as B y 1 V MARSHALING the FORCES of PATRIOTISM V BISHOP LUTHER B.WILSON DR.HENRY H.MEYER PROF. LYNN HAROLD HOUGH THE METHODIST BOOK CONCERN (Founded 1789) New York Cincinnati Chicago Boston Pittsburgh Detroit Kansas City San Francisco Portland, Ore., Salesroom ORDER FROM THE NEAREST ADDRESS PRICE. 15 CENTS EACH; $1.50 PER DOZEN; $10.00 PER HUNDRED. POSTPAID. SHALL ask you to consider again and with very grave scrutiny our objectives and the measures by which we mean to attain them ; for the purpose of discussion here in this place is action, and our action must move straight towards definite ends. Our object is, of course, to win the war, and we shall not slacken or suffer ourselves to l>e diverted until it is won. But it is worth while asking and answering the question, When shall we consider the war won ?" * * * "Let it be said again that autocracy must first be shown the utter futility of its claims to power or leader- ship in the modern world." * * * " But when that has been done — as, God willing, it assuredly will be — we shall at last be free to do an unprecedented thing, and this is the time to avow our purpose to do it. We shall be free to base peace on generosity and justice, to the exclusion of all selfish claims to advantage even on the part of the victors. Let there be no misunderstanding. Our present and immediate task is to win the war, and nothing shall turn us aside from it until it is accomplished. Every power and resource we possess, whether of men, of money or of materials, is being devoted and will continue to be devoted to that purpose until it is achieved." * * * " A supreme moment of history has come. The eyes of the people have been opened and they see. The hand of God is laid upon the nations. He will show them favor, I devoutly believe, only if they rise to the clear heights of His own justice and mercy." —From President Wilson's address to Congress December 4, 1917. MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM A COURSE OF TWELVE STUDIES FOR USE IN THE CHURCH SCHOOL BY LUTHER B. WILSON ii Resident Bishop, New York Area HENRY H. }1EYER Editor Sunday School Publications LYNN HAROLD HOUGH Professor at Garrett Biblical Institute Prepared under the direction of the Editor of Sunday School Publications and the Committee on Curriculum of the Board of Sunday Schools Published by THE METHODIST BOOK CONCERN NEW YORK CINCINNATI CHICAGO BOSTON PITTSBURGH DETROIT KANSAS CITY SAN FRANCISCO PORTLAND, ORE., SALESROOM ^ PC ^ OTHER PATRIOTIC COURSES In addition to the studies presented in this volume, two other patriotic courses are in preparation under the direction of the Editor of Sunday School Publications and the Committee on Curriculum of the Board of Sunday Schools. THE CLEAN SWORD By Lynn Harold Hough An interpretation of Christianity in its relation to the far-reaching questions of war and peace, and a discussion of the world-order involved in the effective forward movement of the Kingdom of God. WORLD DEMOCRACY By George Heber Jones and Fred. B. Fisher In collaboration with Sidney A. Gulick An inquiry into the forces making for democracy in various parts of the world. Considered from the standpoint of Christian Missions. Concerning these courses detailed information may be secured on application to the publishers. Copyright, 1918, by THE METHODIST BOOK CONCERN MAR 25 1918 ©CI.A494230 TABLE OF CONTENTS AMERICAS WAR AIMS By Luther B. Wilson CHAPTER PAGE I. Why We Are at War 5 II. The Relief of the Oppressed 8 III. Democracy Worth Fighting For 11 IV. Paying the Price 15 IMMEDIATE DUTIES AND RESPONSIBILITIES By Henry H. Meyer CHAPTER PAGE V. The Call to Enlist 18 VI. Food Conservation and War Gardens 21 VII. The Red Cross, the Red Triangle, and the War Work of the Churches 24 VIII. Safeguarding Christian Progress 28 IDEALS AND THE FUTURE By Lynn Harold Hough CHAPTER PAGE IX. The World in the Making 32 X. The War Against War 36 XL The Fight Which is Worthy the Goal 40 XII. The Invisible King 44 CONCERNING THIS COURSE The world to-day is in the throes of a life-and-death struggle between two great principles of human government. One imperative need of the hour is a vital Christian message of encouragement and inspiration to the forces of democracy and of human freedom engaged in mortal combat with the organized force:; of autocracy aud ruthless militarism. There is need likewise for an interpretation of the present struggle from the Christian standpoint and for renewed emphasis upon the ideals in de- fense of which America has drawn the sword. To sound this note of encouragement, to give this Christian interpreta- tion, and to set forth clearly these ideals is the purpose of the studies pre- sented in this course. Henry H. Meyer, Editor Sunday School Publications. If we are to have a patriotic and permanent interest in the war we must have an intelligent understanding of the sacred principles for which we are fighting. Only in this way can the Sunday school play its part in teaching love and loyalty to the nation in such a crisis hour as this. I sincerely and earnestly urge that this lesson course, "Marshaling the Forces of Patriotism," be used in our Methodist Episcopal Sunday Schools. Edgar Blake, Corresponding Secretary Board of Sunday Schools. These lessons are to strengthen our spiritual faith as well as to deepen our patriotic loyalty. We are at war, not for greed, nor for selfish gain, but for principle. The peoples of the world must be safeguarded in their religious, social, and political liberties. They must be protected from the iron heel of selfish autocracy. The principles laid down herein are those underlying the teachings of Christ — the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man. We answer the call to the colors, to maintain our freedom of spiritual and patriotic liberty. Edwin R. Graham, Publishing Agent. MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM CHAPTER I WHY WE AEE AT WAR Why Ask the Question? In the Declaration of Independence, the vibrant tones of which have sounded through all the world, it is said that in such a separation from the Mother Country as is proposed, "a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires" that the causes shall be declared. It may be that the authors of this immortal instrument as they wrote thought of themselves as standing at the bar of the nations as al- ready constituted, to argue in justification of their solemn act, and could but feel their cause to be so clearly apprehended by those who had shared with them the injustice of the British Crown as not to need explana- tion or justification from them. To-day, however, after the war begun in 1914 has continued for more than three years, and after America has formally taken its position upon the side of the En- tente Allies, it would seem wise not only in decent respect for the opinions of other nations, but also for the unifying of senti- ment within our own borders, that the causes of our action should be clearly stated and understood. Why is it, then, that America is at war? The President's Statement of the Case President Wilson, in his message deliv- ered before the United States Congress on April 2, 1917, stated with his usual care the course of events leading up to that solemn hour. He stated the fact that he had previously advised Congress concerning the purpose of the Imperial German Gov- ernment to lay aside all restraint of law or of humanity, and to sink every vessel ap- proaching the ports of Great Britain and Ireland, or the western coast of Europe, or ports controlled by enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean. He stated also that for a while he had been unable to be- lieve that such things would be really done by any government that had hitherto sub- scribed to the humane practices of civil- ized nations, but he had come to see that in the ruthless warfare Germany waged upon the sea there was no discrimination. The sea is the common roadway of the na- tions and interference with a nation's marine constitutes a grave offense, but here American ships had been sunk, American lives had been taken, and that, too, delib- erately, as the story of the Lusitania showed. In the beginning of the conflict he had aimed to preserve an attitude of neutrality and had urged upon the nation the need of such neutrality. With the grim announce- ment of Germany's later policy upon the sea