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Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2010 with funding from 
 The Library of Congress 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/addressonpanamerOObarr 
 
Ill II 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 ON 
 
 PAN AMERICANISM and the 
 MONROE DOCTRINE 
 
 BY 
 
 HONORABLE JOHN BARRETT 
 
 Director General of the Pan American Union and former United States Minister 
 to Argentina, Colombia and Panama 
 
 DELIVERED AT A BANQUET OF THE 
 ILLINOIS STATE BAR ASSOCIATION 
 
 AT HOTEL LA SALLE, CHICAGO 
 FEBRUARY NINETEENTH 
 NINETEEN HUNDRED SIXTEEN 
 
 11 a 
 
ADDRESS 
 
 ON 
 
 PAN AMERICANISM and the 
 MONROE DOCTRINE 
 
 BY 
 
 HONORABLE JOHN BARRETT 
 
 Director General of the Pan American Union and former United States Minister 
 to Argentina, Colombia and Panama 
 
 DELIVERED AT A BANQUET OF THE 
 ILLINOIS STATE BAR ASSOCIATION 
 
 AT HOTEL LA SALLE, CHICAGO 
 FEBRUARY NINETEENTH 
 NINETEEN HUNDRED SIXTEEN 
 
 PRINTED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF 
 
 JOHN F. VOIGT 
 
 SECRETARY 
 

 ADDRESS 
 
 HONORABLE JOHN BARRETT 
 
 Director General of the Pan American Union and former United States Minister 
 to Argentina, Colombia and Panama 
 
 BEFORE 
 
 THE ILLINOIS STATE BAR ASSOCIATION 
 
 FEBRUARY 19, 1916 
 
 President MacChesney: Gentlemen, I am sorry to break in on 
 }our animated conversation, but the time has arrived when I know you 
 are all anxious to hear from Mr. Barrett. It see-med to the committee, 
 when they were arranging for this meeting, that nothing could be of 
 more interest to that part of the bar that is thoughtfully considering the 
 foreign relations of the United States, than the relation of the Monroe 
 Doctrine to some of thej problems which we as a nation are facing, 
 with all of Europe, and it becomes important to us to know what the 
 future of the United States may be, and what relation the development 
 of the other Americas may have to our own development. Perhaps 
 no organization has done more to bring that home to the American 
 people than has the Pan American Union. We have all heard a great 
 deal about the Monroe Doctrine for a great many years. Some time 
 ago it was thought it had gone out of fashion and should be abandoned; 
 that that which had started out of the protection of the integrity of the 
 South American nations had become an affront to them-, and an intima- 
 tion of superiority which was neither desired by themllor advantageous 
 to us. But since the European war began many people have recon- 
 structed their ideas upon this subject and are trying to think out what 
 the policy of this country should be. And certainly the great Pan 
 American movement, originating many years ago with Mr. Blaine, 
 who came out here with the Pan American Congress which I re- 
 member as a lad attending with my father over at the old Grand 
 Pacific Hotel, down through the very constructive work of Mr. Bar- 
 rett, has formed a basis for development in Europe which we hope 
 somehow may give inspiration for a solution of their problem so 
 they may live upon some such basis as the countries of the Americas 
 have been able to do. And no man in this country knows more about 
 the relations of the Latin American countries, or can give us a mes- 
 sage which will be more worth listening to upon the general subject 
 of Pan Americanism or the Monroe Doctrine, than Mr. John Bar- 
 rett, the Director General of the Pan American Union, and former 
 United States Minister to Argentina, Panama and Colombia, who will 
 speak to you tonight. (Applause.) 
 
 2 
 
 
Mr. John Barrett : Mr. President, members of the Illinois State 
 Bar Association, and Guests : I hope that I have shown my appre- 
 ciation of the honor which you have done me in inviting me to speak 
 tonight, by coming at a time when it is most difficult, as you may 
 readily understand, to get away from Washington, and by the fact 
 that this is one of only four or five invitations which I have accepted 
 out of nearly two hundred received for this and the next month. The 
 interest throughout the country is now so great in all phases of 
 the effects and influences of the European war that it would seem 
 as if every variety of organization, commercial, social, civic and scien- 
 tific as well as legal, were anxious to know more about what might 
 be called the present day Pan Americanism and the status of the 
 Monroe Doctrine as affected by the European war. Recognizing the 
 notable character of this organization, I accepted the invitation which 
 was so earnestly tendered through your amiable, diplomatic and per- 
 sistent President! (Cries of "good.") And P am very glad that his 
 amiability, his diplomacy and his persistency won out in my case, 
 for I have looked over this audience, I have been told who the ma- 
 jority of you are, and I feel as if I were being really honored by your 
 presence here this evening. I recognize, however, that the honor is 
 not to me, personally, but to the organization with which I am connected, 
 and to the cause in which I am engaged. I can say this, however, that 
 I do have, always, a real satis factioni in speaking to a representative 
 audience of this city, this section and state. As I remarked to a 
 group of men earlier today, I honestly and sincerely feel that, as far 
 as public service for my country abroad or in Washington could per- 
 mit, this state has been, practically, my residence for the last sixteen 
 years. If I may be that personal, I would add that, born and brought 
 up under the shadow of the green hills of Vermont, I betook myself, 
 right after graduation, to the Pacific coast, never having been west of 
 the Hudson River before, and was on the coast in the good state of 
 Oregon when I was first appointed United States Minister. But later 
 on my official labors unavoidably separated me from the state of my 
 adoption, and I naturally sought to have a habitat in this state of Illinois 
 where I felt the greatest attraction, where the only sweetheart I ever had 
 lives, namely, my mother ; and my brother also. 
 
 I have always found it to be true in my experience with foreign 
 affairs, first when fifteen years ago I discussed the Philippines after 
 some five or six years official experience in the Far East, and again 
 since then when I have been discussing Latin American matters, that, 
 if Chicago and this state get behind anything, you can count upon it 
 that the rest of the country is also going to get behind it ! From 
 watching, for example, the attitude and the influence of the Chicago 
 Association of Commerce and the Illinois Manufacturers' Associa- 
 tion in the great question of Pan American trade, I am aware that 
 
they have been powerful factors and influences in awakening all of 
 the commercial organizations throughout the country to the import- 
 ance of that trade. I think I can say without exaggeration — ^and I am 
 glad Mr. Nickerson is here to hear it — that the Chicago Association 
 of Commerce responded more quickly and more actively to my first 
 appeal which I made all over the country nine or ten years ago for 
 practical and persistent effort and work towards the development of 
 greater trade between the United States and Latin America, than 
 did any other similar commercial organization in the United States. 
 And this interest has had its direct effect. Before the commercial 
 organizations in New York City or San Francisco or even New Or- 
 leans, had fully opened their eyes, so to speak, you here in Chicago 
 had seen the vision and acted upon it. Today New York is taking 
 many leaves out of your book, in its efforts to get into closer touch 
 with the countries lying south of us. 
 
 I am well aware of what a busy state this is and of what a busy 
 city this is, and how busy are the members of this association. You 
 are not men of leisure, in the sense of having nothing to do but to go to 
 the Club or travel about, but you have great responsibilities in your 
 profession; or, if you are business men, you are all constructive men 
 of the hour and have not much time — and it is no discredit to your- 
 selves — to study the intimate phases of the relations of the United 
 States to and with its twenty sister American republics. You have 
 been so occupied in making good to your clients, you have been so 
 occupied in extending the ramifications of your respective businesses, 
 that you have not had time, any more than I have had time to study 
 your individual work, to study the work of the Pan American Union 
 and really to comprehend what kind of an organization that is down 
 there in Washington which today is doing so much to develop and 
 forward the new Pan Americanism and to make, as it were, the 
 Monroe Doctrine a Pan American doctrine or policy. 
 
 Some of you have heard me tell this story before, but it so aptly 
 illustrates what I want to say that I will run the risk of repeating 
 it. I might say that the majority of you are not much more familiar 
 with the development, history, resources and potentialities of the 
 Latin American countries, or with the real history and the practical 
 work of the Pan American Union plant, as I might call it, in Wash- 
 ington, than I was familiar with Siam when I had the honor of first 
 being appointed Minister to that country — I will not say how many 
 years ago! All of you men here were well along; the ladies were 
 still in swaddling clothes! But I was so young that it would have 
 been better if I had been spanked and kept at home instead of being 
 sent out as a United States Minister. In those days I thought a man 
 had to be at least President of the Illinois State Bar Association be- 
 fore he could qualify as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipo- 
 
 4 
 
tentiary. I was in Washington. You know how men often go to 
 Washington after the election of a new President! I was there, and 
 was hoping to arrange some matters in my state that would be accept- 
 able to all concerned when, just as I was about to say good-bye to 
 the President, he said : 
 
 "Barrett, I am looking for some young man who isn't afraid of 
 hard work and the tropics, w^ho wants to make a reputation for him- 
 self, who doesn't know much about the country and, therefore, will 
 not be prejudiced, to send out to Siam as United States Minister, to 
 settle an important case involving several millions of dollars and the 
 interpretation of our extraterritorial treaties." 
 
