MfMI Copy 2 HH^HHHI Ml'**} ''ili'']! UpwJ •*»'*•£ H^^^H 'iMlwi Viii'H' Wi'iP'iil^l'.wIliKWiHninM^^ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS DDDO 17363^ 'i ''iIi'il'l'l')'i'Vi''ij!'J} ! ' tf.V' 111"]!! d'' lh' l i)i'J t 'J'!il'ii' l• i n, from the < ommi nc< ment, of a directly opposite charai • rand U ndency. It is susceptible of the clearest demon- stration, that the / eotlSS, ami Hie laid- f this contest, originated in a settled design, a "<' r !/> {with traders,) t and valuable terrU public, in order to re-establish the 1T.U OF SLAVERY; to open a post and profitable SLAVE MARKET therein; and ultimately to annex it to the United States. And further, il is evident — nay, it is very generally ■ knowlodged — that the insurrectionists are principally citizens of the United States, who bai led thither for the purpose of w t the country; and that they are i idantopon this nation, for both the ]ili\ sical and pecuniary means, to cany thedi sign into< \Y i L Wbethsf the national ' • will lend its aid to this most unwarrantable, aggi . will depend on tl • V< >I< i". I >F Tl IE 1T.< »I'l.i:, expressed in their primary assembi<< i, fcgj their petitions and through th'' ballot boxi The land sp -t of the cite « and vill ig« - : of the I tail and the -■ " foreigners in all the eastern parts of Mexico. AH concerned in them are aware thai a change in the government of the country muei take place, it their claims should i v. r be legalised. The sdvocal •. , in our soathern states and elsewhere, want more land <>n this continent suitable for the culture of «_ r ar and n : and if I • kss, with the adjoining portions of Tamaulipas, ' inila, Chihuahua, and Santa Bravo del Norte, can be wrested from the Mexican government, room will he uflbrded for the redundanl slave population in the United States, even to a remote pen. id of time. Such are the m< I u tuni — -mli the combination of interests — inch the or >n, sources of influence, and foundation of authority, upon which the present Tes / a rests, The resi- dent colo lists compose but a small fnu tion of the party concerned in it. The standard of revolt w is it was clearly ascer- tained that slavery could not he perpetuated, nor the illegal specoli i land continued, under the government of the Mexican Repubfie. The Mi \iean authorities were charged with acts of oppression, while the true causes of the revolt — the motives and designs of the insurgents BENJAMIN I.UNDY. — were studiously concealed from the public view. Influential slave- holders are contributing money, equipping troops, and marching to the scene of conflict. The land speculators are fitting out expeditions from New York and New Orleans, with men, munitions of war, pro- visions, &c, to promote the object. The Independence of Texas is declared, and the system of slavery, as well as the slave-trade (with the United States,) is fully recognized by the government they have set up. Commissioners are sent from the colonies and agents are appointed here, to make formal application, enlist the sympathies of our citizens, and solicit aid in every way that it can be furnished. The hireling presses are actively engaged in promoting the success of their eflbrts, by misrepresenting the character of the Mexicans, issuing inflammatory appeals, and urging forward the ignorant, the unsus- pecting, the adventurous, and the unprincipled, to a participation in the struggle. - Under the erroneous construction of the treaty with Mexico, General Gaines was authorized to cross the boundary line with his army ; to march seventy miles into the Mexican territory ; and to occupy the military post of Nacogdoches, in case he should judge it expedient in order to gttard against Indian depredations ! And further ; he was likewise authorized to call upon the governors of several of the south- western stales for an additional number of troops, should he consider it necessary. From the Pensttcolo Gazd'c. "About the middle of last month, General Onirics sent ?-\ officer of the United States army into Texas to reclaim sumc deserters. He found them already enlisted in the Te.vian service to the number of two hundred. They still wore the uniform of our army, hut refused, of course, to return. The com- mander of the Texian forces was applied to, to enforce their return ; hut his only reply was, that the soldiers might go, but he had no authority to send them back. ThLs is a new view of our Texian relations." The following decrees and ordinances are translated from an official compilation by authority of the government of Mexico. Extract from the Law of October \4th, 1S23. Article 21. Foreigners who bring slaves with them, shall obey the Laws established upon the matter, or which shall hereafter be estab- lished. Decree of july 13, 1824. Prohibition of the Commerce and Traffic in Slaves. The Sovereign General Constituent Congress of the United Mexi can States has held it right to decree the following: 1. The commerce and traffic in slaves, proceeding from whatever power, and under whatever flag, is forever prohibited, within the terri- tories of the United Mexican States. 2. The slaves, who may be introduced contrary to the tenor of the preceding article, shall remain free in consequence of treading the Mexican soil. BENJAMIN LUNDY. « 3. Every vessel, whether national or foreign, in which slaves may be transported and introduced into the Mexican territories, shall be confiscated with the rest of its cargo — and the owner, purchaser, cap- tain, master, and pilot, shall suffer the punishment of ten years' con- finement. The Constitution of Coahuila and Texas, promulgated on the 11th of March, 1827, also contains this important article : " 13. In tfail state no person shall be born a slave after this Consti- tution is published in the capital of each district, and six months there- after, neither will the introduction of slaves be permitted under any pretext." [Translated from page 149, Vol. V, Mexican Laws.] Decree of President Guerrero. Abolition of Slavery. The President of the United Mexican States, to the inhabitants of the Republic — , Be it known: That in the year 1829, being desirous of signalizing the anniversary of OUT Independence by an act of national Justice and Beneficence, which may contribute to the strength and support of such hlflllinnhlfl Wlllftn mora and mon tin- public tranquility, and reinstate an unfortunate portion of our inhabitant! in the sacred rights granted then by nature, and may be protected by the nation, under wise and just laws, according t<> the provision in article 30 of the Constitutive act ; availing myself of the extraordinary faculties granted me, I have thought proper i>> • !< en 1. That slavery !>•• exterminated in the republic. 8/ Consequently those are free, e/hOj up to this day, have been looked upon as sl.i . 3. Whenever the circumstances of the public treasury will allow it, the owners of slaves shall be indemnified, in the manner which tho laws shall provide. Mexico, 15th*SepL 1829, A. D. JOSE MARIA deBOCANEGRA. [Translation of 41 art of the law of April fith, 1830, prohibiting the migration of citizens of th(SjjUnited States to Texas. J Art. 9. On the northern frontier, the entrance of foreigners shall be prohibited, under all pretexts whatever, unless they be furnished with ;>orts, signed by the agents of the republic, at the places whence they proceed. Art. 10. There shall be no variation with regard to the colonies already established, nor with regard to the slaves that may be in them ; but the general government, or the particular state government, shall take care, under the strictest responsibility, that the colonization laws be obeyed, and that no more slaves be introduced. BENJAMIN LUNDY. Colonization Laws of Coahuila and Texas. Art. 3J. The new settlers, in regard to the introduction of slaves, shall be subject to laws which noxo exist, and which shall hereafter be made on the subject. Art. 36. The servants and laborers which, in future, foreign colonists shall introduce, shall not, by force of any contract whatever, remain bound to their service a longer space of time than ten years. Given in the city of Leona Vicario, 28th April, 1832. JOSE JESUS GRANDE, President. In the course of my observations, I have several times asserted, that it was the intention of the insurrectionists to establish and perpetuate the system of slavery, by "constitutional" provision. In proof of this, I now quote several paragraphs from the "constitution" which they lately adopted. This extract is taken from that part under the head of" General Provisions," and embraces all that relates to slavery. Texas Constitution. Sec 8. All persons who shall leave the country for the purpose of evading a participation in the present struggle, or shall refuse to partici- pate in it, or shall give aid or assistance to the present enemy, shall forfeit all rights to citizenship, and such lands as they may hold, in the republic. Sec. 9. All persons of color, who were slaves for life previous to their emigration to Texas, and who are now held in bondage, shall remain in the like state of servitude, provided the said slave shall be the bona fide property of the person so holding said slave as aforesaid. Congress shall pass no laws to prohibit emigrants from the United States of America from bringing their slaves into the republic with them, and holding them by the same tenure by which such slaves were held in the United States ; nor shall congress have the power to emancipate slaves ; nor shall any slaveholder be allowed to emancipate his or her slave or slaves, without the consent of congress, unless he or she shall send his or her slave or slaves without the limits of the republic. No free person of African descent, either in whole or in part, shall be permitted to reside permanently in the republic, without the consent of con *ress ; and the importation or admission of Afrfcans or negroes inio this. republic, excepting from the United States of America, is for ever prohibited and declared to be piracy. Sec. 10. All persons, (Africans, and the descendants of Africans, and Indians excepted,) who were residing in Texas on the day of the Decla- ration of Independence, [a great portion of the native Mexican citizens are, of course, excluded,] shall be considered citizens of the republic, and entitled to all the privileges of such. All citizens now living in Texas, who have not received their portion of land in like manner as colonists, shall be entitled to their land in the following proportion and manner : Every head of a family shall be entitled to one league and "labor" of land, and every single man of the age of seventeen and upwards, shall be entitled to one third part of one league of land. BENJAMIN LUNDY. The period has indeed arrived— THE CRISIS IS NOW— when the wise, the virtuous, the patriotic, the philanthropic of this nation, most examine, and reflect, and deeply ponder the momentous subject under oonsid< ration. Already we see the newspaper press in some of th penly advocating the system of slavery, with all its outrages and abominations, Individuals occupying influential stations in the community a1 i rge, also countenance and encourage it, and even vile rabble to oppose, maltreat, and trample on the n<< k who dart to plead the cause of the oppr essed . At the i of our national congn ?«, die gn at haul' is to be fought, that must decide the qui stion oow at issue, and perhaps even seal the fat? ■ ublic. I tatives of the people will then be called on to the independence of Texas, and also, to provide for Ha admission, as a 3LAVEHOLDING STATE,into l • 9 will positively be proposed, in case the Mexican govi rnmi a\ fails to suppress the insum etion \- ry soon, and to recover the actual po rritory. A few of our most «*u ii r i Lion * ith energy and seal ; L. nt unless the PI BLIG VOICE be raised against the unhallowed ntiments of thi | un< quivocally ! in the loudest I f disapprobation, they will In- unable to withstand the influence and power of theii raw. then! and l< t your voici rd through yourpnman asseml your legi lat Citizei ;ih s of W i sloy and Pi nn ! — i Coadjutors an.) pupils of Washington, Ji ti'< r- kJin ! — A red ** rights of :nl slumber m apathy, while the demo mis thus stalking over the plains consecrated nius of liberty, and fertilized by the blood of hern martyr ' -Will you permit the authors I project of i, interminabh , and Heaven-daring injusl tn I- • • ir diabolical schemes throu », or with the sanction of your acquiescenci ' If the' complish- menl of their object, \\ here m ill be v<>ur gu ira;it- e for the liberty which you When ' \ shall obtain the balance of power in this confederation; when they shall have corrupted s few more of the aspirants to office among you, and opened an illimitable ti<-ld tor the operations of your heartless I and -jobbers and slave-merchants, (to secure their influence m effecting the unholy purposes of their ambition,) how long will you be able tu resist the oachrro nts of tli.-ir tyrannical influence, or pr< vent them from usurping and exercising authority over youl ARISE IN THE MAJESTY OF MORAL POWER, and pi al of eoodern- nati' .lit violation of national laws, of human rights, and the eternal, immutable principles of justice. — National Enquirer of Philadelphia. JOHN Q. ADAMS. JOHN a. ADAMS. During the late war with Great Britain, the military and naval com- manders^ that nation, issued proclamations inviting the slaves to repair to their standards, with promises of freedom and of settlement in some of the British colonial establishments. This, surely, was an interference with the institution of slavery in the states. By the treaty of peace, Great Britain stipulated to evacuate all the forts and places in the United States, without carrying away any slaves. If the government of the United States had no authority to interfere, in any way, with the institution of slavery in the states, they would not have had the authority to require this stipulation. It is well known that this engagement was not fulfilled by the British naval and military commanders ; that, on the contrary, they did carry away all the slaves whom they had induced to join them, and that the British government inflexibly refused to restore any of them to their masters ; that a claim of indemnity was consequently instituted in behalf of the owners of the slaves, and was successfully maintained. All that series of transactions was an interference by congress with the institution of slavery in the states in one way — in the way of protection and support. It was by the institution of slavery alone, that the restitution of slaves enticed by proclamations into the British service could be claimed as property. But for the institution of slavery, the British commanders could neither have allured them to their standard, nor restored them otherwise than as liberated prisoners of war. But for the institution of slavery, there could have been no stipulation that they should not be carried away as property, nor any claim of indemnity for the violation of that engagement. But the war power of congress over the institution of slavery in the states is yet far more extensive. Suppose the case of a servile war, complicated, as to some extent it is even now, with an Indian war; suppose congress were called to raise armies ; to supply money from the whole Union to suppress a servile insurrection : would they have no authority to interfere with the institution of slavery? The issue of a servile war may be disastrous. By war, the slave may emancipate himself; it may become necessary for the master to recognise his emancipation, by a treaty of peace ; can it, for an instant, be pretended that congress, in such a contingency, would have no authority to interfere with the institution of slavery, tu any way, in the states ? Why, it would be equivalent to saying, that congress have no consti- tutional authority to make peace. I suppose a more portentous case, certainly within the bounds of possibility. — I would to God I could say not within the bounds of probability. You have been, if you are not now, at the very point of a war with Mexico — a war, I am sorry to say, so far as public rumor is credited, stimulated by provocations on our part from the very com- mencement of this Administration down to the recent authority given to General Gaines to invade the Mexican territory. It is said, that one of the earliest acts of this Administration, was a proposal made at a time when there was already much ill-humor in Mexico against the JOHN 0.. ADAMS. United Stab s, that she should cede to the United States a very large portion of hei territory — large enough to constitute nine states equal in extent to Kentucky. It must be confessed, that, a device bettor calculated lo produce j . suspicion, ill-will, and hatred, could not : ntrived. It is further affirmed, that this overture, ly at the time when a swarm of 9 were covering the Mexican border with land-jobbing, and with slaves, introduced in defiance of the tican laws, by which slavery had 1 throughout that republic. The warned . Mexican civil war, and a u ar for the re-< st iblisbra It rvile wn, but a warb I tvery and emancipation, and .:', OH tho ■ I again I a ' ., what will be j a war ? Ai rr ;res- ■ .'. ill be the banm rs of M id your b 1 be tho banni \ d how < ted? Your Seminol :>rcading i<> th with them your ne I bands to imon i, and how far will ii spread, sir, should a ; . h of lib i, and the standard ■ and r- \ en W hat I i, of Alabama i? Where w ill be yout ' Win r. will lined and i mass of Indian trih from tii> ir w i them within a -mall comp as if on pi that : :i ition of n itu il I i lir hostili Sir, you have a Mexican, an Indian, and a n gro war upon yout hinds, you are pi t to it blind I i are talking about acknowledging the independence of th< I you an thirel i I id Santa l-'e, : i the mouth of the v our air bundred thousand square miles of the u now qu .. burning thirst for •ii. Ureal Britain may have no Bei tion to the ind< p ndenceof is, and ma^ be will I her under her protection, as . rier both against Mexico and against you. But, ai iize- svill not readily suffer it j and, above all, she will not suflfur you to acquire it by conquest and the re-establishment of slavi ry. ■ I <>:i by the im sistible, overwhelming torrent of public opinion, .i Brit on bas n fone bundred milhons of dollars, which her [> ople have joyfully paid, abolished slavery throughout all the W< ii ing such an example, she will JOHN Q.. ADAMS. not --it is impossible that sbs should — stand by and witness a war for the re-establishment of slavery ; wbcre it had been for years abolished, and situated thus in the immediate neighborhood of her islands. She will V>11 you, that if you must have Texas as a member of your confederacy, it must be without the trammels of slavery, and if you will wage a war to handcuff and fetter your fellow-man, she will wage the war against you to break his chains. Sir, what a figure, in the eyes of mankind, would you make, in deadly conflict with Great Britain: she fighting the battles of emancipation, and you the battles of slavery ; she the benefactress, and you the oppressor of human kind ! In such a war, the enthusiasm of emancipation, too, would unite vast numbers of her people in aid of the national rivalry, and all her natural jealousy against our aggrandizement. No war was ever so popular in England, as that war would be against slavery, the slave-trade, and the Anglo- Saxon descendant from her own loins. As to the annexion of Texas to your confederation, for what do you want it ? Are you not large and unwieldy enough already? Do not two millions of square miles cover enough for the insatiate rapacity of your land-jobbers ? I hope there arc none of them within the sound of my voice. Have you not Indians enough to expel from the land of ( their fathers' Bepulchres, and to exterminate ? What, in a prudential and military point of view, would be the addition of Texas to your domain 1 It would be weakness and not power. Is your southern and southwestern frontier .not sufficiently extensive? not sufficiently feeble ? not suffici< ntly defenceless? Why arc you adding regiment after regiment of dragoons to your standing army? Why are you strugcrlino-, by direction and by indirection, to raise per saltum that army from less than six to more than twenty thousand men? A" war for the restoration of slavery, where it has been abolished, if successful in Texas, must extend over all Mexico; and the example will threaten Great Britain with imminent danger of a war of colors in her own islands. She will take possession of Cuba and Porto Rico, by cession from Spain, or by the batteries from her wooden walls ; and if you ask her by what authority she has done it, she will ask you, in return, by what authority you have extended your seacoast from the Sabine to the Rio Bravo. She will ask you a question more per- plexing namely — by what authority you, with freedom, independence, and democracy upon your lips, are waging a war of extermination to forge new manacles and fetters, instead of those which are falling from the hands and feet of man. She will carry emancipation and abolition with her in every fold of her flag ; while your stars, as they increase in numbers, will be overcast with the murky vapors of op- pression, and the only portion of your banners visible to the eye, will be the blood-stained stripes of the task-master ? Little reason have the inhabitants of Georgia and Alabama to com- plain that the government of the United Slates has been remiss or neglectful in protecting them from Indian hostilities; the fact is directly the reverse. The people of Alabama and Georgia are now suffering the recoil of their own unlawful weapons. Georgia, sir, Georgia^ by trampling upon the faith of our national treaties with the JOHN Q. ADAMS. Indian tribes, and by subjecting them to her state laws, first set the example of that policy which is now in the process of consummation by thi3 Indian war, In setting this example, she bade defiance to the authority of the government of the nation ; she nullified your laws ; she set at naught your executive guardians of the common constitu- tion of the land. To what extent she carried this policy, the dungeons of her prisons and th<' records of the Supreme Judicial Court of the United States can teU To those prisons she committed inoflensive, inno. UB ministers of the gosp.l of (ruth, for carrying the light, the comforts, and tin- consolations of that gospe4 to the hearts and minds of these unhappy Indians. A sol. mil decision of the Supreme Court • .!' pronounced that ait a violation ot your treaties an. I your I i *le:i. d that decision; your executive government never carried it into execution j theimpris d mission- v. compelled to pun has.