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THE BOUNDARIES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Louisiana Purchase 
 
 A historical study 
 
 By LOUIS HOUCK 
 
 PHILLIP ROEDER S BOOK STORE 
 St. Louis, Mo. 
 
 L S TAYLOR PRINTING CO - SAINT LOT'IS 
 
 1901. 
 
V-"' 
 
 v^^ 
 
 THF LIBRARY OF 
 Two Outfits RecEivEO 
 
 NOV, 11 1901 
 
 Copyright entrv 
 CLASS a XX& No. 
 
 cx>Fv a.' 
 
 COPYRIGHT 
 
 1901 
 
 BY LOUIS HOUCK 
 
/^ 
 
 The fact that much erroneous infor- 
 mation in regard to the boundaries of 
 the Louisiana Purchase has, during the 
 last few years, been industriously cir- 
 culated by the daily press and otherwise^ 
 must be excuse for the publication of 
 this study. 
 
nil the first article of the treaty of 
 the I^ouisiana Purchase it is re- 
 cited that "His Catholic Majesty 
 promises and engages on his part to 
 retrocede to the French Republic*^' '^ 
 the colony or province of lyOiiisiana 
 with the same extent that it now has in 
 the hands of Spain, and that it had 
 when France possessed it, and such as 
 it should have after the treaties subse- 
 quently entered into between Spain 
 and other states," and the First Con- 
 sul of the French Republic then makes 
 the grant in these words, i. e., "de- 
 siring to give to the United States a 
 strong proof of his friendship, doth 
 hereby cede to the United States in the 
 name of the French Republic, for- 
 ever and in full sovereignity, the said 
 territory, with all its rights and ap- 
 purtenances as fully and in the same 
 manner as they had been acquired by 
 the French Republic, in virtue of the 
 above mentioned treaty concluded 
 with his Catholic Majesty." No fur- 
 
ther description of the boundaries of 
 the "colony or province of Louisiana' ' 
 is given. It is transferred as the 
 French Republic acquired it, i. e., 
 "with the same extent that it now 
 has in the hands of Spain and that it 
 had when France possessed it, and 
 such as it should be after the treaties 
 subsequently entered into between 
 Spain and other states. ' ' The transfer 
 was not made by metes and bounds, 
 because no one knew at that time the 
 precise boundaries of the "colony or 
 province of lyouisiana." The boun- 
 daries of the colony or province were 
 of undefined extent, so to say, political 
 boundaries, boundaries liable to be 
 expanded or contracted according to 
 political exigencies. 
 
 Undeniably the purchase involved 
 the acquisition of well defined terri- 
 torial rights as well as political rights 
 and claims. With the purchase com- 
 pleted we acquired that sphere of 
 influence which France enjoyed on 
 the North American continent by 
 reason of the occupancy of the valley 
 of the St. I^awrence and the Great 
 6 
 
Lakes, and which France retained 
 after the treaty of 1763, as well as all 
 those territorial and political rights 
 derived by the discovery of the Mis- 
 sissippi and of Texas, and which had 
 not been ceded to Great Britain. More 
 than that, we also acquired the terri- 
 tory of l/ouisiana '* with the same 
 extent that it now has in the hands of 
 Spain and such as it should be after 
 the treaties subsequently entered into 
 between Spain and other States" — \ 
 that is, when Spain retroceded the 
 province or colony to France. In j / 
 other words, if during the dominion l'^ 
 of Spain any portion of the ' ' colony / 
 or province of Louisiana ' ' was lost, / 
 France re -acquired the province or 
 colony thus curtailed. But on the 
 other hand it is equally clear, that if 
 during the dominion of Spain any- 
 thing was added to the colony or 
 province either territorially or politi- 
 cally, if vague and undefined French 
 claims were enlarged, made certain 
 and definite, the sphere of influence 
 of the colony or province enlarged 
 and broadened, thus territorially or 
 7 
 
politically strengthening the colony or 
 province, this acquisition, also inured 
 to our benefit. 
 
 Talleyrand said: "France in giving 
 up Louisiana to the United States trans- 
 ferred all rights over the colony which 
 she had acquired from Spain. " (a) 
 
 In order, therefore, to determine 
 what were the boundaries of the 
 IvOuisiana Purchase, it is equally im- 
 portant to determine what were the 
 boundaries territorially, and the poli- 
 tical sphere of influence or right to 
 expand when France ceded the colony 
 or province to Spain, and what Spain 
 added to or ceded away either terri- 
 torially or politically pertaining to the 
 colony or province, because as stated, 
 if in an^^way the province was cur- 
 tailed or in anyway the territorial or 
 political rights of the province en- 
 larged and made more certain or 
 strengthened, these rights passed to 
 the United States. 
 
 That the United States acquired not 
 only territorial rights, but also a sphere 
 
 ia) Letter of Talleyrand to Gen. Armstrong:, Dec. 
 
 31, 1804. 
 
of influence or right to expansion is 
 shown clearly in a letter written by 
 Mr. Livingston to Mr. Madison, Sec- 
 retary of State of the United States, 
 from Paris on May 20, 1803. In this 
 letter Mr. Livingston says: 
 
 "I called this morning on Mr. Mar- 
 bois for a further explanation of this 
 subject (the cession of Louisiana) and 
 to remind him of his having told me 
 that Mobile made a part of the ces- 
 sion. He told me that he had no 
 precise idea on the subject, but that 
 he knew it to be a historical fact, and 
 on that he had formed his opinion. I 
 asked him what orders had been given 
 to the Prefect, that was to take pos- 
 session, or what orders had been 
 given by Spain as to the boundary in 
 ceding it. He assured me that he did 
 not knovv^ but that he v/ould make 
 the inquiry and let me know. At four 
 o'clock I called for Mr. Monroe to 
 take him to the minister for foreign 
 affairs, but he was prevented from 
 accompanying me. I asked the min- 
 ister what were the last bounds of the 
 territor}^ ceded to us; he said he did 
 9 
 
not know; we must take it as they 
 had received it; I asked him how 
 Spain meant to give that possession ; 
 he said according to the words of the 
 treaty; but where did 3^ou mean to 
 take? I do not know. Then you 
 mean that we shall construe it our 
 own way? I can give you no direc- 
 tion ; you have made a noble bargain 
 for yourselves and I suppose you will 
 make the most of it. " 
 
 Hence Benton in his speech in re- 
 ply to Dickerson truly said, that when 
 the United States purchased I^ouisiana 
 they acquired ' ' with it an open ques - 
 tion of boundaries for that vavSt pro- 
 vince." (a) 
 
 When the French negotiator pointed 
 out to Napoleon the uncertainty of the 
 boundary he said ' ' that if obscurity 
 did not already exist it would perhaps 
 be good policy to put one there." (d) 
 
 Gallatin wrote Jefferson August 18, 
 1803, that our minister in England, 
 Hon. Rufus King, advised him that 
 
 (a) Benton's Thirty Years in the United States 
 Senate, Vol. 1, p. 51. 
 
 ib) Marbois' Louisiana, p. 286. 
 
 10 
 
the boundaries of I^ouisiana * ' had 
 never been settled by any treaty." (a) 
 
 In 1808, "An Account of I^ouis- 
 iana, being an abstract of Documents 
 in the offices of the Department of 
 State," was published anonymously, 
 and in this account it is said "of the 
 province of lyouisiana no general map 
 sufficiently correct to be depended up - 
 on has been published, nor has any yet 
 been procured from a private source. 
 It is indeed probable that surveys 
 have never been made on so exten- 
 sive a scale as to afford the means of 
 la3ang down the various regions of 
 country which in some of it appear 
 to have been but imperfectly ex- 
 plored." id) 
 
 And Colonel Don Antonia de Alcedo 
 in his "Geographical and Historical 
 Dictionar}^ of the West Indies of 
 America," published by permission of 
 the Spanish Government in Madrid in 
 1786, says that the "limits of the 
 province of Louisiana have never 
 been preciselj^ fixed." 
 
 (a) Writings of Gallatin. Vol. 1, p. 143. 
 
 (b) Page 1. 
 
 11 
 
^ Says McMasters, "on the rude maps 
 
 of the closing da3^s of the seventeenth 
 century I^ouisiana, therefore, extends 
 from the Rio Grande to the Mobile, 
 from the Gulf to the country beyond 
 the sources of the Mississippi River, 
 from the Smoky Mountains to the un - 
 known regions of the West." {a) 
 
 Dii Pratz, who wrote his "History 
 of Louisiana" before the close of the 
 French -English wars, thus defines the 
 boundaries: "lyouisiana is that part 
 of North America which is bounded 
 on the south by the Gulf of Mexico, 
 on the east by Carolina, an English 
 colony, and by a part of Canada; on 
 the Vv^est by New Mexico, and on the 
 north in part b3'' Canada, in part it 
 extends without assignable bounds to 
 the terra incognita adjoining Hudson 
 Bay." {b) 
 
 Vague and contradictory ideas pre- 
 vailed as to the boundaries of the 
 "colony and province" because the 
 territory was not of sufficient value or 
 
 (a) Hist, of the People of the United States, Vol. 3, 
 p. 32. 
 
 {b) Du Pratz' Hist, of Louisaua, Vol. 1, p. 200, I^on- 
 dou Kdition, 1763. 
 
 12 
 
well enough known to warrant a con- 
 troversy, nor was it the policy of any 
 of the powers interested in this terri- 
 tory to make any concession or defi- 
 nite agreement as to the boundaries. 
 
 The question of the extent of the 
 ''colony or province of lyouisiana" 
 was left open and finally was solved 
 and settled by us as dictated by our 
 interest as a political and not as an 
 academic question. 
 
 The French had no idea of curtail- 
 ing the limits of their vast claims on 
 the North American continent. They 
 had no fixed theories about water 
 sheds and natural and geographical 
 boundaries. They claimed everything 
 to the" Western Sea' ' precisely as their 
 English neighbors on this continent. 
 
 The doctrine of European rights to 
 uncivilized countries derived from dis - 
 covery and possession is not reducible 
 and never has been reduced to fixed 
 rules, {a) 
 
 French statesmen well understood 
 this. In 1715, Raudot, who under 
 Pontchartrain was in charge of French 
 
 (a) Writings of Gallatin, Vol. 1, p. 241. 
 13 
 
colonial affairs, requested De L'Isle, 
 the geographer, to remove the dots 
 from his map that marked the limits 
 of Louisiana "as the Court wishes it 
 left undefined, and does not want 
 French maps to be quoted by foreign 
 nations against us." (a) 
 
 The assertion of Marbois : ' ' The 
 shores of the Western Ocean were 
 certainly not comprised in the ces- 
 sion," (b) would have been emphati- 
 cally repudiated by Pontchartrain. 
 The statement is entitled to little con - 
 sideration, because it is contradicted 
 by the entire colonial policy and claims 
 of France in North America. 
 
 Nor were the statesmen of our coun- 
 try less alive, than the statesmen of 
 France, to save the territorial rights 
 and to protect the sphere of political 
 influence we secured by the acquisi- 
 tion of the '* colony or province of 
 Louisiana." So cautious was the 
 United States Senate, that the fifth ar- 
 ticle of the treaty of 1803 with Great 
 Britain for adjusting our northern 
 
 (a) Winsor's Mississippi Basin, p. 86. 
 
 (b) Marbois' Louisiana, p. 286. 
 
 14 
 
boundary was rejected, because it was 
 feared it would curtail our rights ac- 
 quired from France by the Louisiana 
 Purchase. 
 
 ** It happened," says Benton, " in 
 the very time we were signing a treaty 
 in Paris for the acquisition of lyouisi- 
 ana that we were signing another in 
 London for the adjustment of the 
 boundary line between the Northwest 
 possessions of the United States and 
 the King of Great Britain. The ne- 
 gotiators of each were ignorant of 
 what the other had done, and on re- 
 mitting the two treaties to the Senate 
 of the United States for ratification, 
 that for the purchase of Louisiana was 
 ratified without restriction ; the other 
 with the exception of the fifth article. 
 It was this article which adjusted the 
 boundary between the United States 
 and Great Britain from the Lake of 
 the Woods to the head of the Missis - 
 sippi, and the Senate refused to ratify 
 because by a possibility it might 
 jeopardize the northern boundary of 
 Louisiana." England rejected the 
 treaty as amended. 
 15 
 
If the views of the limited bound- 
 aries of the Louisiana Purchase that 
 now are advocated by some had de- 
 tained at that time the United States 
 would not have rejected the fifth arti- 
 cle of the treaty, but ratified the same, 
 and in this way a large portion of the 
 territor}^ that now constitutes the states 
 of Minnesota, North Dakota and Mod - 
 tana undoubtedly lost to the United 
 States. 
 