 The first thought that came into my mind was that he wanted me 
 to suggest or recommend somebody; that he had decided, in the ap- 
 portionment of his Ministers, that a Minister to "any old place" like 
 Siam might come from my part of the country, and I began to think 
 of some young man in my adopted state of Oregon whom I would like 
 to get rid of, who would go so far away that he would never get- 
 back, or would die of the cholera! And when I was trying to 
 think who were the most undesirable men upon my list, the President 
 looked at me and said : 
 
 "Barrett, I am thinking of appointing you Minister to Siam, what 
 do you know about that country?" 
 
 Well, I was so surprised that I hadn't a thought for a moment. 
 To save my life, I couldn't remember whether Siam was in the south 
 Atlantic or south Pacific, in Asia or in Africa. But I remembered 
 that he said he wanted somebody that did not know too much about 
 the country, and so I thought thatj if I could impress him with my 
 knowledge I would escape the possibilities of cholera in that part of the 
 world. Then there came to me a childhood memory ; I braced up and 
 said : 
 
 "I know, Mr. President, all about Siam." 
 
 He replied : 
 
 "You do? What do you know about Siam?" 
 
 And I answered with an assumption of great knowledge : 
 
 "Siam is the country that produced the immortal Siamese twins." 
 (Laughter.) 
 
 Whereupon, with a twinkle inl his eye, he grasped my hand and 
 exclaimed : 
 
 "Well, I am glad, indeed, to get hold of a man with such abundant 
 information." (Laughter.) 
 
 Without going into the details of why I accepted, I can say that, 
 when I did go out there, my eyes began to open. When I touched 
 Japan, later Korea, thence proceeded down the coast of China to 
 Hong Kong and then by the South China Sea around Indo-China and 
 
 5 
 
up the Gulf of Siam to Siam itself, my eyes opened so wide with 
 astonishment and admiration that it was at first difficult to close them. 
 When I had been a little time in Bangkok, the capital of Siam, I found 
 that I was in the most progressive kingdom of Asia, next to Japan. 
 I found that the King of Siam was a most intelligent and highly edu- 
 cated monarch ; who was descended through a distinguished ancestry ; 
 who spoke almost as excellent English as does your presiding officer; 
 who lived in a palace equal in size and beauty tO' that of the Emperor 
 of Germany, or, that I may appear to be perfectly neutral, to that of 
 the King of England ! There I saw the first automobile in which I 
 ever rode ; there I saw the first electric street car line ever constructed 
 in all Asia; there I saw the first electric 'light plant that was ever 
 built in a great Asiatic city ; there I saw the first great woman's college 
 erected by Asiatic money, by the King himself, in which were teachers 
 from America and' Europe educating the young women of that land 
 as they would the women of our country. Then I remarked, as I 
 wrote back to my friends here, "How is it that you have been so 
 extremely busy and occupied back there that you allowed young men 
 like myself to graduate from college without knowing of this great 
 modern development in Asia?" And during the five or six years that 
 I spent in the Far East I was continually striving to inform Ameri- 
 cans about that part of the world, little realizing that presently it would 
 befall me or be my next responsibility to aid in opening up another 
 part of the world to the knowledge of our people. 
 
 When I came back to this country sixteen years ago, one of the 
 first addresses that I had the honor of making on the Far East 
 and our vast responsibilities and opportunities there and in the Philip- 
 pines, I delivered in this city as the guest of honor at the annual Wash- 
 ington's Birthday meeting of the Union League Club. I remember 
 that occasion as if it were yesterday. But I am not going to talk more 
 about the Orient, although I wish I could speak more of it, for it 
 was my privilege to have had friendly relationship with the present 
 head of China, Yuan Shi Kai, and to have been in close association 
 with the men in other parts of China who are figuring in its history 
 and reorganization today. I am not here tonight, however, to dis- 
 cuss that great Asiatic field, with all its marvelous ramifications and 
 potentialities — ^and mighty problems for the world and for our own 
 country ! 
 
 Now our characteristic ignorance of Siam is, I fear, characteristic 
 also of our acquaintance with a majority of the countries lying south 
 of us, but I hope when I am through tonight every one of you will 
 go out of this room feeling a sense of new interest, a sense of new 
 international responsibility that he or she has not had before. Not 
 because I say it, but because of the inherent seriousness of the prob- 
 lem, involving the very life of this nation, the very prosperity of 
 
 6 
 
this city, and the very greatness of this state. I do not say that in a 
 careless way, to make words, but I say it, realizing who are the men 
 to whom I am speaking. 
 
 To stand on, as it were, a proper platform of viewpoint and to 
 grasp this question, we should understand what is the Pan American 
 Union in Washington. In order that, from the very start I may have 
 your interest, not based upon my own opinion, I am going to tell you 
 the opinion of the Pan American Union held by a great English states- 
 man. This English statesman some time ago stated that he was per- 
 fectly iSure that if they had had in London or Paris, in Berlin or 
 Vienna, in Rome or Petrograd, a "Pan European Union," an "All 
 European" union, organized upon exactly the same plan as the Pan 
 American Union in Washington, controlled and directed in a similar 
 way, with the same kind of inspiration, there would never have been 
 a European war ! 
 
 Now, honor bright, gentlemen, do you want any greater compli- 
 ment to the practical value of the Pan American Union that the 
 statement that this greatest of all wars, greatest in its destruction 
 to the ideals of civilization, greatest in its cost, greatest in its loss of 
 life, could have been avoided if they had had a duplicate of the Pan 
 American Union in the form of a Pan European Union in one of the 
 capitals of Europe? And now I believe, having your interest, not on 
 my own testimony, but on that of this English statesman, you want 
 me to tell you why he had a right to make this observation. 
 
 I wish that I could transport you all bodily, this moment, to Wash- 
 ington, and escort you to the foot of Seventeenth Street, at the en- 
 trance to Potomac Park — past the White House, past that wonderful 
 southern outlook of the White House which is, in my opinion, one of the 
 most inspiring vistas in the ■Wide world ; past the Corcoran Art Gallery 
 and the new building of the Red Cross and the home of the Daughters 
 of the American Revolution, and show to you all that beautiful Palace 
 of Peace and Commerce and Comity among the nations of the western 
 hemisphere, that building which is literally — ^^and think what this 
 means — ^the Capitol of the western hemisphere in the national Capital 
 of the United States, a description that applies to no other building in 
 the wide world, in any capital under the sun ! 
 
 And then I wish I could take you within its portals, past those 
 noble groups of statuary, one representing North America and the 
 other South America, through those great bronze grilled doors, past 
 that exquisite exotic patio, the piece de resistance, in many respects, 
 of the architecture of the building; then up the grand stairway, past 
 the busts of the George Washingtons of the southern republics, into 
 the Stately Hall of the Americas, which has been described as the most 
 perfect room, architecturally, of the western hemisphere; and then 
 
 7 
 
I would bring you finally to the Governing Board room, and then, 
 as you stood there I would say to you, without any misuse of the term : 
 
 "Mr. Member of the Illinois State Bar Association, you are now 
 standing in the unique room of the world." 
 
 That often misused word is not misused in that sense, because there 
 is no other room like having to do with the relationship of nations any- 
 where in the world. 
 
 On the first Wednesday of every month, by international agree- 
 ment and by official enactment, there assemble in that room, around 
 a mahogany table of majestic beauty, the plenipotentiaries of twenty- 
 one nations, the envoys of one hundred and eighty millions of people. 
 There at the head of the tablq sits your Secretary of State, Robert 
 Lansing; upon his right sits the Ambassador of Brazil, Senhor Do- 
 micio da Gama; upon the left sits Senor Don Eduardo Suarez Mujica, 
 the Ambassador of Chile and late President of the great Pan Ameri- 
 can Scientific Congress ; then again on the right of the Ambassador 
 of Brazil sits Senor Dr. Romulo S. Naon, Ambassador of Argentina; 
 then on the left of the Ambassador of Chile is the Minister of Bolivia, 
 Senor Don Ignacio Calderon, and so on, each man having his seat 
 according to rank, as follows : Senor Don Carlos M. de Pena, Minister 
 of Uruguay; Senor Don Joaquin Mendez, Minister of Guatemala; 
 Senor Don Frederico Alfonso Pezet, Minister of Peru ; Senor Don Julio 
 Betancourt, Minister of Colombia; Senor Don Hector Velazquez, 
 Minister of Paraguay; Senor Don Eusebio A'. Morales, Minister of 
 Panama; Senor Don Emiliano Chamorro, Minister of Nicaragua; 
 Senor Don Gonzalo S. Cordova, Minister of Ecuador ; Monsieur Solon 
 Menos, Minister of Haiti; Senor Don Carlos Manuel de Cespedes, 
 Minister of Cuba; Senor Don Santos A. Dominici, Minister of Venezu- 
 ela ; Senor Don Rafael Zaldivar, Minister of Salvador ; Senor Don 
 Manuel Castro Quesada, Minister of Costa Rica ; Senor Don Armando 
 Perez Perdomo, Minister of the Dominican Republic ; and Senor Don 
 R. Camilo Diaz, Charge d' Affaires of Honduras. Senor Don Eliseo 
 Arredondo, Ambassador-elect of Mexico, has not yet presented his 
 credentials, but upon doing so will take his seat around this historic 
 board. Around that table there is not a man who by his brain 
 ability would not be fitted to occupy a seat in the Cabinet of 
 the President of the United States, and many of them fitted to sit 
 upon the Supreme Court of your state; all of them men who would 
 be, if lawyers, qualified to join this Association; from their men- 
 tality, nearly all of them big enough to be the Presidents of their 
 own lands, masters of history, students of diplomacy, scholars, 
 philosophers, and in many cases, wonderful orators; — there, around 
 that table once a month from one 'hour to two or three hours, those 
 men talk about the affairs of the republics and the Pan American Union 
 with as much friendliness and frankness as the directors of this 
 