- theil raii~.Mii from pcr- p.iual captivity, by sacrificing their r eemen to the meekness of their princi i: and you bat I all these iges upon justice, law, snd humanity, by succumbing to the power ami thi pol gia, by accommodating your legislation to her arbitrarv will ; by tearing ' your olfl frith the Indians, an. 1 by constraining them, nndet prfns fifU et dure, to the ming other treaties with you, which, at tin- iir-t moment when it shal ut purpose, you will aeain tear to tatters and the bur winds of heaven, till the Indl • \tmct iiinn I it shall I" ■ ome a probli m, !>■ yond the solution or an • and hi.- - . ■" til. red man of the forest was. [The Arms OB 1 F.agla destroying . .runny ; and its re verso beaxs Uio Lap of Lieertt, diffusing Its radiance universally.] LONDON PATRIOT WILLIAM B. REED. THE LONDON PATRIOT. The British public ought to be made aware of what i3 going on at present in Texas ; of the true cause and the true nature of the contest between the Mexican authorities and the American slave-jobbers. Texas has long been the Naboth's vineyard of brother Jonathan. For twenty years or more, an anxiety has been manifested to push back the boundary of the United States' territory, of which the Sabine river is the agreed line, so as to include the rich alluvial lands of the delta of die Colorado, at the head of the Gulf of Mexico. There are stronger passions at work, however, than the mere lust of territory — deeper interests at stake. Texas belongs to a republic which has abolished slavery ; the object of the Americans is to convert it into a slaveholding state ; not only to make it a field of slave cultivation, and a market for the Maryland slave-trade, but, by annexing it to the Federal Union to strengthen in congress the preponderating influence of the southern slaveholding states. This atrocious project is the real origin and cause of the pretended content for Texian independence — a war, on the part of the United States, of unprovoked aggression for the vilest of all purposes.- JulyG, 1S36. WILLIAM B. REED. One of the complaints mad,' by the Tcxians is that the Mexican government will not permit the introduction of slaves, and one of the' first fruits of independence and secure liberty (unnatural as is the paradox) will be the extension of slavery, and both the domestic and foreign slave-trade, over the limits of a territory large enough to form five states as large as Pennsylvania. Such being the result what becomes of any real or imaginary balance between the South and the North — the slaveholding and non-slavcholding interests ? Five or more slaveholding states, with their additional representation, thorou^hl v imbued with southern feeling, thoroughly attached to what the South Carolina resolutions now before us, call " the patriarchal institution of domestic slavery," added to the Union, and where ifl the security of the North, and of the interests of free labor? — These are questions worth considering — the more so, as the war fever which is now burning in the veins of this community, and exhibiting ita it' in all the usual unreflecting expressions of sympathy and resentment, has disturbed the judgment ol the nation,- and distorted every notion of right and wrong. Let the Tcxians win independence as they can. That is their affair, not ours. But let no statesman that loves his country think of admitting such an increment of slaveholding popula- tion into this Union. He (Mr. R.) could not but fear that there was a deep laid plan to admit Texas into the Union, with a view to an increase of slaveholding representation in congress; and while he viewed it in connexion with the growing indifference perceptible in some quarters, he could not but feel melancholy forebodings. — Speech in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives, June 1 1th, 1S36. TEXAS. The following document, considering the avouched character of the gentlemen whose names are signed to it, and attest its truth, is entitled to a place in our columns : — National Intelligencer. TO THE PUBLIC. We will not dwell upon the false assurances made to us by men professing to be the accredit) d agents of Texas in this country. At a time when tin* cause of Texas was dark and gloomy, when Santa Anna eeetned d< signed to carry desolation over the whole country, those men were prodigal of promisee, and professing to be authorized to speak in the name of me Vt van I rovernment, made assurances of ultimate n Enumeration, winch tbej knew at the time to be false, and whuh time proved to l>c so. We now state that our personal observation and undoubted infor- mation enabled us fully to pen i ive, 1st That the present population ofT< ned wholly incapable of ■ just idea n ci\il and political hlxrty, and ibaf, -.. far as the i i of liberal principles is con- cerned, it is of bat little moment whether Mi nco or Tens succeed in tlje struggle. Id. That the mass of the people, from the highest functionary of tlwir pretended government to the humblest citizen (with but few i \- Ceptions,) are animated alone bv a desire of jdnnder, and appear totally indifferent whom they plunder, friends or I .'id. That even now then 1-^ really no organized government in the country, no laws administered, no judiciary, a perpetual straggle going on between the civil and military departments, and neither having the confidence ol the people, <>r being worthy of it. These facts and others sufficiently demonstrate to us that the cabinet was deficient in all the requ I government, and that no one in h would trust himself, his reputation, or his fortunes, to their i iii, • ,,|. Charged with B r esson, s ri se r y , and i in their councils, and still weaker in power to en: their orders, we perceived at once that we must look I . and proper indu< ements elsewhere. We then turned our i yes to the srmy, and i 'ill dmto disheartening presented itself; undisciplined, and without an efibri to become so; not a roll called, nor a drill ; no regu ipment; no authority nor obedience; with plundering parties for self-emolument, robbing private individuals of their property. We could see nothing toindu e us to embark our fortunes and destinies with them. With then views and facts, we oould but sicken and wonder at the rile deceptions winch bad hem practised upon us; yet we are told that this people had risen up in their might to vindicate "the • ■ of civil and religious liberty. It is a mockery of the \. of liberty. They %xe stimulated by that motive which such men can only appreciate — the hope of plunder. They are careless of the form of government under which they live, if that government will tolerate licentiousness and disorder. Such is a brief, but we sincerely be- lieve, a faithful picture of a country to which we were invited with so much assiduity, and such the manner in which we were received and treated. NEW-YORK SUN. We might multiply facts in support of each proposition here laid down, to show the miserable condition of things in Texas, and the utter impossibility that a man of honor could embark in such a cause with such men. Should it be rendered necessary, we may yet do so ; but for the present we will pause with this remark, that if there be any, now, in Kentucky, whose hearts are animated with the desire of an honorable fame, or to secure a competent settlement for themselves or families, they must look to some other theatre than the plains of Texas. We would say to them, Listen not to the deceitful and hypocritical allurements of land speculators, who xvish you to fight for their benefit, and who are as liberal of promises as they are faithless in perform- once. We are aware of the responsibility which we incur by this course. We are aware that we subject ourselves to the misrepresen- tations of hired agents and unprincipled landmongers ; but we are willing to meet it all, relying upon the integrity of our motives and the correctness of our course. EDWARD J. WILSON, G. L. POSTLETHWAITE. Lexington, Sept. 10, 1836. NEW- YORK SUN. Extract from General Houston's letter to General Dunlap of Nash- ville— "For a portion of this force we must look to the United States. It cannot reach us too soon. There is but one feeling in Texas, in my opinion, and that is to establish the independence of Texas, and to be attached to the United States." Here, then, is an open avowal by the commander-in-chief of the Texian army, that American troops will be required to seize and sever this province of the Mexican republic, for the purpose of uniting it to ours ; and this avowal is made by a distinguished American citizen, in the very face of that glorious constitution of his country, which wisely gives no power to its citizens for acquiring foreign territory by conquest, their own territory being more than amply sufficient to gratify any safe ambition ; and in the face, too, of the following solemn and sacred contract of his country with the sister republic which he would dis- member : "There shall be a firm, inviolable, and universal peace, and a true and sincere friendship between the United States of America, and the United Mexican States, in all the extent of their possessions and terri- tories, between their people and citizens respectively, without distinction of persons or places." In the earlier days of our republic, when a high-minded and honor- able fidelity to its constitution was an object proudly paramount to every mercenary consideration that might contravene it, an avowed design of this kind against the possessions of a nation with whom the United States were at peace, would have subjected its author, if a citizen, to the charge of high treason, and to its consequences. When Aaron Burr and his associates were supposed to meditate the conauest NEUTRALITY. of Mexico, and attempted to raise troops in the southern states to achieve it, they were arrested for treason, and Burr, their chief, was tried for his life. But now, behold ! the conquest of a part of the same country is an object openly proclaimed, not in the letters of General Houston alone, but by many of our wealthiest citizens at public ban- quets, and by the hireling presses in the chief cities of our Union. The annexation <9C a foreign territory to our own bv foreign conquest, being thus onbloahingij avowed, and our citizens who art- integral portions of our national ■overeignty, hems openly invited and incited to join the amende with » 4 war, it becomes an interesting moral inquiry — what i- there m 1 1 »* - public mind to excuse or even to palliate so flagrant a prostitntion off nationaJ faith and honor in tie .any more than in the days thai ere past .' The answer is ready at hand, and is irrefutable. An extensive and well organised gang of] swindlers in Texas lands, have raised theory, and the standard of " Liberty !" and to the thrilling (harm of this glorious word, whicfa stirs the blood of a tree people, BJ the blast of t In- bugle SrOOSeS «v. rv nerve of the warhorse, have the generous fei lings of our citnens responded in ardent delusion. But, as the Commercial Advertiser truly declares, " Never was the Go d dess of American liberty invoked more onrighteoosly ; n and we cannot but believe that the natural sagaciti ense,and proud regard lor tin ir national honor, for which our citizens arr di.-tm- guished in the eyea of all nations, will ipeedily rem oe tin m from the otherwise degrading error m which that vile crew of nv rcenary li\ {•«►- il Bwindli rg would involve tin m. I utful deceivers, bow< '•• r, have not reli d upon the ge n et os i ty uml noble sympathy only of our fellow citizens, tor tiny insidiously presented a hnhe to excite their NEUTRALITY! Next theTeorJan revolution, Was it not laughable to see these Texians, all of them, generally speaking, slaveholders; adhering to the constitution of 18S I, one article of which emancipates all | m Mexico! Was it not laughable to see them proclaiming a consti- tution, of which, eleven years ago, tin- Am. si am in Texas bad pro- hibited the proclamation by the Mexican authorities there, under the heaviest threats: — What man of common in believe ia this humbug 7 None, gentlemen ; none but those that have risked their thousands in this country; and they, whoever they may be, feign to believe it The statements made throughout the United States, of tyranny and oppression on the part of Mexico toward the Am. citizens in Ti slanderous ntlsehoods, tabricated to create and nurture the worst prejudices and jealousies. The Americans in Texas have had their own way in ,d on every occasion ; and whenever then- happened a legislative act that was, from an j causa, repugnant to the feelings of the people of Texas, it was silenced at ori'-e. In short, if there has exist d ■ good cause ofcomplainl in Texas, »t was that men were too much their own masters, and too little under the restraint of an v law. Any allegation to the effect that the Mexican government had deceived citizens of the United States in relation to GENERAL WILKINSON. promises of lands first made to them, is false, and I defy any one to show a forfeiture of title to lands, when the conditions of the grant had been fulfilled by the settler. Now, sir, as to the war : here I will ask Americans, (except the speculators,) how many military incursions, insurrections, and rebel- lions, avowedly for the purpose of snatching Texas from its proper owners, will, in their mind, justify Mexico in driving from its territories, the pirates that would thus possess themselves of the country ? Be it remembered, that these revolutions have never been attempted by the resident citizens of Texas, but in every case by men organized in the United States for the purpose and coming from afar : why, a single provocation of this nature were ample justification ; but Texas has, from the time of the adjustment of the boundary by Wilkinson and Ferrara, experienced seven or eight. The Americans (I mean the regulars) and Texians, appear to understand each other perfectly. The neutrality is preserved on the part of General Gaines, by allowing all volunteers, and other organized corps destined for Texas, to pass in hundreds and thousands undis- turbed, but keeps in check any attempt on the part of the native Mexicans and Indians, to act against the Texians. The Texians are allowed to wage war against a friendly power, in a district of country claimed by the United States. The prisoners of war taken by the Texians are ignorant to which i>;irty they are subject. The American general claims the country only from Mexico, but has no objections to the carrying on of war against Mexico in the district he claims! Pray, sir, let Americans speak honestly, and let them say whether any gov- ernment has, within the last century, placed itself in so ridiculous a light ? — not only ridiculous, but contemptible. Will not any honest man confess at once that General Gaines, or any authority clothing him with the discretion so indiscreetly used, would never have dreamed of the like against a government able and ready to defend itself, and punish such arrogance ? What is Europe to say to this ? Will not Mexico complain 1 And will there be no sympathy for her ? — Letter to the Editors of the New-York Commercial Advertiser, dated Nacog- dogcs, Texas, September 14, 1836. [Alas, for our national degeneracy and infamy ; — In 1811, the sus- picion of being accessory to this horrible outrage against the laws of nature, and of nations, led a to distinct charge in the trial for treason of] GENERAL WILKINSON. Charge V. — That he, the said James Wilkinson, while commanding the army of the United States, by virtue of Iris said commission, and being bound by the duties of his office to do all that in him lay, to discover and to frustrate all such enormous violations of the law as tended to endanger the peace and tranquillity of the United States, did, nevertheless, unlawfully combine and conspire to set on foot a military expedition against the territories of a natron, then at peace with tho United States. Specification, He, the said James Wilkinson, in the years 1805 and THE AFRICAN SLAVE-TRADE AND TEXAS. 1806, combining and conspiring with Aaron Burr and his associates, to set on foot a military expedition against the Spanish provinces and territories in America. — Wilkinson's Memoirs, Vol. II. THE AFRICAN SLAVE-TRADE AND TEXAS. By a treaty between Great Britain and Spain, for the suppression of the slavf -trad'', concluded in 1817, the British government was Authorized to appoint commissioners to reside in Cuba, who, with Spanish commissioners, were to form a court for the adjudication of such ships as might beseixi d with slaves actually on board. The British commissioners from time to time make reports to their government, which are laid beioto 1 'arliament, and published by their ■motion, The following aw extracts from a report, dated 1st January, 1836. "Never tince the < stablishment of this mixed commission, has the slave-trade of the I lavana reached inch a disgraceful pitch as during the year 1835. By the list WO have the honor to enclose, it will be seen that fifty slave Wi ■ - ' "• ■ lf< ly arrived in ihis port during the year just expired. In 1833, there were twenty-seven arrivals, and in 1834, thirty-three; but 1836 presents a number, by meant of widen there must have h. so landed upwards of fifteen thousand negroes. "In the spring of last year an American agent from Texas pur- chaaed in the 1 lavana two hundred and fifty n< wjy imported Africans, at two hundred and seventy dollars a head, and earned them away with him to that district of Mexico — having tir^t procured from the American Consul here certificates of their freedom. Tin-;, perhaps, would have l"> n w arcely worth m> ntioning to your lordship, had wo not learned, that within the last -i\ weeks, considerable sums of money have been deposited by the American citizens bi certain mer- cantile bousj s here, tor the purpose ,,! making additional purchases of • •: I ■ r>as. According to the laws of Mexico, wo believe Buch Africans are free, whether they have certificates of fre ed om or not ; butwedoubt much whether this freedom w ill be more than nominal under their American masters, or whether the whole system ma v not be found* d on some plan of smuggling them across the frontier of the sUu if the Union. However this may be, a great hnpuJoa IS th . it traffic of the Havana ; and it i- DOt I %MJ for u^ to point out t<> government what remonstrances ought to be made on tl»- subject since tin American settlers in Texas are almost as independent <>f American authority as they are of Mexico. These lawless people will doubtless, moreover insert, that they buy negroes U| the Havana wiih a v i. w to their ultimate emancipation. We thought the first experiment to be of huh- consequence — but now that we per< i iv . freshet mmissions arriving in the 1 lavana for the purchase of Africans, we cannot r< frain from calling your lordship's attention to the f.u t, as being another cause of the increase of the slave-trade in the I lavana." The foregoing throws ught on the following recent article in the Albany Argus : — V TEXAS AND SLAVERY. " The fate of Henry Bartow, late of the Commercial Bank of this city, has been at length definitely ascertained. The agent sent out by the bank has returned, and states that Bartow died at Marianne, near Columbia, in Texas, on the 30th of June last, of the fever of the country, after an illness of about four weeks. He had purchased a farm on the Brassos, and, in company with a native of the country, had commenced an extensive plantation, and sent ,$10,000 to Cuba for the purchase of slaves. We grant that Texas would present us an immense territory of rich soil, and would be another brilliant star in our standard. On the other hand she would give us her quarrel with Mexico — add to our unwieldly slave incumbrance — and give the balance of power to the southern and southwestern states. We much question whether the United States should ever add more states to the confederacy. Already we are rent by the fiercest internal dissension. The North and South, the East and West, have their local feelings — which are becoming more strong and definite every day. As it is, we are in constant and hourly danger of splitting, The time must come ulti- mately, and when it does it will be with terrible power. Why then should we burthen ourselves with still another local interest that must tend rapidly to hasten this result ? But another strong reason against such an annexation is the fact that it is a slaveholding country. The northern people differ relative to the expediency of interfering with this subject; but they all admit that it is an evil, dangerous to our safety as a nation. It is univer- sally acknowledged that the slave population may ultimately become unmanageable by rapid increase ; and when it does we may expect to see re-enacted the fearful, blood-curdling scenes of the West Indies. It is obvious, therefore, it would be highly impolitic to add such a slave market as Texas to the Union. — Detroit Spectator. Were any further proof wanting to convince those at all conversant with the subject, that Texas will speedily become a great slave mart, the following article from the Liberia Herald, will furnish it. We have proved, time and again, by the most indubitable testimony, (and the fact should be kept constantly before the people,) that the great cause which led to the rupture between the inhabitants of Texas and the mother country, was a determination on their part to traffic in slaves, which is strictly forbidden by the constitution of Mexico. How northern men, therefore, who profess to be opposed to slavery, can . with any degree of consistency lend their influence in behalf of Texas, is more than can be accounted for. The fact is, they are not opposed to slavery ; and we unhesitatingly declare, that every one who has taken the pains to inform himself of the first cause i of the Texian in- surrection, is at heart a slaveholder, if he is in any manner aiding the cause of the insurgents. By "defending Texas," he is " upholding" and virtually justifying the enslavement of his brother, and his cry of liberty, is the very quintessence of hypocrisy. Shall Texas be admitted into the Union ? That is the question damel webster. now. Her independence has already been recognized by our govern- ment; but it. is yd to be decided whether this nation is to be cursed with an extension of its slave territory. What say you, freemen of tiie North ? Shall Texas he admitted into the Union ? "Will you willingly hug a viper to your own bosoms ? There is but one alter- native ii It yon — inundate- congress, at its next session, with remon- ptra d Q8t the admission of Texas, or you sign at once the death warrant of Am ricau freedom. 