 After the sale of the "colony and 
 province of Louisiana" to the United 
 States the boundaries of the colony 
 sold became a matter of indifference 
 to France, but Spain as well as Great 
 Britain were concerned at the time in 
 determining what the boundaries of 
 Louisiana were. It was the policy of 
 both of these nations to endeavor to 
 curtail and limit the actual territorial 
 boundaries of the "province or colo- 
 ny" and the historical right of France 
 to expand to the Western Sea. a right 
 which we acquired by virtue of this 
 purchase. Nothing w^ould have better 
 served the diplomats of Europe than 
 the arguments advanced by some of 
 16 
 
our writers holding quasi -governmen- 
 tal positions or some of the ill-con- 
 sidered official maps attempting to 
 show the extent of the lyouisiana 
 Purchase. Such maps published in 
 1805 would have given England the 
 northwest Pacific coast and Texas to 
 Spain. 
 
 Without going into every detail let 
 us now examine what were the terri- 
 torial limits of the "colony or province 
 of Louisiana": first, on the east; 
 second, on the southwest; third, on 
 the north; and fourth, what were the 
 western territorial limits and the 
 political sphere of influence belong- 
 ing to this "colony or province", or 
 right of the Louisiana hinterland to 
 expand to the Western Ocean. 
 
 17 
 
he Mississippi from the 31st de- 
 gree parallel to its source was 
 the eastern boundary of the 
 ** province or colony of I^ouisiana". 
 The 31st parallel from the Mississippi 
 to the Apalachicola, and down that 
 stream to the Gulf, was considered by 
 the United States, by France and Eng- 
 land as the southeast boundary, but 
 Spain claimed that the Iberville and 
 lyakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain 
 were the true dividing line between 
 Louisiana and the Floridas. Histori- 
 cally, undoubtedly the boundary of 
 the "colony or province of Louisiana' ' 
 extended as far east as Pensacola. The 
 principal seat of the colony or pro- 
 vince was established by Iberville on 
 the western side of the river Mobile, 
 not far from the spot where now stands 
 the city of Mobile, and there remained 
 until Bienville in 1723 laid out the city 
 of New Orleans. 
 
 Before the discovery of the mouth 
 of the Mississippi and the voyages of 
 18 
 
Iberville, the Spaniards claimed the 
 whole circuit of the Gulf, but made 
 no settlement — and only were aroused 
 to action by the enterprise of the 
 French, and then occupied the Bay of 
 Pensacola, the best harbor on the Gulf. 
 * * The barrier thus formed , ' ' says Pick - 
 ett, ''made the dividing line between 
 Florida and lyouisiana." (a) 
 
 ''All the French writers are agreed 
 in fixing the Perdido to the east as the 
 limits, and the Rio del Norte to the 
 west," for lyOuisiana. (b) 
 
 In a letter to Breckenridge dated 
 August 12th, 1803, Jefferson claims 
 the Rio Perdido between Mobile and 
 Pensacola as the "ancient boundary 
 of Louisiana," and Gallatin agreed 
 with him. (c) 
 
 Spain persistently for a time refused 
 to admit the Perdido as the boundary 
 line, and formed the territory, bound- 
 ed on the north by the 31st degree, by 
 the River Perdido on the east, the 
 Pearl River on the west, and the Gulf 
 of Mexico on the south, into a Spanish 
 
 (a) Pickett's Hist, of Alabama. Vol. 1, p. 185. 
 ib) Brackenridge's Views of lyOuisiana, p. 57. 
 (c) Writings of Gallatin. Vol. 1, p. 150. 
 
 19 
 
district. At the same time the United 
 States insisted that the country should 
 be surrendered as a part of the Louisi- 
 ana Purchase, and that both the Baton 
 Rouge and Mobile districts were in- 
 cluded in the Louisiana cession. On 
 the other hand, it was contended by- 
 Spanish authorities that just before 
 the Revolution she was engaged in a 
 war with England and by conquest 
 acquired the Baton Rouge district as 
 well as Mobile, then being a part of 
 West Florida, and that by the treaty of 
 1783 Great Britain ceded this territory 
 to her. 
 
 For a time great excitement on ac- 
 count of this controversy prevailed 
 along the borders and border troubles 
 were the order of the day. (a) 
 
 In 1810 the Spaniards were expelled 
 from Baton Rouge b}^ force, the place 
 being taken by surprise and the 
 Spanish Governor de Grandpre was 
 killed. After this the Spaniards of 
 this district retired to Pensacola. In 
 1813 the United States became appre- 
 hensive that the British forces might 
 
 (a) Pickett's Hist, of Alabama, p. 203. 
 
 20 
 
take possession of the Mobile District 
 and forts and the whole district be- 
 tween the Pearl and the Perdido and 
 below the line of the 31st degree 
 parallel was occupied by our Govern- 
 ment as ceded to us under the I^ouisi- 
 ana Purchase. General Wilkinson 
 with 600 men of the third and seventh 
 regiments, sailing from New Orleans 
 in transport vessels commanded b}^ 
 Commodore Shaw, provided with scal- 
 ing ladders and every necessary equip- 
 ment, landed in the Bay of Mobile, 
 marched up to the town , took position 
 in the rear of Fort Charlotte, and after 
 some correspondence the Spanish 
 Commandant, Captain Ca3^etano Perez, 
 surrendered the fort, cannon and mili- 
 tary stores to the United States, the 
 commander of the United States forces 
 agreeing to pay for the same, and also 
 retired to Pensacola. The stars and 
 stripes were hoisted on the ramparts 
 of Fort Charlotte, and General Wilkin- 
 son then marched to the Rio Perdido 
 and established a stockade fort there. 
 That the River Perdido formed the 
 eastern boundary of lyouisiana has 
 21 
 
also been decided in a number of 
 cases by the Supreme Court of the 
 United States, (a) 
 
 Thus finally by virtue of the Louisi- 
 y ana Purchase the southern portions of 
 Mississippi and Alabama were added 
 to the United States, fdj and to that 
 extent Mississippi and Alabama are 
 lyouisiana Purchase States. 
 
 {a) See opinion of Chief Justice Marshall in 
 Foster v, Neilson, 2 Peters, 307 affirmed in Garcia, 
 vs. Lee, 12 Peters, page 520— Chief Justice Taney, 
 delivering opinion of Court. 
 
 (^>) Pickett's Hist, of Alabama, Vol. 2, p. 248. 
 
 22 
 
he claim of France to Texas as a 
 
 part of lyouisiana was founded 
 
 on the discovery of LaSalle and 
 
 on the French establishments of the 
 
 Mississippi being prior to those of 
 
 Spain east of the Rio del Norte, (a) 
 
 When lyaSalle established his post 
 on Matagorda Bay, the nearest Spanish 
 settlement was on the Panuco, and the 
 natural half-way boundary of the 
 unoccupied territory was the Rio 
 Bravo, (l)) 
 
 Bancroft says : ' 'Louisiana was held 
 by the French to extend to the 
 River del Norte. The boundary line 
 of French pretensions, in disregard of 
 the claims of Spain, crossed the Rocky 
 Mountains and sought its termination 
 in the Gulf of California." (c) 
 
 Says Bancroft: "Ascending the 
 Lavaca, a small stream at the west of 
 the bay, LaSalle selected a site on the 
 
 {a) Writings of Gallatin, Vol. 1, p. 241. 
 ib) Jefferson's letter to Mellish, Dec. 31, 1816. 
 (c) Bancroft's Hist, of the United States, Vol. 2, 
 Chap. 14, p. 214, Author's last revision, 
 
 23 
 
open ground for the establishment of 
 a fortified post. The gentle slope 
 which he named St. Louis showed to- 
 wards the west and southwest a 
 boundlesb landscape, verdant with 
 luxuriant grasses and dotted with 
 groves of forest trees ; south and east 
 was the Bay of Matagorda skirted with 
 prairies. The waters which abounded 
 in fish attracted flocks of wild fovvd; 
 the fields were alive with deer and 
 bison and wild turkeys, and the dead- 
 ly rattle -snake, bright inhabitant of 
 the meadows. There under the suns 
 of June with timber felled in an in- 
 land grove and dragged for a league 
 over the prairie grass the colonists 
 prepared to build a shelter, LaSalle 
 being the architect and himself mark- 
 ing the beams, the tenons and mor- 
 tises. With parts of the wreck 
 brought up on canoes a second house 
 was framed, and of each the roof was 
 covered with buffalo skins. Thus 
 France took possession of Texas ; her 
 arms carved on its trees, and by no 
 24 
 
treaty or public document or map did 
 she give up her right to the province 
 until she resigned the whole of Louisi- 
 ana to Spain." (a) 
 
 lyaHarpe made a second attempt to 
 plant a colony on the Bay of Mata- 
 gorda, but this stimulated the Spani- 
 ards to the occupation of the country 
 by the establishments from time to 
 time ot several forts. 
 
 The French ever regarded the mouth 
 of del Norte as the western limit of 
 lyouisiana on the Gulf of Mexico. An 
 English geography (Poples' map) 
 recognized the claim. 
 
 When in 1819 Don I^ouis de Onis 
 was commissioned by Spain to settle 
 the boundary dispute of lyouisiana, the 
 United States contended that Texas 
 was a part of I^ouisiana, and the con- 
 tention was based on the discovery of 
 the Mississippi throughout its whole 
 length in 1682 by LaSalle; the land- 
 ing of lyaSalle in Matagorda Bay in 
 1685; the grant of Louis XIV. to 
 Crozat; a memoir said to have been 
 
 («) Bancroft's Hist, of the United vStates, Vol. 2. 
 p. 172, Author's last revision. 
 
 25 
 
written by Vergennes in the reign of 
 L,ouis XVI. ; a chart of I^ouisiana by 
 lyOpez publishsd in 1762; a map of 
 Dely'Isle published in 1782; a map 
 published at Nurenburg in 1712; an 
 "Atlas Geographicus" published in 
 London in 1717; an official British 
 map published in 1755; Narratives of 
 Hennepin, Tonty and Joutel; letter of 
 lyaHarpe dated July 8, 1719; an order 
 from Bienville to I^aHarpe dated 
 August 12, 1771; and the geographi- 
 cal work of Alcedo, already referred 
 to, published in Spain, (a) 
 
 Falconer attempts to throw discredit 
 on this formidable array of authorities 
 by claiming that they are mostly ir- 
 relevent, the maps unofficial, and that 
 both the map-makers of London and 
 Nurenberg must be put out of Court ; 
 but it should be remembered that he 
 is arguing the British side in this con - 
 troversy as to the Louisiana boundary. 
 On an array of authorities far less de- 
 cisive and clear Great Britain secured 
 great and important territories. 
 
 (a) See Falconer on the Mississippi and Oregon, 
 p. 41, and where authorities are set out as above. 
 
 26 
 
How active the French were in as- 
 serting claim to Texas as a part of 
 Louisiana is shown by the fact that 
 Iberville sent out exploring parties 
 westward feeble as the French colonies 
 were. In 1716 Cadillac sent St. 
 Dennis to oppose the Spaniards in an 
 attempt to establish themselves at 
 Nachitoches. (a) 
 
 In 1718 St. Dennis with another ex- 
 pedition penetrated as far south as the 
 Presidio of St. John the Baptist on the 
 Rio del Norte. A French fort was 
 established at Nachitoches in 1730, 
 St. Dennis acting as commandant, (d) 
 In 1720 LaHarpe built a fort in lati- 
 tude 35, 55, about 250 miles from 
 Nachitoches, which he called St. Louis 
 del Carlorette, and the French remain- 
 ed in possession until the country was 
 transferred to Spain, (c) From this 
 fort lyaHarpe explored the countr}^ to 
 the Arkansas, examined the sources 
 of the Washita, passed the high moun- 
 
 (a) Gayarres' Hist, of Louisiana, p. 166. 
 
 id) Gayarres' Hist, of Louisiana, p. 418: Du Pratz, 
 Vol. 1, p. 11. 
 
 (f) Brackenridge's Views of Louisiana, p. 56. 
 