IV 
 
 ,^ 
 
 organization would consider its welfare around a friendly table, or as 
 the members of your family would discuss your family affairs. Around 
 that table now for two years these twenty-one representatives of the 
 western hemisphere, from the United States on the north to Argentina 
 on the south, have sat, shoulder to shoulder, keeping the Pan Ameri- 
 can bond unbroken and preventing the flame of the European war 
 reaching with its disastrous scorching flames the shores of the western 
 hemisphere. And today, if there is any one thought that inspires the 
 meetings of that Governing Board, it is that the Americas must stand 
 together now as they have never stood before in the history of this 
 hemisphere. And when I tell you that during the nine or ten years in 
 which I have had the honor to be the executive officer of that organ- 
 ization, it has helped to prevent several international wars upon the 
 western hemisphere, you will realize that it is not an impractical, a 
 theoretical organization. 
 
 Now, on the practical side: In that building is a staff of trained 
 men, assisted by competent stenographers and clerks, who are 
 experts in international law and commerce and statistics, also 
 editors, compilers, translators, who are in touch with the whole west- 
 ern hemisphere, conducting a great international bureau of informa- 
 tion, and carrying on a correspondence averaging three or four hundred 
 letters a day. And we publish a monthly Bulletin — I have with me 
 here the English edition — in English, Spanish, Portugese and French, 
 having more pages of reading matter and illustrations than any one 
 of the popular magazines that you buy upon the news stand and, being 
 official, can not have, of course, advertisments, but, in actual reading 
 matter and illustrations, exceeding the average popular magazine. 
 It is published, mind you, in Spanish, in French and in Portugese, as 
 well as in English, and the demand for it is nearly four or five times 
 greater than we are able to supply. It is a magazine which, before 
 the war broke out, the German Emperor described as the most interest- 
 ing, instructive official publication in the world. 
 
 In that building we have the Columbus Memorial Library, in which 
 there are now thirty-five thousand volumes of up-to-date Americana; 
 which, by the international regulations, is made the repository by every 
 government of its official documents, and which has one hundred 
 and sixty thousand index cards. In our reading and map rooms are 
 all the principal newspapers and magazines of Latin America, as well 
 as maps and atlases and directories and every other kind of published 
 informative matter which will spread the knowledge of Latin America 
 throughout the United States and a knowledge of the United States 
 throughout Latin America. 
 
 That organization, defined in a sentence, before I conclude my 
 observations upon it, is the official, international organization of the 
 twenty-one American republics — the United States, and its sister Latin 
 
 9 
 
American republics — controlled by a Governing Board made up of all 
 the plenipotentiaries of the Latin American countries in Washington, 
 and the Secretary of State of the United States, who is Chairman, 
 ex-officio ; maintained by their joint contributions, each government 
 paying just that part of the annual budget of expenses that its popu- 
 lation is a part of the total population of the twenty-one republics; and 
 administered by a Director General and an Assistant Director who are 
 not appointees of the President of the United States in any sense, 
 except that he has a one twenty-first vote, but appointed by all the 
 Presidents of the western hemisphere, expressed through these repre- 
 sentatives upon the Governing Board. Therefore, I have the honor, 
 as I stand before you tonight, of being the only international officer 
 upon the western hemisphere. And there is no other officer in the 
 world that is thus elected to serve as the executive officer of an organiza- 
 tion of a large group of nations such as is the Director General of the 
 Pan American Union. This is said without egotism, for it was, and 
 will be, equally true of, respectively, my predecessor and successor. 
 
 What I say to you tonight, therefore, is not based alone upon my 
 experience and my patriotism as a citizen of the United States, but 
 upon my knowledge of all those countries lying south of us, acquired 
 by my traveling through them, by my studying them, by my trying 
 to get behind, as it were, their thoughts ; by my endeavoring to read the 
 mind of the Latin American and think as he thinks. With my experi- 
 ence as your Minister in three of those countries — Argentina, Colom- 
 bia and Panama — ^and my ten years' experience as the executive officer 
 of the Pan American Union, I feel as if I had reached a point now where, 
 whenever I talk to a Latin American, he has the feeling that he is 
 talking to one whom he understands just as well as he understands 
 his own countrymen; and where I have the feeling, when I talk to 
 an Argentine, a Brazilian, a Colombian, a Chilean, a Mexican, a 
 Guatemalan, a Cuban, a Venezuelan, or a man of any other Latin Amer- 
 ican Nationality that I have when I am talking with any of my friends 
 or my kin here in the United States. 
 
 Now then, with that platform, as it were, to stand upon, with the 
 eyes of the Pan American Union to look through, we come to the 
 next and a very important phase of the evening's discussion. When 
 I accepted this invitation, I said such an organization is worthy of 
 some particular message that represents my real thought at this mo- 
 ment; and I weighed my thoughts very carefully. I went over this 
 message, time and time again, and finally I 'boiled it down into a few 
 words, comparatively speaking. I did not want to trust to extem- 
 poraneous utterance. It will take me only a few minutes to read it, 
 and I hope it will sink deep into your minds, because it is inspired 
 by a phase of the present situation that I do not think we have con- 
 sidered as carefully as we should have. 
 
 10 
 
The air has been full of talk about preparedness, not only in organ- 
 izations like this, but at social dinners and even in the cabarets. Every- 
 where preparedness has been talked about, and yet not one speech 
 in a hundred, not one conversation in a thousand, has come down to 
 the basic question : Why this preparedness ? Now, naturally, the 
 answer is, unpreparedness ! Of course, I admit that, but on what 
 ground is any country going to test the preparedness of the United 
 States ? That is the question, and there is only one answer, absolutely, 
 and that is the Monroe Doctrine! There is no other possible great 
 basic question in our relations with the nations, not only with those 
 across the Atlantic but with those across the Pacific. With that 
 thought in mind I wrote these words — concerning which I make 
 only one reservation, as I do for all I say in this address, and that is 
 ■that they of course express my personal views only and do not in any 
 way commit the attitude of the members of my Governing Board : 
 
 "Illinois has a most direct concern in the present Pan American 
 situation. No other state, unless it be New York, has an equal in- 
 terest. The vast manufacturing, financial and agricultural develop- 
 ment of Illinois will be so surely affected in the future by the growth 
 of commercial, financial and political relations between the United 
 States and each one of the twenty Latin American Republics that 
 they cannot be blind to their responsibilities of this very hour. 
 
 "Speaking with the sincerity, first, of one who for fully fifteen 
 years has regarded Illinois as his home state, although obliged in 
 humbly serving it abroad and in Washington to be absent much of the 
 time, and, secondly, of one who by his official position as United States 
 Minister in several Latin American capitals, and later as the only 
 international officer of all the American governments in Washington, 
 has been unavoidably brought more intimately than possibly any one 
 else into close touch with Pan American affairs, I appeal tO' you law- 
 yers, representing the who'le state, and, through you, to the men and 
 women of all callings, to realize that the United States is today face 
 to face with an extraordinary crisis which may determine forever' 
 whether it will he an honored leader or a despised laggard among the 
 nations of the western, hemisphere and hence throughout the zuorld, 
 and for which it must prepare. 
 
 "The ominous possibilities of what may happen at the conclusion 
 of the European war involving, first, a final test by Europe or Asia 
 of the real meaning of the Monroe Doctrine, and, second, an unprece- 
 dented and merciless competition of Europe and Asia with the United 
 States to regain and enlarge their lost trade in Latin America, must 
 be fully realized and prepared for! Illinois has too much at stake 
 directly and indirectly in the outcome of such portentous develop- 
 ment to sit by quietly for a moment and let the procession pass on. 
 