he had still hoped that armed neutrality might be practicable. He had come to see that armed neutrality at the best is ineffec- tual, and that there was but one course for the nation to take unless the nation was ready to choose the path of submission and suffer its most sacred rights to be ignored or violated. Certainly among those who have borne most patiently the burden of ad- ministrative responsibility in perilous times our President has won a secure place, and the nation can appeal without fear to others as it can appeal without shame to itself in justification of its acts in recog- nizing that the course of the Imperial German Government was in fact war against the people of the United States. Germany and Her Allies It will be seen that of the nations ar- rayed against the Entente Allies, only Ger- many was named in this message of the President. It may be asked, Why the formal recognition of Germany only? The answer must be that of the nations engaged against the Allies, Germany is not only the strongest in resources of men and arms, but also in point of influence. Long before the assassination of the Archduke of Austria in Serbia, Germany was contem- plating a war which would afford her the 6 MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM opportunity of extending her territory and advancing her commercial interests. It has happened not infrequently that some friend of Germany in America has at- tempted to prove that Germany is the victim rather than the aggressor. It is with in- terest, therefore, that one reads the utter- ances of certain German writers and speakers concerning what has taken place. German Plans for Conquest For example, there appeared upon the front page of Vorwiirts, July 25, 1914, this word : "Even though we condemn the activity of the Pan-Serbian Nationalists, nevertheless wanton provocation of war upon the part of the Austro-Hungarian Government calls for the sharpest protest. The demands of the Government are more brutal than ever made upon any civilized state in the history of the world, and can be regarded only as intended to provoke war." Though the indignation of Vorwiirts was uttered against Austria-Hungary, as the facts have come to be known the burden of responsibility is seen to rest upon Ger- many for this outrageous provocation. It seems clear that had Germany been willing to allow the further time for negotiation sought by Serbia and Russia in the be- ginning, a desire also urgently implored by England, France, and Italy, Austria would have granted the request and the conflict might have been avoided. Read the words of Harden, editor of Die Zukunft. He says : "Not as weak-willed blunderers have we undertaken the risk of this war. We wanted it." Or think of this word of Deputy Haase uttered in the Reichstag. The question was under discussion as to the action of France in the increase of its army. He said, "Gentlemen, it has been said that we are compelled to increase our army be- cause France is going to introduce com- pulsory service for a term of three years. Whoever says that falsifies the real facts in the case, for without our army bill France would not have dreamed of introducing the three years' service bill." These quotations are only suggestive of statements made by men of conspicuous influence in Germany, and might be multi- plied almost indefinitely. It would be too much to say that these words are uttered by authority, but they are the utterances of thoughtful men, and though denied by the officers of the state may be assumed to express the prevailing attitude of Germany upon the subject. It is evident that dur- ing these fateful months the voice of the Prussian crown is the one voice that has issued the orders obeyed on land and sea. The incident of the assassination in Serbia is in fact almost lost sight of, or if remem- bered at all, is recognized only as affording an excuse for the execution of a plan al- ready formulated for the promotion of ends long cherished. Ambassador Morgenthau confirms this conclusion, declaring, upon the authority of the Austrian Minister, that the resort to arms had been agreed upon by the Teutonic nations weeks before the overtures of the nations now allied with us were rejected and the date of hos- tility was practically determined by the Government of the Kaiser. Germany and America Germany therefore stands out as the arch- enemy not only of America, but of those benign ideals which represented in our in- stitutions would, if generally realized, con- stitute the great heritage of the world. But as we think of the causes leading to our participation in the world struggle, we must take account of her intrigue as well as of her cruelty. Her Ambassador at Washington during the months which elapsed between August of 1914 and April, 1917, while assuming to represent a nation with which we were still at peace, was all the while seeking to embitter Japan against us and to intensify the unfriendliness of Mexico, so that to-day, as the story of these years is unfolded, the evidence of deceit is overwhelming. How far that hostility went will perhaps never be known. It is plain to see that it was not only the treaty with Belgium which was dealt with as a "scrap of paper." In this country there has been MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM the record of such disaster and loss as cannot be forgotten. How many of these material losses, how many of our domestic trials, how many of the conditions arising to prevent commercial success and em- barrass our political life are attributable to the treachery and insidious activity of Ger- many, probably none of us will ever know. The great fact which needs to be borne in mind by us all is this, that in secret as well as in open ways, Germany was at war with us before we called our sons to the colors. This is illustrated by Ambassador Gerard, who in the story of his years in Berlin gives us the record of indignity offered to our representatives abroad, and from his place near to the Kaiser reveals the attitude of the German Government toward us as a nation. The recent revelation as to German influence and policy in our national life makes perfectly clear the fact that it has been the deliberate purpose of Teutonic militarism to increase our diplomatic prob- lems with other nations and at the same time to dilute as far as possible American patriotism. America and Germany's Allies We began with the recognition of Ger- many as our enemy, but in the progress of events have been compelled to recognize a condition of war also as existing between Austria-Hungary and America. For rea- sons known by the Government rather than by the nation, Austria was not at first recognized as a belligerent. Now, how- ever, when the condition of Italy is de- manding such attention, and when the suc- cess or failure of Austria in its invasion of Italy is seen to have so great a bearing upon the progress of the war, it has seemed impossible to continue longer in the posi- tion in which we were left by the action of Congress in April, and so at the opening of the present session of Congress the ac- tual relation of this country with Austria- Hungary was recognized. At the time of this writing we have not yet written Bul- garia and Turkey as enemies. We are at war, therefore, with Germany and with Austria-Hungary, not because of hostility to the people of these nations, but because of hostility to the Prussian crown, and the ideals which it represents. Those who have come to America from Germany have been treated with a measure of con- sideration which has gone not only to the limits allowed by a prudent regard for our own interests, but, as many believe, far be- yond such limits and toward the Austro- Hungarians among us, our attitude has been most generous. As to the German people over seas, we have repeatedly dis- avowed any feeling of hatred toward them. It is militaristic autocracy against which we wage war. Even in the story of fright- fulness it has seemed that the mailed fist of the autocrat has perpetrated the indescrib- able cruelties committed. If the German people were moved to destroy the throne of despotism now, and would establish in its place the rule of democracy, they would doubtless find America stretching out the hand of friendship. But as long as the people of Germany defend Prussian mili- tarism and lend themselves to its