 27 
 
tains, which divided the waters of the 
 Washita from the Arkansas, and 
 descended that river to the Missis- 
 sippi, (a) 
 
 It must, however, not be supposed 
 that the Spaniards were idle. They 
 also established forts and posts, notably 
 San Antonio de Bexar. The Spanish 
 Governor ordered LaHarpe to retire 
 from Texas, but I^aHarpe replied that 
 he was astonished at the pretensions 
 of the Spanish Governor, considering 
 that the French had always looked 
 upon Texas as a part of I^ouisiana, 
 since lyaSalle had taken possession of 
 that country, and which still retained 
 his mortal remains. He added that the 
 French Government could not admit 
 that the pretensions of Spain could 
 legitimately go beyond the Rio Bravo. 
 The French Government supported 
 LaHarpe in the position he had taken, 
 and he was ordered to take possession 
 of the Bay of St. Bernard. 
 
 Gayarre says: **It is not the less 
 remembered that France called in 
 
 ((/) Brackenridge's Views of Louisiana, p. 58, 
 28 
 
question rights which Spain pretended 
 with so much tenacity to have to 
 Texas, (a) 
 
 Although the claims of the United 
 States were abandoned by the Florida 
 treaty signed at Washington on the 
 22nd day of February, 1819, this in 
 no wise ought to be taken as evidence 
 that Texas was not truly a part of the 
 * 'colony or province of Louisiana". 
 It should rather be considered as dic- 
 tated by the exigencies of the hour. 
 Says President Monroe: "For the 
 territory ceded by Spain other territory 
 of great value (Texas to which our 
 claim was believed to be well founded) 
 was ceded by the United States, and 
 in a quarter more interesting to 
 her." (d) 
 
 But Jefferson was inflexibly opposed 
 to this treaty, (c) So also Jackson, 
 but he yielded to the arguments of 
 Monroe, and wrote that ''for the 
 present we ought to be contented 
 with the Floridas." (d) Benton was 
 
 in) Hist, of T^ouisiana, p. 260; See also Falconer, 
 P, 41. 
 
 (b) Message of President Monroe, Dec. 7, 1S19. 
 
 (c) Benton's Thirty Years, Vol. 1, p. 16. 
 
 id) See Senton's Thirty Years, Vol. 1, p. 16. 
 
 29 
 
"shocked" by this treaty, because the 
 new boundary, "besides cutting off 
 I^ouisiana, dismembered the valle}^ of 
 the Mississippi, mutilated two of its 
 noblest rivers, brought foreign domin- 
 ion (and it non- slave holding) to the 
 neighborhood of New Orleans, and 
 established a wilderness barrier be- 
 tween Missouri and New Mexico to 
 interrupt their trade, separate their 
 inhabitants and shelter the wild Indian 
 depredators upon the lives and prop- 
 erty of all who undertook to pass 
 from one to the other." (a) 
 
 Chevalier de Onis claimed the praise 
 of his nation for having exchanged 
 the small and comparatively unimpor- 
 tant province of Florida for the rich 
 and productive territory of Texas, 
 thus admitting that Texas constituted 
 truly a part of the Louisiana Purchase. 
 But Falconer says that Chevalier de 
 Onis did not manage the case of Spain 
 well, and that "a more gross case of 
 mismanagement and ignorant diplom - 
 acy was never exhibited." 
 
 (a) Benton's Thirty Years, Vol. 1, p. 15. 
 30 
 
By this treaty Spain ceded Florida 
 and the United States relinquished all 
 claims to territories west of the River 
 Sabine and south of the upper parts of 
 the Red and Arkansas rivers. It was 
 agreed that a line drawn on the meri- 
 dian from the source of the Arkansas 
 northward to the 42nd parallel of lati- 
 tude, thence along that parallel west- 
 ward to the Pacific should form the 
 northern boundary of the Spanish 
 possessions and the southern bound- 
 ary" of those of the United States in 
 that quarter — "His Catholic Majesty 
 ceding to the United States all his 
 rights, claims, and pretensions to any 
 territories north of said line". This 
 line fixed definitely the south line of 
 the Louisiana Purchase to the 
 Pacific, {a) 
 
 Although Texas was thus ceded 
 away, subsequent events restored this 
 portion of the "colony or province 
 of lyouisiana" to the United States, 
 (^) and hence it seems proper that 
 Texas should be considered as one of 
 the Louisiana Purchase states. 
 
 (a) Greenhow's, p. 316. 
 
 (b) See President Tjler's message to the Senate, 
 1844, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Vol. 4, 
 p. 307. 
 
 31 
 
nhe northern limits of Louisiana 
 were never definitely determin- 
 ed, (a) In 1717 the Illinois 
 country was added to Louisiana, but 
 it was uncertain whether this carried 
 the line to the Wisconsin River, and 
 it was a source of dispute between 
 Vaudreuil, Governor of Canada, and 
 Boisbriant, Local Governor of Ft. de 
 Chartres, whether his jurisdiction ex- 
 tended to the source of all the affluents 
 of the Mississippi or not. (b) Some 
 map makers included the basin of Lake 
 Winipeg as in the Louisiana country. 
 Hennepin's map of Louisiana extends 
 the boundaries of Louisiana north of 
 Lake Superior, {c) 
 
 According to Du Pratz Louisiana on 
 the north in part extends without any 
 assignable bounds to the terraincog- 
 nita adj oining to the Hudson's Bay. Tf^J 
 
 (fl) Winsor's Miss. Basiu. p. 146. 
 {b) Winsor's Miss. Basin, p. 148. 
 (c) See map in Winsor's Cartier to Frontenac, 
 p. 279. 
 (rf) Du Pratz Hist, of IvOuisiana. Vol. 1, p. 199, 
 
 32 
 
"However, "he says," we need not 
 trouble ourselves concerning our in- 
 terests in this very distant region. 
 Many centuries must pass before we 
 shall have penetrated these northern 
 countries of Louisiana." 
 
 But as the northern boundary of 
 the "colony or province of Louisiana' ' 
 the United States claimed the 49th 
 parallel of latitude upon the ground 
 that this parallel had been adopted and 
 definitely settled by commissioners 
 appointed agreeably to the 10th arti- 
 cle of the Peace of Utrecht in 1713. 
 Says Gallatin: "The limits between 
 the possessions of Great Britain and 
 those of ours in the same quarter, 
 namely, Canada and Louisiana, were 
 determined by commissioners ap- 
 pointed in pursuance of the treaty of 
 Utrecht. From the coast of Labrador 
 to a certain point north of Lake Supe- 
 rior those limits were fixed according 
 to certain metes and bounds, and from 
 that point the line of demarcation 
 was agreed to extend indefinitely west 
 along the 49th parallel north latitude. 
 It was in conformity with that arrange - 
 33 
 
ment that the United States claimed 
 that parallel as the northern boundary 
 of Louisiana. It has been accordingly 
 thus settled as far as the Stony Moun- 
 tains by the convention of 1818, be- 
 tween the United States and Great 
 Britain, and no adequate reason can be 
 given why the same boundary should 
 not be continued as far as the claims 
 of the United States extend — that is to 
 say, as far as the Pacific Ocean." (a) 
 
 But Greenhow makes it quite clear 
 that these commissioners never did 
 definitely agree upon this boundary 
 line. (3) 
 
 Universally, however, the 49th par- 
 allel came to be considered, in this 
 country, as the boundary line estab- 
 lished under that treaty ; but on some 
 maps the highlands encircling Hudson 
 Bay were laid down as the boundary 
 line under the treaty of Utrecht, and 
 on other maps, published by authority 
 of the British Government, no line 
 was laid down at all; and, according 
 to Pere Marest, the French in 1694, 
 
 (a) Writings of Gallatin, Vol 3, p. 310. 
 {b) See Greenhow's Oregon, p. 281. 
 
 34 
 
before this treaty was made and which 
 merely confirmed English rights, 
 claimed the right to trade in the Hud- 
 son Bay country "to the 51st degree 
 parallel and even further north." faj 
 
 By the treaty of 1873 it was agreed 
 between Great Britain and the United 
 States that our northern boundary line 
 should pass "through Lake Superior 
 northward to the isles Royal and Phil - 
 ipeaux to the Long Lake, thence 
 through the middle of the Long Lake, 
 between it to the Lake of the Woods ; 
 thence through the said lake to the 
 northwestern point thereof, and from 
 thence on a due west course to the 
 River Mississippi; thence by a line 
 drawn along the middle of said River 
 Mississippi until it shall intersect the 
 northermost part of the 31st degree 
 north latitude." 
 
 When this northern line was adopt- 
 ed it was supposed that the 49th 
 parallel crossed the Mississippi some- 
 where, but it was afterwards found that 
 the highest water of this river did not 
 extend beyond latitude 47 degrees, 36 
 
 (a) 66 Jesuits' Relations, p. 69, 
 35 
 
minutes north, and that the northern 
 point of the Lake of the Woods stood 
 in latitude 49 degrees 20 minutes 
 north, or about 104 geographical miles 
 north of the sources of the Mississippi. 
 
 An effort was made in 1794 to make 
 an amicable adjustment of this anom- 
 ly, but nothing definite resulted. By 
 the treaty of 1803 already referred to 
 it was agreed that the northern bound- 
 ary between Great Britian and the 
 United States should be from the Lake 
 of the Woods to the Mississippi by the 
 shortest line, but the purchase of the 
 "colony or province of Louisiana" 
 gave a new importance to this subject, 
 and the treaty was not ratified. 
 
 By the treaty of 1807, it was attemp- 
 ted to fix the 49th parallel as the 
 boundary between the United States 
 and Great Britain as far as the Rocky 
 Mountains, but this treaty was also 
 rejected, because the line along the 
 49th parallel was not extended west- 
 ward to the Pacific Ocean. 
 
 Thus early was the 49th parallel 
 claimed and recognized as our north- 
 ern boundary by virtue of the Louisi^ 
 36 
 
ana Purchase and admitted to be the 
 line of the I^ouisiana Purchase as far 
 as the Rocky Mountains by Great 
 Britain, and thus a large portion of 
 the territory now lying in the states 
 of Minnesota, North Dakota and 
 Montana secured. 
 
 According to the treaty of 1783 
 our limits did not extend beyond the 
 headwaters of the Mississippi as 
 stated, being 47 degrees and 30 min- 
 utes north parallel, and Falconer says 
 that "nothing west or north of this 
 line (that is, a line from the head of 
 the Lake of the Woods as set out in 
 the treaty of 1783 to the headwaters 
 of the Mississippi) was granted by 
 Great Britain to the United States in 
 1783, and nothing north of the head- 
 waters of the Mississippi was retained 
 by France under the treaty of 
 1763". (a) 
 
 What we acquired north of the 47th 
 degree 30 minutes parallel and west 
 of a line drawn from the head of the 
 Lake of the Woods and the Missis- 
 sippi we owe entirely to the purchase 
 
 («) On the Mississippi and Orejron, p. 36. 
 
 37 
 
of the "colony and province of Louisi- 
 ana' ' and the uncertainty of the north- 
 ern boundary thus acquired. 
 
 In those early negotiations Great 
 Britain set up no claim to the terri- 
 tory south of the 49th parallel and 
 west of the Rocky Mountains, but 
 different efforts were made "to over- 
 reach the Americans with respect to 
 the country west of the Rocky Moun - 
 tains." And without presenting any 
 claim "they endeavored to leave a 
 nest-egg for future pretentions in that 
 quarter." (a) At that time no Amer- 
 ican publisher or map-maker was en- 
 gaged in furnishing arguments to 
 advance British pretensions. 
 
 ia) State Papers 1822-3 cited in Benton's Thirty 
 Years, Vol. 1, p. 51. 
 
 38 
 
nhe boundaries on the west of "the 
 vast, ill -defined region known 
 as Louisiana," (a) according 
 to Stoddard, ran from "a remarkable 
 bend" in the Rio Bravo *' about 29 
 degrees, 25 minutes, north latitude, 
 near which is the southern extremity 
 of the Mexican Mountains," and 
 which was the line of demarcation 
 between Louisiana and the Spanish 
 possessions, and there "leaves the 
 river, diverges a little to the right, and 
 runs along to the northwest on the 
 summit of these mountains till it ter- 
 minates in the 46th degree of north 
 latitude" (d) . But Franquelins map 
 of 1684 does not carry the mountains 
 further north than the 40th degree, and 
 nothing north of the 40th degree par- 
 allel by this map is admitted to belong 
 to Spain. On this map "la Grande 
 Riviere des Emiss^ourites" is shown 
 as far north as the 38 degree north 
 parallel. On the other hand, the map 
 
 (a) Roosevelt's Winning the West, Vol. 1, p. 19. 
 