1 111" •: : - are- already being made for the admission of Florida as a Should these efforts prove successful — but may h<-:iv. n forbid it!— should Texas also be admitted, the slaveholding - would outnumber dn b — there being already thirteen slave to thirteen Gn And Texas alone is sufficiently lain nid probably will ultiiii.it -1\ !>•■ divided into, some six or eight The liberty of the t: would exist only in mime, wen they ?■> be outnumbered by the In such an event, a duiker cloud would bang over th r< r did before: and uo to thai " li'ii ii tin ii talk of the abolition of ven in the District of Colombia I We might then expect to ,.iver\ — horrors to which those of the French ition bear but s fi • ble comparison — visited upon the heads ol all it dare v> eir voice in behalf of thev down-trodden colored brethn shall I admitted into the 1 W< again ask. Free- will vim w ill nt to the manadi I i not, a i your slui id thunder in the ears of the lins for you and your children, your determination still to be nee. — From the American Citizen. I that great calculi already avers on the coast, demand and ad- vanced price of slaves which it is confidently anticipated will take place on the erection of T< tas into an independent government It . rumored thai oners bav been made by a common ial b m New Orleans, to s slaver on the coast, for a certain number of cified period ; and the only circumstance win- nsummauon < »t the bargain waa, that the slaver nth- - after thev should be put on ts, we think are important to be known, as the - i in and philanthropic world may learn from them what they are upholding when Ihey are defending Texas. — Liberia Hertdd, DANIEL WEBSTER. But w I me to speak of admitting new states, the subject aasunies an entirely different aspect I 'ur rights and our duties are then both different The tVe.- states, and all the state?, arc then at liberty to accept, or to reject When it ii proposed to bring new members into this politi- cal partnership, the old members have a right to say on what terms WILLIAM JAY. such new members are to come in, and what they are to bring along with them. In my opinion, the people of the United States will not consent to bring a new, vastly extensive, a slaveholding country, large enough for half a dozen or a dozen states, into the Union. In my opinion they ought not to consent to it. Indeed i am altogether at a loss to conceive, what possible benefits any part of this country can expect to derive from such annexation. All benefit, to any part is at least doubtful and uncertain ; the objections obvious, plain, and strong. On the general question of slavery, a great portion of the community is already strongly excited. The subject has not only at- tracted attention as a question of politics, but it has struck a far deeper toned chord. It has arrested the religious feelings of the country ; it has taken strong hold on the consciences of men. He is a rash man, indeed, little conversant with human nature, and especially has he a very erroneous estimate of the character of the people of this country, who supposes that a feeling of this kind is to be trifled with, or despised. It will assuredly cause itself to be respected. It may be reasoned with, it may be made willing, I believe it is entirely willing to fulfil all existing engagements, and all existing duties, to uphold and defend the con- stitution, as it is established, with whatever regrets about some provi- sions, which it does actually contain. But to coerce it into silence, — to endeavor to restrain its free expression, to seek to compress and confine it, warm as it is and more heated as such endeavors would inevitably render it, — should all this be attempted, I know nothing even in the constitution, or in the Union itself, which would not be endangered by the explosion which might follow. I see, therefore, no political necessity for the annexation of Texas to the Union ; no advantages to be derived from it ; and objections to it, of a strong, and in my judgment, decisive character. — Jlddressin Niblo's Garden, 1337. WILLIAM JAY. Fellow citizens, a crisis has arrived in which we must maintain our rights, or surrender them for ever. I speak not to abolitionists alone, but to all who value the liberty of our fathers achieved. Do you ask what we have to do with slavery ? — Let our muzzled presses answer — let the mobs excited against us by merchants and politicians answer — let the s;ag laws threatened by our governors and legislatures answer, let the conduct of the National Government answer. In 1826, Mexico and Columbia being at war with Spain, proposed carrying their armies into Cuba, a Spanish colony. These republics had abolished slavery within their own limits, and it was feared that if they conquered Cuba they would give liberty to the thousands there enchained. And what did our liberty-loving government do? Why they sent on special messengers to Panama to threaten our sister republics with war if they dared to invade Cuba. Nor was this all ; a minister was sent to Spain, and ordered to urge upon the Spanish monarch the policy of making peace with his revolted colonies, lest if the war con- tinued, nearly a mdlion of human beings should recover and enjoy the THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT — TEXAS. rights of man. What have we to do with slavery ? Is it nothing that nineteen Senators were found to vote for a bill establishing in every post town a censorship of the press, and that a citizen of New York gave a casting vote in favor of the abomination, and has received as his reward, the office of President of the L'nited States ? Is it nothing that our own representatives have spurned our petitions at the man- date of slaveholders ? What have we to do with slaver)' ? Look at the loathsome community, just sprung into being on our southern border, the progeny of treason and robbery, a vile republic, organized for the express purpose of re-establishing slavery on a soil from which it had been lately expelled ; and providing for its perpetual continu- ance by constitutional provisions, and daring to insult us with the offerors monopoly of its trade in tinman flesh. — Yet northern specu- lators and politician! in conjunction with slaveholders, are now plotting impel ii- to receive this den of scorpions into our bosom, to admit Texas mtoour confederacy, with a territory capable of furnishing eight or hum- more :iL r to the enemies of human rights, an overwhelming majority in ibject this northern country to the dominion of the South ; and perhaps before long, to : the crack of the whip and tin.' el ink of chains to re-echo on our hills, and our fields to be polluted with the blood and team of slaves. To effect '.union with 'I rots are now making to involve us in a war with M< I when the unholy alliance .-hall bav< msummated, men farewell to republican freedom, to christian morals, to happiness at home, or to respect abroad. This fair land, once thi ' all land-, will become a bye word, a re- proach, and ■ hissing to all people! and we and our children wiH be it by bitter experience, what the North had to do with slavery. — A frets, July I, 1^37. THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT. Texas. Mil I'ari.ow Hot rose to call tin. attention of the House to the pre- sent state of affairs in the Texas. — The importance of that territory was well known to all who were acquainted with its geographical ion. Mr. Eioskisson, aware that the United would be >t\< loanm \ the Ti us to their territory, laid it down as a maxim, i\ Britain should on no account allow America to extend her boundary in the direction of Mexico.— It was notorious that an enor- mous importation of slaves took place- into the Texas, and if this dlowed to oontinue, all the sums which we had expended m endeavoring to suppress the traffic in slaves would have been thrown away. If we did not co-operate with Mexico in endeavouring ti> preserve mi \ and thus to prevent the importation of si the Mexican territory, we bad better at once withdraw our fleet from the coast of Africa, and abandon Sierra Leone. The United Btates, appeared to be acting a faithless part; they kept the boundary question open both with respect to Mexico and Great Britain. It they had not some sinister motive for keeping the question THE LEGION OF LIBERTY. open, it ought to have been settled long since, as it would have bcon, it the United States had accepted the mediation of the King of 1 lolland. It was not the standard of liberty and independence which w;ih raised in the Texas, but the pirate's tlag, under eover of which the slave-trade was carried on. Wo had interfered in the affairs of Holland and Belgium, Portugal and Spain ; why, then, should wc not remonstrate in a triendly manner with the United Stales upon tho conduct which they were pursuing with regard to the TeZBJ i Mr. O'Connki. thought that humanity was indebted to the Hon. Member for bringing this question before the I louse. It was only by the expression 01 public opinion thai we could hope t<> check the pro- gress of one of the most horrible evils the human mind could contem- plate — viz. the formation of eight or nine additional slaveholding states. The revolt of Texas was founded on nothing else but the abolition of slavery by the Mexican government. In 1821, the Mexican govern- ment had pronounced that no person alter that period should he born a slave. In lH'J'J they went further, and abolished slavery, and immediately followed the revoll of the landholders, who had settled themselves in Texas. Who could contemplate Without honor the calculation, as in the ease of Stocking :i farm, what was the necessary complement of men ami women, and when they would be ready and ripe for the market? It was a blot which no other country but America had ever yet Bufiered to stuin its history — no nation on the face of tin; earth had ever been degraded by such crimes, except the high-spirited North American Republic. Talk of the progress of democratic principle! No man admired it more than he did. What became of it when its principal advocates could not be pen uaded to abstain from such Bpeciesof traffic as this 7 Texas had speculated on it. Colonel Thompson asked whether it was not the (act that all the inhabitants ot this province were Americans, and not Mexicans? It had been said in former times, ubi Humane vincis, ibi habitat J and with equal truth it might now be said, that where an American con- quered there he carried slavery as a necessary of life. — March 'Jt//, 1837. FOWELL HUXTON. If the British Government did not interfere to prevent the Tcxian territory from falling into the hands of the American slaveholders, in all probability a greater tratlie in slaves would be carried on du- ring the next 50 years, than had ever before existed.— Tin: war at present being waged in Texas, dilfered from any war which had ev- er been heard of. It was not a war for the extension of territory — it was not a war of aggression — it was not one undertaken for the advancement of national glory ; it was a war which had for itl sole object the ob- taining of a market for slaves. — (Hear, hear.) He would not say that the American Government connived at the proceedings which had taken place; but it was notorious that the Texians had boon supplied with munitions of war of all sorts by the slaveholders of the United States — (hear, hear.) MEXICO. AN'I'oMo LOPEZ DE 8 \M \ an I do not i how yoa <-an pr< m rve the title of citizen of a nation at peace, harmony and friendship with M. rico, while, at tho •anu: tin-, vn a i ndeavoi to do hi r a!l thr barm in your power, and tu rut off from her a part of iti t- rritory, by meani you have aov ployed with inch singular activity, I ■ ■( impudenoe with winch you repreeent \ fait citizen of the ' i vivid recollections thai tuntirmea first commenced tho war; Introduced disorder into Texas and still maintain it, in snan- daluiiH riolalion of the treatiea which should, in good faith, unite tho two nations. Hut li a \- 1 M ^ this examination to the criticism of the civih/.i 'I world, which ii ignorant neithi r of the origin, dot the ten- dencies of the usurpation • I i , I will quickly show you, that yon are mistaken, ami that loo, greatly, in auppo ng Mexico defi- cient either in wtr< ngth or the will to maintain her incontestibW rights, W.' have fully weighed the actual ami t . .duo of th* . tin- ail % i icruing to \i • . by retainma it m posei sion, and itill m ituation to which ■ho would find herself redui ihe to permit ■ • to arias within her own limits, alwi us to ob- tain now acquisitiona by the rite title of th. t't ami usurpation : but evi-n i ■ re the soil ofT< cat a nun' ■:• and, unproductive savo of thorns to wound the mot of I or, this plain, u ■ • rilo and unproductive, should be defended with energy and constancy, under tin' coni ii ' ion that the possession of a ri^ht imposes upon a na> lion I of m It r abandoning it, with shame and disgrace to h.-r name I promisi d in T< (as, beneath the ritlcs of the tumultuary (tutnuL tarioii.s) soldiers, who lUITOUnded mi-, that I would prorure a hcar- mg for their oomm from my G ov ern ment! and would excr. cisi- my influence t<> prevent! for. the time being, a fatal struggle; lad this promise, whose object wastoeeoura, without molestation, Jh- retreal which tho Mexican army had already commenced, and sbach I learned with the greatest sorrow from Cieneral Wall, natu- THE LEGION OF LIBERTT. rally remained without effect, from sad consideration as prisoner ; be- cause the aggressions of the Texians removed even the possibility of lightening the evils of war, and because they failed themselves, in their promises-, they annulled the resolutions of him whom they called their cabinet, they caused me violently to disembark from the schooner Invincible; and abandoned me to the excited passions of one hundred and thirty recruits just arrived from New-Orleans. In a different point of view, the question of Texas involves another of the greatest importance to the cause of humanity — that of slavery. Mexico, who has given the noble and illustrious example of renounc. ing to the increase of her wealth, and even to the cultivation of her fields, that she may not see them fattened with the sweat, the blood and the tears of the African race, will not retrocede in this course ; and her efforts to recover a usurped territory will be blessed by all those who sincerely esteem the natural and impracticable rights of the human species. The civilized world will not learn without scandal, that the in- habitants of the United States, infringing their own laws, and vio- lating the most sacred international rights, support for a second time, a usurpation which they have commenced, and constantly supported^ abusing and mocking the generosity with which the Mexicans be- stowed upon their countrymen rich and coveted lands, and invited them to enjoy the benefit of their institutions. If Mexico should receive such hostility from those who call themselves her friends, she will treat them as enemies in the field of battle, she will repel force with force, and she will appeal to the judgment of the Universe upon such an aggression, as unjust as it would be violent. ROBERT OWEN. I have seldom seen any public character except the late Mr. Jef- ferson, so apparently determined to examine any system to its first principles, as General Santa Anna. He wished to commence his examination with the first principles of the system, with the laws of our nature that he might be sure whether the base was sound or not, upon which the superstructure was erected. I left him with the im. pression that he had good talents for command, and that he was truly desirous of contributing to the prosperity of the country. GEORGE M'DUFFIE. If any consideration could add to the intrinsic weight of these high inducements to abstain from any species of interference with the domestic affairs of a neighboring and friendly State, it would be the tremendous retribution to which wc are so peculiarly exposed on our South Western frontier, from measures of retaliation. Should Mexico declare war against the United States, and aided by some great European power, hoist the standard of servile insur- rection in Louisiana and the neighboring States ; how deep would be our self-reproaches in reflecting that these atrocious proceedings received even a colorable apology from our example, or from the un- lawful conduct of our own citizens ! ANTI-TEXAS. There is one question connected with this controversy, of a defin- ite character, upon which it may be proper that you should express an opinion. You are, doubtless, aware that the people of Texas by an almost unanimous vote, have expressed their desire to be ad- mitted into our Confederacy, and application will probably be made to Congress for that purpose. In my opinion, Congress ought not even to entertain such a proposition in the present state of the con- troversy. — Extract from the Message of Gov. M'Dujjie. to the Leg- islature of South Carolina, lb3U. THOMAS BRAN LGAN. At the present i abject can be presented to the public eye more deserving of their serioti a than slavery; oar pros- perity, nay, ooi \ u a nitioa depends upon the question before as, riz: Whether new alave-holdii particularly T< shall Ik- annexed to the American republic, till the planters of the in gain the sole sovereignty, as they ever bave held the balance of power by a preponderating influence in congress, or not ? For instance, ever] ns of the • i, ami every additional all . not only enharj riches, bol increases then political infloenoe j for, according to the constitution, / - ia tin- South al to tim citizens in the North, with respeel to the rights of sufrrs Slavery depends on tin- consomption of the produce of its labor for support. I; this produce, and slavery mist cease. Say not that individual influence is small. I must !>•• com- llection of individui I i individual influence be small, the mt! • ible. The Dumber of repn of .-laves, alias southern property, ha~ already increased to twenty-five, and they are urging the annexa- tion of i I w considerations alone should < i our repn to be on the alert, even laying aside the princi- oz natural justice, moral rectitude, and the super-excellent pre- . which inculcate, "that we should do to all what •. ould that they should do unto us. and that we should OUT neighbors 'or all mankind) as ours.lv We certainly bave increased in luxury, avarire, and s ys t e m atical aruelty, since the epoch of our independence, more than any other nation ever did in th«- same number of years ; for ichat Rome was in her decline, America is inker infancy. We look with a supercilious glance upon p. rsonal virtue and national honor, while we are ena- moured with riches. We sutler ambition to monopolize the rewards that should !)