he is not at all to be 15 blamed, for the French Royal Army of those days was in a very bad condition. The officers, with but very few exceptions being noblemen, neglected their duties, and were entirely satisfied with drawing large salaries and enjoy all the many advantages of their privileged social position. Almost every one of them was appointed and advanced without the least regard to his abilities; for in the eighteenth century, to be a member of nobility was more than enough to take one into the French Royal Army and to assure a career. If the young nobleman was rich enough, he let his substitute do all his work, he himself hanging around the Royal Court; if he was poor, he pulled every wire to get an advancement; in neither case was he able or willing to realize the ideals ^f a good soldier. General Duke Broglie, then Com- mander in Chief of the French Royal Army, distinctly blames the idleness and carelessness of the officers for the very poor state of the Army; he asserts that they were entirely ignorant concerning drill and says they hardly knew anything about the military discipline. Napoleon, though with a strong dislike toward his comrades, prepared to take up his new position, and as he was in lack of money he made the long journey from Paris to Valence almost entirely on foot rather than to hire any conveyance. Accompanied by his form- er friend and schoolmate, De Mazis, he reached Valence on the 5, of November taking immediate charge of his regimeivt. Realizing his poverty, he lived the life of an 16 hermit, studiously avoiding all social gatherings, and himself cleaning his boots and clothes. His small salary of lieutenant hardly sufficed to meet his daily needs, and very often a glass of milk and a piece of bread was all his daily food. Rising every day at four o'clock in the morning, he was an example of a dutiful young officer. Gradually he made some few acquaintances but did not care much for them, except the rector of the church. Father Sainit-Ruff. This priest thought a great deal of the young officer and did his best to make his young friend's life pleasant, introducing him to some of the noble families of the town. Soon Napoleon was wel- come everjrwhere. And later on, while at the zenith of his power and glory he did not forget those families, often recalling the past good times he had enjoyed in their company; and many members of the families De Colombier, Saint-Germain and De Laurencien received different favors of the powerful Emperor. Though .he had the entree at these houses, he did not frequent them; for he spent almost all of his spare time in reading and writing for the publication of his "History of Corsica". Besides Rousseau's .works, this was his favorite pastime. The same Napoleon, who was destined to rule almost the whole of Europe sitting on his self-erected French Imperial throne, being an officer of the Army of King Louis XVI, was a Corsican as he could be. Led by his fervent love toward his native country he went 17 on writing its history and after one year's strenuous study he finished the first part of his work entitled "His- tory of Corsica" ('Histoire de Corse'). He sent the manuscript, now his third one, to Father Raynal, his favorite professor at the Paris Military Academy, asking for his frank opinion. "Being but a young man of eight- teen", he says in his letter accompanying the manuscript, "it might surprise you that I am writing an historical work instead of learning some more. Nevertheless I am con- fident, you will help me along in my enterprise". Father Raynal, who thought so much of young Napoleon and was anxious to help the ambitious 3'^oung fellow, interviewed Count Mirabeau, then the most influ- ential French politician^, wondering what the latter might think of his former pupil's undertaking. He was mightily surprised on learning Mirabeau's opinion, who said, "The young author seems to be a genius". Father Raynal, naturally, did not agree entirely with Mirabeau, and after having read over Napoleon's work for several times, he did not hesitate to suggest that he should rewrite his work and be very careful in his quotations. In a word, like almost all of Napoleon's literary enterprises, the "History of Corsica" was a good deal overdone and there was in his manuscript much more of enthusiastic love toward his native country than anything else. Napoleon was willing to accept his former prof- essor's advice, but he could not get very far with his work's 'new edition', for soon afterward his regiment 18 was sent to Lyons, in order to calm the revolting inhabit- ants of that place. A little later he left for his beloved Corsica for an extended vacation. On his way home he stopped at Marseille calling on Father Raynal. They had a long and intimate conversation about the "History of Corsica" and other things too, and RaynaFs diary tells us, how discontented the young officer was. Napoleon during that conversation candidly confessed to his form- er teacher that he hated the French Royal Army; more over that he never would have joined the military forces if he could have had his own way ; but that owing to the very poor financial standing of his family, he was forced to become a soldier, this being the least expensive way of 'becoming something'. He said, if his father could only have afforded to spend some money on his educat- ion, he would have prefered becoming an engineer. "Nevertheless", he exclaimed, "I am now going to stick to my sword for I believe I shall make a marvelous career". From Marseille he went to Valence, to bid Father Saint-Ruff a hearty good-bye, and also to ask his protection in behalf of his brother Lucian. This remark- able yoxmg man made up his mind to make his brother a priest "I could not tell you why", he said, "but I certainly feel Lucian should become a priest aud I will help him along by all means to that end". Alas, he failed; for Lucian did not even think of joining the clergy. And it is remarkable, that later on, when Emp- 1» €ror, Napoleon never forgave Lucian this 'disobedience*, showing at every opportunity his displeasure and treat- ing his brother almost like a stranger. Lucian would perhaps have done well to yield to his older brother^ for Napoleon would no doubt have appointed him Arch- bishop of Paris, thus adding great lustre to his name. THE ECONOMICAL NAPOLEON n 1790 the young officer was looking homeward. The many political troubles of Europe made him fearful for the wel- fare of his native country and he was desirous to get home to be of some help. He £new it to be a dangerous enterprise for him, an officer of the Fernch Royal Army, and he knew he was going to risk everything; nevertheless he decided to carry out the plan. On the pretext of wish- ing to see his mother he obtained a vacation of six months and with extreme impatience left for home, where he thought he would find a large field for his powers. He rejoiced in advance at the prospect of a glorious political career. But alas ! the plan came to naught. By entering Corsican politics he accomplished nothing but making 21 himself a suspect in the eyes of the French government; and this the more, as he extended his vacation for two months without leave. On the 1st, of February 1791 dissapointed badly he left Corsica for France accompanied by his brother Louis. He first went to Auxonne, where he made his commander believe he failed to get back on time only because of bad traffic and illness. Instead of being ar- rested as deserter he was reappointed v«^ithout the least trouble. Before leaving Ajaccio, where he was acting as the head of his family, he gave his mother and broth- ers instructions as how to behave and it is worth while to note what he said to his older brother Joseph. "I am afraid", he said, "France is going to get into trouble, therefore she should settle all her political affairs and that without any delay, otherwise the whole of Europe may be embroiled into danger. France, this great count- ry, which is destined to perform glorious things, seems not to realize that she can be saved only by able, aud- acious and broad-minded leaders, by men, who know v/hat they are about to undertake and feel that they will carry out their plans. The present leaders of French politics should bear in mind the country's need of nation- al heroes, heroes ready to fight by all means for their ideas and able to master the stupid masses, this being the only way to do really great things As far as I am concerned I would like to come back after my 22 ■m death in order to learn what the coming generations will think of the present situation". It is surprising, to read these words of a young man of twentytwo, which to a certain degree foretold his own future. At Auxonne, after resuming his former duties, he went on preparing his brother Louis for the military career announcing "Louis must become a soldier". And on his small salary of but one hundred francs a month the two brothers managed to live. They certainly lived a very simple life, but they were satisfied. Napoleorf occoupied in the Armory of his regiment a small room and a still smaller closet; the room was furnished but with a simple iron bedstead, a table and two unstained chairs, this being their headquarters, while Louis slept in the closet. They did all their housework themselves, cleaning their clothes and boots 'that they might last longer'^ spending all their spare time with serious studies. Though, being in lack of several necessary things, they could arrange to biiy some useful books and very often they busied themselves with reading in order to forget that they had had no supper. The self-willed Napoleon was contented because he realized that he was working for his brother's welfare thus giving a fine proof of his tender feeling, afterwards so often questioned. He was kind-hearted, loving his family, and when later on he sometimes did things unlike a good son and loving broth- 23 er, it was only because he was too burdened with public duties as to control his private feelings. In following Na- poleon's career it often becomes difficult to understand that peculiar character of his, but in examining carefully all the circumstances, we shall always find some features that make us forget his wrongdoings and mistakes. Naturally, young Napoleon got tired of his fin- ancial traits and he anticipated making some money by writing. He undertook for the fourth time to gain some literary success. Writing much on different matters, he could get published but one of his writings, a pamphlet entitled "Letter of Bonaparte to Buttafuocco", and deal- ing with politics. He was careful enough to publish his work anonymously, for he sincerely disapproved the severe proceedings of France againstCorsica. Then, not entire- ly satisfied with the com,paratively slight success of his pamphlet, he began rewriting his "History of Corsica"; but he could not find any publisher enterprising enough to put this manuscript into book form. The original manuscript of the "History of Corsica" is one of the most interesting pieces of Lord Ashburnham's London library. It was but very little he 'made' by writing, as for the said pamphlet he received but eighty francs, half of which sum he was generous enough to give his brother Louis 24 as recompensation for copying the manuscript, undoubt- edly a hard task, for he wrote a hand which could be read but by very few people, not to mention his continoua hostility to orthography. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, A BUSINESSMAN ^here has been written much about Napo- leon's tv/o escapades in Corsica, and it will not be worth while to recall all particulars, but only to state, that during his second adventurous enterprise, he was a little more successful. Having again entered po- litics, because of his astonishing cleverness and fascinat ing personality, he soon gained some influence, which grew till he was elected Lieutenant-Colonel of the Corsican Insurgents. Then, the Corsican failed in their heroic self-defence, and Napoleon, realizing there was no use in fighting any longer against France, he secretly left his native country exactly six months after his vacation was over. 26 By his desertion he had lost his former rank of Pirst-Lieutenant, and he found himself in a very pitiable situation. He would have liked to be restored as officer of the French Army, but did not know how to arrange this, for he realized that arrest as common deserter would follow his return and ruin his prospects completely and forever. He therefore obtained papers testifying to an illness, borrowed money, and on May 2, 1792, fled to Bastia, and thence to Paris, hoping to make his former commander believe that poor health had prevented his return. Upon reaching Marseille, he heard that Emper- or Francis of Austria had declared war against France, and the news gave him no little encouragement, for now there would be need of officers. Finally on the 21st, of May (1792) arriving at Paris he immediatly began can- vassing as to his return to the army, and he soon found out that he stood before a very hard, even dangerous undertaking. But .he would not have been Napoleon, if he could have been scared by the first inconveniences. After a tiresome canvass, to his no little joy he found out that in theDepartment of War, everything being turned upside-down, they had almost forgotten of his two escap- ades. Thus somewhat encouraged he approached his former commander. Colonel DeChampagnol with the request for reappointment. But the colonel took no notice of him, owing, as he said, to his misbehavior. Then he called on Baron Duteuil, the Commander in 27 Chief of the French Artillery, without getting even the slightest encouragment. So he was forced to be patient, despite the fact that owing to the desertion of almost all of the officers of Royalistic party, the French Army was in lack of officers. Napoleon sent one application after the other, wondering what would happen in case he could not get back to the army. Thus came the time of starvation, Napoleon being so poor that for weeks he could not afford to spend on his daily food more than 6 cents. In order to get something to eat, he was forced to pawn his silver watch, thus hav- ing nothing left but his clothing. (Later on when First Consul he was called by the nickname of 'leather-pants* ("Coulotte de peau") in remembrance of his past hard times.) Finally, after being unable to stand any longer this uncertainty he made up his mind to look after come 'job'. And he suggested to Bourienne, his former schoolmate, whom he met in similar situation, to enter with him into 'business.' "Look here, Bourienne," he said, "we are as poor as we can be^ but we should not allow ourselves to be overcome by poverty; we should do something. Let us establish an employment agency. We know many people, they probably will help us along." As Bourienne had no objection they began making all preparations, but could not get farther than the begin- ning, as they had no money either to deposit as security prescribed by law, or to buy necessary furniture, so alas, the BONAPARTE & BOURIENNE EMPLOYMENT 28 AGENCY was never brought into effect, history thus losing an undoubtedly very interesting item. The two 'companions' were doing nothing and while strolling aroimd on the 20, of August they met an excited crowd of "Sanscoulottes" claiming their political rights. "Let us follow this mob," Napoleon said to Bourienne, disapproving aloud the people's misbehavior, and while witnessing that scene, making the following remarks : "I really cannot understand why the authorities do not stop such irregularities. Some of this mob ought to be shot on the spot and the balance would get away quickly enough. If only King Louis would show himself now on horseback, they would stop all this scandal at once." And actually, if Louis XVI had been just a little more courageous, he would certainly have avoided many of his mishaps'. A King on horseback mingling with the turbulent people could hardly have failed of some result by making the mob realize that their least resistance would cause a fearful fusilade. While considering Napoleon's self-willedness, his enterprise and cleverness, one should recognize ajso his self-denial in facing poverty for so long a while. From the very beginning he did not think much of the mHitary career, moreover, • as aforesaid, he candidly con- f essed he never cared about becoming a soldier ; and now he sticks to his sword and keeps patiently waiting, real- izing his turn will come. After failing with his business Mea, he made up his mind to wait and to get back to the Army at all events. He suffered much from his poverty, even became ill; but did not lose his temper. Later on he showed he was not waiting in vain; for events fell much better than he dared to dream of. One day while talking with Bourienne upon politics he spoke of Corcica."The Corsicans", he said, *'are a remarkable people. They make the sincerest friends, but on the other hand they are the fear- fulest enemies. They are extremely noble - mind- ed, and a Corsican will never forget even the slightest bounty bestowed upon him; but he also would never endure even the least insult, being ready to kill his enemy right on the spot as well as risk his life for his benefactor. They are the most country-lov- ing people, sticking to their freedom with astonishing bravery and zeal and fighting for the same to the very last minute. You cannot find anjrwhere else such mar- velous self-discipline as among my fellow-countrymen and I dare to say you have missed much in being unable to realize by experience what a great people my dear Corsicans are." 30 Well, later on, no wonder, he forgot all about I'.is once beloved iellow-countrymen. However, in cha- racterizing them as above, he told a little of himself too TOULON ^he very start of Napoleon's marvelous career was the battle at Toulon. This battle, being in itself an important item of History, seems worthy of being re- called. When the French National Guard garrisoned the cities of Marseille, Avignon and Beaucaire^ the population of the neighboring city of Toulon grew suspicious, for they did not see any reason for such an action ; and owing to the fact that in calming the turbulent elements and keeping control of Toulon hitherto had always got along without assistance, and in their fear that the National Guard might be about to ally themselves with the Revolutionists, the authorities of the place opened the harbor to the English fleet, 32 which, for some time, had already been patrolling the same. They hardly realized what a great mistake they were maldng; for the English fleet under the command of Admiral Hood, and also their Armycorps led by Gen- eral O'Hara, took the opportunity of attacking Toulon, and after having disarmed its garrison, they were gaining control not only of Toulon and its forteresses but also of the very important harbor, the French fleet thus being driven to straits. The French authorities, becoming troubled at sight of such a danger, immediately sent General Cai-teaux with a force of eight thousend men to recapture Toulon, thus in conjunction with the army of Italy formiing an army of twenty thousand. General Carteaux however, having been formerly a painter, did not understand the military profession well enough to make proper arrangements and the best he could do was to wait for more help. Thus Napoleon's time had come. On the 12, of September 1793 he was restored to his former rank and sent to Toulon. He could do but very little, and only* when in November General Dugoumier took charge of that very important place, came splendid opportunities of developing Napoleon's military genius. Getting charge of the department of Artillery he made such clever arrangements for defence, that will but one hundred cannons he was able to keep the enemy at a certain distance form the harbor. He thought as long as the harbor itself was out of danger it would not be so hard to finish with O'Hara's soldiers. But owing to 33 the overwhelming power of the English, the danger of failure was imminent ; and the audacious Napoleon as, he was, did not hesitate. Something extraordinary must be done and that quickly too. Feeling sure that the only way to win was to confuse the English, he made up his mind to risk very much in order to save all, and on the night of November 29, he had perfected his plan of procedure. The silence of that night was suddenly broken by a terrible thunderlike noise, and one minute later the powder-magazine of Toulon was blown up and torn to pieces. Napoleon fired the cannon himself which spared the French Army a disastrous defeat, securing for himself a neerless military carear. The Commander in Chief, Dugomier, said in his report sent to the National Convention: "Citizen Bonaparte helped me much, and I think he should be considered an excellent soldier". — In fact Napoleon, having been but very shortly restored^ left Toulon as Colonel. Admiral Hood's brother, who also fought at Toulon, gives us some particulars about what Napoleon had accomplished at Toulon in a letter written to his sister: "Dear Sister,— "The same Napoleon Bonaparte, who in 1785 was appointed Lieutenant of