 (b) Stoddard's I,ouisiana, p. 146, 
 
 39 
 
published with Charlevoix' History 
 of New France "Dressee par N. B. 
 Ing du Roy, et Hydrg de la Marine," 
 dated 1743, clearly marks an advance 
 of geographical knowledge, as well as 
 an advance of the French claims on 
 this continent. The New Mexican 
 Mountains are shown to extend north 
 to the 42nd or 43rd degree parallel, 
 but beyond the words ' ' Nouvelle 
 France" are carried across the conti- 
 nent from the Mer de I'Ouest to the 
 Atlantic. The territory south of "St. 
 Fez" is designated as "Nouveau Mex- 
 ique." The Missouri seems to be 
 laid down so as to head off the Mex- 
 ican Mountains extending north of the 
 Rio Bravo to about the 43rd parallel. 
 Certainly these two maps do not show 
 that the Spanish pretensions extend 
 as far as the "46th degree north lati- 
 tude." The map attached to the 
 History of lyouisiana by du Pratz, and 
 to which Stoddard makes reference, 
 seems to carry the Spanish boundaries 
 no farther than the 41st degree north 
 latitude, {a) and the dotted lines on 
 
 (a) See map dated 1^57 attached to the History of 
 I/Ouisiana by du Pratz, I,ondon Kditiou, 1763, 
 
 40 
 
this map especially show an attempt 
 to mark the boundary line between 
 the French and Spanish possessions 
 on the west and north. 
 
 The Spaniards seemed little in- 
 clined to extend their claim further 
 eastward than the summit of the 
 so - called Mexican Mountains. It 
 is true that in 1720 they sent an 
 expedition to the Missouri, attempt- 
 ing to make an establishment on 
 that river, but the Indians utterly 
 destroyed the entire party, and after 
 that no Spanish efforts were made to 
 interfere with the French pretensions. 
 (a) For over eighty years the French 
 controlled, to their sources, all the 
 rivers emptying into the Mississippi 
 from the west, and "hence the proba- 
 bility is strong that they (the Spani- 
 ards) considered the Mexican Moun- 
 tains, or sources of the rivers in them, 
 as the western limits of Louisiana" 
 {b) as far north as the mountains ran, 
 or w^ere known; namely, to about the 
 42nd or 43rd degree north latitude. 
 
 (n) See Bossu's Travels, Vol. 1, p. 151. 
 (b) Stoddard's Louisiana, p. 134. 
 
 41 
 
It should not be forgotten that the 
 Colorado, Trinity, Red River, Arkan- 
 sas, Platte and some other large rivers 
 have their springs in these mountains. 
 (a) That the Spaniards considered 
 these mountains as the limit dividing 
 their possessions from those of the 
 French is also shown by the fact that 
 when some French traders made a tem- 
 porary establishment in these moun- 
 tains for the purpose of trade, and 
 were imprisoned at the instance of the 
 Santa Fe merchants, because they 
 deemed this French trading establish- 
 ment an infringement of their rights, 
 they were ultimately liberated and 
 their goods restored to them by a 
 decision of the superior court at "the 
 Havannah" on the ground that the 
 French establishment was located on 
 the west side of the summit of the 
 Mexican Mountains, (d) But by the 
 treaty of 1819 the United States 
 relinquished to Spain the district of 
 country west of the Sabine and south 
 of the upper part of the Red and 
 Arkansas Rivers, and a line drawn on 
 
 (a) Stoddard's lyOuisiana. p. 146. 
 {b) See Stoddard's Louisiana, p. 146. 
 
 42 
 
the meridian from the source of the 
 Arkansas north to the 42nd parallel of 
 latitude was definitely made the west- 
 ern boundary of Louisiana and the 
 42nd degree north parallel, extending 
 to the Pacific Ocean, was also fixed as 
 the northern limit of the Spanish 
 possessions, this being about the line 
 indicated on the French maps as the 
 utmost northern limit of the Spanish 
 pretenisons. {a) 
 
 The western boundary of the "pro- 
 vince or colony of Louisiana" north 
 of the 42nd parallel has, however, 
 given rise to great controversy. 
 
 In the "Account of Louisiana" 
 already referred to it is said that "the 
 precise boundaries of Louisiana west- 
 wardly of the Mississippi, though very 
 extensive, are at present enveloped in 
 some obscurity." (d) No discoveries 
 
 (a) "Before we conclude, it maybe of use to re- 
 mark that the Shining Mountains and the Mexican 
 Mountains, though often confounded, are, in a great 
 measure, distinct. The former are the Andes of 
 South America; the latter commence some distance 
 to the northward of the Gulf and run to the left of 
 the bank of the Rio Bravo, and extend, in a north- 
 erly direction, a little to the eastward of Santa Fe 
 until they intersect the former. They are probably 
 branches or spurs of the Shining Mountains." 
 (Stoddard's L,ouisiana, p. 149.) 
 
 (b) Page 1. 
 
 43 
 
on the Missouri beyond the Mandans 
 were accurately detailed, "though the 
 traders have been informed that many 
 large navigable waters discharge their 
 waters into it far above it, and that 
 there are many numerous nations 
 settled on them." (a) 
 
 "The extent of lyouisiana," it is 
 said in the secret instructions to Gen- 
 eral Victor, "is well determined on 
 the south by the Gulf of Mexico, but 
 bounded on the west by the river 
 called Bravo, from its mouth to about 
 the 30th degree parallel. The line of 
 demarcation stops on reaching this 
 point, and there seems never to have 
 been any agreement in regard to this 
 part of the frontier. The further we 
 go northward , the more undecided the 
 boundary. This part of North Amer- 
 ica contains little more than uninhab- 
 ited forests or Indian tribes, and the 
 necessity of fixing a boundary has 
 never yet been felt there. There also 
 exists none between Louisiana and 
 Canada." (d) 
 
 (a) Page 28. 
 
 id) Secret Instructions of Decres to General Vic- 
 tor. Archives de la Marine, MMS. cited in Henry 
 Adams' History of U. S., 3rd Vol., p. 32. 
 
 44 
 
And in a memorial prepared in 
 Paris in 1718, cited by Winsor, and 
 in which is outlined a plan to give 
 Louisiana a dominating position in 
 North America, it was urged that one 
 branch of the Missouri led to the 
 South Sea, and that on that route a 
 trade could be opened with China and 
 Japan, thus showing that at that time 
 the French claim extended to the 
 Pacific Ocean, (a) 
 
 As early as 1720 it was conjectured 
 that west of the headwaters of the 
 Missouri a great river flowed west- 
 ward , and Coxe in his Carolana makes 
 one of the branches of this western 
 stream interlock with the branches of 
 the Missouri, (d) 
 
 The uncertainty of the boundaries 
 of Louisiana in this quarter did not 
 result from any uncertainty as to the 
 claims made by France in North 
 America. France always claimed the 
 Western Ocean as the boundary of 
 her American possessions. As early 
 
 (a) Winsor's Miss. Basin, p. 112. 
 
 ib) Winsor's Miss. Basin, p. 13S and 217. Also 
 see Historical Collection of Louisiana, by French, 
 Vol. 2, page 230, where Coxe's work is given in full. 
 
 45 
 
as June 14th, 1671, de St. lyusson at a 
 great gathering of all the Indian tribes 
 held at Sault St. Marys "in the name 
 of the most High, most Mighty and 
 most Redoubtable Monarch, Louis 
 XIV. of the name, the most Christian 
 King of France and Navarre," took 
 possession of all the "countries, rivers, 
 lakes and tributaries contiguous and 
 adjacent thereunto as well discovered 
 as to be discovered, which are bounded 
 on the one side by the Northern and 
 Western seas and on the other side by 
 the South sea, including all its length 
 and breadth." (a) 
 
 And I'Escarbot, in his History of 
 New France, written in 1687, thus 
 describes its limits: "Our Canada has 
 for its limits on the west side the lands 
 as far as the sea called the Pacific on 
 this side of the Tropic of Cancer." {d) 
 
 DuLuth intended in 1680 to push an 
 expedition westward to the Salt Water, 
 which he supposed to be the Gulf of 
 California and only twenty days' jour- 
 ney distant, (c) 
 
 (a) nth Wisconsin Hist. Col., p. 28. 
 id) Cited in Brower's Miss. River and its Sources. 
 Minn. Hist, Col., Vol. 7, p. 97, note. 
 (c) Winsor's Cartier to Frontenac, p. 274. 
 
 46 
 
In 1720 the celebrated Pere Charle- 
 voix was expressly commissioned by 
 the French Government to visit Cana- 
 da to seek a route to the Western sea. 
 In the Journal of the Jesuits for the 
 year 1720, under the date of August 
 7th, his arrival is thus chronicled: 
 *%a Pere Charlevoix arrived from 
 France by order of the Court to col- 
 lect information for the discovery of 
 tke Mer d' Occident. He is to re- 
 turn by Mobile." (a) 
 
 For many years it was the dream of 
 the French Jesuits and explorers to 
 find the "Sea of China" by a river 
 discharging its waters into the Vermil- 
 lion sea or Gulf of California. 
 
 After Marquette discovered from the 
 direction of the Mississippi, that it 
 probably discharged its waters into the 
 Gulf of Mexico, he says that he hopes 
 by means of the Pekitanoui ( Missouri) , 
 according to the reports made to him 
 by the savages, "to find it leading to- 
 wards California. ' ' From the savages 
 he writes: "I have learned that by 
 ascending this river, (the Missouri) 
 
 (a) 59 Jesuits Relations, p. 235. 
 47 
 
for five or six days one reaches a fine 
 prairie twenty or thirty leagues long-. 
 This must be crossed in a northwest - 
 ernly direction, and it terminates at 
 another small river on which one may 
 embark, for it is not difficult to trans- 
 fer canoes in so fine a country as that 
 prairie. This second river flows to- 
 wards the Southwest for ten or fifteen 
 leagues, after which it enters a lake 
 small and deep, which flows towards 
 the West, where it falls into the sea, 
 and I do not despair of discovering it 
 some day, if God grant me the cross 
 and health to do so, in order that I 
 may preach the gospel to this new 
 world, which has so long grovelled in 
 the darkness of infidelity." (a) 
 
 And LaHontan in speaking of his 
 pretended journey in 1688 up the 
 "Long River," supposed to be the 
 Missouri, and on which LaHontan 
 may or may not have traveled, first 
 mentions the Rocky Mountains, and 
 then says that on a deer skin map the 
 Indians laid down a river flowing 
 westward. "All they could say," he 
 
 (a) 59 Jesuits's Relations, p. 143. 
 
 43 
 
writes, ''was that the Great River of 
 that nation runs all along westward, 
 and that the Salt Lake into which it 
 falls is 300 leagues in circumference 
 and thirty in breadth , its mouth stretch - 
 ing a great way to the Southward.'' 
 LaHontan usually is altogether dis- 
 credited and deemed unworthy of be- 
 lief, but information to some extent 
 correct he certainly obtained , and some 
 of his statements have been confirmed 
 by subsequent discoveries. In report- 
 ing and taking for true the fabulous 
 tales of some of his Indian informants, 
 and reporting them without discrimi - 
 nation he followed the foot -steps of 
 many of the early American travelers 
 and chroniclers. It is said that LaHon- 
 tan was a free thinker and a free writ- 
 er, and that therefore his work and 
 writings were traduced and discredit- 
 ed, {a) And this may be the reason 
 why a learned priest named Babe de- 
 nounced the pretended claim of La 
 Hontan of a journey up the '%ong 
 River. ' ' 
 
 (a) H. H. Bancroft's Hist, of the N, W.. Vol. 1, p. 
 889. 
 
 49 
 
But Babe in 1716 wrote to De L'Isle, 
 Geographer of Sciences in Paris, that 
 towards the sources of the Mississippi 
 "there is a highland that leads to the 
 Western Ocean," and it is said he 
 greatly tormented the Governor -Gen- 
 eral of Canada, M. Raudot and M. 
 Duche "to endeavor to discover this 
 ocean." 
 
 In 1731, Sieur de la Verendrye (a) 
 endeavored to establish a chain of forts 
 and posts across the continent as far 
 as the South Sea. He gradually 
 erected his forts, trading and trajB&c- 
 ing westward. In 1738 he built Fort 
 La Reine, in 1742 reached the Yellow 
 Stone. On the first of January, 1743, 
 his eldest son Pierre, accompanied by 
 his brother and two Frenchmen, dis- 
 covered and faced the craggy and 
 snow -clad Rocky Mountains, made 
 the ascent near the present site of Hel- 
 ena and took possession of the valley 
 of the Missouri for France, (d) 
 
 And speaking of la Verendrye, 
 Pere Nau says in his letter dated Oct. 
 
