359 
 
 mM 
 
 ..'.v 
 
 • ■•«.' . . 
 
 .•y^>,'^.v^.'...-v^. .■:.■, v.- . 
 

 
 
 r^o^ 
 
 'oK 
 
 '^0^ 
 
 'bV^ 
 
 > ^"-^^^ 
 
 
 «^^ *• ' 
 
 
 Ao' 
 
 "^oV 
 
 
 .^ ♦ jA 8» /k '^ ^.^ (l* ♦ ' 
 
 
 ^^S 
 
 •7 
 
 
 •• ** 
 
 
 

 
 
 •. ■e. oL* «v 
 
 
 .n^ 
 
 
 
 -^^-0^ 
 
 
 •* .^ 
 
 
 0' » • • » "'^^ » » T • o 
 
 .v-*-. 
 
 
 ^• / X •-^^- **^% WW.-' /\ •.^^- *^^ 
 
 
PRICE TWENTY-FIVE CENTS. 
 
 THE 
 
 WAR IN EUROPE, 
 
 ITS REMOTE AND RECENT CAUSES. 
 
 WITH THE 
 
 VIENNA TREATIES OF 1814 AND 1815, IN FULL. 
 BY A. J. H. DUGANNE. 
 
 n 
 
 oxx»9vt. aiU&lLDI, ms " MARION " 07 ITALY. 
 COSTAIVING ALSO 
 
 TWO SPLENDID MAPS, EACH 24x15, 
 
 PREPARED BT COLTON; 
 
 ALSO. ENGRAVINGS OF THE PRINCIPAL PLACES IN ITALY, AND PORTRAITS OF THE 
 LEADING MEN NOW ENGAGED IN THE 
 
 PRESENT Gam^STBUCOtB. 
 
 '■■R. M. DE WITT PUBLISHER 160 & 162 NASSAU STREET NEW YORK. 
 
 W. H. TmiHiN, r Mjte, i,jj Siewoiyper, Rear of 43 A 4j> Centre St., N. \. 
 
 PREPARATION.— The Life of JOSIEIPH aARZBAIiDZ, the "Francis Marion" of 
 Italy; with En^pravings illustrative of the (iifiineut Soeaea and Strofgles wherein he has 
 been engaged. Price Twenty^ive Cents. 
 
^;:ry'^^^m^?^^mmm^'^^^mi 
 
 x*loe 38 Oexxts. 
 
 MORPHY'8 MATCH GAMES; 
 
 BEIXO A FULL AND ACOUBATE ACCOUNT OF HIS MOST 
 
 ASTOXJNDING SUCCESSES ABROAD, 
 
 DEFKATINO, IN ALMOST XTKBT IN3TANCK, TBI 
 
 CHESS CELEBRITIES OF EUROPE. 
 
 KDITED, WITH COPIOUS AND VALUABLE NOTKS, 
 
 BY CHARLES HENRY STANLEY, 
 
 Antlior of **Tlie Clxess Flayer's Instrxictor.** 
 
 I. 
 
 Match between Mr. Morphr and ITerr Lowentlial, played in London, An?rnsf, 1858. 
 
 II. 
 Eight Blindfold Games, played simultaueously, by Mr. Morphy, at Pari.s, October, 1858, 
 defeating Sfossrs. Baucher, Dierwirth, Bornemann, Potier, Preti, and Seguin, and making 
 drawn gamea with Messrs. Guibert and Lequesne. 
 
 ni. 
 
 Natch between Mr. Morpliy and Ilerr Uarrwitz, played at Paris, October, 1858. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Match belvt'tii Mr. ^tli,.,. , .,...'. Tiurc.-i-u. * "''■" -f!!, of Breslan, played at Paris, De- 
 
 ceiuler, 1858. 
 
 V. 
 
 Eight Blindfold games, played simultaneously by Mr. Morphy, at the Chess Festival held 
 at Birmingham, England, 1858. These games were played without sight of men or boards. 
 
 This valuable acquisition to Chets Literature will likewise contain a 
 
 znum PoarnAiT of paui mobphy, 
 
 THE 
 
 Chess diampion of tlie ^World, 
 
 engraved on stkkl, in the highest style of modern art, by J. C. BcTTnE, Esq , bei'ig an 
 accurate and perfect transfer of one of Brady's most successful Photographs, together with 
 a fac-simile of 
 
 ME. MOEPHY'S AUTOGRAPH. 
 
 ROBERT M. DE WITT, PUBLISHER, 
 
 160 and 162 Nassau St., New York. 
 
 Copies of the above book sent by mail, postage paid, on receipt of price. 
 
 W. H. TisBi.N, rriiiierandStoreaiypn, RtAroT 4S A 44 Ceuirt Si., N. Y. 
 
^ai:r?V;-.-*'?^v , ,.. ^ :>jieipt|ji^ 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 I 
 
 Jl rr 
 
I 
 
 Copies of W i iwm VWK mil vy wmi, jjuitugt pumi, vn nvx^i tf price. 
 
 W. H. TiMiuN, Printer and SterMtyiMT, Rear of 43 A 41 Ctolra St., N. t. 
 
THE 
 
 WAE IN EUROPE: 
 
 BEING A 
 
 RETKOSPECT OF WARS AND TREATIES, 
 
 SHOWING THE 
 
 REMOTE im RECENT CAUSES AND OBJECTS 
 
 OF A 
 
 DTJSTASTIC WAE, 
 
 IN CONNECTION WITH 
 
 THE BALANCE OF POWER IN EUROPE. 
 
 BY A. J. H. DTJGANNE. 
 
 EsiEKED according to Act of Congress, in the year 1859, by Kobert M. De Witt, in the Clerk's Office of the DiBtrict 
 Court of the United States for the Southern Distri(^(of NewjCartC^ 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 ROBERT M. DE WITT, 160 & 162 NASSAU STREET. 
 
 1859. ^ 
 

 ^ 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 EUROPE IN THE PRESENT CENTURY: 
 
 Settlement of the Peace of Europe— Events of 1815— Great Britain after the Battle 
 of Waterloo— Russian Dynasty— Austrian Dynasty— German States— Prussian Dynasty 
 —Sketches of all European States— Description of Italy— Position of the Belligerents 
 — Declarations and Manifestoes of the Powers 3 22 
 
 RETROSPECT OF WARS AND TREATIES: 
 
 European Dynasties in lYOO— French Revolution of lYSO— Napoleon Bonaparte's career 
 —Treaties of Paris in 1814-15- Congress of Vienna— Holt Alliance Treaty— 
 French Revolutions of 1830 and 1848— Germanic Confederation— Partitions of Poland 
 —Breaches of Vienna Treaties by Russia and Austria— Secret Treaty op Verona to 
 CRUSH Liberty— Treaty between Russia and Turkey in relation to the Danubian Prin- 
 cipalities— Italy IN 1848— German Revolts of 1848-9— Hungarian Revolution 22—44 
 
 OBJECTS OF A DYNASTIC WAR: 
 
 Review of Louis Napoleon's Acts— Projects of Napoleon I.— The Crimean War injuri- 
 ous to England— Possibilities of the Future— Italy and a New Popedom— Possible 
 eflPects on the American Continent— Position of the United States in view of an Offen- 
 sive Alliance of Dynasties 44 52 
 
 BALANCE OF POWER IN EUROPE: 
 
 Review of Wars in the last Century— Treaty concerning Parma, Piacenza, and Gdas- 
 talla— Treaty of Florence between Austria, Sardinia, Tuscany, Modena, and Parma 
 — Treaty between Austria and Modena in 1847— Consideration of Direct Causes of 
 the War — Concluding Remarks regarding a New Balance of Power 52—61 
 
 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES, FORCES AND FINANCES: 
 
 Count Cavour— Marshal Canrobert— Garibaldi— Count Gyulai— Francis of Naples 
 — Count Rechberg — Generals Hess and Hebel — Marshal Baraguay D'Hilliers — Na- 
 poleon in. — Victor Emanuel — Francis Joseph— Armies of Europe— Public Debts — 
 Cost of Wars 61 72 
 
 W. n. TiNSON, PriQter and Stereotyper, 43 & 45 Centre Street. 
 
 
 
EUROPE m THE PRESENT CESTTURT. 
 
 I. 
 
 The aspect of European affairs at the present time is of moral and material 
 significance to all the world. In a progressive age like this in which we live, when 
 mind and matter quiver under daily impulses of knowledge and science, all civil- 
 ization must be affected, more or less, by a struggle for empire between two 
 hostile powers like France and Austria. Many questions and consequences 
 are involved in the conflict of dynasties — various speculations are ventured 
 concerning results to ensue — and numberless hopes and fears hang trembling 
 on the poise of expectation, both in Europe and our own land. The war now 
 devastating Italy may be regarded as a game of tremendous hazard, whereon 
 the Old and New World have stakes of vast consequence to their future weal 
 or woe. 
 
 II. 
 
 If a feeling of national interest is shared by American as well as foreign 
 states, it is, likewise, equally felt by our adopted and native citizens. German, 
 French, Italian and other continental people, who constitute so large a portion 
 of our communities, have indeed the force of former associations and ties of 
 kindred to connect them personally with actors and localities of the contest ; 
 but American-born patriots are not behind in recognizing the crisis to be one 
 peculiarly worthy of their consideration as members of a democratic confede- 
 ration. 
 
 III. 
 
 It lacks just a lustrum of half a century since the Peace of Europe was said 
 to be definitively settled by the treaties entered into between the allied con- 
 querors of Napoleon Bonaparte. Dictating terms to Prance in her own capital, 
 the four victorious powers — Russia, England, Prussia, and Austria — deprived 
 their former rival of all acquisitions she had made since the revolution of 1T92, 
 exiled her emperor to Elba, and restored Bourbon rule in the person of Louis 
 XVIII. On the 3d of March, 1814, the allies took possession of Paris ; on the 
 2d of October, they met by their representatives, in the Congress of'Vienua, 
 and in March, 1815, their deliberations were suddenly interrupted by the 
 intelligence that Bonaparte had broken the treaty, by leaving Elba, and was 
 advancing with an army through France to regain his lost power. 
 
 3 
 
EUROPE m THE PRESENT CENTURY. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Louis XVIII. fled from his capital to Flanders ; Napoleon signed the new 
 French Constitution, and submitted his right to the throne to popular vote. 
 He was sustained by a million and a half affirmative votes against less than half 
 a million negative. On the 1st of June, 1S15, he found himself at the head 
 of 560,000 men, and at once led 211,000 against the allied armies of England, 
 Prussia, and Russia. A million effective soldiers, including a Prussian army, 
 of 100,000, under Blucher and about an equal force of British, Germans, and 
 Belgians under Wellington, were advancing to unite on the French frontier. 
 Bonaparte marched against Blucher with 120,000 men, and defeated him at 
 Ligny, June 16th. On the eighteenth he encountered Wellington and Blucher 
 combined, and lost the battle of Waterloo. 
 
 V. 
 
 The die was cast against him. He fled to Paris, abdicated in favor of his 
 son, and was shortly after captured at sea by the British, and exiled to St. Helena. 
 Louis XVIII. went back to his throne, and the Congress of Vienna resumed its de- 
 liberations. The three powers of Central Europe, Austria, Prussia, and Russia, 
 entered into a treaty of alliance, September 26, 1815, by which they bound 
 themselves for mutual assistance in case of any attempt at revolution on the 
 part of their subjects. The treaty was approved though not subscribed by 
 England. Before noticing the basis of Peace Settlement made by the Congress 
 of Vienna, I shall glance at the position of various nations affected by the 
 treaties of 1815, leaving France, as we have seen, reduced to her territorial 
 limits as they existed before the revolution, her Bourbons being restored, and 
 the line of Bonaparte declared incapable of reigning. 
 
 VI. 
 
 Great Britain, anterior to the battle of Waterloo, was chief head of the 
 anti-Napoleon league, her cabinet dictating campaigns, her armies in the van 
 of action, her purse relied on by bankrupt confederates. She had disputed 
 the progress of French empire for more than twenty years, maintaining often 
 single-handed, an uncompromising war against Bonaparte's ambition. By 
 supporting, almost unaided, the enormous expenses of campaigns in Syria and 
 the Spanish Peninsula, maintaining fleets in all seas, and armies in several 
 countries — she had increased her National Debt from £200,000,000 to nearly 
 £900,000,000 ; beside swelling her annual tax budget from £17,000,000 to 
 £71,000,000 ; her aggregate of disbursements throughout the war amounting 
 to the enormous sum of £11,000,000,000 sterling. Such colossal sacrifices of 
 treasure, without computation of losses in human life and by burdens entailed 
 upon an impoverished population at home, were England's contribution to the 
 League of Sovereigns. Her reward was the meretricious glory of Waterloo — 
 a victory which, though it promised " security for the future," was surely no 
 adequate " indemnity for the past." The fifteen hundred million francs exacted 
 from Louis XVIII., for his restored kingdom, was scarcely a quid pro quo for all 
 that Great Britain had expended ; for she had been the master spirit of a coali- 
 tion which successively arrayed with herself against Napoleon, the governments 
 of Russia, Austria, Sweden, Prussia, Spain, Portugal, Naples, and a German 
 League of minor Powers ; she had inspired and strengthened them all, till her 
 crowning victory overthrew the common adversary forever. Yet, hardly were 
 
EUKOPB m THE PRESENT CENTUKT. 5 
 
 the echoes of Waterloo silent than she found herself confronted by the jealousy 
 of continental states that owed their very existence to her fidelity and forti- 
 tude. Austrian diplomacy over-matched Great Britain's influence in the Con- 
 gress of Vienna, denying in council what she had earned on the field — the 
 position of chief adviser, if not arbiter in continental reconstruction. The great 
 commissary and paymaster of the war remained, at the peace, only its principal 
 bankrupt. 
 
 VII. 
 
 Noticing the various nations whose interests are more or less involved in 
 the turmoil or quiet of Europe, we may arrive at a definite idea as to their 
 positions in a general conflict. It will be recollected that the territorial limits 
 of each of the continental powers, as well as its weight in the European bal- 
 ance, were fixed by the treaties of 1815, and that the parties to the great set- 
 tlement bound themselves by solemn oaths not only to preserve inviolate each 
 condition of their mutual pact, as individual governments, but, moreover, to 
 unite their power at any future time, to prevent the least infringement of that 
 pact. By this means the Congress of Vienna, in 1814-15, organized what 
 became afterward known as the Balance of Power in Europe ; and the three 
 principal continental powers subscribed a treaty of confederation on which was 
 bestowed the name of Holy Alliance. We shall leave the settlement and its 
 treaties for another connection, in order to glance at the dynasties of Conti- 
 nental Europe. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 The present Russian Dynasty is that of Holstein-Gotthorp. Russian or 
 Muscovite sovereignty was founded by Ruric, a barbarian prince, during the 
 ninth century. Wladimir the Great, called the Russian Solomon, reigned in 
 the eleventh century, and was converted to Christianity through the Greek 
 Church, which afterward became the religion of his subjects. Russian rulers 
 were called Dukes of Muscovy till the reign of Ivan IV., who took the title of 
 CzAB, which signifies nothing less than C^sar. It was assumed by Ivan in 
 token of his claims to the Eastern Roman Empire, bequeathed to his father by 
 Alexis, a fugitive scion of the Emperors of Constantinople, deposed by the 
 Turks. Since the time of Ivan, Russian ambition has never lost sight of Corn 
 stantinople as a future seat of Asiatic empire. After Ivan came the House of 
 Romanoff, of which Peter the Great was second monarch, and his daughter, 
 Elizabeth, last. Peter III., son of Peter the Great's daughter Anne and her 
 husband, a Duke of Holsteiu-Gotthorp, then founded the present dynasty ; but 
 soon lost crown and life, leaving Catherine II. empress in 1762. Catherine 
 made wa"r against Turkey, partitioned Poland, and left her throne to Paul I., 
 who joined the coalition against republican France, and afterward made peace 
 with her. He was murdered by conspirators in 1801, and his son, Alexander I., 
 succeeded to a throne threatened by the armies of Napoleon Bonaparte. Alex- 
 ander entered into alliance with Napoleon in 1807, at the Treaty of Tilsit, but 
 abandoned him in 1812, and provoked the campaign of Moscow. After Bona- 
 parte's retreat from Moscow, the Russian emperor pursued him, and entered Paris 
 with the Allies in 1814. Alexander I. died in 1825, and Nicholas I. became 
 Czar, and reigned till the late war between Russia and the allied powers of 
 England, France, and Turkey. Nicholas pushed Russian pretensions farther 
 toward Constantinople, and crushed out the nationality of Poland. He left the 
 empire to his son, Alexander II., present Czar. The Russian Empire covers 
 
6 EUROPE IN THE PRESENT CENTURY. 
 
 an area of 8,000,000 square miles, of which nearly two-thirds are in Asia, with 
 60,000,000 inhabitants. 
 
 IX. 
 
 The fatiiily of Hapsburg, the reigning Dynasty of Austria, was originally 
 headed by a simple count of the German Empire. The German emperors were 
 formerly elected by votes of the princes, dukes, counts, and marquises of the 
 country, convened for the purpose. In 1273, Count Rodolph of Hapsburg was 
 chosen Emperor of Germany. Since that time the family has aggrandized itself 
 greatly through marriage, and reduced large territories under its sway through 
 war or diplomacy. Albert I. of Austria tyrannized over Switzerland, but lost 
 that country in the fourteenth century through a general revolt of the cantons. 
 Charles V., his descendant, was likewise King of Spain. Ferdinand I., his suc- 
 cessor, united Bohemia and Ilungary with Austria proper. The ambitious 
 projects of Austria brought on the celebrated Thirty Years' War — between 
 1618 and 1648. Under Charles VI., a century later, Austria and Spain were 
 again united. lie left the throne of Austria to his daughter, Maria Theresa. 
 She married Francis of Lorraine, Grand Duke of Tuscany. The House of 
 Austro-Lorraine now occupies the throne, represented by Francis Joseph. The 
 possessions of Austria consist of a number of states, foreign to each other, 
 whose independence has been destroyed at various times by the craft or violence 
 of the House of Hapsburg. Among others which make up the bulk of empire, 
 are Upper and Lower Austria, Bohemia, the mountain provinces of Styria, 
 Carynthia, and the Tyrol, the ancient kingdom of Hungary, a half-dozen south- 
 ern provinces extending to the frontier of Turkey, a third part of old Poland, 
 under the name of Galiicia, and, finally, the Austro-ltalian or Lombardo- Vene- 
 tian Kingdom. The scattered and diverse populations amount to about thirty- 
 five millions of souls, in a geographical area of about 256,339 square miles. 
 The map of Europe will show Austria's position. It lies between Russia on 
 the northeast, and Turkey on the south, with Prussia and the other German 
 States northwest. Austria is accessible from Russia along its whole Polish 
 and Gallic! an border. It is entered from France through Savoy, Sardinia, or 
 the Rhenish States. 
 
 X. 
 
 Leaving the Danube above Vienna, we come to the German States, includ- 
 ing Prussia, Saxony, and the Free Cities. The German Confederation, so called, 
 recognizes Austria as its chief, but the real German portion of Austrian popu- 
 lation or territory is comparatively small. In fact, Austria claims position as 
 head of the Germanic Confederation more by force of military prestige than 
 because of aflQnity between the bulk of its inhabitants and those of Germany 
 proper. The Confederation of 1815 grew out of a league against Bonaparte, 
 made in 1806, by all the potentates of Middle Germany. The Confederation 
 comprises thirty-four monarchical states, and the Free Cities. They compose a 
 Congress, to which each power sends delegates, who cast votes in the ratio of 
 the political importance of the state which they represent. The Confederation 
 was organized for mutual safety of the German States in time of war. 
 
 XI. 
 
 Cooperating in the league against France, Frederick William III. of Prussia 
 represented in 1815 the Dynasty of Brandenburg-Hohenzollern. Prussia 
 had then been governed by kings just one century, having been originally a 
 
EUEOPE m THE PRESENT CENTURY. 7 
 
 dukedom, tributary to the monarchs of Poland. Frederick William, defeated 
 at Jena, subsequently ceded a part of his realm to France at the Treaty of 
 Tilsit. After the return of Bonaparte from Moscow, the Prussian monarch, 
 assisted by a patriotic army of the German nation, organized in the " Tugend- 
 Bund," or " League of Virtue," joined the grand combination against France. 
 Frederick William III. reigned till 1840, and was succeeded by Frederick 
 William IV. Prussia comprises East and West Prussia, Posen, Pomerania, 
 Brandenburg, Silesia, Westphalia, and several districts on the Rhine, together 
 with the portion of Poland which fell to her share at the tripartite dismember- 
 ment of that kingdom. The aggregate extent of Prussian territory is 106,852 
 square miles ; but most of this is sparsely populated, with exposed frontiers, 
 liable to sudden attack from either Russia, Austria, or France. 
 
 XII. 
 
 The three States of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, occupy a frontier, as 
 regards Russia, which may directly involve them in any general struggle. Nor- 
 way lies parallel with Sweden, both countries covering a peninsula, washed on 
 the west and north by the North Sea and Atlantic, and on the east by the 
 Baltic and Gulf of Bothnia. They are thus opposite the west seacoast of Russia. 
 Denmark, further south, is situated on the peninsula of Jutland, which protrudes 
 from the Netherlands and Upper Germany into the mouth of the Baltic. It is 
 of importance to Russia and France in alliance, to secure the cooperation of 
 the three northern kingdoms, and likewise that of Holland and Belgium, which 
 border on French territory. If Denmark espouse the French side, as in 1801, 
 the Netherlandish provinces are menaced at once. If Norway and Sweden be 
 controlled by Russia, the North Sea will open to Alexander's fleets, and the 
 Prussian frontier, Hanover, and other German states, would lie exposed to every 
 attack. In this way Austria and Germany would be hemmed in on every side 
 by hostile powers. A consultation of the map of Europe will show that Central 
 Germany could thus be made the battle-ground of continental dynasties. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 Denmark is probably the oldest kingdom in Europe preserving ancient limits. 
 Its people were warlike in ancient times of their history, and swarmed out as 
 invaders of the British Isles and France. They embraced Christianity during 
 the tenth century. A Danish king named Sweyn conquered England, and his 
 sou Canute added Norway to his dominions, wielding three sceptres at the same 
 time. England afterward became independent ; but in the fourteenth century, 
 Denmark, Norway, and Sweden were united under one sovereign ; afterward 
 Sweden was detached, and the German provinces of Schleswig-Holstein gained. 
 At the beginning of the present century, the King of Denmark refused to enter 
 into the coalition of northern powers against Bonaparte. To intimidate him, 
 England sent out a squadron under Nelson, which bombarded Copenhagen and 
 seized the Danish fleet. But the Danes still adhered to the French side, and 
 in 1814 the Allied Powers punished their contumacy, by taking away Norway, 
 to bestow upon Bernadotte, the King of Sweden. The German duchy of Lau- 
 enburg was giveu to Denmark, as an indemnity for the spoliation. Norway 
 and Sweden now constitute one kingdom, under the rule of Oscar I., son of 
 Charles John, who was formerly one of Bonaparte's marshals. Sweden's history, 
 under various monarchs, is united now with that of Norway. The united king- 
 
8 EUROPE m THE PEESENT CENTURY. 
 
 dom measures 1,550 miles in length, by about 350 in breadth. Denmark and 
 the duchies Schleswig-Holstein and Lauenburg comprise about 17,375 square 
 miles. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 We now comprehend the localities of Northerk Europe, down to the 
 Netherlands, which divide them from France. It will be understood that one 
 large Russian army is concentrated upon the Gallician or Austrian frontier, and 
 another on the Vistula, near the Silesian or Prussian frontier. Along the whole 
 German frontier, a line of Russian military stations, half a mile apart, is estab- 
 lished. Sentinels continually pace from one station to another, and patrols of 
 cavalry traverse the entire border. These preparations seem to menace all 
 Germany. A Russian fleet in the Baltic might cooperate with its land forces 
 for a like purpose ; while a Russian force in the Black Seo, threatens the Danu- 
 bian Principalities. On the French side, the " Army of Italy" invests Aus- 
 tria in her Lombardo-Venetiau kingdom ; while another French army could be 
 thrown through Belgium and over the Rhine into the heart of Germany. 
 
 XV. 
 
 Holland and Belgium formed a Gallic province under Imperial Rome, and 
 afterward became a portion of Charlemagne's Frankish dominions. Subse- 
 quently they were broken into several small sovereignties ; there being a king 
 of Friesland, a Duke of Brabant, a Count of Flanders, a Count of Holland, war- 
 ring against one another, till Philip, King of France, united them with his ter- 
 ritories, under the name of Low Countries. Flanders afterward passed to 
 Austria by marriage, Spain claimed Holland for a like reason, and the result 
 was a civil war, ending in the establishment of a republic by the Holland States, 
 under a chief called the Stadtholder, by the Treaty of Westphalia or Munster, 
 in 1648. The republic flourished, and founded colonies in America, settling, 
 among others, the territory now occupied by New York, New Jersey, Rhode 
 Island, Pennsylvania, and Delaware. Stadtholder William III. ended the 
 republic, by establishing hereditary succession to the Stadtholdership. This 
 prince subsequently resigned the crown of Holland to his son, and took pos- 
 session of the English throne, after expulsion of his father-in-law, James II., 
 last of the Stuart Dynasty. In 1195, a French revolutionary army, under 
 General Pichegru, assisted the people of Holland in erecting the Batavian Re- 
 public, so called. In 1806, Napoleon I. organized the seven provinces into a 
 kingdom for his brother, Louis Bonaparte, and three years afterward deposed 
 him, incorporating the Belgian monarchy with the French Empire. In 1814, 
 the Congress of Vienna reerected the Low Countries, or Netherlands, into a 
 kingdom, and bestowed the sovereignty on William I. In 1830, Belgium re- 
 volted, and formed an independent kingdom under Leopold of Saxe-Coburg. 
 Holland and Belgium have since remained separate. Holland is that portion 
 of territory which lies northeast of the Rhine ; Belgium, southwest, and close 
 to France. The entire extent of both countries is 24,870 square miles. The 
 people of Belgium speak French generally. Holland claims the two German 
 provinces of Luxemburg and Limburg, dividing it from Rhenish German States. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 Leaving France on the southwest, we cross the Pyrenees, and enter upon 
 that southern extremity of the European continent, which is formed by the 
 
EUROPE IN THE PKESENT CENTURY. 9 
 
 Spanish Peninsula. Traversing Spain westwardly to the river Tagus, beyond 
 Madrid, we reach Portugal, which lies on the Atlantic. The Spanish Peninsula 
 has the Straits of Gibraltar and the Mediterranean on its south and east, while 
 the Atlantic and Bay of Biscay wash its western and northern shores. If 
 France should extend her dynastic rule beyond the Pyrenees, as under Napo- 
 Ifton I., she would possess uninterrupted dominion of the European Continent, 
 flom Belgium to the Mediterranean, and across that sea to her African terri- 
 tory of Algeria. Add the ItaUan Peninsula to this, and France would control 
 tht entire seaboard of Continental Europe, from the British Channel to the 
 Grecian Archipelago. Eussian maritime conquest might here begin, and ex- 
 tend through the Dardanelles to the Black Sea. Russian maritime control 
 mi^t likewise continue that of France north of the British Channel, through 
 the Danish Sound to the Baltic. In this manner, the allied dynasties of France 
 and Russia might absolutely lay claim to the naval sceptre of Europe, Africa, 
 and Asia, confiuing Great Britain to her Islands, and compressing Germany by 
 an ever-narrowing cordon of hostile encroachments. Such was the policy which 
 Napoleon I. sought to carry into operation, but failed because of Russia's with- 
 drawal from alliance with France. Such a policy, at this time, is foreshadowed 
 by the lemarkable understanding that seems to exist between Alexander 11. 
 and Napoleon III. If it be developed by cooperative military operations on 
 the part of the two emperors, it must compel the continental powers to take 
 sides. It this event, Norway and Sweden would probably be brought under 
 Russian influence ; Denmark, Belgium, and perhaps Holland, be controlled by 
 France ; \Thilst revolutionary action would be encouraged throughout the 
 Spanish and Italian peninsulas. Austria and Germany must then await the 
 discretion oT the allies, or call upon Great Britain to protract the struggle by 
 lending her assistance, as in the war against Napoleon I. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 Spain, settled originally by Phoenicians, Carthagenians, and Romans, was 
 afterward overrun by Germanic barbarians, Visigoths and Saracens. The 
 Moors were expelled about the same time that America was discovered, and 
 Spain became a leading power in Europe. The family of Hapsburg, or xlustria, 
 succeeded to the Spanish throne, by marriage, in 1564, and an Austrian 
 dynasty ruled till 1700, when Philip V., a Bourbon prince, ascended the throne. 
 The Bourbons held sovereignty till ousted by Napoleon I., who made his 
 brother Joseph King of Spain in 1808. In 1814, the Allied Powers reestab- 
 lished Ferdinand vIL, the exiled Bourbon monarch. Isabella succeeded 
 Ferdinand. Civil war has since raged throughout the kingdom, at intervals^ 
 but a liberal constitution has been gained by the people. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 Portugal, like other countries of Southern Europe, was overrun successively 
 by ancient Germans and Goths, and later by Moors from Africa. In the- 
 eleventh century an independent Christian kingdom was established, and has 
 since continued uuder three dynasties. The last was that of Braganza, expelled 
 by a French army under General Massena, and obliged to take refuge in the 
 Portuguese vice-royalty of Brazil ; but restored to the throne after Bonaparte's, 
 overthrow. A civil war of succession took place at a later date ; Don Miguel 
 usurped the throne in 1828, and was succeeded by Dona Maria in 1832. 
 
10 EUKOPE IN THE PRESENT CENTURY. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 Crossing the Alps from France into Italy, we enter through Savoy into Sar- 
 dinia and Piedmont. This district was anciently so flourishing and fertile that it 
 was called " the nursery of Rome," " the mother of flocks," and " the favorite 
 of Geres." At the decline of the Roman Empire, the province passed succes- 
 sively under dominion of Vandals, Goths and Moors. It was afterward coi- 
 tended for by the rival Italian cities of Genoa and Pisa, and in the 13th cen- 
 tury, Pope Boniface VIII. bestowed its sovereignty on Don Pedro IV., Kingof 
 Arragon. Pedro allowed it a representative government, and it flourished 
 as much as it was pos.sible under feudal usages. When Arragon bectme 
 united with other Spanish provinces, under a single monarch, Sardinia rema.ned 
 tributary, governed by viceroys, till the 18th century. In 1720, it p£ssed 
 under sway of Victor Amadeus II., King qf Sicily and Savoy. Under Claries 
 Emanuel, Victor's son, the kingdom comprised Sardinia, Savoy, Piedmont, 
 Montserrat, and several smaller districts ; but after the battle of Mai'engo, 
 Bonaparte confined the king, Victor Emanuel V., to the island of Sardiaa, and 
 annexed his continental territory of Piedmont to France. By the treaties of 
 1815, Victor Emanuel regained sovereignty over Piedmont and Savoy, out was 
 obliged to abdicate in favor of his brother, Charles Felix, in 1821. Charles 
 Albert placed himself at the head of a liberal movement in 1848-9. The Sar- 
 dinian States under Italian dominion comprise Piedmont, Genoa, Sxvoy, and 
 the island of Sardinia. The capital city is Turin — Victor Emanuel VI. is king. 
 Genoa, tlie present naval rendezvous of the French in Italy, occupies the 
 southeastern seaboard of Sardinia. The Republic of Genoa long disputed with 
 Venice the sovereignty of middle-age commerce. It maintained its independence 
 till 1140, when it was subdued by Austria, after having given up che island of 
 Corsica to France. Napoleon erected it into a commonwealth, under name of 
 Ligurian Republic, and afterward annexed it to France. In 1815 it was 
 given, together with Piedmont, to Victor Emanuel V., by the allies, and has 
 since shared the fortunes of Sardinia. 
 
 XX. 
 
 Passing through Upper Sardinia, or Savoy, we enter upon the Swiss Federal 
 Republic, known in ancient times as Helvetia. The Franks, who founded the 
 French monarchy, also subdued Switzerland, but the territory was subsequently 
 annexed to the German Empire. During the fourteenth century, Albert, 
 Count of Ilapsburg, a German noble, usurped dominion over all the German 
 cantons, but his tyranny was overthrown by a revolt under William Tell. The 
 Swiss cantons afterward formed a league, and have since resisted all attempts 
 of French or German princes to deprive them of their liberties. At present 
 the Swiss Confederation comprises twenty-two cantons, or provinces, each 
 sovereign and independent within its own borders, but leagued in a common- 
 wealth of mutual defence. The house of Austria acknowledged the nationality 
 of Switzerland at the peace of Westphalia, in 1648. In 1199, Napoleon I. 
 invaded the Republic with his army, and imposed a new constitution upon the 
 cantons. The limits, rights, and duties of the Swiss Confederation were 
 finally settled by the congress of allied powers, at Vienna, in 1815. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 Descending from Tyrolese Switzerland into Italy, we find ourselves in the 
 Lombardo-Venetian kingdom, under Austrian domination. This territory is 
 
EUROPE IN THE PRESENT CENTUKT. 11 
 
 subdivided into the governments of Milan, Venice, Parma, and Modcna. It 
 extends south as far as the Papal States and Tuscany. Its capital, Milan, 
 was a powerful province as far back as Roman times. During the middle 
 ages it became a republic, and resisted successive German invasions, under 
 Frederick Barbarossa, and other emperors. It was subsequently controlled by 
 a line of dukes, till 1714, when it passed under Austrian domination. In 1797, 
 Milan was made the centre of a Cisalpine Republic, established by French 
 arms, and in 1804 became the capital of a new kingdom of Italy, intended by 
 Napoleon I. as an appanage for his son. In 1814 Milan was restored to Aus- 
 tria by the Congress of Vienna, and became the chief city of Austrian Lom- 
 bardy. . . . The Venetian Republic of medieval times, fell into decay 
 long before the beginning of this century, but the French aboUshed the doge- 
 ship in 1797. By the treaty of Campo-Pormio, in that year, General Bona- 
 parte ceded Venice to Austria, but by that of Presbourg, at a later date, it 
 was returned to the French emperor, who bestowed it on his step-son, Eugene 
 de Beauharnais. In 1814-15 the Congress of Vienna reestablished it as second 
 city of the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom, under Austria. 
 
 XXII. 
 
 The states of Tuscany, Modena, Parma, and Lucca, were left by the treaties 
 of 1815 as nominally independent principalities, but have since been brought, 
 more or less directly, under Austrian control. Tuscany was an ancient Roman 
 province, and passed afterwards under Goths and Lombards, till Charlemagne 
 made it a marquisate or border district, of his Prankish empire. Subsequently 
 Roman popes and German emperors laid claim to its ownership. Their strug- 
 gles for possession gave rise to the two great Italian parties, called Guelfs and 
 Ghibelines, whose quarrels involved all Italy in civil strife. During the 12th 
 century the Tuscan people established a free state, known as the Florentine 
 Republic, but a succession of the Medici family afterward ruled the country as 
 dukes, till the last prince of that house bequeathed his sovereignty to Austria. 
 Tuscany was overrun by a French army, under the Directory, and in 1801 was 
 erected into the Etrurian kingdom, for Louis Duke of Parma. It was after- 
 ward annexed to France by Napoleon I., and in 1814 was made an Austrian 
 
 grand duchy by the Congress of Vienna Parma was a republic 
 
 in the 12th century, and was active in the civil wars between Guelfs and Ghib- 
 elines. The Popes claimed it as their territory, but Paul III. was satisfied to 
 behold his son made its duke. A succession of dukes governed the state till 
 it fell, with Lucca, into French hands, xlfter Napoleon's fall, the Congress 
 of Vienna gave Parma to Maria Louisa, ex-Empress of France, who belonged 
 to the Austrian royal family. When she died, in 1847, it passed to the pre- 
 sent claimants of the throne Lucca was left by the Congress 
 
 of Vienna as a small independent principality, to revert under certain condi- 
 tions to Tuscany, of which it now forms a portion 
 
 Ravenna, Ferrara, and other papal states on the Tuscan and Lombard border, 
 are mainly under influence of Austria. All these central Italian states have 
 jealous local restrictions of trade and intercourse. Between the French Alps 
 and Florence, capital of Tuscany, a traveller is subject to custom-house regu- 
 lations of Piedmont, Lombardy, Parma, Modena, and Tuscany. To get from 
 Leghorn in Tuscany, up to Genoa, he must pass through five different states in 
 a distance of 150 miles. 
 
12 ETJEOPE IN THE PRESENT CENTTTET. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 Leaving Austrian Italy, we enter the States of the Church, under sovereignty 
 of the Pope of Ronae. The chief cities are Bologna, Ancona, Ravenna, Perugia, 
 Ferrara, and some smaller towns. The boundaries of the Papal States have 
 changed at various periods, under different Popes, but in 1815 were fixed by 
 the Congress of Vienna. They have since been under Austrian influence, to a 
 greater or less extent, as circumstances have favored German pretensions over 
 the whole of Italy. Pope Pius IX. distinguished the opening of his reign, by 
 inaugurating many political reforms ; but he became subsequently influenced 
 by a reactionary spirit which followed the Revolution of 1848. The Roman 
 States were declared a republic in 1848, under a Triumvirate, consisting of 
 Mazzini, Avezzana, and Garibaldi. The interference of Austria and France 
 overturned the government, and Pope Pius was restored to his throne by a 
 French army under General Oudinot. The Triumvirate were dispersed, Maz- 
 zini took refuge in England where he has since remained. Avezzana returned 
 to the United States, his previous residence. Garibaldi also visited the United 
 States, but afterwards sailed to Genoa, his native state, as captain of a mer- 
 chant ship. He now commands a division of the Sardinian Army. Pius IX. 
 remains still in the Papal Chair at Rome, guarded by French troops since bis 
 restoration. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 South and east of the Roman States we enter the kingdom of Naples. Its 
 territory formed part of the earlier conquests of ancient Rome. After the 
 decline of that empire, it passed successively under the yoke of Lombard bar- 
 barians, and Saracens. In the eleventh century, two Norman knights, with 
 their followers, drove out the infidels, and established a Christian kingdom, 
 dividing the sovereignty. This was the origin of the Neapolitan monarchy. 
 The Island of Sicily, originally settled by Greeks, became subsequently a bat- 
 tle-ground between Carthaginians and Romans. Barbarian and' Saracen inva- 
 sions followed, until Normans won the country as they had won Naples. Sicily 
 and Naples were then united under one sovereignty, forming the Kingdom of 
 THE Two Sicilies. The crowu passed through a succession of French, Ger- 
 man, and Spanish families, until Charles V., Emperor of Germany and Spain, 
 bequeathed it to his Austrian successors. Austrian dynasties alternated with 
 Bourbons till 1806, when Joseph Bonaparte, first, and Joachim Murat, next, 
 were placed on the throne by Napoleon I. Ferdinand, the deposed monarch, 
 was restored by the Congress of Vienna. He died in 1820, and was succeeded 
 by his grandson, the present tyrant, who has grievously oppressed the country. 
 
 XXV. 
 
 Take the map of Europe, and observe the position, as regards each other, 
 of the various dominions that are here briefly noticed. More than one half the 
 geographical area is occupied by Russia's gigantic territory, west of the Ural 
 Mountains. At the southern extremity of Russia is the Crimea, theatre of the 
 last Turkish war. The ambitiou of the Czars has always aimed at encroach- 
 ment upon Turkish principalities bordered by the Black Sea and by the Austrian 
 frontier. Russia coveted a passage to Constantinople through the rich vale of 
 the Danube. Turkey and the Grecian peninsula would thus be comprised in 
 her empire, and the Adriatic and Mediterranean opened to Russian fleets. To 
 gain these advantages of sea-coast, would be to command both Europe and 
 Asia from the Caspian Sea to the Mediterranean. 
 