 11 
 
"Illinois must realize what Latin America means to the United 
 States and what the United States mean to Latin America. Illinois 
 must grasp the fact that the very life and integrity of this great 
 nation may depend upon preserving the integrity of each and all of 
 the Latin American Republics against conquest at the hands of an 
 European or Asiatic foe. Illinois must know; that if European com- 
 merce driven by the war to desperation to recover its former vigor 
 and position, gains the upper hand in Latin America after the war, it 
 will be a question of long and exhausting years before the United 
 States will be able to achieve leadership. 
 
 "While all Americans throughout all America — ^Pan America — 
 from the United States south toArgentina and Chile, hope, pray and 
 even believe that no European or Asiatic nation, or group of nations, 
 will dare or be inclined to test the Monroe Doctrine through war with 
 the United States and its sister American republics, and while it would 
 seem a convincing argument that nO' victorious or defeated nation or 
 group of nations will have the temerity, strength or desire to engage 
 in another conflict with a fresh foe of such vast potential resources 
 as the United States and its sister neutral countries of America, yet 
 there is no such thing as absolute security in this grave situation. 
 
 "We cannot forget the cold blooded fact that now stares Pan 
 America in the face: Whichever way the war ends, there may be no 
 love on either side for the United States and its sister neutral American 
 republics. The victors may say that they won in spite of the United 
 States and the other American republics; the losers may say that they 
 lost because of the United States and Latin America. The present 
 serious diplomatic differences between the United States and both 
 warring factions, the tone of the press of both sides, and the reports 
 of newspaper correspondents and other Americans returning from 
 Europe confirm beyond question this statement. 
 
 "Now then, the passions aroused by the war may be so terrible and 
 lasting, the feeling of resentment on the part of the conqueror and 
 conquered may be so keen and persistent, and the overwhelming sense 
 of power that will result from the possession of a mighty veteran army 
 of trained soldiers and a great armada of ships and sailors, and, again, 
 the lust for the unimpoverished wealth and resources of the United 
 States and Latin America to aid in paying the debts of the war and 
 in recouping from its effects may be so appealing and impelling to the 
 passions of the all-powerful victors that no man, no matter how sincere 
 and earnest a pacifist, can confidently for a moment declare that the 
 United States and Latin America are absolutely safe against such 
 dangers. 
 
 "It is the knowledge of such possibilities that should inevitably 
 evolve the Monroe Doctrine into a Pan American Doctrine, belonging 
 
 12 
 
as much to Latin America as to the United States. With the Monroe 
 Doctrine more alive than it has been since its declaration in 1823, the 
 European war is forcing All America, in spite of the critics of the 
 doctrine, in spite of its opponents and traducers, in spite of itself and 
 its friends, and even in spite of whether Latin America wants it or 
 not, to nail the standard of the doctrine to the mast of the Pan Ameri- 
 can ship of state and to stand by it now and hereafter as a Pan Ameri- 
 can doctrine and principle of international as well as of national in- 
 tegrity and defense. This should mean that for their own individual 
 and collective salvation the governments and peoples of Latin America 
 would stand with all their moral and physical power and with all their 
 resources for the sovereignty of the United States if it should be at- 
 tacked by a European or Asiatic foe as quickly as the United States 
 would stand for the integrity and sovereignty of any or all of the 
 Latin American republics if they should be assailed by an enemy from 
 beyond the eastern or western seas. 
 
 "Realizing this extraordinary situation, let there be inaugurated in 
 Illinois a widespread Pan American movement which will educate its 
 people to the importance of the political and commercial relations of 
 the United States with Latin America. Let Illinois develop a new 
 appreciation and knowledge of our sister American republics and 
 peoples. Let Illinois in its universities and colleges, in its public and 
 private schools, and in its commercial,' professional, social, fraternal 
 and labor organizations, take up the study of our sister republics, their 
 history, their commerce, their resources, their civilization, their 
 languages, their literature, and their institutions. Let Illinois stand 
 for the (new Pan Americanism which means the development of a 
 solidarity of permanent interest, an interdependence of commerce, 
 finance and trade, an exchange of ideas and knowledge, a unity of 
 political and economic purposes, a common preparedness and defense 
 that will make Pan America and Pan Americanism forever the chief 
 factors in world progress, world civilization and world peace. 
 
 "If what I have said arouses further interest in the Pan Ameri-' 
 can opportunity and responsibility, I ask you to communicate with 
 me at the Pan American Union in Washington, where that great 
 organization, devoted to the development of commerce, friendship 
 and peace among 'the American republics, is always ready to promote, 
 through the spread of reiliable information, the cause of practical Pan 
 Americanism," 
 
 I thank you for bearing with me so kindly while I read that mes- 
 sage-to you. I realized that while- 1 read that many of you were 
 thinking: Mr. Barrett, have you not exaggerated? Have you not 
 exaggerated the meaning of Pan America ? Have you not exaggerated 
 the power of Pan America? 
 
 13 
 
Now, let us see, what does Pan America mean? Literally, it 
 means just what it says. All America. But in the definition of it today 
 we do not include Canada or the other dependencies of European coun- 
 tries. Therefore, by Pan America we mean the twenty-one republics 
 that reach from the United States and Mexico and Cuba on the north, 
 to Argentina, Uruguay and Chile on the south. Do you realize that 
 those twenty-one countries have an area of twelve millions of square 
 miles, or nearly three times the area of Europe, almost as great as the 
 area of Africa, and two-thirds that of Asia, without including the four 
 million square miles of Canada? Do you realize these twenty-one 
 countries have a population of one hundred and eighty millions. Do 
 you realize, for we say "commerce is the life blood of nations," that 
 these twenty-one republics in the last year before the war, 1913, con- 
 ducted a foreign trade with the rest of the world and with each other 
 valued at eight thousand millions of dollars; in other words, eight 
 billions of dollars? That is Pan America! 
 
 Now let us segregate Latin America from the United States, to 
 see what the power of Latin America means. "Latin America" is the 
 correct term to use in describing the countries that reach from Cuba and 
 Mexico south, not "Spanish America." We should never use the 
 term "Spanish America" unless we wish to differentiate the rest of 
 Latin America from Brazil. Brazil, which is almost equal to a third 
 of the total area of Latin America, is Portugese in origin and language. 
 Latin America is the correct phrase to use in describing this entire 
 field south of us. Latin America comprises twenty countries, with a 
 population of eighty millions, or eight tenths of our population, which 
 is increasing more rapidly than our own population, and which off 
 from the great eastern and western routes of travel, and before the 
 Panama Canal was in full operation, conducted an annual foreign 
 trade of three thousand millions of dollars, or, in other words, three 
 billions of dollars. And that, in turn, represented an increase of one 
 Ijillion of dollars, or one thousand millions of dollars in the last ten 
 years ! 
 
 Now, honor bright, if these countries to which we have given such 
 little attention can build up a trade of three billions of dollars before 
 this war, and increase that trade one billion of dollars in ten years, no 
 matter what you may have thought of them before, are they not de- 
 serving of your closest attention and study? 
 
 As we look upon this great field, however, do not let us lump it all 
 together. Do not let us put it in, so to speak, one mass, any more than 
 we would put all Europe together. There are greater differences be- 
 tween groups of Latin American countries than there are between 
 Great Britain on the one hand and the Balkan States on the other. 
 There is more apartness between Argentina and Uruguay, Chile and 
 
 14 
 
Bolivia, on one side, and Central America on the other hand, than 
 there is between England and Germany and France on the other sid^ 
 and the Balkan States and Russia on the other. This comparison 
 is made with no reflection whatever on either grouping. And yet we are 
 in the habit of lumping them all together, and we forget that each one 
 of the Latin American countries is sincerely proud of its own indi- 
 viduality. The greatest mistake you can make is to call an Argentine 
 a "Spaniard," or call a Cuban or Colombian a "Spaniard." You 
 would not call an average man of any Latin American country a 
 "Spaniard" any more than you would call a man who had lived in 
 this country, or whose ancestors had been in this country one 
 hundred years ago, a "German," an "Englishman" or a "Frenchman," 
 You would call a "Spaniard" only the man who had kept his citizenship 
 in Spain. And there are as great differences between the present up-to- 
 date Argentine and Chilean and the old Castillian Spaniard as be- 
 tween the average American today and his ancestor of Great Britain 
 or Germany. That should be borne in mind always when you meet 
 these men or engage in trade with them. 
 