 (c) The name of Verendrye according to Suite, 
 spelled fourteen different ways in different docu- 
 ments. 
 
 ib) H. H. Bancroft's Hist, of Montana, p. 600. 
 
 50 
 
2, 1735. ''I had a pretty long con- 
 versation with la Verendrye, who is in 
 command of the three most w^estern 
 forts. I understood from the interview 
 that not much reliance can be placed 
 on what he says concerning white - 
 bearded savages. The Western Sea 
 would have been discovered long ago 
 if people had wished it. Monsieur de 
 Count de Maurepas is right when he 
 says that ''the officials in Canada are 
 looking not for the Western Sea, but 
 for the Sea of Beaver." (a) 
 
 As early as 1724 M. DuBourgmont 
 made extensive explorations northwest 
 from Fort Orleans, located near the 
 mouth of the Osage, going up the Mis- 
 souri River accompanied by a few 
 French soldiers and a large party of 
 friendly Indians. 
 
 In no wise did the work of explo- 
 ration relax. On the contrary the 
 claim of France to the Western Ocean 
 as the boundary of her American pos - 
 sessions was always asserted, and 
 constant efforts were made to discover 
 the path that would lead to that ocean. 
 
 (a) 68 Jesuits' Relations, p. 283. 
 
 51 
 
A map accompanying Charlevoix' 
 History, published in 1743, shows 
 Mer de L' Quest as the western boun- 
 dary of New France, (a) This map 
 also shows that the "River of the 
 West' ' is laid down south of the 50th 
 parallel to '*Ice suivant le raport des 
 Sauvages commence la Flux et re- 
 flux" 
 
 In 1758, in his History of Louis- 
 iana (b), M. La Page du Pratz gives 
 an account of the discovery of the 
 Western Sea by Moncachtape, a Yazoo 
 Indian living among the Natchez, and 
 who was known to the French as 
 r Interpret, because master of many 
 languages. Moncachtape was a most 
 remarkable man, possessed of a re- 
 markable mind and of an eager thirst 
 for knowledge. In about the year 
 1745, so du Pratz relates, he crossed 
 the Mississippi to explore the country 
 along the sources of the Missouri. He 
 spent a winter with the Missouris, 
 learned the language of the Kansas 
 Indians residing further up the river, 
 
 (a) See copy of map Shea's Translation of Charle- 
 voix' History of New France. 
 
 ib) Vol. 2, p. 120, edition of 1763. TvOndon. 
 
 52 
 
then in a pirogue began to ascend the 
 Great River, and undismayed by the 
 tales of peril, finally reached the snow- 
 clad Rocky Mountains. While hesi- 
 tating whether to proceed, he saw a 
 smoke arise, and supposing that it 
 came from a camp, he found, to his 
 joy, that he was not mistaken and 
 that some thirty men and women of 
 the Otter nation were moving east- 
 ward buffalo hunting. He did not 
 understand their language, but made 
 himself understood by signs. With 
 one of those Indians returning west 
 as a guide, Moncachtape passed over 
 the worst part of the rocky route. 
 For nine short days he still further 
 ascended the waters of the Missouri, 
 then marched north for five days, and 
 at the end of this time reached a clean 
 and beautiful water called, for this 
 reason, the Beautiful River, and fol- 
 lowing this river with his guide, ar- 
 rived at the village of the Otter tribe. 
 Here our Indian explorer remained 
 for a fortnight to learn some of the 
 language, then departing he floated 
 down the river for eighteen days, 
 53 
 
where he remained at another village 
 with a friendly Indian tribe, in order 
 to learn more of the language, further 
 down the stream, so that he would 
 be able to understand all the nations 
 which he might find on his way to 
 the Great Water. Finally he departed 
 from this village, and, after many 
 incidents, reached a people residing 
 then one day's journey from the ocean, 
 and, after various adventures, he jour- 
 neyed along the coast still farther 
 north until he ascertained that all was 
 a cold, barren and desolate waste, 
 then he turned his face homeward, 
 where he arrived after an absence of 
 five 3^ears. Here du Pratz met him, 
 questioned him closely, and finally 
 records his journey, giving it as his 
 opinion that he had found the Western 
 Sea, so much discussed in I^ouisiana, 
 and which all were so desirous to 
 discover, and there is no reason to 
 doubt it — the mountains, the river and 
 the sea are there to-day, as Moncach- 
 tape described them, and let it be 
 remembered, no other person, white 
 or red, so far as known, had ever be- 
 54 
 
fore performed this journey between 
 the Mississippi and the Pacific Ocean 
 b}^ way of the Columbia River, (a) 
 
 In his map of lyouisiana published in 
 1757 du Pratz shows the route of Mon- 
 cachtape and the Belle River flowing 
 from the Rocky Mountains westward. 
 So that at that time undoubtedly the 
 headwaters of the Columbia were to 
 some extent known and claimed to 
 belong to lyouisiana. Charlevoix also 
 came to to the conclusion "in a gen- 
 eral way that the Missouri somewhere 
 in its springs did interlock with other 
 waters which sought towards the west 
 an unknown sea." (d) 
 
 It is certain that Jefferson was fa- 
 miliar with the narrative of du Pratz 
 of the journey of Moncachtape, as 
 would appear from his letter of in- 
 struction to Lewis, as well as with 
 Charlevoix's views and maps. 
 
 Bougainville, Chief of Staff of 
 Montcalm, in a memoir on the State 
 of Canada, published in 1757, gives 
 an^ account of the posts west of 
 
 (a) H. H. Bancroft's History of the N. W., Vol. 1, 
 p. 607. 
 
 (^>) Wiusor's Miss. Basin, p. 138. 
 
 55 
 
Lake Superior and says: '%a Mer 
 d'Ouest is a post that includes the 
 Forts St. Pierre, St. Charles, Bourbon, 
 de la Reine, Dauphine, Paskoyas and 
 des Prairies — all of which are built 
 with palisades that could give protec- 
 tion only against the Indians." 
 
 Although under this name the post 
 of "the Sea of the West" w^as embrac- 
 ed, according to Bougainville, the 
 whole country from Rainy Lake to the 
 Rocky Mountains and from North 
 Saskatchewan to the Missouri, and the 
 Sea was not mentioned as boundary, 
 the fact that all the forts embraced 
 within this enormous district were 
 designated "as a post" named "La 
 Mer d'Ouest," {a) significantly points 
 to the fact that the Sea of the West was 
 considered the western boundary. 
 
 Marbois says: "According to old 
 documents the Bishopric of Louisiana 
 extended to the Pacific Ocean, and the 
 limits of the dioceses thus defind were 
 secure from ail dispute. But this was 
 at most a matter of expectancy, and 
 the Indians of these regions never had 
 
 (a) Warren's Hist, of the Ojibways, p. 426. 
 56 
 
any suspicion of the spiritual juris- 
 diction which it was designed to ex- 
 ercise over them. Besides it had no 
 connection with the rights of sover- 
 eignty of property . " (a) No one must 
 have known better than Marbois that 
 the fact that the Bishopric of I^ouisi- 
 ana was extended as far as the Paciific 
 Ocean was based on the idea that the 
 territory was French territory and the 
 expectation that the civil jurisdiction 
 of the French Government would be 
 extended so as to include the limits 
 so described. It is true the country 
 was unexplored, but it was certainly 
 claimed to be within the French sphere 
 of discovery. Possessed of the Rocky 
 Mountain hinterland and the head- 
 waters of the Columbia, France natur- 
 ally would claim the control of the 
 Columbia to its mouth, and to the 
 ocean, just as France claimed posses- 
 sion of the mouth of the Mississippi 
 by virtue of discovering the headwaters 
 of this stream and following its waters 
 to the Gulf of Mexico, although prior 
 to the discovery and exploration of the 
 
 (a) Marbois' Louisiana, p. 284. 
 
 57 
 
Mississippi by France Spanish explor- 
 ers had crossed and re -crossed the 
 stream at various times, and although 
 Spain claimed exclusive control of the 
 whole coast of the Gulf of Mexico, 
 and the Gulf itself was considered a 
 Spanish inland sea. 
 
 So also when France ceded to Great 
 Britain her claim to the Hudson Bay- 
 country the claim was expanded to the 
 Northern Ocean and westwardly to the 
 Pacific Ocean from her settlements on 
 that bay. (a) 
 
 After the province of Louisiana 
 passed into the hands of Spain the 
 work of exploration did not cease. 
 The limits of geographical and topo- 
 graphical knowledge of the great in- 
 terior of the continent were constantly 
 extended and enlarged, but in accor- 
 dance with the well known and illiberal 
 policy of Spain, no publication, or at 
 most meagre publications of the dis- 
 coveries and labors of the Spanish 
 discoverers were made. Their reports 
 were buried in the Spanish archives, 
 and often the explorers and voyagers 
 
 {a) Calhoun's Works, Vol. 5, p. 454. 
 58 
 
of other nations reaped the glory and 
 reward more justly due the Spaniards 
 by right of priority. 
 
 During the Spanish dominion of 
 lyouisiana, frequent expeditions were 
 made up the Missouri and to the 
 headwaters of the Columbia. 
 
 That the Spanish authorities were 
 actively at work to enlarge the limits 
 of human knowledge and to carry 
 explorations beyond the sources of the 
 Missouri, expecting thus to discover 
 the Pacific, claiming all the interme- 
 diate country as within *'the province 
 and colony of lyouisiana" is clearly 
 shown by a petition addressed to Don 
 Manual Gayoso de I^emos, Governor - 
 General of the Province of I^ouisiana, 
 by one Joseph Robideaux, Indian 
 trader in St. Louis, setting forth his 
 grievances against Claymorgan, and 
 in which he alleges that on May 12, 
 1794, Don Zenon Trudeau, Lieutenant- 
 Governor of the western part of Illi- 
 nois, called the traders together to 
 unite in a co-partnership, consolidate 
 their respective capitals to control 
 the trade in peltries then carried on in 
 59 
 
the upper Missouri, explaining to 
 them at the same time that it was his 
 purpose "to enlighten the age in re- 
 gard to that portion of the globe, as 
 yet so little known," and that to this 
 purpose "he required that in pursuing 
 this trade those engaged in it would 
 pay attention to unite to the employees 
 they might send to the country, en- 
 lightened persons, and use every ex- 
 ertion to penetrate the sources of the 
 Missouri, and beyond, if possible, to 
 the Southern Ocean," and to acquire 
 a correct knowledge of the country 
 till then almost entirely unknown, (a) 
 And in another petition, dated March 
 1st, 1797, Don Jaque Claymorgan 
 claims that he was employed by the 
 Spanish Government to explore the 
 Indian nations as far as the Pacific 
 Ocean, and that in order to defray the 
 excessive expenses and at the same 
 time to keep off the foreign traders of 
 Hudson Bay and Lake Superior, an 
 annual allowance of ten thousand dol- 
 lars was made by the Spanish Gov- 
 ernment. The Spanish company, of 
 
 {a) Billon's Annals of St. Louis, Vol. 1, p. 281. 
 60 
 
which Claymorgan was the leading 
 spirit, was organized in 1794, in St. 
 Louis, as stated in his petition by 
 Robideaux, with the object to engage 
 in the fur trade on the upper Missouri, 
 and by a special royal order, dated 
 May 27, 1792, the organization of the 
 company was approved, and it was 
 authorized to maintain a hundred 
 armed men in its forts at royal ex- 
 pense. The money, however, stipu- 
 lated to be paid these soldiers in the 
 forts, was never paid. A land grant 
 was afterwards made to Claymorgan, 
 and in supporting his land grant he 
 refers to his services as an explorer 
 and the usual method of payment by 
 grants of land under the Spanish Gov- 
 ernment. Stoddard says : * 'The Span- 
 ish Government never gave any sal- 
 aries to its provincial officers, nor any 
 gratuities in money, to those who, 
 amid dangers and at great expense, 
 explored unknown regions and made 
 new discoveries, but when compensa- 
 tions were solicited, it was usual to 
 to bestow tracts of land instead of 
 money." (a) Accordingly, a large 
 
 (a) Sketches of L,ouisiana, p. 257, 
 61 
 
grant of many thousand acres of land 
 was granted by Lieutenant-Governor 
 ZenonTrudeau to Claymorgan, and in 
 an argument, after the acquisition of 
 Louisiana, to secure a confirmation of 
 this claim by Congress, it was claimed 
 and asserted that he crossed the 
 Rocky Mountains and reached the 
 Pacific. His representatives said "to 
 explore the sources of the Missouri 
 and to arrive at the South Sea by 
 crossing the Shining Mountains, was 
 a project honorable to those who 
 performed it and interesting to the 
 human race. It was a scheme of 
 discovery calculated to enlarge the 
 boundaries of human knowledge, to 
 open new sources of national wealth, 
 to carry the light of civilization to 
 many unlettered barbarians, and in 
 time to revive, upon the Western 
 coast of America, the fame of the an- 
 cient cities which rose successfully 
 upon the different channels of East- 
 ern commerce and fell with its loss. 
 It was an enterprise full of peril, of 
 difficulty and of glory. It was con- 
 ceived under the enlightened admin - 
 62 
 
istration of the Governor -General of 
 I^ouisiana, the Baron de Carondelet, 
 and was executed under the patronage 
 of our own immortal Jefferson. The 
 names of Lewis and Clark live under 
 the recollections of this grand event. 
 Their precursor in the path of peril, 
 but not in renown, was Don Jaque 
 Claymorgan. He was the chosen in- 
 strument of Baron de Carondelet. He 
 embarked his fortune to make discov- 
 eries, to found a commercial company, 
 to conciliate barbarians, to make head 
 against British influence and to make 
 for his king the advantage he had by 
 the establishments of forts and gar- 
 risons." (a) 
 
 Among others James McKay was 
 also authorized to make a voyage of 
 discovery up the Missouri to last for 
 six years by Carondelet. He was 
 identified with the Claymorgan Com- 
 mercial Company and secured a land 
 grant for his alleged services, but how 
 far northwest he went or what discov- 
 eries he made has not been recorded. 
 