policy of frightfulness in making war upon man- kind, so long must they endure the inevi- table result, the pain of which is not less because in their devotion they are deluded. Where Should We Fight? So we are sending our forces to France or Italy, or any part of the line west or south or east, where our presence can ac- complish most, believing that it is easier to defeat our common enemy on that side of the sea than on this, and believing also that if this common enemy should succeed in defeating France and Italy and Great Britain, there would inevitably come the necessity of meeting that foe on our own shores, even should we now refuse to fight. What would be the condition of our nation if these European allies of ours were defeated? If Germany were master of Western Europe and Canada ? If by intrigue or by force of arms Germany were to control Mexico, what would be our con- dition? In such event, if we had not en- tered the war. under what limitations MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM would we have been compelled to live ! To what indignities would we have been sub- jected! What subtile influences would have been at work, and in the end how should we have avoided conflict, a conflict in which we should have stood alone against the Teu- tonic conqueror of Europe, strengthened by that conquest and encouraged to darker cruelty, if that be possible, and deeper cunning. How should we have avoided the conflict ? Does it not seem clear that our national self-respect compelled us to the course we have taken ? Does it not seem equally clear that the preservation of our liberties and the maintenance of our insti- tutions demanded this action? No one among us has seemed more the friend of peace than our President. He was tolerant when many of us were wrath- ful. He was slow to believe ill of the nations with which we are now at war. He was calm when many of us were ready to cry out. The words he spoke, the protests he wrote, will be treasured by us as among the finest expressions of dignified patriot- ism coupled with ardent love for humanity. So slowly did he move, held back by love of peace and the hope that it might still be maintained with honor, that many outran him and reached the decision while as yet he seemed moving toward such decision slowly, if indeed moving at all. Germany seemed to believe us incapable of action, indeed unprepared and unqualified for any- thing other than fine words. It treated with indignity our protests; it violated those long-established principles which should characterize the attitude of govern- ment to government and held on its way until our Government could not longer en- dure the wrong done us, the dishonor shown us. Then at length our President spoke for the nation, and the Congress of the United States by an overwhelming vote confirmed the solemn judgment he ex- pressed. In our population almost all the peoples of the earth are represented. We are naturally a peace-loving nation. It must therefore intensify our patriotism to remember that the people of America are so unitedly committed to war. FOR SPECIAL STUDY 1. What were the specific acts that led the United States to participation in the war? 2. Just why did these facts make it neces- sary for the United States to resort to arms? 3. What evidences have we that Germany had deliberately and carefully laid plans for conquest ? 4. Stated in general terms, what are the aims of the United States in the war? How did President Wilson express these aims? 5. What reasons can you give to show that only by fighting can these purposes be accomplished ? CHAPTER II THE RELIEF OF THE OPPRESSED Our Larger Obligations Anyone who will take the pains to read the utterances of our President will see clearly the breadth of our national policies and must be convinced that we can no longer be satisfied with our own peace and prosperity unless there is everywhere throughout the world the chance for the same blessings. This is not the thought of every mind. Someone in New York not very long ago said that America was not greatly interested in a war three thousand miles away. But if that war were one in which unrighteousness fought against right- eousness, or if it was a war in which a powerful autocracy was seeking to enrich itself at the expense of a weak people, cer- tainly America would be interested in it. As we read the histories of peoples thou- sands, of years ago, we find ourselves to be- taking sides with those whom we think to be in the right and are stirred with indig- nation against those who seem to us in the wrong. Miles and years have nothing to do with moral issues. So in this present war, when we really give play to the fine MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM passion that is within us, we feel all the fires of our indignation blazing against Germany for the invasion of Belgium, for Germany had made its solemn treaty with Belgium and had reaffirmed it again and again. When on that day in August, 1914, Germany came thundering at the gates, and demanded the consent of the king to pass on over the soil of the little kingdom to "take dinner in Paris," who of us but felt the out- rage offered to that smaller nation by the stronger, an outrage in no sense relieved by the offer made to repay Belgium for any in- jury inflicted as Germany passed along? We were not near enough to see the shells as they shattered the cities and crumbled the great cathedrals, but who can think of it without emotion? And they tell us that long before that day Germany had run her lines of railroad so that her troops might be marched with all possible speed to the Bel- gian frontier, showing certainly that even while the stronger nation was making her promises, she was preparing to break them. And those women of Belgium ! What is our feeling as we think of them, taken forcibly away from their homes for work in the fields, or perhaps for something worse ? And what shall we think of the little children cruelly wounded in order that the people of the country by the very show of fright- fulness might be held in bonds of fear? And what shall we think of Poland or of Armenia, or any of the countries where the tide of battle has ebbed and flowed? In all those lands the soldiers of Germany or her allies have left proof of the indescribable cruelty which has constituted a blot upon the history of mankind. Certainly some of the darkest deeds ever perpetrated since the world began have stained the records of these last three years. That is not civiliza- tion, according to any proper estimate. That is the sort of gross brutality that must make us all shudder as we look upon it, even across the seas. It is so different from anything that we know at home, and humanity is not a matter of race and lan- guage and boundary. America must be interested in the world. We have not realized our own ideals here, and by and by there will be much to do in making the nation what it ought to be, but we cannot think of the soldiers of America ordered to perpetrate such deeds as these. We cannot think of populations deliberately starved and indignities systematically of- fered to men and women and children by those who represent us. Our Developing Ideals And then there comes the question, How far shall America go in befriending Bel- gium and France and Italy? That old question of resistance and non-resistance! The question, Is war ever justifiable? Is it ever right to take up arms? In the old Book, as it tells the story of the ancient days, as we see Israel advancing to the battle and returning victorious; we hear them singing, as they go, "The Lord is a God of war;" and in the wonderful chapter, the eleventh of Hebrews, among those whose praises are sung are those who, "through faith subdued kingdoms, wrought right- eousness, . . . stopped the mouths of lions, quenched the violence of fire, . . . waxed valiant in fight, turned to flight the armies of the aliens." That is one of the monu- ments to heroism in the great gallery of the ages. But we do not feel that what belonged to the days of the Judges ought to belong to our day. We have been climbing through the centuries. We have been com- ing to a clearer knowledge of what God's nature is, and have been coming also to a clearer knowledge of what man's nature ought to be. We think of our Lord as the Prince of Peace, and remember the angels' song over the hills of Bethlehem. We may want the world to be safe for democracy. We may feel sore of heart in thinking of Belgium and France and Italy and Poland. We may want to be the friend of all the op- pressed. But how far should we go ? Then we remember that there is a moral differ- ence between the warfare of a tyrant who goes out to oppress the world, and the war- fare of those who set themselves to resist the advance of the tyrant. 