EUROPE IN THE PKESENT CENTURY. 13 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 Tracing Russia's borders from Odessa on the Black Sea, along the line of 
 the Danube, we cross the Danubian Principalities ; these join the military 
 frontier of Austria, and form the northern circuit of Turkish possessions in 
 Europe. Austrian territory extends northward to Silesia and westward to the 
 German States and Swiss Republic. It includes the military frontier, Croatia, 
 Hungary, Transylvania, Bohemia, Wallachia, Gallicia, and, northward, part of 
 divided Poland. The districts surrounding Vienna contain a German popula- 
 tion ; those east of the Danube comprise Sclavic and other races, more or less 
 alien from central communities. 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 Austria commands the Gulf of Venice, by her sea-port and naval depot of 
 Trieste. Military supplies can be shipped from that port, and recruits from 
 the port of Fiume, in the gulf of that name. Austrian borders join that por- 
 tion of the Italian Peninsula known as the Lombardo- Venetian Kingdom, or 
 Austrian Italy. This comprises all the Adriatic coast to the river Po. South 
 of the Po, the Adriatic bounds the Papal States down to the confines of Naples. 
 Austrian Italy extends inland in a westerly direction, till it reaches Sardinia, 
 separated from it by the river Ticino. It penetrates the peninsula west of the 
 Papal States, till it strikes the Grand Duchy of Tuscany. West of the Ticino, 
 Sardinian territory extends through Savoy to the borders of France ; south- 
 wardly from the Swiss Alps, it goes down through Piedmont and Genoa to the 
 Mediterranean Sea. Sardinia also owns an island of that name, lying south 
 of Corsica, in the Tuscan Sea. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 The river Ticino lies between the famous battle-fields of Lodi and Marengo. 
 Following the Bormida River, southwesterly from Marengo, we reach the first 
 three battle-fields of the great Napoleon — Mondovi, Milessimo, and Montenotte. 
 Going west from this locality, we trace the route that Bonaparte pursued from 
 the French Alps to Milan. We recognize the opening of the present war as 
 similar to that of 1796. In one mouth of that year the young republican general 
 gained his three battles. Bonaparte ended the Italian war by forcing Aus- 
 tria, after the Battle of Areola, to submit to a humiliating peace. Venice and 
 Lombardy were evacuated by the Austrians, and an Itahan democracy was es- 
 tablished, under the name of Cisalpine Republic. In the present war, the French 
 and Sardinian armies awaited Austrian invasion from Lombardy. The act of 
 invasion consisted in the passage of the Ticino. The French-Sardinian forces 
 remained intrenched between Turin and the Po. The seat of war is narrow, 
 and contains the principal battle-fields whereon Napoleon I. achieved his first 
 victories. 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 The theatre of war, thus disclosed, occupies a space less than thirty miles square. 
 The whole of Sardinia is not more than one hundred miles from east to west 
 borders — that is, from the river Ticino, which divides it from Austrian terri- 
 tory, to the French frontier. It is but little more than that distance from the 
 upper or Swiss frontier to the seaboard of Genoa. At the commencement of 
 hostilities, the French army was posted west of Briancou, near the French 
 border, and the main Austrian force was on its own side of the Ticino, about 
 
14 ETJEOPE IN THE PKESENT CENTUltT. 
 
 one hundred miles to the cast. Midway, in a direct line between the two 
 armies, lay Turin, the capital of Sardinia. It was natural to suppose that Ae 
 Austrians, after crossing the Ticiuo, wonld push at once for the city, and tifkt 
 the French would advance immediately to protect the position, already 
 defended by a Sardinian army. But, after passing the Ticino, the Austrians 
 marched but a few miles into Sardinia, though their force amounted to 
 120,000 men, at the invadiug point, with 100,000 reserve in Lombardy and 
 Venice. It appeared easy for them to press on to the gates of Turin, because 
 the country to be traversed was flat, and no strong fortresses were on the 
 road. Instead of so proceeding, however, they diverged southwardly from 
 the direct route to Turin, and reachiug the river Sesia, began to erect fortifi- 
 cations on both banks of that stream. Here they were attacked by Sardinians, 
 and fell back, but subsequently crossed the Sesia in force, and made a move- 
 ment toward Turin. From the day of invasion to the 7th of May, more 
 than a week elapsed before the Austrians approached the river Po. The Sar- 
 dinians were engaged meantime in erecting defences on the route to Turin. 
 They fortified both sides of the river Doro and neighboring highways, and were 
 reinforced by French troops continually arriving. Meantime, as Sardinians 
 abandoned the line of the Ticiuo, Austrians took their place, occupying parts 
 of the flat country between Lake Maggiore and the left bank of the Sesia, 
 below the town of Vercelli. 
 
 XXX. 
 
 One French army entered Italy by the Alpine Passes, near Mount Cenis, des- 
 cending to the Doro, northwest of Turin ; another was landed from steamers at 
 Genoa, and sent up toward Turin by railroad. The railroad penetrates the 
 Apennine hills of lower Piedmont, which arc defended by strong Sardinian 
 fortresses — Alessandria, Tortona, and Casale. It takes a northwesterly 
 direction from Genoa up to Alessandria, and then branches westwardly to 
 Turin. French detachments have been continually transported from the sea- 
 board by this route, to join the land forces descendiug from the Alps. The 
 entire French army became thus concentrated, with Sardinian auxiliaries in 
 
 and about Turin, Susa and the Doro River The Austrian 
 
 invading army also divided — one force crossing the Ticino as noticed, 
 another ascending east of that river to Lake Maggiore, and getting over 
 into Upper Sardinia, at a point of the Ticino below that lake. The two hostile 
 lines of battle, after a week's delay, occupied positions that were separated 
 only by a few small rivers. The northern Austrian division rested at Arona, 
 a place little more than a hundred miles north from Genoa, and less than half 
 that distance north from Alessandria. The southern Austrian division rested 
 in the neighborhood of Mortara, Vercelli, and Novara, three Sardinian towns, 
 all within twenty miles of the Lombardo-Venetian border. The main Sar- 
 dinian forces remained intrenched at Alessandria, and at Turin, the capital, 
 about sixty miles distant. 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 It must be recollected that the country between Turin and the Ticino, 
 above the line of Alessandria, is comparatively flat, with few obstacles to an 
 advance on the capital. But below the line of Alessandria the mountain 
 ranges begin, and break up Lower Sardinia or Piedmont down to the sea- 
 coast. The Austrians, in advancing on Turin, would leave this hilly country 
 on their left flank, with all its strong fortresses, and with a railroad bringing 
 
EUROPE m THE PKESENT CENTURY. 15 
 
 French reinforcements constantly from Genoa. They would likewise advance 
 in the face of a Sardinian army, defending the capital, and backed by a 
 French army, marching down from the Alps. If, on the other hand, 
 the Austrian commander-in-chief led his forces southward, he must meet 
 a Sardinian army intrenched at Alessandria, and leave the upper French and 
 Sardinian troops in his rear, either to pursue him, or to march into Aus- 
 trian Italy, and stir up the people, already ripe for insurrection. It was a 
 question that a general younger than Count Gyulai might have solved 
 quickly by destroying the railroad east and south of Alessandria, and poshing 
 boldly for Turin ; but such was not the immediate policy of that commander. 
 
 XXXII. 
 
 The fortified city of Alessandria is, perhaps, the strongest place in Pied- 
 mont. It is situated near the battle-ground of Marengo. Its defences were 
 constructed in the time of French possession, under Napoleon I., but the 
 greater part of them were demolished after the peace of 1814. It was subse- 
 quently refortified, and again dismantled in 1835, but since that period has been 
 repaired and strengthened more than ever. It contains a population of about 
 40,000 sonls, beside the troops in camp. Casale, on the river Po, and Tor- 
 TONA, on the Scrivia, form right angles with Alessandria — the former north, the 
 latter west. Both are strongly fortified. Casale contains a population of 
 22,000, Tortona, half that number. After passing below these strongholds, 
 the first Italian battle-fields of Napoleon I., Montenotte, Millessimo, and Mon- 
 dovi lie to the west, and Genoa to the south, through Apennine defiles. 
 
 XXXIII. 
 
 Should the Austrians fall back from their invasion, and recross the Ticino, 
 they will have their own strongholds in Austrian Italy to defend, Milan, 
 capital of the Lombardo- Venetian kingdom, is a city of 162,000 inhabitants, 
 with ramparts eight miles in circumference. Mantua is another fortified city, 
 30,000 population, on an island of the river Mincio, and, like Milan, on a line 
 of railway, branching to Venice and extending to Trieste. Piacenza, near the 
 Po, between Mantua and Sardinia, is a strong place, populous as Mantua, and 
 walled around. Verona, on the railway line and the river Adige, is looked 
 upon as the key of northern Italy. It is walled and castellated, and has an 
 intrenched camp, capable of harboring a large army, beside a general popula- 
 tion of 50,000. VicENZA, a walled city, of between 30,000 and 40,000, and 
 Padua, another strongly-guarded city, with near 60,000 inhabitants, are both 
 situated on the river Bacchiglione, at angles of the great railway line. Ber- 
 GAiio and Brescia, are on the railway, between Verona and the capital, both 
 well prepared for defence, and having each near 40,000 inhabitants. Keiuforce- 
 ments can be concentrated at any of these fortified points by means of rail- 
 way branches, tapping Venice and Trieste of their recruits and army supplies. 
 
 xxxrv. 
 
 While the Austrian army delayed a week in the neighborhood of the Sesia ; 
 while French troops were daily pouring into Sardmia from Genoa, south, and 
 from the Alpine roads of Mount Cenis, on the west ; while nearly sixty thousand 
 Sardinians were concentrating, with the French " army of Italy," near Susa ; 
 while Alessandria, Casale, and Tortona were, meantime, defended by thirty 
 thousand Piedmontese soldiers—other events were rapidly taking place in states 
 
16 EUROPE m THE PRESENT CENTURY. 
 
 bordering upon Sardinia. The Grand Duke of Tuscany, apprehensive of reTO- 
 lution, and sympathizing with Austria in the struggle, was urged by the princi- 
 pal inhabitants of Florence, his capital, to declare for Italian nationality, and 
 side with Sardinia. This he refused to do. The people then assembled in 
 mass, and demanded the grand duke's abdication. He was likewise averse to 
 this ; but concluding that his personal safety was threatened, set ofiF at once, 
 with his family, and left the Tuscans to themselves. A provisional govern- 
 ment was thereupon organized by the revolutionists, and Victor Emanuel, King 
 of Sardinia, declared Protector of Tuscany. A Piedmontese commission was 
 received, to govern in the name of Sardinia during the war. The grand duke 
 and family proceeded, meantime, to Vienna, there to await a restoration by 
 the Austrian army At Parma, about the same time, a revolu- 
 tionary movement took place, and the duchess fled from the city, after naming 
 a council of regency to preside over the state. The people formed a provisional 
 government, and refused to acknowledge the regency. By some means, how- 
 ever, a counter-revolution was subsequently excited, assisted by the ducal 
 troops in Parma. This turned the scale in favor of the regency. They suc- 
 ceeded in repressing the Sardinian sympathizers, and recalled the duchess to her 
 
 government At Rome, where French troops have so long 
 
 been stationed, and in other cities of the Papal States, demonstrations were 
 made in favor of the Italian national cause, but no changes of local govern- 
 ment were attempted. Several Austrian columns invaded the Papal States 
 
 bordering on the Adriatic The Arch-Duke Maximilian, who 
 
 was viceroy of the Lombard o- Venetian kingdom before hostilities commenced, 
 was summoned to Vienna, after the passage of the Ticiuo. Gen. Gyulai, 
 commander-in-chief of the Austrian army, took the position of governor-general, 
 in place of the archduke, and at once placed Venice, Verona, and other 
 Austrio-Italian cities under martial law, to prevent any rising of their inhabitants 
 in favor of Sardinia. In this manner Austria found herself compelled to watch 
 open and secret opponents, and to take every step forward as though treading 
 on an explosive mine. 
 
 XXXV. 
 
 It was generally believed, by Austrians a.s well as French, that a secret 
 revolutionary understanding existed throughout all the Italian States, includ- 
 ing Austrian Italy and the kingdom of Naples ; and that a secret society, 
 La Giovane Italia, or "Young Italy," organized in 1830, of which Mazzini, 
 Manin, Garribaldi, and other Italians were members, had kept up its con- 
 nections, under modified forms, since that year, and was covertly protected 
 by Victor Emanuel, under favor of Napoleon III. The discipline and system of 
 this revolutionary fraternity were alleged to be perfect. Supplies of arms, long 
 accumulating, were said to be buried at convenient localities, and the patriotic 
 members awaited only a proper time to rise in all parts of Italy. A manifesto 
 was published in the French journals, purporting to be signed by Garribaldi, 
 to the chiefs of the National Society in various states. It read as follows : 
 
 •♦' To THg National Society of Italt : 
 
 "Intbe present state of Italian affairs, the President considers it his duty to transmit to the Society the 
 following Becret instructions : 
 
 " 1. No sooner have hostilities commenced between Piedmont and Austria, than you will at once rise in 
 insurrection to the cry of Viva I'lUUia e VUlorio Smmanuele— Oat with the Austrians !' 
 
 " 2. If insurrection should be impossible in your own town, all young men able to bear arms will leare it, 
 «Dd proceed to the nearest town where insurrection has been already successful, or is liliely to be so. Among 
 neighboring towns you will choose those nearest to Piedmont, where all Italian forces should be concen- 
 tiated. 
 
EUROPE IN THE PKESENT CENTURY. 17 
 
 " 3. You will make every effort to vanquish and disorganize the Austrian army, intercepting its communi- 
 cations, destroying its bridges and telegraphs, burning all depots of provisions or clothing, and making pri- 
 soners of all important persons in the Austrian service. 
 
 " 4. Do not at first tire on Italian or Hunirarian soldiers, but, on the contrary, endeavor to induce them to 
 follow your own flag, and receive with open arms all who give way to your exhortations. 
 
 "5. Regular troop? who will eniliarra's the national cause will be at once sent into Pi dmont. 
 
 " 6. AYherever the insurrection is successful, the man who stands highest in the popular estimation will assume 
 military and civil authority, with Die title of Provisional Commissioner for King Viotor ETnanuel, and will 
 maintain it until the arrival of the Commissioner dispatched by the Piedmontese gdvernment. 
 
 "7. The Provisional Commissioner will abolish the taxes on bread, corn, etc., and in general all taxes 
 which do not exist in Sardinian territory. 
 
 ''8. A levy will at once be made, l«y means of conscription, of young men from 18 to 20 years of age, in 
 the proportion of 10 to l,OliO of the gross population. All men also, from 20 to 35, willing to bear arms in de- 
 fence of the national independence, may be received as volunteers, both conscripts and volunteers being at 
 once dispatched to Piedmont. 
 
 "9. The Provisional Commissioner will appoint a council of war, with power to try and punish, within 24 
 hours, all who maybe guilty of crimes against the national cause, or against the life or property of pacific 
 citizens. The council will make no distinctions of rank or class, but no person may be punished for crimes 
 committed anterior to the insurrection. 
 
 " 10. He will not allow of the esiabllshment of political journals, but he will publish abuUetin of all facts 
 which it is necessary to make public. 
 
 " 11. He will dismiss from their posts all magistrates or officers who may be opposed to the new order of 
 things, alwaj-s proceeding with prudence and caution. 
 
 " 12. He will maintain the severest discipline, applying to all the laws suitable during a time of war. He 
 will be inexorable to deserters, and will give the strictest orders on this suljject to all his subordinates. 
 
 "13. He will send to King Victor E;uanue!a precise description of the arms, ammunition and money found 
 in the various towns and provinces, and he will await commands on this subject. 
 
 "14. In case of necessity he will make requisitions for money, horses, carts, shops, etc., always giving a 
 corresponding receipt ; but he will punish with the utmost rigor all who shall make requisitions of this kind 
 without the most pressing necessity, or without making a definite contract. 
 
 "15. Until the time referred to in the first article of these instructions, you will use every means in your 
 power for manifesting the aversion which Italy feels for the Austrian domination and for the governments 
 dependent on Austria, aa well as her love for independence and her confidence in the house of Savoy and the 
 Piedmontese government ; but you will do all in your power to prevent untimely or isolated movements. 
 
 " For the President. 
 " The Vice-President GARRIBALDI. 
 
 «'TCRIK, March, 1." 
 
 XXXVI. 
 
 The grounds wlierein the Austrian Government took the initiative of the 
 war were set forth, at length, in two official documents. The first was a 
 manifesto, from the Emperor Francis Joseph himself, declaring war, and the 
 second a circular of Count Buol, Austrian prime-minister, addressed to diplo- 
 matic agents of his government, residing at foreign courts. The " Imperial 
 Manifesto " is as follows ; proclaimed in Vienna and throughout all Austrian 
 territory : 
 
 " TO MT PEOPLE. 
 
 " I have ordered my faithful and gallant army to put a stop to the inimical acts which for a series of 
 years have been committed by the neighboring State of Sardinia against the indi-tputabie rights of my 
 Crown, and against the integrity of the realm placed by God under my care, which acts have lately attained 
 the very highest point. By so doing I have fulfilled the painful but unavoidable duty of a Sovereign. My 
 conscience being at rest, I can look up to an omnipotent God, and patiently await his award. With confi"- 
 dence I leave my decision to the impartial judp-ment of contemporaneous and future generations. Of the 
 approbation of my faithful sulijects I am sure. More than ten years ago that same enemy — violating iater- 
 national law and the usages of war, and without any offence being given — entered tha Lombardo-Veuetian 
 territory with the iuteution of acquiring possession of it. Although the enemy was twice totally defeated by 
 my gallant army, and at the mercy of the victor, I behaved generou*ly, and proposed a reconciliation. I 
 did not appropriate to myself one inch of his territoi-y, I encroached on no right which belongs to the Crown 
 of Sardinia, as one of the members of the European family of nations. I insisted on no guaranties against 
 the recurrence of similar events. The hand of peace which I in all sincerity extended, and which was taken, 
 appeared to me to be a sufficient guaranty. The blood which my anuy shed for tlie honor and right of 
 .\ustria I sacrificed on the altar of peace. The reward for such unexampled forbearance was an immediate 
 continuation of enmity, which increased from year to year, and perfidious agitation against the peace and 
 welfare of my Lombardo-Venetian kingdom. Well knowing what a precious boon peace was for my ))eople 
 and for Europe, I patiently bore witli these new hostilities. My patience was not exhausted when the more 
 extensive measures which I was forced to take, in consequence of the revolutionary agitation on the fron- 
 tiers of ray Italian provinces and within the same, were made an excuse for a higher degree of hostility. 
 Willingly accepting the well-meant mediation of friendly Powers for the maintenance of peace, I consented' 
 to become a party to a Congress of the five great Powers. The four points proposed by the Royal Govern- 
 ment of Great B itain as a basis for the deliberations of the Congress were forwarded to my Cabinet, 
 and I accepted them, with the conditions which were calculated to bring about a true, sincere, and durable 
 peace. In the consciousness that no step <m tlie part of my Government could, even in the most remote 
 degree, lead to a disturbance of the i)eace, I demanded that the Power which was the cause of the complica- 
 tion and had brought about the danger of war, should, as a preliminary measure, disarm. Being pressed 
 thereto by friendly Powers, I at length accepted the proposal for a general disarmament. The mediation 
 failed in consequence of the unaoceptablecess of the conditions on which Sardinia made her consent 
 
 2 
 
18 EUEOPE m THE PEESElTr CENTTJEY. 
 
 dependent. Only one means of maintaining peace remained. I addressed myself directly to the Sardinia 
 Government, and suinmon'^d it to place its array on a peace footing and to disband the free corps. As Sar- 
 dinia did not accede to my demand the moment for deciding the matter by an appeal to arms has arrived 
 I have ordered my army to enter Sardinia. I am aware of the vast importance 6f the measure, and if ever 
 my duties as a monarch weighed heavily on me it is at this moment. War is the scourge of mankind. I see 
 with sorrow that tlie lives and property of thousands of my sul jecta are imperilled, and deej.ly feel what a 
 severe trial war is for roy realm, which, being occupied with its internal development, ereativ requires the 
 continuance of peace. But the heart of the Monarch must be silent at the command of hoiior and duty. 
 On the frontiers is an armed enemy, who, in alliance with the revolutionary party, openly announces his 
 intention to obtain possession of the dependencies of Austria in Italy. To support him, the ruler over France 
 —who under futile pretexts interferes in the legally established relations of the Italian Peninsula— has set 
 his troops in movement. Detachments of them have already crossed the frontiers of Sardinia. The crown 
 which 1 received without spot or blemish from my forefathers has already seen trying times. The glorious 
 history of our country gives evidence that Providence, when there is a foreshadowing that the greate.'^t 
 gold of humanity is in danger of being overthrown in Europe, has frequently used the sword of 
 Austria in order to dispel that shadow. We are again on the eve of such a period. The over- 
 throw of the tilings that be is not only aimed at by factions, but by Thrones. The sword which I have 
 been forced to draw is sanctified, inasmuch as it is a defence for the honor and rights of all peoples and 
 States, and for all that is held most dear by humanity. To you, my people, whose devotion to the hereditary 
 reigning family may serve as a model for all the nations of the earth, I now address myself. In the conflict 
 which has commenced you will stand by me with your oft-proved fidelity and devotion. To your sons, 
 whom I have taken into the ranks of the army, I, their commander, send my martial greeting. With pride 
 you may rtgard them, for the eagle of Austria will, with tlieir support, soar high. Our struggle is a just 
 one and we btgin it with courage and confidence. We hope, however, that we shall not stand alone in it. The 
 soil on which he have to do battle was made fruitful by the blood lost by our German brethren when they 
 woo those bulwarks which they have maintained up to the present day. There the crafty enemies of Ger- 
 many have generally begun their game when they have wished to break her internal power. The feeling 
 that such a danger is now imminent prevails in all parts of Germany, from the hut to the throne, from one 
 frontier to the otiier. I speak as a sovereign member of the Ger:iianlc Confederation when I call attention 
 to the common danger, and recall to memory the glorious times In which Europe had to thank the general 
 and fervent enthusiasm of Germany for its liberation. 
 
 " For God and fatherland I 
 " Given at my residence and metropolis of Vienna on the 2Sth day of April, 1859. 
 
 "Francis Joseph." 
 
 XXXVII. 
 
 Count Buol, iu behalf of the government, subsequently made public Lis 
 dispatches to the various diplomatic agents of Austria. In connection with 
 the " Imperial Manifesto," it becomes the efficient statement of Austria's posi- 
 tion as a party to the war. It is as follows : 
 
 " TO THE AUSTRIAN DIPLOMATIC AGENTS, ETC., (iNCLOSING THE EMPEROR's MANIFESTO, 
 
 APRIL 29, 1859. 
 
 "I send herewith a copy of the manifesto which the emperor, our master, has this day addressed to his peo- 
 ple. His miijesty announces to the empire that he has resolved to order the Austrian army to cross the 
 Ticino. The Cabinet had accepted the last proposition of mediation of Great Britain, but our adversaries 
 have not followed that example, and we have accordingly submitted to arms the defence of our cause. 
 At this solemn moment it is my duty to explain once again to our representatives abroad the circum- 
 stances against the fatal power of which have failed all the attempts made to maintain European peace, 
 which has been so long and so happily preserved. 
 
 " The Court of Turin, in returning an evasive reply to our summons to disarm, has only given one more 
 proof of the same hostility which for too long a time already has had the triple and unfortunate privilege of 
 combating the sacred rights of Austria, disquieting Europe, and encouraging the hopes of revolution. As 
 this hostility could not be broken down by the forbearance of Austria, the empire was at last under the ne- 
 cessity of having recourse to arms. 
 
 "Austria has tranquilly supported a long series of offences from an enemy weaker than herself, because she 
 knows that her high mission is to preserve as long as possible the peace of the world ; because the emperor 
 and bis people know and love tlie labors of a progressive pacific development, which leads to a higher degree 
 of prosperity. But no man of just mind and of upright heart can now doubt the right which Austria has to 
 make war on Piedmont. 
 
 " Piedmont lias never sincerely accepted the treaty by which, ten years ago, she promised at Milan to live 
 in peace and friendship with Austria. Twice beaten in war, which had been caused by her mad pretensions, 
 and although she hatl been cruelly punished, that State still maintains her former views with a deplorable 
 tenacity. The son of Charles Albert appears passionately to desire the day when the inheritance of his 
 house, which had been restored to him in its integrity by tlie moderation and magnanimity of Austria, should 
 be for the third time made the stake of a game disastrous to the world. 
 
 " The ambition of a dynasty whose vain pretensions touching the future welfare of Italy are neither justified 
 by the nature nor by the history of that country, has not hesitated to form an unnatural alliance with revo- 
 lution. Deaf to all warnings, it has surrounded itself with the malcontents of all the States of Italy, and the 
 hopes of all the enemies of the legitimate government of the Italian peninsula have found their chief support 
 at Turin. A criminal abuse has been made of the national feelings of the Italian people. Endea- 
 vors have been made to keep up and encourage disturbances in Italy, In order that Piedmpnt might have a 
 pretext for hypocritically deploring the state of Italy, and assuming in the eyes of short-sighted and senseless 
 people the part of a liberator. 
 
 "To assist In this rash undertaking, an unbridled press every day endeavored to carry beyond the frontiers 
 of the neighboring Slates a moral insurrection against the order of legitimate things. This state of things no 
 country in Europe could tolerate without exposing itself in the end to deep and dangerous excitement. 
 
EUROPE IN THE PEESEjSTT CENTUEY. 19 
 
 Out of lore for those hollow dreams of the future, and in order to secure to herself support from abroad. 
 Piedmont took part in a war in which she had no concern againt a foreign power, and sacrificed her soldiers 
 for a foreign object. She was also seen at the Conferences of Paris, with a presumption quite affronting to 
 the governraents of Italy, her own country — governments which had never offended her. 
 
 " But, that nobody might believe these wild desires and efforts were associated with the smallest sentiments 
 in favor of the peaceful prosperity of Italy, th« angry passions of Sardinia redoubled whenever any of the 
 Sovereigns of Italy followed the inspiration of indulgence and conciliation, and wlienever the emperor 
 Francis Joseph gave signal proofs of his love for his Italian subjects, of his solicitude for the happiness and 
 progress of the richest and most favored countries of Italy. 
 
 " When their Imperial Majesties visited the Italian provinces, receiving the homage of their faithful sub- 
 jects, and marking every step by conferring a host of benefits, the journals of Turin were allowed freely to 
 advocate regicide. 
 
 " When the emperor intrusted the administration of Lombardy and Venice to the Archduke Ferdinand 
 Maximilian, his brother, a prince endowed with high intelligence, animated by liberal and kindly intentions, 
 and profoundly sympathizing with the true spirit of the Italian people, no pains were spared at Turin to 
 cause the prince's noble intentions to be repaid with as much ingratitude as could be produced in the midst 
 of a well-disposed nation by odious instigations incessantly repeated. 
 
 " The Court of Turin, having once entered upon the path in which the only choice was either to follow the 
 revolution or take the lead, could not but more and more lose the power and the will to observe the laws 
 which regulate the relations of independent States, or even to recognize any of the limits imposed by the law 
 of nations on the conduct of all civilized States. Under the most frivolous pretexts, Sardinia declares herself 
 liberated from the obligations clearly imposed by treaties, as proved by the conventions with Austria and the 
 Italian States for the extradition of criminals and deserters. Her emissaries overrun the neighboring States, 
 exciting soldiers to disobey their chiefs ; treading under foot all the rules of military discipline. Piedmont 
 admitted deserters in the ranks of her own army. 
 
 "Such were the acts of a government which boasts its civilizing mission, and in whose states there are 
 journalists whose journals find readers, and who, not content with simply making an apology for assassina- 
 tion, count their bleeding victims with fiendish joy. 
 
 " Who, after this, can any longer doubt that that government regarded as the chief obstacle the rights 
 which Austria derives from treaties, and accordingly sought to get rid of them by all the means of a dishonest 
 policy? The true intentions of Piedmont, which had long ceased to be a secret to any one, were openly 
 avowed as soon as that State was sufficiently assured of foreign assistance, and had no further necessity for 
 concealing its projects of war and revolution. Europe, which sees in the respect of existing treaties the 
 palladium of its repose, received with well-merited disfavor a declaration containing the assertion tha*; 
 Sardinia considered herself attacked by Austria because Austria would not relinquish the exercise of the 
 rights and duties conferred by treaties — because she maintained her right to keep a garrison in Piacenza, ^, 
 right guaranteed by the great Powers of Europe; and because she presumed to form alliances with other 
 Sovereigns of the Italian peninsula for the common defence of their legitimate interests. There remained 
 but one other pretext, and that was alleged accordingly. The cabinet of Turin declares that all remedies 
 for the state of Italy would be merely palliatives as long as the Austrian dominion extends over the Italian 
 soil. This is an open attack on the territorial possessions of Austria, exceeding the limit to which a power 
 like Austria could tolerate the provocations of a less powerful state without an appeal to arms. Such is, 
 stripped of the tissue of falsehoods with which it was enveloped, the truth respecting the line of conduct 
 which for ten years past the House of Savoy has followed, at the suggestion of unprincipled advisers. It 
 should be said, also, that the accusations and reproaches by which the Sardinian cabinet eudeavors to present 
 under a false light its attacks on Austria are nothing but wicked calumnies. 
 
 "Austria is a conservative power, with whom religion, morality, and historical right are sacred. She 
 knows how to estimate, to protect, and to weigh in the scale of equality what is noble and legitimate in 
 the national spirit of nations. Her extensive dominions consist of different races, of different languages ; 
 the emperor embraces them all in the same love, and their union under the sceptre of our august dy- 
 nasty is advantageous to the whole of the great family of European nations ; but the pretensions of 
 forming new States, according to the limits of nationalities, is the most dangerous of all Utopian 
 schemes. 
 
 " To put forward such a pretension is to break with history ; and to seek to carry it into execution 
 in any point of Europe is to shake to its foundations the firmly organized order of States, and to threaten 
 the Continent with subversion and chaos. Europe feels this, and she attaches herself the more firmly to 
 the territorial divisions fixed by the Congress of Vienna at the close of an epoch of continental wars, 
 with as much regard as possible to historical conditions. There is not a power whoso possessions are 
 more legitimate than those in Italy restored to the House of Hapsburg by the Congress which reestab- 
 lished the kingdom of Sardinia, and made it the brilliant present of Genoa. 
 
 "Lombardy has been for centuries a fief of tlie empire of Germany; Venice was given to Austria in 
 exchange for her giving up her Belgian provinces. Thus, therefore, what the cabinet of Turin calls the 
 true reason of the discontent of the inhabitants of Lombardo-Venetia, showing thereby itself the utter 
 want of foundation for its other alleged grievances, namely the domination of Austria on the Po and on 
 the Adriatic, is a solid and unquestionable right in every respect, and one which the Austrian eagles 
 will preserve from all attack. But it is not only a legitimate government — it is a just and benevolent 
 one, which administers the Lombardo-Venetian provinces. Those beautiful countries have prospered 
 more rapidly than could have been hoped after the long and painful years of revolution ; Milan and several 
 other celebrated towns display wealth worthy of their history; Venice is recovering from her profound de- 
 cline, and displaying new life ; the administration of justice is regular, manufactures and commerce prosper, 
 science and art are cultivated with ardor. The public burdens are not heavier than in other parts of the 
 monarchy ; they would even be ligliter if the fatal effects of Sardinian "policy did not require that the State 
 should augment its forces, and consequently raise new revenues. The great msijority of the people of Lom- 
 bardy and Venetia are content; the number of the discontented who have forgotten the lessons of 1S48 is 
 small in comparison ; and it would be less without the incessant excitations of Piedmont. 
 
 " Piedmont, therefore, does not trouble herself about populations which are suffering and oppressed ; but 
 she rather interrupts a regular state of things, and the development of future prosperity. Human prudence 
 cannot foresee how long this deplorable enterprise will trouble the peace of Italy, but a terrible responsibility 
 weighs on those who have wickedly and deliberately exposed their country and Europe to new catastrophes. 
 
 " The revolution so carefully kept alive in all the peninsula, has promptly followed the impulse given it. A 
 military rising has taken place at Florence — il has conipolled his Imperial Highness the Duke of Tuscany, to 
 leave his states. Insurrection reigns at Massa and Carrara, under the protection of Sardinia. 
 
 "But Prance, which for along time past, we repeat, has shared that terrible moral responsibility — France 
 hasha,stened by acts to assume it altogether. The government of the Emperor of the French caused, on the 
 
20 EUROPE IN THE PEESENT CENTURY. 
 
 26th of this month, hia Charge d' Affaires at Viejina to declare that he should consider the passage of the Ti- 
 cino by the Austrian troops as a declaration of war against France. While we were still waiting at Vienna 
 for the reply of Piedmont to the summons to disarm, France caused her troops to enter Sardinia by the land 
 and sea frontiers knowing well that by so doing she placed iu the balance, the weight which woeld carry the 
 last resolutions of the court of Turin. 
 
 " And why, we ask, were the legitimate hopes of the friends of peace in Europe thus to be annihilated by a 
 single blow? Because the time had arrived at which projects long meditated in silence have arrived at ma- 
 turity — at which the second French Empire desires to give substance to ita ideas — at whieh the political state 
 of Europe, based on right, is to be sacrificed to its legitimate pretensions — at which the treaties which form 
 the basis of public European power are to be replaced by political iBisdom which the power that rules at 
 Paris has announced to the astoni.shed world. 
 
 " The traditions of the first Napoleon are resumed. Such is the signiflcation of the struggle on the eve of 
 which Europe is placed. 
 
 "May the world, tindeceived, be penetrated with this conviction — that now, as half a century ago, the 
 question at stake is to defend the independence of states, and to protect the most precious possessions of 
 nations against ambition and the spirit of domination. 
 
 " The Emperor Francis Joseph, the chief of our empire, although he deplores the evils which will be occa- 
 sioned by tlie impending war, has confidently placed his just cause in the hands of Divine Providence. He 
 has drawn the sword because guilty hands have attacked the dignity and honor of his crown; he will fight with 
 the profound sentiment of his right, strong in the enthusiasm and courage of his people, accompanied by the 
 wishes of all those whose conscience distinguishes truth from falsehood, right from injustice. 
 
 " You will communicate to the government to which you have the honor to be accredited, both the Imperial 
 manifesto and the present dispatch. Accept, etc." 
 
 XXXVIII. 
 
 Simultaneously with the issue of his war proclamation, the Austrian 
 Emperor invested Count General Gyulai, with full powers to carry it 
 into effect by an invasion of Sardinian territory. He dispatched the following 
 order to that General : 
 
 " Feldzecgmkisteb Count Gtclai— 
 
 " After fruitless attempts to secure peace for my empire, without compromising Us dignity, I am necessi- 
 tated to have recourse to arms. 
 
 " With confidence I confide the rights of Austria to the best hands— to the hands of a tried and gallant army. 
 
 " Tour fidelity and bravery, your exemplary discipline, the justice of the cause which you defend, and a 
 glorious past, guaranty to me your success. 
 
 " Soldiers of the Second Army ! it is for you to secure victory to the spotless flag of Austria. Take with 
 you into battle the blessing of God and the confidence of your emperor. 
 
 " Fbamcis Joskph." 
 
 On receipt of this order, the new Austrian Governor-General of the 
 Lombardo-Venetian Kingdom, issued his own proclamation to the inhabitants 
 of that country as follows : 
 
 " TO THE PEOPLE OF LOMBARDY AND VENETIA. 
 
 •' The provocations given to the Imperial Government by a bold faction of the Sardinian States, an enemy 
 to all order and right, and its obstinacy in rejecting all overtures of peace and moderation, have exhausted 
 the generous patience of our august emperor and master, and made him resolve to protect the cause of 
 justice and right, and make it triumph by the force of arms. Intrusted by the sovereign will, with the 
 chief command of the army, the powers of the civil and military governments of the Lombardo-Venetian 
 Kingdom are, by order of his majesty, concentrated in my hands during the war, from the moment the 
 imperial eagles and our glorious standard shall have reached the Piedmontese territory. The readiness 
 with which your young men have left your flourishing fields to hasten under the imperial colors, the good- 
 will with which you have provided for the wants of our brave army, the universal feeling of personal duty, 
 all assure me that tranquillity and public order will be maintained, notwithstanding the perfidious suggestions 
 of the subversive party. In order to protect j-ou in case it were disturbed by some madman, a sufficient 
 force will remain among you to maintain the public peace ; and he shall have cause to repent who, by any 
 means whatsoever, may attempt to disturb it, and to increase the sufferings of his country. Justice, respect 
 fir the laws, obedience to Uie authorities — such has always been my motto. 
 
 On passing the Ticino, and entering upon Piedmontese territory, the 
 Austrian general issued a second proclamation, addressed to Victor Emanuel's 
 subjects : 
 
 " TO THE PEOPLE OF SARDINIA. 
 
 " In crossing your frontiers, it is not against you, people of Sardinia, that we direct our arms ; but against 
 a small destructive party, powerful by its boldness, which oppresses you by its violence, rejects all offers of 
 peace, attacks the rights of tlie other Italian States, and even those of Austria. The Imperial eagles, if you 
 salute them on their arrival without anger and without resistance, will bring 3'ou order, tranquillity, modera- 
 tion ; and the peaceable citizen may be assured that liberty, honor, the laws and property shall be respected 
 and protected as inviolable and sacred things. The constant discipline which, in the iinpeiial troops, is 
 
EUROPE m THE PRESENT CENTURY. 21 
 
 equal to their valor, is a guaranty for my word. Interpreting to you the generous sentiments of my august 
 emperor and master, I, while treading your soil, proclaim and repeat that this war is intended neither 
 against the people nor against the nation, but against a subversive party, which, under the specious mask of 
 liberty, would deprive the whole world of it, if the God of armies was not also the God of nations. When 
 your adversary and ours shall have been vanquished, when order and peace shall have been restored, you, 
 who may now call us your enemies, will soon consider us your liberators and friends.'- 
 
 XXXIX. 
 
 On receiving intelligence of the invasion of Sardinian territory by Austrian 
 troops, the Emperor Napoleon III. issued his manifesto, which was at once pro- 
 claimed in Paris, and throughout Prance : 
 
 ^ MANIFESTO OF NAPOLEON III. 
 
 " Austria, by ordering the entry of her army into the territories of the King of Sardinia, our ally, has 
 declared war against us. She thus violates treaties and justice, and menaces our frontiers. All the great 
 Powers have protested against this act of aggression. Piedmont having accepted the conditions which ought 
 to have insured peace, one asks what can be the reason of this sudden invasion? It is because Austria has 
 driven matters to such an extremity, that her dominion must either extend to the Alps, or Italy must be free 
 to the shores of the Adriatic — for every corner of Italy which remains independent, endangers the power of 
 Austria. Hitherto moderation has been the rule of my conduct, but now energy becomes my first duty, 
 France must nc(V to arms, and resolutely tell Europe — ' I wish not for conquest, but I am determined firmly 
 to maintain my national and traditional policy. I observe treaties, on condition that they are not violated 
 against me. I respect the territories and the rights of neutral Powers, but I boldly avow my sympathies 
 with a people whose history is mingled with our own, and who now groan under foreign oppression.' France 
 has shown her hatred of anarchy. Her will was to give me power suflSciently strong to reduce into subjectioa 
 abettors of disorder and the incorrigible members of old factions, who are incessantly seen concluding com- 
 pacts with our enemies, but she has not for that purpose abandoned her civilizing character. Her natural 
 allies have always been those who desire the amelioration of the human race, and when she draws the 
 sword it is not to govern but to free. The object, then, of this war is to restore Italy to herself, not to im- 
 pose upon her a change of masters, and we shall then have upon our frontiers a friendly people, who will owe to 
 us their independence. We do not enter Italy to foment disorder, or to disturb the power of the Holy Father, 
 whom we replaced upon his throne, but to remove from him this foreign pressure, which burdens the whole 
 peninsula, and to help to establish there order based upon lawful satisQed interests. In fine, then, we enter 
 this classic ground, rendered illustrious by so many victories, to seek the footsteps of our fathers. God 
 grant that we maybe worthy of them. lam about to place myself at the head of the army. I leave in France 
 the empress and my sen. Seconded by the experience and the enlightenment of the emperor's last surviv- 
 ing brother, she will understand how to show herself worthy of the grandeur of her mission. I confide 
 them to the valor of the army which remains in France to keep watch upon our frontiers and to protect our 
 homes. I confide them to the patriotism of the National Guard. I confide thera, in a word, to the entire 
 people, who will encircle them with that affection and devotedness of which I daily receive so many proofs. 
 Courage, then, and union ! Our country is again about to show the world that she has not degenerated. 
 Providence will bless our efforts, for thai cause is holy in the eyes of God which rests on justice, humanity, 
 love of country, and independence." 
 
 After issue of this war-proclamation, the Emperor Napoleon III. made im- 
 mediate preparations to proceed to the seat of war, as commander-in-chief of 
 the armies. The title of his army already in Sardinia, was changed from 
 " Army of the Alps " to " Army of Italy " — the name which his uncle's vic- 
 tories had rendered glorious. He took measures at once for the government 
 of Prance during his absence, by issuing the following decrees establishing a 
 provisional Regency : 
 
 FIRST IMPERIAL DECREE. 
 
 ■' Napolkos, by the Grace of God and the national will Emperor of the French, to all present and future 
 greeting ; 
 
 "Wishing to give to our beloved wife, the empress, the marks of high confidence we place in her, 
 
 " And considering that it is our intention to assume the command of the army of Italy, we have resolved 
 to confer, as we confer by these presents, upon our well-beloved wife, the empress, the title of Regent, to 
 exercise the functions of the same during our absence, in conformity with our instructions and our orders, 
 such as we shall have made known in the General Order of the service which we shall establish, and which 
 shall be inscribed in the Great Book of the State. 
 
 " Let it be understood that cognizance shall be given to our uncle. Prince Jerome, to the Presidents of the 
 great bodies of the State, to the members of our Privy Council, and to the Ministers, of such orders and 
 instructions ; and that in no case can the empress deviate from their teaor in the exercise of the functions 
 of Regent. 
 
 " It is our wish that the empress should preside, in our name, at the Privy Council and at the Council of 
 Ministers. However, it is not our intention that the Empress Regent should authorize hy her signature the 
 promulgation of any senatits-conmdtum, or any law of the State other than those which are actually pend- 
 ing before the Senate, the Legislative Body, and the Council of State, referring ourselves in this respect to 
 the orders and instructions above mentioned. 
 
 "We charge our Minister of State to give communication of the present letters patent to the Senate, which 
 will have them registered, and to our Keeper of the Seals, Minister of Justice, who will have them published 
 in the BuUeiin des Lois. 
 
 " Given at the Palace of the Tuileries, this Sd of May, 1S69. " Napolkos. 
 
 (Oountersigned) "Achille Foold, Minister of Stdfe." 
 
22 RETKOSPECT OF WAKS AND TREATIES. 
 
 SECOXD IMPERIAL DECREE. 
 
 " Napoleon, by the Grace of God and the national will, Emperor of the French, to all who may see these 
 presents greeting : 
 
 " On the point of starting to take command of the army of Italy, we have by our letters patent of this day 
 confided the Regency to our well-beloved wife, the empress, and we have regulated for the time of our 
 absence the order of service by an act inserted in the Slate archives, and made known to our uncle. Prince 
 Jerome Napoleon, to the members of the Privy Council, to the Presidents of the Senate, of the Legislative 
 Body, and of the Council of State. 
 