-■ conferred on virtue; nay, we supinely behold ourfel- low citizens, not only enslave and murder thousands of their inno- cent, unoffending fellow creatures periodically, but we permit them, by this unjust and unwarrantable medium, to gain not only riches to fill their coffers, hut also political influence in our national councils, th# permanent right of suffrage and sovereignty. For it is a lamen tabic fact, that for every two slaves the dealers in human flesh smug gW from Africa, or breed, they gain the same influence at elections, 3 THOMAS BRANAGAN. as a free citizen inherits in his own person ; and a planter that pur chases two hundred negroes, not only replenishes his purse thereby, but also gains one hundred and twenty times as much influence in the nation, as the virtuous and honorable patriot who nobly refuses to prostitute his political and religious character, by participating in such unparalleled duplicity, hypocrisy, and villany. Is such in. equality consistent with a republican form of government ; is it con- sistent with justice, generosity, or even common sense ? No ; it is a canker that eats, and will of itself eventually destroy our consti- tution. If there was no other enemy to excite our fears and alarm our sensibility, this surely is sufficient. No less than sixty odd thou- sand slaves annually increase the representation. If your slavers wish to effect a counter revolution in the minds of your injured fellow citizens, you must first cause them to unlearn what they learned in " the times that tried men's souls ;" you must destroy their memories ; you must draw a mighty veil before their in- tellectual eyes, to screen the tragical end of slavery in the now re- public of Hayti ; you must consign every copy of the Rights of Man, and every other patriotic work, disseminated over the face of the earth, to the flames ; you must destroy the liberty of the press, that glorious privilege of freemen ; 3 7 ou must finally destroy our post offi- ces, and every conduit and vehicle of intelligence. Before you can fetter the understanding and blind the eyes of your fellow citizens, you must accomplish all these things and many more. I think and believe, that to sanction and support slavery in Texas, is a national crime that would have disgraced Sodom and Gomorrah. My mind is much affected by the case of the injured Indians, and by the Texas mania ; for sure I am, unless the friends of freedom strain every nerve, the tyrants of the south will gain their objects, as they have two or three times before. [Under the Mexican government slavery has been totally abolished in Texas, and elsewhere. The Texian rebels could have effected nothing but for the assistance of the southern states, (backed by northern doughfaces,) who have as fully waged the treasonable, pira- tical war they excited, as if it had been by them formally declared. The number of principled men in Texas is too small to redeem the country and their cause from the fathomless abyss of misery, degra- dation, and infamy into which this unprecedented establishment and perpetuation of slavery must inevitably plunge them, as well as the United States. The slave-mongers, slave-politicians, slave-presses, and slave-senators, have foisted the recognition of the independence of that slave region, and are urging its incorporation into the United States as rapidly as possible. The monstrous outrage against the laws of nature and of nations, unsurpassed by the blackest page of history, is fast tending to its fatal consummation !] The diabolical principle, which confers such a super-abundance of the paramount rights of suffrage and sovereignty upon a part of the citizens, accordingly as they enslave and torture their fellow men, to the great injury of the virtuous and honorable part of society — this infernal practice must be abolished, or the union must be dissolved, that is, if the spirit of '76 is not completely obliterated from the THOMAS BRANAGAN. breasts of the citizens of ihe north ; for it is not only an insult to common tense, bul degrading them to cowards, to suppose, that they will tan* d inalienable riglus infringed by the exten- sion of slavery. Twelve amendnx nls have been made to the constitution. Why not amend the principle alluded to? The constitution has provided way- and means to amend its own defects. Why not embrace this constitutional privilege, and era lameful inequality I Is is not mo accommodate any misunderstanding that may the different • this way, than to do it by the Surely th. produce anarchy and inu commotion; and who, in such an event, trill be thi sufferers? I am iudd< r while 1 I - how id with injured in i hind them, — their infuriated slaves; and rirtuous ] ,— -their insulted fellow eiti/' ; I ■ diversit i q proof of a din ' species 7 No. I l_ « 1 1 1 1* -nt, it* it could prove any thing, would prove too much. I' will be found, upon investigation, that there are among the nations i than tour or five principal <■ not to nv anj intermediate shades, which an. I !i of them. What ! an- there tour or five Bp .i s of human I i of the four great quarters f in- n ' Are there to quarter of the world, human beings of dif. B it appea - fixed law of nature, whicl - in all pi 'i, that, u" two animals of a different pair, the..-' ntinui it Do not a black Afri- can and a white American, in u innumerable, unh< tainly ! Is the mulatto incapable of marriagi N i cap*. :' continuing bis own color, as ins whin- rather ■ of continuing bit. A'. :.;• fragable proof this, that the black: and the white in lasts of our g I itute mu f b inga. Whence I uch proprietors of plantations, and of negroes and mu innualry, and spend in magnifi- - luxury I w all this great treasure I How is it By the sweat, the blood, the tears, torments, the lives of your poor, hungry, naked, oppn kre they so infinitely advantageous to you I And can yon r< fuse; can you delay to Ifcar the cry of their oppression, their sweat, and their blood II ron not, a^ ■ nation, he. n long distinguished and famous, for a tree, bode' • nt, generous spirit I rout constitution civil and religious, your glory among the nations or the world ' 1 1 fer no slavery at the North 1 Why do you allow it < D after year, concert the best i which your wisdom can devise, for the pi and happiness of your wb as at home and abroad " Why overlook, neglect, and oppress, your black Bubje* Is th- re, can there si , such merit m one color, and such dement in anoti Is industry a source of wealth to a nation 7 Slavery must be the WILLIAM E. CHAXNIKG. grand impoverisher, for it is an encouragement to idleness, and a de- preciator of labor. Does virtue consolidate and strengthen a nation ? Slavery, and its concomitant vices, must enervate, if not subvert it. How shamefully slavery exposes and endangers the virtue of femaleB, I forbear to say ; delicacy would shudder at the recital. The female who in theory or practice is an advocate for slavery, cannot be a vo tary or a friend to chastity. — The Guardian Genius. JOSEPH STURGE. General Santa Anna's real crime in the eyes of the American slave- owner is his enforcing the abolition of slavery throughout the Mexi- can Republic, when they were looking to seize Texas as a market for their slaves. This object was publicly avowed by them years ago. In the de- bates in the Virginia Convention, in 1829, Judge Upsher said, " If it should be our lot, as I trust it will be, to acquire the country of Texas, their price (the slaves) will rise again." We are told by the advocates of the Texian scheme, as a caution not to interfere ; that the cause of emancipation has retrograded in the United States, " owing to the intemperate zeal of the Northern abolitionists." I need not remind the frionds of emancipation in Eng- land, that this was ever the favorite assertion of the slave-holders and their advocates, during the struggle for negro freedom in the British West India Colonies ; nor yet record the opinion of American gentlemen, most accurately informed on the subject, that the bold and strenuous efforts of the Northern abolitionists, in denouncing this plague-spot of their social and political system, have, within the last four years, done more towards effecting its extinction than the exer- tions of the previous half century. The slave-owners of the South know this full well. Such, then, being the fearful plan for erecting the new state of Texas, by giving new life and energy to a system of crime and in- justice, which in many of the neighboring states is sinking under its inherent rottenness, it becomes the duty of every real abolitionist, whether in England or America, to warn his countrymen against being decoyed within the sphere of its contaminating influence. The country is designed to be the " home of the slave," and to be peopled by a traffic more hideous than the African slave trade itself. WILLIAM E. CHANNING Wars with Europe and Mexico are to be entailed on us by the an- nexation of Texas. And is war the policy by which this country is to flourish ? Was it for interminable conflicts that we formed our Union ? Is it blood shed for plunder, which is to consolidate our in- stitutions ? Is it by collision with the greatest maritime power, that our commerce is to gain strength ? Is it by arming against ourselves the moral sentiments of the world, that we are to build up national honor ? Must we of the North buckle on our armor, to fight the bat- tles of slavery ; to fight for a possession, which our moral principles WILLIAM E. CUAXN-I.VC. and osy forbid us to incorporate with our confederacy ? In atta I '.as to nur hostilities, and at the same time ".iiits of a f ?ark to our foes. Vulnerable at so many a vast milita ' ! • at armies will re. qu:i< at chieftains. Axe we tired of -ire prepared to plar-c it under such guardians? Is tin republic bent on dying by its own hands? Docs not everv man that, with war fur our habit, our institutions cannot be pre- served 1 I a country were bound to peace, it is this. Peace is our great interest. In peace our resouro - an; to be d :. the true interpretation of the constitution to be established, and the inter, ferine claims of liberty and order to be adjusted. In are to (]. i ir great debt to the human raee, and to diffuse freedom by manifesting its fruil I no right to adopt a policy, gainful, which, as it m i . will deb rmine it to a ca- A nation, like an individual, is bound to Beck, eVCO a position, which will favor peace, justice, and tie of a beneficent influence on the world. A nation, provoking war by cupidity, by encroachment, and, above all, by i pro- tvery, isalike fa I o God, and to the human ra The annexation of T- \ 1-. I have laid, will extend and perpetuate. slavery. It is fitted, and, still more, intended to do mi. On this in !>•■ no doubt. \s fur back as the \ ir L829, the an- .1 and Westi in Sta and it wa> urged on tin* ground of Ihe strength and < ixtenaion it would give to tin- slave-holding interest. In a series -, as- crilx d to a gi atlcman, now a a na'or in Congress, it was maintained, that five ■ - would by thism added to the Union ; and be ev< n inti la'' d that a-- many as nine States as a- Kentucky might !» formed within the urn I i In ma, about the same tn ilaiiona were mad • in- (1 valu- which would thus be given I . audit was even said, tha! this acquisition would rise the price fifty per cent, of late the language on U icit. Tin- great argument for annexing I that it will strengthen "tie- peculiar ustitu tions" of the south, and open a new and vast field tor slavery. Nor is the worst '"Id. As I haw before intimated, and it cannot be too often repeated, we shall not only quicken the domestic slave- trade ; w<- shall give a new impulse to tin- foreign. This, indeed, we have pronounced in our laws to be felony ; but we make our laws cobwebs, when we offer to rapacious men strong motives for their Violation. Open a market for slaws in an unsettled country, with a . and at such distance from tie seat of government that lawn may he evaded with impunity, and how can you exclude slaves from A:':e i ' Ii is well known that cargoes have been landed in Louisiana. What i> to drive them from Texas ? In incorporat- ing this region with tin- Union to make it a slave>country, we send the kidnapper to prowl through the jungles, and to dart, like a beast of prey, on the defenceless villages oi Africa; wc chain the help- less, despairing victims ; crowd them into the foetid, pestilential slave- s' N. P. ROGERS. ship ; expose them to the unutterable cruelties of the middle passage, and, if they survive it, crush them with perpetual bondage. I now ask, whether, as a people, we are prepared to seize on a neighboring territory for the end of extending slavery ? I ask, whether, as a people, we can stand forth in the sight of God, in the sight of the nations, and adopt this atrocious policy ? Sooner perish ! Sooner be our name blotted out from the record of nations ! COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS, 1838. " Resolves against the annexation of Texas to the United States. " Whereas a proposition to admit into the United States, as a con- stituent member thereof, the foreign nation of Texas, has been re- commended by the legislative resolutions of several States, and brought before Congress for its approval and sanction : and whereas such a measure would involve great wrong to Mexico, and other wise be of evil precedent, injurious to the interests and dishonorable to the character of this country ; and whereas its avowed objects are doubly fraught with peril to the prosperity and permanency of this Union, as tending to disturb and destroy the conditions of those com- promises and concessions entered into at the formation of the Consti- tution, by which the relative weight of different sections and interests was adjusted, and to strengthen and extend the evils of a system which is unjust in itself, in striking contrast with the theory of our institutions, and condemned by the moral sentiment of mankind : and whereas the People of these United States have not granted to any or all of the departments of their Government, but have retained in themselves, the only power adequate to the admission of a foreign na- tion into this confederacy ; therefore, "Resolved. That we, the Senate and House of Representatives in General Court assembled, do, in the name of the People of Massa- chusetts, earnestly and solemnly protest against the incorporation of Texas into this Union ; and declare that no act done, or compact made, for such purpose, by the Government of the United States, will be binding on the States or the People. " Resolved, That his excellency the Governor be requested to for- ward a copy of these resolves, and the accompanying report, to the Executive of the United States, and the Executive of each State ; and also to each of our Senators and Representatives in Congress, with a request that they present the resolves to both Houses of Con- gress." NATHANIEL P. ROGERS. We should not be surprised, if by reason of this slave-holding, our nation should get involved in a war with Mexico — with all the re- maining tribes of American Indians our Christianity has spared, and Great Britain besides, backed up by the sympathies of the whole christian world. If it should, the Republic will be in an enviable predicament. British steamers and war craft cover the ocean. We have Canada on the North, Aboriginality and Mexico on the West. D. L. CHILD. The West Indies on the south, with 3,000,000 dark allies, dispersed upon the plantations, to facilitate and further a visit to the M Patriot States," — and New Brunswick beyond the pine woods of the disputed terri!' . T i meet all this, we have a bankrupt treasury — a corrupt and confound d people — the "peculiar institution," to inspirit us, and Texas to help US, as an ally. There is not a people under heaven, tiiat could sympathize with us in such a contest, but the Republic of Texas. Texaj is aB public, to be sure, and almost the only one on tart!:. ours. Her Republican sympathy would out weigh that of monarchy and as, on the other side. But then it would not work to much purpose for us, against the pressure of the British ■(earner. It would not avail ni greatly as a counter propulsion. It might inspire our hearts, with enthusiasm to fight for slavery and equal rights, — but it would not waft artillery, like the floats of the British steam ship, or guard ui from the tomahawk of the universal •. which such a war would call back against ui from all the re- gions of Indian banishment, wh< re n vt nge ha^ been sharpening its I hushing the animosities of the hostile tribes in one on r whelming enmity to the race, that has outraged their love of h< and native land, and falhei Ind if we fall in such a war- it would be glorious enough— however unfortunate for the cause of Liberty. Slavery has been troublesome to us, , v- r since we were a nation. But we have s.cn but the 1" ginning of sorrows. It can- • uia in well with us. I re in impeachment of the equal ways of Providence, if such a nation as tin-, bas been, < tan have prosp er ity, into Great Britain and do it. Bucfa acts will be rob- bery, piracy, or murder, and ought to be punished accordingly. The power of declaring war is sealed exclusively m the congress of the United States; and there cannot be a lawful war, and one which fchall confer upon those taking part in it, the rights of war, E. W. GOODWIN. without such declaration. Supposing Com. Porter, when he enterec the town of Foxardo, in the Island of Porto Rico, — or Aaron Burr, when he entered Texas, thirty years ago, had been taken with their officers and men ; would they not have been put to death agreeably to the law of nations. So would Gen. Jackson and his men, when, in two instances, they deliberately marched into Florida, and seized the towns and possessions of Spain. If the constitution had been supported, and the laws of the land faithfully executed, on cither of those occasions, we should not now have had a president who would have ventured to issue an order to invade a friendly country and be- gin a war; nor a general who would dare to obey it, nor a subordi- nate officer, who would not throw up his commission, nor a soldier who would not throw down his arms at the frontier, and refuse, as they might lawfully and dutifully do, to be the instruments of usur- pation, and the perpetrators of crime. And where are the remonstrances of the press, and the meetings of the people ? Where arc the friends of universal peace, and above all, where is the Christian priesthood? And you merchants, ship- owners, and underwriters, where are you ? Know you not that this presidential measure is fatally opposed to the purest devotion to self- interest that ever chilled a half-penny heart ? Awake, arise ; it is not (only) a breach of the constitution. There is a breach in the strong-box. If any circumstance could enhance the intrinsic wickedness of the executive proceedings, it is the end and object at which they are aiming. It is to PROPAGATE SLAVERY, or in other words, perpetual robbery, rapine, and murder throughout a vast and beauti- ful region, now, by the laws of Mexico, perfectly free. It is to open a new and interminable slave-market to the old slave-breeding sinners of Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, and other old slave states, and to flesh-mongers every where. It is to bring into this Union, for the benefit of nullifiers, five to ten new slave states, each with a Constitution, not only establishing slavery, but also forbidding their own legislatures ever to abolish it. This is a provision of the new constitution of Texas, formed since the strug- gle for liberty commenced ! The old or Mexican constitution of Texas abolished slavery forever ! And the free states are willing to pay three fourths of the taxes (as they ever must so long as they are raised on consumption) to sup- port a war for these objects ; for, remember if war exists, • appropria- tions must be made to carry it on.' EDWIN W. GOODWIN. Texas. — A correct idea of the importance, magnitude, and power of that nation, for which such an anxiety is expressed that it may be united with this country, may be obtained from the fact that the whole vote for President at the late election, was 10,084 ; only about one-ninth as many votes as were cast at our late presidential election in the single state of Illinois. The national debt of this immense people is $11,002,127, includ- J. R. GIDDI-VGS. mg the appropriation of the last congress, and §1,000,000 of bon&- hypothecated by Gen. Hamilton. This, upon an average, is abot*» eleven hundred and sixty dollars to each voter at the late election. It is a very n asonable conclusion then, that the people of Texas an* anxious to form a new connection in business, especially if the pro- posed partner has some money or credit. 44 By Art IV. Beet. 2, of the Constitution, fugitives from justice are to be delivered up on demand, to the state from which they fled ; so that Texas, if ann» rod to the United States, would be left without a corporal's guard !" — Tocsin of Liberty. JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS. Our roristi; . a war with one of the most rial nation- <>f the earth, in order to enable the slave-dealers of the south to Carry their slaves OOt of the territory and jurisdiction of the slave stall s onder the flag of OOZ Common country. They insist upon tin- privilege of involving oar constituents, the I >le of I ' i, in the disgrace and i if maintaining what Air. Jeffer- son call.-; " an execrable commerce in human beings.* 1 Against these abuses our constituents bave remonstrated. Conscious that they are unconstitutional infringments of their rights, they have year after year M n» tin ir petitions here, praying in ' • ctful manner that they may be rt lievod from these oppi and from such un- constitutional tava'ion. They nave ipproacl • ■ in the most ctful manner, and in the m mable language have asked that thi I le petitions ha ve been treated witb contempt and the most insulting « pithets applied to the people who have thus dared to approach t lnir servants. Winn petitioning for the protection of their constitutional rights, they have been falsely repn s. nfc opting to invade the r • rs. When they have asked rein f from taxation for the support of slavery, tin v have . d as attempting to interfere with the vested rights of ot Li i w u they have asked congn ■ to repeal the laws of their own ' nacting, they have been held up to the country and the world, • king for unconstitutional objects which • ; >ad no power to grant. — Letter t<> tie MmrsWi ej < werek 5, 1843. Resolutions offered by Mr. Qiddinge, for rrhich he was censured by a majority of the house. I\ Thai slavery, being an abridgement of the natural rights of man, i only by fore, of positive municipal law, and is ne- irily confined to the territorial jurisdiction of the power creat- ing it. Reeolved, Thai when the brig Creole, on her late passage for New- Orleans, left the territorial jurisdiction of Virginia, the slave laws of that ed to have jurisdiction over the persons on board said bri^r, and such persons became amenable only to the laws of the I Resolved, That all attempts to exert our national influonce in fa Z. EASTMAN. vor of the coastwise slave trade, or to place this nation in the atti tude of maintaining a " commerce in human beings," are subversive of the rights and injurious to the feelings and the interests of the free states; are unauthorized by the constitution, and prejudicial to our national character. MR. MAYNARD. Under the pretence of preventing any Indian disturbances, while the Texian soldiers and citizens are in the service against the Mexi- cans, the Secretary of War has put Gen. Taylor in command of a body of U. S. troops, and sent him to that republic, with discretionary powers ; and every one who knows how General Gaines managed be- fore, under similar circumstances, and how such matters were con- ducted by Gen. Jackson, in Florida, will of course understand, that this is equivalent to sending an army of 2,000 men, to the aid of Texas. Under the same pretence before, our army was marched some 200 miles into Mexican territory, If I remember rightly, and if necessary, no doubt will be again. — Madison Abolitionist STARTLING FACTS. The late three years' war with England, the most powerful nation in the world, cost the United States about $90,000,000. The three years' war in Florida, with a remnant tribe of Seminole Indians and a few runaway Negroes, has cost us $40,000,000, or nearly half the whole expense of our war with England ! ! ! The war against the miserable Indians and Negroes, was wickedly commenced, has been ingloriously conducted, and threatens to be in- terminable? There is not, in the history of wars among civilized nations, a parallel for the wantonness, imbecility and corruption which distin- guishes this dishonorable, infamous crusade. — Albany Evening Journal. ZEBINA EASTMAN. So it appears to be a plan already matured, that troops are to be conveyed from this country directly into the territory of Mexico, without setting a foot on the soil of Texas. Remember, that the original contest with Mexico, was not com- menced for liberty, but for the purpose of introducing slavery into Texas, and for wresting that territory from Mexico, that it might be joined to the United States to strengthen the slave power here. And remember also, that the sympathy manifested for the people of Texas, and all this violation of neutrality and the laws and usages of na- tions, is not sympathy for the oppressed, nor for the extension or pre- servation of liberty, but is sympathy for the oppressor, and these plans are carried out for the sake of strengthening the chains of the slave, and for extending the dominion of slavery. — Genius of Liberty. THE LEGION OF LIBERTY. GAM\LIEL BAII i:V. The report of the invasion of Texas by Mexico, is confirmed. Many of our newspapers never tire in eulogizing the spirit of the 'I nans i n t) m. The conduct of a certain portion of our citizens in relation to the belligerei \ ting has been held in Cincinnati, empathize with ; a Bimilar one in Philadel- phia. Meantime, open eff -are made to enlist the people of the United States in a crusade against Mexico. The National Intelli- gencer coolly announces that '* a company migrants, well armed a;id equipped, left Mobile OH the tilth ultimo for T on an exploring expedition.' 