10 MAESHALING THE FOECES OF PATRIOTISM Offense or Defense Not long ago one was speaking of a pic- ture he had seen. It was the picture of a little child saying, "Are you going to send out a soldier to shoot my father?" The answer that America gives is this: "No, we are not sending out soldiers to shoot the father of the child, but we are sending out soldiers to prevent the father of the child from shooting other fathers." That is to say, it is not democracy that has gone out to blot out autocracy; it is democracy that has risen up to defend itself against the in- conceivable brutality of might, and it would seem as though our Lord in some of the moods of his holy life said many a word which the true soldier battling for the right can remember to his comfort in the great day of struggle. One says, "But he who takes the sword shall perish by the sword." Is it not a fair interpretation that he who takes the sword by which to oppress and slay shall himself perish by the sword held in the hand of righteousness? We are at war not only on our own behalf but on behalf of others, and to us it cannot be made to appear an evil thing to take the sword when it is taken, not for the gaining of territory or the enrichment of empire, but when it is unsheathed for the defense of men in peril or oppressed. What Else Can We Do? It may not always appear a safe course to deduce great moral principles from the example of even those whom we admire, and yet there is the quickening of conscience as we study the lives of those who have lived nobly, unselfishly, who have endured for the good of others. We cannot take a character like that of Washington away from the world as though it had no moral lesson to impart. America will not willingly sur- render that picture of Washington at "Valley Forge upon his knees, will not eon- sent that the father of our country be classed with the unworthy or undesirable. The nation is not willing to forget the story of Lincoln, foremost in his day of those who offered themselves willingly in order that government of the people, by the people, for the people, should not perish from the earth. The ideal toward which humanity is climbing is that of a great brotherhood in which mutual love shall be the law and in which also peace shall be abiding, but it has seemed to many of the great prophets that right was worth more than peace and that in many an age wrong must be routed by the sword before peace could really come in. Perhaps if we were able to go back and begin again we should see the way to avoid the appeal to arms. Yes, and if one hun- dred and fifty years ago the people of America had chosen other paths than those which they as a nation actually took, they might have avoided, probably would have avoided, those difficulties which resulted in the Civil War. If the course of events in Europe for one hundred years, or even for fifty years, had been more wisely ordered, it is altogether probable that we should have been able to deal with all the questions at present before us in another way. One of the wisest plans for the future is that of a League of Nations for the En- forcement of Peace, but to-day we must take things as they are. We must consider the problem as it is before us. We may re- write history, but we cannot remake it. What are the facts to-day and how can we deal with them? Civilization dares not trust itself in negotiations for peace with a power which deals with its treaties as "scraps of paper." To attempt a settle- ment of the great issues before us at this time by negotiation, as some propose, would mean simply a brief cessation of battle and then its return. We should simply be where we were when the war began, and after the strife and agony of these years we should be no nearer the solution of the world's problem than we were three years ago. The way to peace seems to be only by victory over the Prussian throne, and that victory must be either by the arms of the allies or by such an uprising in Germany as shall take away the power of the Hohenzollern and give to the German people the blessing of democracy. Mr. Lincoln quoted the words, "A house MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 11 divided against itself cannot stand," and declared that the nation could not exist half free and half slave. It seems to be equally true that the world cannot abide in peace half democratic and half autocratic. And if all this be true, it must likewise be true that to oppose the present policy of our Government is to befriend our enemies and the enemies of mankind. The real friend of peace to-day is he who seeks in every way to strengthen the hands of the Allies and hasten peace by hastening victory. That the Right May Prevail No human society has yet come to the place where it can rely upou moral appeal alone for the maintenance of order. The communities which are most advanced must still compel regard for law, and this probably all recognize. The appeal to reason will not always accomplish the result we seek. You cannot argue with a zeppelin. A u-boat does not understand your plea for mercy. A government that seems to be most fitly expressed by u-boat and zeppelin and howitzer and that seems to comprehend no other language than that which they speak; that seems to have no higher principle than that "Might makes right"; that be- lieves that the weak must perish ; is and will be deaf to appeal. Such a government must either change its nature or be taken out of the path by which humanity seeks to ad- vance. It has taken up arms against the world. It seems as though the answer which the world must give is {he answer of the sword. As the champions of the oppressed, as those who are called to release the captives of wrong, as those who must defend the liberties of the land and secure its institu- tions, we have unsheathed the sword. As those who must rebuke the tyrant's pride and correct the philosophy which the tyrant's pen has written, as those who have dedi- cated themselves to the service of human- ity, we must go on until the victory is won. FOR SPECIAL STUDY 1. By what obligations are we bound to other nations? 2. How would you distinguish between offensive and defensive wars? 3. State briefly your reasons for thinking that we are fighting for the welfare of humanity? 4. What, in your opinion, is the best way to secure a peace that will be permanent? CHAPTER III DEMOCRACY WORTH FIGHTING FOR What Is Democracy? One of the statements of President Wil- son's which is sure to be longest remem- bered is this — "The world must be made safe for democracy." What does he mean? He himself makes clear the fact that so far as the other nations of the world are concerned we have neither the desire nor the authority to determine their form of government. He is evidently thinking, not of the title of the man who rules, but of the rights of those who are ruled. Take, for example, the government of Great Britain. It might appear when one re- members that there attaches to the ruler of Great Britain the title of king, as far as England is concerned, and of emperor in so far as India is concerned, that you may have here the same qualities in the ruler that you find in the Kaiser, or the ruler of Austria-Hungary, who is also nominally both king and emperor. But when one studies the real facts in the case of England, one sees that the king does not rule in any arbitrary sense. It is the Prime Minister who . really holds the re- sponsibility of government. The king, who occupies the throne, by what, according to the traditions of Great Britain, is the right of succession, does not have actually as much power as our President, or as the Governor of one of our great States. 