 " Desirous of giving to our uncle. Prince Jerome, marks of the high confidence we place in him, and by 
 the aid of his intelligence, experience and devotion to our person to facilitate the task of our well-beloved 
 wife, we have decided and do decide that the Empress Regent shall take, on the resolutions and decrees 
 which may be submitted to her, the counsel of the Prince, our uncle. We have, moreover, conferred ou him, 
 as we confer on him by these presents, the right of presiding, In the absence of the Empress Regent, at the 
 Privy Council and at the Council of Ministers. 
 
 " Given at the Palace of the Xuileries this 3d of May, 1859. ., 
 
 " NapolbOn. 
 (Countersigned) " Achille Fodld, 
 
 '' Minister of State." 
 
 The next official proclamation of importance was that issued by Marshal 
 Canrobert, French General in Sardinia, from his headquarters at Alessandria, 
 between Genoa and Turin. Its concluding sentences to the army were as fol- 
 lows — indicating in some degree a line of operations to which the concen- 
 tration of troops was tending : 
 
 "Soldiers! the precipitate march which you have just made across the Alps has not allowed the solicitude 
 of the emperor's governaient to supply you wilh all of which you stand in need. You will soon receive it. 
 You must call to mind that the warriors, our forefathers, who have preceded us in these fine countries, were 
 in want of everything at the time that they covered the flag of France and the country with immortal glory 
 The great French army will soon find itself opposite the Austrian army. They are old acquaintances. BotI 
 have seen each other at Loili, at Aicole, at Marer.go, and at Wagram— illustrious names, which you wil 
 soon cause to be followed by others equally glorious." 
 
 Having reached this stage of warlike progress, we may seek, in other quar 
 ters, the original cause of the dynastic struggle apparently impending. 
 
 RETROSPECT OF WARS AND TREATIES. 
 
 Understaxdixg the present official position of hostile sovereigns, the relative 
 localities of armies, the character of country forming the seat of war, and the 
 defensive and offensive resources ou either side, we await further movements of 
 the belligerent forces, and meantime turn to inquire concerning the merits and 
 causes of the great impending war. To arrive at just conclusions upon the 
 matter, it will be best to view it in the light of historical facts ; aud we may, 
 therefore, glance briefly at an immediate sequence of events which marked the 
 era of the French Revolution, immediately preceding the extraordinary rise of 
 Napoleon the First. To do this, we go back to the last century, and to a 
 period when the French Revolution broke out with a violence that deluged 
 France in blood, and swept away its own first leaders. There were then ou the 
 principal thrones of Europe, some half-dozen families, more or less connected 
 by ties of relationship, or diplomatic policy, and classified as follows : 
 
 France. — Louis XVI. {Bourbon), Marie Antoinette {House of Austria). 
 England. — George III. {Brunswick — Hanover). 
 
RETROSPECT OF WARS AND TREATIES. 23 
 
 Holland. — William V. 
 
 Spain. — Charles IV. {Bourbon). 
 
 Prussia. — Frederick William III. (HohenzoUern). 
 
 Naples. — Ferdinand IV. (Bourbon). 
 
 Portugal. — Maria [widow of Peter], {Braganza). 
 
 Russia. — Paul I. (Holsfein — Gatthorp). 
 
 Austria. — Francis II. {Austria — Lorraine). 
 
 Sweden. — Gustavus IV. {Holstein — Entin). 
 
 Denmark. — Christian VI. {Holstein — Ghckstaudt). 
 
 Sardinia. — Victor Emanuel III. {Arragon). 
 
 By this table we see that the chief domination in Europe was enjoyed by a 
 few families, connected by traditions, policy, and blood. The numberless inferior 
 sovereignties into which the European continent was cut up, were all more or 
 less dependent upon the powerful dynasties, and guided by their influence. 
 Urged, at various times, by dynastic ambition, these monarchs, and their pre- 
 decessors, had usurped rule and appropriated territory whenever they could do 
 so without danger to their own safety. By constant encroachments upon 
 weaker neighbors, some of the more powerful kingdoms had absorbed large 
 districts of country to which they held no other right but that of conquest and 
 spoliation. Others had extended their dominions through royal marriages, and 
 others found themselves enriched by bequest of neighboring sovereigns, who 
 died without legitimate heirs. Poland had been despoiled by Russia ; Prussia 
 had been enlarged at the expense of a neighbor, by dividing Friesland, and she 
 had invaded Holland to change its form of government. Austria had seques- 
 trated Bohemian, Polish, Italian, Hungarian, and French territory. During 
 the eighteenth century, Europe had been convulsed by wars of dynastic succes- 
 sion, and before its termination the remaining years were yet to record a fearful 
 list of five emperors and five kings assassinated, five governments overturned, 
 six sovereigns discrowned, and one kingdom blotted entirely from the political 
 map of Europe. It was destined within a single decade before its close, to 
 behold a lieutenant of artillery rise to be a conquering Caesar, deposing five 
 monarchs and enthroning eight, whilst his subordinate instruments were subju- 
 gating a mighty continent. But, as yet unconscious of the volcano which 
 labored under the crust of established things, the potentates of Europe feasted, 
 married, made laws, and broke treaties, according to policy or convenience. 
 Upon such a state of politics the French Revolution cast out its turbulent theo- 
 ries and facts, as from a fierce volcanic upheaval. 
 
 II. 
 
 The policy of the French Revolution was declared by its leaders to be the 
 propagandism of democratic ideas. The coalition of Austria and Prussia, with 
 the refugee French Noblesse, avowedly to protect the Bourbon dynasty, 
 provoked the first marked violence of democracy in France, and led to the 
 regicide of Louis XVI. and his queen, and the sanguinary reign of Robespierre, 
 Marat, Danton, and their confederates. In January, 1793, Great Britain joined 
 the European dynastic movement against revolutionary France, and subse- 
 quently dispatched an army to the Netherlands, to check an advance of 
 French armies in that quarter of the continent. About the same time, the 
 strongly-fortified town of Toulon, in France, was surrendered to England by its 
 inhabitants, who remained loyal to the Bourbon cause. At this period Robes- 
 
24 RETKOSPECT OF WAK8 AND TREATIES. 
 
 pierre was infusini? his energy into the republican goTcrnment, and vigorous 
 measures were taken to increase and discipline the revolutionary arniies. 
 Several victories were successively gained by French commanders over hostile 
 armies. The Legitimist allies were driven out of the Netherlands in 1794, and 
 Holland organized into the "Batavian Republic," under French control. Prus- 
 sia became dispirited, and drew off her troops, and in the following year Great 
 Britain commenced a negotiation for peace, which was soon broken off by the 
 refusal of France to restore Belgium to Austria. 
 
 III. 
 
 Meanwhile, since Louis XVL died by the guillotine, on the 21st January, 
 1193, a civil warfare raged between royalists and republicans in France. 
 Napoleon Bonaparte had distinguished himself by the capture of Toulon from 
 the Legitimists ; and Marie Antoinette had been decapitated, like her husband. 
 In July, 1794, Robespierre, Couthon, St. Just, and others of the Conventional 
 Government, were assassinated. Their fall ended the Reign of Terror, which 
 was followed, in 1795, by the establishment of a Directory of five men, a Senate 
 of two hundred and fifty, and a Council of five hundred members. From the 
 beginning of the Revolution, its actors had sworn " hatred to kings and roy- 
 alty, and that no foreign power should ever be suffered to dictate laws to the 
 French." They had also declared it to be settled French policy, " to assist all 
 nations desirous of recovering their liberty." In this propagandistic spirit, five 
 armies had conquered Savoy and the Italian province of Nice, on the border ; 
 had reduced Belgium and the Netherlands, and overrun German territory to 
 the Rhine ; thirteen levies being raised in succession, and victories gained 
 over Hanoverians, English, Dutch, Austi'ians, and Prussians. la 1795-6, 
 France and the Netherlands united to oppose the alliance of Austria, England, 
 and Russia. General Bonaparte was sent to Italy by the Directory, and 
 gained the victories of Montenotte, Millesimo, Lodi, Areola, Rivoli, and others, 
 in less than one year. He pushed through Lombardy, and captured Trieste. 
 In Italy he established two republics — the Ligurian or Genoese, and the Cis- 
 alpine or Milanese. He invaded independent Venice, changed her government, 
 and then, at the Peace of Campo Formio, gave that republic up to Austria. 
 After his Italian campaigns, Bonaparte was sent with an army to Egypt, and 
 returning in 1797 to France, was made commander-in-chief of her armies. 
 Seizing his opportunity, on the 9th November (18th Brumaire), he overturned 
 the Directory of Five, by the assistance of his brother Lucieii, President of the 
 Council of Five Hundred, which body was dissolved at the bayonet's jioint. 
 A new constitution was then adopted, and three Consuls chosen as heads of 
 the French Republic. Barras, Sidyes, and Bonaparte were the Consuls, but 
 Bonaparte was intrusted with chief powers, and took the field as general. He 
 led another army into Italy, and gained the battle of Marengo, on the wide 
 plain between Alessandria and Tortona, in the neighborhood which the Aus- 
 trians under Gyulai lately penetrated after crossing the Ticino. On his return 
 to Paris, many conspiracies were formed against the First Consul, but he suc- 
 ceeded in making himself almost a dictator in government. In 1801, he con- 
 cluded treaties with the United States, Austria, Naples, the Pope, Bavaria, 
 Portugal, Russia, and Turkey, and finally the Peace of Amiens in 1802 with 
 England. France then found herself at peace with all the world, after having 
 established the Batavian Republic in Holland, and the Italian Republic, with 
 Bonaparte as President, beyond the Alps. The French nation then extended 
 Bonaparte's term as Consul ten years, and finally the question of his Consul' 
 
LlLl^i 
 
 ;1E \ 
 
KETROSPECT OF WAKS AND TREATIES. 26 
 
 ship for life was submitted to the nation, and decided in the affirmative by 
 3,368,259 against 209,626 votes. At this time the territory of France had in- 
 creased, by conquest and negotiation, some 42,000 square miles. In 1803, 
 France mediated in German affairs, settled difficulties in Switzerland, annexed 
 Elba and Parma. The next year beheld a new war with England, and 
 Bonaparte took upon himself the imperial dignity. Napoleon I. was thus 
 Emperor of France and President of the Italian Eepublic. This being contra- 
 dictory, he crowned himself with the iron crown of Lombardy at Milan, and 
 made his stepson, Eugene Beauharnais, Viceroy of Italy, thus abolishing the 
 republic. Genoa, Parma, Piacenza, and Guastalla were also incorporated with 
 France. Napoleon I. gave the small republic of Lucca as a principality to 
 Felix Bacciocchi, who had served him. These usurpations and encroachments 
 of the French Imperial Government alarmed all Europe, and in 1805, treaties 
 were concluded between Russia, England, Austria, Spain, and Sweden, by 
 which those powers combined against France, with secret understanding, to 
 dismember her swollen possessions in case of triumph. The object of the coali- 
 tion, as stated, was " to compel the French Government to agree to the- re- 
 establishment of peace and the equilibrium of Eibrope:' 
 
 IV. 
 
 Now commenced the struggle ; on the part of Napoleon I. to carry into 
 effect his own ideas of a Continental System ; and on the side of allied Europe 
 to restore the continent to the position it occupied previous to French Revolu- 
 tion. The Treaty of St. Petersburg, between Russia and Great Britain, con- 
 tained the subjoined provisions : 
 
 " Art. 2. The object of this league will be to carry into eflfect : («), the evacuation of the country of Hano- 
 ver and the north of Germany ; (6), the establishment of the independence of the republics of Holland and 
 Switzerland; (c), the reestablishment of the King of Sardinia in Piedmont, with as large an augmentation 
 of territory as circumstances will permit; (rf), the future security of the kingdom of Naples, and the com- 
 plete evacuation of Italy, the island of Elba included, by the French forces ; (e), the establishment of an 
 order of things in Europe which may effectually guarantee the security and independence of the different 
 9tat-es, and present a solid barrier against future usurpations. 
 
 Granville Levesos Gower, 
 (Signed) ADiM, PiiiNCB Czartocyski, 
 
 Nicolas lus Novossilzoff." 
 
 Austria, Sweden and other northern powers ratified this treaty. Prussia 
 and Naples remained neutral by special treaty with France. Napoleon I. 
 organized his Grand Army, and crossed the Rhine, Sept. 26, 1805. He con- 
 cluded an alliance with the Elector of Wurtemburg, who brought him a body of 
 troops, called up Bavarian auxiliaries, made treaty with Baden, advanced into 
 Prussia, Austria, and gained the great battle of Austerlitz, December 2, 1805, 
 against the emperors of Austria and Prussia. The Peace of Presburg was then 
 negotiated, depriving Austria of several provinces, of which Napoleon made 
 gifts to Bavaria, Baden, and Wurtemburg, his German allies. By the Treaty 
 of Presburg, both France and Austria resigned all claim of future sovereignty 
 over Italy forever, by the following articles : 
 
 " III. His majesty the Emperor of Germany and Austria, for hinisdf, hU heirs and stiocessors, recognizes 
 the dispositions made by his majesty the Emperor of France, king of Italy, relative to the principalities of 
 Lucca and Piombina. IV. Uis majesty the Emperor of Germany and Austria renounces, as well for himself, 
 as for his keirs and successors, that part of the states of the Republic of Venice ceded to him by the 
 treaties of Campo-Formio, and Luneville and they shall be united in perpetuity to the kingdom of Italy. 
 V. His majesty tlie Eijiperor of Germany and Austria acknowledges his majesty the Emperor of France as 
 king of Italy ; but it is agreed, in conformity with the declaration made by his majesty tlie Emperor of the 
 French at tile moment w/ien he took th« eroion of Italy, that, as soon as the parties named in that declar- 
 
26 KETROSPECT OF WAES AND TKEATIES. 
 
 ation shall have fulfilled tlie conditions therein expressed, the crovms of Italy and Francs shall he separ- 
 ated forever and cannot in any case be united on the same head. His miijeMy the Emperor of Gerniany 
 binds himself to acknowledge, on the separation, the successor his majesty tlie Emperor of the French shah' 
 appoint t^) himself as king of Italy." (Signed) Chap. Moss. Tali.rtrand. 
 
 JOHS, PRINCe OP LlCHSTESSTKiy. 
 
 iGUiz, Count db Gtclai. 
 
 The above raentioued declaration of Napoleon on taking the " crown of 
 "Italy," had occurred in his speech upon that occasion. " I shall keep this 
 crown," he said to the Italians, " but only so long as your interests shall 
 require ; and I shall, with pleasure, see the moment arrive when I can place it 
 on the head of a younger person, who, animated by my spirit, may continue 
 my work and be on all occasions ready to sacrifice his person and interests to 
 the security and happiness of the people over whom Providence, the consti- 
 tutions of the kingdom, and my wish, shall have called him to reigu." By the 
 Treaty of Presburg, Austria resigned all she held of Italian territory, all of 
 Yenetian Istria and Dalraatia, and all forts and places in the Adriatic. A 
 French memorial concerning the sequestration of Italy by Napoleon was 
 issued about the same time, wherein the government declared its annexation 
 policy to be in accordance with the wishes of the people of Parma, Piedmont, 
 Piacenza, Genoa, and Venice, and concluded, curiously, with the remark that, 
 " if it were allowed to compare trifles with objects of importance, it might be 
 said, that England had no right to complain of the wish for a union between 
 Liguria, (Genoa) and France, as France has made no complaint concerning 
 the destruction of the Mahratta [East India] empire." 
 
 V. 
 
 Napoleon I. now began to dispose of his territorial acquisitions and tribt 
 tary sovereignties, by dispensing liberal gifts to relatives and friends. H< 
 created General Murat Duke of Cleves and Berg, and made him his brother-ir 
 law ; gave his brother Joseph the kingdom of Naples and Sicily ; bestow( 
 Guastalla on his sister Pauline, and Neufchatel on Berthier, his war ministei 
 He changed the Batavian Republic into a kingdom, for his brother Louis ; 
 made Talleyrand and Bernadotte dukes, and divided domains and lordships, in 
 conquered countries, amongst bis military followers. In July, 1806, he estab- 
 lished the Confederacy of the Rhine, whereby Bavaria, Wurtemburg, Baden, 
 Berg, Darmstadt, Nassau, Hohenzollern, and other German states became allies 
 of France, and had their boundaries defined under imperial protection. One 
 month later, Francis II. Emperor of Austria, resigned his office and title as 
 Emperor of Germany, declaring the German empire to be abolished by the 
 Rhenish Confederation, and falling back upon his hereditary rights as Emperor 
 of theAustrian States. Prussia then declared war against France, but was 
 invaded and conquered at the battle of Jena, in October, after which, 
 Napoleon, at Berlin, organized a new government for Prussian territories, and 
 issued his famous Berlin Decrees, declaring Great Britain in a state of 
 blockade. Russia hastened to assist Prussia, but her power was broken at 
 Eylau, in February, and a peace concluded between the emperors Napoleon, 
 Alexander and Francis, at Tilsit, July 7th aad 9th, 1807. 
 
 VI. 
 
 By this treaty Prussia lost a portion of her territory containing four millions 
 of her subjects, including provinces on the Elbe, which Napoleon afterward 
 erected into the Kingdom of Westphalia, for his brother Jerome. Russia and 
 
KETROSPECT OF WAES AND TEEATIE8. 27 
 
 Austria recognized Joseph Bonaparte to be King of Naples, and Louis Bona- 
 parte to be King of Holland, and also acknowledged the Confederation of the 
 Rhine. The Treaty of Tilsit was signed, respectively, by Talleyrand on the 
 part of Xapoleon, by Field-Marshal Kalkreuth and Count Augustus Goltz for 
 Francis, and by Prince Alexander Kurakin and Prince Demetry Von Rostoff 
 for Alexander. The intercourse of Napoleon and Alexander at Tilsit promoted 
 a personal friendship between the two sovereigns. England grew apprehensive 
 that secret articles of alliance had passed between them {as, in, onr ovm day, 
 tJiere is said to be a secret understanding between the present Napoleon and Alexander.) 
 England also feared that Denmark would assist France with ships, and at once 
 sent a fleet to bombard Copenhagen. Napoleon, in order to punish England, 
 carried his diplomacy to Spain and Portugal. The Bourbons of Spain were at 
 this period a disgrace to European thrones, the king being imbecile, and the 
 queen an abandoned woman. Napoleon sent Marshal Junot to Portugal. On 
 his approach, the Braganza family left their kingdom and fled to Brazil, their 
 South-American vice-roj'alty. A convention was entered into between Frauce 
 and Manuel Godoy, the Spanish minister, whereby Spain was to be divided into 
 several kingdoms. Meantime, the continental sovereigns began to make war- 
 like preparations, and Napoleon brought about the Congress of Erfukt, with 
 the view of concluding a general peace. This congress took place in Septem- 
 ber, 1808. Napoleon and Alexander met cordially, and the Austrian Emperor 
 sent a polite note, excusing his absence, and assuring both his imperial cousins 
 of his warmest friendship and esteem. A succession of feasts and conferences 
 took place, and Napoleon succeeded in cementing his friendj^hip with the Rus- 
 sian. The direct consequences of the meeting at Erfurt, were the withdrawal 
 of French troops from Prussian towns, and an offer of peace by Russia and 
 France to the British Government. Napoleon's desire was to gain time to 
 subdue Spain, before England could stir up trouble in Germany. England, 
 however, repelled negotiations, and sent her arms to the Spanish Peninsula. 
 The Spanish war then broke out, and raged till Madrid was taken by the 
 French, and Napoleon's brother, Joseph, proclaimed King of Spain. In Italy, 
 during the same year, 1808, the crown of Naples was given to Murat, the Pope 
 was deposed, and his states annexed to France. The Pope protested publicly, 
 and was conducted, as a quasi prisoner, into French territory. 
 
 VII. 
 
 In 1809, Napoleon conceived it his policy to divorce his empress, Josephine, 
 and ally himself to the House of Austria by a marriage with the Archduchess, 
 Maria Louisa, daughter of the Emperor Francis. The marriage took place iu 
 March, 1810. Meantime, Louis, King of Holland, was deposed, as he bad 
 been crowned by his imperial brother, and the states of Holland and Hanse 
 Towns, and part of Westphalia, were annexed to Prance, The Empire of 
 Charlemagne was now reestablished, with nearly its ancient possessions, and 
 three capitals, Paris, Rome, and Amsterdam. The Electorate of Hanover was 
 joined to the Kingdom of Westphalia ; the French conscription laws were 
 extended over Naples on the south side, over Denmark on the north. An im- 
 perial decree was issued, restraining the press in all places under French con- 
 trol, by the establishment of a censorship. In August, 1807, the states of 
 Sweden met to choose a king, and Marshal John Bernadotte, Prince of Monte 
 Corvo, was elected under French influence. A great portion of ail Europe was 
 
28 KETKOSPECT OF WARS AND TREATIES. 
 
 now under Napoleon's sway, though Spain continued to fight, and England 
 refused peace or concessions. In the following year, 1811, a prince was born 
 to the empire, and called King of Rome. About this period troubles arose 
 between France and Russia ; and Sweden, under Bernadotte, began to mur- 
 mur against French demands. Alexander of Russia had become less an ad- 
 mirer of Bonaparte, and was ready to take the position of his enemy. The 
 consequences were soon apparent in a rupture, and Napoleon flattered himself 
 with the hope of reducing all Russia under his power. Russia saw the impend- 
 ing storm, and prepared to meet it by an alliance with Great Britain, Sweden, 
 and Spain, providing for defensive and offensive action against France. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 The war became general. Napoleon allied himself with Austria and Prussia, 
 sumq;ioned his subordinate princes and states, and took the field for what he 
 called a second Polish War. He had previously, in opposing Russia, made 
 promises of restoring her nationality to Poland, which he failed to fulfill when 
 he enjoyed the opportunity at Tilsit. The great campaign of 1812, began with 
 gigantic resources — ended iu bitter despair to its ambitious projector. Pene- 
 trating to Moscow, the Russians compelled his retreat by burning that ancient 
 city ; and Bonaparte, pursued and harassed, led back to the Rhine a few 
 shattered remnants of the Grand Army of Imperial France. His star began 
 to set, and all Europe was prepared to revolt against him. The year 1812 
 closed upon reverses ; and the remainder of Napoleon's career, to his final fall, 
 was a struggle against a succession of disasters. The German nationalities 
 allied themselves with England and Russia. Foreign enemies increased con- 
 tinually, and even France abandoned the man to whom she owed everything. 
 In April, 1814, Napoleon signed his first act of abdication at Paris, and was 
 allowed by the victorious allies to retire to Elba. The Congress of Vienna was 
 then convened, whilst the deposed sovereign watched its proceedings from 
 his little island retreat. Then were negotiated the treaties of 1814-15, whose 
 discussion was interrupted abruptly by Napoleon's return to France, and his 
 renewed Empire of a Hundred Days. 
 
 IX. 
 
 By resolutions of the French Senate, April 3, 1814, under the presidency of 
 Lavatar Count Barthelemy, the following deeree had been adopted : 
 
 "Art. 1. Napoleon Bjonaparte has forfeited the throne, and the hereditary 
 I'jght established in his family is abolished. 
 
 "Art. 2. The French people and the army are released from" their oa'th of 
 fidelity toward Napoleon Bonaparte." 
 
 On'the 11th of April, Napoleon had signed the treaty of 1814 with the Allies, 
 whereby he abdicated the French throne, and became an independent sovereign 
 of the small island of Elba ; his empress, Maria Louisa, and her descendants, 
 being allowed, as heritage, the Italian duchies of Parma, Piacenza, and Guas- 
 talla. On the 30tli May following, the Treaty of Paris, between Louis XVIII. 
 and the Allied Powers of Europe, was made. The articles of that treaty defined 
 the. boundaries of France, stripping her of all imperial acquisitions, and re- 
 ducing her territory to the area that it embraced previous to the French 
 Revolution : 
 
KETROSPECT OF WARS AND TREATIES. 29 
 
 "treaty of peace between the allied powers and FRANCE. 
 
 "In the name of the most Holy and undivided Trinity. 
 
 " His Majesty the King of France and Navarre, ontlie one part, and his Majesty the emperor of Austria, King 
 f Hungary and Boliemia, and his Allies, on tlie other, being animated by an equal wish to put an end to 
 he long agitations of Europe, and to the calamities of nations, by a solid peace, founded on a just distribu- 
 ion of force between the Powers, and contaiinng in its stipulations the guaranty of its duration ; and his 
 ilajesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, and his Allies, no longer wishing to exact, 
 rom France, at the present moment, when being replaced under the paternal government of her kings, she 
 hus offers to Europe a pledge of security and stability, conditions and guaranties which they had to demand 
 rith regret under her late government ; their said Majesties have appointed Plenipotentiariea to discuss, 
 onclude, and sign a treaty of peace and friendship; that is to say — 
 
 " Art. II. The kingdom of France preserves the integrity of its limits such as they existed at the period of 
 he 1st of January, 1792. It shall receive beside, augmentation of territory comprised within the line of 
 emarkation fixed by the following article : 
 
 "Art. III. On the side of Belgium, Germany, and Italy, the ancient frontier, such as it e.xisted on the 1st 
 anuary, 1792, shall be reestablished, the same commencing from tlie North Sea, between Dunkirk and 
 Jewport, even unto the Mediterranean between Cagnes and Nice, with the following rectifications : 
 
 " 1. In the department of Jemappes, the cantons of Dour, Morbesle-chateau, Beaumont, and Chimay, shall 
 emaia to Prance ; the line of demarkation, where it touches the canton of Dour, shall pass between that 
 anton and those of Boussu and Paturage, as well as, further on, between that of Morbes-le-Chateau, and 
 liose of Biiich and Thuin. 
 
 "2. In the department of the Sambre and Meuse, the cantons of Valcourt, Florennes, Beauraing, and 
 lodume, shall belong to France ; the demarkation, upon reaching this department, sliall follow the line which 
 eparates the fore-mentioned cantons, from tlie department of Jemappes, and from the rest of that of the 
 ambre and Meuse. 
 
 ''8. In the department of the Moseile, the new demarkation, where it differs fromthn old, shall be formed 
 y a line to be drawn from Pcrle as fur as Frcmerdsdorf, or by that which separates the canton of Tholey from 
 :ie rest of tlie department of the Moselle. 
 
 "4. In the department of the Sarre, the cantons of Saarbruck and Arnwal, shall remain to France, as well 
 3 that part of the canton of Lebach, which is situated to the south of a line to be drawn along the confines 
 f the villages of Hercheubach, Ueberhosen, Hilsbach, and Hall (leaving these different places without the 
 'rench frontier) to the point where, taken from Querselle (which belongs to France), the line which sepa- 
 a'.es the cantons of Arnwal and Ottweiler, reaches that which separates those of Arnwal and Lebach ; the 
 rentier on this side shall be formed by the line above marked out, and then by that which separates the 
 antOQ of Arnwal from that of Bliescastel. 
 
 " 5. The fortress of Landau having, prior to the year 1792, formed an insulated point in Germany, France 
 etains beyond htr frontiers a part of the departments of Mont Tonnerre and the Lower Rliine in order to 
 )in the fortress of Landau and its district to the rest of the kingdom. The new demarkation, proceeding 
 •om the point where, at Obersteinbach (which remains without the French frontier), the frontier enters the 
 epariilient of the Moselle, and that of Mont Tonnerre, joins the department of the Lower Rhine, shall 
 jllow the line which separates the cantons of Wi.-senburgh and Bergzabern(on tlie side of France) from the 
 antons of Pirmasens, Dahn, and Anweiler (on the side of Germany), to the point where these limits, near 
 ie village of AVohnersheiui, touch the ancient district qf the fortress of Lanlau. Of thi.s district, which 
 emains as it was in 1792, the new frontier shall follow the arm of the river Queich, which in leaving this 
 istrict near Queichheim (which rests with France), passes near the villages of MerKuheim, Kniltelsheim, 
 nd Belheim (also remaining French), to the Rrtfne, which thence continues the boilndary between France 
 nd Germany. As to the Rhine, the Thalweg, or course of the river, shall form the boundary ; the changes, 
 owever, which may occur in the course of the river, shall have no effect on the property of the isles which 
 re found there. The passession of these isles shall be replaced under the same form as at the period of 
 le treaty of Luneville. 
 
 '' 6. In the department of the Doubs, the frontier shall be drawn, so as to commence above La Ranconnifere 
 ear the Loell, and follow the creH of the Jura between Oerneaux Pequignot and the village of Fontenel- 
 ;s, so far as that summit of thf Jura wliich lies about seven or eight miles to the northwest of the village of 
 -a Brevine, where it will turn back within tJie ancient limits of France. 
 
 "7. lu the department of the Leman, the frontiers between the French territory, tlie Pais deVaud, and the 
 ifferent portions of the territory of Geneva, (which shall make a part of Switz.Tlami), remain as they were 
 efore the incorporation of Geneva with France. But the canton of Frangy, that of St. Jnlien (with excep- 
 ion of^ that part lying to the north of a line to be drawn from the point where the river of La Laire enters 
 ear Cliancey into the Genevese territory, along the borders of Seseguin. Laconex, and Seseneuve, which 
 liall remain without the limits of France), tlie-Canton of Regnier (with exception of tliat portion which lies 
 astward of a line following the borders of the Muraz, Bussy, Pers, and Cornier, which shall be without the 
 'rench limits), and the canton of La Roche (with exception of the placesjiamed La Roche apd Avmanay 
 rith their districts) shall rest with France. The frontier shall follow the limits of those different cantons 
 ,nd the lines sepajhjiting those portions which France retains from those she gives up. 
 
 '■ 8. In the departfueut of Mont Blanc, France shall obtain the Suprefecture of Chambery, (with exceptions 
 f the cantons de I'Hnpital, St. Pierre d'Albigny, La Rocette and Montmelian,) the Suprefecture of Annecy, 
 with exception of that part of the canton of Faverges, situated to the east of a line pa.ssing between Oure- 
 haise and Mariens on the French side, and MartJiod and Ugine on the opposite side, iuid which then follows 
 he crest of the mountains to the frontier of the canton of Thones). This line, with tne limits of the afore- 
 laraed canton.s, shall constitute the new frontier on this si<le. 
 
 " On the i-ide of the Pyrenees, the frontiers remain as they were, between the two kingdoms of France and 
 pain, on the Ist of January, 1792. There shall be appointed on the parj of both, a mutual commission, to 
 ■rrange their final demarkation. ' 
 
 "France renounces all claimaof sovereignty, supremacy, and possession over all coftntries, districts, towns, 
 ind places wliatsoever, situated without the above stated frontier. The principality of Monaco is replaced 
 n the same situation as on the Ist of January, 1792. 
 
 " The Allied Courts assure to France the possession of the principality of Avignon, the Venaisin, the county 
 )f Montbeliard, and all the inclosed districts once belonging to Germany, comprised within the above indi- 
 ;ated frontier, which had been incorporated witli France before or after the 1st of January, 1792. 
 
 " The Powers preserve mutually the full right to fortify whatever point of their states they ufey judge fitting 
 or their safety. 
 
 " To avoid all injury to'private property, and to protect on the most liberal principles the possessions of 
 ndividuals domiciliated on the frontiers, tliere shall be named by each of the States adjoining to France, 
 Commissioners, to proceed jointly with French Commissioners, to the demarkation of th'.ar respective 
 
30 EETROSPECT OF WARS AND TREATIES. 
 
 boundaries. So soon as the office of these Commissioners shall be completed, instruments shall be drawn 
 up, signed by tlieni, and posts erected to mark the mutual limits. 
 
 "Art. IV. To secure the cor.iniunications of the town of Geneva with the other parts of the Swiss territory 
 en the Lake, France consents, that the road by Versoy shall be common to the two countries. The respec- 
 tive Governments will have an amicable understanding on the means of preventing smuggling, the regula- 
 tion of the posts, and the maintenance of the road. 
 
 "Alt. V. Tlie nuvigatioii of the Rhine, from the point where it becomes navigable to the se.i, and back, shall 
 be free, so as to be interdicted to no person. Principles shall be laid down at a future Congress, for the col- 
 lection of the duties by the States ou the banks. In the manner most equal and favorable to the commerce 
 Of all nations. 
 
 " It shall be also inquired and ascertained at the same Congress, in what mode, for the purposes of more 
 facile communication and rendering nations continually less strangers to each other, this disposition raay 
 be extended to all rivers that in their navigable course separate or traverse different Slates. 
 
 " Art. VI. Holland, placed under the sovereignty of the Uouse of Orange, shall receive an increase of ter- 
 ritory. The title, and the e.xercise of its sovereignty, cannot, under any circumstances, belong to a prince 
 wearing or designated to wear a foreign crown. 
 
 " TheOermau Slates shall be independent, and united by a federative league. 
 
 "Indejiendent Swilaerland shall continue under its own Government. Italy, without the limits of the 
 countries which shall return to Austria, shall be composed of Sovereign States. 
 
 "Art. VII. The I.-land of Malta and its dependencies shall belong, in full possession and sovereignty, to his 
 Britannic Majesty." 
 
 X. 
 
 The Congress of Vienna met, pursuant to provision of the Treaty of Paris, 
 but its deliberations were interrupted by the landing of Napoleon once more 
 upon French soil, where he was welcomed by a revolt of the army. The 
 returned general assumed his imperial title, and issued a proclamation to the 
 French people, March 1st, 1815, which was answered by a declaration of the 
 Allied Powers at Vienna, on the 13th of the same month, as follows : 
 
 " DECLARATION. 
 
 "The Powers who have signed the treaty of Paris, assembled in Congress at Vienna, being informed of the 
 escape of Napoleon Bonaparte, and of his entrance into France with an armed force, owe it to their dignity 
 and the interest of social order, to make a solemn declaration of the sentiments which this event has excited 
 ia them. • 
 
 " By thus breaking the convention which established him in the Island of Elba, Bonaparte destroys the 
 only legal title on which his existence depended : by appearing again in France with projects of confusion 
 and disorder, he has deprived himself of the protection of the law, and has maniferted lo the Universe, that 
 there can be neither peace nor truce with him. The powers consequently declare, that Napoleon Bonaparte 
 has placed himself without the pale of civil and social relations, and that as an enemy and disturber of the 
 tranquillity of the world, he has rendered himself liable to public vengeance. 
 
 " They declare, at the same time, that, firmly resolved to maintaiu entire the treaty of Paris, of SOth of 
 May, 1814, and the dispositions sanctioned by that treaty, and those which they have resolved on, or shall 
 hereafter resolve on, to complete and to consolidate it, they will employ all their means, and will unite all their 
 efforts, that the general peace, the object of the wishes of Europe, and the constant purpose of their labors, 
 may not again be troubled, and to guarantee against every attempt which shall threaten to replunge the 
 world into the disorders and miseries of revolutions. 
 
 " And although entirely persuaded that all France, rallying round its legitimate sovereign, will immediately 
 annihilate this attempt of a criminal and impotent delirium ; all the sovereigns of Europe, animated by the 
 same sentiments, and guided by the same principles, declare, that if, contrary to all calculations, there should 
 result from this event any real danger, they will be ready to give the King of France and to the French 
 nation, or to any other government that shall be attacked, so soon as they shall be called uponf aU the 
 assistance requisite to restore public tranquillity, and to make a common cause against all those who should 
 undertake to compromise it. 
 
 " The present declaration inserted in the Register of the Congress assembled at Vienna on tlie 18th ot 
 March, 1815, shall be made public. 
 
 " Done and attested by the Plenipotentiaries of the nigh Powers who signed the Treaty of Paris. 
 
 " Vjdkn- A, March m, 1S15. 
 
 " Here follow the signatures in the alphabetical order of the Courts : 
 
 Austria. Prince Mrttersich, 
 
 Baron Wksmfnberg 
 Spain. P. Gomez Labrador. 
 France. Prince Tallkyra.n'd, 
 
 Duke of Dalberg, 
 
 Latocr 1)v Pin, 
 
 Count Alexis Do Noaillks. 
 Gt. Brit. Wbllinotos, 
 
 Clancartt, 
 
 Cathcart, 
 
 Stewart. 
 Portugal. Count Palmbla Saldanha Lobc. 
 Prussia. Prince HARDHNBEna, 
 
 Baron HraiBoLOT. 
 Russia. Count Rasouowskv, 
 
 Count Stackhlbbrg. 
 
 Count Nksselrodk. 
 Sweden. Loewb.vuelm." 
 
 -wni-^»lfi,iWi< n'fiii 
 
RETROSPECT OF WARS AND TREATIES. 31 
 
 XI. 
 
 The Hundred Days, during which Napoleoa made head against the Allies, 
 ended by his second abdication. Previous to the battle of Waterloo, he 
 entered into secret negotiation with the Congress of Vienna, with a view to 
 conclude a peace on the basis of the Treaty of Paris. His designs were 
 baffled by tho iiidignatioa excited on account of an expedition which Murat, 
 deposed King of Naples, undertook in April. On the 22d June, 1815, 
 Napoleon finally resigned his crown, though still declaring his sou emperor, 
 and naming a Regency. The armies of the Allies then overran Fra'nce, and 
 on the 20th November, 1815, the second Treaty of Paris was made, as follows: 
 
 "DEFINITIVE TREATY 
 
 " In the name of the Most Holy and Undivided Trinity, 
 
 " Article 1. The fiontiers of Fra'jce shall be the same as they were in the year 1T90, save and except the 
 modifications on one side and on t.be other, which are detailed in the present Article. First, on the northern 
 frontiers, the line of denial kation shall remain as it was fixed by the Treaty of Paris, as far as opposite to 
 Quiverain, from tlience it shall follow the ancient limits of the Belgian Provinces, of the late Bishopric of 
 Liege, and of the Duciiy of Houillon, as they existed in the year 1790, leaving the territories Included within 
 that line, of Philippeville and Marienbourg, with the fortresses so called, together with the whole of the Duchy 
 of Bouillon, without the fi ontiers of France. From Villers near Orval upon the confines of the Department 
 Dea Ardenne:', and of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg as far as Perle, upon the great road leading from 
 Thionville to Treves, the line shall remain as it was laid down by the Treaty of Paris. From Perle it shall 
 pass by Launsdoiff, Wahvich, Schardirff, Niederveiling, Pelweiler (all these places with their Banlie ties of 
 dependencies remaining to Prance), to Houvre ; arid shall follow from thence the old limits of the district of 
 Sarrebruck, leaving Saaielouis, and tlie course of the Sarre, together with the places situated to the right of 
 the line above described, and their Banlieues or dependencies, without the limits of France. From the 
 limits of the district of Sarrebruck the line.of demarkation shall be the same, which at present separates 
 from Germany the departments of the Moselle and of the Lower Rhine, as far as to the Lauter, which river 
 shall from thence serve as the Frontier until it shall fall into the Rhine. All the territory on the left bank 
 of the Lauter, including the fortress of LanOau, shall form part of Germany. 
 
 " The town of \Vei>senhourg, however, through which that river runs, shall remain entirely to France, 
 with a rayon on the left hank, not exceeding a thousand toises, and which shall be more particularly deter- 
 mined by the Commisisiontfrs who shall be charged with the approaching designation of the boundaries. 
 Secondly, leaving the mouth of the Lauter, and continuing along the departments of the Lower Rhine, the 
 Upper llhiiic, the U uhs, and the Jura, to the Canton de Vaud, the frontiers shall remain as fixsd by the 
 Treaty of Paris. The Tha'weg of the Rhine shall form the boundary between France and the States of 
 Germany, but the property of the islands shall lemain in perpetuity, as it shall be fixed by a neTf survey of 
 the course of that river, and continue unchanged, whatever variation that course may undergo in the lapse 
 of time. Commissioners shall be named on both sides, by the High Contracting Parties, within the space of 
 three months, to proceed upon the said survey. One half of the bridge between Strasbourg and Kehl shall 
 belong to FrHnce, and the other half to the Grand Duchy of Baden. Thirdly, in order to establish a direct 
 communication between the Canton of Geneva and Switzerland, that part of the Pays de Gex, bounded on 
 the east by the lake Leraan ; on the south, by the territory of the Canton of Geneva ; on the north by that of 
 the Canton de Vaud ; on tlie west, by the course Of the Versoix, and by a line which comprehends the com- 
 munes of Collex lio?sy, and Meyrin, leaving the commune of Ferney to France, shall be ceded to the Hel- 
 vetic Confederacy, in order to be united to the Canton of Geneva. The line of the French custom-houses 
 shall be placed to the west of the Jura, so that the whole of the Pays de Gex shall be without that line. 
 Fourthly, from the frontiers of the Canton of Geneva, as far as the Mediterranean, the line of demarkation 
 shall be that which, in the year 1790, separated France from Savoy, and from the county of Nice. The rela- 
 tions which the Treaty of Paris of 1814 had reestablished between France and the Principality of Monaco, 
 shall cease forever, and the same relations shall exist between that Principality and his Majesty the King of 
 Sardinia. Fifthly, all the territories and districts included within the boundary of the French territory, as 
 determined by the present Articles, shall remain united to France. Sixthly, the High Contracting Parties 
 shall name, within tliree months after the signature of the present Treaty, Commissioners to regulate every 
 thing relating to the designation of the boundaries of the respective countries, and as soon as the labors of 
 the Commissioners shall have terminated, maps shall be drawn, and landmarks shall be erected, which shall 
 point out the respective limits. 
 
 "8. All the ditipositioBS of the Treaty of Paris of the 80th of May, 1814, relative to the countries ceded by 
 that treaty, shall equally apply to the several territories and districts ceded by the present treaty. 
 
 " In witness whereof, the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the same, and have affixed thereunto 
 the seals of their arms. 
 " Done at Paris this 20th day of November, in the year of our Lord, 1815. 
 
 (Signed) [L. SI Castlkreaqh. 
 
 [L. S,1 Wellinqtok. 
 [L. S J RiCHBUEn," 
 
 ZII. 
 