1 A. correspondent of the Daily M - writing from New-0 — thai "fresh recruits are marching r to aid them l in their gloriom- Strug] Last & N 'tune left this port with two honored I ind gallant spirits. May the (iod of bat. dy and brillis I Why have we no • I iese hostile de- moQstrations towards a with which we are at Here are armed hand-- marching from this country again I M co, in vio- lation of good faith and of the laws of the I and vet John mis him • that the laws be faithfully i n and i- silenl ! We all know how prompt rtive with its proclamation, when the hos- tility of our northern borderers was likely to interrupt the friendly re- lations with Great Britain. Hut circumstances alter I land is a formidable, Hi \. i a ' We were afraid of the former; but most valiantly Canada; so a pro-slaTery rnment wa-. most scrupulous in fulfilling I itions imp by the laws of nations. Hut, havii q by the Bci)aration of Texas from Mexico, the government which it controls, connives at the most flagitious aggressions by our citizens on that friendly-'. \nd yet this government, after having permitted man, ., afleeti a saint-like coun tenant Lility of oar neigh- oor ! Most perfidJ •■ and thus I clothe my naked villiany, An l w em a saint, when most I plav the devil."* bed trucklers to the powers that bo, are apt to repre- sent opposition to the administration of the government as treason ■gain try. 1 : they should be alaves to the grand Turk. I ise we love our country — its honor, its interest — • that we abhor the L r '>\< rnment, as it has long been administered. It ii"! i. pri sent th< ;■• ople of the I States, h is the expo- nent and instrumenl interest — thel tingle class. That interest is slavery, that made up of slave-holders ami their northern menials. Let the government lie redeemed from this degra- dation, and be controlled by the constitution, interpreted in the light ANTI-TEXAS. of the Declaration of Independence, and then may we expect to 6ee this republic respecting the rights of all mankind, acting with even- handed justice towards all nations, the weak, as well as powerful. — The Philanthropist. NATIONAL A. S. STANDARD. Let abolitionists be on their guard, and not be deceived by quieting rumors. We have it from high authority, too well informed to be mis- taken, that ihc slaveholders were never more intent upon their favorite plan of annexing Texas than at the present moment. They are doubt- less ready to spring the trap at any favorable moment. Let not aboli- tionists be lulled to sleep by the disclaimer of General Hamilton, who says he would rather not have Texas belong to the United States. Cats have covered themselves with meal before now to catch old rats. Neither let them be too sure that the rumored mediation of France and England between Mexico and Texas is going to avert the danger of annexation. It is indeed difficult to foretell what will be the result of all this plot- ting and underplotting ; but one thing is certain — abolitionists have need to keep wide awake ; for no single event involves such disastrous Consequences to the cause of freedom, as this. Let the opinion of the free States be earnestly and persevcringly expressed in the form of petitions and the action on the State legisla- tures on Congress. There is need of this. Be not lulled into false security. Will anti-slavery papers copy the articles which we have from the New-York American ? Prevention is much easier than cure. We trust the English and Irish abolitionists will keep themselves well in- formed on this important question, and will see that John Q. Adams's Address at Braintrce is extensively circulated. — L. Maria Child. WILLIAM L. MACKENZIE. The intrigues of the United States slave-owners it was, which con- verted Texas into a place of bondage in the man of color. Honest Mexico had made it free alike to all men in 1829, and for this offence has southern vengeance and European diplomacy continued to strike at the tranquillity of her devoted population ever since, while it is whis- pered that Cass, the agent of the south in Paris, was not unfriendly to Louis Phillipe's villainous attack. Again, Cuba was about to seek independence, and offer equal liber- ty to all its inhabitants some years ago. But it is well known that Messrs. Clay and Adams in 1827, and Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Van Ness in 1829, made the most urgent remonstrances to old Spain against permitting such a step. The south was ready to tender the aid of the arms of the great American republic to crush a struggle for freedom, which might end in yielding an asylum to a Virginia mulatto slave. Not content with the gains of their own serfs, the THE LEGION" OF LIBERTY. avarice of man is such, that of 177 slave ships which arrive every year in Cuba, live-ninths are owned and fitted out in this Union un- der the fostering care of its government, ami their guilty gains are truly enormoo Compare the conduct of the slave power at Washington to Texas, and to Canada. .Scattered along u extensive line, without muni- tions of war, without provisions, almost without clothing, pursued l>y lh< I • . and by the troops under the com. niand of G< > ■ ral 8cotl on the other, during a most severe and stormy winter. 8u< h was thesituatk n of tin Canadian republicans in 1^38. The Teziani w< re slave-owners fighting to re-establish slavery on a aoil from w\ ich it had been recently banished by the Mexicans; the American them every possible aid and assistance. The Cani ..'ht (br liberty to all, and no m gro slavery could be . to crown their triumphs.— McKeru ■ :ett€ June, 1840. LA ROY SI NDERLAND. Meetings in favor of Texas and against M ci o, bavt been held in every southern and south-western city. Upward* of fifty thousand dollars in money and munitions havi I Mans. An.l it is said, that several have already left this city for l order to engage in the n ar sgainst Mi si Who < an ■■• itni --■ these upporl at . and not feel a blush of indignation f>r t! ! republic ! And look, too, at the prodigality with which the ■lave-bold oul their money, and for the b a se st of purposes, while lb f human rights, st the north, languishes for the want of support N. Y. R . lehtnan. The south never will give the slav up until the North is converted to our doctrines. \\ hik the north regards tie man as it now do -, it would be a If. rcuJean, a desperate enterprise for the south to undertake the • mancipation of I The north must make its l" ;ir ' with lh< " free colored man," before the south can emancipate the ilsve. It would not save the country, or free 1 ■ nact the abolition of slavery by i and' by i i ral court mtheuni without amoral change in the white population to- wards the black, and the consequent revolution of feeling in the black towards ti„ • v. i,,te man. Nothing -an effect this change but the ac- tion and prevalence of anti-slavery societies and principles.— Anti. Slavery Manual. ( '"' I ^tnriOSJ*— Mr. J. B. Lamar, formerly warmly and ac- tively . ogagi d in the support of the Texian cause, "is hot disposed, it appears to pursue the same course at present. In a letter to the Sa- vannah '• . that "time, reflection, and a more en- lightened ..nee him that any interference with the war in Texas, by citizens of one of the United States, is a violation THE LEGION OF LIBERTY. of the laws of our own country, and inconsistent with our interests and the doctrines we hold of like conduct in others towards us ; and he must therefore in justice to himself, not only decline the appoint- ment, (to which he had been called by a meeting, held in Savannah, of friends of that cause,) but refuse to contribute to the object in any way whatever." — Boston Daily Mail ARCHIBALD L. LINN. Recent events have satisfied me that new and serious attempts are to be made to accomplish the annexation of Texas to this Union. One of the principal instruments in the scheme is to be found in the character of the present mission to Mexico, and, as no higher in- terests can be involved in our foreign intercourse than the political cousidcrations which belong to this mission, I feel it my duty to ad. vert to them at the earliest opportunity. Whoever would look back upon the history of our relations with Mexico in reference to the province of Texas — of the first settle- ment of that provice — and of the men who and the influences which produced the revolution there and her separation from Mexico ; whoever would look back upon the legislation of congress — of the legislation of several of the states of the union, and upon the opin- ions and influences of men in all parts of the country ; whoever would trace the whole progress of that revolution from its inception down to the present time, and connect it with the present events and present condition of that country, would come to the conclusion that the political difficulties which had heretofore existed between this go- vernment and Mexico, had reference only to the annexation of Texas — and that the efforts to attain that object were to be renewed, with all the moral and political evils which could not fail to accompany it. Mr. L. then glanced briefly at the history of Texas as a province, to show that the whole history of diplomacy on this subject, (of which he said, he had copious notes,) and the whole history of legislation went to show that the annexation of Texas, (whether successful or not,) was the desired fruit of the present mission to Mexico. He re- ferred to the representative history of General Waddy Thompson, as a member of this house, to show that that gentleman had introduced a proposition for the recognition of the independence of Texas ; that he had pursued a course which pledged him to that step. And he (Mr. L.) hesitated not to predict that one of the fruits of this mis- sion, as now created, would be a renewal of the proposition for tlie annexation of Texas to the United States. Mr. L. passed on to notice the claims of the citizens of the United States against the government of Mexico, in relation to which ct commission has been in session for some two years past ; and expres- sed the conviction that the grand finale of these claims (if ever set- tled at all) would be the relinquishment of them on the part of this government, either by means of a recognition of the independence of Texas, or a direct cession of Texas to this government. And it W. SLADE. was to prevent the evils arising from this state of things, that this mission ought not, in his judgment to he allowed. Notwithstanding our aggressions upon Mexico, (which he did not advert to, hut which wen; matters of history.; we were still, at least professedly, at peace with her, under solemn treaties of amity and eommeroe. By what role, then, of national law or national honor we wen (justified in interfering in the affairs of Texas, he could not divine — Texas, a province in a state of (>]>< n revolt, whose indepen- dence Mexico had never recognized, hut against which she was at this time waging a most uncompromising war. Whence, then, the sympathy and enthusiasm which had been excited on the subject in this country I Whi ace the injustice and breach of national faith agaii o, which had engendered so much ill-blood and ill-fed- : 'iir again ' rntnent which was doing the most that she was aide to do, to establish fn e institutions of the same kind a>; our own ? Whence the abandonment of the policy of non-interference, which had been so studiously cultivated and adhered to by this government in all the contests which had taken place on this continent I Or who could doubt that the continuant gotiations between this government and Mexico, in relation to the annexation of Texas, would inevitably had to war I And .Mr. L. alluded to the probabih* ty, in such an event, of int e r feren ce on the part of Great Britain — Speech in Cn/i_ 13, 1843. w II. 1. 1 \M BLADE. M • s. had 1-' d greatly surprised at the nomination to Mexico of aji I lie man who had always sealously advocated the cause ofTexiaa indV |" udi ace. Gentlemen in the south did not appreciate the feeling which pervaded this country in reference to tins Texian question. Throughout more than half the states of this union, it was wat ched with the utmost jealousy, and excited th< feeling, l» ea was u.ii known that anxious efforts had long heen going on to affect the annexation ofT< \;i- to the United States, and it was as perfectly understood that the entering wedge to the accomplishment of such a M v. a ■ never applied in the open light of day, but secretly, and, fog aught that appeared upon the surface, that Wedge might not only be entered, but driven up past all hop.- of retraction I" tore the fact was known at all. Ami there were those in this union who looked the more sharply at all such measures from their apprehension as to the connexion between the annexation of Texas and the extension of slavery. Whether these persons were imprudent or not, in the course they pursued — whether or not they adopted the best DM ans to accom- plish their objects, and whether their abstract positions were sound or Dot, still they were perpetually on the watch-tower, looking with eagle eyes at every movement hearing on the Texian question, and but f >r th< ir unsleeping vigilance, the so much desired union betwe n that country and this would have been effected long ago. Here Air. S. referred to the vast number of petitions which they had sent up against the annexation. That number was not so great now, because an impression had begun to prevail that the danger was now over. W. SLADE. But Mr. S. could assure them they were entirely mistaken. It was not over ; very far from it, and he thanked the gentleman from New- York, (Mr. Linn,) for rousing the attention of the country to the subject. What had they seen during the last year ? Not only did the public press of the south and south-west come out openly for an- nexation, but several of the states had passed official resolutions to the same effect ; and when brought into the House of Representa- tives, how were they treated ? Not as the abolition resolutions even from state legislatures were. They were not only received, but or- dered to be printed, that they might be considered and acted upon. The same thing had been done at the other end of the capitol. All this was done with the intent of forming public opinion, and, so far, it was all fair. But if a northern abolitionist should attempt any means to counteract such opinion at the south, by arguments how- ever strong and however reasonable, he must straightway be seized and hung to a lamp post. [A laugh.] The American people never could be drawn into any such mea- sure as the annexation of Texas ; it would be utter ruin to the union of the states. Mr. S. would not give a snap of his lingers for this union from the day such a measure was effected. It would be dis- solved i jiso facto from that moment. He was a friend to the union ; he desired to sec it preserved, and therefore he deprecated a scheme that must dissolve it. He would say, in general terms, that he believed it arose from a desire to extend and to perpetuate slavery. That such a desire did exist was a fact beyond dispute ; it had been manifested with greater or less distinctness for the last forty years ; in its practical effects it hud trampled on all the safeguards of the constitution, and lengthened the cords and strengthened the stakes of slavery in this land. The general expectation at the adoption of the constitution, was that slavery would he abolished in less than a quarter of a century ; but half a century had elapsed, and instead of being abolished it had in- creased three-fold. This process began with the purchase of Louisi- ana, or rather, with the toleration of slavery in that state, and it had been extended in the free states since formed out of the Louisiana purchase. Mr. S. considered this as having inflicted a deeper wound on the constitution than any other event that had ever happened since its adoption. Mr. S. could show, did time permit, how slavery had governed this land ; how it had chosen our presidents for a succession of forty years, while there had, since the foundation of the government, been a president in the chair from the free states but for twelve years and one month. And of these, one never would have been president had he not been " a northern man with southern principles." A review of the individuals who had fdled the speaker's chair of this house would show the same thing. He might refer to the fact that five out of six of those who had filled the mission to Mexico, had been gentlemen from the southern states. Of the reason of such a selection there could be no doubt. He need not say how impossible it was to carry on important nego- tiations with almost any government, and especially with Mexico, THE LEGION OF LIBERTY. without their having 111 important bearing on our relations with other governmi \ii here he took occasion to repel the expressions of contempt which had fallen from Mr. Cashing, in which lie spoke of gentlemen cowering under the frown of 6r< a'- Britain, and of being -• u by a dread of British into The people of New- England would be tne very last to be actuated by such a feeling, as tistory of tJii-^ country would abundantly show. But while we wire r< ady to maintain our rights against all the world, it was the part of wisdom and prudence not to be insensible to the dan. L" r of l>< ooming n I with other governments. The gentleman from South Carolina, Mr. Pickens,) had given pretty g indication- not only of a fCiy mpathy with the cause of T- zas, boi of ■ disposition to carry that reeling into our relations with M tioo. II had alluded to what h fact, that the B : to that of Mexico, t . aid it un- der certain contingencies, [f this were true, it • raffi* nan on his guard. Mr. S. would tell gentlemen that their scheme never oould be car- ried into < ffecl ; there might be a union on parchment, but it n could go down with the people of the northern i Let the thought !><■ banished at once. Let I gentlemen deceive themselves — he could tell them that the rery moment t h> y came <>ut and showed their hand they would find a spirit which they little dreamed of. He would say to them, a-; a fri nd, " hands off." Let this government d- 1 at on M •• md to all the world beside, that such a thing ai i onion !»