12 MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM Authority is lodged in the office of the Prime Minister and, -while the Prime Minister is named by the king-, his hold upon office is determined by the House of Commons, the membership of which is determined by popular election. So you have, in what is called a kingdom* the actual ruler subject to the will of the nation and continuing in that office without such a designated term as limits the rule of our President. In Italy substantially the same condi- tion exists, the king being the formal ruler of the kingdom, but the rule being lodged -with the cabinet, subject to the will of the people. The democracy of France is more nearly akin to that of Italy and England than to our own, for there, while the President of the Republic is the formal representative of the Government, the rule is in the hands of the Premier. It is necessary to keep these facts in mind in our attempt to understand the utterance of the President. The world must be made safe for democracy. It would probably be fair to define democracy in the phrase which we are accustomed to attribute to Mr. Lincoln ; that is, "government of the people, by the people, for the people," and each of these words has its own value. The meaning is clear : it is, first of all, gov- ernment. If society is to exist, if there are to be any recognized rights of property or persons, there must be the observance of order, there must be certain well-recognized rules of procedure. The Value of Law Take an illustration. You could not have a city in any proper sense without streets or roads or boundary lines of individual dwellings. You might have crooked or straight streets, broad streets or narrow streets, but streets you must have if you are to avoid a perfectly bewildering confusion in traffic and travel. And there cannot be the constant changing of street lines and boundary lines if there is desired any guar- antee of the safety of person or security of possession. You must not only have the street or road, but if thero is to be any safety and comfort in progress there must be agreement upon how the street or road shall be used. You could not think of any important city where the population is num- bered by millions, or thousands, without its more or less clearly defined regulations in the use of the street or road. Stand at the intersection of Fifth Avenue and Forty- second Street in New York, at Broad and Walnut Streets in Philadelphia, at State and Madison Streets,* Chicago, or at some center in San Francisco and imagine the confusion, the grave danger, if there were not agreement as to the movement of pedes- trians and vehicles along these ways. And in the boundary lines occupied by dwell- ings and places of business all security in ownership in town and city would disap- pear without such careful adjustment. The Will of the People This is really only a picture suggestive of the fact that there must be government, government of the people indeed, but still government, agreement, regulation. There must be not only rules of procedure, but also there must be the enforcement of such agreement and regulation. And if there is to be any approach to safety and satisfac- tion there must be attached to these agree- ments and regulation some reasonable ele- ments of permanence, and there must be power somewhere to enforce them. How many times we have had presented to us the picture of the policeman standing in one of the crowded streets of London or of New York stopping in a moment all the move- ment of street traffic simply by lifting his hand, or changing the direction of traffic by the movement of his hand. The uniform of the policeman shows him to be at that place and hour the man of authority. He represents not only the desire of the people for comfort and safety of progress, but also he represents the power of the people to en- force within certain well-defined limits their wishes in the matter. It is of very great importance to re- member not only the idea suggested by the phrase, "of the people," but also the meaning of the word "government." Sometimes in MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 13 our use of words, or, rather, in the misuse of them, it seems that we are taking out of that term democracy the thought of agree- ment, regulation, authority. There are those who when they use the word democ- racy seem to think that what it means is this, that every man at every time shall do precisely as he chooses without regard for the protection of mutual agreement actually enforced. From our place to-day the danger that threatens Russia seems to be that of the disorganized multitude, with no ade- quate rule or responsible power lodged any- where for the enforcement of rule. It is the very condition which opens the way for the most selfish and cruel assertion of brute force. Democracy means "government of the people," and it means "government by the people."' Our Methods of Government At a time and under conditions when all the people could be brought together speedily, as in the case of some New Eng- land town one hundred years ago, where the people had enjoyed the advantages of religion and education, and where the prob- lems of the town were of a simple sort, government of the people directly by the people must have seemed comparatively easy, and perhaps, on the whole, satisfactory. But where towns are multiplied and where the population is widely distributed, where instead of a few hundreds you have many millions, where instead of a community speaking the same language, sharing the same traditions, and united in all the fine fellowships of education and religion, you have multitudes of different languages and different traditions and different educational advantages with different religious beliefs, government by the people by any such method as that of the New England town meeting of one hundred years ago is im- possible. There are many matters of great importance which require for their adjust- ment expert and technical knowledge. While as to the great ends to be secured there may be agreement, the method by which to secure these ends must of necessity be committed to those of peculiar knowledge or skill. Many of the questions involved in the peo- ple's interests are of such a nature that they must be quickly decided. But there is no time to call them all together. We are sure to get the best results, not by attempt- ing to have details of government worked out directly by all the people called together for discussion and action, but by having all the people select their representatives or agents who may meet together for discus- sion and deliberation. These representatives may take time for the questions which must in such a large way affect the common wel- fare, and the method of government by representatives of the people gives to these representatives the opportunity really to qualify themselves for decision, as it makes possible also prompt action where such action is demanded. At some time or other it may possibly seem wise or even necessary to make radical changes in our own methods of government, but on the whole the results secured under our system would certainly appear to justify its continuance. Then this government in the nature of the case must be for the people and for all the people, and not to satisfy the ambitions of rulers, nor to increase the possessions of individuals or classes at the expense of other individuals or classes. Yet it must be borne in mind that just as in a race upon the athletic field some one is likely to out- distance all the others, or as in a series of athletic events some one team is sure to win the pennant, so in the operations of gov- ernment some will outdistance the others, and government for the people must not be interpreted as meaning that all men and all groups, family groups or groups of towns or country, shall share equally in the results of human enterprise. If the idle and the diligent are to share alike in the results of labor, the result would be the discourage- ment of toil by society. The same rule which takes the reward from the diligent takes the incentive to labor from the idle. The same regulation which robs the studious of that which mental application makes pos- sible, must certainly destroy the ambition for learning. Government for the people represents not the purpose to level down, but 14 MAESHALING THE FOECES OF PATEIOTISM rather the desire to level up society, to place the premium upon industry and ap- plication, and upon those moral qualities which constitute the greatest asset in a world of industry and learning. What Is at