the La Fere Artillery left Toul- on as Colonel, twenty four years of age. I believe he 84 jftfXmy/i: '- ^y' S^lkil^vl^/'fe'-^:: .';v:'>S''r ■ /'A. ■- ,■'■■; '-^'' ■ '■'"-'^ -v- ' '■; ''';;;',. H 2 ^1 was sent by the French Government especially in order to arrange the recapture of that very important spot. He got a score of splendid opportunities to develope his abilities and it was he who put our General O'Hara into captivity. On the 23d of November O'Hara with a force of six thousand men attacked Malbosquet, the important fortress of the French Artillery; but he soon had to defend his position against Dugoumier, the commander in chief of the French, while Bonaparte being in charge of the department of Artillery knew how to arrange to cover his Commander's operation by locating cannons upon the hills all around Malbosquet. Thus O'Hara was thrown at once, into a very dangerous situation. Napol- eon fearing his commander's efforts might fail, accomp- anied by but four hundred men climbed upon the hill of Malbosquet taking hitherto an unknown way, protected by dense bushes. A^ soon as they were in range of shot, they surprised O'Hara with an unexpected sharp-shoot- ing, our garrison thus becoming entirely confused and the French gaining control of the fortress. The General (O'Hara) himself was struck by a bullet. The excited French artillerists made an assault on him and he pro- bably would have been lynched if Bonaparte had not come to his aid by driving them away. Our General, 35 however, was taken into prison but always treated ac- cording to his high rank, for which he really had to thank Napoleon". Later on, when times changed giving the Eng- lish a splendid opportunity of being chivalrous toward their prisoner, they apparently had forgotten all about that event. After the triumphant recapture of Toulon, Na- poleon was sent to Paris, soon advancing to the rank of General and becoming the centre of much favorable com- ment, even admiration. When appointed commander in chief of the entire French Artillery, he gave a new proof of his magnanimity by restoring all the former officers discharged by the Direstoire and patronizing his fellow- contrymen, the Corsican. Earras, Freron, and also Robespierre, the lead- ers of those days, candidly called Napoleon the man of the future, and a solid foundation was already laid for a splendid career. It is noteworthy, that it was at Toulon, where Napoleon first met Junot. Marmont and Mudron, the main compeers of his subsequent marvelous military triumphs. II ^t Toulon the deserter changed into the most celebrated general of the French Republic. Therefore, he always knew how to remain in the lime-light and if any one deserves to be called a 'self made man' it is he. With a score of enemies, in the midst of the most adventurous political events, he led the French nation to believe, there was no one but him able to restore the public welfare. Marching from one triumph to another, always standing at the centre of events, he at once became the ruler not only of France, but of almost the whole of Europe. How he became Consul, then First Consul and finally First Consul for life ; how he became Emperor of France, are historical facts well known by everybody. His political achievements are also known and it would be tiresome for the reader to recall all these triumphs aibout which there has already been written so much. But there are some very interesting aspects of Napoleon's 39 private character hitherto unknown; if there has been comment about them, they have been entirely misunder- stood, even misrepresented. In the following chapters the kind reader will find described some of these features, which, though little things they are the keys to great events and thus important in order to get a true opinion of Napoleon. NAPOLEON, — THE PEACEMAKER ^inehundred-niety-nine people out of a thousand believe, that Napoleon deemed the war the purpose of his life, and when asked where they got this opinion they can hardly give you any answer; and when pressed for an explanation they pro- bably will answer, "Why, in recent times there was never shed as much blood as in the reign of Napoleon I.", In contrast to such futile statements, the histo- rical fact is that Napoleon I, after gaining control of 41 France, did not desire war; on the contrary he was an- xious by all means to establish and to maintain the in- ternational peace. On the one hand he was often forced into war against his will, while on the other hand, in spite of his splendid and marvelous abilities, he made mistakes as to war, and big ones too; therefore he was but human. There exists a letter of Napoleon which is of much interest for many reasons. This letter, having been written immediately after his first astounding triumph won over Austria, shows how well he knew how to control himself; and it also shows that he knew more than a score of leading politicians of his day did ; and that he was not led by egotism as was and still is claimed by many short-sighted historians. The letter makes it ev- ident that he knew exactly what he was going to do and foresaw the consequences of his doings. The fact that lie sometimes overlooked those consequences proves noth- ing but that he was subject to the frailty of human nat- ure ; on the other hand this very letter shows his marvel- ous cleverness, his sharp-sightedness, and also his kind- ness. Without further comment, let us follow the letter as it reads. 42 ■!■ ^ o 00 ^^^H^V*'^'' j£i '^^[^^^1 V ^. ^^^^^. ■ .-„c^i^.. ^I^HI 5-' • **,»„ IIIIBilDiilfe,- ».. r . ■ .-■ ^ ^ .\*-' H "^ -I;. ' w • ^^ "','$. -xi^ _^ „. ►J H H < ^^fei^^Mf BIjmISB < C^ - ■ ^^^|^MHHMW|j^ ^^HHp'-^"' CO '■ '^ "^ ' 1 '^'Rl^^S ^g"'*« ■ . ;' " ■ ' ■ ■ jI^ » '"• *^^^^^^ll^™ ^Hb-'' ■' ■ • ; ■i^' ' , iiiiiii»||i||||ijii^ ' .% " " ■ ^^^^ "^,i ^>,v ■■pPIPr' " -^— i^^flPP '«MSiw"B' fe s ^#**'' |^_ o s 2 u ^^^si^r^^^^^Hr '^Mi^^£;sse!^iiliiil&^ V ^ ''^hH H " ^^ ' ■ "" ^^ ^,:-*..^'' ' ;.'"iap ' ~"'^" "^^^JSJMiii^B > ^ 'l^nB^^BMMHji K|-i:>: . a-Ts ^^^^H^^ ^^ i^'^HB o o 2 ^■lL^B ' ''**^ g^^BMBMP ,'^| > ^^^HIHHI^^^^h'l^ mJ^*"' , tfe'aBBB » ^^^^^l^^^i^^^^^^BHiHi&i^Mi»&«lb>X . v,!^- B- \^^bB o •«V4 ■ ' "'■'^^PHH u ^■iBn ;j 2 o O R^R^^BB^^aB ' < ^j W^^^^^^^ipp^ " '^ 2 a> ^^^^^J||w^^^fe|pitj,itsjg^^ ^^gj^^^^^^g^^y^Kj^H^^^^^H o * O "Bonaparte, First Consul, to His Majesty the Emperor of Austria, King o£ Hungaria and Bohemia. Military Headquarters, Marango. 27, of Prairial, Year VIII. (June 16, 1800.) "I am taking the liberty of notifying Your Majesty through this letter that the French nation is willing to stop all warfare. "Before the war arose I tried to win Your Ma- jesty's heart for peace, and England alone should be blamed for the failure of my endeavor. Many thousands out of our respective people lost their lives in the camp of honor and it is very hard, if not entirely impossible, to find any remedy for the past sad events. Thousands of widows and orphans are mourning the loss of their dear ones, and with a sincere emotion of my very soul I ask you to stop the dangers menacing the whole of Europe. ''In the camp of the recently wen glorious triumphs of my soldiers and surrounded by fifteen thous- and corpses, I beg Your Majesty, to listen to the scream of Humanity, begging not to allow any further that the corpses of the brave sons of two nations, the Austrian and the French, be piled just for the benefit of a third' 4$ one. Here, in the very midst of the bloody events, deep- ly touched by the sad sight, I see everything and my feelings grow intense more than yours who are far away from this sad place. "Majesty, your soldiers are already overloaded with laurels; you have gained more than you ever could have dreamed of; and therefore I am unable to under- stand why those about you will not keep quite. I cand- idly dare to say, they are giving you entirely wrong suggestions. 'Or, are your advisers perhaps led by the would be defense of Church and Faith? Well then, why do they not suggest you to fight against England, Russia or even Prussia, they being many times more 'faithless* than the French? Perhaps those about you do not believe in an electoral Government as they do not know anything better than an hereditary Monarchy. Why, you should know the best, that your Empire itself grew strong on the basis of an electoral Government, and you no doubt realize and feel how helpless the world would be if the people's mind should be oppressed. The French people no doubt is fully entitled to choose the very form of Gov- ernment which it deems for itself the most appropriate and the best. If your advisers are against our Republic, they could just as well suggest to the United States of America to disband its Congress. Would you deem it wise? I cannot believe it. 44 "Or, are you dreaming of the union of all Germ- an people? If so, why did you surrender Mainz, which could still have given you many important services? — Your Majesty should bear in mind, the best and only thing you could do in order to save the unity of your Empire would be to restore the peace, and this by all m^eans. "Suppose that you are holding out for the war being led, or better misled by the fixed idea of expand- ing your reign over the Italian Provinces; could you tell me then for what purpose you signed the treaty of Campoformio, through which you were gaining more than your ancestors would ever have expected? '*I am quite positive, your advisers are telling you stories about how to maintain the 'equilibrium*. Well, they ought to know there is no danger for that equilibrium as far as France is concerned; even on the contrary, they should realize that the danger is there where they do not want to see it : England is the enemy of peace ! Or do you not see England already has control of the commerce of all Russia, Sweden, Spain, Danemark, Batavia and even France? Do you not realize that there is the very same danger for you, too? "Or, are those about you anxious to suppress everything what they call 'Revolution'? — You certainly do not realize where Revolution originates: suppose a Government mismanaging the public affairs, is spending many times more than the people can stand for, the 45 country becomes ruined; — do you wonder that the people thus misled, fooled and cheated out of its rights, grows impatient and anxious to get rid of such mis- management? Certainly, not. And if not, why would you help along that which you call revolution by force- ing France into a new war? "It is now for you, to settle the peace. Let us finally work arm-in-arm for the welfare of Europe, and our mutual harmony should set an example for the less