 (a) American State Papers, Pub. Lands, Vol. 3, p. 
 270. 
 
 63 
 
Also a map said to have been ac- 
 curate of the Missouri River was made 
 by a Mr. Evans for the Spanish Gov- 
 ernment as far as the Mandans, and 
 this map was afterwards transmitted 
 by Jefferson to Lewis to aid him on 
 his voyage of exploration, (a) 
 
 While thus from the interior explo- 
 rations were made of the upper portion 
 of the Missouri Basin and the head - 
 waters of the Columbia, the Spaniards 
 were not idle on the Pacific coast. 
 Leaving- out of view the early voyages 
 along the northwest coast, it is un- 
 doubtedly true that the whole extent 
 of the northwest coast territory was 
 formal taken possession of by Juan 
 Perez in 1773, and that he carefully 
 examined the whole littoral. 
 
 In 1775 a second expedition under 
 Bruno de Heceta was sent out, con- 
 sisting of four vessels, and on June 
 13th, in latitude 47 degrees and 30 
 minutes Europeans first set foot on 
 the soil of the coast. Capt. Heceta 
 and a few sailors landed in the morn- 
 ing, erected a cross and took actual 
 
 (a) Lewis and Clerk's Expedition, Vol. 1 p. XXXII 
 (Coues' Edition.) 
 
 64 
 
possession. Sailing along the coast 
 on the 17th of August Hecata in the 
 afternoon discovered a bay with a 
 strong current and eddies, indicating 
 the mouth of a great river or strait in 
 latitude 46 degrees and 9 miwutes, and 
 which he named Bahia de la Asuncion, 
 calling the northern point San Roque, 
 and the southern Cabo Frondoso, this 
 being what is now called the mouth of 
 the Columbia River, between Capes 
 Disappointment and Adams. No fur- 
 ther explorations were attemped. The 
 reports of these expeditions were not 
 published, and by this mistaken poli- 
 icy the Spanish navigators lost most 
 of the honor due them, (a) 
 
 So that if any doubt existed as to 
 whether Louisiana extended to the 
 Western Sea these discoveries and 
 this formal occupation of the country 
 would seem to have undoubtedly per- 
 fected the title of Spain to this part of 
 Louisiana . 
 
 Jefferson even before the treaty of 
 cession in a message to Congress in 
 1803 suggested an expedition up the 
 
 (a) H. H. Bancroft's Hist, of the'^N. W., Vol. 1, p 
 158, et seq. 
 
 65 
 
Missouri to secure the trade of the 
 Indian tribes residing along that river, 
 and ''offering, according to best ac- 
 counts, a continued navigation from 
 its sources, and possibly with a single 
 portage from the Western Ocean," 
 and he thought that ''an intelligent 
 officer with ten or twelve chosen men, 
 fit for the enterprise" might "explore 
 the whole line even to the Western 
 Ocean, have conferences with the na- 
 tives on subjects of commercial inter- 
 course, get admission among them for 
 our traders as others are admitted," 
 etc. , and requested from Congress an 
 appropriation of $2500 for the purpose 
 of extending the external commerce 
 of the United States. 
 
 From his letter of instructions to 
 Lewis, dated, June 13, 1803, it is evi- 
 dent that Jefferson thought the Louis - 
 iana Purchase extended to the Pacific 
 Ocean, although in a letter dated 
 August 12, 1803, addressed to Mr. 
 Breckenridge he says: "The boun- 
 dary which I deem not admitting ques- 
 tion of are the highlands on the west- 
 ern side of the Mississippi, enclosing 
 66 
 
all its waters, the Missouri, of course. ' ' 
 To that extent it is to be inferred from 
 this letter he considered the boundary 
 as being undoubted. As to how far 
 further west the boundary might or 
 could extend was evidently an open 
 question with him. 
 
 In another letter addressed to Lewis 
 he says: "The acquisition of the 
 country through which you are to pass 
 has inspired the country generally with 
 a great deal of interest in your enter- 
 prise." (a) Thus indicating that the 
 country which Lewis and Clark were 
 to explore had been acquired by the 
 United States. 
 
 The first sentence of the History of 
 Lewis and Clark's Expedition **on 
 the acquisition of Louisiana in the year 
 1803, April 30th, the attention of the 
 Government of the United States was 
 earnestly directed towards exploring 
 the entire territory" also clearly indi- 
 cates that the purpose was to explore 
 a territory supposed to have been ac- 
 quired by the United States, (b) 
 
 (c) Lewis & Clark's Expedition, Vol. 1. p. XXIII. 
 (Coues' Edition.) 
 
 (b) Lewis & Clark's Expedition— Coues' Edition. 
 Vol. 1, p. 1. 
 
 67 
 
In the "Preface by the Publisher" 
 to the Journal of Patrick Gass, "one 
 of the persons employed in the expe- 
 dition" of Lewis and Clark, it is said, 
 in speaking of the country explored, 
 that "it will not be forgotten that an 
 immense sum of treasure has been 
 expended in the purchase of this coun - 
 try, and that it is now considered as 
 belonging to the United States." (a) 
 
 Jefferson, in his message of Janu- 
 ary 18, 1803, before the purchase, and 
 when France had acquired Louisiana 
 from Spain, says: "The nation claim- 
 ing the territory (Spain) regarding 
 this as a literary pursuit which it is 
 in the habit of permitting within its 
 dominions, would not be disposed to 
 view it with jealousy, even if the 
 expiring state of its interests there did 
 not render it a matter of indifference. ' ' 
 And this also clearly shows that he 
 then considered the country to be 
 explored as a part of Louisiana, (d) 
 
 As stated, the boundary of the coun- 
 try acquired was uncertain and might 
 
 (a) Journal of Patrick Gass, p. Vll-Pittsburgf, 1807, 
 ib) Messagfes and Papers of the Presidents, Vol. 
 1. p, 354. 
 
 68 
 
become a matter of dispute, but that 
 Jefferson intended, by this exploration, 
 to claim as a part of the I^ouisiana 
 Purchase all that France ever claimed, 
 cannot be denied. At the same time it 
 is evident that our claim was carefully- 
 advanced, so as not needlessly to 
 antagonize Spain, who was much dis- 
 satisfied with the treaty. In his 
 message he cautiously says: ''The 
 appropriation of $2500 'for the pur- 
 pose of extending the external com- 
 merce of the United States,' while 
 understood and considered by the 
 Executive as giving the lyCgislative 
 sanction, would cover the undertaking 
 from notice and prevent the obstruc- 
 tions which interested individuals 
 might otherwise previously prepare 
 in its way." {a) 
 
 In his message of December, 1805, 
 Jefferson complains that Spain, west 
 of the Mississippi River, claimed as a 
 boundary "a line which would have 
 left us but a string of land on that 
 bank of the River Mississippi." (d) 
 
 (a) See Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 
 Vol. 1, p. 354. 
 
 (b) See Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 
 Vol. 1, p. 389. 
 
 69 
 
His wisdom in at once causing our 
 new acquisition to be explored and 
 mapped in every direction was full}^ 
 vindicated by subsequent events, and 
 especially the expedition of I^ewis and 
 Clark across the Rocky Mountains 
 to the Pacific Ocean. It is almost 
 certain that if Jefferson had taken 
 the narrow view as to the boundaries 
 of L^ouisiana that are advanced by 
 some now, with so much confi- 
 dence, that the northwest coast would 
 have fallen into the hands of England. 
 A vast majority of the people of the 
 United States then placed no value on 
 the trans -montane country, and the 
 broad claim made for the Pacific as 
 a lyouisiana boundary was ridiculed, 
 by many, because the country was 
 considered worthless and too remote. 
 
 In February, 1806, in a special 
 message, Jefferson advised Congress 
 of the success of the expedition of 
 Lewis and Clark, and that the explor- 
 ing party had passed the winter at the 
 Mandans, about 1600 miles above the 
 mouth of the Missouri, and to which 
 point the Spanish Government caused 
 70 
 
the river to be mapped by Evans. 
 Also that the country further west, 
 between the Missouri and the Pacific, 
 from the 34th to the 54th degree of 
 latitude, had been crossed, and he 
 transmitted a statistical view ' ' of the 
 Indian nations inhabiting the territory 
 of lyouisiana and the country adjacent 
 to its northern and western borders, of 
 their commerce, and other interesting 
 circumstances respecting them." (a) 
 According to Martin, "Since the 
 French enjoyed the undisputed pos- 
 session of lyouisiana, its extent in 
 their opinion had scarcely any bounds 
 to the northwest; and its limits were 
 ill defined everywhere, except on the 
 sea coast. As its sovereign claimed 
 all the neighboring country, which 
 was without inhabitants or occupied 
 by savage enemies, the demarcation 
 of its limits was impossible, even if it 
 had been desirable." But he states 
 erroneously, that by the Nootka 
 Convention, Spain ceded to England 
 the northwest coast as far south as the 
 boundary of California and says, that 
 
 (a) Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Vol. 
 1, p. 398. 
 
 71 
 
^ 'where New Albion ended Louisiana 
 was said to begin. " («) By the Nootka 
 Convention no territorial rights were 
 ceded to Great Britain, and conse- 
 quently New Albion, by which name 
 English geographers designated the 
 whole northwest coast, was not ex- 
 tended south to the boundary of Cal- 
 ifornia, as Judge Martin supposed. All 
 Spain ceded by the Nootka Convention 
 was that the subjects of Great Britain 
 should not be disturbed or molested 
 in navigating or fishing on the Pacific 
 or Southern Ocean, or in landing on 
 the coasts of those seas in places not 
 already occupied for the purpose of 
 carrying on their commerce with the 
 natives or making settlements. These 
 rights up to 1790 Spain claimed ex- 
 clusively in regard to the Pacific and 
 Southern Oceans and by this conven- 
 tion ceded to Great Britain. The war 
 however, of 1796 between Spain and 
 Great Britain abrogated the conven- 
 vion. (d) . 
 
 {a) Martin's History of Louisiana, Vol. 2, p. 201. 
 
 ib) See Greenhow's Oregon, p. 318, where the sub- 
 ject is fully and exhaustively discussed, and it is 
 clearly shown that by the Nootka Convention Great 
 Britain acquired no territorial rights. 
 
 72 
 
Generally at the time of the acqui- 
 sition the "colony and province" of 
 lyouisiana wavS considered to extend 
 indefinitely west. Brackenridge says : 
 ' ' To the westward no limits were 
 ever assigned by the French while 
 they possessed Louisiana, but it was 
 considered as including at least all the 
 country whose streams either directly 
 or indirectly discharged themselves 
 into the Mississippi." (a) But when 
 Brackenridge published his work in 
 1813 he admitted that then "our geo- 
 graphers had boldly claimed to the 
 Pacific." Although he was not pre- 
 pared to go so far, he says "that our 
 right is much better supported than 
 that of any other nation by reason of 
 our exploring expedition and our 
 establishments for trading with the 
 Indians." 
 
 John Mason Peck, an able and dis- 
 tinguished writer on all subjects 
 relating to the history of the west, also 
 says, that by the aquisition of Louisi- 
 ana the United States "extended her 
 boundaries to the Pacific Ocean." (d) 
 
 (a) Brackenridge's Views of Louisiana, p. 61. 
 {d) See Annals of the West, page 534. 
 