■•' .. • • I ihed States was utterly impractii able. When this sfa mid have bei d done, the government ol M sico would be more Lai en their the chut American citizen . Let it stly understood that the moment we united ourselves with Texas, that moment we married ourselves war. lb was, therefore, for a proclamation of neutrality. Why should this measure not be resorted to in relation to o l r at < ne < ztn mity of the union as to those at the oUm did it relation to Canada, why not in regard to Texas and M- i w owed thi- to ourrehres and to the peace of the world, w i i a highly dangerous position — knew it the match b applied to the magazine. A Voice from 1>i ii ware. — Tin' following, we doubt not, ex- presses the feelings of the people of that State — a state nearly free from slavery. — Albany Patriot. " Annexation of Texas to tf,. U. States. — This accursed project been a favorite of the South tor years past. It was cherished by Jackson, and not frowned on by Van Buren, ami is said to be a darling with Tyler and some of the Guard. We have territory enougn — need BO more, and to be saddled with Texas, and it* dia- bolical population, would probably cause a dissolution of the Unioc- Wc hope all patriotic and L r '"»d men will lift their voices against such a ruinoui " — Wilmington Del. Republican^ May, I s - 13. THE LEGION OF LIBERTY. THE BRITISH EMANCIPATOR, Texas. — It is a deplorable thing in this age of the world, after such gigantic and persevering efforts have been made to get rid of slavery and the slave-trade, and with so much success, that in a country in which slavery had been abolished, (and that country four times as large as France,) this curse and crime should be restored ! It is yet more deplorable, that this restoration of slavery should have the effect, and should have been brought about for the purpose, of providing a vast and almost boundless market for the slaves reared like cattle by an adjoining nation, boasting, to be civilized and chris. tian ! The domestic slave-trade has made the United States the sink and the scorn of the world ■ yet, this more than infernal traffic is to find an inexhaustible outlet in Texas ! Yet more deplorable is it, that a nation born amidst the agonies of the slavery it revives, and exist- ing but for the perpetuation and aggravation of atrocities which all civilized governments have agreed to denounce and exterminate, should by any one of those governments have been acknowledged as a nation at all. Humanity bleeds on contemplating slavery as a fact of the past ; it is dreadful to see it originating anew. A nascent peo- ple ordaining slavery should have met with not a moment's toleration ; they should been frowned and trodden out of being by the united scorn and resistance of the civilized world. — The British Emancipator. The Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery So- ciety, to Lord Palmerston, Secretary for Foreign Affairs. The committee will not {rouble your Lordship with a detail of the unjust, and atrocious manner in which the Mexican province of Texas has been wrested from the parent state by unprincipled adventurers, land jobbers, and slave-holders from the United States, whose con- duct merits the most indignant rebuke, and must attach lasting dis- honor to all who may become implicated in it : but would press on the consideration of your Lordship and the government the well-known fact, that the iogUature of Texas has abolished the universal freedom which, with such admirable justice and propriety, had been dee by the Mexican government, and have re-ectablished slavery in its worst form. The committee would also call your Lordship's atten- tion to the fact, that the Texian laws also provide for the expulsion from its territory of all Africans and the descendants of Africans, whether in whole or in part born free, as well as of the native In- dian tribes, an iniquity not less cruel than it is infamous, and un- paralleled in the history of any civilized people. The establishment of slavery in Texas will open an immense mar ket for the slave-breeders of the United States, and will inevitably enlarge to an unprecedented extent, and raise to a pitch of unpre- cedented horrors, a traffic so infamous and deplorable. Nor can it be doubted but, in spite of the law which prohibits it, the slave-trade with Africa, against which the whole power of the British empire is arrayed, will be extensively carried on, as there is too great reason to believe it has already begun. Under these circumstances, the committee trust that her Majesty's government will regard the proposed recognition of Texas with the THE LEGION OF LIBERTY. greatest abhorrence ; and they cherish an earnest hope that in their decisions, considerations of humanity, justice, and liberty will be firmly Ik Id paramount to every other. On behalf of the Committee, 6. w. ALEXANDER, Chairman. GEORGE BRABBURN. lately. Texas was, as it now is of right, a part of the re- public. of Mexico. Wlulcj M< sico was under the dominion of Spain, ry ua- tol rate 1 there. J 5 ■ 1 1 on becoming independent of the mother countiy, she, with a consistency of which our country would have done well to set the example, gave liberty to her I dmen, and declared, that slavery should exist no more>within ber borders forever, With t'n |y \.,- r ii enough sa- !. For, they were not the hyp erites to withhold from others the liberty which Lhey bad fought and bled to secure for tin Tbey bad n a man, have rema Red, but for the 'foreign interference' — th ition into then- country of ■ di p< rati slave-drivers, ami demag from these United Sia'i s. '| he«e miserable libels upon humanity, though they did not without great difficulty, and never wholly, succeed in joining to their il, did, nevertheless, by accession to their numbers from this country, and by aid of fii not they left be- hind, who, unlike them,.: ms, had not quite patrio enough to lea e I heir country for their country's good, ultimately fit them ng t«> attempt the transfer of their allegi- I i to the jov( rnmeul of the I 'nit States. I desin in their new country. It was one of the chief objects of their rebellion. The plan was regarded with fa b slave-holding m< this Union, i certain land* sharks of the free bo had made investments in Texan I The former saw in il a powerful m< an- of strengthening their " pe- culiar institution." Both knew, it' il d, it would put memey EDMUND Q1 [NCY. There are perils, and thosi hnmim nl — perils, which in the opinion of many wise men threaten to loch forever the Alters of the slave, and even to throw the links of the chain around the limbs ot* the If Texas, say they, — the land of the pirate and i he murderer, the common « wor into which is drained all the filth which is too abomi> to endure — if Texas be annexed to tlic United States, then slavi ry will be focever entailed upon us, and the preponderance which will be given to the slave-holding interest m the councils of the nation, by that event, will render the freemen of the north but t if a southern task-ma>'er. [f Texas be not annexed, then the Union will be dissolved; a slave-holding con- fedcracy will be formed, and slavery forever perpetuated. EDMUND QUINCY. I am sure that no man can deprecate more sincerely than I do, the annexation of Texas to this union. I believe that I realize all the immediate and all the remote bearings which that event would have upon the great cause of Universal Freedom. There is no effort which I would not make — no sacrifice to which I would not gladly submit • —to avert that most hateful alliance. But were it accomplished to- morrow, should I despair ? Should I despondingly abandon the cause of God and liberty on that account, and believe that the trickery of a handful of scurvy politicians at Washington could cancel the decree registered in the chancery of heaven — that every slave shall be free? Should I even believe that the period of universal emancipa- tion would be very much delayed by that event ? No, sir. The only effect which such a blow would have upon me, and which I believe it would have upon every Abolitionist, would be to make me feel that a great work was to be done in a short time. That we must concen- trate all our efforts, and multiply all our machinery for acting upon the public mind, before the young dragon by the banks of the Sabine be fully grown, and before she have engendered a brood like unto herself, to be arrayed by her side against the cause of God and free- dom. Whenever proclamation is made that the union of these states is dissolved, on that day the death-knell of slavery is tolled. As soon as they are released from the fatal embrace of their northern friends, their patriarchal system falls to the ground. It is the sympathy and encouragement of the free states which sustain that system now. Let the ties of interest, which create that false sympathy, be severed, and it vanishes ; stilled humanity revives, and the oppressor must soon break his rod for very shame. It is a strange infatuation to sup- pose that any military force, or any custom house regulations, could keep from the inhabitants of any country the influence of the whole- some public opinion of neighboring nations, and the scorn of the civilized world. The Americans of our revolution then fought for their own liberty, and through their example of successful resistance, for the liberty of the world, But the Texans are fighting for slavery among themselves, and if success crown their desperate efforts, they will have fought for the perpetuity of slavery throughout the world. The wishes of the Texians are now for their annexation to these United States of America. If they be admitted into the union, a deep, perhaps one of the deepest blows that can be struck, will have been inflicted on the rights of man ; the name of liberty will have been profaned, her spirit disgraced, and her fair presence banished for a time, perhaps forever, from « the land of the free, and the home of the brave.' As Texas rebelled against Mexico, because the institutions of domes- tic slavery could not exist in that nation, she, of course, would not ask for admission into our union, unless permitted to enter with all her slavish retinue. She deserted Mexico, because Mexico is a free state ; she now begs in the name of liberty, and with the prayer of freemen, to be united with the United States, because here under the TEXAS. star-spangled banner of our republic, she can legally fasten iron chains on the bodies, and the far worse than iron chains, the corroding ma- nacles of ignorance and servitude on, in, and all around the mindi of her slaves. — The Paictucket Chronicle. TEXAS. — Shall this land of slavery, this immense reservoir of col lected abominations, become an integral part of this nation ? The avowed object i* to secure 'the safety and repose of the south cm states:' that is, in plain King's English, to rivet the chains of slavery not r, n the slave only but the nation. In Koine, next to crucifixion the most infamous punishment con- ! in lashing to the felon's hack a dead and putrefying carcass. That we as a nation have ■ ie point of criminality at which justice might righteously doom at to carry ' this body of death,' is what \v. B it 1 • ,1 apon to hind the burden on our own hacks — to do it freely — and by a <\> liberate act of na- tional legislation, to proclaim that we an- worthy of the infamous punishment, ami are ready to bow down and l>car it ! w ha'i then is to be done 1 Petition C This is alegiti* mate remedy. On this question all may unite, except the slave-holder, without distinction of partv, Beet, or place. Let public sentiment then. • sting iti and determined - into one loud and i . inert the proposed measure on the threshold. Let it be seen that however artfully the demon of oppression may lay his plans, the friends of iYi edom are prepared at every point to meet him. — Cl'itliiri'l Journal. LEGISLATURE OF VERMONT. Resolved /"/ tht S .ill R ir sent at ires, That the Senaton in < '"u:'i. ■ be instructed, and our ft requested to nee t tiii r influence in that body to prevent the annexation of T to the union. That, representing as we do the people of Vermont, we do, here- bv, in their name, solemnly protest against such annexation in any form. That as the re pr es en tatives of the people of Vermont, we do so- lemtily protest against the admission into this union, of any state whose constitution toleratee domestic elav< That con g ress have ftill power by the constitution, to abolish sla- aml the slave trade m the district of Columbia and in the tcrri. nt' the I 'mted States. That ..ur senators incongresf be instructed and our representatives requested to present the foregoing report and resolutions to their re- ive bouse* in congress, and use their influence to carry the same spa dily into effect. That the governor of this state be requested to transmit a copy of the I report and resolution! to the president of the United States, and to each of our senators and representatives in congress November 1, lb37. TEXAS. By the House also resolved, That congress has the constitutional power to prohibit the slave trade between the several states of this union, and to make such laws as shall effectually prohibit such trade. THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF OHIO. Resolved, That in the name and on behalf of the people of Ohio, we do hereby protest against the annexation of the republic of Texas to the union of these states, as unjust, inexpedient, and destructive of the peace, safety, and well-being of the nation ; and we do, in the name and on behalf of the said people solemnly declare that congress has no power conferred on it by the constitution of the United States, to consent to such annexation ; and that the people of Ohio cannot be bound by any such covenant, league or arrangement, made be- tween congress and any foreign state or nation. MEMORIAL. To the senate and house of representatives of the United States of America, in congress assembled. The memorial of the convention for the formation of an anti-sla- very society for the state of Pennsylvania, assembled at Harrisburg, respectfully sheweth, That your memorialists have learned with sorrow and alarm, that a proposition is at this time before your honorable body, to recognize the independence of the government assumed to be established by tho insurgents of Texas. Against this measure, your memorialists in be- half of themselves, of the thousands whom they represent, and of the principles long cherished by the people of Pennsylvania ; in the name of liberty, justice, and humanity enter their SOLEMN AND UNITED PROTEST. Facts incontrovertible, which have come to the knowledge of your memorialists, warrant the belief that the insurrection in Texas, has been aided by citizens of the United States, that its main object, the grand cause of the movement, as evinced by the sentimonts and con- duct of its advocates, and by the very constitution of their assumed government, is the establishment of domestic slavery, the re-opening of an immonse slave market — to set up anew the shambles for human flesh, where the abhorrent traffic had been arrested and abolished by the legitimate authorities of Mexico — and finally, to annex the terri- tory to the United States. From a regard to the national honor ; for the character of the age in which we live ; by their obligations to posterity ; and above all to the God of justice, your memorialists feel themselves called upon as Pennsylvanians, the representatives of free- men and christians, to offer their strong remonstrance against any act on the part of the country of which they are citizens, which shall sanction or recognize a government which owes its origin to the base and unhallowed purpose of re-establishing slavery upon the soil of liberty. Your memorialists, therefore, respectfully but earnestly entreat your honorable body, to reject the proposition for the recognition of TEXAS. the government, assumed to be established by the insurgents of Texas, as well as all attempts that may be made to connect it with the United States, and as in duty bound we will ever pray, &c. Signed in behalf of the Convention, F. JULIUS LE MOYNE, President. B. F. Allen, Wm. A. Adair, Benjamin Brown, Nathan Stein, Jo- seph M'Truman, Lindley Coates, Bartholomew Fussel, Wm. H. Fusscls, Vice-Presidents, James Rhoads, Henry Duflield, Benjamin S.Jones, Wm. B. Thomas, A. L. Post, Secretaries. NEW- YORK STATE A. S. CONVENTION Rcs/ili' ■/, That we regard the influence and efforts of American citizens, in exciting and s up por t ing an insurrectionary war in Mexico, with loathing and horror. That the BOQth, in countenancing and encouraging insurrectionary movements in M Kico, lias madly lent herself to assist in forging and sharpening the knife of the insurgent for hi r own defenceless throat That w i feel disgraced and outraged by the efforts of American citizens to restore slavery to Texas; ami that to the utmost of our {>ower lawful!'. • ■!, we will resJsl and call upon others to resist the introduction of T< ca into our republic. The sympathy wh, in behalf of T< UU at the south, looks to othr even awaiting their result, should rush into a polir-y of giving an ind- Emit on to slavery over a vast re- gion incorporated into th< ir Union, we should stand condemned be- fore the civilized world. It would be in vain to expect to gain credit for any further pn of a willingness, to be rid of sla- very as soon as possible. No exti nuation of its existence, on the ground of its having been forced upon the country in its colonial state, would any longer avail us. It would be thought, and thought justly, lli at lust of power and lust of L, r old had made us d. at' to tfie voice of humanity and justice. We should be sclf-convictcd of the enormous crime of having voluntarily triven the great, st possible en- largement to an evil, which, in concert with the rest of mankind, we had affected to deplore, and that at a time when the public sen- timent of the civilized world, more than at any former period, is aroused to its magnitude. '1'h. ire a ejections to the measure, drawn from its bear, ing on our foreign relations, but it is unnecessary to discuss thenv Answer to Qtu ttiotu of his Constituents, 1837 RIASSACH1 BETTS LEGISLATURE, 1843 tttmhtt against the annexation of Texas to the Union. Resdrrd. That under no circumstance* whatsoever can the peo- ple of Massachusetts regard the proposition to admit Texas into the Union, in any other light than as dangerous to its continuance^ in . and m the enjoyment of those blessings which it ie the object of a I mm. nt to secure. Resohxl, That the Senators and Representatives of Massaeho. I ingress of the United States, be requested to Bpare no exertions to oppose, and if possible to prevent the adoption of the proposition referred to. ive.4, That His Excellency the Governor, be requested to transmit one copy of Ux se resolutions to the Executive of each of the United States, and a like copy to each Senator and Representa- tive in Congress from Massachusetts. ANTI-TEXAS. THE FREE AMERICAN. The success of the slaveholders thus far in disposing of the sub- ject of petitions and compelling their Northern satellites to lie slil^ and be trampled on ; the very affectionate and paternal expression* ef the President's message towards our "daughter," republic; the unveiled anxiety of the South to find a balance weight in the Sen- ate for the new States of Iowa and Wisconsin, both of which will have Senators here in the 28th Congress ; the certainty that it is *« Now or never" with them, and the strong ground of encourage- ment that they may now succeed, leave no room for doubt that either by a direct application from Texas to Congress, or by negociation with Mexico, confidentially, well understood to be agreeable to the leaders in Texas, there will be a more strenuous and determined eC fort than has ever yet been made to secure the annexation of Tex- as to the United States. The only formal difficulty on our part, to a negociation with Mexico, to-wit, that we have fully acknowledg- ed the independence of Texas herself, can never be allowed to stand in the way of so great an object, especially when the whole thing is in the hands of slaveholders, and still more when the only party in interest to object, to-wit, Texas, is actually in favor of the trans- fer. — J. Leavitt. THE LIBERATOR. Although the south has been defeated in her first attempt to an. nex the stolen and blood stained territory of Texas to this Union, yet it must not be supposed that she means to give up the project as hopeless, without making fresh exertions to carry it into effect. When she put her robber-hand upon Texas, and wrested it from Mexico, she did not dream of creating an independent slave-holding country by her side ; nor did she anticipate the amount of opposition that would be called forth on the part of the partially abolitionized north, against the daring proposition to unite Texas with this coun- try. She does not mean to be foiled in her purpose, but is unques- tionably watching for a favorable opportunity, when northern sus- picion is slumbering, to carry the measure in Congress by the same device that she procured the acknowledgment of Texan independ- ence, Hear the Natchez Free Trader on this subject, in a recent number : — " We have reason to believe, from some advices, that a new proposition relative to the union of Texas with this country will be brought forward by a distinguished gentleman, at the next session of Congress, under very favorable auspices." This warning is fairly given, and it behoves the non-slaveholding States to be pre* pared for the conflict. They must never consent to such an an- nexation on any terms. Sooner let the Union be dashed to pieces. ANTI-TEXAS. THE LIBERTY PRESS. Be assured that a fixed and unalterable determination is entertain, ed by the slaveholders of the South to have Texas annexed to this Union early next session. In addition to the evidences of this con- tained in the Resolutions of Tennessee, Alabama, &c, the general tone of the Southern press, the express declarations of Henry A. Wise made last session, the appointment of Waddy Thompson as Minister to Mexico, the recent letter of Governor Gilmer, of Vir- ginia, the assurance of Mr. Adams that this is and will continue to be a measure vehemently urged by the South, bo long as they have the least hope of securing it, we now have t liable source some further information in reference to it. A member of Congress from one of the ultra-slaveholdii a friend i sho has just written him, detailing their wretched anil despairing con- dition there. They have neither money nor credit to carry on the war, are hi daily expectation of inva bo utterly bankrupt in property and character at home and abroad that they can get no aid, and unless they '-an ultimately be annexed to the United Stat, IS, that then ilutely no hope for them!! lb- says it' invaded they can make a sudden and temporary rally, and defend themselveSi but they can neither raise nor sustain an army for continued st_r- It is a ease of lift or A ath with them, and the South know it. This member of Congress said to another with whom he conversed, and to whom he shewed the l< ter, we must and shall have Texas ann l— probably not th I i, but early the next session. B ... Northern votes to aid in this project 1 Yes, to, and we shall get them, too, replied the fori having secured the object, it' the Northern folks don't lik< let the d f the 1 b— wean prepared tor it!! The .ins ar-' bone of our bone, and flesh of our flesh, and must be ■Detained Mr. Calhoun and President Tyler are well known to be ID favor of it. The Southern policy La to say as little about it as possible be- hand, so that the i the North need not be aroused, and when the deed is once done, they anticipate a grumbling acquics. cence, as in similar instance S • ral members of Con- gress have been writing into their districts, sounding the alarm- Till: NEW-YORK AMERICAN. So, then, it is only necessary for a gang of plunderers and out- laws to declare themselves a party of emigrants, armed to the teeth though they be,) and they can go on in their lawless career unmo- U'i 1!, thru, as it is a poor rule that will not work both Let US suppose another South Caro- lina nullification affair. Let us suppose' matters to be brought to such a pass, a^ to involve the general government and South Caro- lina m a ivil war. And now for emigrating parties, Fleets and ar- mies come from Mexico and Great Britain, and various other rmar- ANTI-TEXAS. ters, to aid South Carolina in its revolt against the national govern- ment. That Government remonstrates against such proceedings, as a violation of neutrality, or even as an attempt to overthrow the govern- ment itself. To all its remonstrances ; to all