powerful countries as how to behave. "We should procure our respective people com- posed and prosperous future. If the generations to come are foolish enough to jump over again into the danger of warlike achievements, just let thetm have their own way» for we are not responsible for their doings; but we undoubtedly are responsible for the present generation, and I should think we have had experience enough to know how to avoid all the manifold and horrible dangers of war. "I think you must realize I could have made the whole of your army my prisoners, while I practically was satisfied to take the first steps toward the interna- tional peace. I was brought up in warlike days and I have to thank the war for everthing ; and therefore most of the people think I do not care for anything but war in order to increase my triumphs. And in answer to that nonsese I am now occupied with trying to settle a 46 WmM^flW^fi'^^:' Menjaud: MARIE - LOUISE PORTRAYING THE EMPEROR Musee de Versailles. permanent peace in order to show the world how I have been misrepresented. I certainly feel that the armistice recently inaugurated by me is to be followed by a last- ing and guaranteed peace. Therefore, I am bound to call Your Majesty's attention to the following : "FIRST, the said armistice must be an abso- lute one, — and ''SECOND, there should be made immediately all necessary arrangements for a conference in order to secure and settle the political condition of all the smaller Powers, and also to make the necessary changes in the treaty of Campoformio. In order to show you how anxious I am for a final and positive settlement of the peace, I do not mind going as far as to leave it to your decision, whether the said conference should be a public one or not, "If Your Majesty should not wish to accept the above suggestion, the war will be taken up with redoubl- ed force and vigor, there being not even the slightest doubt Your Majesty will have to bear all responsibility for the consequences. Therefore, I beg Your Majesty to read over this letter as carefully as it has been written and I sincerely wish it might awaken in your heart the same feelings by which I was led in writing to you. — Finally, you may rest assured there is nothing so dear to my heart as to secure a perpetual peace and, in conse- quence of this an everlasting welfare to the French na- 47 ticn, the bravery and zeal of which I have had the honor to admire now for eight years. ''Signed, BONAPARTE". This letter may be quite a surprise to many in references to the war itself. And at the same time it is a true mirror of Napoleon's splendid intelligence. Al- though he was nothing but a soldier, the above quoted letter gives an astonishing proof of his wide historical knowledge, and also of his clear insight into politics, — moreover, it shows he was chivalrous enough to praise the bravery of the Austrian army among which he did not enjoy even in the least a good reputation, being held by the Austrians for nothing but a common 'Parvenu', Alas ! Napoleon's effort was an entire failure, the Austrian Government making the mistake of negotiating with England, with the scheme to make Napoleon believe they were willing to agree with his suggestion, while acting against the same. According to Napoleon's suggestion, Luneville was set as the place of the international conference ; but it is an historical fact that Austria acted against her own ir.terest in rejecting Napoleon's request and that so the latter was fully entitled to throw the blame of the cont- inuation of v/ar on Austria. HOW NAPOLEON SLEPT ^^^apoleon I, was undoubtedly a most pec- uliar personality. Nature seemed to have made him an exception even as to his physique. He could, for example absol- utely control his sleep. He could sleep .whenever he felt like it and he also could stay awake as long as he deemed it necessary. Joseph Turquan in his REVUE BLEUE (1896) says the Corsic- ans have the gift of cpntroling their sleep and he claims that Napoleon inherited the faculty from his mother. He generally slept but very little, it being a remarkable historical fact that during the whole of his career, from the tirtie he was elected First Consul of the French Republic until' his deportation to St. Helena, he en- 4a joyed a sleep but four times lasting for six hours or more. He usually went to bed after midnight, and after a rest of three hours called in his valet, Constant, to get everything ready for his daily work. He liked to work the best in the early morning hours, and claimed that the hours immediately after a good rest are the best for settling important affairs, whether public or private. Im- mediately after getting up he began reading his minist- ers' daily reports and making all arrangements for the coming day. Strangely enough Napoleon, though a remark- ably brave even audacious soldier, hardened to face all inconveniences of war was extremely sensitive to cold. His writing room was heated during the whole year. He took specially good care of his head, going in this fixed idea so far as to wear his hat (of well known form) as long as possible, and always fearing a cold when wear- ing a new one. During winter he wore under his hat a cap of blue or red cotton which made him look very peculiar. The son of general Oudinot's valet, Pils, who later became a famous artist, painted the Emperor with a red cap. The Duchess D'Abrantes says in her memoires that Napoleon always suffered frolm extreme sensibility to cold and that in camp, rain or shine, sum- mer or winter there was always an open fire built close to his tent. Once he retired in a house which was built as a temporary morgue next to the camp, and there he slept for a short time among the corpses. "While in camp", he said, "we should not neglect our physical needs. In war I always sleep as little as possible; but v/hen feeling tired and worn out I prefer to take a nap on horseback or under a cannon, rather than give orders «ind make arrangements with sleepy brains". At the bat- tle of Bautzen (1813) which lasted for three days, he passed both nights in Marshal Berthier's company with- out even a minute's rest. The last morning at five o'clock he mounted his horse, inspected his soldiers until nine o'clock; and after having made all necessary ar- rangements, he simply lay down unpon a bundle of straw among General Marmont's cannons, saying, "Do not forget to wake me up as soon as we have won". After his glorious victory at Friedland, tired and worn out as he was, Napoleon withdrew to a dilapi- dated old house near the camp, and kept himself busy re- calling the arrangements he made, the officers of his e cort all falling asleep. Only once in all his life had he an unusually long sleep, ncimely during the war in Italy when one day, as there was nothing going on, he slept for eighteen hours, after having been for seven days without any rest at all. He cared as little for eating as for sleeping. He ate but in order to give his body the necessary nourish- 51 ment and he considered sleep a necessary evil. When waiting for important messages, he would get up several times in order to make all arrangements himself, or toi talk matters over; and he sdmetimes grew very impa- tient when those about him could not rise in time. Count Las-Cases, one of those who knew Nap- oleon best, says that the Emperor, though he always slept heavily, after getting up showed not the slightest sleepiness, but on the contrary immediately after a rest. gave the most glittering proofs of his splendid intellect. The Emperor, after the Egyptian expedition, always had an Arabian, Roustem, near him. Roustem slept some hours dliring the day, and watched the Em- peror the whole night through in order to wake him as soon as anything important happened, often seven or more times a night. "Well, what is going on? -Let him in. What time is it?", was all the Emperor said, being the next minute ready to consider the most important message. Napoleon used a very simple iron bed such as common soldiers of his day had, and this was carried along wherever he went. During his extended cam- paings he used to take his rest while on the way, never sleeping for more than an hour; and if unfortunatly his folding iron bed was not at hand, he did not mind sleep- ing on the very spot. His valet always carried along a bearskin,.. 52 which in case of need was used as a bed. During the battle of Wagram, after having made all necessary arrangments to strengthen the somewhat weakened po- sition of Marshal Massena's armycorps, Napoleon confi- dent of success, took a nap upon the said bearskin^ sleep- ing almost half an hour, and awoke just in time to see the Austrian army give away. Napoleon very often slept in camp during the battle. "It shows a kind of heroism", he used to say, "if one is daring enough to sleep with the bullets flying around one's head". In no other way, however, was he a bit critical when in camp. He was then only a soldier, and when in need of rest, slept wherever he could find a quite place. On the eve of the battle of Jena, after making sure that everything would turn out all right, he lay down upon his mantle among his soldiers, throwing away his hat and covering his face with Rousteim's handkerchief. After a battle, if he only could arrange it, he us- ed to stay in the nearest town or village for some days before returning to Paris, enjaying what he called 'priv- ate life'. During such retirements he wore long pajamas and a large towel around his head like a turban. "While in camp, we have to be nothing but soldiers, but after having accomplished hard work, we can live at leasure", he used to say. General Segur, one of his intimates, once found Napoleon in a very interesting situation. It was during 5» the battle at Wagram. The fight stopped for some hours, and the Emperor went into an old house near his headquaters and sat down on the floor for a rest. . . He soon fell into a sound sleep, resting his back against a shaky old stove on the opposite side of which there slept a young drummer. Segur and some other officers cf the escort searching for the Emperor were both sur- prised and even shocked to find him in such a situation. They hastily woke the drummer, thus causing no little noise ; their surprise became still greater as they noticed Napoleon's anger because of the unexpected disturbance. "You should have commonsense enough to understand that this young fellow is at least as much entitled to have a rest as myself. You had better let us alone". And he immediatly leaned back again, Segur and his com- rades being forced to wait while the Emperor and