Stake It is to make the world safe for such gov- ernment as this that we are at war. If Germany were finally victorious in its war- fare waged against democracy, we should lose many of the things which we have gained as a nation. Instead of government by the people there would be. government by those who evidently regard themselves as the chosen ones of heaven to bear rule over the people. It would mean the substitution of autocracy, with all its narrowness and ambition, with all its militaristic spirit, for the democracy under which we have lived. It would mean the substitution of tyranny for liberty. In a very real way we should be the subjects of the Prussian Crown, subjects of its ambitions and selfishness, the subjects of its ideals and methods. Amer- ica would not be safe for democracy, but would cease to exist as a home for de- mocracy. Instead of government for the people there would be government in the interest of individuals, of classes. And if America should cease to be a home of de- mocracy, how would it fare in Italy and France and Great Britain? How would it be with the vast populations of Russia ? Mr. Lincoln said that "God must have loved the common people because he made so many of them." One can think of the kindly smile upon the face of the great leader as he ut- tered these words, "God is the friend of the common people." But in truth the gospel of his Son is the gospel of a democracy lifted to a new level. Its objective is that of a great brotherhood in which there shall be a King indeed, but the King himself a Brother. In the consummate dream of the gospel there is the picture of a city which lieth foursquare, a kingly city indeed, but of which every habitation is a mansion. God must love the common people, and while we struggle in the great conflict to-day, surely we are engaged not only in a significant task, not only in an honorable warfare, but in a holy enterprise. If we succeed we shall help to write a new chapter in the history of mankind. We shall secure not only America in safety for democracy, but we shall make easier the problem with which Russia grapples. We shall come to the help of France, worn in the struggle. We shall aid Great Britain in its worthiest and loftiest aspirations. We will help to lift the lands of the East into the light of a brighter day. We shall succor the people and save the ideal. More than that, we will be approved by posterity as the truest friends of the Germanic races. In all the continents and the islands of the sea there will be a new incentive to labor, a new re- ward for toil. A victory for democracy will prove the beginning of international peace. FOR SPECIAL STUDY 1. If you were conducting a class in preparation for citizenship, how would you explain to your students the meaning of democracy ? 2. Of how much value to the community is a well-organized system of law? 3. What is the difference between auto- cratic and democratic law? 4. What is the difference between the town meeting style of government and our present-day system of government through representatives? Why has the latter type become necessary? 5. What effect would a German victory have upon the practice of government by the people? MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 15 CHAPTER IV PAYING THE PRICE Burdens Not to Be Shirked The whole process of life may be thought of as a sort of exchange or purchase in which we give something that we have in order to secure something that we desire, or in which we surrender something that we have in order to retain something that we esteem of greater value. America has entered into war with Germany. She is living to-day in many places on scant ra- tions, contrasting the table of the present with that of a while ago. She is laying down her wealth by millions that she may minister to those of all the lands which the war has robbed and wounded. In a way altogether new to us, she has placed in the treasury of the nation billions of dollars for the help of the nations with which she is allied and for the adequate equipment of her own forces. But America makes her supreme contribution in this war which she is waging to make the world a safe place to live in, when she sends her sons by the thou- sands and hundreds of thousands to brave the dangers of the sea and face the perils at the front. Why does she do it? Why does the na- tion turn from the usual peaceful progress of her industry? Why does she start out upon this new way? It is because peace without honor does not and cannot satisfy her. The right is worth more than peace. As between our mines and our forests and our freedom, if we must lose one or the other, let us surrender our forests and our gold. If we must surrender for a while even some of those very rights and privileges which belong to a free people, let us without hesitation make the sacrifice, for it means the holding of our charter as a nation and the enjoyment in the days to come of all those immunities and blessings which have made our life as a people worth living. Worth More Than It Costs A very suggestive cartoon appeared some time ago in one of the papers. It repre- sented King Albert standing in the pres- ence of the Kaiser and the Kaiser is say- ing, "Ha ! Ha ! You have lost your crown, your sceptre, your kingdom !" and Albert is represented as saying, "I may have lost my crown, but I have saved my soul." It is doubtless a fair representation of the choice which the King of Belgium made when, in those fateful days of 1914, the Ger- man army came, arrogant and confident, demanding the privilege of passage over Belgium's soil for the invasion and con- quest of France. It is a grim picture that is before us as we think of the cities of Belgium under the fire of those mighty guns, guns of whose very existence the world had no knowledge, guns which had been forged in the days of avowed friendship among the nations of Europe. Cathedrals have been shattered, homes ruined, cities blotted out, so that it is difficult to find the place even where they stood, a people has been scattered and the king is practi- cally in exile. Are human ideals really worth while? Was the thing to which the king held, worth more than that which it cost to hold it ? Life Ennobled by Sacrifice That is the question which we face and must answer. There seem to be great emotions which mold the lives of those who give themselves .to great enterprises. In Donald Hankey's book, "The Student in Arms," he has told the story of those who came out of the poverty and ignorance of London at its worst, and who entered into the war, responding to the call of King and country. Some who were in that great city at the time when the men were first called to the colors will remember the groups that were gathered immediately after their en- listment, and will bear in memory the faces that seemed to lack expression and dignity of purpose. Hankey unfolds the story of these lives and tells how, little by little, the consciousness of the task and its meaning dawned upon them, and how in the school of military discipline and hardship these 16 MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM men learned the lesson and seemed to mea- sure up in fine manly fashion to the de- mands of the hour. Many of them fell upon the field, but even as they died there shone upon their faces a light which never glowed there in former days. It is worth . while to dare great dangers that one may do great things. It is the old story illustrated in the life of many a saint and martyr. The gold of character has been refined in the fires of persecution and yet it has really paid to suffer in order to become. It is not the en- durance of hardship for a selfish end which pays, though even such discipline has a cer- tain value. It is rather the endurance of suffering for some great unselfish end, some good to come to others, that really glorifies. The thing of which Donald Hankey writes in his story of the London poor, has ap- peared just as certainly in the life of the London rich. What happened to those who lacked even the scanty mental training of the poorest schools was reproduced in the lives of those who came out of the great uni- versities of Oxford and Cambridge with all the culture of the university training and fellowship. Those men found the great re- ward of sacrifice just as the unlearned found it. Life has a larger