 There are three great and interesting segregations of Latin 
 America, The first comprises Mexido, the five Central America 
 countries, and Panama, Colombia, Venezuela, Cuba, the Dominican 
 Republic and Haiti which are largely tributary to the Gulf of Mexico 
 and the Caribbean sea. They form a group that has nearly thirty mil- 
 lions of population, and an annual foreign trade of over seven hun- 
 dred millions of dollars, which represents an increase of nearly one 
 hundred per cent in the last ten years. And every port of their At- 
 lantic coast line of nearly six or seven thousand miles is less than 
 eighteen hundred miles from the average port of the Gulf coast of the 
 United States. Nearly three-fifths of the commerce of this section is 
 with the United States ; hardly two-fifths with Europe. Today over 
 two-thirds of the travel of these countries is back and forth with the 
 United States instead of with Europe. Think of the enormous poten- 
 tiality of these countries, covering an area equal to all that portion of 
 the United States east of the Rocky Mountains, within eighteen hun- 
 dred miles from the average Gulf port O'f the United States, or less than 
 the distance, almost, from the city of Chicago to San Francisco ! 
 Under the influence and the example we have set at Panama in mas- 
 tering and conquering the tropics, one of the most wonderful changes 
 the world has ever known has been wrought along the low-lying, pest- 
 ridden coast line of Central America and South America on the Carib- 
 bean Sea and Gulf of Mexico, which was formerly only the home of 
 incipient revolutions, and has now become the home of prosperous 
 cities and progressive peoples ; and a vast area that no man pene- 
 trated is being made literally into gardens to supply the food products 
 
 15 
 
that the United States needs, in the form of bananas and other fruit 
 foods. 
 
 The second great segregation is that western coast of South 
 America that has five thousand more miles of coast line from Panama 
 to the Straits of Magellan upon the Pacific Ocean, including the 
 coast line of Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Chile, with Bolivia tribu- 
 tary through Peru and Chile. There we have a population of fifteen 
 millions of people and an annual foreign trade of over five hundred 
 millions of dollars, which it conducted before the Panama Canal was 
 opened, in spite of the difficulties of approach through the Straits of 
 Magellan. As you sail up and down that western coast line it looks 
 barren and disappointing, but if you travel back into the interior you 
 will find it possesses just as great potentialities for development as had 
 California, Oregon and Washington, when they were first tapped by 
 the railroads from the east and aided by the capital and emigration 
 from the eastern part of the United States. Now, with the Panama 
 Canal in full operation, as we hope it soon will he, and that coast made 
 accessible to our commerce and our capital, there is no reason in the 
 world why it should not go forward to just the same kind of marvelous 
 development as California, Oregon and Washington and the states 
 back of them, tributary to the Pacific coast, all enjoy. 
 
 The last of these mighty segregations is on the eastern side of 
 South America, including vast Brazil, great Argentina, and little but 
 resourceful Uruguay and Paraguay. Here we have a population of 
 thirty to forty millions of people ; an annual foreign trade of one billion, 
 six hundred millions of dollars ; an area of over four million, five hun- 
 dred square miles, or greater than the entire area of the United States 
 by a million and a half square miles, and yet still in the infancy of its 
 development ! 
 
 Now you possibly say: "Mr. Barrett, you are impressing us with 
 these facts, but we want to ask you one or two questions." And I am 
 very glad you thought of those questions, because they are natural, and 
 I always believe that it is not fair to any audience, for the speaker to 
 have it all his own way ! So, as you are asking those questions in your 
 minds, I am going to answer them. 
 
 You say: "Now, Mr. Barrett, this is interesting, we admit, but 
 what about the instability of those governments? What about revo- 
 lutions ?" That is the first bogey ! I am not good at destroying bogey 
 at golf, as the majority of you, I presume are, but there are some 
 bogeys in regard to Latin America that I love to kill, and the first one 
 is in regard to revolutions. It is unfortunate that we have this preju- 
 dice because of sad conditions one or two of these countries, and have 
 not realized the interesting fact that three-fourths of all Latin America 
 
 16 
 
in area and population has known no revolution whatever in the last 
 tw^enty-five or thirty years ! 
 
 Honor bright, then, gentlemen, on what ground shall we be so 
 unfair as to speak of them, as to segregate them all in one mass as 
 revolutionary lands? While we are speaking of revolutions, let me 
 say this : Latin America may have had many internal or civil conflicts, 
 but the continent of Europe has had three times as many international 
 wars, which are really the test of meanness and hatred, than have 
 had the twenty Latin American countries during the last one hundred 
 years ! These revolutions have been evolutions rather than revolutions. 
 Seventy-five per cent of the revolutions of Latin America have been 
 evolutions into an improved condition! Some of them have been 
 serious and terrible trials ; some of them have not been evolutions into 
 better conditions ; but the majority of them, as history tells us by care- 
 ful study, have been in that direction. 
 
 Then you say: "Yes, supposing you destroy that bogey, what of 
 the climate? They are all tropical countries, Mr. Barrett, they are 
 under a hot sun where great races can not develop." I am glad you 
 asked that question, because I remind you, with all due respect, that 
 God thought all that out before ever this Association had it in its 
 mind ! 
 
 First, we must bear in mind that all the great southern end of 
 South America is in the south temperate zone. Southeastern Brazil, 
 all of Uruguay, practically all of Argentina, part of Paraguay and prac- 
 tically all of Chile and, you might say, a large part of Bolivia because 
 of its altitude, are in the south temperate zone. In other words, there 
 is an area down there equal to all that section east of the Rocky 
 Mountains, in the south temperate zone, with the same kind of climate 
 that we have here in the United States. And how many of you realize 
 that Argentina has a greater reach from north to south in the temperate 
 zone than has the connected area of the United States of North 
 America ? 
 
 "Well," you say, "I can not deny that you have answered that 
 question, but what of the great tropical belt itself?" Again, I an- 
 swer, the wisdom of the Maker of all things settled that question before 
 we thought it out. I do not know how many of you have traveled 
 much through the tropical countries of Latin America, or how many 
 are familiar with the delightful and wonderful experience of becoming 
 intimately acquainted with a mule's back ! It was my privilege to make 
 a journey of over two thousand miles through the Andes of Colombia, 
 Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela, and I learned more ways of getting 
 on and off a mule than there are days in the year! It is sometimes 
 a good way to get acquainted with these countries. All through Co- 
 lombia and Ecuador and Venezuela and Peru and in the Central 
 
 17 
 
^t 
 
 American G|^u1i;tries there are remarkable plateaus averaging from 
 twenty-five^ hundred to ten thousand feet in altitude and right under 
 the Equator, Bt^they have a climate the year around, practically, such 
 as they have in New England or in northern Illinois in June or in 
 September. 
 
 When I had the honor of being your Minister in Bogota, the Capital 
 of Colombia, almost within a stone's throw of the equator, I never 
 saw the thermometer in my library go above 79; and every night in 
 my sleeping room it went down to 59 or 60. And that is only one of a 
 half dozen of such plateaus throughout that wonderful country. In 
 time, when railroads are built from the coast line into the interior; 
 when these great plateaus are made fully accessible; when foreign 
 population and commerce come in, you are going to see a mighty 
 change that will harness the almost immeasurable wealth of those 
 mountains. The great water power of the Andes will be harnessed 
 and irrigate those vast plateaus, bringing about a change which will 
 astound the world. 
 
 The next bogey you throw at me is : "But why can't we do a 
 bigger trade down there?" Now, I love to see that bogey thrown at 
 me, because I do like to hit it with all my might ! 
 
 Do you know that there is no greater error today, absolutely 
 widely prevalent throughout this country, from the President of the 
 United States down, than that the United States has not been doing 
 a big commerce in Latin America, and that we are behind Germany 
 and Great Britain? For the life of me, I can not understand why so 
 many Senators and Congressmen, so many editors, so many so-called 
 authorities on Latin America, will look right straight at the blackboard, 
 see the exact facts and figures that can not be denied, and still say, 
 what a pity that we do so little business in Latin America, and 
 that we don't know how to build up our trade ! Ninety-nine per 
 cent of the men saying those things are still looking through the glasses 
 of eight, nine and ten years ago, and they have the temerity, every 
 now and then, to quote speeches which I made eight and nine years 
 ago when those conditions were true! 
 
 Here is a fact for every one of you to put in his pipe and smoke 
 over: In the year 1913, the last peaceful, average year before this 
 war, before any of its influences could make trade greater or less, 
 what happened? The total value of products exchanged between the 
 United States and these twenty Latin American countries approxi- 
 mated eight hundred and ten millions of dollars. The total value of 
 the products which Great Britain exchanged with these twenty coun- 
 tries south of the United States approximated six hundred and fifty 
 millions, or one hundred and fifty million dollars less than our trade. 
 How about Germany, of which we hear so much? The total com- 
 merce of Germany with the twenty Latin American countries in 1913 
 
 18 
 
was approximately four hundred and ten million dollars, or practically 
 only half of the total trade of the United States! I say, honor bright, 
 why therefore all this talk, running down American manufacturers, 
 criticising American commercial efforts, condemning American com- 
 mercial methods? I will tell you why. It is because we take the 
 isolated case of the man who doesn't know the field; we take the iso- 
 lated case of the man who names the few countries where we are led 
 by Germany and Great Britain, and puts these before us with such 
 prominence that we forget the truth as to the entire field! 
 