the drummer continued their rest. On another occasion, the night following the battle at Montmirail, Napoleon was surprised by General Giron, who having for the Emperor a most important message, was turning the whole of the camp in order to deliver it up-side-down. The General finally noticed a Icnsome house about two miles away from the head- quarters. Led thither by curiousity, he could hardly make his way to the house, the yard being full of sleep- ing soldiers and snoring horses. When he finally ar- rived at its wide open door he was startled to afraid by Roustem lying on the threshold and wondering what he M '<^ o> K H O might want. Roustem,when asked by the General how he got here, did! not say a word, but pointed to an old bedstead on the top of which there slept Napoleon with his hat on and holding his sword. Napoleon, certainly, was often forced to miss even that much coimfort. Dur- ing the war in Russia and Poland he had to suffer just as much as any of his soldiers, and on the eve of his imarch into Moscowa he had to pass the night in such a dirty place, that Rousteln was kept busy all night burning: Aloe in order to improve the 'thick' atmosphere. But Napoleon, like a true soldier, never disdain- ed to face all the inconveniences of war. He had but one luxury which he did not dispense with even while in camp : he always had a valet near him in order to at- tire him, for when getting up he was always in such a hurry, as to be unable to dress himself. THE EMPEROR AND LITERATURE t Dresden during the conference of the European powers Napoleon recalling once his past said," While lieutenant at Valence I read the whole of the City library". The Emperor being of Corsican descent we might add to this, "Si non e' vero, e' ben trovato", for his above quoted sentence is not proven as true. He was undoubtedly a fine scholar, anxious to know everything, and spending much of his time in read- ing. After he became Emperor, he had little time for read- ing except on his travels; and his first wife, Josephine, was burdened during their journeys with the hard task of reader. Napoleon carried along a lot of books and pamphlets, and at last required a regular traveling-libra- 56 xy^ consisting of eight-hundred volumes, to be carried along in neatly made oak cases. (He took this library from Paris to Elba, even to the camps at Waterloo ; and during his second exile at St.Helena, these books did much to alleviate his lonesomeness) . In the antei-chamber of the counsil-room at the Tuileries, the former Imperial palace, there still exists a very valuable collection of almost all the important theological works of those days. Louis XVII when taking temporary possession of that palace was unable to understand what could have been the use of the ^peculiar' collection. Napoleon not being in the least prejudiced, was interested in all the different branches of science and could respect and appreciate even the most contra- dictory opinions. If he did not like, however, a certain book, he simply threw it away. Once the Emperor indulged himself in the plan of an unique library to consist of a single edition of three thousand volumes, these books to contain all the most celebrated products of science and history. He even went so far as to select paper, type and binding for this encyclopedic collection; but on discovering that the scheme would cost eight millions, he suddenly dropped the idea, because of the country's straitened financial condition, thereby depriving succeding generations of a most interesting and valuable library. 57 Ossian, Ariosto, Corneille and Racine were his favorite authors. He preferred Attic Greek and modern French literature. At St.Helena he read a great deal. In one year he got through with not less than seventy-two historical 'memoires', and one evening he proudly said to General Gourgaud: "To-day I have read three valumes about Indies". His traveling-library, this faithful companion of his past glory, substantially increased at St.Helena, was inherited by his sister, the Duchess Bacchiocchi, who presented the valuable collection to his nephew 'Prince Lulu', the son of Napoleon III. Thus the six historical oak cases finally came in 1870 back to Paris. All those volumes are of small octavo size, bound in light brown morocco, a simple letter 'N' being their ornament. Besides very clever remarks inserted by Napoleon, those books bear many signs of frequent 'use', the Emperor be- coming in his last years an inverterate snuff-taker. His gray mantle worn at Marengo and his historically re- nowned 'petit chapeau' were brought to Paris together with these books, the hat surprising everybody by its unusually large size. It is remarkable that Napoleon despite his con- tinous literary and scientific hunger, was an extremely poor penlman. He did not like to write and he also could not write ; and when at last he had scrawled some- 58 thing it was hard for the addressee to decipher the man- uscript. For instance immediately after his marriage to Marie-Louise, daughter of Emperor Francis II of Austria, he wrote his father-in-law a few lines notifying him of the wedding; and at the Vienna Imperial Court they had to send for an expert to learn the contents of that letter. At St. Helena he tried to pass his time pleasant- ly and in lack of other means he began 'entertaining' those about him with dramatic lectures. General Gourgaud notes in his diary that those lectures were not entertaining at all and says, "It was painful to listen to the Emperor's m.onotonous lectures, lacking even the least dramatical point". From his youth up, he showed a bent for pecu- liar literary enterprises, which were carried out under unique conditions. At Moscowa for instance while the Kremlim (Imperial Palace) was burning, he went on writing an essay about the ancient French tragedy. "I like the best high* tragedy ('la haute tragoedie') such as ■was written by Cocneille. Those ancient tragedies show us the character and the individuality of great men, and this many times better than even History. In high trag- edy the heroes appear as really living, surrounded by the different accidental and crucial events of their human life, and we are able to get a true view of them; while History overloads us with insignificant particulars which 59 oppress the character and spoil the clear view. The ancient tragedy always bears in mind the noble aim of setting an exalmple". Once he said if Corneille was living in his days he would have been only too proud to make him an Im- perial Prince. An unsuspected characteristic of Napoleon, re- vealed only by his literary products, was his inclination to materialism ; whereas before the public eye he always showed himself an optimist and idealist. He knew very well that the people could be ruled the best by idealistic and optimistic suggestions, and he thought a ruler should always appear in a gold-woven mantle of idealsm, no matter if he was the darkest pessimist. During his second exile he was getting somewhat pessimistic, but this was always overcome by his inherited idealism. That he did not consider literature just a pas- time was shown by the fact that he paid serious attention to literary criticism on his own original lines, but he has entirely overlooked the modem criticism, for instance not careing in the least for Madame De Stael, Schlegel, Dil- lemann or Saint-Beuve, the most celebrated way-break- ers of the modern criticism. As to art he preferred that of the Ancients which shows us all the struggles, passions and capabilties of human life in its deepest essence; he deems ancient art and science the best sources of educa- tion, and it seems as if his own life evidenced! his inclin- 60 ation. toward the tragic, his career containing all the ele- ments of high tragedy. There we find unity, fraction and a subtle mysticism ; then Waterloo brought the dra- matic climax, while St.Helena gave the final denoue- ment The curtain falls and after the great tragedy there came a new sight entirely independent of the fore- going drama, recalling the touching story of Prometheus. Napoleon seemed to realize he was living a great drama, he felt he was performing his own tragedy; and at St.Helena he took pains to perpetuate this tragedy in the most proper way, everything he said and did having been done and said in order to furnish suitable material for perpetuating that very interesting period, of History. General Gourgaud was ordered to record every event; but later on Napoleon changed his mind and ordered the same Gourgaud to destroy the diaary, and satisfied himself that his order was carried out. But Gourgaud did not even think of destroying his diary, which was published in 1901 in book form, affording a true mirror of Napole- on's last years. At St.Helena another diary was kept by Count Las Cases and consisting principally of letters dictated by Napoleon himself, but whose value is somewhat impaired by flattery. To compare these two biographies, Gour- gaud, figuratively speaking, shows Napoleon in his green, somewhat shabby unifonm, a real live man of unusually remarkable abilities which may fairly be called genius^ 61 while Las Cases introduces to us an Emperor v^^earing all his insignia, bearing himself like a notable actor per- forming the role of Royalty. Napoleon himself always occupied his leisure moments with literary work. Chronologically his writ- ings should be divided into three classes: 1, The liter- ary attempts of his early years. 2, His political corres- pondence and his proclamations. 3, The letters dictated by him (to Las Cases) at St.Helena.