meaning for the great multitudes of England, and doubtless of all the other countries, since the call to con- flict sounded. One does not glorify war on this account. The glory comes in the will- ing sacrifice of self in the defense of the imperiled and in the, liberation of the op- pressed. It would seem impossible to find in the motive of selfish and aggressive war- fare the secret of such ennoblement, but it is all different when one thinks of those who in the old, old days of the Leyden siege kept the gate, or of those scantily clad com- rades of Washington at Valley Forge, or of those who inarched in the days of the sixties, singing, "In the beauty of the lilies Christ was born across the sea, With a glory in His bosom that transfigures you and m&; As He died to make men holy, let us die to make men free, While God is marching on." The Task Before Us As one thinks of these the great unself- ishness of the motive glorifies the faces of those who suffer and die. As we count the cost of America's participation in the war this return must not be forgotten. Amer- ica will get something if she pays the price. Doubtless there is already in the hearts of our people an enrichment of conscious- ness such as we did not possess in those old days, for Almighty God does not hold back all the wage until the end of the day. He pays by installments, though doubtless at length what we receive now will seem more the earnest of the real reward than as a part of it. But for the doing of the larger thing, the carrying out of the great program which touches the world and means the good of all men everywhere, whatever comes to pass we must be prepared to pay the price. America must not only consent to the sacri- fice already made, but must highly resolve to see the war through, and to do this at whatever cost, at whatever sacrifice. Every home must make its willing contribution in the practice of such measures as will make possible the sharing of our food with the people over the seas — of France and Italy and Great Britain, as well as of Belgium, and the other lands which are in need. The strength of their men and their women has been given to the prosecution of this great war for democracy. There is the chance and the call to every one of us. We must be ready to aid the Red Cross in its work for the relief of suffering. We must do what we can for the Young Men's Christian Association, as it renders its most important help at home and abroad for the comfort of the soldiers, for their recreation, but also for their moral and religious help, which in a way that cannot be measured is strength- ening the morale of the army and so is help- ing to win the victory for democracy. But America must give her sons as well as her substance. Entering the conflict, as we did in 1917, we came into fellowship with nations which from the beginning of the war had been pouring out their treasures of wealth and man power for the defeat of Prussian ambition. Even if Russia should MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 17 disappoint the fears of the Allies and come back again, months of golden opportunity have been lost and the task has been vastly increased by her dissensions within and by her parleying with the enemy. Italy has been weakened by conditions for which she is not to be held responsible, but the burden she bears to-day she cannot bear alone. It must be shared by the nations which are now fighting with her. France has exhib- ited the sort of heroism that before the outbreak of this war the world would not have believed would ever again be demanded, a heroism which its women have shared with its men. The Kingdom of Heroism Great Britain has spared neither the Mother Country nor the colonies in her attempt to stop the progress of cruelty and deceit, and America must see and feel that this is the day in which she also must enter into the Kingdom of Heroism. If we sit in quietness and think that the other nations can win the battle we have before us a day of rude awakening, or if we think that we can do our part in any easy way we shall find ourselves sadly mistaken. It is not a time for divisive agitation, or for the pro- jection of new programs or schemes. It is not the time to exploit our pet theories of reform, except as these may bear directly upon the program for the winning of the war, or as they may apply certainly to the moral life of the nation as distinct from its economic prosperity. America must not only give its scantily measured share, it must give itself in great passionate devotion to the cause. And it must do it now. To at- tempt any easier way of ending the conflict means simply and surely the trumpet call to-morrow, and the clash of arms and the death grip of nations. At a banquet in New York at which were present represen- tatives from France and Great Britain, Mr. Joseph H. Choate, since deceased, who knew England, having served as our Am- bassador at the Court of St. James, cried out in appeal to his fellow-countrymen, "For God's sake, hurry up!" It is not in- appropriate to repeat those words to our- selves and to sound them out to others. The more passionately we give ourselves to the war, the more quickly shall we win vic- tory. The more unitedly we answer to the call to-day the fewer the men to suffer and to die. The costliest attitude that America can take is that of indifference or of half- hearted devotion. There must be no hold- ing back, there must be no turning aside. The world cannot be at peace again in any true and satisfying way until the issues before the world are settled. Does might make right? Is it true that there is no place on earth for the weaker nations? Is it right to allow that constitu- tions and treaties shall be regarded but as "scraps of paper"? Is it so that a nation which makes war on defenseless women and children shall have the respect of civiliza- tion? Is it true that any man has a right which humanity cannot challenge to place his puppets on the thrones of power? Is it to be condoned that in the twentieth cen- tury a mighty nation deliberately promul- gates its decrees for the sinking of neutral ships, their passengers and crews, without attempt at rescue, so that there may be no survivors to reveal the cruelty of the attack ? Is the gospel of liberty and of the equal chance a gospel out of place in this sad world? If the hungry pride of kings is to be rebuked, if the violators of solemn cove- nants are to be branded for their falsity, if the enemies of mankind are to be resisted, if the forces that have marched to war upon civilization are to be driven back, if the plans of intolerable tyranny are to be de- feated, if the world is to be made safe for democracy, if we are to win the war, America must resolutely, heroically settle down to its tremendous task, with all its resources of money and of men, must begin its drive toward the goal, and hold on its way until the goal is won. Let us hear again the solemn words: "He hath sounded forth the trumpet that shall never call retreat ; He is sifting out the hearts of men before the judgment seat; O, be swift, my soul, to answer Him, be jubilant, my feet. Our God is marching on." 18 MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM FOR SPECIAL STUDY 1. Will a man give all that he has to save his life? 2. What are some of the things for which we are ready to give not only all that we have, but our lives also? 3. Show how in war men. may have their lives ennobled and inspired. 4. Just what is it that has this ennobling influence ? 