 On the 19th April, 1815, Francis I. of Austria, issued his proclamation 
 concerning the Lombardo- Venetian Kingdoiji, as follows : 
 
33 RETROSPECT OF WAHS AND TREATIES. 
 
 "PROCLAMATION OF THE EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. 
 
 •' YiKSNA, AprU 14. 
 
 " We, Francis the First, by the Grace of God Emperor of Austria, King of Ilungary, Bohemia, Lombardyt 
 and Venice, Oallicia and Lodoriiiria, etc. etc., Archduke of Austria. 
 
 " In consequence of the treaties conclnded with the Allied Powere, and further Conventions concluded 
 with them, the Provinces of Louibardy and Venice, in their whole extent, as far as Lago MuRgiore, the river 
 Ticino, and the Po, together with part of the territory of Mantua on the right bank of the latter river, also 
 the province of the Valielin, the counties of Chiavenna and Bormio, are incorporated with the Austrian 
 imperial dominions, and united to them forever as an integral part. 
 
 "Animated witli the most ardent desire to confer on the inhabitants of these provincea and districts an 
 unequivocal proof of our imperial atfectlon, and the high value we set upon this union, and also to give them 
 an additional guaranty for the close ties which henceforth bind them to us, we have thought fit to create the 
 above-mentioned provinces and districts into a kingdom, by the title of the kingdom of Lombardy and 
 Venice, and have, therefore, published these presents for the purpose of making known to every one this our 
 Imperial determination. 
 
 '• [Here follow the Articles, fifteen in number. Among other provisions it appears, that the Iron Crown 
 and the Order with that Title were to be retained, that the kingdom was to be governed by a Viceroy, and 
 divided into two Governments, of which Milan and Venice should be the capitals.]" 
 
 XIII. 
 
 The treaty which Great Britain concluded with Sardinia, May 15th, 1815, : 
 defined the limits of Sardinian territory as follows : 
 
 " TREATY BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND SARDINIA, SIGNED AT VIENNA, THE 20tH 
 
 MAY, 1815. 
 
 " His Majesty the King of Sardinia, etc., etc., being restored to the full and entire possession of his Conti- 
 nental States, in the same manner as he possessed them on the 1st of January, 1792, and to the whole of them, 
 with the exception of the part of Savoy ceded to France by the treaty of Paris of the SOth May, 1S14; certain 
 changes having since been agreed upon, during the Congress of Vienna, relative to the extent and limits of 
 the said states. 
 
 "Plenipotentiaries — The Earl of Clancarty, etc.: the Sieurs Don Anthony Maria Philip Asinari, Marquis 
 de St. Marsan, etc. ; and Count Don Joachim Alexander Itossi, etc. 
 
 "Art. 1. The frontiers of the states of his inajesiy the King of Sardinia shall be, on the side of France, 
 such as they were on the l.'^t of January, 1792, with the exception of the changes effected by the treaty of 
 Paris of the SOih May, ISU. 
 
 " On the side of the llelvetic Confederation, such as they existed on the 1st of January, 1792, with the ex- 
 ception of the cliange produced by the cession, in favor of the Canton of Geneva, as specified in the 7th arti- 
 cle hereinafter inserted. 
 
 " On the side of the states of his majesty the Emperor of Austria, such as they existed on the 1st of January, 
 1792; and the Convention concluded between their majesties the Empress Maria Theresa and the King of 
 Sardinia, on the 4tli of October, 1751, shall be reciprocally confirmed in all its .stipulations. 
 
 " On the side of the states of Parma and Placentia, the frontier, as far as it concerns the ancient states of 
 the King of Sardinia, shall continue to be the same as it was on the 1st of January, 1792. 
 
 " The borders of the former state.^ of Genoa, and of the countries called Imperial Fiefs, united to the States 
 of his majesty the King of Sardinia, according to the following articles, shall be the same as those which, on 
 the 1st of January, 1792, separated tiicse countries from the states of Parma and Placentia, and fl'om those 
 of Tuscany and Massa. 
 
 " The island of Capraja having belonged to the ancient Republic of Genoa, is included in the cession of ISie 
 States of Genoa to his majesty the King of Sardinia. 
 
 "Art. 2. The states wliicli constituted the former Republic of Genoa, are united in perpetuity to those of 
 his majesty the King of Sardinia; to be, like the latter, possessed by him in full sovereignty and hereditary 
 property, and to descend, in tlie male line, in the order of jirimogeniture, to the two branches of this iiouse, 
 viz., the royal branch and the branch of Savoy Carignan. 
 
 " Art. 8. Tlie King of Sardinia shall add to his present titles that of Duke of Genoa. 
 
 "Art. 5. The countries called Imperial Fiefs, formerly united to the ancient lyigurian Republic, are defini- 
 tively united to the states of his majesty the King of Sardinia, in the same manner as the lest of the Genoese 
 States ; and the inliiihitants of these countries shall enjoy the same rights and privileges as those of the states 
 of Genoa, specified in the preceding article. 
 
 " Art. 6. The right that the powers who signed the treaty of Paris of theoOtU May, 1814, reserved to them- 
 selves, by tlie 3d article of that treaty, of fortifying such points of their states as tliey might judge proper for 
 their safety, is equally reserved, without restriction, to his maje.^ly the King ofSarilinia. 
 
 " Art. 7. ilis majesty the King of Sardinia cedes to the canton of Geneva, the district of Savoy specified in 
 the article, intituled ' B. B. Cession made by his majesty the King of Sardina to the canton of Geneva,' 
 and on the conditions specified in the same act. 
 
 " Art. 8. The provinces of Ctialilai.s and Faucigny and the whole of the territory of Savoy to the north of 
 Ugine, belonging to his majesty the King of Sardinia, shall form a part of the neutrality of Switzerland, as 
 recognized and guaranteed by all tlie powers. 
 
 " Wherever, therefore, the neighboring powers to Switzerland are in a state of open or impending hostility, 
 the troops of his niiijesty the King of Sardinia, which maybe in those provin<'es, shall retire, and may for 
 that purpose pass tlirough the Vallais , if necessary. No other armed troops of any other power shall have 
 the privilege of passing through, or remaining in tlie said territories and provinces, excepting those which 
 the Swiss Confederation shall think proper to place there; it being well understood that this state of things 
 
RETKOSPECT OF WAES AND TREATIES. 33 
 
 shall not. in any manner interrupt the administration of these countries, in which the civil agents of his ma- 
 jesty the King of Sardinia may likewise- employ the municipal guard for the preservation of good order. 
 " Art. 9. The present treaty shall foi m part of the definitive arrangements of the Conyress of Vienna. 
 " Done at Vienna, the 2uth of May, in the year of our Lord 1815. 
 
 " Signed, 
 
 L. S.] The Prince de Mettbrnich. 
 [h. S." The Marquis de St. Marsan. 
 , [h. S.' The Baron de Wessenbduo. 
 
 [L. S.J The Count Rossi." 
 
 XIV. 
 
 The following treaty, entered into by Austria, Prussia, and Russia, Sept. 26, 
 1815, and subsequently approved by the British government, forms the sub- 
 stance of that agreement between the principal allies, which has since been 
 known as the Holy Alliance, on account of the solemn religious professions 
 made by the high contracting parties : 
 
 "holt alliance treaty, SEPT. 26, 1815. 
 
 '* In the name of the Most Holy and Indivisible Trinity. 
 
 " Their majesties the Entperor of Austria, the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of Russia, having, in con- 
 sequence of the great events wliioh have marljed the course of tlie tliree last years in Europe, and especially 
 of the blessings which it lias pleased Divine Providence to shower down upon those states, which place their 
 confidence and their hope on it alone, acquired the intimate conviction of the necessity of founding the con- 
 duct to be observed by the powers in their reciprocal relations upon the sublime truths which the holy reli- 
 gion of our Saviour teaches — 
 
 " They solemnly declare that the present act has no other object than to publish in the face of the whole 
 world, their fixed resolution, both in the administration of their respective state-i, and their political relations 
 with every other government, to take for their sole guide the precepts of that holy religion ; namely, the pre- 
 cepts of justice, Christian charity, and peace, which, far from being applicable only to private concerns, must 
 have an immediate influence on the councils of princes, and guide all their steps, as being the only means of 
 consolidating human institutions, and remedying their imperfections. In consequence their majesties have 
 agreed on tiie following articles : 
 
 " Art. 1. Conformably to the words of the holy Scriptures, which command all men to consider each other 
 as brethren, the three contracting monarohs will remain united by the bonds of a true and iodissoluble fra- 
 ternity, and considering each other as fellow countrymen, they will on all occasions, and in all places, lend 
 each other aid and assistance ; and regarding themselves toward their subjects and armies as fathers of fami- 
 lies, they will lead them, in the same spirit of fraternity with which they are animated, to project religion, 
 peace, and justice. 
 
 Art. 2. In consequence, the sole principle in force, whether between the said governments or between their- 
 subjects, shall be that of doing each other reciprocal service, and of testifying by unalterable good will, the- 
 mutual affection with which they ought to be animated, to consider themselves all as members of one and the 
 same Christian nation, the three allied princes looking on themselves as merely d.;legated by providence to 
 govern three branches of the one family, namely, Austria, Prussia, and Russia ; thus confessing that the 
 Christian world, of which tliey and their people form a part, has, in reality, no other sovereign than him to 
 whom alone power really belongs, because in him alone are found all the treasures of love, science, and infi- 
 nite wisdom, that is to say, God, our divine Saviour, the Word of the Most High, the-Word of Life. Their 
 majesties consequently recommend to their people, with the most tender solicitude, as the sole means of en- 
 joying that peace which arises from a good conscience, and which alone is durable, to strengthen themselves 
 every day more and more in the principles and exercise of the duties which the divine Saviour has taught to 
 mankind. 
 
 "Art. 8. All the powers who shall choose solemnly to avow the sacred principles which have dictated 
 the present act, and shall acknowledge how important it is for the happiness of nations, too long 
 agitated, that these truths should henceforth exercise over the destinies of raankiod all the influence which 
 belongs to them, will be received with equal ardor and affection into this holy alliance. 
 
 "Done in triplicate, and signed at Paris, the year of grace, 1815, 14th (26th) September. 
 
 [h. S.l Francis. 
 
 TL. S. 
 
 Frederick William. 
 Alexander. 
 
 At a later period the governments concerned in this holy alliance, entered, 
 into a secret treaty, defining motives and ulterior objects involved. This secret 
 treaty occupies its due place in our retrospect, and furnishes a key to subse- 
 quent political changes in Italian, Hungarian, and Bohemian administration 
 under Austrian influence. A dynastic opposition to liberalism in all forms has 
 been the covert understanding between Austria, Prussia, and Russia, from the 
 signing of the Holy Alliance treaty, in 1815, throughout all encroachments and' 
 usurpations of those powers, up to the present war of Italian nationality. 
 
34 RETROSPECT OF WARS AND TREATIES. 
 
 XV. 
 
 The restoration of Austria's territory to the extent tbat she claimed before 
 Napoleon Bonaparte expelled her governors from Italy, was agreed npon with 
 Piussia, Prussia, and Great Britain, by a secret article of the Treaty of Toepletz, 
 taade between the Allies in- 1815. Consequently, the Congress of Vienna gave 
 back to Francis I. all the Italian provinces he had ceded to Napoleon by the 
 Treaty of Canipo Formio, in 1197 ; by that of Luneville, in 1801 ; Presburg, in 
 1805 ; Fontaineblean, in 1807 ; and Vienna, in 1809. These retrocessions em- 
 braced Venice, r.nd all territory between the Ticino, the Po, and the Adriatic, 
 that now constitute tlie Lombardo-Venetian Kingdom ; together with the valleys 
 of the Vattelcue, Bormio, and Chiavcnna. Belgium and former Austrian posses- 
 sions in Suabia were not restored The duchy of Modena was assigned 
 
 to Archduke Francis of Este, connected by marriage with the House of Aus- 
 tria ; and the duchy of Massa and Carara was given to Archduchess Maria 
 
 Beatrix of Este ; both duchies being reversible to the House of Austria 
 
 The grand-dnehy of Tuscany was restored to Archduke Ferdinand of Austria, 
 
 and augmented by other territory The duchy of Lucca was vested in 
 
 the Infanta Maria Louisa of Spain, and made reversible to the grand-duchy of 
 
 Tuscany The Two Sicilies went back to Ferdinand IV 
 
 Piedmont, Savoy, and the states of the former Genoese Republic, were restored-i 
 to the King of Sardinia. \ 
 
 XVI. : 
 
 The French government continued under Louis XVIIT. till 1824, when he, 
 died, and his brother, Charles X., succeeded. An aristocratic spirit was en-^ 
 couraged, and the government sought to revive the ancient dominion of king' 
 and church. In 1825, on the occasion of Lafayette's return to France, after 
 his last visit to the United States, a demonstration of welcome was made by 
 citizens of Havre, which was suppressed by military force. Jesuits began to 
 gain control of the courts and bureaux, and so many were the assumptions of 
 the government that a strong liberal party arose to oppose its encroachments. 
 A rigorous censorship of the press was one of the results. In the beginning of 
 1830, an army of 40,000 was sent to subdue Algiers, and thus the nucleus of 
 the present African Army was established. About this time, the three govern- 
 ments of France, Russia, and Great Britain united to settle the affairs of Greece, 
 and erect that struggling commonwealth into a kingdom. In July, 1880, a 
 popular revolution broke out in Paris, and in three days the Bourbon dynasty ! 
 was overthrown, and Louis Philippe, Duke of Orleans, was made Lieutenant- 
 General of the Kingdom. On the 9th August, Louis Philippe was chosen king 
 by the Chamber of Deputies, and subscribed to all liberal changes that were 
 demanded. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 Louis Philippe, " King of the French," occupied his throne during eighteen 
 years. The immediate causes of his overthrow, and the Revolution of 1848, 
 were over-taxation suffered by the people, and corrupt administration of the 
 public finances. The king's minister, M. Guizot, became unpopular, and a 
 strong republican party was formed, headed by M. Thiers and M. Odillon 
 Barrat. A series of Reform Banquets (so called) were held, which, like the 
 "clubs" of 1789, were the nuclei of disaffection toward government. These 
 banquets were suppressed through government interference, but the spirit of 
 
 il 
 
EETKOSPECT OF "WAES AND TREATIES. 35 
 
 revolatioQ had been aronsed ; and/Febrnary 23, 1848, barricades were thrown 
 up ia the streets of Paris. Tlie National Guard was called out by the minis- 
 try, but they joined the pe4)ple, and toward evening fighting commenced. 
 The king, becoming alarmed, summoned Thiers and Barrot, to form a liberal 
 ministry, and issued a proclamation promising reform ; but these measures were 
 adopted too late. Next morning, M. Emile Girardin, editor of La Prexse, a 
 Paris journal, who was a member of the Chamber of Deputies, appeared before 
 the king, and demanded his abdication. After some hesitation, Louis Philippe 
 signed a paper, resigning authority to the Count of Paris, his grandson. His 
 daughter-in-law, widow of the Due d'Orleans, presented her son to the deputies, 
 as their king, but they refused to receive him. "ll'est trop tard!" "It is too 
 late !" was their response ; and this decision banished the House of Orleans 
 from France. Louis Philippe immediately fl(jfl, with his family, and took refuge 
 in England, while a provisional government was constituted, composed of Du- 
 pont de I'Eure, Lamartine, Ledru RoUin, Arago, Gamier Pages, Marie, and 
 Cremieux. The republic was immediately proclaimed, a revolutionary army 
 enrolled, under the name of the Garde Mobile, and preparations made to 
 establish a permanent government. The Parisian multitude, mainly consisting 
 of workmen and others thrown out of employment, with ten or fifteen thousand 
 democratic refugees from other countries and the interior, demanded a repub- 
 lican war, as in 1790 ; whilst the Provisional Government, influenced by La- 
 martine, issued daily decrees, in eloquent language, proclaiming universal peace, 
 the repeal of laws inflicting death punishments, and the abolition of slavery in 
 all French colonies. Meantime, the army pronounced in favor of the republic, 
 and to sustain the bankrupt government an issue of paper money was made on 
 security of the national lands. Great social distress, however, arose from the 
 stoppage of manufactures and withdrawal of capital from trade. To remedy 
 this, the government established national workshops, and to these an army of 
 120,000 destitute men repaired each Monday morning to find employment for 
 scarcely half their numbers, and on Saturday night to draw a week's stipend from 
 government for useless labor. The vast forces of unemployed men were neither 
 vagabonds nor ruf&ans, but persons in absolute necessity, and anxious to be 
 occupied. Lamartine alluded to them, at a later day, as follows : " To work- 
 men of the hand were soon joined laborers in the liberal arts, who had also 
 exhausted their last resources ; artists, designers, compositors, employees of 
 the book-trade, clerks, men of letters, actors, men who had only handled the 
 graver, the press, or the pen, came courageously to demand at the workshops 
 a pickaxe or mattock, to dig ground in the Champ de Mars, or to labor in the 
 different timber-yards to which they were assigned. They met at morning in 
 the boulevards, in the Champs Elysees, in all quarters of the faubourgs, in small 
 detachments of from twenty to a hundred men, of all ages and costumes, march- 
 ing, preceded by a banner, and conducted to labor by a brigadier. These men 
 were sad in countenance, but at first serious and patient" During the experi- 
 ment of the workshops, a new National Assembly was elected by universal 
 suffrage, and this body endeavored to organize a permanent republican govern- 
 ment ; but a popular demonstration in Paris was followed by the military dic- 
 tatorship of General Cavaignac, and subsequently by the election of Louis 
 Napoleon Bonaparte as President of the Republic. The events that followed, 
 in France, comprising Louis Napoleon's coiop d'etat, by which he dissolved the 
 Chamber of Deputies, and his reelection for ten years as President, with 
 his final assumption of imperial title and power, are familiar to all. ^ 
 
36 RETROSPECT OF WARS AND TREATIES. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 In order to possess ourselves of a correct understanding regarding events 
 which, during a dozen years back, hare agitated Europe to greater or less 
 commotion, we may revert briefly te the Rhenish Confederation established 
 under Napoleon's protection in 1806, remarking that this organization gave 
 place to the present Germanic Confederation, and follow the central European 
 states through some phases of their history since 1815, The Confederation of 
 the Rhine was dismembered by the general alliance against Bonaparte in 1814, 
 and the Germanic Confederation was agreed upon by the following articles : 
 
 "GERMAN ACT OF CONFEDERATION. 
 
 "Art. 1. The Sovereign Princes and free cities of Germany, including their Majesties the Emperor of Aus- 
 tria and the Kings of Prussia, Denmark, and the Netherlands, namely, the Emperor of Austria and the King 
 of Prussia, for those of their possessions which formerly belonged to the German Empire, the King of Den- 
 mark for Holstein, the King of the Netherlands for the Grand I)uchy of Luxemburg, unite themselves into a 
 perpetual league, which shall be called the German Confederation. 
 
 "2. The object thereof is the maintenance of the internal and external security of Germany, and of the 
 independence -and inviolability of the different German States. 
 
 " 3. The Members of the Confederation have, as such, equal rights ; they bind themselves, all equally to 
 maintain the act of Confederation. 
 
 " 4. The affairs of the Confederation shall be managed by a general assembly, in which all the Members 
 of the Confederation shall be represented by their plenipotentiaries, who shall each have one vote either 
 severally, or as representing more than one member, as follows : 
 
 " Austria 1 vote, Prussia 1, Bavaria 1, Saxony 1, Hanover 1, Wurtemberg 1, Baden 1, Electorate of Hesse 1, 
 Grand Duchy of Hesse 1, Denmark for Holstein 1, the Netherlands for Luxemburg 1, the Grand-Ducal and 
 Ducal Saxon Houses 1, Brunswick and Nassau 1, Mecklenburg Schwerin, and Mecklenburg Strelitz 1. Hol- 
 stein Oldenbui'g, Anhalt, and Schwartzburg I, Hohenzollern, Lichtenstein, Reuss, Schaumberg Lippe, Lippc 
 and Waldeck 1, the free cities of Lubeck, Frankfort, Bremen, and Hamburgh 1 ; total IT votes. 
 
 "5. Austria has the presidency in the Diet of the Confederation; every member of the league is era- 
 powered to make propositions and bring them under discussion ; and the presiding member is bound to sub- 
 mit such propositions for deliberation within a fixed period. 
 
 "C. When these propositions relate to the abolition or alteration of the fundamental laws of the Confeder- 
 ation, or to regulations relating to the Act of Confederation itself, then the Diet forms itself into a full com- 
 mittee, when the diffsrent component members shall have the following votes proportioned to the extent of 
 their territories : 
 
 " Austria, Prussia, Saxony, Bavaria, Hanover, and Wurteraburg, four votes each ; Baden, Electorate of 
 Hesse, Grand Duchy of Hesse, Holstein, and Luxemburg, three votes each ; Brunswick, Mecklenburg- 
 Sehwerin, and Nassau, two votes each ; Saxe Weimar, and a great number of minor German Princes, with 
 the free towns, one vote each; total 69 votes. 
 
 ''7. Questions in the Diet shall be decided by a simple majority of votes, on ordinary occasions, the Presi- 
 dent to have the casting vote ; but when in full committee, the question must be decided by a majority of at 
 least three-fourths. 
 
 " 8. The Diet of the Confederation has its sitting at Frankfort-on-the-Main ; its opening is fixed for the 1st 
 of September, 1815. 
 
 " 9. The first business of the Diet, after its opening, will be the formation of the organic regulations of the 
 Confederation, in regard to its external, military, and internal relations. 
 
 " 10. Every Member of the Confederation engages to assist in protecting not only all Germany, but every 
 separate State of the league against any attack, and recipro.-ally to guarantee to each other the whole of 
 their possessions included within the Confederation. 
 
 "After war has been once declared by the Confederation, no member can enter into separate negotiations 
 with the enemy, nor conclude a separate armistice or peace. 
 
 " Although the members possess the right of alliance of every kind, yet they bind themselves to enter into 
 no treaties hostile to the security of the Confederation, or to that of any Confederate State. 
 
 "The Members of the League also bind themselves not to make war on each other under any pretext, 
 nor to decide their differences by force, but to bring them under the consideration and decision of the 
 Diet." 
 
 XIX. 
 
 The treaties of Vienna, in " settling the })eace of Europe," defined the bounds 
 of German confederated States. Their " settlement" was based on a dynastic 
 balance of power, from which, of course, the more powerful governments 
 reaped superior advantages. The dynastic adjustment was guided by tradi- 
 tions of " legitimacy " (so called) which claimed certain hereditary rights to 
 territory and sovereignty for certain reigning families. But it is known to 
 historical students that no real ancestral foundation is to be traced for any of 
 the assumptions of German or Italian princes. The " legitimate" ancient 
 mode of conferring sovereign power, in both Germany and Italy, was througli 
 
KETEOSPECT OF WARS AND TREITIES. 37 
 
 election of rulers, either by people at large, or classes of communities. From 
 generation to generation, through scores of centuries, the chiefs of those two 
 countries were allowed their authority only by voice of constituent assembUes. 
 Even in the holy Roman or German Empire, of which Austrian dominion 
 is a continuation, the monarchs were all created by the suffrages of indepen- 
 dent minor chieftains. Albert of Hapsburg, the first Austrian emperor of Ger- 
 many, was thus elevated to his dignity, and the hereditary succession was only 
 estalDlished by military conquest and the law of force. In a similar manner, 
 the Pope of Eome has always been elected by votes of the College of Cardi- 
 nals ; and all the dukedoms, principalities, and other sovereignties of Italy 
 vrere preceded by and founded upon republican states, whereof government 
 was usurped through success in arms or diplomacy. The kings of Poland, of 
 Sweden, of Holland, of France, of Saxony ; the chiefs of Malta, of Rhodes, of 
 the Grecian Isles, were elective during the middle ages, as well as at periods 
 before. Either from elected sovereigns or usurpers all the " legitimacy" of pres- 
 ent dynasties must trace descent. Hence, though the French Revolution 
 overturned thrones, and dismembered territories, it invaded no actual legiti- 
 mate rights of regal succession, because such -rights had no real foundation. 
 When, therefore, by the settlement of Europe, its map was revised, and go- 
 vernments reconstructed, the allied powers sought only to balance their power, 
 by getting each as much sovereignty and possession as it could claim from the 
 weakness or iguorance of the rest. Such was the result of the famous treaties 
 of Vienna, which re-divided and portioned Europe according to the agreement 
 of a dozen plenipotentiaries. 
 
 XX. 
 
 The Germanic Confederation consisted of thirty-eight states, as follows : 1, 
 Austria (by virtue of her German States) ; 2, Prussia ; 3, Bavaria ; 4, Sax- 
 ony ; 5, Hanover ; 6, Wurtemburg ; 1, Baden ; 8, Hesse-Cassel ; 9, Hesse- 
 Darmstadt ; 10, Denmark (which casts a vote through her German provinces, 
 Holstein and Lauenburg) ; 11, The Netherlands (which appears through her 
 possession of Luxemburg) ; 12, Mecklenburg-Schwerin ; 13, Nassau ; 14, Saxe- 
 Weimar ; 15, Saxe-Coburg-Gotha ; 16, Saxe-Meiningen ; 17, Saxe-Altenburg ; 
 18, Brunswick ; 19, Meckleuburg-Strelitz ; 20, Holstein-Oldenberg ; 21, Anhalt- 
 Dessau ; 22, Anhalt-Bernburg ; 23, Anhalt-Coethen ; 24, Schwartzberg-Rudol- 
 stadt ; 26, HohenzoUern-Hechingen ; 27, Lichtenstein ; 28, Hohenzollern- 
 Sigmaringen ; 29, Waldeck ; 30, Reuss (elder branch) ; 31, Reuss (younger 
 branch) ; 32, Schomberg-Lippe ; 33, Lippe-Detmold ; 34, Hesse-Homburg ; 35, 
 Lubeck ; 36, Frankfort-on-the-Maine ; 37, Bremen ; 38, Hamburg — the four 
 last being free cities. Some modifications of the original confederation have 
 since been made, but the basis of union is the same now as in 1815. Austria 
 presides in an annual Diet, or meeting of representatives of the various states, 
 and three or four larger powers of Germany decide by the preponderance of 
 votes all questions deliberated upon. The objects of the German Confederation 
 are mutual protection and defence in time of war, and adjustment of political 
 difficulties in peace. After the peace of Paris, in 1814, the German States 
 regained most of their sequestrated territory from French domination, and 
 remained comparatively undisturbed till 1830, when the French Revolution, 
 which removed Charles X., caused some revulsions beyond the Rhine, resulting, 
 however, in no permanent political change beyond a revolution in the Nether- 
 lands, and erection of the separate kingdom of Belgium. The German confede- 
 rated States are bound by articles of various treaties made in 1814-15, to 
 
38 EETKOSPECT OF WARS AND TREATIES. 
 
 assist each other against any foreign enemy, not a Germanic power, that in- 
 vades German territory. If the actual German dominions of Austria be 
 threatened by France, the German Diet must call out the military contingents 
 of all its members, but while the war is confined to Italian soil, which, though 
 held by Austria, is not actual German territory, the Confederation is not bound 
 to interfere for Austria's assistance. 
 
 xxi. 
 
 It will be recollected that when Napoleon first led bis armies against Rus- 
 sia, it was with the general understanding that, in event of triumph, he would 
 reconstruct the nationality of Poland, which had been destroyed by the three 
 powers of Russia, Prussia, and Austria. At the peace of Tilsit he, doubtless, 
 might have accomplished this, but contented himself with erecting Prussian 
 Poland, joined to other territory, into a state called the Duchy of Warsaw, 
 under rule of the King of Saxony. Before the partition of Poland in 1173, 
 that nation was an extensive republic, and had previously elected its kings. 
 By the partition, 84,000 square miles of territory were divided between the 
 three plundering powers — Austria receiving 27,000 square miles, comprising 
 her present Gallician frontier ; Prussia getting all Polish Prussia, to the ex- 
 tent of 13,375 square miles ; and Russia taking the lion's share, of Livonia 
 
 and other palatinates, amounting to 42,000 square miles The 
 
 bulk of territory left to the unfortunate republic was sequestrated by a second 
 partition in 1793, by which Russia obtained 96,500 square miles, with 3,000,000 
 inhabitants ; and Prussia, 22,500 square miles, with 1,136,000 inhabitants. 
 The remnant of a Polish republic remained in Russian military possession till 
 
 1794, when Kosciusko and his fellow-patriots revolted, and proclaimed War- 
 saw, Cracow, Wilna, and other districts independent. Then came the short 
 but glorious struggle of the Poles for their liberty, which, being unsuccessful, 
 was followed by a third partition of the unhappy country. In October, 1795, 
 the remaining country was divided, Russia taking 43,000 square miles, Prussia 
 21,000, and Austria 17,600, with more than 3,000,000 inhabitants between 
 them. Thus, the three great powers not only destroyed a nationality, but 
 were robbers, in all, to the amount of 282,000 square miles of land, thereby 
 subjecting to monarchy more than twelve million people who had constituted 
 a republican nation. 
 
 XXII. 
 
 The atrocious dismemberment of Poland was one of the direct outrages of 
 despotism which evoked the spirit that became incarnated in French Revolu- 
 tion. The political writers of France seized upon the theme as a text for 
 philippics against royalty, and public opinion everywhere, as far as it then could 
 manifest itself, became excited upon the subject. The two great monarchical 
 governments of Great Britain and France remained inactive, and saw the 
 iniquity commenced, in 1773, without a protest ; but the French Republic of 
 
 1795, which had arisen previous to the third partition, afterward became a 
 scourge for Russia, Austria, and Prussia. Napoleon Bonaparte declared iiis 
 expeditions against Russia to be " Polish Wars," but from his first conquest, 
 to his Moscow defeat, the nationality of Poland was made but a cat's paw to 
 draw out republican sympathies, and the betrayed country remained in 1815, as 
 
 in 1795, sequestrated between Russia, Prussia, and Austria At the 
 
 Congress of Vienna, the British plenipotentiary endeavored to effect a rein- 
 statement of Poland in her just rights, but was unsuccessful ; and the follow- 
 
 I! 
 
EETEOSPECT OF WAKS AJ!SI> TREATIES. 39 
 
 ing articles, freely translated from Wheatou's notes, fixed the fate of that 
 nation : 
 
 "Art. 1. The Duchy of Warsaw, with the exception of the provinces and districts otherwise disposed 
 under the following articles, is reunited to the Russian Empire. It shall be irrevocably, by its constitution, 
 possessed by his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, his heirs and successors in perpetuity. His majesty 
 reserves to himself the enjoyment of a distinct administration, and interior extension, as he shall judge con- 
 venient. He will take, with his other titles, that of Czar, King of Poland, agreeably to the protocol used and 
 set apart for the titles attached to his other possessions. Polish subjects, of Russia, Austria, and Prussia 
 respectively, shall obtain such a representation and natio7inl insiitutimi-s, regulated in accordance with the 
 political system of each of the governments, as shall be deemed proper to accord them. 
 
 " Art. 6. The town of Cracow, with its territory, is decla.Ted perpeiualli/ an independent//'ee citi/, strictly 
 neutral, under protection of Russia, Austria, and Poland, 
 
 " Art. 9. The courts of Russia, Austria, and Prussia engage to respect, and cause to be respected, forever, 
 the neutrality of the free city of Cracow and its territory, ^^o arnmd furce shall ever be introduced therein 
 under any pretence whatsoever. In return, it is understood, and expressly stipulated, that no asylum or 
 protection in the territory of Cracow, shall ever be accorded to runaways, deserters, or fugitives from law, 
 belonging to the country of either of the high powers aforesaid, and that, under a demand for extradition from 
 competent authorities, such individuals shall be arrested and given up without delay, under good escort, 
 to guards charged to receive them on the frontier." 
 
 A constitutional charter was granted by Alexander to the new kingdom of 
 Poland, on the 15ih November, 1815, by provisions of which the Russian em- 
 peror was to be its sovereign, and crowned in Warsaw, and was to take an oath 
 to observe the charter. Tiie Polish nation was to have a perpetual represen- 
 tation composed of tiie king and a diet, in which body the legislative power, 
 including that of taxation, was to be vested. A distinct military organization, 
 coinage, and distinctions were to be preserved to this Polish kingdom, united 
 with the Russian Empire. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 In 1830, following the example of the French and Belgians, Polish patriots 
 attempted a revolution against Rnssia, which awakened sympathy throughout 
 the world, but was unsuccessful ; and in 1832, the Emperor Nicholas estab- 
 lished an organic statute for the kingdom of Poland, by which it was declared 
 to be perpetually incorporated with Russia, the Polish diet being abolished, and 
 a governor-general placed over the country. By this proceeding on the part 
 of Russia, the Treaty of Vienn^a was violated by a power that had been a 
 party to it. Russia's breach of faith was followed by that of Austria, in 1836, 
 when that government sent troops to the Free City of Cracow, which composed 
 an independent state, as provided by treaty, of 51,000 square miles, and a 
 population of 110,000, on the Vistula. Cracow's representative government was 
 considered dangerous in Austrian neighborhood, and was therefore subverted, 
 and the Free City became, like Warsaw, a sacrifice to despotism, in direct con- 
 travention of the Vienna treaties. The British Government protested against 
 these violations of charters ; but as it declined to adopt hostile proceedings in 
 order to compel a respect for treaties, the royal continental spoilers remained 
 
 in possession of their new plunder Poland has since been the Niobe 
 
 of Europe, her tears shed through exiles on every soil, her complaints made to 
 every people, and her fate remembered as a heavy debt to be sometime settled, 
 with Russia, Austria, and Prussia. Her final destruction exhibits but one of 
 the broken pledges of those powers whose representatives " settled the peace 
 of Europe," in 1815. The constitutions of Warsaw and of Cracow were, with- 
 out doubt, annihilated in accordance with those secret articles of agreement 
 entered into, the 22d November, 1822, and appended, as before mentioned, to 
 the Holy Alliance treaty, of 1815. By these secret articles, the real objects of 
 the Alliance were defined to be the destruction of representative govern- 
 ment, and the suppression of the liberty of the press in all Europe. The pro- 
 visions of tliis infamous league of mouarchs against the people, are as follows : 
 
40 BETEOSPECT OF WAKS AND TREATIES. 
 
 " SECRET TREATY OF VERONA. 
 
 " The undersigned, specially authorized to make some additions to The Treaty of the Holy Alliance, after 
 having exchanged their respective credentials, have agreed as follows : 
 
 "Art. 1. The high contracting powers, being convinced that the system of repretentative government is 
 equally as itwompniihli: witli the monarchical principle as the maxim of the sovereignty of the people with 
 the divine right, engage mutually, in the most solemn manner, to use all their efforts to put an end to the 
 system of rep lesentii five government, in whatever country it may exist in Europe, and to prevent its being 
 introduced in those countries where it is not yet known. 
 
 " Art. 2. As it cannot be doubted that the liberty of the press is the most powerful means used by the pre- 
 tended supporters of the rights of nations, to the detriment of those of princes, the high contracting parties 
 promise reciprocally to adopt all proper measures to suppress it, not only in their own states, but also in the 
 rest of Europe. 
 
 " Art. 3. Convinced that the principles of religion contribute most powerfully to keep nations in the state 
 of passive obedience which they owe to their princes, the high contracting parties declare it to be their inten- 
 tion to sustain, in their respective states, those measures which the clergy may adopt, with the aim of 
 ameliorating their own interests, so intimately connected with the preservation of the authority of princes; 
 and the contracting powers join in offering their thanks to the Pope, for what he has already done for them, 
 and solicit his constant cooperation in their views of subverting the nations. 
 
 "Art. 4. The situation of Spain and Portugal unite unhappily all the circumstances to which this treaty 
 has particularly reference. The high contracting parties, in confiding to France tlie care of putting an end i 
 to them, engage to assist her in the manner which may the least compromit them with their own people and '* 
 the people of France, by means of a subsidy on the part of the two empires, of twenty millions of franca 
 every year, from the date of tlie signature of this treaty to the end of the war. 
 
 " Art. 5. In order to establish in the Peninsula the order of things which existed before the revolution of 
 Cadiz, and to insure the entire execution of the articles of the present treaty, the high contracting parties 
 give to each other the reciprocal assurance, that as long as their views are not fulfilled, rejecting all other 
 ideas of utility, or other measures to be taken, they will address themselves with the shortest possible delay, 
 to all the authorities existing in tlveir states and to all their agents in foreign countries, with the view to es- 
 tablish connections tending toward the accomplishment of the oljjects proposed by this treaty. 
 
 " Art. 6. This treaty shall be renewed with such changes as new circumstances may give occasion for, 
 either at a new Congress, or at the court of one of the contracting parties, as soon as the wAr with §pain 
 shall be terminated. 
 
 " Art. 7. The present treaty shall be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged at Paris within the space of 
 «ix months. 
 
 " Made at Yerona, the 22d Nov. 1822. 
 
 (Signed) " For Austria, Metternioh; 
 
 " France, CuATEADBRI.iND J 
 
 " PniA.sia, Bbrnstet ; 
 " Russia, Nkssslrode." 
 
 xxrv. 
 
 I shall now glance at the Danubian Valley, in order to show the relations 
 which Russia bears to the principalities of Moldavia, Wallachia, Bulgaria, 
 Servia, and other extensive districts lying between the sovereignties of Russia, 
 Austria, and Turkey, and claimed by turns to belong to each. The country 
 comprised in those principalities is blessed by temperate climate and fruitful 
 soil, and was anciently traversed by the land commerce of all the world ex- 
 changing between Europe and the East. Under tlie Roman Emperor Trajan, 
 it was the seat of flourishiog communities ; aud under Charlemagne, the Dan- 
 ubian Valley became a great thoroughfare between Constantinople and Paris. 
 It is now, in many parts, a wilderness, only semi-civilized anywhere, and 
 mamtaining feudalism and servitude as in the dark ages. The nobles, or hoy- 
 ards, are wealthy and luxurious ; the peasantry, oppressed aud ignorant. Vio- 
 lence, anarchy, misrule, despotism, have changed the face of nature in this 
 beautiful valley of the Danube, till it has become an abode more fit for beasts 
 than for men. But Russian diplomacy has seen in the character of the inhab- 
 itants its proper material for a subject population, and Russian ambition has 
 for centuries disputed with Turkey the possession of these Principalities, as an 
 assurance that Constantinople itself must afterward succumb. If a general ' 
 war shall now convulse Europe, we may look for a bold push on the part of 
 ■the Czar to appropriate, at the least, a share of the Danubian Valley. In 
 order, therefore, to comprehend the present legitimate possession of the Prin- 
 cipalities, it may be well to consult a few articles of the Treaty of Adrianople, 
 in 1820, between Russia and the Ottoman Empire : 
 
KETROSPECT OF WARS AND TREATIES. 41 
 
 TREATY OF PEACE BETWEEN RUSSIA AND TURKEY. SIGNED AT ADRIANOPLE, 
 SEPTEMBER 14, 1829. 
 
 " In the name of God Almighty. 
 
 " His imperial majesty, the most high and most mighty emperor and autocrat of all the Russias, and his 
 
 highness the most high aiui most mighty emperor of the Ottomans, animated with an equal desire to put an 
 
 end to the calamities of war, and to establish, on a solid and immutable basis, peace, friendship, and good 
 
 harmony between their empires, have resolred, with a common accord, to intrust this salutary work to," etc. 
 
 [Here follow the names and titles of the different plenipotentiaries on both sides.] 
 
 " Art. I. All enmity and all differences which have subsisted hitherto between the two empires shall cease 
 from this day, as well on land as on sea, and there shall be in perpetuity peace, friendship, and good intelli- 
 gence, between his majesty the emperor and padishah of all the Russias, and his higiuiess the padishah of the 
 Ottomans, their heirs and successors to the throne, as well as between their respective empires. The two 
 high contracting parties will devote their particular attention to prevent all that might cause misunderstand- 
 ings to revive between their respective subjects. They will scrupulously fulfill all the conditions of the present 
 treaty of peace, and will watch, at the same time, lest it should be infringed in any manner, directly or indi- 
 rectly. 
 
 "Art. II. His majesty the emperor and padishah of all the Russias, wishing to give to his highness the 
 emperor and padishah of the Ottomans a pledge of the sincerity of his friendly disposition, restores to the 
 Sublime Porte the principality of Moldavia, with all the boundaries which it had before the commencement 
 of the war to which this present treaty has put an end. 
 
 " His imperial majesty also restores the principality of Wallachia, the Banat of Crayova, Bulgaria, and 
 the country of Dobridge. from the Danube as far as the sea, together with Silistria, Hirsova, Matzia, Isakiya, 
 Toulza, Babadag, Bazardjik, Varca, Pravedy, and the other towns, burghs, and villages, which it contains, 
 the whole extent of the B.ilkan. from Emine Bouroun as far as Kazan, and all the country from the Balkans 
 as far as the sea with Sliminea, Jomboli, Aidos, Karnabat, Missanovica, Akhioly, Bourgas, Sizopolis 
 Kirkkilissi, the city of Adrianople, Lule Bourgas, and all the towns, burghs, and villages, and in general all 
 places which the Russian truops have occupied in Roumelia. 
 
 " Art. III. The Pruth shall continue to form the limit of the two empires, from the point where the river 
 touches the territory c.f Moldavia to its junction with the Danube ; from that spot the frontier line will follow 
 the course of the Danube as far as the mouth of the St. George, so that leaving all the islands formed by the 
 different arms of that river, in possession of Russia, the right bank shad remain, as formerly, in the posses- 
 sion of the Ottoman Porte. Nevertheless, it is agreed that this right bank shall reiuain uninhabited from the 
 point where the arm of St. George separates itself from that of the Souline, to a distance of two hours from 
 the river, and that no establishment of any kind shall be formed there, any more than on the islands which 
 shall remain in possession of the court of Russia, where, with the exception of the quarantines which may 
 be established there, it shall not be allowed to make any other establishment or fortification. The merchant 
 vessels of the powers shall have the liberty of navigating the Danube in all its course ; and those which bear 
 the Ouoman flag shall have free entrance into the mouth of the Keli and Souline, that of St. George remain- 
 ing common to the ships ot war and merchant vessels of the two contracting powers. But the Russian ships 
 of war, when ascending the Danube, shall not go beyond the point of its junction with the Pruth. 
 