- His literary style while adapting itself to the various changes of his cir- cumstances always retains its own character, namely a certain poimposity, always led by a marvelous fantasy whose control he does not escape even 'n writing the history of his own life. One evening while reading the annotations made by Gourgaud, he emphatically exclaimed, "What is the use of so much writing. There hardly could be found a more touching romance than my own life, after all". Indeed almost every person's life is a romance to himself although composed, written and directed by someone else, there being but very few people intelligent enough to plan their own life wisely. Victor Hugo, for instance, suffered from the fixed idea of getting, through his literary work, control over the whole of France. An- other great French writer, Balzac, v/as always dreaming of how he could carry out fantastic financial specula- 62 NAPOLEON BESTOWING THE CROSS OF THE LEGION OF HONOR UrON THE BRAVEST SOLDIER OF THE RUSSIAN ARMY, (T.lsilt. April '.H'.i ISOT). Musee tie X'ersailles. tions; and Stevenson was bent upon making a trip around the world. Amoung such men, of whom there are many, Napoleon seems to be the most successful, int a certain way being the author of his own romance, act- ing the role as composed by himself. His performance on the stage of human life certainly could not be called an entire success, a fact which shows however nothing but that a human being, though possessing such a splendid genius and marvelous fancy as Napoleon's, always re- mains soimething incomplete. NAPOLEON AND THE DEMOCRACY f, after the disastrous defeat at Waterloo, Napoleon had undertaken some desperate political achievement, such as turning from Emperor into a Revolutionist, the world would not have been surprised at all. And it is hard to tell what might have happened in such case as, in spite of his sudden downfall, his many and great mistakes, he still enjoyed a popularity suffici- ent to warrant his going into some enterprise to turn the whole of Europe upside-down. It is worth while to state that those who considered Napoleon a turbulent warrior are entirely wrong, and should bear in mind the fact, that the same Napoleon who in his earlier days shot into a heap hundreds of his fellow-countrymen without even 64 a quiver of an eyelash,- the same who gained his power at least in part, through the most bloody terrors, -as soon as he took possession of the French Imperial throne, be- came as anxious as possible to avoid the least political troubles. Knowing by experience how much depends on public sentiment, the slightest report of disquiet alarmed him. He always did all he could to calm the people and Chaplat, the celebrated French historiographer says, that Napoleon once did not hesitate to sacrifice forty mil- lions of francs in order to help the poor who were suffer- ing from the effect of an economical policy. Napoleon confesses in his diary taken up at St.Helena that his own experience restrained him from all adveturous political enterprise after his down-fall. "As often as I hear how easy it is to get abso- lute control of a people", says Madame Remusat in hes: 'memoires', "so often I cannot help thinking of Napoleon. The Emperor was always anxious to avoid any rigid de- crees against the people and when urged by his minis- ters to severities he was always ready with his stereo- typed answer, 'Well, are you willing and able to bear all responsibilty? Do you not think the people might revolt against such rigid measures'," It is surprising that Napoleon, the very child of War, became alarmed at the least show of discontent. He was brought up in the midst of revolution which made a deep impression on him; therefore he always bore in 65 mind that the French Nation had had its full share of bloody experiences. "I am standing between the Revolution and the Nation", he used to say. "I have to fight by every means for the sound development of the common -wealth. There- fore I am entitled to reign as it pleases me. My son, however, will have to reign in a more liberal way". While at the Isle of Elba in recalling the past events he felt deeply grieved that he once (Vendemiaire) had shot so many of his countrymen into a heap, and he feared the French would never forgive him.- In fact, as soon as he could arrange to restore the social order he detested the Revolution with all its atrocities ; and it can positively be said he would never again have restored to Revolution even in order to save his pow^er. As discharged officer of the French Royal Army (after his second Corsican escapade) hanging around in Paris he had accidentally seen King Louis XVI speak- ing from the piazza of the Royal palace (Tuileries) to the excited mob, and he could never forget that satire of a King speaking to his people in such an unkindly, even unmanly way, the red cap of the Jacobins on his head. Napoleon, though once a Jacobin himself, undoubtedly would never have put on that red cap in order to flatter the excited mob, and he, in fact, preferred to lose every- thing rather than seek the mercy of the people he once had under his control. After Waterloo scores of French- 66 men used to wander to the Elysee Palace, where the de- throned Emperor then was, giving him many opportuni- ties of 'doing something'. , . In this connection, General Monitholon, one of his intimates' says: "Once two Regi- ments of Infantry and thousands of people came to the Elysee making a very enthusiastic demonstration. The Emperor wondered what they might v/ish of him. When I found out they had come in order to march under his coinlmand against the 'enemy' he said with a bitter smile I might let them know it would be a very bloody enter- prise to regain what he had lost and he does not wish it restored at such a high prize. — *If I would now take ad- vantage of the people's exitement', he said, 'Iprobably could regain my lost power, but it would cost many lives. And more over, who can tell if I should be able to keep control over the new situation thus formed? I 1 refer to have my people's sincere sympathy, rather than to recapture my throne at the prize of their blood'."^ When returning from Elba Napoleon found an entirely changed situation. Talleyrand, his minister of foreign affairs, candidly warned that he could succeed only when assisted by a strong political party, and gave him the advice to organize first of all a new Parl- iament with a strong party of his own, one on which he could depend under all circumstances. Napoleon, wondering if there were left enough men out of his former followers to organize such a party, soon became 67 convinced Talleyrand's suggestion was but a dream. For instance, when he attempted to restore the French Empire and took the former title "Emperor of God's Grace" the Senate hastily answered with the proclamation of the sovereignty of the people, making him distinctly under- stand that he was made Emperor for the second time only by the sovereign people's will. — Once Napoleon would have immediately sent his soldiers to disband the Parl- iament, but now he did not show even the slightest dis- pleasure, becoming by this disrespectful behavior of the Parliament fully convinced the best he could do was not to interfere with politics. He had already made up his mind to resign rather than to let the French Nation plunge into new troubles. His opponents knew exactly how well they could be overcome by Napoleon, but felt that he was too much of a democrat as to restore his pow- er through autocratic enterprises. From the very first moment after his return from Elba, there was an evident disharmony between him and the Parliament, each jealously watching the other. Fouche, who owed his great political influence to Napoleon, openly opposed his former benefactor saying: "Just let him head our Army. After a few insignificant victories he will be down and out, and then comes our turn". There has been much comment as to the change in Napoleon's politics after his return from Elba. Every- 68 l)ody was puzzled that the self-willed Emperor, even after his down-fall, could maintain such moderation; and it took half a century to learn he was many times better than his enemies considered him. Even now there is not one earnest historian daring enough to doubt, that Napoleon after Waterloo could have done some- thing in his own behalf. At least he could have aroused the whole of France if he had cared to show the world that he had not lost his popularity. Beranger, the celebrated French poet says of Napoleon : "^'His fame and glory will last for a very long tjme and there will be much favorable comment as to his genius among the rich as well as among the poor. His pictures and the medals distributed by him will be kept as relics and still after half a century he will be praised all over the world". This half century, as foretold by Beranger, will Boon return for the second time, and the more we learn of Napoleon, the more we agree with Beranger who said, "Napoleon deserves to bear the highest title, that of THE MAN ('L'HOMME')." THE TWO EXILES apoleon's two deportations being general- ly well known, as an introduction to this |i chapter might be quoted the following sentence: "If it were possible we would like to disregard the whole of this literat- r(^^*4 ure which must make every Englishman feel very uncomfartable". This remarkable setence concerning the many writings about Napoleon's exiles was uttered by Lord Rosebery, the former Premier of Great-Britain, in the fourth chapter ('The deportation') of his exellent histor- ical work entitled "NAPOLEON-THE LAST PHASE.'* Another of his sentences reads as follows: "V/e Englishmen can but deeply regret that our Govemmfcnt 70 cf those days took charge of Napoleon's imprisonment ; - moreover, we 'must feel ashamed that this deUcate and hard task was carried out by such unable persons and in such an ungentlemanly way. While the French may be touched by deep grief and sympathy when recalling St. Helena, we cannot help blushing at the same time". Napoleon could hardly have expected such splendid amends from an Englishman. And Lord Rcse- lery, a genuine Xiterary Gentleman', became through the above mentioned book an authority on Napoleonic literature, not because he was a Lord, but because he wrote his book exclusively in order to clear up a score of historical misimderstandings,. mistakes and also mis- representations. While thinking over those two sentences of Lrord Rosebery, there will be found two questions wait- ing for adequate answer, FIRST, was _^there any serious political reason on the part of Europe for avoiding Napoleon's return to politics, and for even erasing his name from the pages of History? — and SECOND, why did Great-Britain take charge of the dethroned Emperor's custody? The first question was answered by the united European Powers (Coalition) with a loud and positive *'YES!", for the nervous-system of Europe was worn 71 out by the many warlike enterprises. The main condit- ion for securing international peace at least for a while was to set Napoleon aside. — If Napoleon could have had his own way, he would undoubtedly have caused great trouble, even serious dangers, in spite of his ruined prestige, in spite of his weakened energy and even in spite of the somewhat cooled enthusiasm of the French; for his personality was such as to make him able to win in a moment the sympathy of all, and if one has the sympathy he can gain also important influence, if one is Napoleon. The peaceful development of Europe could be secured only by restraining Napoleon, and on the other hand he could be made inactive