 Which would you prefer, to have eight hundred and ten millions 
 of dollars of trade with all Latin America and be beaten out by Ger- 
 many in two or three of the twenty, or have only four hundred and 
 ten millions of dollars in all Latin America and let Germany have 
 eight hundred and ten millions ? 
 
 It is true that in three or four of the countries of South America 
 we are led, decidedly, by Germany and Great Britain in certain re- 
 spects. But why should we pick out those few countries and draw 
 that conclusion for all Latin America proper ? South America proper 
 has ten of the twenty countries of Latin America. We are led only 
 in a few by Germany and Great Britain. But here is the fact that is 
 most convincing of all : During the last ten years the United States 
 has increased its trade in volume and value in those countries, even in 
 the countries where we are beaten out by Germany and Great Britain, 
 faster than have either of those countries. 
 
 This does not mean that we shall not make a supreme effort, just 
 the same. It does not mean that the Chicago Association of Commerce, 
 and all the other Illinois organizations, shall not do everything in their 
 power to educate our people in the trade of that part of the world. 
 This wonderful development we have had is due to the remarkable 
 efforts of manufacturers, exporters and importers, many of whom are 
 right here in Chicago, and deserving of splendid credit for what they 
 have done. You are drawing conclusions without thinking of num- 
 erous manufacturers here in this state and neighboring states, 
 and in this and other cities, who for years have been doing a growing 
 trade in Latin America and know conditions down there perfectly. 
 The thing is to get the average manufacturer and the average business 
 man to go ahead on the same basis that these other men have done and 
 build up a trade that will distance all Europe so that it will be impossible 
 for it ever to displace the United States from its position. That is 
 what, today, I am urging upon the American manufacturers to consider. 
 
 The final bogey is this: You say, "Mr. Barrett, what of this dis- 
 trust, what of the dislike of the Monroe Doctrine?" That is a very 
 foolish idea. The trouble is, again, that here we draw a conclusion 
 from isolated cases. If one writer or editor down in Argentina 
 
 19 
 
comes out with an article or editorial against the Monroe Doctrine or 
 the United States ; if one editor inveighs against them, it is repeated up 
 here by all of our papers and statesmen as the opinion of all Latin 
 America. Very likely not one of the greatest authorities of that 
 country said anything to that effect. Not long ago the late President 
 of Argentina wrote a book against the Monroe Doctrine, and many 
 people here threw up their hands and said : "Look at that ; I told you 
 so !" But it didn't create a ripple in Argentina. You read the editorials 
 of some of your Chicago and New York papers, and you think that 
 he apparently voiced the sentiment of all Latin America ! They over- 
 look what Mr.Romulo S.Na6n,that able, progressive young Ambassador 
 of Argentina is preaching over this country. They listen instead to a 
 man that was already half in the grave when he wrote his Anti-Monroe 
 doctrine book. They listen to the sophistries of Anti-American orators 
 but pay too little heed to the words of a leader like Eduardo Suarez 
 Mujica, the Ambassador of Chile, who knows the sentiments of these 
 countries more than these men who seek only popular favor. 
 
 If I had time I could read to you parts that I have picked out from 
 a chapter of a book that I am now writing on Pan Americanism, and 
 I could prove to you beyond question that not a word of credit should 
 be given to talk against the Monroe Doctrine. The Monroe Doctrine 
 was born in the spirit of Pan Americanism. It was born in the spirit 
 of the relationship among the nations of the western hemisphere. Pan 
 Americanism was a mighty influence in this country twenty-five years 
 before the Monroe Doctrine was declared. I could quote here, if I had 
 the time, the words from that great character of Venezuela, Miranda, 
 in 1788', which were almost as remarkable as those of Monroe. And 
 then I could quote to you the words of Simon Bolivar, the George 
 Washington of Northern South America, who pointed out the necessity 
 of Pan American co-operation along the very lines that the Monroe 
 Doctrine specifically brought out. When Bolivar made the call for the 
 first great Pan American Conference which met in Panama in 1826, he 
 repeated sentiments that he had uttered a score of times during the 
 past twenty years. 
 
 Juan Pablo Vizcardo y Guzman, a Peruvian patriot and priest, in 
 a paper he left with the United States Minister in London, where he 
 died in 1798, urging independence for his countrymen of South 
 America said : 
 
 "The recent acquisition of independence by their neighbors in North 
 America has made the deepest impression on them." 
 
 Dean Gregorio Funes, an Argentine patriot, wrote in 1819 : 
 
 "The North American Revolution, and the recent French one, 
 revived among us the natural rights of man." 
 
 Tlie President of Chile, when he received Joel Roberts Poinsett, 
 as United States Consul General, on February 2-1, 1812, said: 
 
 20 
 
"That power (the United States) attracts all our attention and 
 our attachment. You may safely assure it of the sincerity of our 
 freindly sentiments." 
 
 In the famous "Declaration of the Rights of the Chilean People", 
 made by Juan Martinez de Rosas about 1810, he gave expression to the 
 following remarkable Pari American sentiments, which might apply 
 almost as well today as they did them : 
 
 "1. The people of Latin America cannot defend their sovereignty 
 single-handed; in order to develop themselves they need to unite, not 
 in an internal organization, but for external security against the plans 
 of Europe, and to avoid wars among themselves. 
 
 "2. This does not mean that the European states are to be regarded 
 as enemies ; on the contrary, the friendly relations with them must 
 be strengthened as far as possible. 
 
 "3. The American states must unite in a congress in order to 
 endeavor to organize and to fortify themselves .... The day 
 when America, unitedl in a congress, whether of the two continents, 
 or of the South, shall speak to the rest of the world, her voice will 
 make itself respected and her resolve would be opposed with difficulty." 
 
 Think of it! Every Latin American country approved of those 
 sentiments then, to unite Pan America not in an international organ- 
 ization, but for external security against the aggressions of Europe 
 and to avoid war among themselves. Do you ever want better Pan 
 Americanism than those sentiments expressed one hundred and six years 
 ago, by the people of Latin America? 
 
 Pan Americanism does not mean that European states are to be 
 regarded as enemies. There is nothing in Pan Americanism that is 
 antagonistic to Europe unless Europe so desires to construe it. On the 
 contrary, the friendly relations with them must be strengthened as 
 far as possible. 
 
 Do you know that in 1811 President Madison sent a message to 
 Congress that embodied almost the words of the Monroe Doctrine? 
 Then again Samuel Mitchell, member of Congress from New York, 
 on December 10, 1811, introduced a resolution, which was unanimously 
 approved by Congress, and contained practically all the sentiments of 
 present day Pan Americanism and also of the Monroe Doctrine. In 
 1812 John C. Calhoun announced his conversion to the cause of Pan 
 Americanism, and the necessity of the United States standing with 
 the Latin American countries in their efiforts to gain their indepen- 
 dence. You know the hold on this country that the great Jefferson 
 had. In 1808 he wrote to Governor Claiborne, at New Orleans, in 
 reference to the Cuban and Mexican war: "Consider their interests 
 and ours as the same, and the object of 'both must be to exclude all 
 European influence from this hemisphere." Thomas Jefferson said 
 
 21 
 
this in 1808 ! And yet they try to make us think that England and 
 Canning deserve the credit for inspiring the Monroe Doctrine, de- 
 clared in 1833 ! Jefferson, again in 1820, three years before the decla- 
 ration of the Monroe Doctrine, expressed those same sentiments. 
 Down in Buenos Aires, in 1810, they discussed the necessity of Pan 
 American action to defend the new sovereignties which were arising 
 in the western hemisphere. 
 
 You know the trouble we are having today with Colombia, and 
 yet Torres came from Colombia as the first diplomatic representative 
 of Latin America and in 1816 demanded of the American people that 
 they should write a Monroe Doctrine. He did not call it that, but 
 urged that they should express sentiments to the same effect. 
 
 And so I might go on, quoting and quoting. I have only touched 
 a few of the high places, in order that you may realize that what we are 
 trying to do today is only carrying out what W(as started long ago. And 
 do you stop to think that there is no greater Pan American in all 
 American history than Henry Clay? Do you realize that when Henry 
 Clay died he said that he believed his greatest service, or the one that 
 would last the longest in history, was what he did for the republics 
 of Latin America? The greatest speeches Henry Clay delivered in 
 Congress were those of 1816, 1817, 1819 and 1820, in behalf of the 
 Latin American countries. It was he who responded to Bolivar's ap- 
 peal for a Pan American Congress at Panama in 1826, and who sent 
 delegates after the United States Congress had three times refused to 
 make an appropriation, although they arrived too late. Just before 
 Bolivar died he wrote a wonderful letter to Henry Clay and invoked 
 the praise of future ages upon him for making the independence of 
 the Latin American countries possible. 
 