its complaints that those armies and fleets were openly raised and fitted out, and that they sailed " with drums beating, and fifes playing," for the land of nullification; the reply of those foreign governments should be, that those forces called themselves emigrating parties. Think ye, that our government would be satisfied with this ? And who can tell but this supposition may yet become history ? Who can say, that some American Cataline, some Arnold, or Shays, or Burr, will not yet rear the standard of rebellion against the government, and be aided in this very way by the " emigrant" fleets and armies of those gov- ernments that wish to see our republican institutions overthrown? We should remember the scripture maxim : " With the same mea- sure that ye mete, it shall be measured to you again." These Texan emissaries appealed to the passions of our people something after the manner following, as portrayed by a Mexican writer : " They claimed the assistance of the Americans as brothers ; but they took care to say nothing about how they had cheated these brothers before they went to Texas. They told them the Mexicans are cruel, treacherous and cowardly ; but they took care to say nothing about their own deceitful, and treacherous conduct to the Mexicans. They told them that the .Mexican government, instead of nourishing and cherishing the people of Texas, was their robber and oppressor ; but they caiefully concealed, that the Mexicans had given them lands for nothing — had never called upon them for any sacrifice whatever — allowed them even the free exercise of their re- ligion — and that their only robbers arid oppressors were their fellow citizens of the United States, who wanted to seize their lands. They told them that in colonizing Texas, the Mexican government owed them a favor, and not they to the Mexican government, but they made no reference to the fact, that in the United States, every territory was settled in the same manner, and that, too, after paying well for the land, which they did not" — in Texas. « They assured them that the Mexicans were bringing the savage Indians to mur- der them ; but they concealed that the Mexican troops protected them from those very Indians, and that if the Indians are hostile, it is on account of indignities offered by the Texans, and of being de- prived of their lands by them. They spoke most pathetically of hunger, thirst, dangers innumerable, and evils inexpressible in Tex- as, all owing to the vile Mexicans ; but they confessed not the truth, namely, that from the Mexicans they not only got lands, but also flocks and herds, and that the hardships incident to all new set- tlements were scarcely ever felt in Texas. They declared, that it was not they who were the aggressors, but the Mexican govern, ment, without any provocation whatever; but they omitted the fact, that the Mexican government had granted every law they wanted ; ANTI-TEXAS. promised protection to all orderly settlers ; and only wanted to pun- ish and expel land speculators and jobbers, who had introduced themselves from the United States, with slaves. They tempted them with the large tracts of fertile land that the grateful Texians would allow them for their assistance against the Mexicans ; but they (the land jobbers) concealed, that they themselves, by false titles and usurpation, pretended a right to all the lands in Texas that were valuable ; that they wanted to resist the Mexican govern- ment, to preserve these lands unlawfully acquired ; and that the Texans, in place of sympathizing with them, hated them as spoilers of the commonwealth, and disturbers of the public peace." JUSTITIA. NEW-YORK TRIBUNE. W r.. received communications on both sides of the question of consenting to tie \ . of T( xas to our Federal Union. timot make room for them, deeming it incredible that any sane man should favor Rich Ann< xation, and having DO room to waste on fighting mad wra. Whew r< r th qui rtion shall be brought be- fore the country by the advocates of Annexation, we shall be found among the most determined, untirii nmeasuxe- Our country ii quite la: ■ i now ; 1 burthened with war and debt; her p ie rally improvident and idle, and WC would Bj I any DBOn TOch than take them back again. Besides, any attempt to annex Texas to the Union would excite the bitterest jealousy ami hostility in England, France, and jhoiit the civilixed world. Why not let well enough alone ? [ftheTexani p live in th< I I ley '-an easily com.- back here — tar lie . than tin v ean maintain themselves where they are. v. have reports that the Southern States favor the Annexation, but do not yet find evidence to confirm them. Why should the South sr.k needle-sly to r< new the perils of the Missouri controver- sy ■ — t,, throw the whole iubji cl of Slavery into the arena of party politics and bar«rcom altercation I No, no: the old and safe rule of our Internatkmal policy — " Equal justice to all ; entangling alliances with none," — must be adhered to, or we shall be atloat on a fathom- less, shoreless sea of troubles. Let us be wise how?. — Nov. 1842. PITTSBURGH GAZETTE. Wc arc fearful that the importance and truth of Mr. Adams's re. marks in reference to the conspiracy existing among slaveholding politicians, to annex Texas to the Union, will not be felt by the peo- ple generally, until they wake up to find the object of the conspira- cy consummated, or so nearly consummated that resistence will be hope ! If, through supincness and inditference, the North permits this great object of the South to be accomplished, there will be an end of all independence and free legislation, on the part of the free ANTI-TEXAS. States. We shall then become the vassals of the southern taskmas- ter. A sufficient number of Staler can be carried out of Texas, to give the South the balance of power forever, They will then have both the power of numbers and the power resulting from a common interest in an immense amount of property. Can any lover of his country look upon this prospect of entailing upon us the power, the influence and enormities of American sla- very, through all time, without a feeling of horror and indignation ; and yet there cannot be the slightest doubt that such is the design of the South. The following article, from the Cincinnati Gazette, commenting on an article from the Union, the organ of Tyler, in New-York city, is worthy of attention. The remarks of the Union arc strongly corroborative of the statements of Mr. Adams, and show that there is danger, — danger near at hand, and of a most alarming character. The present unprincipled occupant of the Presidential chair is a firm believer in the sentiment that " what the law declares to he property, is property :" and that " two hundred years of legislation has sanctioned and sanctified negro slaves as property." Acting on this belief, he is bending all his exertions to perpetuate the existence of this great evil. Let every patriot and friend of human rights ponder well on this subject. The Gazetto says : 11 There arc those who affect to laugh at Mr. Adams's views as regards the annexation of Texas to this Union. We believe his statements; and furthermore we believe that it is the intention of a large portion of the politicians now in power to secure this object. The plan, as we understand it, is to guarantee the independence of Texas, and, if practicable, to go further, and secure its annexation to this country." Texas. — Memorials against the admission of Texas into the union ought to be industriously circulated through, the country, for every body to sign, and be poured in at the next Congress in clouds. The admission of Texas into the union, would be the death warrant of that union. It might linger out a short and painful existence after- wards, but what would remain of life after admitting Texas, would be like the life of man after 70 — 11 We rather sigh and groan than live."— Lynn Record. We trust for our country's sake and happiness — for our liberty and union and peace — that this most extravagant scheme about to be renewed, of annexing Texas, wmieh is twice as large as Pennsyl- vania and Virginia united — to her already bloated Territory, will be frowned down by the universal people. A union resting as one ter- minus on the Pacific Ocean, as another on Mexico, as a third on N. Brunswick and the Atlantic, could not be held together for six months. It would crumble to pieces by its own weight, and over- whelm all in its ruins. Or, if it was kept consolidated, it would on- ly be by the agency, of some despotic principle, which could bury the Liberty and happiness of the American people in one common grave. — Richmond Whig ANTI-TEXAS. - W 1 \ AW \. If v can we style liim a lyrai t, -,,] the- southern planted »te privilege of tilling the land in tho Prov. ince of I pt from t n x n r J • ■ 1 1 for ten years ? Can v. 3 Li ta \ na a tyrant, who in 1829 1 a' decree tliat thi held in his dominions after that vear ? Can are call him a tyrant, who -', and "•"i with Do we call him a tyrant, who fought and bled in i principle! are immortal, and arc from the anthoi I • I — wl o to contravene the < ffbrts of those who wished to substantiate more firmly the horrible system of nla. i equity — right and wrong, remain the same, not- withstanding the '■'• by corruption, and he calls that h which opposes nim. ITee, Santa Anna too well kn< •••• thai I i rime, how< •:< r drt adful, that thi tem of slavt ry did no| tolerate and generate, and that a nation, bow - ever prosp roaa and wealthy, would rail into anarchy under its ly influen R I ar with M ..hat folly for the troope of this nation to assume the p ''.sir of commit. ar bare men been swallowed ap in iniquity, that their return for benevolence m foul revelry and devastating destruc. tion. T nue long in such a state, win re the fundamental pi of human unalienable rights are so impctu. oualy \ na, we cannot but beuV *e, that 6uch conduct will ere long, call down the trresietable wrath and judg- ifan immutable and offended God. — Wwnuoeket Patriot. M h exultation is mi by certain editors at the Tciian success -if arms, as an a. i . ivil liberty. We could most cordi- ally respond to their rejoicings did we believe that such would be alt. W( have a total! j different opinion of the aubject. We • it will I id and perpetuate Slavery — to rivet more firmly the shackles of the op pr ess e d Afii.-an, and that the hue and cry f<>r 'IVxian liberty, means in fact no more than liberty to hold . ami that the Constitution of the United States, should it ev- ided over them, guaranteeing to them, in letter, " life, lib- erty, ami p ' would be to all but the lordly master, "a rheto- rical Hon . ' Hampshire Republican. ANTI-TEXAS. WILLIAM H. BURLEIGH. Ho ! for the rescue ! ye who part Parents from children — heart from heart- Up ! " patriarchs" — and gather round, Ye who sell infants hy the pound! The land of chivalry and chains, Whose priests have sanctified pollution, Pours in her ruffians from her plains, And Houston still with them, maintains Our " patriarchal institution !" Shout for the onset ! till the North, Startled, shall quit her little knavery, And pour her choicest scoundrels forth To fight for Texas lands and — slavery ! Shout for our homes and household altars, Where justice comes not with her halters ! Where proudly walk our ranks among, The forger and the " great unhung !" Where Houston, chief of San Jacinto, Arrayed in Presidential dignity, Reckless, remorseless, plunges into Crimes which " Old Nick" would scarce begin to, With all his lust and dire malignity ! These be thy Gods, oh Texas ! — these ! — Tried heroes, dipped in lust and blood — From justice sturdy refugees, And outcasts from the wise and good ! Then fling abroad our glorious star, And gather for victorious war — Led on by such, our arms shall be Bulwarks and walls for slavery ! Ho ! Texians ! for the battle cry— " Alamo ! vengeance to the foeman ! w Fling out your banner to the sky, Maintain — or in the struggle die ; The glorious right of— flogging woman. August 25th, 1837. Oppressed by Britain, we threw off the chain : A worse oppression we ourselves maintain, Texas has sins for which she should atone : Shall we take her's, and thus increase our own ? Shall we pursue a course which Heaven abhors, And bind our freemen, slaves to unjust laws ? Forbid it, Heaven ! nor let it e'er be said, That 'twas for this our fathers fought and bled ; Let not their sons erase their well earned fame, Eclipse their glory in a nation's shame. — Louis. Jour. ANTI-TEXAS. RHODE ISLAND. Whereas this limited Government possesses no power to extend fts jurisdiction over any foreign nation ; and no foreign nation, country, or people, can be admitted into this Union but by the sov ercign will and act of the free people of all and each of these United ; nor without the format* n <>f a new compact of union, and another frame of government radically different in objects, principle* and powers, from that which was framed far our own self-govern- ment, and deemed to be adequate to all the exigencies of our own fiee Republic : Therefore, R Phat we have witnessed with deep concern the indi- sationa of a disposition to bring into this Union, as a constituent member thereof, tl. I cas. /.'■ lived, Tliat although we are Rill sequences which must follow t i iplishment of such a could it be accomplished — aware that it would k to the conquest and annexation ol M i • i •■ If and il i remaining provin- intendencies, which, together with the revolted province of Texas, would furnish foreign territories and foreign people for at least twenty members of the new Union. Thai it would load the nation with debt and taxes, and, by involving it in perpetual war and commotions, both foreign and internal, would furnish apn of war never i rnish) for the assumption and with our free republican institu- tions, and - : the liberties of tie I That the gov- ernment of a nation led and so constructed would soon be- come radically changed in character, it" not in form ; would una- voidably become a milita anient, ami, under the plea of ne- ild free itself from tin- restraints of the Constitution, and from liability of the People. '1 'hat we an- fully aware of the deep degradation into which this young Republic would sink itself, in the eyes ol the whole world, should it annex to its own vast territories other ami foreign territo- thoughunkno L, for the purpo ourag- ing the propagation of slavery, ami promoting the raising of slaves within its own bosom — the very bosom of freedom — to be exported ■Id in those unhallowed regions. Although we are fully aware sf these fearful evils, and nui others which would come in thoJT train, vet we do not here dwell upon tin in, because we are firm If c HBvinced that the free People of most, ami we trust of all these . will m ver suffer the admission of the foreign territory of Tex* i tins Union as a constituent member thereof; will never suf- fer the integrity of this Republic to be violated, either by the intro- duction and addition to it of foreign nations or territories, one or ma- ny, or by the dismemberment of it by the transfer of any or more of its rnernbers to a foreign nation. The People will be aware, that, should one foreign State or country be introduced, another and an- other may he, without end, whether situated in South America, in [ndia islands, or in any other part of the world ; aud th.~ f ANTI-TEXAS. a single foreign State thus admitted, might have in its power, by holding the balance between contending parties, to wrest their own Government from the hands and control of the People by whom it was established for their own benefit and self-government. We are firmly convinced that the free People of these States will look upon any attempt to introduce the foreign territory of Texas, or any other foreign territory or nation, into this Union, as a constituent member or members thereof, as manifesting a willingness to prostrate the Constitution and dissolve the Union. Resolved, That his excellency the Governor be requested to for- ward a copy of the foregoing resolutions to each of our Senators and Representatives in Congress, and to each of tbe Executives of the several States, with a request that the same may be laid before the respective Legislatures of said States. A true copy — witness : HENRY BOWEN, Sec. of State. LEGISLATURE OF MICHIGAN. " Whereas propositions have been made for the annexation of Tex- as to the United States, with a view to its ultimate incorporation in- to the Union : " And whereas the extension of this General Government over so large a country on the Southwest, between which and that of the original States there is little affinity, and less identity of interests, would tend, in the opinion of this Legislature, greatly to disturb the safe and harmonious operations of the Government of the United States, and put in imminent danger the continuance of this happy Union : Therefore, " Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Michigan, That in behalf, and in the name of, the State of Michigan, this Legislature doth hereby dissent from, and solemnly protest against, the annexation, for any purpose, to this Union, of Texas, or any territory or district of country heretofore constituting a part of the dominions of Spain in America, lying west or southwest of Louisiana." TO THE PEOPLE OF THE FREE STATES OF THE UNION. We, the undersigned, in closing our duties to our constituents and our country, as members of the 27th Congress, feel bound to call your attention, very briefly, to the project long entertained by a por- tion of the people of these United States, still pertinaciously adher- ed to, and intended soon to be consummated — the annexation of Texas to the Union. The open and repaeted enlistment of troops in several States of this Union in aid of the Texan revolution ; the intrusion of an American army, by order of the President, far into the territory of the Mexican Government, at a moment critical to the fate of the in. surgents, umWr pretence of preventing Mexican soldiers from fo- A5TI-TEXAS. SttQbVmg Indian disturbances, but in reality in aid of, and acting in singular concert and coincidence with, the army of the revolution Mts ; the entire neglect of our Government to adopt any efficient measures to prevent the most unwarrantable aggressions of bodies of our own citizens, enlisted, organized, and officered within our own borders, and marched in arms and battle array upon the territory, and against the inhabitants of a friendly Government, in aid of free- booters and insurgents ; and the premature recognition of the in- dependence of Texas, by a snap vote, at the heel of a session of Congress, and that, too, at the very session when President Jackson bad, by special mnwigri. insisted that " the measure would be con- trary to the policy invariably observed by the United States, in all similar i kid be marked with great injustice to Mexico, and peculiarly liable to the darkest suspicions, inasmuch a- the T< \ans were almost all emigrants from the United States, and sought the re- cognition of their independence with the avowed purpose of obtain- ing their annexation to the United States;" these occurrences are too well known and too fresh in the memory of all to need more than a passing notice. These have become matters of history. Furfur- tlier evidence on all these and other important p refer to the memorable speech of John Quincy Adam-, delivered in the House of Representative! during the morning houi anil Ju- ly, 1838, and to 1, i to nil constituents, delivered at Brain- 8epU lulu r 17.1- 13. I , avowal of the Texans themselvt ntandanx* ions negotiations of our own Government, ti. Lions of vari- ous States of the Union, the numerous declarations of members of Congress, the tone of the Southern "/ell as the direct ap- plication of the Texan G tvernment, make it i i a i j > • any man to doubt that annexation and the formation of several new slave* holding Stat - and the Executive of the naviyn. The same refi ill show, very conclusively, that the par- ticular objects of this new acquisition of slave territory were the per- petuation of slavery and the continued ascendancy of the slave- power. W, hold that there is not only " no political necessity" for it, "no advantages to be derived from it," but that there is no constitution- al power delegated to any department of the National Government, Id authorize it j that no act of * . or treaty for annexation, can impose t: ttion upon the several States of this Un- ion to submit to such an unwarrantable act, or to receive into their family and fraternity such m n and illegitimate progeny. W( ll v , that annexation, effected by any act or proceeding of the Federal Government, or any of its departments, would be identical with dissolution. It would be a violation of our national compact, its objects, d< ugns, and the great elementary principles which entered into its formation, of a character so deep and fundamental, and would be an attempt to eternize an institu- tion and a power of nature ho unjust in themselves, 60 injurious to ANTI-TEXAS. the interests and abhorrent to the feelings of the people of the free States, as, in our opinion, not only inevitably to result in a dissolu. tion of the Union, but fully to justify it; and we not only assert that the people of the free States " ought not to submit to it," but We say, with confidence, they would not submit to it. We know their present temper and spirit on this subject too well to believe for a moment that they would become particeps criminis in any such subtle contrivance for the irremediable perpetuation of an institu- tion which the wisest and best men who formed our Federal Con. stitution, as well from tbe slaves as the free States, regarded as an evil and a curse, soon to become extinct under the operation of law* to be passed prohibiting tbe slave-trade, and the progressive infla ence of the principles of tbe Revolution. Washington, March 3, 1843. John Quincy Adams, Setii M. Gates, William Slade, William B- Calhoun, Joshua R. Giddings, Sherlock J. Andrew*, Nathaniel B. Borden, Thos. C. Chittenden, John Mattocks, Christopher Morgan, Joshua M. Howard, Victory Birdseye, Thomas A. Tomlinson, Stalev N. Clark, Charles Hudson, Archibald L. Linn, Thomas W. Williams, Truman Smith, David Bronson, George N. Briggs. The Texan Revolution, by Prolus.