only through being taken into custody. Nowadays everybody considers it a fact that Napoleon after his second down-fall did not anticipate entering politics; this however, was not found cut for years, and thus his confinement was reasonable. The second question can be frankly answered: "Great-Britain being the head of the said Coalition it was but natural it took charge of Napoleon's custody". So far this matter may be considered' all right', but it becomes entirely wrong because of the manner in which it was carried out. Lord Rosebery quotes from a prominent British politician of those days. Lord Liverpool, the Premier, who said in a letter to Lord Castelreagh, the Foreign Minister: "The easiest solution of that delicate question would be for the French King to have Bonaparae hanged 72 or shot", — and in a letter to Eldon, another Minister, "Bonaparte has his choice of either becoming a subject of King Louis XVIII or being declared outlawed". — Liverpool in fact had a hard task in making his choice between surrendering Napoleon to Louis XVIII as a 'rebel', or removing him far from the political play- ground. — A little later on becoming doubtful as to the ability of Louis XVIII to get through with Napoleon, Liverpool says to the same Castelreagh: *'In case the King of France should be unable to gain control over Bonaparte, we shall be bound to take him under our custody". Sir Walter Scott, the celebrated Scotch author^ claims that in 1816 among the English there was a considerable party in favor of surrendering Napoleon to the French Government, referring to which sentiment Lord Roscbery says: "Fortunately we were spared the blemish of having had Napoleon shot like General Ney". The first deportation of Napoleon, to the Isle of Elba, cost the British Government the 'trifle' of eight- hundred -thousands of pounds, which perhaps nobody would believe if it was not the trustworthy Lord Rose- bery's statement. And the British Government, in spite of that heavy expenditure practically wasted, did not hestitate to anew the risk of Napoleon's second and final deportation. As for Napoleon himself, up to the very last min- 7a ute he did not believe in the rumor of his final deport- ation, and he never even thought of St. Helena, He was quite confident the British Government would permit him to live the life of a retired Country Gentleman', and for his disguise had already chosen the name of his best friend, Colonel Murion, who at the battle of Arcole saved him with the risk of his own life. But the Brit- ish Government as well as all the other Powers realized the fact that however good a disguise Bonaparte might select, and however much he might ive like an hermit, he would remain in the public eye NAPOLEON, a name which in those days meant great danger for the Coalition. His most striking individuality, his fascinating person- ality and his splendid intelligence, (they did not like to talk bout his genius), caused the danger of his return to politics. Thus the British Government undoubtedly was bound to be very careful, the more especially as their people, though somewhat encouraged by the recently won victory over France, were not at all contented. "You know just as well as anybody else that in case he (Bonaparte) should be allowed to stay in England, he would at once become the centre of curiousity, even sympathy", — says Liverpool to Castelreagh, thus show- ing he knew very well what he was talking about. When Napoleon went on board the British battleship 'Undaunted*, thousands of people gathered at the harbor anxious to witness his leave; and before the 74 ship weighed anchor, the officers of its crew were unani- mous in their opinion : "If the British nation knew this man (Bonaparte) as well as we do, despite of his ill fame he would not have been allowed to suffer the least harm". — When Napoleon left the said battleship for Elba, the boatman addressing him in behalf of all of his comrades said : "May you enjoy a long and happy life on that Island and for the next time better luck". Captain Senhouse, one of the officers, said that the first interview with Napoleon made not only him but even Admiral Hotham as well change their opinion about the 'General', Another officer of the British Navy cf those days. Admiral Keith, frankly said : "If Bonaparte were given an opportunity to meet Prince- Regent George they would have become intimate friends within half an hour". Thus there was no doubt that Napoleon must be kept out of politics. The Powers would not let him go to America for he might have found many oport- unities for adventurous political achievements; and so they finally agreed by sending him to St. Helena. There was already at the Vienna Congress much comment about Napoleon's banishment to that vast rock, and on this occasion Lord Wellington could not praise highly enough all the advantages of St. Helena, calling it the very Paradise of the globe. After a very short stay at St. Helena he probably would have changed his mind^ es« 75 pecially as to its 'marvelously wholsome' climate. Now, provided, there were serious political reasons for Napoleon's exile to St. Helena, this does not excuse at all the way in which this action o£ the Powers v/as carried out. Napoleon, from the very instant the Powers had decided as to his future, had to suffer very many slights. In the first place, Savary and Lallemand, two of his most intimate friends, were sent to the Isle of Malta, and he was thus deprived of the comfort he ex- pected from the company oi those men. He himself was delivered to Admiral Cockburn who was seemingly much pleased to be put in charge of 'General Bonaparte', Strict instructions were given to treat the prisioner ex- actly like a retired General; but Cockburn always did his best to make Napoleon feel his new condition. On board the battleship 'Northumberland' which was to convey Napoleon to St. Helena, they gave him a cabin of twelve by nine feet and did not allow him even to use the empty room next to his cabin for a library. He was actually tortured by the most unkind pusillanimities and mistreated, and as Lord Rosebery says, those in charge of him were too zealous in carrying out their somewhat too severe instructions. It is surprising that this most impartial biographer of Napoleon did not blame the British Government for such undignified mis- treatment of its prisoner. When for instance Napoleon 76 appeared on deck, the men of the crew did not pay him as much attention as they must have given a 'half-pay officer' of their own staff. On board the 'Northumberland' the officers used to tipple after dinner; Napoleon found this very annoying, and always left immediately after the meals were over. Admiral Cockburn was offended at such an 'impoliteness' and tried several times to persuade the 'General' to join in their convivialities; and when failing in such attempts he could not help scolding his prisoner^, saying he should think the 'General' had never read Chesterfield's book ('Guide of good manners'). Napo- leon calmly answered that he should think exactly the same of the Admiral, for if he read the said book hC' ought to know that Chesterfield calls it a bad habit ta sit at the table for hours. In order to get better acquainted with Admiral Cockburn, let us glance into his diary for a revelation of himself and. of his comprehension of his task. — "It seems to me", he says, "the General still has some in- clination of playing the role of Emperor, but I will never allow him to act as he pleases". — In another place he says : "To-day I did not care much for the General. He is in an apparently bad humor so I will purposely avoid meeting him". — Those two little things show what a 'Gentleman' he was. Lord Rosebery tells us what the dethroned 77 Emperor said about his deportation : "I do not mind being considered a political prisoner. Moreover, I would not even mind wearing hand-cuffs; but I think I deserve to be treated in a gentlemanly way". Cockburn did not miss the slightest opportun- ity of making Napoleon feel his subordinate condition. On the Emperor's birthday Cockburn was 'kind enough' to drink his prisoner's health, proudly noting in his diary : "The General seemingly appreciated my courtesy", — Well, Napoleon smiled when the Admiral drank his health, and while Cockburn thought this a sign of ap- preciation, the Emperor simply thought, 'This man may do whatever he pleases. His impoliteness can bring me no harm', and so he simply smiled. Cockburn later on confesses the 'General' show- ed much more patience than those around him. Lord Rosebery gives many reasons to justify any dissatisfaction Napoleon may have felt with the way he was treated on board the 'Northumberland': this battleship was only at the last moment taken into con- sideration as a possible conveyance to St. Helena, just after it had come back from the Indies. Napoleon, who by special order of the British Government was to be treated as a retired General, was in lack of every comfort. Rosebery states that the drinking water on board seemed to have been brought along from the Indies being "of an i\nspeakable color and taste". 78 V ^'■^m ^H ^Mk 5h ^^^^^^H ■1 <—i tJ Hr^ hHI h- 1 ^^^^^1 Ji ■K .m^ S ^^^^^^H ii ■ '^M j' < ^^^^^^^^^1 ^^4^S ^mt ^H (i< ^^^H -jbM V' ; «fe: ^ ,^ ^mJH^^HHh J ^^^■^^^^^^p- Msk'' '' w < 1 ' l' -i »»l m ij 1^' ^^HjH 1 A ..^^kM ^^^p"' -«^iH^^^^^ W —^ -w;-.^^ . fc ^^^^H^^ «• "s^^SfKftm o ^^■nm||||__ SmS^^^^^M ^ ^ ^M '^^H ^BEbK' ' ^ . I^^^^H Biiibi# .d^H^HEii Wo ^^^^^M ^•: " . **;«^'P^i|.| Kl^ '. --^IH o-S n-'M ^^ -9HIK fe.:'' '.^^S ■fin, iiiiim r ^a 2 *»•*"« 1 iMltw^v: i '' .uSH^^^^IHhI ik-«*" J ^'^WiI^HHhhH O ' '^^^H^^^^^^^^^^l M^^ JF ^BUBbIEk w Ik w^^H ^p*' js^SK^ o Oh < 2 .