 " Art. IV. Georgia, Imeritia, Mingrela, and several other provinces of the Caucasus, having been for 
 many years and in perpetuity united to the empire of Russia, and that empire having besides, by the treaty 
 concluded with Persia, at Tourkmantchai, on the 10th of February, 1S2S, acquired the Khanats of Erivan 
 and of Naktchivan, the two high contracting powers have recognized the necessity of establishing between 
 their respective states, on the whole of that line, a well determined frontier, capable of preventing all future 
 discussion. They have equally taken into consideration the proper means to opjjose insurmountable obsta- 
 cles to the incursions and depredations which the neighboring tribes hitherto committed, and which have so 
 often compromised the relatinns of friendship and good feeling between the two empires; consequently it has 
 been agreed upon, to consider, henceforward, as the frontiers between the territories of the imperial court of 
 Russia, and those of the .-ublime Ottoman Porte in Asia, the line which, following the present limit of the 
 Gouriel from the Black Sea, ascends as far as the border of Imeritia, and from thence, in the straightest di- 
 rection, as far as the point where the frontiers of the Pachaliks of Akhallzik and of Kars meet those of 
 Georgia, leaving in this manner to the north of, and within that line, the town of Akhaltzik and the fort of 
 Khallnalick, at a distance of not less than two hours. 
 
 " All the countries situate to the south and west of this line of demarkation towards the Pachaliks of Kars 
 and Trebisond, together with the major part of the Pachalik of Akhaltaik shall reuiain in perpetuity under 
 the domination of the Sublime Porte, whilst those which are situated to the north and east of the said line 
 toward Georgia, Imeritia, and the Gouriel, as well as all the littoral of the Black Sea, from the mouth of the 
 Kouben, as far as the port of St. Nicholas inclusively under the domination of the Emperor of Russia. In 
 consequence, the imperial court of Russia gives up and restores to the Sublime Porte the remainder of the 
 Pachalik of Akhaltzik, the town and the Pachalik of Kars, the town and Pachalik of Bayazid, the town and 
 Pachalik of Erzeroum, as well as all the places occupied by the Russian troops, and which may be out of the 
 above mentioned line, 
 
 '• In virtue," etc. (Signed) " Count Aiexis Orlip. 
 
 Count J. Phalen. 
 (Signed) Diebitsch Zabalkanskt." 
 
 X. 
 
 The Freach Revolution of 1830, resulting in the expulsion of Charles X. 
 and election of Louis Philippe, was the signal for disturbances in various parts 
 of Europe. AVithin six months afterward, a Spanish insurrection took place, 
 but was suppressed ; the Belgians revolted against Holland, and achieved their 
 independence ; the Poles made a bold but fruitless effort for liberty ; all the 
 German States bordering on the Rhine were convulsed ; the King of Saxony 
 fled from his capital ; the Duke of Brunswick was driven from his government, 
 his palace being fired by the populace ; and even in Denmark, and in Austria, 
 
42 KETROSPECT OF WARS AND TREATIES. 
 
 manifestations of revolutiou alarmed the reigning moaarcbs Italy, since 
 
 1815, had been suffering under various oppressions. Even Sardinia, her most 
 liberal state, Inid relapsed into ultra-monarchical usages. By a decree issued 
 in December, 1817, the King of Sardinia reestablished feudal tenures and 
 primogenitive rights, as they existed previous to the French Revolution ; in 
 order, as the declaration ran, to "maintain in the class which by its peculiar 
 institution stands nearest to the throne, and whose especial duty it is to watch 
 over its defence, that lustre and inheritance of glory which form its noblest 
 prerogative." Such retrogressions as this awoke popular agitation at different 
 periods between 1815 and 1825. The military power of Austria was exerted 
 repeatedly to prevent a universal rising. That Austrian power, always irk- 
 some to Italians, had not relaxed in severity since its restoration by Vienna 
 Treaties. It was forced, more than once, during a series of years, to measure 
 itself against patriotic outbreaks ; and, even before 1830, two revolutionary 
 movements, at two extremities of the peninsula, almost re-nationalized Italians 
 in spite of oppression. Those movements ended without bloodshed or violence, 
 because a hereditary prince was wise enough to place himself in advance of 
 each ; but both were fruitless in respect to securing any real freedom. The 
 experiment of trusting their cause to royal revolutionists, sufficed only to satisfy 
 the Italian people of their folly. Italy remained, as before, the domain of 
 princes, but not the home for patriots. The yoke of Hapsl)nrg and the Bour- 
 bons (as well as that of Papal power, half shaken off in 1830), grew heavier 
 to bear during the second quarter of our century than were ail the burdens 
 imposed by the wars and ambition of Bonaparte in the first quarter. The 
 French conqueror elevated even while he enchained ; he liberalized, educated, 
 and strengthened Italy, even while he imposed his dynasties on her states. 
 Austria, on the other hand, in enslaving the country, degraded its people under 
 petty tyrannies, and weakened their mental and physical resources, by coupling 
 ignorance with bondage. Her police^ her censorships, her proscrii)tions, and 
 confiscations, kept down the Italian mind, while they oppressed the body politic, 
 till at lengtli, on the accession of Pius IX. to the popedom, the first liberalizing 
 measures of that pontiff aroused a spirit of nationality throughout all Italy. la 
 1847, disturbances occurred in Tuscany, Lucca, Messina, Milan, and other points 
 of the peninsula. Pius IX. appeared to Italian patriots the destined deliverer 
 of their country, and his progressive reforms of ancient abuses enlisted sym- 
 pathy and admiration in every civilized country. In November, 1847, a de- 
 monstration in favor of the new ideas was made in Naples, which was suppressed, 
 after bloodshed, by the government. Throughout the Lombardo- Venetian 
 Kingdom agitation continued to increase, and the people petitioned Austria for 
 liberal changes in administration. Austria replied by pouring new forces into 
 
 her Italian provinces The year 1848 opened with a revolution 
 
 in the Neapolitan Kingdom ; a grant to Palermo and Sicily of the Constitution 
 of 1812 ; tlie erection of a constitutional government in Tuscany ; a proclama- 
 tion of liberal ideas by the Sardinian king, and outbreaks throughout all Aus- 
 trian Italy. Tiiese proceedings were followed by the establishment of demo- 
 cratic institutions in Naples, the king declaring himself dependent upon his 
 people. Other popular insurrections followed, in rapid succession. Charles 
 Albert, King of Sardinia, then placed himself at the head of revolution, aud 
 proclaimed Italian nationality. He crossed the Ticino at the head of 100,000 
 patriots, drove the Austrians from Lombardy aud Venetia, and declared Italy 
 
 independent But monarchical reaction speedily took place, and 
 
 Austrian power gathered itself to check the advance of democratic ideas. The 
 
EETKOSPECT OF "WAES AND TEEATIES. 43 
 
 Ring of Naples, after having yielded reforms with solemn pledges to his peo- 
 [Je, was the first sovereign to commit an act of treachery. After having ob- 
 tained, by his professions of liberalism, the disarming of the Civic Guard, he 
 armed the beggars and brigands of Naples, and gave up her patriotic citizens 
 to violence and plunder. An army of lazzaroni, infuriated by drink and bribes, 
 rose at his instigation, and reestablished royal power, after a general pillage 
 and massacre of the people. The triumph of Ferdinand at Naples was suc- 
 ceeded by an irruption of Austrian troops on emancipated Lorabardy. General 
 Radetzky, at the head of a powerful army, encountered Charles Albert at 
 NovARA, March 23, 1849, dispersed the Italian army, and reorganized Austrian 
 government in Milan. Charles Albert then resigned his crown to his son, the 
 
 i present King of Sardinia Rome, under her reforming Pope Pius, 
 
 had likewise experienced mischances. The pontiff, after granting various 
 reforms to his people, grew uneasy at the spread of revolution, and attempted 
 to nullify his liberal action. Roman patriotism became alarmed, and the 
 Pope's prime minister, Rossi, was murdered. The Pope himself abandoned the 
 capital, to take shelter at Gaeta, under protection of the Neapolitan king. 
 Rome was at once declared a republic, and a provisional government organized, 
 with Mazzini, Avezzani, and Garribaldi at the head of affairs, as Triumvirate. The 
 Pope, on his part, issued an appeal for aid to all Catholic powers, and the 
 French Government responded by advancing an army over the borders toward 
 Rome. An investment of that city by the French intervention-troops, under 
 Oudinot, shortly followed ; and on July 30, 1849, the Roman Republic fell, 
 
 after a gallant defence against superior numbers and arras The reaction 
 
 of Despotism was completed by the capture of Brescia and Genoa, by Generals 
 Haynau and Marmora, and the reduction of Venice ; and, after an arduous 
 siege, Sardinia was forced to make terms, and Italy remained, as before, in the 
 hands of her oppressors, the Bourbons and Hapsburgs. 
 
 XXV. 
 
 Meantime, after abortive struggles in 1830, the German States proper re- 
 lapsed into toleration of their confederated system, under lead of Austria and 
 Prussia ; and thus continued till the startling movements of 1848 were parti- 
 cipated in throughout all the German land. Bavaria was first to proclaim a 
 free press and progressive representation ; Schleswig-Holstein revolted from 
 Danish government ; Bohemian deputies met, and framed a liberal constitution ; 
 Hungary demanded and obtained from Austria an independent constitution ; 
 and a parliament of German States convened at Frankfort, to take measures 
 for reorganization and a German national unity, with free institutions. 
 The people rose in Dresden, Baden, Dusseldorf, Breslau, and other places. 
 The Austrian imperial dynasty was driven from Vienna, and the people of Ber- 
 lin raised barricades and forced their king to agree to a constitution, aad 
 accept the tri-color as an emblem of popular sovereignty. For several months, 
 Germany thrilled with the excitement of recovered indepeudeuce, and the 
 Frankfort Parliament was recognized as a national head. Ferdinand of Austria 
 abdicated in favor of his nephew. Louis Kossuth and Count Bathiauy revo- 
 lutioaizaJ Ilaugary, and made head against Jellachich, the governor of 
 
 Croatia, who had raised an army in favor of the emperor The 
 
 reaction then commenced. Vienna was assaulted and taken by an imperial 
 force under Gen. Windischgratz, and the prince Francis Joseph was declared 
 emperor ; the Prussian king broke faith with his people, and placed Berlin 
 under martial law ; the Frankfort parliament was dispersed and some of its 
 
44: OBJECTS OF A DYNASTIC WAR. 
 
 members shot ; and finally, republican manifestations were suppressed evcr\ft*'' 
 
 where but in Hungary. In that country, a gallant resistance was maintaine 
 three months longer by the influence of enthusiastic leaders, Kossuth, Dec 
 binski, Bern, Klapka, and Gcorgey, till the last-mentioned general, receivin 
 the supreme command, surrendered 30,000 men to a Russian general. Th 
 consequence of this treachery was the suppression of the Hungarian revolutioi; 
 and the total overthrow of the popular cause throughout Europe. The dynas 
 tic reaction continued, and rolled back upon republican France, preparing he 
 for events which followed rapidly, till the imperial coronation of Louis Napo 
 leon, in 1850, put a final period to the hopes and dreams of republican unity ii 
 Europe. From that time to the present, Germany has remained quiet, anc 
 France grown accustomed to the rule of Napoleon III., until he now leads her 
 in the paths of Napoleon I. through Italy. 
 
 bio: 
 
 OBJECTS OF A DYNASTIC WAR. 
 
 sly 
 eco' 
 life 
 )n 
 «r 
 !rit 
 is] 
 k 
 
 ei 
 hi 
 
 ist 
 
 Men talk variously concerning the anticipated drama, and of that leading 
 character of its expected scenes, whose temples wear the bloody diadem of 
 imperial France ; for, as yet, both old and new countries are in doubt regard- 
 ing the policy of Napoleon III. It is not sufficient that, as mere spectators of 
 a ten years' political panorama, we survey the fortunes of this monarch since 
 1848, nor that we recall his earlier escapades at Strasbourg and Boulogne; that 
 we remember the misgivings of patriots which counselled his ostracism from 
 the Republic under Lamartine ; that we recollect how, through reaction of im- 
 perial traditions, he was returned as a deputy to the National Assembly ; or 
 that, finally, we reflect upou the Bouapartist sentiment which elevated him to 
 the French Presidency — a sentiment which pre-supposed a committal of the 
 candidate's sentiments to hostility against the English government. If we 
 trace his tortuous policy, step by step, in climbing from obscurity to imperial 
 eminence, we behold him always enveloped in a fog of deception, that, like 
 the cloudy robe of a sorcerer during incantation, waxes darker with each new 
 spell, more cunningly concealing the secret machinery. By his famous covp 
 d'etat, a stroke of mingled treachery and boldness, he achieved the same position 
 that his uncle reached through similar means. By the terrorism of his African 
 generals he paralyzed the national councils of 1850, as Napoleon I. bad para- 
 lyzed those of 1795 by the armed partisanship of his brother Lucien. While 
 he broke the oaths sworn on the Republic's altar, he again mimicked his uncle 
 by crowning himself an emperor ; and yet we find him oblivious, almost 
 instantly of the souvenirs of Waterloo, and becoming an ally of England in a 
 Quixotic war to uphold the sham of Turkish nationality. The nephew, and 
 avowed representative of that Bonaparte whose very existence the continental 
 and island sovereigns had declared forfeited in their proclamation of March 
 14, 1815 ; the successor of that Titan who died chained to a rock, gnawed to 
 the last by the vulture of British persecution — hastened to fraternize with the 
 ancient enemy, who had humbled France at Waterloo, and dictated her des- 
 
 i« 
 
OBJECTS OF A DYNASTIC "WAK. 45 
 
 oy within the walls of Paris. Forgetful, apparently, that he owed his first 
 ivancement under the republic to a carefully-encouraged popular belief in his 
 esire and ability to carry out his uncle's schemes against England, this arch- 
 4plomatist became the friend of " perfidious Albion," and squire of dames to 
 lUgland's queen and court. 
 
 II. 
 
 But apparent fraternization of France with England, remained, after all, 
 aly apparent ! On the one hand was a government bound by every national 
 ^collection to oppose its island rival ; on the other were classes and comma- 
 ities imbued with an ancestral jealousy regarding continental encroachments. 
 'Q the French side, the prestige of Lamartine had waned from the hour when 
 '3 rebuked the drapeaux rouges of a war with England ; on the side of Great 
 ritain were heard the warnings of Wellington against French intrigue, and 
 s prediction of disastrous consequences to follow faith in Louis Napoleon, 
 /"ith these lights of history to direct us in contemplating an alliance that 
 ade the two governments so apparently fraternal, we might, perhaps, disco- 
 3r beneath the surface of affairs some concealed machinery to account for 
 any strange problems of a mighty dynastic game of chess. It is known to 
 storic students that in the line of policy inaugurated by Napoleon I., no 
 deral relations with Great Britain could ever find a place. The random diplo- 
 acy with which the astute Corstcan often chose to cover his more deeply- 
 editated schemes, did, more than once, it is true, ostensibly lean towards a 
 dtivation of British friendship; but no analytic historian has maintained that 
 1 alliance with England was ever an ulterior or serious design of Bonaparte, 
 ontemporaneous facts, on the other hand, testify that he, on many occasions, 
 >ught a permanent confederacy with Kussia — that he was at one time on the 
 )int of effecting an offensive and defensive alliance with Alexander ; that he 
 •ught to unite himself in marriage with that emperor's sister, even though the 
 ep involved a profession of the Greek faith ; in fine, that his far-reaching 
 )licy demarked the map of Europe into two absolute dynastic divisions, one 
 » be possessed by his own family, the other to be ruled by the Czar. On one 
 md was to be dynastic Russia, dominating the Dauubian principalities, 
 resting Indian dominion from Great Britain, and spi'eadiug her vast sover- 
 gnty from the Volga and Bosphorus to the Chinese seas; on the other, dynastic 
 RANGE, absorbing all German nationalities as far as the line which marked 
 clavonic races, gallici/ing Spain, Portugal, and the Italian peninsula, and 
 )nsolidating French dominion from the Adriatic to the Zuyder Zee. 
 
 III. 
 
 Had the peace of Tilsit been succeeded by such harmonious results as the 
 Bfectionate interview of the two emperors at first prognosticated — had the 
 zar's confidence in Napoleon's integrity equalled his admiration of the Corsi- 
 m's brilliant military qualities, there is no reason to doubt that a course of 
 olicy would have followed the " treaty of the raft" which might have actualized 
 le shadowy chart of continental sequestration then dimly outlined in Napo- 
 ion's master-brain. Nations would have been redistricted from the Khine 
 nd Po to the Ganges and Yellow Sea. The old world would have been par- 
 tioned between Gaul and Muscovite, as it had formerly been divided when 
 lyzantiam and Rome were capitals of Eastern and Western Caesars. There 
 'as to be, in effect, a new Roman world for the two modern Caisars, frontiered 
 
46 OBJECTS OF A DYNASTIC WAE. 
 
 much as iti the ancient time. Napoleon of France and Alexander of Russi 
 were to rccMiact the roles of Constantine and Constantius — the first at Stan 
 boul or St. Petersburg, the second at Paris or the Tiber's banks — reviving fc 
 their respective djMiasties an empire of the East and an empire of the West. I 
 was a magnificieutly aggressive and unscrupulous scheme ; but one which, w 
 are constrained to believe, was ardently contemplated by the First Napoleoi 
 That Napoleon III. is a disciple of his ambitious uncle in the school of whic 
 Talleyrand was a diplomatic expert, is apparent in nothing more than thif 
 that he has thus fur skillfully veiled his own sympathy with the half-wrough 
 purposes of him who called himself " the man of destiny." " Words," said th' 
 time-serving Prince of Beneveuto, " arc intended to conceal thoughts ;" and n( 
 one has profited by the maxim to a greater extent than the present Empero 
 of France. At this hour, doubtless, he has practical plans, under apparcn 
 political indefiniteness, which may yet make real much that under the first em 
 pire was theoretic. 
 
 IV. 
 
 With Rupsia as permanent ally, the French government might ere long pro 
 claim with impunity the principle of autocratic rule ? Throughout her entir( 
 history, France has enjoyed greater national prosperity in proportion as hei 
 destinies were controlled by absolute power. Under Charlemagne, Louis XI. 
 Henri Qaatre, Richelieu, until royal glories culminated with the fourteentl 
 Louis and imperial power with Napoleon Bonaparte, the grandest epochs of 
 French prosperity have been likewise periods of paramount monarchic rule 
 With autocratic sway exercised over spirit-broken masses, enforced by eight 
 hundred tliousand soldiers, and backed by Russian autocracy at the head of 
 twenty million serfs, emancipated from oligarchic masters, France would be 
 strong enough to carry out the boldest plans of Napoleon I. for the spoliation 
 of civilized countries, and new partition of the world. Opposing Russia, 
 Louis Napoleon would only, by strengthening liberalism, weaken the tenure 
 of his own authority. AUied with Russia, the initiative of imperial extension 
 taken by France in a war against Austria, could be followed up by the Czar 
 Alexander with a renewed assault upon the Turkish " sick man." The world 
 need not be wholly unprepared for an entire bouleversenient of present Euro 
 pean alliances, and a speedy awakening of the English press and people from 
 that strange infatuation which makes them the catspaw of absolutism— the 
 dupe of diplomatic artifices, and perhaps a predestined sacrifice to his 
 imperial wtaȣ5 whose "ghost walks unavenged" around the Invalides of Paris. 
 
 V. 
 
 It requires no superior discernment to foresee possibilities ; and on possi- 
 bilities and probabilities prudent men may fittingly speculate. It is possible 
 that, with Alexander of Russia for his coadjutor, Louis Napoleon might 
 desire to intrench himself impregnably against popular revolution, and enact his 
 uncle's drama of empire to the letter — controlling meantime the elements 
 of Spanish and Italian nationality for future consolidation, as in the days of 
 Joseph and Murat. It is possible that, with Louis Napoleon for his ally, the 
 Emperor Alexander might wish to make good those claims to Oi'iental Cajsar- 
 ship that were bequeathed some centuries ago to Czar Ivan Ivanowich, by the 
 fugitive Greek monarch Alexis, whom he protected — claims afterward asserted 
 by Empress Catherine, when she guide-marked through her realm " the road to 
 Constantinople." It is possible that, with Louis Napoleon to deal with prostrate 
 
OBJECTS OF A DYNASTIC WAK. 47 
 
 republicanism, Alexander might pursue his usurpations to the Ganges — com- 
 maud central Europe with his fleet, sallying from the Levant, sweep the Chi- 
 nese Archipelago, and annihilate British influence from Suez to Japan. Finally, 
 it is possible that the united despotisms of France and Russia might have the 
 power to reoh'ze the worst apprehensions of Kossuth ; and if they should fail 
 to crush out England as a nation, might at least confine her ultinuxtely to nar- 
 row island jurisdiction. Do I conjecture these results to be possible, or sug- 
 gest that warnings of Wellington concerning France, and the vaticinations of 
 Kossuth regarding a league of tyrannies, may be worthy of recollection at the 
 present time ? Do I hazard a doubt whether that entire game of war against 
 Russia, levied in behalf of the " sick man " Turkey, was not, after all, a diplo- 
 matic sham on tbe part of Louis Napoleon — cruel and sanguinary, but still a 
 gigantic sham ? Would I assume, for illustration, that the delays and blun- 
 ders of that useless war — the obvious superiority of French arms in ail impor- 
 tant operations — the lack of unanimity in councils or concert in action — all 
 tending to enfeeble British prestige and power— might have been preconcerted 
 problems of a stupendous game of diplomatic chess ? And should it be flip- 
 pantly rejoined that such battles as Balaklava and Likerman, such horrors as 
 were common in trench and pest-house throughout dreary and abortive cam- 
 paigns, are not the games of diplomacy which civilized nations play — I might 
 answer that Borodinos and Eylaus, and Moscows, are the moves and mates of 
 Alexanders and Napoleons upon the bloody board of their ambition. What 
 were the lives of fifty thousand serfs to the lord of thirty millions, if their 
 sacrifice insured also the depletion of Great Britain of blood and treasure, 
 and the crippling of her energies for years to come ? What was Sevastopol 
 as a temporarily-relinquished pawn, if the Golden Horn castle — key of the 
 Dardanelles — may be yet a prize for the son of Nicholas ? Who shall affirm 
 that Napoleon IlL is not astute enough to have smoothed, long since, by secret 
 diplomacy, the path of overt conquest which he will ere long pursue ? Who 
 shall deny that he is sufficiently ambitious to dare all that his uncle conceived, 
 but survived not to execute ? 
 
 VI. 
 
 At this crisis of European aJBfairs, it is not improper to consider the relations 
 which our own country may bear to old world nations, and to observe the 
 significant movements of those sovereignties that are naturally antagouistic to 
 sovereignty of the people. The prospect of a definite consolidation of Rus- 
 sian and French interests ; the rapid growth of a Gallic party in Spain ; the 
 skillful control of revolutionary materials in Lombardy, in order to occupy 
 Austria with ItaUan war ; the initiation of a Muratist movement in Naples ; 
 the immense naval preparations of both Russia and France, joined with French 
 intrigue in the Co.lege of Cardinals at Rome, are signs indicative of the future, and 
 seem to iudex, as an ultimate object, the creation of colossal imperial dynasties 
 under Napoleon and Alexander. The first immolation to be made in such 
 event would be the nationality of Austria. Austrian nationality, even now, is 
 but a thing of " shreds and patches." Powerful in military organization, and 
 pretensions in widely-extended territory, Austria, after all, is but the arch- 
 ducal domain of Hapsburgh, bloated into dropsical empire. The very incon 
 gruity of her resources has been a secret of success in keeping down so many 
 independent peoples enslaved by her centralizing power. The regiments in- 
 tended to cui b Sclavonian tributaries are drafted from Magyar or German 
 population ; German cities are garrisoned by Croats ; Hungarian villages by 
 
48 OBJECTS OF A DY1^"ASTIC WAK. 
 
 Italian recruits ; Italian provinces by Bohemians, Tranpylvanians and Han- 
 garians. Thus Austria pits race against race, and defies fraternization of 
 soldiers and citizens by interposing the barriers of creed, lanj^uage and country 
 between her subjects and their gnards. With her high imperial position, she has 
 no real national existence, and possesses no ties of blood, religion, or even local 
 interest to unite her various provinces. On the south, Italian subjects pant 
 for their lost nationality ; on the north, Sclavonic hordes claim common origin 
 with Russia's tribes, and acknowledge a Muscovite head of the Greek Church, 
 to which they are attached. 
 
 VII. 
 
 The House of Brandenburg, second Germanic power, represents no sonnder 
 nationality at present than it did before the Peace of Utrecht, when Prussian 
 dukes paid homage to now-dismembered Poland. It has made acquisition of 
 Swedish, Silesian and Polish territory, and was the mover of so-called 
 German Confederation. But the treaty of Tilsit exhibited its actual weakness, 
 and it is doubtful whether another Tugend-Bund league of patriots would 
 uphold a dynasty which has betrayed popular trust by repeated breaches of 
 even a sham constitution. Nor are the smaller German states entirely free 
 from jealousy regarding Austria's overgrown bulk, or the enlarging ambition 
 of Prussia. "What have we to do," demanded the "address of Rhenish 
 Bavaria to its king," as far back as 1832 — "what have we to do with 
 Austria, that old, musty, worm-eaten, hollow trunk ? It will be dashed to the 
 ground by the worms of time, and in the storm will crusli all those who seek 
 shelter beneath its boughs. What advantage to constitutional Bavaria can 
 be offered by absolute Prussia, a treacherous cane that pierces through the 
 hand which would find support by leaning on it?" Regarding the real 
 aspects of German poliiics, the question might be asked. What is meant by 
 German confederation for independence now invoked by Austrian partisans ? 
 What traditional alK'giance to this or that power can eflbct the nationalization 
 of Germany, now separated into thirty-eight, as it was formerly pieced into 
 more than three ln;iidred distinct sovereignties? In what actual German 
 cause can the Landstiirm be now summoned by alarmed princes ? The year 
 1848 has more souvenirs for popular sympathy than ail " hereditary " and 
 " legitimate " claims of duchies, margravates, principalities and lordships, in 
 the oligarchic pknum of a Frankfort Diet. With these souvenirs, too, are 
 mingled other recollections and associations. Millions of expatriated Germans, 
 on this side of the Atlantic, are casting back, on ev^iy homeward-blowing 
 wind, ten thousand novel ideas, energetic suggestions and hopeful associations, 
 that were born of liberty and independence in baci woods of America, and 
 are destined to expand and take form of deeds in old forests of Saxony, 
 wildernesses of Sclavouia and fruitful borders of Rliine-washed France. 
 These consequences iu good time will be felt, when myriad silent words, sealed 
 in home-letters from emigrants, shall have been weighed, studied over and 
 incorporated vvith awakening mind of thoughtful men and women, from the 
 Scheldt to the Vistula. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Meantime, it is true, the enemies of liberalism are not insensible to the pro- 
 gress of ideas. Never was grasp of aggression upon suffering relaxed from 
 mere volition of aggressor. No parturition of humanity or nature takes place 
 
OBJECTS OF A DYNASTIC WAK. 49 
 
 ^'ithout pain and struggle. Men who think that the knotty problem of a 
 nation's capacity to govern itself — tangled and crossed in hands of Greeks, 
 Romans, Italians, French, during centuries — is now unravelled and flexile, 
 binding fasces of American States, and ready to embrace old-world federated 
 commonwealths as well — are too sanguine. Certain Gordian intricacies of 
 the ancient knot have been sword-severed, but other intertwistings and convo- 
 lutions must still be sword-cut many times, ere strands and fibres lie paralleled, 
 fit to retie and thereafter girdle bundles of free men in bodies politic. Coils of 
 cord and crooks of thread — bound up for ages with prison-thougs, strangling- 
 ropes, tackling of gun-carriages, scourge-lashes — all these must come out of 
 that hard, compact old Gordian knot which yet puzzles peoples and princes. 
 Monarchs and divine-right claimants to ownership of realms cannot cordially 
 assist the enfranchisement of individual men or nations, but must rather obey 
 instincts and traditions in utter opposition to liberal ideas. Hapsburgs, Bran- 
 denburgs, Bourbons, Braganzas, Hanovers, Holsteins, Guelfs, and Ghibelines 
 — rent-rolled or landless, crowned or exiled — have all dynastic interests to uphold 
 against innovation of democracy. Lions, bears, bi-cephalous eagles, hawks, or 
 dnng-hill cocks — whatsoever beasts and birds are blazoned on royal banners 
 — hold that in common which makes them creatures of prey. The people have 
 been purveyors for their appetites since the days of Pharaohs and Nimrods, and 
 they themselves have, from time to time, made quarries of one another, whereby 
 the greater absorbed the less — strong nationalities devoured feeble ones. As 
 in old time, so in our day. The royal brutes measure strength and appetites. 
 Some are to eat — others to be eateu I 
 
 IX. 
 
 Behold the map of European battle-plain, south, bordered by coast-line from 
 British Channel to Adriatic Sea, and thence through Dardanelles and Bosphorus ; 
 inland, then, to Odessa aud the Danube, and westward to the Gulf of Finland. 
 On this extended field, armies of France and Russia might operate toward 
 common centres, compressing Austria and the Principalities, Prussia and Ger- 
 man States, within contractile walls of encroaching hostilities. The southern 
 continent becomes, meantime, a theatre of revolutionary action from Tiber to 
 Tagus. Alps aud Pyrenees renew the old-time thunders that echoed from Mil- 
 lesimo to Jena, marking Napoleonic footsteps. Naples, Milan, Venice, Rome 
 herself, quiver with life-like spasms of revolutionary galvanism. Faint-hearted 
 Pio Nono 1 whose hand once rested, in benediction, on the radiant brow of 
 Italian Regeneration : whose feet once trod the shining pathway of a world's 
 enfranchisement, but tottered, deviated, and sunk, mired in half-way bog and 
 quicksand, till freedom's torch went out within his hand, and faith in man and 
 God gave way to fear of tyrants ! — Pio Nono may be the last priestly dweller 
 in the Vatican — last Pontiff-King of Rome ! His triple crown may pass from 
 him to glitter on a younger, doubtless craftier head ! — perhaps to press the 
 temples of a Bonaparte, and flash its sacred light on zealous worshippers in lands 
 where mother church still holds her rule unquestioned. What web of subtle 
 scheming may involve the New World in its future woof ! What far-cast 
 horoscopes of strange events may cross our freedom with their baleful lines I 
 A Bonaparte on the throne of France, and a Bonaparte cardinal raised to St. 
 Peter's chair, would present a combination fraught with interest to humanity. 
 No rheumy dotard dragged from obscure cell by plotting cardinal-electors, to 
 do their will as papal puppet in the Quirinal ; but a shrewd, ambitious, ener- 
 
 4 
 
50 OBJECTS OF A DYNASTIC WAR. 
 
 gizing Bonaparte, backed by the power of France, may be the next pope, who 
 will, perhaps, stretch out his vigorous arms to grasp the sovereignty of con- 
 science in two worlds. It is felt that Rome must soon be abandoned as a 
 papal seat, and that the reign of Pius IX. may soon be terminated. The air 
 of Italy is hot with fevered liberalism, that pants for national expression. 
 Consolidation of her long-suudered states — a dream of Machiavelli, a hope of 
 Charles Albert, a desire of Napoleon I. — may become Zifait accompli under Na- 
 poleon III. In that event, the spiritual head of Catholicism cannot hope to 
 retain his present temporal dominions, and if his successor be indeed a scion of 
 the house of Bonaparte — a member at present of the hierarchy — some new and 
 stronger domain must be sought, further, perhaps, than Avignon. Where, 
 in such case, could warmer welcome greet the Vicar of St. Peter, than in the 
 clime which Columbus gave to Castile and Leon ? — in South America, where 
 Catholic States would, doubtless, vie with one another, proffering fealty and 
 devotion to the head of the ancient church ? And wherever, on plateaus of 
 Andes, or plains of Mexico, the transplanted papacy might locate itself, it 
 would receive fresh -blood and redoubled strength from the support of ten mil- 
 lions of Catholic votaries, faithful and obedient in proportion to their simplicity 
 of faith. A hundred mixed races and tribes of our South American Continent, from 
 Terra del Fuego to the Rio Gila, would hail the erection of a Popedom in their 
 midst as the earnest of a grand Catholic nationality of Americo-Iberian descen- 
 dants. One thing is certain, in reference to the popedom — whether it shall find 
 future seat on Eastern or Western Continent — that the present ruler of France 
 will have chief voice in the naming of a successor to Pio Nono. Whether or not 
 he shall decide to raise his priestly kinsman to St. Peter's chair, there is 
 little doubt that he will exercise influence over the college of cardinals, in 
 naming the candidate who shall be chosen. Whoso imperial France wills to 
 wear the tiara, few cardinal electors will care to oppose. 
 
 X. 
 
 " Italia for Italians !" is at present an all-sufficient watchword. Restoration 
 of Imperial Home is a grand promise for the nineteenth century. The Iron 
 Crown of Lombardy may bind Napoleon's brows once more. Genoa, the proud ; 
 Venice, new-wedded Queen of Adriatic ; Florence, the beautiful ; Milan ; Fer- 
 rara ; ancient Piacenza, whence another invading German shall again be driven ; 
 Rome, with rebuilded Colosseum, new-palaced Capitoliue Hill, drained Pontine 
 Marshes, restored Campagna; Naples, with Capreae renovated for senile dalliances 
 of a French Tiberius ; — all these storied localities seem to echo, heart-full of 
 the past, a new summons of present-age dynasties, recalling their splendors ; 
 till blare of trumpets >and thunder of cannon are drowned in the shout of 
 regenerated Italy 1 Amid such a turmoil of popular warlike enthusi- 
 asm as exists in Italy now, the vicarial prince of peace and custodian of St. 
 Peter's keys may soon find himself imperilled. Vatican, Quirinal, Sistine Chapel, 
 Basilica, will remain monuments of a mighty hierarchy of the past in Italy ; 
 while St. Peter's shrine, new glorified, but no longer supremely sanctified, may 
 echo in a few years to a primate's, legate's, or metropolitan's voice, as did its 
 humbler predecessor, when holy fathers dwelt at Avignon. But though Vice- 
 Pope, or simple Bishop of Rome, hereafter occupy the Seven-Hilled City, as 
 before the age of Zachary, the voice of a Papal Head from this western conti- 
 nent, would rule his European flock quite as effectually as they are now ruled 
 by a pope upheld with French bayonets. It would be a strange but impres- 
 
f 
 
 OBJECTS OF A DYNASTIC WAR. 51 
 
 sive episode in the Napoleonic march of empire, to behold the trembling form 
 of Papacy abandoning a troubled focus of Italian Revolution, to seek vitality 
 aud strength among faithful Roman Catholics of Spanish America, as Bra- 
 ganza's threatened dynasty once fled from the Tagus to Brazil. It is no start- 
 ling proposition to advance, that a new Napoleonic Pope may plant St. Peter's 
 chair amid the Andes or upon snow-headed Orizaba ; erect a visible altar of the 
 One Unbroken Roman Church, where Manco Capac lifted idolatrous sun-disc, or 
 where fierce Mexitli called for victims on his awful Teocalli. Cuzco and Tenoch- 
 titlan 1 Peru and Mexico 1 are both centres of unshaken faith in Papal supre- 
 macy 1 Either of them would be a heart-core of devotion to the faith whereof 
 St. Peter's representative is earthly head. 
 
 XI. 
 
 Looking beyond such an event — if, indeed, the Providence of Nations shall 
 not overrule its accomplishment — the people of North American States 
 migiit find matter of alarm for the future. If a consolidation of Spanish Ame- 
 rican States, by whatever means, shall ever be efi"ected under religious na- 
 tional auspices, a powerful, and perhaps aggressive neighbor might threaten 
 our own Republic. At the present time, indeed, if some absorbing motive, 
 such as religious fanaticism, were to unite South American communities with 
 those of Yucatan and Mexico, a dangerous weight would be thrown into the 
 
 scale against us If Mexico were now a consolidated power, in 
 
 alliance with France and Russia, for an aggressive war on the basis of the 
 Treaty of Vienna against popular institutions, her means of mischief would be 
 infinite, feeble as they now appear. Russia and France, in alliance against 
 Great Britain, and threateuiug our own Republic, might assault us in vital 
 spots, without a capability of defence on our part. A fleet and army, ap- 
 proaching from Russian possessions on the Pacific, where already exists the 
 extensive war-depot of Sitka, might soon overrun the Hudson's Bay British 
 colonies, and descend upon our undefended Oregon country ; whilst a French 
 force might simultaneously assist Mexico to regain California and contiguous 
 territories. There is foundation for wise uneasiness in any European inter- 
 meddling on our continent ; and an attempted protectorate of Mexico, or even 
 Nicaragua, by France, ought to alarm the watchfulness of our government in 
 its very inception. Should the United States ever be called upon to assist 
 Great Britain, in a war for liberal institutions agamst despotic encroaclmients 
 of France and Russia, it might be remembered that we have an immense sea- 
 board open to descent from tbe fleets of hostile maritime powers. 
 
52 THE BALANCE OF POWER IN EUROPE. 
 
 THE BALANCE OF POWER IN EUKOPE. 
 I. 
 
 I;::- 
 
 tort: 
 
 To au unprejudiced student of history, who recalls European events for a cer 
 tury and a half, it must appear that dynastic ambition has been the prime moye 
 of all political agitation, including revolutionary changes. After the Peac 
 of Utrecht, in 1113, which apparently settled many vexed questions, claims t 
 Austrian possessions were advanced by Prussia, Spain, Sardinia, Saxony, an 
 Bavaria, all those powers contending that portions of their own dominions wer 
 unjustly held by the House of Hapsburgh. A general fear of Austrian ag 
 grandizement followed the cession of Belgium to that government by the treatj 
 of Utrecht, and the war of the Austrian Succession, in 1740, was the ultimat 
 result. Prussia, assisted by France, Spain, and Bavaria, laid claim to severa 
 Silesian duchies, and succeeded in obtaiuing all Silesia, whilst Spain received the 
 duchies of Parma and Guastalla, at the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748. .... 
 The Seven Years' War broke out next between Prussia, and the combined powert 
 of Austria, France, and Russia, while at the same time, a protracted conflict raged 
 between France, Spain, Portugal, and Great Britain, involving colonies of those 
 
 nations in America TheSeven Years' War brought out Eussia as a first! 
 
 class power. Already, her empire had been augmented in Europe by the wresting 
 of several Baltic provinces from Sweden. Prussia, also, enlarged her borders, by | 
 depriving Sweden of a portion of Pomerania ; Hanover increased in impor- 
 tance by obtaining Bremen and Yerdes out of the bankruptcy of Sweden, after 
 
 Charles XH From the close of the Seven Years' War, 1763, to the 
 
 French Ptevolution of 1789, projects of dynastic aggrandizement occupied the 
 cabinets of leading European powers; and those projects culminated in the great 
 International Crime which partitioned Poland between Russia, Austria, and 
 Prussia. In violation of all treaties, of all principles of justice, an ancient con- 
 stitutional state was destroyed, and a people who had, as Christian warriors, 
 repeatedly saved Europe from Mahammedan invasion, became denationalized 
 and outcast as wanderers without a country. This gigantic outrage un- 
 settled the actual Balance of Europe, though it assumed to have only equalized 
 the power of its perpetrators. It inspired all the minor German nationali- 
 ties with profound apprehensions of their own peril, should tripartite arrange- 
 ments of leading powers be aimed at their coveted territories. They were 
 disposed, therefore, to welcome, rather than repel the Revolutionary move- 
 ments, which promised them protection by a confederation of peoples against 
 dynasties. Thus the fate of Poland served as a warning for other states, and 
 her expatriated children, spreading throughout Christendom, became, as it were, 
 an army of martyrs, preaching a democratic crusade against the tyi'annies which 
 balanced crowns against the rights of man Then followed Republi- 
 can triumphs of France, and a consolidation of nationalities during the early 
 career of Bonaparte, till an evil spirit of ambition took possession of that 
 man, and from being the Representative of Peoples, he became the mere 
 ringleader of a herd of kmgs. 
 
 U. 
 
 Napoleon's Empire and Napoleon's Fall passed like phantasmagoria, and 
 then " legitimate " monarchs returned to their thrones, unrebuked by the 
 past, unheedful of its lessons. Great Britain, France, Austria, Prussia, and 
 
I 
 
 THE BALANCE OF POWER IN EUEOPE. 53 
 
 Russia, agreed upon their Holy Alliance, and Spain, in 1817, added her con- 
 sent (previously withheld) to Vienna Treaties, in consideration of the following 
 stipulations concluded at Paris, on the 10 th of June of that year, by which a 
 portion of Italian territory was secnred by reversion to the Spanish Bourbon 
 dynasty. 
 
 i . TREATY OF 1817, CONCERNING PARMA, PIACENZA, AND GUASTALLA. 
 
 '^ "In the name of the Most Holy and Indivisible Trinity. Having recogrnized that the motive which has 
 ) induced her Catholic Majesty to withhold her consent to the treaty, signed in the Congress at Vienna on the 
 9th of June, ISlo, as well as that of Paris of the 20th of November of the said year, consists in the desire of 
 • seeing fixed — by the unanimous consent of the Powers which were appealed to — the application of the 99th 
 ; article of the said treaty of the 9th of June, and in consequence of the revision of the Duchies of Parma, 
 Piacenza, and Guastalla, after the decease of her Majesty, Madame the Archduchess Marie Louise, that the 
 ^adhesion above mentioned was necessary to complete the general assent to the transactions upon which the 
 political interests and the peace of Europe are principally founded. 
 