 73 
 
And again, that in Upper lyouisiana 
 was included "all the vast regions of 
 the West, far as the Pacific Ocean, 
 south of the 49th degree of north lati- 
 tude unclaimed by Spain." (a) 
 
 In reply to the counter statement 
 made by the British Minister, Packen- 
 ham, in 1844, who in it quoted the 
 letter of Jefferson to Breckenridge 
 defining the boundaries of lyouisiana 
 on the west, Calhoun said: "It is 
 manifest from the extract itself that the 
 object of Mr. Jefferson was not to 
 state the extent of the claim acquired 
 with Louisiana, but simply to state 
 how far its unquestioned boundaries 
 extended; and those he limited west- 
 wardly by the Rocky Mountains. It 
 is in like manner manifest from the 
 document, as cited by the counterstate - 
 ment, that his object was not to deny 
 that our claims extend to the territory , 
 but simply expressed his opinion of 
 the impolicy of in the then state of our 
 relations with Spain of bringing them 
 forward. This so far from denying 
 that we had claims admits them by 
 
 (a) Annals of the West, page 542. 
 74 
 
the clearest implication. If indeed in 
 either case his opinion had been equiv- 
 ocally expressed, the prompt measure 
 adopted by him to explore the territory 
 after the treaty was negotiated, but 
 before it was ratified, clearly shows 
 that it was his opinion not onl}'- that 
 we had acquired claims to it, but very 
 important claims which deserved 
 prompt attention." (a) 
 
 But it is said that the first descrip- 
 tion of the western boundary of Louis - 
 iana of any authority is the grant of 
 September 17, 1712, made by Louis 
 XIV to Crozat— and that the western 
 limits fixed by this grant must control 
 the territorial limits. The grant em- 
 powered Crozat "to carry on the ex- 
 clusive trade in all the territories by us 
 possessed and bounded by New Mexico 
 and those of the English in Carolina. 
 All the establishments, posts, harbors, 
 rivers, and especially the post and 
 harbor of Dauphine Island, formerly 
 called Massacre Island, the River St. 
 Louis, formerly called the Mississippi, 
 from the seashore to the Illinois, to- 
 
 (rt) Calhoun's Works, Vol. 5. p. 454. 
 75 
 
gether with the River St. Phillip, 
 formerly called the Missouri River, 
 and the St. Jerome, formerly called 
 the Wabash (the Ohio), with all the 
 countries, territories, lakes inland, 
 and the rivers emptying directly or 
 indirectly into that part of the River 
 St. lyouis. *** All the said territories, 
 countries, streams and islands we will 
 to be and remain comprised under the 
 name of the 'Government of I^ouis- 
 iana,' which shall be dependent on 
 the general government of New France 
 and remain subordinate to it ; and we 
 will, moreover, that all the territories 
 which we possess on this side of the 
 Illinois be united as far as need to be 
 to the general Government of New 
 France and form apart thereof, reserv- 
 ing to ourselves to increase, if we 
 think proper, the extent of the Govern- 
 ment of lyouisiana. " ( a ) By the bound - 
 aries thus set forth the entire water- 
 shed of the Mississippi was included 
 in the Territory of Louisiana. Un- 
 questionably the territory and govern- 
 ment thus created did not extend 
 
 (a) Wallace— Ivouisiana and Illinois under French 
 Rule, p. 235. 
 
 76 
 
beyond the Rocky Mountains, because 
 that great range divides the waters 
 flowing into the Pacific from those 
 flowing into the Atlantic; but this 
 ought not be construed to mean that 
 France did not claim at a later date 
 that Louisiana extended to the Pacific, 
 or that the rights of France were 
 limited and curtailed by the western 
 mountains. 
 
 One salient fact already pointed out 
 in support of the contention that 
 Louisiana reached to the shores of 
 the Pacific is unqualifiedly admitted 
 by Marbois, namely, that the Bishopric 
 of Louisiana was bounded by that 
 ocean, (a) 
 
 It is also certain that the limits of 
 Louisiana as originally defined in 1712 
 in the grant to Sieur Crozat, were not 
 intended by the French king to be the 
 final boundaries of the "colony or 
 province," because in the first article 
 defining the powers, duties and re- 
 strictions imposed on Crozat, it is 
 expressly provided that the King re- 
 serves the liberty "of enlarging as we 
 
 (a) Ante page 56. 
 
 77 
 
shall think fit, the extent of the 
 government of the said country of 
 Louisiana. ' ' Accordingly, as we have 
 seen in 1717, the Illinois country was 
 detached from Canada and added 
 to lyouisiana. The proces -verbal 
 of LaSalle claiming the entire 
 valley of the Mississippi, with all 
 its affluents as well as all the 
 country to the mouth of the Rio de 
 Palmas (a river about 100 leagues 
 from the River Panuco, Tampico, 
 Mexico) no more defined the final 
 limits of the boundaries of Louisiana, 
 and such as those boundaries might 
 finally become, than the grant to Sieur 
 Crozat. The whole water -shed of the 
 Mississippi was claimed both at the 
 village of Kapaha, on the 14th of 
 March, 1682, and at the mouth of the 
 Mississippi on the 19th of April, 1682. 
 But OH the 14th of June, 1671, St. 
 Lusson, at St. Marys of the Falls, as we 
 have seen, took possession of all the 
 "countries, rivers, lakes and tribu- 
 taries contiguous and adjacent thereun - 
 to, as well discovered as to be discov- 
 ered, which are bounded on the one 
 78 
 
side by the Northern and Western Seas 
 and on the other side by the South Sea, 
 including all its length and breadth," 
 and accordingly as has been shown on 
 several maps the limits of lyouisiana 
 were carried beyond the sources of the 
 Mississippi to the basin of lyake Win- 
 nipeg, and even as far as the highlands 
 encircling Hudson Bay. The claim 
 of the territory thus added to the 
 * 'colony or province of Louisiana" 
 must be found not in the proces- 
 verbal as promulgated by lyaSalle, or 
 the limits of Louisiana as defined by 
 the grant to Crozat, but in the claim 
 made by St. Lusson for France in 1671 
 as well. Also it should be remembered 
 that the colonial ministers of the 
 French king objected to the dots de- 
 fining the limits of the "colony or 
 province of Louisiana" on French 
 maps, because boundaries thus indi- 
 cated might furnish arguments to 
 foreign powers inimical to French 
 claims and pretensions, (a) 
 
 Again , when by treaty between 
 Great Britain and France, Canada 
 
 (a) Ante, paere 14. 
 
 79 
 
with all its dependencies was ceded to 
 Great Britain in 1763, the boundaries 
 between the Hudson Bay territories 
 ceded by treaty of Utrecht, 1713, and 
 Louisiana remained undetermined, (a) 
 By the treaty of 1763 France ceded 
 "in full right Canada with all its de- 
 pendencies," and Great Britain "in 
 order to establish peace on solid and 
 durable foundations and to remove 
 forever all subjects of dispute with re- 
 gard to the limits of the British and 
 French territories on the continent of 
 America" agreed that in future "the 
 boundaries between the dominions of 
 his Britanic Majesty and those of his 
 most Christain Majesty in that part of 
 the world shall be fixed irrevocably 
 by a line drawn along the middle of 
 the River Mississippi from its source 
 to the River Iberville, etc." Hence, 
 it is claimed as we have seen by Fal- 
 coner that Louisiana onlj^ extends as 
 far north as the source of the Missis- 
 sippi, 47 degrees, 30 minutes north, 
 and then west to the mountains, (d) 
 and not to the 49th parallel as univers - 
 ally understood and claimed. 
 
 (a) See Greenhow's Oregon, p. 140. 
 
 (*) On the Mississippi and Oregon, p. 61. 
 
 80 
 
The theory, however, that the 
 "colony and province of lyouisiana" 
 embraced the limits defined by the 
 water- shed of the Mississippi and its 
 tributaries was early denied by Great 
 Britain, and in the interest of her 
 settlements on the Atlantic coast. 
 England claimed for its settlements 
 specific limits along the coasts or bays 
 on which English settlements were 
 formed, and an extension across the 
 the entire continent to the Pacific 
 Ocean, A map published in Paris in 
 1757 clearly shows that the French 
 fully understood the from sea -to -sea 
 character of the English pretensions — 
 heavy black lines running across the 
 continent, showing the north and south 
 limits of Virginia and other colonies, 
 and that these pretensions conflicted 
 with the French and Spanish claims 
 to the "western sea" as the boundary 
 of their possessions. This map is 
 entitled "Carte des Pretentions des 
 Anglois dans I'AmeriqueSeptentrion- 
 ale suivant leurs Chartres tant sur les 
 possessions de la France que sur celles 
 81 
 
de I'Espagne. " (^) These conflicting 
 claims led to the struggle between 
 France and England in America, and 
 in that struggle the doctrine of Eng- 
 land for an extension indefinitely west 
 across the continent was victorious — 
 the right of continuity prevailed over 
 the theory of the water -shed. 
 
 By the treaty of 1763 the Missis- 
 sippi, as we have seen, was made the 
 permanent boundary between the 
 possessions of Great Britian and 
 France on this continent, and accord- 
 ing to Calhoun this treaty **in effect 
 extinguishes in favor of France what- 
 ever claim Great Britain may have 
 had to the region west of the Missis- 
 sippi." 
 
 In his reply to Packenham, Calhoun 
 says that Great Britian by the treaty of 
 1763 fixing the Mississippi "as an ir- 
 revocable boundary between the terri- 
 tories of France and Great Britain," 
 thereby surrendered to France all her 
 claims on this continent we.st of the 
 river, including, of course, those within 
 the charter limits of her three colonies 
 
 (a) See copy of map in Winsor's Mississippi 
 Basin, p. 320. 
 
 82 
 
which extend to the Pacific Ocean ''on 
 these united with those of France as 
 the possessor of Louisiana we rest our 
 claim of continuity as extending to 
 that ocean without an opposing claim, 
 except that of Spain, which we have 
 since acquired and consequently re- 
 moved by the treaty of Florida." (a) 
 The purchase of lyouisiaua restored 
 and vested in the United States all 
 claims acquired by France, and sur- 
 rendered by Great Britain under the 
 treaty of 1763, to the country west of 
 the Mississippi. Certain it is that 
 France had the same right of contin- 
 uity in virtue of the possession of 
 Louisiana, and the extinguishment of 
 all rights of Great Britain by that 
 treaty to the whole country west of the 
 Rocky Mountains and lying west of 
 Louisiana, if not embraced in the 
 original limits of the ''colony or pro- 
 vince" as against Spain or England, 
 which England had to the country 
 west of the Allegheny Mountains as 
 against France, with this difference, 
 
 (a) Calhoun's Works, Vol. 5, p. 453. 
 83 
 
that Spain had nothing^ to oppose to 
 the claim of France at the time, but 
 the right of discovery, (a) 
 
 On the ground of contiguity prin- 
 cipally Great Britain claimed the 
 country west of the AUeghenies, en- 
 forced by other considerations. (3) 
 And the strongest of these considera- 
 tions was, that it could not consist 
 with natural law, that the English 
 colonies with a population of nearly 
 two millions should be confined to a 
 narrow belt of land between the Alle- 
 gheny Mountains and the Atlantic, 
 and that the right derived from the 
 discovery of the main river should be 
 carried to such an extent as to allow 
 the French colonies with a popula- 
 tion of only 50,000 to claim the whole 
 valley of the Mississippi, {c) 
 
 So that the statement of Gallatin that 
 the claims of the United States to the 
 Northwest coast "dates at least from 
 the time when they acquired Louis- 
 iana," cannot be denied. 
 
 (a) Calhoun's Works, Vol. 5, p. 434. 
 
 (b) Writings of Gallatin, 3rd Vol., p. 505. 
 
 (c) Writings of Gallatin, 3rd Vol., p. 504. 
 