^^^^H "^ -■ j^HH 1 S^^^^^^H '*^B ^ ^"^1 J hJ Despite very ill treatment and sad prospects, Napoleon and his retinue must have been extremely patient; otherwise Cockburn would have not failed to criticize them in his diary. After a journey of over three months the 'Nort- humberland' hove anchor at St. Helena, Cockburn being; appointed Governor of that Isle. He held this positioit imtil 1816, when he was dismissed on charge of being too severe. The new Governor of St. Helena^ Sir Hudson Lowe should not be ignored; and it is worth while to- give a brief review of his career. Hudson Lowe grew famous, or rather notorious as Napoleon's custodian. In his past he had incurred some disrepute by surrendering the Isle of Capri without reason ; and was fortunately in- deed that his Government forgot this carelessness. — On the fourth of April 1814 he was the first to bring to' London the news of Napoleon's abdication and from that very moment he seemed to be connected with Napo- leon's ill fate. He was anxious to become Governor of St. Helena, but had to wait a little while for that position. Finally he got it enjoying a salary of 'but' twelve thous- and pounds. — Lady Granville in her memoires calls Hudson Lowe a 'ghost'. And Rosebery says the British Government made a deplorable mistake in selecting "that entirely incompetent being" for such a delicate task. There are some, who would like to justify Hudson Lowe, claiming he could not help being unkind to Napo- 7a leon as he had to suffer so much of his prisoner's anti- pathy. Instead of arguing against Hudson Lowe or taking the part of Napoleon, it should suffice to state just cne particular and an insignificant one too, that every- body may have opportunity to reach an independent con- clusion. It is an historical fact that Napoleon while Emp- eror, did not care anything about his meals. At St. Helena he was bound to keep himself busy with things he never cared for before, and no wonder it became one of his innocent pastimes to arrange the bill of fare. Hudson Lowe taking notice of this 'disorderly conduct' did not miss even one opportunity to spoil his prisoner's pleasure ; and as soon as he found out that the Emperor was very fond of potatonsalad, he immediately made arrangements to supply the kitchen of Longwood but with rotten pota- toes. There could be told a score of Hudson Lowe's ungentlemanly deeds, but instead of recalling them we should be satisfied to learn that the 'gaoler of Napoleon' got just what he deserved. After Napoleon's death he was discharged with a very small pension, instead of making a 'marvelous career', as he anticipated at his prisoner's expense. NAPOLEON'S DEATH |here have been circulated many phantastic stories concerning Naoleon's death. In order to get a clear view ol that undoubt- edly very important historical event we ought to follow the accounts as given by Lord Rosebery, Las-Cases ('Memoires'), General Bertrand ('Memoires') and Doctor Antom- marchi ('Lesdemier m,oments de Napoleon'), every one of them being men of best repute and also impartial his- toriographers ,led only by a sincere desire for historical truth. Not to recall all the well known particulars of that drama, we should be satisfied with a short but hither- to unknown review of the dethroned French Majesty's last hours. 81 "I know I am suffering from shrinking of the liver"^ Napoleon used to say to his friends, and some- times he added the remark that the climate of St. Helena aggravated his disease. Finally he ceased to make mention of this and often remarked: "On this desolate rock I am bound to expiate all the glory I have shed over France, and must do penance for the heavy losses I have caused England". It is beyond any doubt that his disease became incurable because of the poor, and even dangerous clim- ate. The Government of St. Helena did all in his power to make his exile hard. His first physician, Doctor O'Meara, was called away only because he was a Corsi- can by birth and 'took too much care' of the prisoner, and Napoleon, then already an incurably sick man was left without any medical attendance for an entire year. Later, owing to this negligence, there was no hope for his recovery. About the end of 1819 Doctor Francesco Antommarchi, a well known physician of Florence, per- suaded by Cardinal Fesch, Napoleon's uncle, got permis- sion to take charge of the Emperor, bringing along two priests,Fathers Vignali and Buonavita, all three of these men being of Corsican birth. They were Napoleon's only comfort and no wonder he made them his intimate friends. "On the eighteenth of September (1819)", says Antommarchi, "we got the first sight of St.Helena and were anxious to cast anchor. There were some officer's; 82 cf Governor Hudson Lowe's staff waiting for us and they told us we could not see the Governor till the next day. Our first question was about Napoleon's health. One of the officers gaily answered, "The General is enjoying good health. He is feeling just as well as any one of us." Then Antommarchi complains that they had to undergo an investigation like common prisoners, and Captain Reade took away all their papers, even looking into their pocket-books before they were allowed to enter Longwood. Antommarchi says he recognized at the first glance the poor condition of his patient and did all he could for his improvelment. Months passed without the slightest improvement and Antommarchi became convinced that something must be done. He knew Napoleon would rather die than accept the least favor of Hudson Lowe, and he needed all his diplomacy to get the Emperor's permission to call on the Governor. "The Governor", he says, "received me in pre- sence of his aid-at-arms. Captain Gorrequer. I tried to convince him my patient must be allowed more indul- gence and better food. I also frankly told him I hardly dared bear the responsibility for the present conditions, for I was quite sure the climate was most injurious".- ,Do you think so?', the Governor answered ironically. 'I am positive General Bonaparte is doing nicely ; and as to the climate I really could not think of any beter than 83 ours'. -"I should certainly believe this was the very rea- son why he was sent here', I answered. — "Undoubtledly', the Governor replied. — "Why, certainly", I said and left his room hurriedly, being somewhat afriad of losing my self-control, — The Governor had the fixed idea that Napoleon's sickness was but a pretext to prepare his escape, and influenced by this delusion he went so far as to keep Longwood always surrounded by patrols". Antoanmarchi thought in the St. Helena hospi- tal he might find a case similar to his patient's, and so he wrote the Governor a letter asking his permission to visit the hospital. - "This morning (October, 19 1819) ", he says, "the Governor's valet brought me the answer. I was allowed to visit the hospital on the condition of being accompanied by one of his officers. I believe he was afraid I might persuade the sick to proclaim war against England". Hudson Lowe did not like Antommarchi, and was alarmed by the presence of the two Corsican priests. To quote again Antomonarchi : "The Governor could not sleep. He lost his appetite when learning his soldiers always greeted the priests wherever they met them. He probably thought those priests might persuade the soldiers to some dangerous undertaking and always kept a watchful eye on them". O'Meara, the former physician in charge of Napoleon, who was forced to leave St.Helena, did not 84 «»ff^^€';yf^% ' ^ The Hon. Rev. VICTOR von KUBINYI de Felseo - Kubin et Demenfalva Knight of the Sovereign Order of Malta :*f": .:ia.:W';pr^S9 -forget his patient, and on Juiy 20^ 1820, as he thought he might be able to be of some help, he asked Lord Bathurst, the British Foreign Minister, for permission to go to St.Helena on his responsibility; but he received no an- swer. The same day Antommarchi sent a letter to his friend. Doctor Colonna, asking him to inform the Em- peror's relatives that there was no longer any hope. Six weeks after these two letters were written, at the very time when in Spain and Naples the revolution broke out, began a rapid and continuous decline. One day Napoleon passed a little while out of dors among his 'greens', and Lowe became almost fran- tic unpon learning of this simple outing. In fact the Governor got up every morning with the fearful thought of what would happen in case his prisoner should escape to Italy. "I believe", Antommarchi says, "the Governor became sick himself because of this constant anxiety. The Emperor was doomed and he knew himself there was no hope. When getting the sad news of Eliza, his pet sister's death, he calmly said: *It is now my turn to go'." |he year 1821 brought a sad outlook. Na- poleon's condition grew worse ; and when in February he saw the comet about which there was so much talk he said to Antommarchi: "Previous to Julius Cae- sar's death there appeared a comet too". On the 17th of March the crisis had come. The Emperor calmly told his friends he was going to die ; and after four weeks of severe pain, on the 15th of April, he made his will. On the 20th he made his confession and on the 3rd of May he called into his room all his friends in order to bid them 'good bye' for ever. And then? Well, then, on the 4th of May came a fearful storm which laid waste the whole Island of St.Helena, pulling up Napoleon's favorite trees under whose shadow be so often used to recall his glorious past;and the next day, May 5, 1821, at have past five *n the evening, Napo- 86 leon spoke for the last time. "Forward, Soldiers"!, — was all he said. Twenty minutes later there was left but a cold body. While Napoleon's friends were overcome by their sincere grief, the Governor's staff entered the room. One of the officers uncovered the dead Emperor and touching his body, announced his death. The next day Doctor Antommarchi performed the autopsy in the presence of the officers and surgeons of the garrison; and we learn from Lord Rosebery that the English physicians were directed by the Governor to write a statement that Napoleon died from inherited cancer. The dead man was clad in his uniform of French chasseure, adorned with the cross of the Legion of Honor, and covered with the gray mantle he wore at the battle of Marengo. He was on the bier for two days, and on the 18th of May was laid in a threefold coffin. After all arrangments were made, Hudson Lowe came to pay liis 'last visit'. "Gentlemen", he said, "the General was the bit- terest enemy of England and of myself, but I am willing to forgive him. Everybody must feel grieved at the death of such a great man. His death certainly will sadden you, the more as there was hope for restoring 87 ?iis freedom within a short time. Now, all is over, and to-morrow we will give him a proper burial." In these words, he proved himself anxious to show his 'power' until the very last minute. Also when he noticed that the temporary epitaph written by the Emperor's friends bore simply the name 'Napoleon', thus: "Napoleon, born Ajaccio, August 15th 1769, died St. Helena, May 5th 1821", — he hurriedly gave the order to add the name 'Bonaparte'. 1 ^n the 9th of May 1821 twelve cannon- shots told the ocean that the former rul- er of Europe was laid to rest. — After- wards, as is well known his body was brought back to Paris, in accordance with his last will in which he said: "L want to rest on the bank of the Seine, amidst my dear French, whom I loved so much". IHIwSlllliSir ^°'^^"^^^' 019 592 69l"fi