5. What are some of the elements of the price that we will have to pay for the ac- complishment of our task? CHAPTER V THE CALL TO ENLIST Use it with Honor In the year 1848 a movement was started in Germany and Austria for the greater freedom of the people. Uprisings occurred in many cities. In Prussia the students at the universities led in popular demonstra- tions and in sending petitions to the king. The king's answer was an order to his sol- diers to fire on the citizens; but after a few days of fighting he withdrew his troops and promised a better form of government. Months passed by and when the king showed no disposition to carry out his promise protests were again made. The people of Germany outlined a constitution, but the king of Prussia refused to consider it because he thought it gave too many rights to the people. When his attitude be- came known a revolution broke out. Among the student patriots was Carl Schurz, who when the revolution failed, escaped to America, where he became the friend and ardent supporter of Lincoln. At that time he was a young man of nineteen years. He felt that he must join those who were fighting for the rights of the people. Hurrying home he told his parents of his decision. "It is a just cause," said his father. "It is right that you should espouse it;" and his devoted mother brought him his sword, saying as she placed it in his hand, "Use it, my son, with honor." The Call to the Colors Similar scenes are being enacted in many American homes to-day. The call is to young manhood to throw itself unreserv- edly and with noble enthusiasm into this world struggle of free peoples against en- trenched autocracy. The call is likewise to every member of every fireside group to lend encouragement and aid to those who offer themselves to the service of the na- tion. The struggle is on, human freedom is at stake. No sacrifice is too great so the end be attained and the principles for which we strive be established. For years the democracies of the world have recognized the danger to themselves and to human freedom presented by neigh- boring imperial governments supported by powerful military machines. But free men have hoped that such governments would gradually become intolerable to the people over whom they ruled and that their power would be restricted. Men also hoped that in international affairs the principles of arbitration and mutual concession might find general recognition. These hopes this war of military aggression has for the time being shattered. The right of free peoples to determine their own destinies has been ruthlessly assailed. Democracy has been put on the defensive and compelled to fight for its very existence. Collectively and singly the free peoples fighting together against militarism and autocracy are en- gaged in a life-and-death struggle. In the words of Donald Hankey: "The good Father has laid it on men to offer their lives for an ideal. If we fought for bloodlust or hate war would be sordid. But if we fight as only Christians can, that friend- ship and peace may become possible, then fighting is our duty." To Christian America, and to the Chris- tian churches in particular, the present con- flict, just because it is a conflict of prin- MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM 19 ciples, offers an opportunity for service and presents a challenge to sacrifice such as could come to them in no other way. This challenge the American people have ac- cepted. To the call of God and of country they have responded with whole-hearted loyalty and consecration. The toll of life will be heavy. For the nations who thus far have borne the burden of the conflict that toll already exceeds the limits of exact calculation. At the close of 1917 more than 6,000,000 men had been killed in action; 1,000,000 men, women and children had been brutally massacred; 3,000,000 had died of starvation; 6,000,000 were lying wounded in military hospitals; while unnumbered thousands have been sent home permanently crippled, maimed, blinded, or deformed. Now that our own troops have reached the front we begin to realize what these statistics mean in the pos- sibilities of personal suffering, heartache, and sorrow. "No human brain," says Sherwood Eddy, "can calculate, no heart can fathom the cost or loss of this terrible conflict." The Duty of Industry About two million men from the United States are now either in active service at the front or in training camps in prepara- tion for that service. Other draft quotas and volunteers will follow. All should have our encouragement and God-speed. We should be among them if our age and strength permits. The going of so many able-bodied men, however, cannot fail to cripple many useful activities and lines of work at home, except as those who can- not themselves join the colors shoulder the burden and responsibility of greater per- sonal industry, thereby strengthening the forces that remain at home. How can this be done? Can those who remain make their time and strength count for enough more than usual to measurably take the places of those who are away? Is there any room anywhere for the slacker? For the idler? For the person who refuses to invest his whole strength and energy at some point in the great common enterprise in which we are together engaged? "To every civilian," said Premier Lloyd George in his New Year message to the English people, "I would say that your firing line is at the works or office in which you do your bit; in "the shop or kitchen in which you spend or save. . . . The road to duty and patriotism is clear before you. Fol- low it and it will lead you ere long to safety for our own people and victory for our cause." The Duty of Economy A companion obligation to the duty of industry is that of economy and the con- servation of resources and of strength. The National Government has found it neces- sary to take over the railroads of the coun- try and is contemplating taking the same action in relation to certain other vital in- dustries. The purpose of this action is to eliminate waste and conserve both energy and materials. The concrete measures of economy immediately resulting from gov- ernmental control of railroads include the elimination of unnecessary passenger travel by the drastic curtailment of luxurious con- veniences such as the use of private cars, which are entirely prohibited, material re- duction in the number of parlor and sleep- ing cars, and the consolidation of train service on competing lines. At the same time first consideration is being given to the transportation of commodities essen- tial to life and to the successful conduct and energetic prosecution of the war. Food stuffs, fuel and munitions have the right of way. There has been a new appraisement of relative values. The personal ease, con- venience and comfort of the traveling public is sacrificed, and properly so, to effi- ciency in war service for ourselves and our Allies. The example thus set on a large scale by the National Administration can be ap- plied and emulated in the smaller spheres of the community, the family and the indi- vidual life. Luxuries, unnecessary expend- iture of money, time spent in mere amuse- ments not essential for recreation, extrava- gance and waste of every kind — these are 20 MARSHALING THE FORCES OF PATRIOTISM the things that constitute the dangers at home and threaten to weaken the support given to the brave boys in khaki who are fighting for us, suffering for us, and dying for us in the trenches. The full perform- ance of duty at home calls for a new in- ventory of resources, time, strength, talents and abilities, habits and occupations, and opportunities for service. Such an inven- tory made under the call of present duty is sure to result in a new scale of values in which personal pleasure and profit will al- most disappear, while fidelity in work, un- selfish service and sacrifice will appear as the highest privileges of citizenship and the marks of honor. Helping Finance the War Thus every one may respond to the na- tion's call to defend the flag and support the Government in its war program. Just what this response will involve concretely for those who remain at home will be pointed out in other chapters. There is one form of support, however, that all can give to the Government in addition to the per- sonal service rendered, namely that of financial aid. The money cost of the war staggers hu- man powers of comprehension. The present daily cost to all belligerents, not including the economic value of the lives lost, is up- wards of $130,000,000.00. During the first and cheapest year the cost was greater than all the national debts in the world com- bined. In the second half of the fourth year the total cost is rapidly approaching $100,000,000,000.00, which is nearly twenty per cent of the combined national wealth of the nations engaged. Much of this vast sum is being raised by taxation, but all cannot be so provided. America, like every other nation engaged, must borrow. But there is no one from whom to borrow except her own people — the American people. To be a creditor of Uncle Sam has always been a distinction and an honor. Banks, trust companies, and men of wealth prefer IT. S. <'