— This is a pamphlet of 84 large octavo pages, and contains a very comprehensive account of that unparalleled outrage against the laws of Nature and of Nations. It exhibits the perfidy of the president — hospitality of the Mexicans, — pretexts of the revolution — the real causes — base scheme to annex it to U. S. at the next session of Congress, 1843-44 — John Tyler, Cabinet and Co — war of Texas and U. S. against Mexico and Great Britain — visitation and search, the slave trade and Cass — speech of John Quincy Adams — other presidents' proclamations of Neutrality. Sold at the National A. S. Standard, Office No. 143 Nassau Street, New-York ; 25 cents single. THE ANTI-TEXAS3 LEGION. i:ui\ go is;ca<;ii ! DANIEL O'CONNELL. Having boon (lip fi f-t to '"til the attention of the English peo- ple to the horrible 1 of increased inhumanity, and ac- cnmnlating crime, whir!, the piratical ailed the State of I feci it is my bonnden d to endeavor to arouse English sympathy to this int< it is no- lo awaken the b< I the British nation, in order Id pre mischiefs and miseries which must ensue from the i ihmenl of another slaveholdinj For my former exertion I have had roj reward ; I have been, as usual, abased and vilified, and I intend, if possible, to civn more of the virulence and calumny of the friends of slavery • 'J ' 1 1 1 • r further exertion is obvious and pressing. France I these pirates. ] . at whose name hnmanit] »ften had cause to shudder, seems to be reckless of all principle, and to calculate onlj on some paltry mercan- tile gain. Prance h 'ic sanction to the exist- ence nf .1 community fraught with bo much crime, and pregnant with so much miser] to a large number of our fellow creatures. The I- mustconquer or abolish slavery, or else restore to Mexico the territory thej ha\r usurped from that state by a sab- ion ti> that republic. There i> no other alternative. If prompt iteps are taken to counteract the efforts of die Tcxians, they will easilj bestayedin their career of iniquity. If they are allowed to swell into any thing like national importance, it is scarcely possible to calculate die extent of human misery they will produce, or the quantity of immortality, sin, .and vice, which their slaveholding system must necessarily cause. The Texian State I has for some time been recognized by the THE ANTI-TEXASS LEGION. United States, and is now recognized by France ! What a con- temptible thing to be called a nation ? There are, to be sure, about thirty thousand slaves: and in every slave country, the ra- tio of slaves to white men must necessarily augment on the side of slavery. In order to have such a state subsist, the slaves mu*t be much more numerous than the white men ; and the free white man will never consent to labor by the side of the slave. All the drudgery of labor in such a state must necessarily be perform- ed by slaves. It is obvious that thus a great and increasing de- mand for slaves must exist in the Texian territory. This reflec- tion alone ought to rouse every man possessed of one single spark Of humanity to aid my plan for checking this horrible enormity. Let a Christian reflect on the pollutions of the slave-breeding system in the United States, for which the Texians professed to have preserved a monopoly of their slave market. ' From the United States alone,' says William Kennedy, ' Texas is to obtain her slaves.' What an encouragement to that hideous and most wicked industry — the breeding of slaves. The apportioning the sexes as in our cattle-breeding farms, two males to twelve fe- males. But it is not possible, in the language of decency, to de- escribe the horrific nature of this system — a system which has been unknown until recently, and is unpractised all over the world, save only on a small scale amongst the rudest and most degraded barbarians, and, on a greater scale, by the civilized an(* proud republicans of some of the states of North America. The committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery So- ciety, have truly described them thus: " Unprincipled adven- turers, land jobbers, and slaveholders from the United States, whose conduct deserves the most indignant rebuke, and must at- tach lasting dishonor to all who may become implicated in it." Next let us see how Mr. Ward, the talented member for Shef- field, well acquainted with the subject, describes them. He, in the Weekly Chronicle, has told the British people this: (t Texas is now tenanted by the wildest and most lawless of races. The men who have been driven from the civilized portion of the United States, for their crimes, and have found even Alabama and Missouri too hot for them, seek in Texas a more congenial at- mosphere." There are your Anglo Saxon race! your British blood! your civilizers of the world ! — men driven from civilization for their crimes! the wildest and most lawless of races! There is a gang for you! to be cried up of the Anglo-Saxon breed! the civilizers, forsooth of the world. The Morning Chronicle says: " One of the most horrible crimes ever committed took place last month in Arkansas, where some murderers killed Mrs. Wright, the wife of a planter, seve- ral of her children, one in the cradle, one or two negroes, rob- bed the house, and burned it to conceal their crime. Three were taken. It is to be lamented that two or three others en- gaged in the barbarous act have fled into Texas." Again, I say, THE ANTI-TEXASS LEGION. there ifl your Anglo-Saxon race for you! your civilizers of the world! Texas is just the place for them. Let me conjure you to read, again, and again, the letter of Jo- seph Sturge on this subject, — the simple, unexaggerated state- ments he has made of the blood-guiltiness of these slave-holders in the United States, as well as in Texas. Whilst I write, the letter of John Scoble, one of the most fearless and indefatigable of the friends of humanity, has appeared. letoribes the leading men among the Texians as * monsters of iniquity; 1 he calls Texians themselves 'characterless villains,' and what is more he proves in detail that they merit these ap- pelJations. I iin, these are Mir. Kennedy's Anglo-Saxon race for you ! I appeal to < >f all sects and persuasions to rally now for one great effort more to prevent the khame, the crime* the cruelty, the unpronounceable, the incalculable horrors of am-' e holding State. Ifabridlecan be put in the mouth of the barbaric Texians, it is the last degree improbable that any future attempt will be made at a similar organization. HENRY BROUGH I lie hud been assured by a gentleman who came from that country, and who was a member Of this same pi i as himself, that the uhnie population, white and colored, did not exceed 100,000; but he n ed to learn that not less than one-fourth of the population, i were in a state of slavery. This point led him to the foundation of the question which be w\ bed to put to his noble friend. There was very lit- tle, or no slave trade carried on with . i f Mexico cal IhOUt the consent of the M • de- sires. The Texan r< • •■ . I irai one of the most barefaced, high-handed outrages ever recorded on the page of history, for which there is no legal or moral justification whatever, and has no semblance to any thing we know of, save South Carolina Nullification. Call the Tex ! - of America? So are the inhabitants of Botany 1 if England, yet who will rank the transported convicts in New Holland with honest, reputable Englishmen? And who will rank Texani with the free and intelligent sons of the New England Puritans? They are emigrants from the State; but they are those who made virtue of neccessity, and emigrated to Texas, rather than expiate guilt on the gallows, or within the wall-; of a penitentiary. Horse thieves have emigrated to Tex- as from the States in large numbers; so have murderers, burglars, incendiaries, bigamists, embezzlers, seducers; — indeed all crimi- nals who have had the luck or ingenuity to escape the hands of justice in the States, have sought an asylum in Texas — that home of the rogue and land of the slave. If we seek associates for the sake of decency let us get into good company. The character of the Texan people is well known — their journals have given no- 0« THE ANTI-TEXASS LEGION, toriety — travellers have published it to (he world — their character is deservedly disreputable, and in some of its traits will not com- pare with that of the pirates who thirty years ago infested the Gulf of Mexico and the West Indies. The emigrants have given their character to the whole people, and among them all, infamous is the general rule anil respectable the exception. Who will rank the murderous, thievish clan which infests every town in Texas, with the quiet and peaceful villagers of the North? Who will rank men who have no Sabbath and no religion, with the sober, moral and religious communities in all parts of the North? Who will rank tyrants who feast on the profits of negro slavery, with the descendants of those who fought at Bunker's Hill and Ben- nington? As well rank virtue with vice, truth and right, with false- hood and wrong. But their character is too well known to meri- much description, and this must give way to more important discussion. When done, the deed is irrecoverable; therefore the project should be crushed now, and Texas, at all hazards, union or no union, should be, must be kept out. VERGENNES VERMONTER. Whatever may be the difference of opinion at the North, in relation to the means of abolishing slavery — even though they are thousands who do not profess to be abolitionists and are not active in the abolition cause — yet there are very few northerners, who will not declare without the least hesitation, that slavery is a crime and a curse to the country, and that they could wish in their hearts that it never had no existence. No doubt this is a declaration that thousands in the South would be willing to make were it not against their interest to do so. The North will ne- ver acknowledge the right of slavery, even for her own interest, much less for the interest and sole interests of the South, and although she may not be able to succeed, in effecting the aboli- tion of the evil, yet far be it from the Northern States, to do any- thing to build up and perpetuate the institution. Yet probably there may be some few northern dough-faces in the next Congress, who, through private interest and parly con- ceit, may prove themselves insignificant enough to cast their votes in favor of this miserable spawn of political chicanery. Though we do not profess to be ranting political abolitionists, yet we do profess to be an anti-slavery man, and would give it as our sen- timent that the northern whig, Tylerite or locofoco who is base enough to favor this measure during the next session, or at any other period while things remain as they now are, deserves to be kicked out of the North by every cripple in it, and after finding a refuge in the land of slaves from the just indignation of injur- ed cripples — the enslaved blacks, did they know their duty would volunteer a similar assistance anil help on " the evil tenor of his Way,'' un r 'l he arrives in that far-fa*""'! ]§r A " r rogues a n *\ rufhana. THE ANTI-TEXASS LEGION. for the love of which he could have the barefacedness to per- petually fix the curse of slavery upon his country and make the North an eternal bondman to the South. JOHN MATTOCKS. The Governor of Vermont, in his Message of 1843, says, M There are strong reasons for anticipating th.it an attempt will very soon be made to annex the republic of Texas to the United States, as well for the purpose of creating a perpo'ual market for from that large territory, to carve ouv slave States b to five a preponderacy in the Union to the Slave Power. If such an attempt shall . then woe betides our unhappy country. Who then can hope that the wrath of Heaven can be longer cons rained." VERMON IJ STATE CONVENTION. At the Vermont State Whig Convention, Nov. 1843; Resolved, That ive deprecate the contemplated annexation of Texas tc the Union, v, | the movement to that end as originating in a purpose to perpetuate the Slave Power; and deem it our duty to declare, that such Annexation, if effected will be a virtual dissolution of the Union — introducing as it will into the confede- racy, ; atirely beyond the anticipation of the Constitution, .,n^ the old t>y th< lotion of a new political familj , an l thu ig op the foundation of our Federal Union. [This ifl the COntinil Ition Of the repeated protests of the Legis- lature of the brave <■ eeo Mountain and the State Con- vention of the land of steady habits, Connecticut, rcveberates Will not the old Mate of New Fork and I ylvania, ami the new states of Ohio and Illinois, awake to the echoes and prolong the trumpet tones of seventy-six. 6 M.l'.M REGISTER. the project i ned there can be no doubt, and it is well to be prepared for the attempt, however it may turn out. One thin^ is certain, that if northern men of all parties can ever be united on any measure, there can be but one vote throughout the entire North on this question, and that will be of stern, unde- viating, uncompromising hostility to the annexation of Texas. This measure they will oppose to the death, let who may sup- port it. They can take no other course consistent with their own honor, their own rights, their own preservation, and they will never yield the point, paver. They will not be driven from the ground under any futile pretence that the honor or safety of Our (lag is at Stake, nor hide from their eyes the real question te — 'he perpetuation of slavery — however those in- I in the matter may seek to disguise andconceal it. Keen ty« I M itchm ■; are upon the walls, and with them as sentinels THE ANTI-TEXASS LEGION. we fear little any insiduous approach or attack, if the people are only prepared for action the instant the alarm is sounded. Let all be ready at a moment's warning. We have thrown out these hints merely as suggestions for the consideration of the people. The Texas question bids fair to be the most exciting and absorbing topic of public discussion, that has arisen in this country in our day — one that will cast all others into the shade, and shake the nation to its centre. Let us be prepared to take a noble stand in relation to it, and to move in one united mass, with a firmness tbat nothing can daunt, hav- ing at least one common bond of union, and that — uncomprom- ising hostility to the perpetuation of slavery by the annexation of Texas. NEW-YORK PRESENT. The full atrocity of this plot is laid bare with brazen-faced ef- rontery by its concocters. If Texas can be gained, and slavery extended only at the risk of a war with England, who has the audacity to wish to destroy slavery, the risk shall be run. This Texas union a national concern ? Truly, these southern masters of ours suppose our memories very short, or our spirits very meek, when one day they warm us with braggadocio threats, that they will allow no intrusion upon the privileges of their ' domes- tic institutions,' and then, the next day, cuff and box our ears, and say, ' come ye villains, to the defence of our rights. Have ye not learned that it is the serf's glory to fight for his lord's chattels?' Verily, this pretence that the honor of the United States as a nation, as a republic, as a union of free States depends, upon extending the blessings of slavery over Mexico to the Pa- cific, is the most astounding impudent assertion ever uttered by a man not insane. Is it to be credited, that our people will swal- low this unadullered absurdity this double-distilled hypocrisy? Such, then, is the danger. The impending election and our jealousy of England's aggressive policy, are to be used to make drunk, if possible, the good sense and integrity of our nation. But it is not possible. We cannot depend, perhaps, upon Con- gress, nor upon party leaders. But we can depend upon our countrymen. Minor questions will be merged. Party ties will be broken. The danger is great, but the courage and energy of the free States is sufficient for the emergency. What ought to be done will be done. A vast body of the citizens of the free States, at least, have quietly and resolutely made up their minds upon their duty; and not all the blustering of all the Hotspurs, will make them swerve a hair's breadth from their purpose. And if Congress or the Executive, by any device, still permit this pro- vince of Mexico to be pushed within our boundaries, the Uni- ted States will cease to be. We need but few words to announce a plain duty. We of the free States must wash our hands of this accursed scheme of perpetuating slavery. Be the consequence with Providence. ) THE ANTI-TEXASS LEGION. Injustice may seemingly be done to the large number of southern men, who are opposed to the iniquitous plot of a few hot headed leaders. But if the many of good sense and good character at the South allow themselves to be gagged and hand- cuffed, anil yoked to the car of a handful of arbitrary tyrants, they must blame themselves that they deserve censure. Let the con- science of the South speak freely out, and the Texas plot and slavery altogether be put away forever. NEW- YORK TRUE SUN. We learn from a BOUrce which we think entitled to considera- tion, that the President will recommend in his next Message, the annexation of Texas to the Union, This question will be the gravest which hi- agitated this country for many years. It will 1" led on the ground of a commercial and political I ity, and to prevent the farther intrusion of British interests in the neighborhood of the Gulf of Mexico. If John Tyler should he mad enough to make any such recom- mendtio.'i, we hope it will receive no favor at the hands of the people, and will he crushed in Congress. In connection with (his, we take pleasure in publishing the following resolution, ■which was offered by Bon. Truman Smith, of Connecticut, at the Whig State Con\ ention at Hartford, and which passed by a unani- mous vote, and the right ground, and presents the consequences and inconsistencies of the. annexation at a glance, and in a strong light. CONNECTICUT STATE CONVENTION. 'red. That the annexation of the republic of Texas (a foreign and independent State) to our I'nion, will be a most pal- pable and flagrant infraction of the Constitution of the United States, alike inconsistent with a heathful administration of gov- ernment and dangerous to our liberties, and must inevitably break up and destroy our glorious Union. NEW-TORE EVENING POST. This is the true point in the case. All that is said of the proba- bility of Texas becoming a colony of Great Britain is but a dis- guise of the real (piesti.ni. Texas can exist as an independent nation as well as Sweden or Denmark. The desire to prevent her from taking her owncourse in regard to the abolition of sla- the desire to perpetuate and extend that great evil, is tho secret spring of the movement in favor of annexing her to the L'nited States. For our part while we are content that the people of those states in wlneh slavery exists shall decide for themselves, with- out our interference, what is to be dorii with it, believing that causes are already in gradual operation which will inevitably [Unction, we shall resist to the uttermost, any mea- sure whii h like the admission of Texas into the Union tends to give ita longerlifc within our confederacy or on the continent we inhabit. THE SLAVES OF SLAVERY. HENRY A. WISE. " Let Texas once proclaim a crusade against the rich States to the south of her, and in a moment, volunteers would flock to her stand- ard in crowds, from all the States in the great valley of the Missis- sippi — m en of enterprise and valor before whom no Mexican troops could stand for an hour. They would leave their own towns, arm themselves, and travel on their own cost, and would come up in thousands, to plant the lone star of the Texan banner, on the Mexi- can capitol. They would drive Santa to the South, and the bound- less wealth of captured towns, and rifled churches, and a lazy, vic- ious and luxurious priesthood, would soon enable Texas to pay her soldiery, and redeem her S'ate debt, and push her victorious arms to the very shores of the Pacific. And would not all this extend the bounds of slavery ? Yes, the result would be, that before another quarter of a century, the extension of slavery would not stop short of the Western Ocean. We had but two alternatives before us; either to receive Texas into our fraternity of States, and thus make her our own, or to leave her to conquer Mexico, and become our most dangerous and formidable rival. "To talk of restraining the people of the great Valley from emi- grating to join her armies, was all in vain ; and it was equally vain to calculate on their defeat by any Mexican forces, aided by Eng- land or not. They had gone once already ; it was they that con- quered Santa Anna, at San Jacinto ; and three fourths of them, af- ter winning that glorious field, had peaceably returned to their homes. But once set before them the conquest of the rich Mexican provin- ces, and you might as well attempt to stop the wind. This Gov- ernment might send its troops to the frontier, to turn them back, and they would run over them like a herd of buffalo. " Nothing could keep these booted loafers from rushing on, till they kicked the Spanish priests rut of the temples they profaned." — Speech in Congress, April, 1842. THE EAGLE OF LIBERTY. THE FREE EAGLE OF MEXICO GRAPPLING THE COLD BLOODEU VIPER, TYRANNY OR TEXAS. m P- ~ O to *± +* » O OT PL, S * 3 g pVS-S - CO *■* erf * p:P;p R ■4-J I— I > «® Crf OT ""p -p £ P — • p . <-. *» CD pT» O *o «-p i P >-» cd -a O ,jO -p , JS P 1) o Co ot C S e3 tw co i; _^> -P a) ° P CD OT P OT p O crf -p u ^,' S g cd CO P >. OT K —J « fi Q >. fl rP .2 -^ ^ «J § § g 2^ ♦is *-• erf ,o CD erf *~ <3 U W CO »F^ ^ g-p-5-a & ^p .p ^ pj+- »cj°^S® O .P c» p S2j -* *-» ., P _Q P P £jn rt « M o W ° '-^ ^^ 'P *- erf r I— I *-" »_» CD . . JP p o — o e^p * O CD O CJ H P s o •p CD r" 0) «g OT 5^ o 2 Ph ^ > o -S ^5 JP CD erf co .2 o CD Crf ^p -° -^ erf rtl VU ^ o a p.S p _2 Bj erf 1 -^ ^. p 5 tjD j_, P Oh w Crf>^ CCSOTPhP ^Crfr-P P -^zp^'^-P ^ erf cd-p_P ^ vTco ■Pfc/DCD t! O fi fi rSPnCrf Ph ° O o Crf K ^J fl fc! 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