 " That her Catholic Majesty, persuaded of that truth, and animated by the same principles as her august 
 allies, has by her full will, decided to give her consent to the said treaty in virtue of the solemn acts to that 
 ^effect, signed on the 7th and Sth of June, 1S17, and it having been judged convenient at the same time to sat- 
 •Isfy the claims of Her Catholic Majesty, which concern the reversion of the said Duchies, in a manner proper 
 ;to contribute adiantage to the conclusion of peace,and a good understanding being happily reestablished and 
 e.xisting in Europe, their imperial and royal majesties of Austria, Spain, France, Great Britain, Prussia, and 
 Russia, have agreed to the following articles : 
 
 '' Article 1. The state of actual possession of the Duchies of Parma, Piacenza and Guastalla, as well as 
 :that of the principality of Lucca, being determined by the stipulations of the 99th, 101st and 10'2d articles, 
 Lare and remain maintained in all their force and value. 
 
 , " Art. 2. The reversibility of the Duchies of Parma, Piacenza, and Guastalla, foreseen by the 99th article 
 'of the final act of the Congress of Vienna, is determined after the following manner : 
 
 J ■" Art. 3. The Duchies of Parma, Piacenza, and Guastalla, after the decease of her Majesty the Archduch- 
 ess Marie Louise, will pass in all sovereignty to her Majesty the Infanta of Spain, Marie Louise, the infant 
 iDon Carlos, Louis, his son, and their male descendants in direct and masculine line — except the districts 
 -inclosed within the States of his Imperial Majesty and Royal Highness on the left hank of the Po, which will 
 'remain in all propriety to her said Majesty, conformably to the restrictions established by the 99th article 
 ■of the act of the Congress. 
 
 , "Art. 4. At the same time the reversibility of the principality of Lucca, foreseen by the 102d article of 
 the act of Congress of Vienna, will take place in the terms and under the clauses of the same article, in 
 tfavor of his Imperial and Royal Highness the Grand Duke of Tuscany. 
 
 "Art. 5. Although the frontier of the Austiian States in Italy is determined by the line of the Po, it is nev- 
 'ertheless agreed by common consent, that the fortress of Piacenza offers a very particular interest to the 
 system of the defence of Italy; his Imperial Majesty and Royal Highness will therefore maintain in that city, 
 until the period of the reversions, after the extinction of the Spanish branch of the Bourbons, the pure and sin- 
 gle right of garrison; all regular and civil rights in that city being reserved to the future sovereign of Parma; 
 the expense and maintenance of the garrison in the city of Piacenza will be at the charge of Austria, and its 
 force in times of peace will be amicably determined between the high parties interested, having as a rule, 
 always in view the greatest possible comfort of the inhabitants. 
 
 " Art. 6. His Imperial Majesty and Royal Highness engages to pay to her Majesty Marie Louise, the Infan- 
 ta of Spain, the sums in arrears since the 9th of June, 1315, according to the stipulations of the second 
 paragraph of the 101st article of the act of Congress, and to continue the payment according to the same 
 stipulations and with the same mortgage. She engages, besides, to cause to be paid to her Majesty, the 
 Infanta, the amount of the Revenues derived from the principality of Lucca, from the same period until 
 the moment of the entrance into possession by her Majesty, the Infanta, deduction being made of the ex- 
 penses of the administration. The liquidation of these revenues will take place amicably between the high 
 parties interested, and in case of there being a difference of opinion, they will refer to the arbitration of her 
 most Christian Majesty. 
 
 "Art. 7. The reversion of the Duchies of Parma, Piacenza and Guastalla, in case of the extinction of the 
 Infant Don Charles Louis, is explicitly maintained in the terms of the treaty of ALx-la-Chapelle, of 1T48, 
 and of the treatybetween Austria and Sardinia of the 20th of May 1815. 
 
 " Art. 8. The present treaty drawn up in seven-fold form, will be joined to the supplementary act of the 
 general treaty of the Congress of Vienna. It will be ratified by the high parties respectively and the rati- 
 Ications will be exchanged at Paris within the space of two months, or earlier if it can be done. 
 
 " In witness whereof the respective plenipotentiaries have signed the same, and thereto affixed the seal of 
 their arms. 
 " Done at Paris on the 10th of the month of June, in the year of grace 1S17. 
 
 Baron de Vincent. 
 
 Count de Fernand Ndsez, Duke of Afonticello. 
 Richelieu. 
 Chas. Stuart. 
 
 J. Compte de Goltz. 
 
 POZZO 01 BORQO. 
 
 III. 
 
 In the following year (1818), the Five Powers of Austria, France, Great 
 Britain, Prussia, and Russia, exchanged fioal ratifications at Aix-la-Chapelle. 
 Through their representatives, Metternich, Richelieu, Castlereigh, Wellington, 
 Sardenburgh, BernstorfiF, Nesselrode, and Capo d'Istria, the great allies sol- 
 jmnly pledged themselves to abide by their settlement of peace, as arranged 
 
54 THE BALANCE OF TO WEE IN EITKOPE. 
 
 ifl Yicnna Congress of 1815. la 1820, two years afterward, the Secret Treaty 
 of Verona was framed, as I have noticed (p. 40, supra). The dj'nastic conspi- 
 racy against free institutions which that treaty involved was formed, without doubt, 
 in consequence of revolutionary agitation, in 1820-21, throughout the Italian 
 peninsula and in parts of Germany. The continental sovereigns then went on 
 with acquisitions and encroachments, mock-charters, and unmeaning constitu- 
 tions, till Poland was finally sacrificed in 1831 ; till republican Greece was 
 diplomatized into a kingdom, after barely escaping annexation to Russia ; till 
 the Czar Nicholas pushed his dominion to the Pruth ; till Hungary was 
 deprived of her franchises; till Italian independent states became "fiefs" 
 of Austria ; till the Roman Pope became a puppet of cardinals, controlled by 
 monarchs, and the Turkish Sultan a " sick man," whose will promised the same 
 monarchs a reversion of his estates. Meantime, in 1844, the subtle cabinet of 
 Vienna had taken care to revise its Italian treaties, and pave the way for 
 firmer Austrian foothold in the " boot and spurs" of peninsula possessions. 
 The following treaty of territorial exchange, of new limitation and transfer of 
 reversibility, was concluded at Florence, on the 28th of November, 1844, 
 between Austria, Sardinia, Tuscany, the Duke of Modena, and the Duke of 
 Lucca, crown-Duke of Parma. 
 
 "Iq the name of the most holy and indivisible Trinity, his Rnyal Hijrhness the Infante of Spain, actual 
 Duke of Lucca and future Duke of Parma, Piacenza and Guastalla ; his Royal Highness the Arcliduke of 
 Austria, Duke of Modena; bis Imperial and Royal Highness the Archduke of Austria, Grand Duke of 
 Tuscany — 
 
 " Having unanimously recognized that the line of the frontiers of one part of their respective States is 
 complicated, and susceptible of reciprocal ameliorations, essy to be put into operation at the time fixed by 
 the Congress of Vienna, by the different reversions and slipulaiions ; that they cannot remedy the incon- 
 veniences of that frontier, except by an exchange at pre-ent of small separate portions of their territory; 
 that the power of making these amicable exchanges has been expressly reserved to the parties interested by 
 the 93th article of the act of the Congress of Vienna, but that it cannot be exercised if his Majesty the King 
 of Sardinia and his Imperial Royal and Apostolic Majesty do not consent to a modification of the rights of 
 reversion resulting fir them from the treaty of Aix-la-Ohapeile of 17iS, and from that which was concluded 
 on the 20th of May, 1815, between Austria and Sardinia — rights which are found expre-sly mentioned in the 
 act of Congress of Vienna, and confirmed by the treaty of Pnrls of the lOth of June, 1S17 ; the three sover- 
 eigns have addressed themselves to this effect to their said M ijesties, and his Imperial R'lyal and Apostolic 
 Majesty recognizes the ability of a better settlement ; animated besides by a lively de>ire to contribute, even 
 at the p.ice of a sacrifice on his part, to a work loudly demaniied by the interests of the sovereigns of the 
 said three Stales, and judging that the best means of attaining that view was to open special negotiations at 
 Florence; and his Majesty the King of Sardinia, being no less desirous of giving to the sovereigns of Lucca, 
 of Modena, and of Tuscany, the greatest proofs of confidence and amity, and having consented to take part 
 in the negotiations, the high contracting Powers have, by their Plenipotentiaries, amicably agreed that the 
 following articles are prescribed in that exchange by the Congress of Vienna: 
 
 " Art. I. His Royal Highness the Infante, actual Duke of Lucca, future Duke of Parma, Piacenza and Guas- 
 talla, judging it extremely advantageous to annex to his future Duchy of Parma a part of Lunigiana, 
 situated on the southerly slope of the Apennines, and his Imperial and Royal Highness the Grand Duke of 
 Tuscany, deeply desirous of retaining in his possession the two vicariates of Barga and Pietrasanta, which, 
 seeing that they belong to him, are at present separated, and by the reunion of the Duchy of Lucca to Tus- 
 cany, stipulateil by ti»e lu2d article of the Oongrc'-s cf Vienna, will be brought into connection with Tuscany, 
 and ought, consequently, to be ceded, they hive agreed to propose to his Royal Highness the Duke of Mo- 
 dena the exchange of the two vicariates of Barga and Pietrasanta for the single Duchy of Guastalla and 
 the Parmesan possessions situated on the right bank of the river Euza. In that case only the Tuscan dis- 
 ■''•icts isolated in Liinigiana, and nearest to the Mediterranean, will be ceded to his Royal Highness the 
 future Duke of Parma ; and he will obtain thence the only means of exchanging the different boundaries, and 
 of establishing a regular line of frontier with his Royal Highness the Duke of Modena, sole possessor of the 
 equally isolated fiefs in Lunigiana. 
 
 ■'Art. II His Royal Highness the Duke of Modena, in view of the voluntary offer made to him by his Royal 
 Highness the Infante, actual Duke of Lucca, and future Duke of Parma, of Piacenza and of Guastalla, ' to cede 
 to him, his heirs and successors, in all propriety and sovereignty, the territories situated on the right border 
 of the Euza, with the separate Duchy of Guastalla, at present lying within the bounds of the Lombard and 
 Modenese States, on condition that his Royal Hignness the Duke of Modena cedes to him the Modenese terri- 
 tories situate on the left banic of the said river, and that he cedes to Tuscany the two vicariates of Barga 
 and of Pietrasanta, assigned to him by the Congress of Europe,' accepts that exchange, and consequently 
 renounces, for himself, his heirs and successors, the succession of the territories of B>iZZano and Scurano, 
 situated on the left bank of the Euza, in favor of his Royal Highness the actual Duke of Lucca, future Duke 
 of Parma, and at the same time renounces claims to the possession of the two vicariates of Barga and of 
 Pietrasanta, assigned to him by the Congress of Vienna, in favor of his Imperial and Royal Highness the 
 Grand Duke of Tuscany, and consents that they shall continue to form in perpetuity, as as present, a part 
 of the Grand Duchy, under the following conditions : 
 
 "1. It will be always recognized that he has acquired, in the room of the two vicariates of Pietrasanta 
 and of Barga the formal and absolute possession of the Duchy of Guastalla and of the Paruiesian territories on 
 the right b ink of the Euza, and he will freely take possession of the territories ceded to him by their legiti- 
 mate sovereign in lieu of the aforementioned territories of Barga and Pietrasanta. 
 
THE BALANCE OF POWER IN EUROPE. 55 
 
 "2. There will be ceded to him in the vicariate of Barga, the part of the Apennines which extends into 
 The Modenese territory, in such a manner that the frontier shall follow the crest between the mountains of 
 Piastrajo and Porticciula, and not, as at present, on the eastern slope. 
 
 " The L;ike of Pona, situated near the sea, in the vicariat of Piotrasanta, and which is actually divided 
 between the said Tuscan territory and the contiguous Lucchese territory of Montignoso, assigned to him by 
 the Congress of Vienna, remains to him in entirety with the line of territory which is set forth above by article 
 9th. The Modenese government engages at all times not to permit the cultivation of rice in the district 
 which will be ceded to him, and of preserving the boundaries at present existing, or to substitute any other 
 means whatever to prevent the prejudicial mixing of the salt water with the sweet water; tlje Tuscan govern- 
 ment engages to leave the water free to run in the lake and in its canal of discharge, the water which it 
 throws out at present, and especially that which comes from Serauezza, and to leave to l)e taken from Masso 
 di Porto (free from property duties) the materials necessary for the restoration and the preservation of the 
 said boundary, and to authorize the transports by the canal of Porto. 
 
 "A practicable route will be opened and sustained, at the expense of Tuscany, through the vicariat of Pie- 
 trasanta, from the postal route to the confines of Garfaguana, in the neighborhood of Petrosciana. That 
 route offering the most commodious and the most direct communication between Massa and Garfaguana, 
 will be open in perpetuity to the passage of the Modenese and their merchandise. There will be no excep- 
 tion to this rule, except in extraordinary cases, where the existence of the pest or of cholera-morbus, in the 
 Modenese States sh ill he proved, and where Tuscany shall establish special hospitals on this point, as upon 
 the other points of the frontier; only in these cases will passage be interdicted to all persons coming from 
 among the Modenese, except they shall have fulfilled in a Tuscan hospital the prescribed quarantine. In 
 other cases of simple suspicion or of an inequality of sanitary measures, passage will be permitted to all 
 persons from the Modenese under a sanitary guard. In the same manner, when the passage of Mode- 
 nese troops, arms and ammunitions is sought to be made by that route, the Modenese government will give 
 previous notice to the Tuscan government through a ministerial source, except only in the case of an absolute 
 and extraordinarj' emergence, in which event the previous notiBcation will be given directly by the Gov- 
 ernor of Massa or of Garfnguana, to the governmental authority of Pietrasauta. The passage of the 
 objects subject d to duty will be free to the Modenese, but the two governments will agree on a system which 
 will guarantee the Tuscan finances from all loss. His Royal Highness the Duke of Modena, consents thattlie 
 inhabitants of the vicariats of Barga, and of Pietrasanta, shall profit by the Modenese part of that route of 
 Petrosciana, that miglit offer to them a more desirable communication for the conveyance of the produce of 
 their lands or for local industry ; the duty which they may pay on their entrance will be entirely restored on 
 their departure from the Modenese States. The execution of this measure will be regulated in the most con- 
 venient manner. 
 
 " Art. III. His Imperial and Royal Highness the Grand Duke of Tuscany, willing to preserve the two vica- 
 riats of Barga and of Ple:rasanta annexed to Tuscany, adheres to the above-named conditions, and cedes to 
 bis Royal Hi^hne^s tlie actual Duke of Lucca and future Duke of Parma, the different possessions scat- 
 tered in Lunigiana, and, in consequence, he fully consents to every exchange and evsry new limitation 
 which his Rjyal Uig.mess might have the intention of contracting with his Royal Highness the Duke of 
 Modena, as much to the advantage of the population of those countries as in the interest of the Ducal 
 possessions, situated to the nirthof the Apennines. 
 
 "Art. IV. Hi* R lyal Highness the actual Duke of Lucca, and future Duke of Parma, of Piacenza, and 
 of Guastalla, having the intention, so advantageous to his united duchies of Parma and Piacenza, of 
 acquiring from Tuscany, ihe districts of Pontremoli, of Bagnone, and those which are dependent in Luni- 
 giana, proper for openiu'.; a route to the sea more convenient to commerce, has resolved to renounce his 
 claim to the separate Duchy of Guastalla, and to the districts situate on the right bank of the Euza, in 
 favor of his Royal Higlmess the Duke of Modena, and consequently cedes for himself, his heirs and 
 successors, all the riglits and titles which he has on the right bank of the Euza and on tlie Duchy of Guas- 
 talla. He annexes, on the other hand, to his future Duchy of Parma, not only the territories situated in 
 Lunigiana, which have been ceded to him by Tuscany, and which have not been exchanged with Ihe Duchy 
 of Modena, after the following article, but also the actually Modenese territory on the left bank of the river 
 Euza. He declares that the middle of that river will be considered, from the moment of the reversion 
 contemplated by tlie 102d article of the Congress of Vienna, as the limits between the States of Parma and 
 Modena, commeniMng at the point in the Apennines, where it touches the ancient frontier, near the lake 
 Squinioo, unto the Po, near ISrescello. The navigation which niiglit take place will be always free to the 
 two parties, as well as Ihe use of ilie watercourses for the removal of the manufactures which are on their 
 borders, free from existing irrigai ion duties, and without any prejudice to any operations on the opposite 
 shore. 
 
 "Art. V. Their Royal Highnesses the Duke of Modena and the preseut Duke of Lucca and the future Duke 
 of Parma, after having maturely weighed their respective interests in Lunigiana, interrupted at present by the 
 irregular limits which gave place to many political and administrative inconveniences, see that it is impossi- 
 ble to pass by the possessions of the one without fiequeotly and at short distances touching the territory of 
 the other, have resolved to make a division between them of the fiefs and territories now appertaining to the 
 duchy of Modena and to that of Tuscany, in the manner and under the conditions following : 
 
 "1. His Royal Highness, the actual Duke of Lucca, future Duke of Parma, having acquired Tuscany in 
 compensation for the cession of the isolated Duchy of Guastalla, and the territories there situated on the 
 Euza, made to h's Royal Highness, the Duke of Modena, in Lunigiana, the districts of Pontrenoli, Bagnone, 
 Grappoli, Lusnolo, Terrarossa, Albiano and Calice, amicably exchanged some of his isolated terrritories for 
 the dispersed fiefs belonging to his l{oyal Highness the Duke of Modena, and takes in exchange the present 
 separate districts of Treschietto, Villafranca, Castevoli, and Mulazzo into the line of frontier already desig- 
 nated in article n'nth. and forms also by the union of those isolated districts one single corps of domain from 
 the southern slope of the Apennines and in immediate contact with the Duchy of Parma by the Cisa. 
 
 "2. His Royal Highness the Duke of Modena, desirous of preserving in his domain in Lunigiana, the most 
 eastern district that of Rochetta, at present separated from the rest of the Modenese and contiguous to the 
 Sardinian States of Aula, on the border of the Magre, takes possession of the district of Calice, to the end of 
 freely attaining it united to the territories which In great part already belong to him, the neighboring districts 
 of Albiano, Pico and Tei; a ossa, which, conjointly with Calice, will be considered as taking the place of the 
 fiefs of Treschietto, A'illafanca, Castevoli and Mulazzo. He renounces those fiefs which the Congress of 
 Vienna — in view of permitting the amicable exchange — has considered as annexed to the States of Massa 
 and Carrara by the different order of succession, and by the rights of reversion preserved in article 98. 
 
 " Art. VI. It is agreed by common consent that the exchanged territories will not be burdened with debt, 
 excepting only those which a.e common to the inhabitants (communal}. It there be any such debts, and that 
 the other charges which may occur, will remain at the expense of the party ceding. In consequence, the 
 debt (canon) which the State of Lucca owes to the commune of Garga for Mount Gragno, will pass froci 
 
56 THE BALANCE OF POWER IN EUROPE. 
 
 the moment of the reversion to the charge of Tuscany, which Is from the present time obliged to cause all 
 the clauses and renditions of ancient copyholds to be declared abrogated and abolished, in such a manner 
 that the Mount de Gragno, noiv become Tuscan property, shall be free from all charges and responsibility. 
 
 "His Roy a! Highness, the Duke of Modena, will, on all occasions make a special exception in regard to the 
 debt of his future duchy of Guastalla. entered in the registers of the Mount, formerly Napoleon, and consents 
 to provide in lieu and of the Duke of Parma to the payment of the said debt, which, at the time of the rever- 
 sion, will not be ex"t-i>gulshed, according to what the Congress of Vienna, in article 9T, as well as successive 
 Commissioners, have fixed at the charge of the legitimate possessor. 
 
 " It is also agreed, by common consent, that the edifices, or all other manorial or personal property what- 
 soever, belonging to the State or to the Crown, will pass with the sovereignty into the dilferent exchanged 
 territories, without causing any loss to the possessors of ecclesiastical property or of pious institutions. It is 
 well understood that free property, if there be any, will remain mutually and reciprocally excepted from 
 these cessions. 
 
 "Art. VII. His Majesty, the Emperor of Austria, recognizes the cession of Guastalla and of the territories 
 of the Guza, made to his Royal Highness, the Duke of Modeua, by his Royal Highness, the Duke of Lucca, 
 the future Duke of Parma, which he voluntarily renounces, for the reasons developed in this treaty, and 
 guarantees to his Royal Highness, the Duke of Modena, his heirs and successors, that they will not in any 
 manner be disturbed in the peaceable possession of these territories by any persons whatever pre- 
 tending to the right. He declares himself ready, at the same time, to transfer on the district of Pontremoll 
 and on the rest of that which is assigned in Lunigiana, to the actual Duke of Lucca, the future Duke of 
 Parma, the right of reversion belonging to him upon Guastalla and the territories of the Guza. 
 
 " It is agreed between his SIaj> sty the King of Sardinia and his Majesty,the Emperor of Austria, that all the 
 part of Lun'giana which is assigned to the future Duke of Parma, and which comprehends the greatest part of 
 the present Tuscan territories of Pontremoli and Bagnone,as well also as the present Modenese districts of Tres- 
 chietto, Villafranca, Castevoli and Mulazzo, will be ceded to his Majesty, the King of Sardinia, his heirs and 
 successors, in full propriety and sovereignty, in case the reversion required by the treaty of the '20th of May, 
 1815, should take place, and that the duchy of Parma will devolve upon Austria, as well as that of Piacenza 
 to Sardinia, and that cession made to Sardinia will form the base of the indemnity ; while after the addi- 
 tional and separate article of the above mentioned treaty of the 20th of May, 1S15, Austria owes liim by 
 agreement to abandon the fortress of Piacenza, with a settled radius, Nevertheless, the value of the afore- 
 said territories is tlius exchanged, namely that of Piacenza, with the settled radius and the Parmesan terri- 
 tories contiguous to the Sa-dinian States, ought to be established at the same time of the reversion with a 
 spirit of impartiality and of (.quity by Austrian Sardinian commission; and in case of the slightest dilTerenceof 
 opinion it is on both sides agreed to lefer the matter to the arbitration of the Holy See. 
 
 "Art. IX. This treaty of territorial exchange, of new limitations, and of the transfer of reversibility, will 
 remain secret until the case foreseen in article ninty-nine of the Congress of Vienna, and in the third article 
 of the treaty concluded at Paris on the 10th of June, 1S17, is arrived, and at that time it will be immediately 
 put into execution by the courts of Modena, of Parma, and of Tuscany, without any exception, either of act 
 or of right, and with the well-wishing cooperation of two other Powers, which will be done in the follow- 
 ing manner : 
 
 " His Imperial and Royal Highness, the Archduke and Grand Duke of Tuscany, in taking posses- 
 sion of the Duchy of Lucca, assigned to him by the 102 article of the act of Vienna, retains 
 the two vicairates of Barga and Pietrasanta contiguous to that duchy. There is in separation 
 only the part of the Apennines which, between the abrupt mounts of Prastrajo and Porticciola, discharge 
 their waters into the Moiiene^e territories, which are opposite, and to which it will belong m the future ; a 
 line of limitation will he fixed by common consent, by the Modenese and Tuscan commissioners, which, fol- 
 lowing exactly the crest between the two slopes, commences and ends at the spot where the two lines descend 
 from the Modenese slope, in such a manner that, in abandoning them, they will draw an entirely new line of 
 about 22,000 fatlioras from Vienna, which would unite the actual confines in Porticciola to those which, in 
 descending from Mount Plastrajo, form the limit of the territory of Barga toward the Modenese Garfaguana. 
 That limit, extending to the limit of Serchio, between Castelvecchio, and Fiattone, follows the river unto 
 Torrite-Pava, which in future will separate the Tuscan territory — now the Duchy of Lucca — from the 
 Lucchese district of Gallicano, which will pass to his Royal Highness the Duke of Modena. Thence, following 
 the ancient sinuous frontier, it will be directed a little above Campole^cini to the vicariat of Pietrasanta, of 
 which the frontier rests where it actually stands in regard to the Duchy of Modena, unto the locality where, 
 on Mount Carchio, it touches the present Lucchese district of Montenoso ; thence, following the eastern line 
 which separates it from the vicariate of Pietrasanta, it will continue until it approaches the lake of Porta. 
 And as it is said in article 2, section 3, that a fixtd radius will be accorded around that lake, which becomes 
 Modenese, the frontier will be traced in concert with the Tuscan and ModeDe-'e commissioners in a manner 
 fixed from the present time, a? follows : At the distance of 400 fathoms (hraccia) Tuscan measurement, on 
 the shore setting out from the mouth of the canal of the Lake of Porta, there will be marked a line of 1,500 
 braccta, following the direction of the path which leads to a houie marked No. 16, in the chart of the Tuscan 
 rental; a second line of 265 hraccia turning on the path to the right, will be drawn from the extreme point of 
 that line ; then a third line of 1,360 bruacta, to reach the canal of Seranezza at the distance of 100 braccia 
 from the discharging canal of the lake; thence, following the eastern side of the said route of the Casetta for 
 a length of 1,400 hraccia, it will close the figure by a last line of 1,700 hraccia to the actual limits of 
 Montenoso at the distance of 400 hraccia from the j)Ostal route. It is understood that in the circumference 
 will be comprised, and by that is ceded to his Royal Highness the Duke of Modena, the maritime fortress of 
 Cinguale, and the corpx de garde, the sluices, the house above mentioned, and the route which leads to it. 
 
 " His Royal Highness the Archduke, Duke of Modena, will take possession of the territories assigned to him 
 by the Congress of Vienna and not ceded by the present treaties, that is to say of the Lucchese territory of 
 Montenoso, Minucciana, Castiglione and Gallicano, as well as that of Fivizzano, actually Tuscan. On one 
 side it will be free from all obligation contracted by the Convention of the 4'h of March, 1819, with the Court 
 of Lucca concerning Castiglione ; on the other side it will be held to indemnify Tuscany for the capital which 
 she has employed in the construction of the military route of Fivizzano, in conformity with the act of the 6th 
 November, 1829 ; on the arrival of the Tuscan Commissioners, it will immediately take possession of the terri- 
 tory of Barga already specified on the Modenese line of the Apennines, and of which it is situated about the 
 Lake of Porta already described, and which is near the western extremity of the Tuscan territory, of Pietra- 
 santa, as well as in Lunigiana of the Tuscan districts of Albiano, Calice, Rico and Terrarossa, conserving 
 exactly the actual frontier toward the Piedmontese, and following the new Parmesan State in Lunigiana, 
 the boundaries in great part formerly described as hereafter, which are colored on the accompanying map, 
 to wit: The actual limit which separates- the Modenese district of Rochetta from that actually Tuscan one of 
 Pontremoli in- an extent of 1,8"0 fathoms from Vienna, and the winding limit which separates the Tuscan 
 district of Calice from the Modenese district of Mulazzo, between Casoni and Parana, in an extent of 8,070 
 
ARlilVAL OF FRENCH TROOPS IN" riEU.MONT.— [Fbom » S«bt(-ii n, Fru»« Vii.ui.i.r.] 
 
 n Oi 
 
 FliMi/,i:riiMIvlSTBIl IdUN'l' IIIUI.AI. 
 
THE BAXAJSTCE OF POWER IN EUROPE. 57 
 
 ulterior fathoms, will be simply united to Casoni by the shorter line of the new limitation, 200 fathoms long ; 
 from the one new line of 2.540 fathoms, between Parana and the point nearest to the frontier of Lusuolo, 
 above Castevoli, following from the first the road of Tresana, on the Mount Coletta, then descending to the 
 left in the river of Conosilla. On leaving this point it will follow the said frontier of Lusuolo unto the othef 
 point on the Magra, ditant 2,7S0 fathoms; thence it will be directe<i between Farnoli and Terrarossa, setting 
 out from la Magra uno tlie river Civiglia, a new and last direct line of 7U0 fathoms, through the route of 
 Pontremoli to a di>tance of 300 fathoms above Piastra; thence will come the ancient limit which ascends the 
 Apennines for a length of S,770 fathoms, separating the Modenese district of Lucciana, and of Varano on the 
 Tanerone, which remains, as well as Firigano to the Duchy of Modena, from liafruonais, which is Tuscan at 
 present, but which ought to become Parmesan ; also the curved line of frontier between the Duchies of Modena, 
 and Parma, in Lunigiana, in which they extend for a length of 19,300 fathoms from one summit of the moun- 
 tains to the other, which inclose the river of Magra, will be 15,92iJ fathoms of ancient limit, and only 8,440 
 of new limit, already indicated, and which is simply divided into three lines easy to trace — the first of 200 
 fathoms, the second of 2,54o, the third of 700, in the precise direction of west to east. 
 
 " His Royal Highness the actual Duke of Lucca, and future Duke of Parma, will not take the government 
 and the title of the Duchy of Guastalla, to which he renounces all claim, nor those of the territory on the 
 right bank of the Euza. which he also renounces in favor of His Royal Highness the Duke of Modena ; but 
 he will make to that sovereign, by the Parmesan commissaries named for that purpose, the immediate cession 
 of the one and the otlier of those territories, as well as the territories in Lunigiana, in the manner before 
 indicated in section 4. At the same time, his Royal Highness the Duke of Modena will make to him, by the 
 Modenese Commissioners, tlie cession of the territories of Treschietto, Villafranca, Castevo'i and Slulazzo, 
 in Lunigiana, according to tlie line of frontier before indicated, in the same manner as the districts situated 
 on the left bank of the Euza. Also that river which descends from Mount Giogo de Fivizanno, and cuts 
 near the lake Squinico, in the Apennines, the frontier preserved through three miles of Italy, between the 
 Duchies of Modena and Parma, on the Mounts Tendola and Malpasso, which will serve in the future for a, 
 limit between the two States, from that lake to the Po ; and while the Duchy of Modena thus acquires from 
 the superior regions the territory of Succiso, between the Euza and the actual boundary, it renounces that of 
 Scurano, which lollows immediately on the left bank, and finally acquires on the right bank the district of 
 Ciano, and in the plain those of Gattatico, Poviglio and San Giorgio unto the embouchure of that river in the 
 Po above Brescello, to make no more than One single body of domain, with Guastalla, between the Po and 
 the Mediterranean. Tin- Dochy of Guastalla, of which his Royal Highness the Duke of Modena, after the 
 cessions made to him, takes the sovereignty and the title, preserves toward the Lombardo-Venetian king- 
 dom the same limits which separate him at present from the said kingdom. On the other side, his Royal 
 Highness the actual Duke of Lucca, future Duke of Parma, in taking, conformably with article 99th and 102d 
 of the treaty of Vienna, the sovereign government of his new State, wnd in making without delay the cession 
 agreed to, will also take, in common concord with the sovereigns of Modena and Parma, the most prompt mea- 
 sures for the new limitation, after the rules above laid down in the plan, so that all incertitude or discussion 
 may be avoided in the important moment of the transfer of so much territory to new sovereigns, and the 
 changing of the ancient lines of complicated frontiers into new and better regulated lines after the nature 
 of the places and reciprocal territorial and commercial convenience. He will assume, in concert with the 
 Modenese Commissioners named for that purpose, with as little delay as possible, his iratnediate domain on 
 Bazzano and Scurano, on the left bank of the Euza, and ou Treschietto, Villafranca, Castevoli and Mulazzo, 
 appertaining to the dachy of Modena, as well as that on Pontremoli, Bagnone, Merizzo, Fornoli, Groppoli 
 and Lusuelo, belonging to Tuscany ; that he will deliver immediately to the name of his Royal Highness the 
 Duke of Modena, the territories of Albiano, Calice, Rico, and Terrarossa, already ceded to him. It is un- 
 derstood that from the present time the reversion of the imposts will be received on behalf of the sovereign 
 to whom the territory will devolve by the present treaty, free from the arrears which will rest on the party 
 ceding the territory. 
 
 " Art. X. The present treaty, drawn up in fivefold form, with the chart attached, will be signed, as that 
 chart, by the respective plenipotentiaries, who will thereto attach their arms and seals. It will be ratified, 
 and the ratifications exchanged at Florence within the space of two months, or earlier if possible. 
 
 "Done at Florence, on the 28lh of the month of NoTember, in the year of grace 1844. 
 
 " Cakbkga. G. Forkt. 
 
 Cav. Vacani di Fort 'Olivo. H. Corsini." 
 
 A. Fafaelli. 
 
 The above treaty of Florence, being of a nature, in many of its stipulations, 
 to invite comment, and perhaps provoke opposition on the part of other 
 powers, the following further separate and secret article was subsequently 
 agreed upon by the high contracting powers, to be reverted to in case of need : 
 
 " SEPARATE SECRET ARTICLE OF THE TREATY OF FLORENCE. 
 
 _ '' The contracting sovere-gns are agreed that if, contrary to all probability, there should arise any oppo- 
 sition from any one power whatsoever, and that they or their successors, through causes inherent to 
 those territories, and preexistent to the present treaty, cannot enter into, or might be disturbed in the 
 peaceable possession of the territories — all the stipulations which have to-day been made by virtue of their 
 sovereign rights after the sense of the act of the Congress of Vienna, will be regarded as null and void, and 
 consequently all the dispositions of the act of the Congress of Vienna will remain intact, or be reestablished, 
 so that the Duchy of Guastalla and the other Parmesan territories mentioned in the treaty, will remain to 
 the sovereign of Parma ; that his royal highness the Duke of Modena, will take possession of Pietrasanta and 
 Barga, and that his imperial and royal highness the Grand Duke of Tuscany, will keep the vicariates Of 
 Pontremoli and Bagnone. 
 
 "The present separate and secret article will have the same force and value as if it were inserted, word 
 for word, in the treaty of this day. It will be ratified and the ratifications exchanged at the same time. 
 "In witness whereof, the respective plenipotentiaries have affixed their seals and arms. 
 •' Done at Florpice. the 23th of the month of November, in the year of grace, 1S44. 
 
 " Carrega. G. Forni. 
 
 Cav. Vacasi di Fort 'Olivo. H. Corsini." 
 
 A. Rafaelli. 
 
58 THE BALANCE OF POWER IN EUROPE. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Satis:factory advances having been made, by the Florence negotiations, 
 toward further Austro-Italian possession, the grand object of military occupa- 
 tion, by Austrian troops, was gained, at a later period, through the subjoined 
 treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, between the Emperor of Austria 
 and the Duke of Modena, signed at Vienna, December 24th, 1847. 
 
 " TREATY BETWEEN AUSTRIA AND MODENA. 
 
 " His majesty the Emperor of Austria and his royal highness the archduke, Duke of Modena, animated by 
 a reciprocal desire of advantageously uniting again the bonds of friendship and relationship which exist 
 between them, and to watch by their common efforts for the maintenance of inte.ior peace and of legal 
 order In their States, have agreed in this respect to a special treaty. 
 
 "Art. 1. In ail cases wliere tlie Italian States of his majesty the Emperor of Austria and of his royal high- 
 ness the Duke of Modena might be exposed to an attack from without, the high conti acting parties recipro- 
 cally engage tliemselves to lend aid and assistance, by all means in their power, according to the demands 
 that may be made by one of the two parties to the other. 
 
 Art. 2. As the States of his royal highness the Duke of Modena enter into the line of defence of the Italian 
 provinces of his majesty the Emperor of Austria, his royal highness the Duke of Modena accords to his 
 majesty the Emperor of Austria the right of advancing his imperial troops on the Modcnese territory, 
 and to occupy all the fortified places during such time as the interest of the common defence or military 
 prudence might demand. 
 
 " Art 3. Should occurrences take place in the interior of the States of hVs royal highness the Duke of Mo- 
 dena, of a nature to cause it to be feared that order and tranquillity might be disturbed,or if the tumultuous 
 movements of the people should extend to the proportions of a veritable insurrection, for ihe repression of 
 which the means at the disposal of the government may not be sufficient, his majesty the Emperor of Austria 
 engages, as soon as a demand shall have been made upon him, to lend all the military assistance necessary 
 for the maintenance or reestablishment of tranquillity and lawful order. 
 
 " Art. 4. His royal highness the Duke of Modena engages not to celebrate with any other power any mili- 
 tary convention whatever without tlie previous consent of his imperial and royal apostolic majesty. 
 
 "Art. 5. A special convention will immediately regulate everything relating to the ex'penses and main- 
 tenance of tlie troops of one of the two parties which may operate on the territory of the otlier. 
 
 " Art. 6. The present treaty will be ratified, and the ratifications will be exchanged in the space of fifteen 
 days, or earlier if possible. 
 
 "In witness of whicli we, the plenipotentiaries of his majesty the Emperor of Austria and of liis royal high- 
 ness the Duke of Modena. have signed the pi-esent convention, and affixed their seals the eto. 
 
 Prixce de Mktternich, 
 cocnt tukodore db volo." 
 
 Intent on these and similar constant approaches toward a centralizing sys- 
 tem in Italy, such as aggregates her Sclavonic possessions, Austria has neglected 
 no opportunity (spite of Vienna treaties of 1815) to consolidate her dominion 
 in the Italian peninsula. The diplomatic distrust growing out of these 
 secret treaties Las aroused the watchful jealousy of Louis Napoleon, and 
 given him a long-sought opportunity, with apparent reason on his side, to 
 demand a definite withdrawal of Austrian influence from independent Italy. 
 The abrogation of secret treaties between the Court of Vienna and Italian 
 princes, has been strenuously insisted upon by the French, and as steadily 
 resisted by the Austrian emperor. There is little doubt that a much feebler 
 provocation than treaties like the above would have sufficed for an occasion 
 of war at the present time. " The hour and the man " provide the genuine casus 
 belli; and until a wrestle and a fall shall proclaim one less dynasty on the conti- 
 nent, wc may look for rapidly-changing scenes in the old, oft-rehearsed tragedy 
 of European war. 
 
 V. 
 
 It is probable that ulterior and carefully concealed motives urge on the 
 three heads of belligerent nations thus far actively involved. The French ban- 
 ner of Italian Nationality may have a reverse legend equivalent to Italian 
 annexation, whilst the Black Eagles of Hapsburg may behold an ultimate 
 
 quarry in the whole of Italy, from Alps to ocean Between both, 
 
 stands Victor Emanuel, perhaps calculating the chance of a wide national 
 
THE BALANCE OF POWER IN ET7E0PE. 59 
 
 sovereignty, perhaps reliant upon Napoleon III, alone I . . . . Bat behind 
 all, Revolution may be watching the turn of events, and awaiting the moment 
 when it can sweep from the Seven Hills of Rome, and bear back the armies of 
 Austria and France. 
 
 VI. 
 
 The direct provocation to present hostilities between Austria and France, 
 may be traced to the close relations of the court of Vienna with the petty 
 potentates of Italy. Its private conventions and treaties with Tuscans, 
 Lucchese, Modenese, and Papal States, were so many steps of advance 
 into the heart of southern Italy. On the other hand, Austria and Sardinia 
 had ground for jealous watchfulness of each other; since it was Sardinia that, 
 in 1848, under Charles Albert, raised the standard of Italian Nationality, and 
 in 1849 succumbed only to superior force at the battle of Novara. Since 
 1848, Austria has beheld in the Piedmontese capital a focus of revolutionary 
 feeling, and in Charles Albert's son, the present Sardinian king, an ambitious 
 and dangerous neighbor to Lorabardy and Venice. The policy constrained 
 upon Austria, by her political structure, is an unfortunate one, because it 
 admits of no relaxation of mihtary rule over subject provinces. Hence the 
 Ticino River has demarked on the east an Italian state held by foreign con- 
 quest, and its natives oppressed by alien soldiers, while on the west the same 
 stream bordered another Italian state comparatively free, possessed by her child- 
 ren, and independent of foreign influence. The contrast has been constantly 
 favorable to Victor Emanuel's government, till patriots throughout the peninsula, 
 republicans not excepted, have become accustomed to regard " Constitutional 
 Sardinia," as the hope of reconstructed Italy. Whether Victor Emanuel be 
 capable of emulating Washington, in the event of entire Italian enfran- 
 chisement, or whether be will be only desirous of enlarging his own dynastic 
 empire, are questions that the future must answer ; but that he is suc- 
 cessful in drawing around him the national sympathies of his countrymen, needs 
 no better proof than the fact that republican Garibaldi supports him with all 
 the prestige of democratic antecedents. 
 
 VII. 
 