 84 
 
' 'It is, therefore, not at all surprising 
 that France should claim the country- 
 west of the Rocky Mountains (as may 
 be inferred on her maps) on the same 
 principle, that Great Britain had claim- 
 ed and dispossessed her of the regions 
 west of the Alleghenies, or that the 
 United States as soon as they acquired 
 the rights of France, should assert the 
 same claim and take measures immedi - 
 ately after to explore it with a view to 
 occupation and settlement." (a) 
 
 Great Britain for many years oppos - 
 ed our claim to the Northwest bound - 
 ary in its entirety as far south as the 
 mouth of the Columbia. It is sup- 
 posed that Sir Alexander McKenzie, 
 a man of great ability, great enterprise 
 and wonderful energy inspired the 
 English Government with the thought 
 to claim the whole west coast of Ameri - 
 ca as far south as the Columbia, (d) 
 In 1793 McKenzie made his celebrated 
 march of exploration across the Rocky 
 Mountains, but missed the sources of 
 the Columbia and fell upon the 
 
 (a) Calhoun's Works, Vol. 5. p. 435. 
 id) Benton's Thirty Years, Vol. 1, p. 54. 
 
 85 
 
Tacoutche Tesse, a north branch of 
 the Frazier River, and following these 
 waters in their course finally reached 
 the Pacific Ocean five hundred miles 
 north of the Columbia and also north 
 of the 49th degree north latitude. It 
 was not, however, until 1818 that the 
 British Government for the first time 
 made known the grounds upon which 
 its pretensions to the northwest coast 
 rested, namely, the voyage of Capt. 
 Cook, who in 1776 was directed to 
 explore the coast of New Albion, a 
 name which had been bestowed by 
 Drake upon this coast when he sailed 
 along it with one of his flying pirati- 
 cal squadrons. It was claimed that 
 Cook's voyage gave Great Britain a 
 right from discovery, as also pur- 
 chases of land made by the English 
 from the natives prior to the Ameri- 
 can Revolution. No formal pro- 
 position was made as to boundary, 
 but it was intimated that the Colum- 
 bia River was the most convenient 
 boundary, (a) To this proposition 
 
 (a) Letters from Messrs. Gallatin and Rush, Oct. 
 28, H20; Benton's Thirty Years, Vol. 1, p. 51. 
 
 86 
 
our representatives would not assent, 
 but it was agreed that the country on 
 the northwest coast claimed by either 
 party should without prejudice to the 
 claims of either party for a limited 
 time be left open for the purpose of 
 trade to the inhabitants of both coun- 
 tries, and this agreement was em- 
 bodied in the convention of 1818. 
 Afterwards in 1827 this agreement was 
 extended indefinitely, but to be can- 
 celled upon twelve months' notice by 
 either party. 
 
 In subsequent negotiations British 
 agents further rested their claim upon 
 the discovery of McKenzie, the seizure 
 of Astoria during the war of 1812, the 
 Nootka Sound treaty of 1790. Of the 
 grounds thus advanced not one could 
 be considered tenable. Cook never 
 saw, much less took possession of the 
 northwest coast. The Indians from 
 whom British subjects were said to 
 have purchased prior to the Revolu- 
 tion were not even named and the 
 transaction was in no wise identified, 
 only that it took place at the mouth 
 of the Columbia. McKenzie did not 
 87 
 
discover the Columbia, but the Frazier 
 River five hundred miles north. The 
 seizure of Astoria gave no title by 
 conquest. In addition, Astoria was 
 at the close of the war restored, and 
 the treaty of Nootka of 1 790 was in no 
 wise a treaty of acquisition, (a) 
 
 After great agitation for many years, 
 notice was finally given by the United 
 States to abrogate the convention of 
 1827, and in 1846 a treaty was made 
 and ratified fixing the 49th degree 
 parallel north latitude as the boundary 
 line between the United States and 
 England, deflecting, however, through 
 the Straits of Fuca instead of dividing 
 Vancouver Island, this being the 
 boundary which for a period of forty 
 years had been tendered to the Govern - 
 ment of Great Britain, in 1807 by 
 Jefferson; in 1824 by Monroe; in 1826 
 by Adams ; in 1842 by Tyler and which 
 in 1845 finally was accepted when pre- 
 sented by Polk. "Thus the ancient 
 boundary fixed by the treaty of Utrecht 
 between England and France was 
 finally adopted," a boundary charac- 
 
 (a) Benton's Thirty Years, Vol. 1, p. 51. 
 
 ss 
 LofC. 
 
terized by Benton as ''wonderfully 
 adapted to the natural divisions of the 
 country, separating the two systems 
 of water, those of the Columbia and 
 Frazier Rivers as natural and com- 
 modiously on the west of the moun- 
 tains as it parted on the east side of 
 the same mountains the two systems 
 of water which belonged on the one 
 hand to the Gulf of Mexico, and on 
 the other to the Hudson Bay or Arctic 
 Ocean. That at the treaty of Utrecht 
 with but imperfect geographical 
 knowledge, such a line so long and 
 so straight and so adapted to the rights 
 of all parties should have been select- 
 ed as the boundary line of Louisiana 
 on the north is one of the marvels of 
 history. ' ' 
 
 Although manifest that the I^ouis - 
 iana Purchase secured us the coast, 
 we find that some would rest the title 
 of the United States on the so-called 
 discovery of the Columbia by Capt. 
 Gray. No doubt Gray's discovery, 
 or re -discovery, of the Columbia was 
 an incident in the Oregon controversy, 
 but the mouth of the Columbia was 
 89 
 
discovered by Heceta prior to Gray, 
 and the coast taken possession of in 
 the name of Spain. Before Gray en- 
 tered the river the entire coast had 
 been traced, and Gray neither dis- 
 covered it for the first time nor had 
 authority to take possession of it. In 
 the discovery he had been anticipated 
 by Heceta. Tlie re -discovery by Capt. 
 Gray undoubtedly added strength 
 to the claim of the United States, but 
 it was the lyouisiana Purchase that 
 gave us title to the territory and made 
 Gray's entrance and voyage up the 
 Columbia important as well as the fact 
 that he gave the river the name of his 
 ship "Columbia." 
 
 The expedition of I^ewis and Clark, 
 without the possession of the lyouisi- 
 ana hinterland, would have given the 
 world some valuable geographical and 
 topographical information, but in no 
 wise would have given title to the 
 territory to the United States. The 
 expedition was sent out to secure trade 
 and commerce, and it is manifest that 
 the territory as far as the Pacific was 
 considered by Jefferson and his con- 
 90 
 
temporaries as an unexplored portion of 
 lyouisiana. The expedition of I,ewis 
 and Clark "brought to the knowledge 
 of the world this great river, the 
 greatest by far on the western side of 
 the continent. * * * It clearly en- 
 titled us to the claim of priority of 
 discovery as to its head branches and 
 the exploration of the river and 
 the region through which it passes, 
 as the voyage of Capt. Gray and the 
 Spanish navigator Heceta, entitled us 
 to priority in reference to its mouth 
 and the entrance into its channel. " («) 
 
 The claim of the United States to 
 the possession of the territory west of 
 the Rocky Mountains between the 
 42 nd and 49th parallels of latitude 
 was by Gallatin well and ably placed 
 on the ground : 
 
 First — Of the acquisition by the 
 United States of the titles of France 
 through the L^ouisiana treaty, and the 
 titles of Spain through the Florida 
 treaty. 
 
 Second — The discovery of the 
 mouth of the Columbia. The first 
 
 (o) Calhoun's Works, Vol. 5, p. 430. 
 91 
 
exploration of the country through 
 which that river flows, and the estab- 
 lishments of the first settlements in 
 those countries by American citizens. 
 The virtual recognition of the titles of 
 the United States by the British gov- 
 ernment in the restitution agreeable 
 to the first article of the treaty of 
 Ghent, of the post near the mouth of 
 the Columbia which had been taken 
 during the war ; and 
 
 Lastly — Upon the ground of con- 
 tiguity, which would give the United 
 States a stronger right to those terri- 
 tories than could be advanced by any 
 other power, a doctrine always main- 
 tained by Great Britain from the 
 period of her earliest attempts at 
 colonization in America, as clearly 
 proved by her charters in which the 
 whole breadth of the continent be- 
 tween certain parallels of latitude es- 
 tablished at points on the borders of 
 the Atlantic. ''If," says Mr. Galla- 
 tin, "some trading factories on the 
 shores of Hudson Bay have been con- 
 sidered by Great Britain as giving an 
 exclusive right of occupancy as far as 
 92 
 
the Rocky Mountains, if the infant 
 settlement on the more southern At- 
 lantic justified a claim thence to the 
 South Seas, and which was actually- 
 enforced to the Mississippi, that of 
 the millions already within reach of 
 those seas cannot consistently be 
 rejected." (a) 
 
 General Walker, director of the 10th 
 census, says: "The discovery and 
 exploration of the Columbia River by 
 Capt. Gray, an American, the pur- 
 chase of Ivouisiana and all that be- 
 longed to it as far as the Pacific, from 
 the French in 1803, their claim being 
 the next best to that of Spain, the ex- 
 ploration of the Columbia by Lewis 
 and Clark, and the treaty of limits 
 concluded between Spain and the 
 United States in 1819, by which the 
 territory north of the 42nd degree 
 north latitude was expressly declared 
 to belong to us, constitute our title to 
 these regions." (d) 
 
 (a) Greenhow's Oregon, p. 348. Our well founded 
 claim grounded on continuity has greatly been 
 strengthened by the rapid increase of population in 
 the Mississippi Valley. Calhoun's Works, Vol. 5, 
 page 439. 
 
 (b) Vol, 9, 10th Census, p. 23. 
 
 93 
 
In this paragraph our title to the 
 northwest coast is correctly but con- 
 fusedly stated. Our title primarily 
 rested on the Louisiana Purchase. 
 The United States "acquired from 
 France by treaty of Louisiana import- 
 ant and substantial claims to the terri- 
 tory" on the northwest coast west of 
 the Rocky Mountains, (a) 
 
 It is certain that by the purchase of 
 Louisiana the United States first be- 
 came a power on the Pacific Ocean. 
 Gray's re-discover3^ of the Columbia 
 was made valuable by the Louisiana 
 Purchase. Without that purchase his 
 entrance into the Columbia and navi- 
 gation of that river would have given 
 us no rights. 
 
 The discoveries of Spain while in 
 possession of Louisiana clearly inured 
 to the benefit of France, wherever 
 such explorations enlarged the limits 
 of the "province or colony of Louisi- 
 ana," or made the limits and bound- 
 aries of that colony more certain and 
 definite. And the voyages and dis- 
 coveries of Perez and of Heceta en- 
 
 (a) Calhoun's Works, Vol. 5, p. 554. 
 94 
 
larged and made more certain those 
 limits and must be considered as en- 
 uring to the benefit of the "colony or 
 province." 
 
 But by the treaty of 1818 all the ' 
 rights of Spain north of the 42nd par- 
 allel were granted to us, thus making ' 
 absolutely certain the boundaries of ' 
 the Louisiana Purchase on the south ' 
 to the Pacific Ocean. 
 
 The exedition of Lewis and Clark 
 was sent out to explore the unex- 
 plored regions of the Louisiana Pur- 
 chase, and when the exploring party 
 reached the western ocean, erected 
 the rude Fort Clatsop at the mouth of 
 the Columbia and raised the flag of the 
 United States, it was notice to all the 
 world that we had taken possession 
 of the farthest limits of the Louisiana 
 Purchase, and that a new power was 
 established on the shores of the Pacific, 
 for no one can contend that this ex- 
 pedition without the purchase of the 
 "colony or province of Louisiana" 
 could or would have resulted in the 
 acquisition of territorial rights. 
 
 "When this expedition started out 
 95 
 
on its celebrated march," says the 
 late Dr. Elliott Cones, who has so well 
 edited and annotated the narrative of 
 this great expedition, ''Louisiana was 
 all that country which was ceded by 
 Spain to France and by the latter to 
 the United States. It was practically 
 the United States west of the Missis- 
 sippi. A map of the period just be- 
 fore the cession would show : United 
 States east of the Mississippi ; British 
 possessions north of the 49th degree 
 and along the Great Lakes, etc. ; 
 Spanish possessions on the southwest 
 up to about the 38th degree at the 
 point of the farthest northward ex- 
 tension, the rCvSt being Louisiana. A 
 straight line from the Straits of Fuca 
 on the Pacific coast to the mouth of 
 the Mississippi River would run 
 through 'Louisiana' from the north- 
 west to the southeast. Such was the 
 vast area acquired by the United 
 States through Jefferson's magnifi- 
 cent stroke." (a) 
 
 So whatever the different argu- 
 ments that may at this late day be 
 
 (a) Coues' Edition Lewis and Clark's Expedition, 
 Vol. 1, p. XXXIII. 
 
 96 
 
brought forward, principally borrowed 
 from British sources, it is clear that 
 all of Montana and the states of 
 Idaho, Oregon and Washington should 
 be placed in the galaxy of the Louisi- 
 ana Purchase states. 
 
 97 
 
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