 And what of Daniel Webster? His greatest service in his later 
 years was his allegiance to the Monroe Doctrine inspired by the spirit 
 of Pan Americanism which it carried. 
 
 These are things we must weigh carefully and surely, when we are 
 studying this great Pan American situation and are trying to understand 
 relationship of the Monroe Doctrine to the present. 
 
 Today there is this great thought in the minds of nearly all Latin 
 American satesmen: We are coming back now to just where we 
 started the Monroe Doctrine; that today, in 1916, it is just as neces- 
 sary, and perhaps more necessary than it was in 1816, only extended 
 and unfolded until we have a mighty organization of twenty-one gov- 
 ernments to stand back of it and make the world respect it, whereas 
 then there was only one independent nation in the western hemisphere 
 that could stand for it. 
 
 Gentlemen, Latin America objects not to the Monroe Doctrine in 
 itself, because the study of history will not permit it. What it objects 
 
 22 
 
to is the interpretation that so many of our statesmen and essayists and 
 writers and authorities on international law have given it, upon their 
 own authority. Latin America objects to the idea of superiority and 
 patronage on the part of the United States. Latin American nations 
 are ready to accept the Monroe Doctrine as a Pan American policy 
 which recognizes their equality with the United States. 
 
 I wish I had time this evening to take you, so to speak, for a 
 birdseye view of some of the remarkable features of Latin America. I 
 could tell you how we could put all of the connected area of the 
 United States inside of Brazil, and still have room for Illinois twice 
 over. I could tell you how, out of the Amazon River every day flows 
 a greater volume of water by five times than out of the Mississippi and 
 its tributaries, plus the Columbia; how Rio de Janeiro, its famous 
 capital is located on the most beautiful harbor in the world and has a 
 population of one million two hundred thousand. How Uruguay, which 
 is an ambitious state to the south of Brazil, has a capital, Montevideo, 
 with four hundred thousand population, and has expended ten million 
 dollars on a great harbor for the growing trade of the Atlantic Ocean. I 
 wish I were an orator that I might do justice to that fair land of Argen- 
 tina, where I was once your Minister. You could put nearly half of 
 the United States inside of Argentina. Buenos Aires, its capital, is 
 the largest Spanish speaking city in the world ; the largest city in the 
 world south of the equator; the second Latin city of the world, ranking 
 next to Paris ; the third city in the western hemisphere, ranking after 
 New York and Chicago; a city which today has a population of 
 1,750,000 ; a city that thought little of spending twenty-five millions 
 for a great subway system ; forty millions for a great system of docks 
 and wharves; and twenty millions for a broad avenue through the 
 heart of the city. It possesses the finest club in the world; the finest 
 opera house in the Americas, and, with all due respect to the News, 
 the Herald, the Tribune, the Post, the American and the Journal, it 
 possesses the finest newspaper plant and building in the wide world! 
 
 Then I would like to take you over the great railway systems of 
 Argentina, and into the interior, to realize its possibilities, but I have 
 not time. 
 
 So across the Andes we fly, and come to remarkable Chile. We 
 do not stop to think that we could put the whole Atlantic coast, from 
 Maine down to Plorida, inside of Chile ; that, if we put the south end 
 of Chile down at San Diego on the Mexican line, the north end of 
 Chile would not stop at Oregon, at Washington, at British Columbia or 
 at the Alaska line, but reach away up into the heart of Alaska ! We 
 do not stop to think that Chile is a country with nearly three hundred 
 thousand square miles, often called the Yankeeland of South America, 
 in the south temperate zone, directly south through the Panama Canal. 
 We do not stop to think that Santiago, its capital, sometimes called 
 
 23 
 
the Paris of the Andes, has a population of five hundred thousand, and 
 that at Valparaiso, Chile's port, a city of two hundred and fifty thou- 
 sand, they are building a great artificial harbor that will be the finest 
 of its kind upon the Pacific. 
 
 We do not stop to think that into Bolivia we could put Texas twice 
 over and then add this wonderful state. Into Peru we could put the 
 whole Atlantic coast from Maine to Georgia. And we forget that 
 down there in Lima, its capital, they had a university one hundred 
 years old, before John Harvard or Eli Yale thought of founding the 
 universities which carry their names. 
 
 And then there are Ecuador and Paraguay. I might speak of them, 
 but I have not time. In either of them you could put Illinois twice 
 over and a little more. And then: Colombia and Venezuela. Just 
 think of it! From the most southern port on our coast line. Key 
 West, to the nearest point of Colombia or of Venezuela is less than 
 the distance from New York City to Kansas City! Into Colombia, 
 with four hundred miles of coast on both the Atlantic, or Caribbean, 
 and the Pacific, you could put the entire German Empire and France. 
 In Venezuela you could include the greater part of France and Spain. 
 
 And so I might go on describing Panama, the five Central American 
 republics, Mexico, Cuba, the Dominican Republic and Haiti, but I have 
 not time, beyond reminding you of a few general facts. 
 
 Do not think for a moment that I speak of Latin America 
 as being an El Dorado; • it has its shortcomings. There are 
 serious difficulties facing our commerce and our trade. There 
 are real discouragements ahead of us before we shall have all of the 
 conditions that we desire. But what would our country be, what 
 would Chicago be, what would this great Mississippi Valley be, if it 
 had not been for the fight that our ancestors had to carry on to evolve 
 present conditions? What would our own Pacific coast be, and our 
 mountain country, except for the overwhelming difficulties of all kinds 
 that our ancestors fought and -mastered before those sections reached 
 their wonderful, present day civilization and progress? We must not 
 expect that in a twinkling of an eye there is any magic that can sud- 
 denly transform Latin America into an ideal part of the world. It 
 will take time to evolve its new life. But the United States must lead 
 the way. Upon the Pan American future depend our life and our 
 prosperity. Let us hope that when the European war is over, there may 
 not a line go up and down the Atlantic Ocean with Europe and Asia on 
 one side and Pan America on the other? And, fearful though the 
 thought may be, let us pray that there may not a line go up and down 
 the Pacific, with Japan and China on one side and Pan America on 
 the other ? But we must think of these things even if they seem remote 
 possibilities. If, then, a line were drawn east and west, cutting off 
 Latin America, with all of her resources and relationships, and finally 
 
 24 
 
another line, cutting off Canada, for we know her allegiance would be 
 with another land, the United States would become the greatest Belgium 
 in the war history of the world ! 
 
 These are thoughts we must consider. They are not the words of 
 an alarmist. They are not sensational sentiments. They are our sound 
 suggestions, as we study the situation. As I go away I want to leave 
 a kindly thought in your minds. I realize, from my experience 
 in this world, that after all, the great controlHng influence to 
 weld nations together, just as it is the great controlling influence 
 to weld men and women together, is sentiment; we may call 
 it love! the most wonderful thing in the world. That same love 
 is going to be the most powerful factor in holding the nations of 
 the western hemisphere together in the future, for love among both 
 human beings and nations is founded upon mutual confidence, upon trust 
 of one in another, and upon the intimate association of those concerned. 
 Now, then, how many of you have stopped to think of the great tie, 
 of sentiment that binds Latin America to us, without reference to 
 what may be your thoughts about the commerce of the United States 
 with those countries ? How many realize that every one of these twenty 
 countries lying south of the United States wrote its Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence upon the Declaration of the Independence of the United 
 States, not upon any document of Spain, of Portugal, of France, of Ger- 
 many, or of Great Britain ? How many of you realize that every one of 
 these countries wrote its Constitution, not upon the Constitution of any 
 European land no matter how close the ties of blood and language, but 
 every one of them wrote its Constitution upon that of the United States. 
 Great Britain, Germany, France, have no such ties as these with any 
 group of nations in the world. These are ties before God, that we can 
 never ibreak, because they are part of absolute history. And, no mat- 
 ter what may be the trend of future events, there are the facts as 
 great mainsprings of inspiration for our interest in those lands and for 
 their interest in us. 
 
 Then again there is the influence of the immortal Washington. 
 The other day, when I went down to Richmond and into the rotunda 
 of its old capitol, I almost fell upon my knees to worship, so to speak, 
 the statue of Washington, because it was the figure, the original 
 bronze, that Houduin himself wrought, in the very time of Washington. 
 And as I gazed at that figure of Washington, wrought when Wash- 
 ington was alive, I felt as if I were in touch with that mighty 
 man of the early days of our land, and I was tempted, inspired, 
 to say to him that I brought the homage of all Latin America, 
 because history tells us this fact, that nearly every great general and 
 patriot of Latin America, who fought for the independence of his 
 land, at one time or another stated that he was inspired to make the 
 struggle for the liberty of his country, by the example of the im- 
 mortal George Washington ! 
 