 Against such a revolutionary neighbor as Sardinia, the Austrian govern- 
 ment conceived it necessary to strengthen its Italian dominion ; and hence the 
 secret treaties, whereby important military positions and the right of occupa- 
 tion or passage by Austrian troops, were granted from Tuscany, Parma, Guas- 
 talla, Modena, and Pontifical states. These encroachments on territories 
 whose permanent independence was guaranteed by the Congress of Vienna, 
 may have been thought necessary to the preservation of " legitimate" Austrian 
 sovereignty, or they may herald ulterior objects embracing the absorption of 
 Papal territory, and the control of Naples. Whatever designs of conquest 
 were concealed, however, is of no material interest now, since the Sardinian 
 monarch, backed by France, has assumed the championship of Italy ; but it 
 is manifest that grounds existed, in the secret treaties alone, to warrant an 
 interference of a state so menaced as Piedmont was by an unscrupulous neigh- 
 bor. Her representations, through Count Cavour, may have influenced Na- 
 poleon III. to interfere actively, but there is little doubt that the French 
 emperor has his own motives for his own course. Great Britain sought to 
 mediate between the Courts of Turin and Vienna, some months before hos- 
 tilities commenced. Lord Cowley, as her representative, repaired to Paris, to 
 be received confidentially by Napoleon, and cleverly referred to the Emperor 
 
60 THE BALANCE OF POWER IN EUEOPE. 
 
 of Austria. The British ambassador then went to Vienna, was cordially 
 received by Francis Joseph, and sent home with assurances that all difficulties 
 would be settled. The Emperor of Russia then proposed that a grand Con- 
 gress of the Five Powers, Austria, Russia, Great Britain, France, and Prussia, 
 should be convened to settle the Affairs of Empire. Napoleon was quite dis- 
 posed to this project, because he felt that France would have the leading 
 voice in such a congress ; but Great Britain became apprehensive that it 
 would open discussions on general continental affairs, and perhaps involve her 
 own occupation of strongholds like Malta and Gibraltar. She stipulated, 
 therefore, that if a congress should be called, its action must be confined to 
 the adjustment of the Italian imbroglio arising out of treaties between Aus- 
 tria and her ducal allies. Austria, likewise, refused to assent to the proposed 
 assembling of a congress except on condition that Sardinia should disarm, and 
 France recall her warlike preparations. The demands of Great Britain and Aus- 
 tria were discussed for some time, and at last agreed upon as the basis of a con- 
 gress ; and it was decided that commissioners should be at once appointed to 
 arrange for a mutual disarmament. It was at this juncture that Austria con- 
 cluded to take another step, withdrawing relations with the court of Turin, and 
 precipitating war upon Sardinian frontiers. Such is a brief resume, of the 
 immediate antecedents of this war. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 What ultimate reorganization of European politics may date from the 
 results of present strife must yet remain veiled to all but speculative vision. 
 That the traditional Balance of Power, which has been the pretended aim 
 of so many struggles in the past is not to be founded on dynastic assumptions^ 
 
 will be proved by this as by former wars Italy cannot be 
 
 dominated by monarchs without infidelity to her highest historical truths. Her 
 self-sustaining resources, her commercial facilities, her mountain chains, are all 
 linked with recollections of freedom; and to be permanently great, she mast 
 
 be permanently republican Bounded by a free Italian Confederation, 
 
 the Free Cantons of Switzerland might smile at Austrian encroachment. Bava- 
 ria and Saxony, with representative governments, and the Hanse Towns, 
 strengthened by renewed liberalism, could balance monarchism in Central Eu- 
 rope. Austria, with Catholic Bohemia, Prussia, with her Protestant States, 
 would not then combine against popular governments, but must rely upon 
 their aid, to keep back the Colossus of the North. The Scandinavian penin- 
 sula might balance Russia on the Baltic by a confederacy with Denmark and 
 the States of Holland. Such a reconstruction of continental sovereignties, 
 with Hungary and Poland revived into constitutional nationalities, and Greece 
 once more a popular commonwealth, would present a balance of power worthy 
 to be maintained, and open for Europe — so long chained to wheels of dynastic 
 chariots — a Future worthy to measure itself with that of our own Republic of 
 the West. Sclavonic races, whether now controlled by Turkey or Austria, 
 must gravitate toward Russia by natural laws. Scandinavia, true to her 
 extraction, will be true to national independence. Wherever the German 
 tongue is spoken, there must Germans confederate ; while Saxon and Celt, 
 Italian and Iberian remain, from their instincts, separate and independent. 
 By old world aggregation of nationalities, the designs of nature must be, as 
 they have ever been, developed to their proper term ; whilst in our own mag- 
 nificent world the problem of progressive homogeneity shall in good time be 
 unravelled beneath the eye of God. 
 
BIOGKAPHICAL SKETCHES, ARMIES AND FINANCES. Gl 
 
 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, ARMIES, AND FINANCES. 
 
 I. 
 
 Camilli di Cavour was born in Turin, July 14th, 1809. His father was a 
 merchant, engaged in extensive commercial transactions, whereby he amassed 
 a considerable fortune, which he bequeathed to the subject of this sketch. 
 Camilli became first popularly known through his connection with 11 Risorgi- 
 mento, an Italian liberal journal established in 1841. His vigorous articles 
 upon political economy in that paper attracted much attention, and in 1849 
 he was returned through liberal influences to the Sardinian Chamber of Depu- 
 ties. He recommended himself by his conservative course, as a deputy, and 
 in the course of two following years received, from the Court of Turin, an ap- 
 pointment, firstly, as Minister of Agriculture, and then, in addition, the port- 
 folio of Minister of Finance His career in public employment and royal 
 
 favor was subsequently quite rapid. In 1852 he was made President of the 
 Council of State, after having been ennobled, with title of Count, by the king. 
 As minister for Foreign Affairs, he opposed the pope's concessions to Austrian 
 policy, and was instrumental in effecting an alliance of Sardinia with France, 
 Great Britain, and Turkey, in the war against Russia. At the termination of 
 difficulties, he attended the Peace Conference of Paris, as special representa- 
 tive of Sardinia, and took an active part in urging a general movement 
 toward reform in Italian affairs. He protested against the occupation of Papal 
 States by foreign troops, and sought to induce an interference with the gov- 
 ernment of Naples, to the extent of ameliorating the rigorous home policy of 
 Ferdinand. As minister of State in Sardinia, he carried through several mea- 
 sures for suppressing convents and monasteries, and bringing their property 
 under civil control. For this course of action, be was excommunicated by the 
 pope, and met with bitter opposition from the clergy, but was sustained by the 
 
 general feeling of the nation Count Cavour has always shown himself 
 
 a strong partisan of France, and in 1858, after the attempt to assassinate 
 Louis Napoleon at Paris, January 14th, he submitted a law providing for the 
 arrest and extradition of any conspirators against the life of foreign princes 
 who might seek refuge in Sardinian territory, but allowing the trial of such 
 persons, on appeal, by a jury of two hundred, named by municipal authorities. 
 This measure was unpopular with the people, and Cavour was accused of being 
 too zealous a friend of the French emperor. There is no doubt that a very 
 good understanding exists between Napoleon III. and the Sardinian minister, 
 whether it be the result of policy or not ; and Count Cavour has earned the 
 confidence of his imperial friend by a steady adherence to French interests, as 
 opposed to Austria in all questions that have grown out of the war of 1854, 
 in reference to the Danubian Principalities. Whether he may be disposed to act 
 the part of the Prince of Peace, or whether he shall prove himself, in the end, 
 a staunch nationalist — 7ious verrons. Count Cavour is now at the head of Civil 
 Affairs in Sardinia, and chief confidant of the allied mouarchs. 
 
 II. 
 
 Francois Certain de Canrobert is a native of Brittany, France, where he 
 was born in 1809, and is, therefore, of the same age as Count Cavour. In 
 1826, he was a member of the Military School of St. Cyr, but afterward 
 entered the French army as a private soldier, and subsequently rose to be a 
 
62 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, AKMIES AND FINANCES. 
 
 sub-lieutenant. In 1835, he went to Africa, received a commission as first 
 lieutenant in the expedition of Mascara, and was promoted' to a captaincy 
 before 1837. He distinguished himself at the assault on Constautine, winning 
 his medal of the Legion of Honor. Being now in active African service, his rise 
 was certain. He became a major iu 1842, lieutenant-colonel in 1846, and 
 brigadier-general in 1849. Eeturning to France, he was made aide-de-camp to 
 Napoleon, and supported the Prince-President in his memorable coup d'etat, 
 after which he was dispatched to the provinces with authority as military com- 
 missioner, to suppress all resistance to the new order of things. In 1853, 
 Canrobert was made general of division, and in the year following accom- 
 panied a French army to the Crimea, where he speedily displayed himself, and 
 was wounded in the battle of Alma. On a vacancy in the supreme command, 
 Canrobert, pursuant to secret instructions from the emperor, tool: the place 
 of general-in-chief St. Arnaud. He defeated the Russians at Inkermann, 
 and afterward resigned his position, as commander, iu favor of General 
 Pelissier. At the close of the ensuing campaign, he returned to France, high 
 in favor with Napoleon, and was soon after accredited minister to Sweden. 
 He is now a Marshal of France, and was in command of one of the great 
 military departments, till summoned at the commencement of present hos- 
 tilities between the French and Austrian governments, to take post in the 
 army of Italy under Napoleon himself. 
 
 III. 
 
 Giuseppe Garibaldi was born at Nice, on the borders of Genoa, on the 4th 
 of July, 180T. Like his countryman Columbus, he belonged to a sea-faring 
 family, and though educated for the priesthood, found himself in early man- 
 hood treading the decks of a merchant vessel. In common with many Italian 
 patriots, he mourned over the degradation of his country uuder foreign rule, 
 and when the secret organization of "Young Italy" began to develop its 
 projects, the youthful mariner hastened to enroll himself in the ranks of 
 Italy's defenders. The abortive attempt at revolution in 1834 brought 
 Garibaldi under ban of the Piedmontese government, and he was hunted for a 
 fortnight through the mountains, ere he could eflfect his escape over the 
 French border. Charles Albert, father of the present King of Sardinia, pro- 
 claimed him a rebel under sentence of death ; but he continued to follow his 
 profession as a sailor, under the French flag, till he found an opportunity of 
 aiding another free cause by enlistmg iu the service of the Montevidean 
 Republic, then struggling against Rosas, the dictator of Buenos Ayres. He 
 was made commodore of the Montevidean fleet, which he manned with 
 European refugees, most of whom were members of the society of " Young 
 Italy." He married a Montevidean lady, and distinguished himself as a 
 skillful strategist and commander, both on sea and land, materially contributing 
 to the successful resistance of Montevideo against Rosas, till the current of 
 events in Italy began setting toward another revolutionary struggle, which 
 
 manifested itself in the outbreaks of 1848 In the spring of that year, 
 
 Garibaldi, with a force of Italian compatriots, left South America and landed 
 at Nice, where the people were already in arms against the Austrians. The 
 patriots flocked around him, and he soon found himself at the head of a for- 
 midable legion, with which he hastened to offer his services to Charles Albert, 
 the sovereign who had condemned him to death fifteen years before, but who 
 had now declared himself the constitutional protector of Italy, in her efforts 
 for emancipation. The Sardinian king was constrained to accept his revola- 
 
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, ARMIES AND FINANCES. 63 
 
 tionary subject's offer of assistance, but he allowed hira no opportunity to 
 engage in actual service. Garibaldi, and his republican followers, numbering 
 nearly four thousand men, were kept in the background till the defeat of 
 Victor-Emanu'?! at the battle of Novarra, and his subsequent abandonment of 
 the Italian cause, left the country without a leader, and at the mercy of 
 Radetzky, the Austrian general, and Ferdinand the tyrant of Naples. ... In 
 this crisis the democratic chief divided his forces, in which were Jacopo 
 Medici, Joseph Mazzini, and Gavazzi, by sea and land, and succeeded in throw- 
 ing himself into Rome about the time that Pius IX. fled from that city, to take 
 refuge at Gaeta. When a republic was subsequently declared by the Roman 
 revolutionists, Garibaldi was associated with Mazzini and Avezzano, in a Tri- 
 umvirate government Soon afterward, in response to the pope's 
 
 appeal, an army of French, Austrians, Spanish, and Neapolitans, laid siege to 
 Rome, which was gallantly defended by the republicans until a capitulation 
 was forced by the bombardment of the city. Garibaldi and his legion made 
 head to the last, and evacuated the city with arms in their hands, and with- 
 out disbandment. Their leader, in announcing his determination to depart, 
 addressed the followiag proclamation to his companions : 
 
 " Soldiers, what I have to offer is fatigue, danger, struggling and death— the chill of the cold night, the 
 open air, and the burning sun; no lodgings, no munitions, no provisions — but forced marches, dangerous 
 watchposts, and continual struggling with bayonets against batteries. Let those who love freedom and- 
 their country better than their life follow me." 
 
 Four thousand brave men responded to this appeal, and with this force, 
 Garibaldi hoped to fight his way to Venice, which still held nobly out against 
 the Austrians. Gaining possession of several small vessels and boats, he 
 embarked upon the Adriatic, but before reaching the lagunes, was attacked by 
 an Austrian squadron, and forced to regain the shore. The Austrians followed 
 np the success by land pursuit, causing a dispersion of the republicans. Gari- 
 baldi, on whose head a heavy price was set, escaped to the mountains, with a 
 few faithful comrades, and his South American wife, who had been a sharer in 
 all his toils and dangers. On the eve of becoming a mother, this generous 
 woman refused to seek some friendly shelter, but insisted on accompanying her 
 husband iu his flight toward Ravenna. She was carried sometimes on a litter 
 by the soldiers, sometimes in Garibaldi's arms, over precipices and through a 
 wilderness country, the Austrians pressing close behind, till they entered the 
 heart of the mountains. But the poor lady's strength failed under fatigue and 
 exposure, till on reaching a goatherd's lonely hut, Garibaldi asked for shelter, 
 and bore his fainting wife to a rude pallet of straw, laid upon planks. As he 
 laid her there, unclasping her hands from his neck, she unclosed her eyes, smiled 
 faintly, and sunk to eternal sleep, at the moment when an alarm outside 
 announced the approach of pursuers. Garibaldi, paralyzed by the loss of his 
 beloved Aneeta, felt almost inclined to abandon the effort to escape ; but 
 his faithful followers hurried him from the spot, so soon as the remains of his 
 wife had been committed to a hasty grave. The goatherd, whose cabin 
 afforded this brief shelter, was soon after seized and murdered by the Austri- 
 ans, while the corpse of Garibaldi's wife was subjected to their barbarous 
 insults. The republican chief himself, wandered for more than a month through 
 Apennine wildernesses, until, venturing into Piedmont, he was arrested by 
 the Sardinian authorities. Subsequently released, he sailed for the United 
 States, where he remained till 1854, engaged in peaceful, laborious pursuits. 
 When the Sardinian government, influenced by the prudence of Count Oavour, 
 adopted the liberal policy which has distinguished it throughout several years 
 
64 BIOGKAPHICAL SKETCHES, ARMIES AND FINANCES. 
 
 past, Garibaldi was invited to establish himself at Genoa. Associating him- 
 self with mercantile affairs, he apparently withdrew from political agitation, 
 and during two years resided on a small family estate, where the present sum- 
 mons to national Italy, found him ready to renew the strife for independence. 
 It is a matter of doubt whether Victor Emanuel is less averse to tlie repub- 
 lican chieftain's active cooperation than was his father, Charles Albert ; but 
 the astute Cavour and his patron. Napoleon III. are aware that Garibaldi's 
 name is a host in itself, and that to refuse a command to him would be to cast 
 suspicion upon tlie purity of the alleged motives that call France to the assist- 
 ance of Italy. Garibaldi embodies in his command the democratic soldiery of 
 Italy ; and his career will be watched, not only by his countrymen and their 
 king, but quite as anxiously by the real well-wishers of Italy, in every quarter 
 of the world. 
 
 vr. 
 
 Field-Marshal, or Feldzeugmeister Gtulai, is a Magyar by nationality, 
 born at Pesth, in 1798. His father distinguished himself in the Austrian 
 army, by effective service, at the battle of Aspern, fought in 1809, between 
 Napoleon I. and the Archduke Charles. Young Gyulai's advent in mili- 
 tary life was during the last campaigns conducted by Austria and her alUes, 
 against the declining power of Bonaparte. He served as an under lieutenant in 
 a regiment commanded by his father, comprising the Gyulai and Lichtenstein 
 huzzars : and in 1821, was commissioned as major in the emperor's Hulan 
 corps. After passing through the grade of infantry colonel, he was created a 
 general in 183*7, and stationed at Vienna, in the imperial guard. In 1846, he was 
 transferred to the Dalmatian frontier, with the title of Field-marshal-lieutenant, 
 and military supervision over the provincial circle, of which Trieste is the 
 centre. He held this post at the period of revolutionary excitement in 1848, 
 when Italy to the Tyrol, and Germany to the gates of Vienna, threatened to 
 throw off Austrian domination. Faithful to his family loyalty, Gyulai took 
 prompt measures to place the sea-board from Fiume to Trieste in a state of 
 defence against a threatened descent from the Italian peninsula. He assumed 
 dictatorial powers, dismissed from service, or transferred to the interior, all 
 officers suspected of revolutionary tendencies, reorganized the laud forces and 
 sea armament, and by his vigilance preserved Dalmatia from the consequences 
 of an unforeseen attack by Sardinian men-of-war, sent out to reduce Trieste. 
 His devotion and marked ability, as a commander, placed Gyulai high in favor 
 with the emperor, who bestowed upon him several decorations and titles. 
 In 1849, he was made Minister of War, and is said to have planned the cam- 
 paign which resulted in the overthrow of Hungarian Revolutionists. After 
 the repression of disturbances, Gyulai traversed the whole empire as military 
 inspector, and drew up an elaborate report of the condition of the provinces ; 
 soon after which he withdrew from the War Department, and was transferred to 
 the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom, with the rank of Fddzmgmcistcr, and the order 
 of the Golden Fleece. General Radetzky then held chief command over the 
 provinces that he had subdued in 1849 ; but at his subsequent retirement, 
 Gyulai became general of the Austro-Italian army, which he now commands. 
 By special appointment of the emperor, at the beginning of the war, he is also 
 viceroy of the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom, in place of the Archduke Maxi- 
 milian, recalled to Vienna by his imperial brother Francis Joseph. The pre- 
 sent is Gjulai's first campaign as commander-in-chief, though he has seen ser- 
 vice before. 
 
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, ARMIES AND FINANCES. 65 
 
 V. 
 
 The death of Ferdinand II., King of the Two Sicilies, at the critical period 
 of an Italian war, fenders the position of his successor a subject of interest. 
 The wretched tjTant who has just passed from earth — after undergoing in his 
 own person, a succession of living deaths, that seemed avenging inflictions for 
 his manifold crimes — was a true Bourbon, headstrong, double-dealing, cruel 
 and fanatical. The bombardment of his own capital — an act which he com- 
 manded, in order to repress a patriotic manifestation — attached to him while 
 living, the sobriquet of " King Bomba ;" but now that he is dead, there is lit* 
 tie need of further animadversion on his life, save that embraced in the above- 
 made assertion, that he was a true Bourbon. His queen belonged to the House 
 of Austria. A daughter of the Archduke Charles, she inherited the sternness 
 and duplicity of the Hapsburgs, and was a fitting consort of her Neapolitan 
 spouse in his bigotry, though far excelling him in administrative ability. Dur- 
 ing Ferdinand's life she headed the Austrian party of Naples, and labored to 
 secure the succession for her eldest son. Count De Trani, in opposition to the 
 prior claims of the Prince-Royal Francis, Duke of Calabria, a son of the king 
 by his first wife, Maria, who was a daughter of Victor Emanuel VI., brother 
 
 of Charles Albert and uncle of the present King of Sardinia The late 
 
 Ferdinand of Naples was greatly under the influence of his Austrian consort, 
 Maria Theresa, and it was feared he would name her favorite as his successor; 
 but the legitimate heir is now recognized, in Francis II. The new monarch, 
 as before said, is a relative of the Sardinian King, being the son of Victor 
 Emanuel's cousin Marie. He is in his twenty-third year, his step-brother, 
 Count de Trani, being twenty-one. Francis II. was lately married to a Bava- 
 rian princess, whose family relations are bound up with Austrian policy; and he 
 himself is reported to be under control of the priests. But there is a strong 
 Sardinian party in Naples, which maintains that the young king is at heart dis- 
 posed to throw off the yoke of priestly and foreign influence. The crisis of 
 Italian transition, now once more approaching, will determine whether the 
 successor of Ferdinand shall disarm revolution by placing himself on Victor 
 Emanuel's platform of nationality, or whether he will take arms to oppose a 
 Muratist movement that appears to be threatened by the progress of French 
 intervention. 
 
 VI. 
 
 The retirement, or dismissal, of Count Buol Schaunstein, late Austrian 
 foreign minister, from his position in the Imperial Council, gives rise for appre- 
 hension that the Hapsburg policy is reverting to the character which it main- 
 tained under Metternich and Schwartzenburg — of dogged adherence to the tra- 
 ditions of despotic rule. Count Buol, whatever might have been his faults 
 of omission — Avas at least a statesman of common-sense proclivities ; and it is 
 not to be doubted that he deplored and would have averted, if possible, the 
 war entailed upon his government. His removal, and the appointment of 
 Count Rechbergin his place, is suggestive, at this time, of a determination on 
 the part of his imperial master to push the quarrel with France to extremities. 
 Count JoHx Bernard Rechberg is a Bavarian, born October 14, 1806, on the 
 same day that Austria lost the double battle of Auerstadt and Jena. His 
 father was Count Albert Francis of Rechberg, one of the numberless petty 
 chiefs who claimed feudal sovereignty before the era of the French revolu- 
 tion ; but as John was a younger son, he entered, after leaving the university, 
 into Austrian military service. In 1841, having attained the rank of colonel 
 
 5 
 
66 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, ARMIES AND FINANCES. 
 
 Rechberg left the array for a diplomatic career. He was intrusted by Prince 
 Metternich witli several confidential missions, and went to tlie court of St. 
 Petersburg as secretary of legation ; but in the troubles of 1848-9, he reentered 
 the army, and distinguished himself by opposition to rcvi>lunonary ideas. 
 When "order reigned" once more, Rccliberg was rewarded for his loyalty 
 with a place in the cabinet, under the Prime Minister, Prince Schwarlzenberg. 
 He was employed in the negotiations of Olinutz, and became a favorite of the 
 emperor, and Archduchess Sophia. In 1855, he represented Austria in the 
 Frankfort Diet, presiding over the independent States, and neutralizing Prus- 
 sian influence by his skillful political tactics. Count Rechberg is a man of 
 energy and a thorough-going advocate of " dynastic legitimacy." He is a pupil 
 of Metternich and vSchwartzenberg, in their absolutist dogmas, and as unscru- 
 pulous in the means necessary to uphold them. Arbitrary and uncompro- 
 mising, he is not the man to offer or accept terms from Napoleon 111. that are 
 not based on entire recognition of Austrian claims. He is likewise popular in 
 Germany, and being a Bavarian, may exert due influence through his position, 
 on the new king of Naples, whose queen is a Bavarian princess. — x\ltogether, 
 with Count Rechberg, Austria becomes bolder and craftier, if not wiser in 
 maintaining dynastic claims. 
 
 VII. 
 
 Barox de Hess, next in command to Count Gyulai, in the Austro-Ttalian 
 army, was born in the year 1*188. He has seen nearly half a century of ser- 
 vice, and has been attached to the Austrian army in Italy since 1829-30, 
 during which period, as well as in the revolutionary seasons of 1848-49, he 
 distinguished himself on many occasions. He was chief of Gen. Radetzky's 
 staff in the campaigns against the Sardinians, under Charles Albert, and was 
 much trusted by the Austrian commander-in-chief, both as a soldier and coun- 
 sellor. It is said that he opposed the plan of Count Gyulai in reference to 
 crossing the Ticino at the outset of the war, and it is not improbable that, on 
 the score of greater military experience and ability, he may yet supersede the 
 
 Feldzeugnieister in command of the Austrian van General 
 
 Hebel, another Austrian commander, likewise served under Radetzky, in 1848, 
 being intrusted with a division of occupation between Verona and Trent, along 
 the line of the Adige River. He was with the Imperial Chasseurs in an 
 engagement near Pastrengo, where the Austrians sustained a defeat, and was 
 in command at the time several Italian prisoners were shot in a ditch at Trent. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Marshal Baraguay d'Hilliers was born in 1796. He has been noted in 
 past years as a partisan of strong government in France, and was at one time 
 proposed by the opponents of liberalism as the fitting leader of a reactionary 
 movement against the revolution of 1848. After the reduction of Rome, and 
 retreat of Garibaldi, in 1849, General d'Hilliers was sent to Italy, and suc- 
 ceeded Gen. Oudiuot in command of the army of occupation in the Papal 
 States. At the period when Louis Napoleon contemplated his famous coup 
 d'etat, Marshal d'Hilliers was selected as a trusty instrument to be need against 
 the republic, and he was placed in command of the Parisian troops, displacing 
 Changarnier, Cavaignac, and other generals tried in African service, but obnox- 
 ious Q.n account of their known republican sympathies. The success of Louis 
 Napoleon guaranteed promotion for his friends, and Baraguay d'Hilliers has 
 since flourished under Imperial favor. At the head of his divisions in Italy, 
 he will, it is likely, find opportunities to distinguish himself. 
 
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, ARMIES AND FINANCES. 71 
 
 xn. 
 
 Francis Joseph Charles, Emperor of Austria, son of tbe Arch-Duke 
 Charles and Priiives? Sophia, was born on the 18th of xing. 1830, and ascended 
 the throne in 18-49, after the abdication of his imperial father, who had 
 been driven from Vienna by a revolutionary movement. The young 
 monarch, on taking possession of the crown, promised his German subjects a 
 constitution, and gave assurances to all the nationalities subordinate to his 
 government^ that tliey should be guaranteed their own systems of local admin- 
 istration. Such an auspicious commencement of his reign gave hopes of enlarged 
 reforms, and the revolutionary agitations throughout Germany died away ; 
 but the false faith that appears chronic in his house, soon displayed itself in the 
 emperor's actions. He annulled the Hungarian constitution, reduced Bohemia to 
 greater dependency, and broke all his pledges made in the hour of revolution. 
 With the assistance of a Russian army, joined to his own forces under Radetzky, 
 and Jellachich, Ban of Croatia, he succeeded in strangling the Republicanism 
 of Hungary and Italy, and establishing Austrian dominion on yet more despotic 
 footing. Since that period, Francis Joseph has reigned with absolute 
 power and irresponsibility. Under his successive ministries several secret treat- 
 ies obnoxious to Italian independence have been concluded with minor duchies 
 bordering on Lombardy, and his general policy appears to have been to push a 
 consolidated Austrian influence throughout southern Italian States to the 
 kingdom of Naples. Francis Joseph is considered to possess energy and to be 
 ambitious of carrying Austrian sovereignty to yet further points on the Euro- 
 pean continent. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 To enter upon such gigantic warfare, few nations are possessed of resources 
 to the extent commanded by France and Russia combined. Nearly every 
 government is shackled, more or less, by a national debt. The aggregate pub- 
 lic debt of all Europe may be rated at Je2,000,000,000, of which Great 
 Britain's share is over £900,000,000, or nearly one half, and that of German 
 governments almost half a billion more ; while France and Russia have about 
 ^300,000,000, between them. Russia's present debt being less than half that 
 amount. The paper money already afloat in Europe ranges between the sums 
 of £300,000,000, and £500,000,000, and the bonds of many state liabilities 
 have long been valueless in the market. After the war of 1815 and ot the 
 date of the Grh of January, 1816, the consolidated debt of England amounted 
 to £816,311,911, or nearly $4,500,000,000. In 1830 the amount was 
 reduced to £771,251,932, and in 1851 to £769,272,502. The loans con- 
 tracted for tlie Crimean war increased the English debt at the date of March 31, 
 1858, to £779,225,495. On the 5th of January, 1816, the yeaidy service of 
 the consolidated English debt figured in the budget for £30,462,023, and on 
 the 31st of March, 1858, for £27,495,853. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 To provide for the expenses of his opening campaign. Napoleon III., through 
 his Ministry of Finance, called for a public loan of 92,000,000f., to be raised 
 by subscriptions throughout France. The proposition was the signal for an 
 enthusiastic response, at once illustrating the popularity of the war, and the 
 general confidence of France in its imperial government. According to the 
 report of M. Mogne, Minister of Finance, the number of subscribers already 
 exceed 525,000, divided as follows: Paris, 244,129; departments, 281,000. 
 For 10 francs of rente, 315,000 ; for larger sums, 150,000. 
 
72 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, AKMIES AND FINANCES. 
 
 The capital subscribed for amounts to 2,361,000,000 francs : For Paris, 
 1,547, OOO.OOOf. ; for the departments, about 100,000,000f. For lOf. of rente, 
 80,000,0005.; for larger sums, 2,227,000,000. 
 
 As au average of war expenses on the part of a single nation, we may quote 
 the financial results of English belligerency during 127 years, terminating with 
 the battle of Waterloo, 65 years of which time were spent in actual hostilities. 
 
 The war of 1688, ended by the Treaty of Ryswick, lasted nine years, and cost — £36,000,000 
 
 War of the t^pauish Succession, from 1702 to 1718, cost 62,500,000 
 
 Spanish War of 1TS2, settled at Aix-la-Chapelle, cost 55,000,000 
 
 Seven Years' War, 1T56 to 1 768. settled by treaty of Paris, cost 112,000,000 
 
 American Colonial War, 1775 to 1788, cost 136,000,000 
 
 War against the Fiench Uepublic, 1793 to 1802, cost 4(;9,000,000 
 
 War against Napoleon lionapai te, 1S08 to 1815 1,159,000,000 
 
 Total £2,0^,500,000 
 
 To sq^port this terra of sixty-five years fighting, the British government 
 borrowed £834,000,000, and taxed its subjects during the same period, 
 £21,189,000,000. Such statistics present an aiiproximate idea of tlie cost 
 and couseqneiiccs of war among civilized nations. 
 
 ANNOUNCEMENT TO THE PUBLIC. 
 
 Arrangements have been made for reliable information connected with European affairs ; 
 and in the event of a continuance of the Present War, or its advance into Central Europe, 
 we shall issue, from time to time, in pamphlet form, such matter of Important Interest aa 
 may be necessary to a 
 
 COMPLETE HISTOKICAL UNDERSTANDLNG 
 
 OF 
 
 ETJIiOPE^ISr ii]ELA.Tio:isrs. 
 
 EMBRACING 
 
 Umm OF THE VARIOUS STRUGGLES FOR LIBERTY AND NATIONALITY 
 
 in different countries of the Old World. 
 
 IN PREPABATION, 
 
 A LIFE OF JOSEPH GARIBALDI. 
 
 THE ITALIAN PATRIOT. 
 
 Containing his Adventures and Services in Two Worlds. 
 
 The pamphlets that we sliall issue on this subject, will be embellished with PORTRAITS, 
 and other engravings of interesting scenes and objects, and will contain carefully prepared 
 Maps and Diagrams. 
 
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, ARMIES AND FINANCES. 69 
 
 time, the tame eagle was let loose, and flew to the top of a column ; Louis 
 Napoleon and his companions made their way to the barracks ; the prince 
 harangued the troops; they began to waver, but were intimidated by the oflS- 
 cers; a struggle ensued, Louis Napoleon shot a grenadier, and then attempted 
 to excite the citizens ; but all were at last obliged to retreat to the column, 
 where the eagle perched, and where they raised the tri-color. Presently they 
 were driven to the beach, and there captured without difficulty. Thus ended 
 the Boulogne attempt, like that of Strasbourg, in signal failure. . . . The con- 
 sequences, however, were not so light to its leader, who was at once shut up 
 in the strong fortress of Ham ; though Louis Philippe might have been 
 justified in adopting harsher measures toward him. ... lu this prison the 
 nephew of Napoleon I. passed six years, which he employed to advantage in 
 study, as well as in maturing ideas for future reduction to practice in the 
 "destiny" which he still believed to lie before him. . . . From the prison 
 of Ham, Loni? Napoleon escaped by taking advantage of an unusual degree of 
 liberty allowed him. While some repairs were proceeding in the building, he 
 disguised himself as a workman, and balancing a plank on his head, succeeded 
 in passing the outer gates, and making good his retreat from Ham and the 
 soil of France. ... He remained quiet, then, till the events of 1848 
 brought him prominently before the public, and laid the foundation of his 
 present exalted postion. 
 
 X. 
 
 Victor Ejiaxuel, King of Sardinia, is the son and successor of Charles 
 Albert, whose failure to carry out the programme of Italian revolution in 1848, 
 after he had placed himself at the head of it, was one of the causes which 
 brought about repu1)lican defeat and despotic reaction, throughout continental 
 Europe. Defeated by the Austrians at Novara, Charles Albert abdicated his 
 throne in favor of Victor Emanuel, who now proceeds with greater assurance 
 of success, in the work of reconstructing Italian politics. The present mon- 
 arch was born on the 14th of March, 1814, and before his accession to the 
 throne was known as the Duke of Savoy. He has seen service as a soldier 
 during the memorable campaigns of 1848-9, and after the defeat of Novara, 
 conducted the negotiations with Gen. Radetzky, which resulted in a treaty of 
 peace and his retention of the Sardinian crown. At that period, and for sev- 
 eral subsequent years, Victor Emanuel was regarded with some suspicion by the 
 republicans of Italy, who thought he had conceded too much to Austria's 
 demands, and affirmed that he should have continued the struggle for national- 
 ity. Those early years of his reign were marked by several insurrectionary 
 attempts ; but when general quiet was restored, Victor Emanuel began to win 
 popularity by the introduction of several much needed liberal reforms. Among 
 other measures which he carried through, was the suppression of some over- 
 grown convents, and the taxation of the church properties. In 1854, he joined 
 the alliance of Eiis^land, France, and Turkey in the war against Russia, aud sent 
 
 his quota of troops to the Crimea Victor Emauael married, while 
 
 Duke of Savoy, a daughter of the Austrian Archduke, Regner, Viceroy of the 
 Lombardo-Veaetian kingdom. He is thus related, by marriage, with the 
 Hapsburg dynasty, and is likewise a relative of the new king of Naples, Fran- 
 cis II. 
 
 XI. 
 
 As an approximation to the number of fighting men that may be brought 
 into the field, for a general continental war, the following statement, from 
 reliable data, will be interesting : 
 
70 
 
 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, ARMIES AND FINANCES. 
 
 Austria 
 Prussia. 
 
 Belgium 
 
 Denmarlv and Schleswig-Holstein. 
 The Netlierlands , 
 
 Sweden and Norway . 
 
 France 
 
 Sardinia 
 
 Spain 
 
 Portugal 
 
 Kingdom of Naples 
 
 Kingilom of Hanover 
 
 Kingdom of Wurf emburg , 
 
 Kingdom of liavaria 
 
 Kingdom of Saxony 
 
 Great Britain 
 
 Four Free Cities— Frankfort, Lubeck 
 Bremen, Hamburg 
 
 German lluchies — Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, 1 
 Anlialt-Iiessau, 8axe-Meiningen, An- 
 liall-Bernl)urg, Saxe-AItenburg, Nas- 
 sau, Brunswick, and Saxe-Weimar. . . 
 
 German Principalities — Schivvarzburg, 
 RudoUtadt and Sondershausen, Lippe- 
 Detmold, Keu?3, Lippe-Schaumburg. 
 Waldeck, I.iclitenstein, and Ilesse- 
 Homburg landgravate J 
 
 Electorate of Uesse 
 
 German Grand Ducbies of Baden 
 
 Mecklenbuig-Schwerin 
 
 Hesse Darmstadt , 
 
 Oldenburg and Mecklenburg-Strelitz 
 
 Turkey 
 
 Servia and the L>anubian Principalities ) 
 tributary to Turkey J 
 
 Grand Uudiy of Tuscany 
 
 Duchy of Parma 
 
 Modena 
 
 Papal States . . . 
 
 Kingdom of Greece 
 
 Army. 
 
 800,000 men 
 
 600,000 foot, 100 000 cavalry 
 
 600,000 men 
 
 100,000 men 
 
 25,000 men 
 
 50,000 men 
 
 60,000 men 
 
 700,000 men 
 
 90,000 men 
 
 200.000 men 
 
 40,000 men 
 
 50,000 men 
 
 25,000 men 
 
 20,000 men 
 
 60,000 men 
 
 80,000 men 
 
 250,000 men 
 
 5,000 men 
 
 15,000 men. 
 
 4,000 men. 
 
 12,000 men. 
 20,000 men. , 
 
 5,000 men. 
 46,000 men. 
 
 1,500 men. 
 250,000 men. 
 
 12,000 men. 
 
 12,000 men. 
 
 5,000 men. 
 
 4,000 men. 
 20,000 men. 
 10,000 men. 
 
 Xavy 
 
 i200 vessels, 500 gunboats, 
 10,000 guns. 
 200 vessels, incln<ling gun- 
 boats, with 8i>0 guns. 
 ) 50 ves.«els and gunboats 
 ( 160 guns. 
 7 vessels, 50 guns. 
 40 vessels, 1,500. 
 150 vessels, 3,000 guns. 
 J 500 vessels and gunboats, 
 1 8,000 guns. 
 400 vessels, 10,000 guns. 
 1(10 vessels, 1,000 guus. 
 60 vessels, SOij guns. 
 40 vessels, 700 gnns. 
 20 vessels, 500 guns. 
 
 roO vessels, 20,000 guns. 
 
 75 vessels, 100 guns. 
 
 10 vessels, 20 guns. 
 
 6 vessels, 30 guns. 
 40 vessels, 150 guns. 
 
 The Germanic States, exclusive of Austria and Prussia, furnislied in 1809, 
 for tlie Rhenish Confederation, nearly 150,000 men, and now raise double that 
 number of contingent troops. 
 
 It is lil^ely that an offensive alliance between France and Russia would 
 bring 2,000,000 lighting men into the war under their united banners. Should 
 they be disj)Oscd, unitedly, as Napoleon was, alone, to overrun or overawe all 
 the continent, except confederated German States, these two millions could be 
 converged in successive armies upon Central Germany. Austria, Prussia, with 
 combined Germanic forces, including the free cities, might muster a million 
 and a half soldiers to defend their various dynasties, under the name of Ger- 
 man Nation. Four hundred thousand fighting men, belonging to other coun- 
 tries, would be kept hors du combat through the influence of the two great 
 allies, or from local causes, unless Great Britain consider herself called upon^ 
 as in nOS, to enter the arena. In that event, she might rouse otherwise neu- 
 tral nations to confederacy, and swell the opposition armies to something near 
 an equality with those of France and Russia. The spectacle would then be 
 exhibited of nearly four million of men in arms for a tremendous struggle, and 
 there is more than a possibility that such a struggle may mark the year 1860 
 in the annals of all history. 
 
BIOGKAPHICAL SKETCHES, ARMIES AND FINAtfCES. 67 
 
 The following order of the day was addressed by Marshal d'Hilliers from 
 his head quarters at Genoa, a few days previous to the battle of Moutebello, 
 gaiued by one of his columns under General Forey, over the Austrians ; the 
 opening French victory of the campaign. 
 
 "Soldiers ! In 1796 andlSOO the French army under the orders of General Bonaparte, obtained in Italy- 
 glorious victories over the same enemies whom we are about to combat. Several demi-brigades then ac- 
 quired the designation of ' Terrible' or ' Invincible,' which each of you, by his courage, firmness, and disci- 
 pline, will endeavor to give to his standard. Soldiers, have confidence in me, as I have in you. Let us show 
 ourselves worthy of France and of the Emperor ; and let us so act that it shall one day be said of us as waa 
 said of our fatliers, in expressing all titles of glory — ' He belonged to the army of Italy !" 
 
 IX. 
 