 25 
 
I have now led up to the final picture that I want you to have in 
 your minds when you go away; the contrast of the civilizations of 
 Europe and of Pan America, as a reason why all of you should go out 
 of this room tonight as sincere Pan Americans, not merely as citizens 
 of this state and city and section, but as citizens of all the United 
 States and of Pan America, with a respoinsibility greater than you 
 have ever known before. 
 
 The operator turns the reel, the curtain rises, and the films 
 move on. It is Europe ? No, it is hell ! We see nothing but armies, 
 men and women, children, dynasties, civilizations, pouring over the 
 brink of war's despair into the pit of hell! We see the mighty civil- 
 ization of thousands of years being destroyed under the withering fire 
 of the greatest conflict of forces that the world has ever known, and 
 before long our eyes are closed in sheer weariness at the sight of de- 
 struction and death and ruin on every hand. 
 
 Then this curtain goes down, to rise again on another scene. The 
 operator again turns the reel; the films move on; they portray Pan 
 America and we see the marvelous picture of sister nations working 
 harmoniously together ; we see the great Pan American Scientific Con- 
 gress in Washington, the greatest international gathering that Wash- 
 ington has ever known, the greatest Pan American gathering which ever 
 met upon the western hemisphere, when two hundred official delegates, 
 representing every country of the western hemisphere, with their 
 wives and children, assembled under the shadow, as it were, or under 
 the light, of the Capitol of the United States, and there sang the songs 
 and told the stories of peace and love and friendship and concord and 
 concert, as never before have been sung and told there in the 
 history of this western hemisphere. 
 
 Finally the operator gives us one dissolving noble view, a Godly 
 scene — s. scene of prayer and thankfulness. It takes us down the 
 Cordillera, down through Central and South America, far south to the 
 dividing line between Argentina and Chile. There, fifteen thousand 
 feet above the sea, with its snowy Andean peaks for a background, 
 the rolling' plateaus of Argentina on one side and the mountains of 
 Chile on the other, we see standing high a heroic figure of the Christ, 
 the Savior of men, erected there some fifteen years ago by Argentina 
 and Chile, when, with greater cause for war than have had the coun- 
 tries of Europe, but inspired by the principles of Pan Americanism, 
 inspired by the ideas of the civilization of the western hemisphere, 
 inspired by a desire to set an example not only to Pan America, but to 
 all the world, they settled their difficulties by arbitration and built 
 this bronze figure of the Christ, with arms outstretched over Chile 
 and Argentina as if to bless them with everlasting peace; and then 
 they inscribed upon its base an immortal sentiment which will always be 
 a.n inspiration to all nations of Pan America and eventually of the 
 world, to this effect: "Sooner shall these mountains crumble to dust 
 than shall Argentina and Chile go to war." 
 
 (Long and continued applause.) 
 
DINNER 
 
 TENDERED TO THE 
 
 HONORABLE JOHN BARRETT 
 
 DIRECTOR GENERAL, PAN AMERICAN UNION 
 
 AT HOTEL LA SALLE, CHICAGO 
 
 SATURDAY EVENING 
 
 FEBRUARY THE NINETEENTH 
 
 NINETEEN HUNDRED SIXTEEN 
 
 27 
 
GUEST OF HONOR 
 
 Honorable John Barrett 
 Director General, Pan American Union 
 
 ^ 
 
 THE PRESIDENT'S TABLE 
 
 The President, Nathan 
 
 At the President's right 
 
 Honorable John Barrett 
 Albert D. Early, Esquire 
 Reverend Edmund Byrnes 
 Edgar B. Tolman, Esquire 
 Mr. John H. Wood 
 Mr. Herbert F. Perkins 
 Professor Arthur Emil Swanson 
 Frederick A. Brown, Esquire 
 Mr. E. T. Gundlach 
 John F. Voigt, Esquire 
 
 William MacChesney 
 
 At the President's left 
 
 Mr. J. F. NicKERSoN 
 Logan Hay, Esquire 
 Mr. William C. Cook 
 George H. Wilson, Esquire 
 Mr. Benjamin Carpenter 
 P. J. O'Keeffe, Esquire 
 Mr. F. Ed son White 
 Mr. William B. Walrath 
 Mr. Thomas J. Hair 
 
 28 
 
MENU 
 
 CRABMEAT LA SALLE 
 CREAM OF CELERY 
 
 MIXED OLIVES RADISHES 
 
 ROAST TENDERLOIN OF BEEF, PIQUE 
 
 fresh mushroom sauce 
 potatoes:au_gratin carrots and peas in cream 
 
 HEART OF LETTUCE 
 
 ROQUEFORT DRESSING 
 
 MERINGUE GLACE 
 
 COFFEE 
 
 CIGARS 
 
 29 
 
INVOCATION 
 
 REVEREND EDMUND BYRNES 
 
 ^ 
 
 AFTER DINNER 
 
 Introduction Nathan William MacChesney 
 
 President of the Association 
 
 "Pan Americanism and The Monroe Doctrine" 
 
 Honorable John Barrett 
 
 30 
 
OFFICERS 
 
 President 
 
 NATHAN WILLIAM MacCHESNEY 
 Chicago 
 
 Vice-Presidents 
 
 *WILLIAM F. BUNDY ROGER SHERMAN WALTER M. PROVINE 
 Centralia Chicago Taylorville 
 
 Secretary and Treasurer 
 
 JOHN F. VOIGT 
 
 Mattoon 
 
 EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 
 
 Fkederick a. Brown C. M. Clay Buntain 
 
 Chicago Kankakee 
 
 Albert D. Early Edgar B. Tolman 
 
 Rockford Chicago 
 
 George H. Wilson John F. Voigt 
 
 Quincy Mattoon 
 
 Nathan William MacChesney 
 
 Chicago 
 
 PROGRAMME COMMITTEE 
 
 Chester G. Vernier Charles J. O'Connor 
 Urbana Chicago 
 
 Frederic P. Vose Lester H. Strawn 
 Chicago Springfield 
 
 A. D. RODENBERG GeORGE T. BUCKINGHAM 
 
 Centralia Chicago 
 
 Rush C. Butler George A. Crow 
 
 Chicago East St. Louis 
 
 Frederick A. Brown, Chairman 
 Chicago 
 *Deceased. 
 
 31 
 
RECEPTION COMMITTEE 
 
 WiLUAM M. Acton Danville 
 
 Victor P. Arnold Chicago 
 
 Wilfred Arnold Galesburg 
 
 Harvey H. Atherton Lewistown 
 
 James S. Baldwin Decatur 
 
 George F. Barrett Chicago 
 
 Ger.\ld G. Barry Chicago 
 
 George Bedford Morris 
 
 Louis J. Behan Chicago 
 
 Gale Blocki Chicago 
 
 Lawrence P. Boyle Chicago 
 
 C. Le Roy Brown Chicago 
 
 Louis H. Burrell Freeport 
 
 F. J. Campbell Galena 
 
 Charles C. Caknahan Chicago 
 
 Allen J. Carter Chicago 
 
 Edwin H. Cassels Chicago 
 
 George E. Chipm.\n Chicago 
 
 W. B. CooNEY Pekin 
 
 Solon W. Crowell Oregon 
 
 E. E. Dennison Marion 
 
 Percy B. Eckhart Chicago 
 
 C. C. Edwards Waukegan 
 
 Robert S. Egan -. Elgin 
 
 John M. Eluott Peoria 
 
 Philip E. Elting Macomb 
 
 Victor Elting Chicago 
 
 Charles M. Foell Chicago 
 
 Fr.\nk Fosnofp Mt. Carmel 
 
 Sidney S. Gorham Chicago 
 
 Alexis L. Granger Kankakee 
 
 Fred L. Gregory Jacksonville 
 
 John R. Guilliams Chicago 
 
 W. W. GuRLEY Chicago 
 
 Henry M. Hagan Chicago 
 
 James Hicks Monticello 
 
 Fred C. Hill Clinton 
 
 John R. Hillskoetter Edwardsville 
 
 William T. Hollenbeck Marshall 
 
 H. H. Kerr Paxton 
 
 Frank J. Landee Moline 
 
 J. K. Lauher Paris 
 
 A. W. Lewis Harrisburg 
 
 James Lingle Jonesboro 
 
 Edward Mahek Chicago 
 
 Walter I. Manny Mt. Sterling 
 
 Edgar L. Masters Chicago 
 
 Amos Miller Hillsboro 
 
 Joseph W. Moses Chicago 
 
 G. E. Nelson Petersburg 
 
 Lloyd Painter Streator 
 
 George B. Rhoads Shelbyville 
 
 Frank C. Smith East St. Louis 
 
 Henry Waterman Geneseo 
 
 Sain Welty Bloomington 
 
 Harold F. White Chicago 
 
 C. B. Whittemore Marengo 
 
 A. Clay Williams Pittsfield 
 
 F. C. Winkler Oakland 
 
 David L. Wright Effingham 
 
 Sigmund Zeisler Chicago 
 
 32 
 
 57 
 
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