 .Napoleon III., Emperor of France, is the son of Louis Bonaparte, younger 
 brother of the fuvst Napoleon, and of Horteuse Beauharnais, daughter of the 
 Empress Josephine, and aftern'ard known as the Duchess of St. Lea. On 
 the death of Napoleon's only son, the Duke of Reichstadt, Louis Napoleon 
 became the nearest representative of his great uncle. His mother, the Duchess 
 de St. Leu, cherished the hope of his elevation to her death, and her constant in- 
 fluence was exerted to prepare him for the attainment and preservation of the 
 throne which her imperial step-father lost at Waterloo. As early as the 
 fall of Charles X., Louis Napoleon, in company with his brother, endeavored 
 to excite a revolution in Italy, and the brother fell in that abortive attempt. 
 The ambitious prince devoted his energies, in the prime of manhood, to pre- 
 paration for what, with Napoleonic fatalism, he deemed his "destiny "in the 
 future. His different literary productions, particularly ics Reveries PoUtlques 
 and Dcs Idees Napoleonicnnes, were obviously written to impress his countrymen 
 with the conviction that he not only comprehended, but was disposed to follow 
 the example of his great predecessor, in his measures for the aggrandizement 
 of France. " I would have," said he, in the Reveries, "a government which 
 should embrace all the advantages of a republic without entailing its inconve- 
 niences ; a government that should be strong without despotism, free without 
 anarchy, independent without conquests — the people enjoying real and organ- 
 ized sovereignty, as the electoral source, guardian, and regulator of all power ; 
 two chambers, composing a Legislature, the first elected, but certain conditions 
 necessary to the other, founded on services rendered, or experience gained by 
 its eligible members." With such weaponry of assurances, Louis Napoleon 
 opperated from his mother's little court in her Swiss chateau, until, in the year 
 1836, he had succeeded in enlisting wide-spread sympathy and organizing a 
 secret combination of Bonapartists and republicans, ramified throughout many 
 districts of France, and embracing soldiers in most of the regiments. At 
 what he conceived a favorable moment, his first revolutionary attempt was made 
 by a sudden rising in Strasbourg, near the Swiss border in France, which 
 might have succeeded had it not been for Louis Napoleon's ow^n imprudence. 
 Entering the fortres.s, on the evening of October 28, 1836, he was secreted by 
 his adherents, and, on the 30th, presented himself suddenly before the barracks 
 in prc.-^ence of the Fourth Regiment of Artillerists. He was dressed in the well- 
 known military costume of Napoleon I., and, boldly advancing, cried out, 
 " Soldiers a great revolution is commencing at this moment. The nephew of 
 the Emperor is before you I He comes to put himself at your head. He has 
 arrived oii the soil of France to restore to it liberty and glory. The time has 
 come when you must act or die for a great cause — the cause of the people. 
 Soldiers of the Fourth Artillery, can the nephew of the Emperor count upon 
 you ? " 
 
 Hardly had he ceased speaking when the men drew their sabres M'ith a 
 
68 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, ARMIES AND FIN^ANCKS. 
 
 loud clash, and shouted on all sides, "Vive PEmpereur." The prince 
 
 took an eagle from one of the officers, and exclaimed — " This is the symbol 
 of French glory, which shall also, henceforth, be the symbol of our freedom." 
 He then placed himself at the head of the regiment, and marched to the 
 quarters of the Governor-General, who, on refusing to join the movement, was 
 at once placed under guard. Detachments of the revolters then proceeded to 
 arrest the town-prefect and the colonel of the third regiment, while others 
 took possession of a printing-office and began throwing off proclamations " to 
 the people," which, after rehearsing many complaints and promises, ended as 
 follows : " Confiding in the sanctity of my cause, I present myself to you, with 
 the testament of the Emperor Napoleon in one hand, and the sword of Auster- 
 litz in the other. ^^ Other proclamations were distributed among the military, 
 reminding them that " the lion of Waterloo was still rampant on their bor- 
 ders," and declaring that the " great shade of Napoleon would guide their 
 arms I" .... Two regiments soon joined the fourth artillerists, and for 
 a time the revolution appeared certain of success; but Louis Napoleon trusted 
 his destiny too far. He threw himself, with a few followers, into 'the barracks 
 of the 46th regiment, and, failing to awake enthusiasm, was overpowered by 
 the garrison, and made prisoner. Recalling to memory the fate of the Due 
 D'Enghien, he gave himself up for lost, and dispatched a letter, sealed with black, 
 announcing to his mother the failure of his project. . . He was sent under guard 
 to Paris, examined by the chief of police ; but, instead of being condemned to 
 death, was only banished to the United States by order of Louis Philippe. .He 
 remained in this country for some months, but was recalled to Europe to bid fare- 
 well to his dying mother in Switzerland. . . . Those who participated with him 
 in the Strasbourg attempt, including the revolted soldiers, had been, during the 
 interim, tried by jury and acquitted in the very face of evidence. . . . After 
 the death of his mother, a demand was made by the French and Austrian 
 sovereigns that the Swiss Diet should no longer afford Louis Napoleon 
 a retreat so useful for the nursing of his revolutionary plans. Accordingly, 
 after some resistance on its j^art, the Swiss government dismissed the prince, 
 and he retired to England, where he soon concocted another scheme against 
 
 Louis Philippe's throne In August, 1840, having organized his plans, 
 
 Louis Napoleon took passage from London, on a steamer, attended by about 
 sixty companions, among whom were General Monthalon, Colonels Parquin 
 and Vaudrey, and thirty-six other officers. The prince wore a great coat, 
 boots, and cocked hat, and landed on the 6th August, in the roads of 
 Boulogne, with abundance of proclamations, and a trained eagle wliich was to 
 fly before him as an omen. " Frenchmen 1*' ran one of his proclamations, " I 
 see before me a brilliant future for the country. I feel behind me the shade of 
 the Emperor, which impels me forward. I will not stop till I have regained the 
 sword of Austerlitz, and replaced the Nations iinder our standards, the people 
 in its rights 1" .... With his customary secretiveness, he had confided to 
 none of his followers his prospects, but trusted implicitly to the " star" of his 
 destiny. His promises, nevertheless, on landing, were liberally dispensed. 
 " The Chamber of Peers," he declared, " is dissolved. A national congress 
 shall be assembled on the arrival of Prince Napoleon at Paris. M. Thiers, 
 President of the Council, is named President of the Provisional Government, 
 Marshal Clausel is appointed commander-in-chief at Paris. . . . Gen. Pajol 
 retains command of the 1st military division ; all chiefs who do not yield 
 immediately shall be dismissed ; all officers and sub-officers who shall energetic- 
 ally demonstrate their sympathy with the national cause, shall receive daz- 
 zling rewards." Such were the flaming assurances of the placards. Mean- 
 
^4^ 
 
 ravedo 
 
 I 
 
A m;\v MAI' OK .Nourui:i;x A.\h 1 1..\ n;AL uai.v. ^llo\\l^l, nii; jLat hf wak. imsition ok the Al!.Mlt>. w 
 
i 
 
BIOGEAPHICAL SKETCHES, ARMIES AND FINANCES. 69 
 
 time, the tame eagle was let loose, and flew to the top of a column ; Louis 
 Napoleon and his companions made their way to the barracks ; the prince 
 harangued the troops; they began to waver, but were intimidated by the offi- 
 cers; a struggle ensued, Louis Napoleon shot a grenadier, and then attempted 
 to excite the citizens ; but all were at last obliged to retreat to the column, 
 where the eagle perched, and where they raised the tri-color. Presently they 
 were driven to the beach, and there captured without difficulty. Thus ended 
 the Boulogne attempt, like that of Strasbourg, in signal failure. . . . The con- 
 sequences, however, were not so light to its leader, who was at once shut up 
 in the strong fortress of Ham ; though Louis Philippe might have been 
 justified in adopting harsher measures toward him. ... In this prison the 
 nephew of Napoleon I. passed six years, which he employed to advantage in 
 study, as well as in maturing ideas for future reduction to practice in the 
 "destiny" which he still believed to lie before him. . . . From the prison 
 of Ham, Louis Napoleon escaped by taking advantage of an unusual degree of 
 liberty allowed him. While some repairs were proceeding in the building, he 
 disguised himself as a workman, and balancing a plank on his head, succeeded 
 in passing- the outer gates, and making good his retreat from Ham and the 
 soil of France. ... He remained quiet, then, till the events of 1848 
 brought him prominently before the public, and laid the foundation of his 
 present exalted postiou. 
 
 X. 
 
 Victor Emaxuel, King of Sardinia, is the son and successor of Charles 
 Albert, whose failure to carry out the programme of Italian revolution in 1848, 
 after he had placed himself at the head of it, was one of the causes which 
 brought about republican defeat and despotic reaction, throughout continental 
 Europe. Defeated by the Austriaus at Novara, Charles Albert abdicated his 
 throne in favor of Victor Emanuel, who now proceeds with greater assurance 
 of success, in the work of reconstructing Italian politics. The present mon- 
 arch was born on the 14th of March, 1814, and before his accession to the 
 throne was known as the Duke of Savoy. He has seen service as a soldier 
 during the memorable campaigns of 1848-9, and after the defeat of Novara, 
 conducted the negotiations with Gen. Radetzky, which resulted in a treaty of 
 peace and his retention of the Sardinian crown. At that period, and for sev- 
 eral subsequent years, Victor Emanuel was regarded with some suspicion by the 
 republicans of Italy, who thought he had conceded too much to Austria's 
 demands, and affirmed that he should have continued the struggle for national- 
 ity. Those early years of his reign were marked by several insurrectionary 
 attempts ; but when general quiet was restored, Victor Emanuel began to win 
 popularity by the introduction of several much needed liberal reforms. Among 
 other measures which he carried through, was the suppression of some over- 
 grown convents, and the taxation of the church properties. In 1854, he joined 
 the alliance of England, France, and Turkey in the war against Russia, and sent 
 
 his quota of troops to the Crimea Victor Emanuel married, while 
 
 Duke of Savoy, a daughter of the Austrian Archduke, Regner, Viceroy of the 
 Lombardo-Veuetian kingdom. He is thus related, by marriage, with the 
 Hapsburg dynasty, and is likewise a relative of the new king of Naples, Fran- 
 cis II. 
 
 XI. 
 
 As an approximation to the number of fighting men that may be brought 
 into the field, for a general continental war, the following statement, from 
 reliable data, will be interesting : 
 
70 
 
 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, ARMIES AND FINANCES. 
 
 Russia . 
 
 Austria 
 Prussia . 
 
 Belgium 
 
 Denmark and Schleswig-Holstein. 
 The Netherlands 
 
 Sweden and Norway. 
 
 France 
 
 Sardinia 
 
 Spain 
 
 Portugal 
 
 Kingdom of Naples 
 
 Kingdom of Hanover 
 
 Kingdom of VVurtemburg 
 
 Kingdom of Bavaria 
 
 Kingdom of Saxony 
 
 Great Britain .... 
 
 Four Free Cities — Frankfort, Lubeck, I 
 Bremen, Hamburg ( 
 
 German Duchies — Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, ] 
 Anhalt-Dessau, Saxe-Meiningen, An- 
 halt-Bernburg, Saxe-Altenburg, Nas- 
 sau, Brunswick, and Saxe-Weimar. . . 
 
 German Principalities — Schwarzburg, 
 Rudolstadt and Sondershausen, Lippe- 
 Detmold, Reuss, Lippe-Scliaumburg 
 Waldeck, Lichtenste'.n, and Hesse- 
 Homburg landgi-avate J 
 
 Electorate of Hesse 
 
 German Grand Duchies of Baden 
 
 Jlecklenburg-Schwerin 
 
 Hesse Darmstadt 
 
 Oldenburg and Mecklenburg-Strelitz 
 
 Turkey . 
 
 Servia and the Danubian Principalities | 
 tributary to Turkey j 
 
 Grand Duchy of Tuscany 
 
 Duchy of Parma 
 
 Modena 
 
 Papal States 
 
 Kingdom of Greece , 
 
 Army. 
 
 800,000 men 
 
 600,000 foot, 100 000 cavalry 
 
 500,000 men 
 
 100,000 men 
 
 25,000 men 
 
 50,000 men 
 
 60,000 men 
 
 700,000 men 
 
 90,000 men 
 
 •200,000 men 
 
 40,000 men 
 
 50,000 men 
 
 25,000 men 
 
 20,000 taen ... 
 
 60,000 men 
 
 30,000 men 
 
 250,000 men 
 
 5,000 men 
 
 15,000 men. 
 
 4,000 men. 
 
 12,000 men.. 
 20,000 men. . 
 
 5,000 men. . 
 45,000 men. . 
 
 1,500 men.. 
 250,000 men.. 
 
 12,000 men. . 
 
 12,000 men. 
 
 5,000 men. 
 
 4,000 men . 
 20,000 men. 
 10,000 men . 
 
 200 vessels, 600 gunboate, 
 
 10,000 guns. 
 200 vessels,including gim- 
 
 boats, with 800 guns. 
 50 vessels and gunboats 
 150 guns. 
 7 vessels, 50 guns. 
 40 vessels, 1.500. 
 150 vessels, 3,000 guns. 
 500 vessels and gunbuats, 
 3,000 guns. 
 400 vessels, 10,000 guns. 
 100 vessels, 1,000 guns. 
 60 vessels, 800 guns. 
 40 vessels, 700 guns. 
 20 vessels, 500 guns. 
 
 Navy. 
 
 700 vessels, 20,000 guns. 
 
 75 vessels, 100 guns. 
 
 10 vessels, 26 guns. 
 
 6 vessels, 30 guns. 
 40 vessels, 150 guns. 
 
 The Germanic States, exclu.sive of Austria and Prussia, furnished in 1809, 
 for the Rhenish Confederation, nearly 150,000 men, and now raise double that| 
 number of contingent troops. 
 
 It is likely that an offensive alliance between France and Russia wonlt 
 bring 2,000,000 fighting men into the war under their united banners. Shoulc 
 they be disposed, unitedly, as Napoleon was, alone, to overrun or overawe all 
 the continent, except confederated Grcrman States, these two millions could be 
 converged in successive armies upon Central Germany. Austria, Prus.sia, with 
 combined Germanic forces, including the free cities, might muster a million 
 and a half soldiers to defend their various dynasties, under the name of Ger- 
 man Nation. Four hundred thousand fighting men, belonging to other coun- 
 tries, would be kept hors du combat through the influence of the two great 
 allies, or from local causes, unless Great Britain consider herself called upon, 
 as in 1795, to enter the arena. In that event, she miocht rouse otherwise neii- 
 tral nations to confederacy, and swell the opposition armies to something near 
 an equality with those of France and Russia. The spectacle would then be 
 exhibited of nearly four million of men in arms for a tremendous struggle, and 
 there is more than a possibility that such a struggle may mark the year 1860 
 in the annals of all history. 
 
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES. ARMIES AND FINANCES. 67 
 
 The following order of the day was addressed by Marshal d'Hilliers from 
 his head quarters at Genoa, a few days previous to the battle of Montebello, 
 gained by one of his columns under General Forey, over the Austrians ; the 
 opening French victory of the campaign. 
 
 " Soldiers ! In 1796 and ISOO the French army under the orders of General Bonaparte, obtained in Italy 
 glorious victories over the same enemies whom we are about to combat. Several demi-brigades then ac- 
 quired the designation of ' Terrible' or ' Invincible,' which each of you, by his courage, firmness, and disci- 
 pline, will endeavor to give to his standard. Soldiers, have confidence in me, as I have in you. Let us show 
 ourselves worthy of France and of t!ie Emperor ; and let us so act that it shall one day be said of us as was 
 said of our fathers, in expressing all titles of glory—' He belonged to the army of Italy !" 
 
 IX. 
 
 Napoleon III., Emperor of France, is the son of Louis Bonaparte, younger 
 brother of the first Napoleon, and of Hortense Beauharnais, daughter of the 
 Empress Josephine, and afterward known as the Duchess of St. Leu. On 
 the death of Napoleon's only son, the Duke of Reichstadt, Louis Napoleon 
 became the nearest representative of his great uncle. His mother, the Duchess 
 de St. Leu, cherished the hope of his elevation to her death, and her constant in- 
 fluence was exerted to prepare him for the attainment and preservation of the 
 throne which her imperial step-father lost at Waterloo, xis eariy as the 
 fall of Charles X., Louis Napoleon, in company with his brother, endeavored 
 to excite a revolution in Italy, and the brother fell in that abortive attempt. 
 The ambitious prince devoted his energies, in the prime of manhood, to pre- 
 paration for what, with Napoleonic fatalism, he deemed his " destiny " in the 
 future. His different literary productions, pavticnlavlj Les Reveries PoUiiques 
 and Des Idecs Napoleoniennes, were obviously written to impress his countrymen 
 with the conviction that he not only comprehended, but was disposed to follow 
 the example of his great predecessor, in his measures for the aggrandizement 
 of France. " I would have," said he, in the Reveries, "a government which 
 should embrace all the advantages of a republic without entailing its inconve- 
 niences ; a government that should be strong without despotism, free without 
 anarchy, independent without conquests — the people enjoying real and organ- 
 ized sovereignty, as the electoral source, guardian, and regulator of all power ; 
 two chambers, composing a Legislature, the first elected, but certain conditions 
 necessary to the other, founded on services rendered, or experience gained by 
 its eligible members." With such weaponry of assurances, Louis Napoleon 
 opperated from his mother's little court in her Swiss chateau, until, in the year 
 1836, he had succeeded in enlisting wide-spread sympathy and organizing a 
 secret combination of Bonapartists and republicans, ramified throughout many 
 districts of France, and embracing soldiers in most of the regiments. At 
 what he conceived a favorable moment, his first revolutionary attempt was made 
 by a sudden rising in Strasbourg, near the Swiss border in France, which 
 might have succeeded had it not been for Louis Napoleon's own imprudence. 
 Entering the fortress, on the evening of October 28, 1836, he was secreted by 
 his adherents, and, on the oOth, presented himself suddenly before the barracks 
 in presence of the Fourth Regiment of Artillerists. He was dressed in the well- 
 known military costume of Napoleon I., and, boldly advancing, cried out, 
 " Soldiers a great revolution is commencing at this moment. The nephew of 
 the Emperor is before you ! He comes to put himself at your head. He has 
 arrived on the soil of France to restore to it liberty and glory. The time has 
 come when you must act or die for a great cause — the cause of the people. 
 Soldiers of the Fourth Artillery, can the nephew of the Emperor couut upon 
 you ? " 
 
 Hardly had he ceased speaking when the men drew their sabres with a 
 
68 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, ARMIES AND FINANCES. 
 
 loud clash, and shouted on all sides, "Vive I'Empereiir.^' The prince 
 
 took an eagle from one of the officers, and exclaimed — " This is tlie symbol 
 of French glory, which shall also, henceforth, be the symbol of onr freedom." 
 He then placed himself at the head of the regiment, and marched to the 
 quarters of the Governor-General, who, on refusing to join the movement, was 
 at once placed under guard. Detachments of the revolters then proceeded to 
 arrest the town-prefect and the colonel of the third regiment, while others 
 took possession of a printing-office and began throwing off proclamations " to 
 the people," which, after rehearsing many complaints and promises, ended as 
 follows : " Confiding in the sanctity of ray cause, I present myself to you, with 
 the testament of the Emperor Napoleon in one hand, and the sioord of Auster- 
 litz in the other." Other proclamations were distributed among the military, 
 reminding thorn that " the lion of Waterloo was still rampant on their bor- 
 ders," and declaring that the " great shade of Napoleon would guide their 
 arms !" .... Two regiments soon joined the fourth artillerists, and fo-r 
 a time the revolution appeared certain of success; but Louis Napoleon trusted 
 his destiny too far. He threw himself, with a few followers, into the barracks 
 of the 46th regiment, and, failing to awake enthusiasm, was overpowered by 
 the garrison, and made prisoner. Recalling to memory the fate of the Due 
 D'Enghieu, he gave himself up for lost, and dispatched a letter, sealed with black, 
 announcing to his mother the failure of his project. . . He was sent under guard 
 to Paris, examined by the chief of police ; but, instead of being condemned to 
 death, was only banished to the United States by order of Louis Philippe. He 
 remained in this country for some months, but was recalled to Europe to bid fare- 
 well to his dying mother in Switzerland. . . . Those who participated with him 
 in the Strasbourg attempt, including the revolted soldiers, had been, during the 
 interim, tried by jury and acquitted in the very face of evidence. . . . After 
 the death of his mother, a demand was made by the French and Austrian 
 sovereigns that the Swiss Diet should no longer afford Louis Napoleon 
 a retreat so useful for the nursing of his revolutionary plans. Accordingly, 
 after some resistance on its part, the Swiss government dismissed the prince, 
 and he retired to England, where he soon concocted another scheme against 
 
 Louis Philippe's throne In August, 1840, having organized his plans, 
 
 Louis Napoleon took passage from Loudon, on a steamer, attended by about 
 sixty companions, among whom were General Monthalon, Colonels Parquin 
 and Vaudrey, and thirty-six other officers. The prince wore a great coat, 
 boots, and cocked hat, and landed on the 6th August, in the roads of 
 Boulogne, with abundance of proclamations, and a trained eagle which was to 
 fly before him as an omen, " Frenchmen !" ran one of his proclamations, " I 
 see before me a brilliant future for the country. I feel behind me the shade of 
 the Emperor, which impels me forward. I will not stop till I have regaived the 
 sword of Austerlitz, and replaced the Nations under our standards, the people 
 in its rights 1" .... With his customary secretiveness, he had confided to 
 none of his followers his prospects, but trusted implicitly to the " s-tar " of his 
 destiny. His promises, nevertheless-, on landing, were liberally dispensed. 
 " The Chamber of Peers," he declared, " is dissolved. A national congress 
 shall be assembled on the arrival of Prince Napoleon at Paris. M. Thiers, 
 President of the Council, is named President of the Provisional Government, 
 Marshal Clausel is appointed commander-in-chief at Paris. . . . Gen. Pajol 
 retains command of the 1st military division ; all chiefs who do not yield 
 immediately shall be dismissed ; all officers and sub-officers who shall energetic- 
 ally demonstrate their sympathy with the national cause, shall receive daz- 
 zling rewards." Such were the flaming assurances of the placards. Mean- 
 
BIOGKAPmCAL SKETCHES, ARMIES AND FINANCES. 65 
 
 V. 
 
 The death of Ferdinand II., King of the Two Sicilies, at the critical period 
 of au Italian war, renders the position of his successor a subject of interest. 
 The wretched tyrant who has just passed from earth — after undergoing in his 
 own person, a succession of liviug deaths, that seemed avenging inflictions for 
 his manifold crimes — was a true Bourbon, headstrong, double-dealing, cruel 
 and fanatical. The bombardment of his own capital — an act which he com- 
 manded, in order to repress a patriotic manifestation — attached to him while 
 living, the sobriquet of " King Bomba f but now that he is dead, there is lit- 
 tle need of further animadversion on his life, save that embraced in the above- 
 made assertion, that he was a true Bourbon. His queen belonged to the House 
 of Austria. A daughter of the Archduke Charles, she inherited the sternness 
 and duplicity of the Hapsburgs, and was a fitting consort of her Neapolitan 
 spouse in his bigotry, though far excelling him in administrative ability. Dur- 
 ing Ferdinand's life she headed the Austrian party of Naples, and labored to 
 secure the succession for her eldest son, Count De Trani, in opposition to the 
 prior claims of the Prince-Royal Francis, Duke of Calabria, a sou of the king 
 by his first wife, Maria, who was a daughter of Victor Emanuel VI., brother 
 
 of Charles Albert and uncle of the present King of Sardinia The late 
 
 Ferdinand of Naples was greatly under the influence of his Austrian consort, 
 Maria Theresa, and it was feared he would name her favorite as his successor; 
 but the legitimate heir is now recognized, in Francis II. The new monarch, 
 as before said, is a relative of the Sardinian King, being the son of Victor 
 Emanuel's cousin Marie. He is in his twenty-third year, his step-brother, 
 Count de Trani, being twenty-one. Francis II. was lately married to a Bava- 
 rian princess, wliose family relations are bound up with Austrian policy ; and he 
 himself is reported to be under control of the priests. But there is a strong 
 Sardinian party in Naples, which maintains that the young king is at heart dis- 
 posed to throw off the yoke of priestly and foreign influence. The crisis of 
 Italian transition, now once more approaching, will determine whether the 
 successor of Ferdinand shall disarm revolution by placing himself on Victor 
 Emanuel's platform of nationality, or whether he will take arms' to oppose a 
 Muratist movement that appears to be threatened by the progress of French 
 intervention, 
 
 VI. 
 
 The retirement, or dismissal, of Count Buo) Schauustein, late Austrian 
 foreign minister, from his position in the Imperial Council, gives rise for appre- 
 hiension that the Hapsburg policy is reverting to the character which it main- 
 tained under Metternich and Schwartzenbuig— of dogged adherence to the tra- 
 ditions of despotic rule. Count Buol, whatever might have been his faults 
 of omission — was at least a statesmac of common-sense proclivities ; and it is 
 not to be doubted that he deplored and would have averted, if possible, the 
 war entailed upon his government. His removal, and the appointment of 
 Count Rechbergin his place, is paggcstive, at this time, of a determination on 
 the part of his imperial master to push the quarrel with Prance to extremities. 
 Count John Bernard Rechbsrg is a Bavarian, born October 14, 1806, on the 
 same day that Austria lost the double battle of Auerstadt and Jena. His 
 father was Count Albert Francis of Rechberg, one of the numberless petty 
 chiefs who claimed feudal sovereignty before the era of the French revolu- 
 tion ; but as John was a younger son, he entered, after leaving the university, 
 into Austrian military service. In 1841, having attained the rank of colonel. 
 
 5 
 
QQ BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, ARMIES AND FINANCES. 
 
 Eecbbers: left tlie army for a diplomatic career. He was intrusted by Prince 
 Metternich with several confidential missions, and went to the court of St. 
 Petersburg as secretary of legation ; but in the troubles of 1848-9, he reentered 
 the army, and distinguished himself by opposition to revolutionary ideas. 
 When ''order reigned" once more, Rechberg was rewarded for his loyalty 
 with a place in the cabinet, under the Prime Minister, Prince Schwartzenberg. 
 He was employed in the negotiations of Ohnutz, and became a favorite of the 
 emperor, and Archduchess Sophia. In 1855, he represented Austria in the 
 Frankfort Diet, presiding over the independent States, and neutralizing Prus- 
 sian influence by his skillful political tactics. Count Eechberg is a man of 
 energy and a thorough-going advocate of " dynastic legitimacy." He is a pupil 
 of Metternich and Schwartzenberg, in their absolutist dogmas, and as unscru- 
 pulous in the means necessary to uphold them. Arbitrary and uncompro- 
 misin"-, he is not the man to offer or accept terms from Napoleon III. that are 
 not based on entire recognition of Austrian claims. He is likewise popular in 
 Germany, and being a Bavarian, may exert due influence .through his position, 
 on the new king of Naples, whose queen is a Bavarian princess. — Altogether, 
 with Count Eechberg, Austria becomes bolder and craftier, if not wiser in 
 maintaiuins: dvnastic claims, 
 
 VII. 
 
 Baron de Hess, next in command to Count Gyulai, in the Austro-Ttalian 
 army, was born in the year 1*188. He has seen nearly half a century of ser- 
 vice, and has been attached to the Austrian army in Italy since 1829-30, 
 during which period, as well as in the revolutionary seasons of 1848-49, he 
 distinguished himself on many occasions. He was chief of Gen. Eadetzky's 
 staff in the campaigns against the Sardinians, under Charles Albert, and was 
 much trusted by the Austrian commander-in-chief, both as a soldier and coun- 
 sellor. It is said that he opposed the plan of Count Gyulai in reference to 
 crossing the Ticino at the outset of the war, and it is not improbable that, on 
 the scoi-e of greater military experience and ability, he may yet supersede the 
 
 Feldzeugmeister in command of the Austrian van General 
 
 Hebel, another Austrian commander, likewise served under Eadetzky, in 1848, 
 being intrusted with a division of occupation between Verona and Trent, along 
 the line of the Adige River. He was with the Imperial Chasseurs in an 
 engagement near Pastrengo, where the Austrians sustained a defeat, and was 
 in command at the time seVbral Italian prisoners were shot in a ditch at Trent. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Marshal Baraguay d'Hilliers \tas born in 1196. He has been noted in 
 past years as a partisan of strong gOTernment in France, and was at one time 
 proposed by the opponents of liberalisnv as the fitting leader of a reactionary 
 movement against the revolution of 184S. After the reduction of Eome, and 
 retreat of Garibaldi, in 1849, General d'Hilliers was sent to Italy, and suc- 
 ceeded Gen. Oudinot in command of the atmy of occupation in the Papal 
 States. At the period when Louis Napoleon contemplated his famous coitp 
 (i'eto^,Marshal d'Hilliers was selected as a trustj instrument to be used against 
 the republic, and he was placed in command of t'ae Parisian troops, displacing 
 Changarnier, Cavaignac, and other generals tried ia African service, but obnox 
 ious on account of their known republican sympathies. The success of Louis 
 Napoleon guaranteed promotion for his friends, and Baraguay d'Hilliers has 
 since flourislicd under Imperial favor. At the head of his divisions in Italy, 
 he will, it is likely, find opportunities to distinguish himself. 
 
 ^ 
 
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, ARMIES AND FINANCES. 71 
 
 XII. 
 
 Francis Joseph Charles, Emperor of Austria, son of the Arch-Duke 
 Charles and Princess Sophia, was born on the 1 8th of Aug. 1830, and ascended 
 the throne in 1849, after the abdication of his imperial father, who had 
 been driven from Vienna by a revolutionary movement. The young 
 monarch, on taking possession of the crown, promised his German subjects a 
 constitution, and gave assurances to all the nationalities subordinate to his 
 government, that they should be guaranteed their own systems of local admin- 
 istration. Such an auspicious commencement of his reign gave hopes of enlarged 
 reforms, and the revolutionary agitations throughout Germany died away ; 
 but the false faith that appears chronic in his house, soon displayed itself in the 
 emperor's actions. He annulled the Hungarian constitution, reduced Bohemia to 
 greater dependency, and broke all his pledges made in the hour of revolution. 
 With the assistance of a Russian army, joined to his own forces under Radetzky, 
 and Jellachich, Ban of Croatia, he succeeded in strangling the Republicanism 
 of Hungary and Italy, and establishing Austrian dominion on yet more despotic 
 footing. Since that period, Francis Joseph has reigned with absolute 
 power and irresponsibility. Under his successive ministries several secret treat- 
 ies obnoxious to Italian independence have been concluded with minor duchies 
 bordering on Lombardy, and his general policy appears to have been to push a 
 consolidated Austrian influence throughout southern Italian States to the 
 kingdom of Naples. Francis Joseph is considered to possess energy and to be 
 ambitious of carrying Austrian sovereignty to yet further points on the Euro- 
 pean continent. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 To enter upon such gigantic warfare, few nations are possessed of resources 
 to the extent commanded by France and Russia combined. Nearly every 
 government is shackled, more or less, by a national debt. The aggregate pub- 
 lic debt of all Europe may be rated at iE2,000,000,000, of which Great 
 Britain's share is over £900,000,000, or nearly one half, and that of German 
 governments almost half a billion more ; while France and Russia have about 
 £300,000,000, between them. Russia's present debt being less than half that 
 amount. The paper money already afloat in Europe ranges between the sums 
 of £300,000,000, and £500,000,000, and the bonds of many state liabilities 
 have long been valueless in the market. After the war of 1815 and at the 
 date of the 6th of January, 1816, the consolidated debt of England amounted 
 to £816,311,941, or nearly $4,500,000,000. In 1830 the amount was 
 reduced to £771,251,932, and in 1851 to £769,272,562. The loans con- 
 tracted for the Crimean war increased the English debt at the date of March 31, 
 1858, to £779,225,495. On the 5th of January, 1816, the yearly service of 
 the consolidated English debt figured in the budget for £30,462,023, and on 
 the 31st of March, 1858, for £27,495,853. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 To provide for the expenses of his opening campaign, Napoleon III., through 
 his Ministry of Finance, called for a public loan of 92,000,000f., to be raised 
 by subscriptions throughout France. The proposition was the signal for an 
 enthusiastic response, at once illustrating the popularity of the war, and the 
 general confidence of France in its imperial government, xlccording to the 
 report of M. Mogne, Minister of Finance, the number of subscribers already 
 exceed 525,000, divided as follows: Paris, 244,129; departments, 281,000 
 For 10 francs of rente, 375,000 ; for larger sums, 150,000. 
 
72 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, ARMIES AND FINANCES. 
 
 The capital subscribed for amounts to 2,36^,000,000 francs : For Paris 
 l,54t,000,000f. ; for the departments, about 1[00,000,000f. For lOf. of rente 
 80,000,000f.; for larger sums, 2,221,000,000. 
 
 As an average of war expenses on the part of a single nation, we may quot 
 the financial results of English belligerency during 127 years, terminating wit" 
 the battle of Waterloo, 65 years of which time were spent in actual hostilities 
 
 The war of 163S, ended by the Treaty of Ryswick, lasted nine years, and cost £86,000,000 
 
 War of the Spanish Succession, from 1702 to 1713, cost 62,500,000 
 
 Spanish War of 1732, settled at Aix-la-Chapelle, cost 55,000,000 
 
 Seven Years' AVar, 1756 to 1763, settled by treaty of Paris, cost 112,000,000 
 
 American Colonial War, 1775 to 1783, cost 186,000,000 
 
 War against the French Republic, 1793 to 1S02, cost 469,000,000 
 
 War against Napoleon Bonaparte, 1803 to 1816 1,159,000,000 
 
 Total £2,028,500,000 
 
 To support this term of sixty-five years fighting, the British governmen 
 borrowed £834,000,000, and taxed its subjects during the same period 
 dg21, 189,000,000. Such statistics present an approximate idea of the cos 
 and consequences of war among civilized nations. 
 
 ^ 
 
 ANNOUNCEMENT TO THE PUBLIC. 
 
 Arrangements have been made for reliable information conneated with European affair, h 
 and in the event of a continuance of the Present War, or its advance into Central Europe 
 we shall issue, from time to time, in pamphlet form, such matter of Important Interest a 
 may be necessary to a 
 
 COMPLETE HISTORICAL UNDERSTANDING 
 
 or 
 
 ,EUEOPEA.:iSr EELA.TIOISrS. 
 
 EMBRACING 
 
 REVIEWS OF THE VARIOUS STRUGGLES FOR LIBERTY AND NATIONALITY 
 
 in different countries of the Old World. 
 
 IN PREPARATION, 
 
 A LIFE OF JOSEPH GARIBALDI. 
 
 THE ITALIAN PATRIOT. 
 
 Containing his Adventures and Services in Two Worlds. 
 I The pamphlets that we shall issue on this subject, will be embellished with TORTRATTS 
 and other engravings of interesting scenes and objects, and will contain carefully prepared 
 Maps and Diagrams. 
 
 ^^ 
 
z*ioe 33 Ooxxts. 
 
 LFJIEMS OF Ml Ai GUTS; 
 
 OR, BEGINNER'S SURE GUIDE: 
 
 CONTAIXIXG A THOROUGH AND MINUTE EXPOSITION OF 
 
 •ERY PRINCIPLE SEPARATELY EXPLAINED; 
 
 TOGETIIEK WITH 
 
 MODEL I ILLUSTRATIVE OF ALL THE OPENINGS. 
 
 (St rated vAlh diiiyr i critical positions to be toon or drawn hy scientijie play. 
 
 ^ "D. J. SWEET, 
 
 ■ PR.vK,., "the new YOUK cupfeh," 
 
 o o 
 
 Ti? S. 
 
 ;einent of the Board and Men, with a ' 
 
 ^ of the Kine. 
 
 •ing the Men arranged for play. 
 
 :v ,u-vrnrni.H. 
 
 latioh of the same. 
 
 
 iject of eiu:li Playc'-. 
 
 
 Ving on Black or White Squares, with a Ui^igrcua. 
 
 1, ' • '!ip M 
 
 ra No. 8, the Boanl numbered. 
 
 
 iHtion of the Board numbered. 
 
 IJ.,. . 
 
 )ject of number'.ng the Squaies. ' imju. i 
 
 etliod of moving the Men. " liouiili 
 
 taring. Tmk Si a 
 
 lionslllutes a King. The Autliui » ui 
 
 THE O 3? K N I 3Sr O -^ . 
 
 1. "Old Fourteenth." 
 
 9. The " .Maid cf 
 
 2. " Ayrshire Lassie." 
 
 10. " Will o' the W . 
 
 8. "Fife." 
 
 11. "C OSS." 
 
 4. "Defiance." 
 
 12. "Dyke." 
 
 5. " Glascow." 
 
 ]."J. " .Single Corner." 
 
 «. "Bristol" 
 
 U. " Whllter." 
 
 7. " Laird and Lady." 
 
 15. " Secood Doable Cornei ." 
 
 8. "Puter." 
 
 
 Move, with a dia- 
 oD of the same 
 
 ellminaiy Game for the advancement of beginners, with a variety of notes and suggestions illustrative of 
 nt traps and terminations, with an analysis of two Kings winning against one in the Double Corner. 
 
 »o Kings agatnst one. Two Kings against three. Three Kings against two ; eftch one commanding a 
 ble Corner," with a diagram and solution, 
 urge's first position, w.th solution, 
 ratagems : explanations of, with diagrams. 
 
 D E. A XJ GJ- H X 
 
 1. By H. Spayth, Esq. 
 
 2. By " Nemo." 
 
 8. By " Foo Foo." Dedicated to I. D. J. Street. 
 
 I>JROBL3i!]N!tS. 
 
 I No. 4. By J. P. Sweet. 
 No. 5. By E. Hull. End game. 
 No. 6. By C. Allen. 
 
 G-ATHE S. 
 
 ! I.— From Andersen's Work. 
 
 ! II — The "Cross." Played between Messrs. 
 
 cer and Spayth. 
 
 > III.— "Ayrshire Lassie." With Analysis. 
 
 ! IV.—" Fife." With Notes. 
 
 3 V. — Illustrating the "Suter," as played by 
 srs. Fuller and Hodges. 
 
 ! VI.—" Single Corner," as played by Messrs, 
 sdale and Mercer. 
 
 5 VII.— "Whilter." By H. Spayth. Dedicated 
 he Champion of Scotland. 
 
 2 VIII. '• Old Fourteenth," as played by Messrs. 
 vton and Sweet. 
 
 4 I.\.— Blindfold Game. Played between " Apol- 
 and " Harry." 
 
 3 X.— The " Cross." By " namllton." 
 
 B XI.—'- Bristol." From Andersen. With Notes. 
 B XII.— "Maid of the Mill," as played between 
 ;sr8. Hodges and Mercer. 
 B XIII.— "Glascow." With Analysis. 
 
 GAM R XI v.— IiTegular Opening. By 0. Tarbrtl, Esq., 
 of New York, who is bl'nd ! 
 
 GAME XV.-" Lain! and Lady." With .Atialysls. 
 
 GAME XVI.— "Second Double Corner." Being a 
 " match " game between Andersen and Wylie. 
 
 GAME XVII — Wvlie's ISth Game. 
 
 GAME XVIir.— The " Whilter," as played by Mr. O. 
 Dutton and a friend. With notes. 
 
 GAME XI.X. — The "Cross." Played between tiartin 
 and an Amateur. 
 
 GAME XX. — " Single Corner." Played between " Har- 
 ry," of Buffalo, and Mr. Jenkins. 
 
 GAME XXI— "Double Corner." Dedicated to " Mar- 
 tin," by " Harry," of Buffalo. 
 
 GAME XXII— "Single Corner." By Wjlie. 
 
 GAME X.XIII. — "Ayrshire Lassie." Being a match 
 game played between Messrs. Wylie and Price, the 
 stakes being £60 a side. 
 
 GAME XXIV.— The " Whilter." By Andersen. 
 
 Closing Remarks. 
 
 ROBERT M. DE WITT, PUBLISHER, 
 
 160 and 162 Nassau St., New York. 
 
 W. H. TiMsuM, Priultr and Sl»t«oiyii«r, R«»r of 4S & 45 Coolr* St., N. Y. 
 
i^ioe 38 Oents. 
 
 era FLAM'S INSTRITOR 
 
 OR, GUIDE TO BEGINNERS; 
 
 CONTAINING ALL THE INFOttMATION NECEt<SART TO 
 
 ACQUIRE A KNOWLEDGE OF THE OAME 
 
 With Diagrams Illttslrativt of the VarioHt MoutmtnU of the I'iece*. 
 
 BY CHARLES HENRY STANLEY, 
 
 CHESS EDITOR OF '* HARPKR's WKKKLT." 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 ArrwaccKicnt of tlie Boardt and dc«li;natlon af the Piece*. 
 
 THE CAPACITIES AND MOVEMENTS OF THE PIECES. 
 
 The King. I Tlie Uijihop. 
 
 The Qaeen. 
 
 The Knight. 
 
 Ttie Rook. 
 Tlie Pawn. 
 
 Itlabllities of Ple«e* and Pawns to be taken, and IVf etiiod of eflcctlna; Capti 
 
 llOV; THE GAME OF CIIKSS IS WON AND LOST. 
 Checkmate. | CastllDg the King. | Queening a P»wn. 
 
 DRAWN GAMES. | RELATIVE VALt'EOF THE PIECES. | THE OPENING OF GAU 
 
 Bn4ina« of Cantea, "Wltk DIasrama and Bxplanattona, Hhowrloc the rea^ 
 means or ivinnlnc avalnat Kins alone. 
 
 1 
 
 King and Rook against the King. 
 
 Bishop, Knight and King against the King. 
 
 Two Bishops and King against the King; 
 King and two Knlghu agalujit th« KL 
 
 l<aw« and Maxinuu 
 
 UkVfS OF CHESS. 
 
 PosHlon of the Board. 
 
 Capturing a Pawn In passing. 
 
 Pawn at the Eight Rank. 
 
 Checking tlie King. 
 
 Drawn Game. 
 
 Mating in End— Games in sixty More*. 
 
 First More and choice of Men. 
 
 Duration of a Game. 
 
 Incorrect arrangement of the Roard or Men, etc. 
 
 A man touched to be Mored or Captured. 
 
 Touching more than ••>« Man, or one whidi i 
 
 be Moved. 
 FHl!<e Moves. 
 Moving Into CheciL 
 
 Successire Moves by the sanM Playen. 
 Osiiies by Correspondence, Consultation, etc. 
 Games at Odds. 
 Spectators. 
 Cases not p'orlded for, etc. 
 
 Phllldor's Defence. 
 
 Petroff's Defence. 
 
 Giuoco Piano. 
 
 The Evans' Gambit. 
 
 Ruy Lopes Kniglit's Game. 
 
 Queen's Pawn, or Scotch Gambit. 
 
 "The King's Gambit. 
 
 King's Knight's Gambit. 
 
 On the Opeuiiiflra. 
 
 THE KING'S KNIGHT'S OPENING. 
 
 Allzaler Gambit. 
 Cunningham Gambit. 
 Muzio Gambit. 
 King's Bishop's GambiU 
 Queen's Gambit. 
 Irregular Openings, 
 The Sicilian Game. 
 The French Game. 
 
 Morphy's great Game against Ilarrwiti, Illustrating Phllldor's Defence. 
 Game played at the New Vork Chess Club, illustrating Giuoco Piiino. 
 Game between Morphy and Anderssen, illuj<trating the Evans' Gambit. 
 
 " " " " Ruy Lopes Knight's Game. 4 
 
 Game between Philadelphia and New York, illustrating the Scotch Gambit. I 
 
 Oame played illustrating the Cunningham's Gambit. * 
 
 Game between Morphy and Uaucher. illustrating the Allgaler Gambit. 
 0«me between De Bourdonnais and McJlvnnell, illustrating Bishop's Gambit. 
 
 " " " " Queen's " 
 
 Game between Ilorwits and Bird, illustrating the Sicilian Opening. 
 
 ROBERT M. DE WITT, PUBLISHER, 
 
 160 and 162 Nassau St^ New York 
 
 ^r Copiet of the above book tent bjf thail, postage paid, on receipt of price. 
 
 W. H. TiKMm. Priiil.r UMi WM«btyp<r, R«ar of 41 A 4S Cmtn St., N. r. 
 
 AD. 
 
 181 
 
 t 
 

 
 
 J 
 
 
 
 o. *. 
 
 
 
 C>vP 
 
 >^-- /■ ■'o^ . 
 
 •, *-„.■*■' •>¥< 
 

 .^^ .i«^^o %,^^ .'^\ \./ i^. %^^^ :r'^ 
 
 ..-^^ 
 
 
 
 T. AUGUSTINE O. 
 
 ^^32084