PATRIOTISM.THE SAFE GUAED OFTHE NATION. • » >} ^ 00 ^ g< » KANSAS COMMANDER Y MILITARY ORDER —OF THE- LOYAL LEGION OF THE UNITED STATES, WAR PAPER. ..ill |ie in the . la\V8, which is ^ .Ki vvri nis father aud mother and tten tliat a man will leave his Author PATRIOTISM,THE SAFE GUARD OF THE NATION. - » << * • A Paper read before the Kansas Commandery of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States, at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, March 7, 1894, by Companion Major 0. B. Gunn. Patriotism is defined as the love of oue's country, and a patriot is one who zealously supports and defends it. To be loyal to ones country is to be devoted to the maintenance of law, to be ready to uphold the constitutional authority, to be faithful to the lawful government, and to be ready to take up arms in its defense when it is assailed by its enemies. The germ of Patriotism is born in the cradle, and is developed in the home. Its first development is in the love and loyalty between the mother and tlie voung child ; then comes the loyalty of the members of the family one towards another, and all towards their home, which all stand ready to defend. With the lessons of obedience, love and integri- ty taught in the home come a high and pure type of loyalty. Next comes the loyalty to one's own city or county and its environments. With a larger growth comes the loyalty to one's native or adopted State ; still later, with a bi'oader understanding of affairs, comes loyal :y to the Na- tion, and as all local growth and prosperity depends upon the growth and prosperity of the Nation, so all loyalty finds its highest type in the love of the nation and obedience to its Constitution and laws, which is summed up in the word "Patriotism." It is written that, "A man shall leave his father and mother and cleave unto his wife." It should also be written that a man will leave his tather and mother, brothers and sisters, wife and eliihlrcii, and shoulder his musket and go to the defense ot ids country in its liour of pei-il. It is a crlorious thing to liuow that such a patriotic sentiment pervades the human heart, and that a call to arms in defense of the nation is never made in vain. The safety, security and well being of every citizen, depends up- on the stability o. tlie Government, and the wise exercise of its adminis- trative powers; and any attempt to obstruct the enforcement of the laws by force, is sure to produce a condition of great political excitement, leading directly to anarchy. Under a ive}»ublican form of government, when faithfully and honestly administered, there can be no long continued mal-administration of governmental powers, or oppressio.i of toe people, for the reason that every male citizen ot lawful age has the right to vote, and the poor and the weak, have the same political rights, as tlie rich and the strong, and they are absolutely equal at the ballot box, ])rovided always, that elec- tions are honestly conducted. As all real or imaginary wnjngs', can be righted by the ballot, there ought never to be occasion for a rebellion against the constitutional authorities, and a resort to arms to (jverthrow the government. The ballot box and the ballvt, are the true weajjons with which to defend our political rights, and any man guilty of robbing the citizen of this just and constitutional, right to a free ballot, and an honest count, should be deemed worse than a ighway robber. Treason is the attempt to overturn the constitution, and destroy the lawful government, and is the opposite of patri(>tism. In this country treason is cojitiued to actually levying war against the United iStates, or adhering to its enemies. Under our con.-.titution, any number of persons can form a conspiracy to make war upon and overthrow the government by force of arms, and can make any number of incendiary speeches de jouncing the government, and inciting the peo- ple to revolt, and take up arms against it, but for this they cannot be punished for treason. It requires the overt act of actually making war upon the government, or aiding and abetting its enemies, to constitute treason, and when this overt act is committed it is treason and those en- gaged in it are traitors. In all civilized countries the penalty of treason is death. When Gen. Benedict Arnold in command of the Continental Ar- my at West Point, conspired with the British Commander, to betray his army into the hands of the enemies of his country, he became a traitor and to this day his name is held in equal abhorrence with that of Judas Iscarriot. No man in this country, esteems him other than guilty of treason, and had he not escaped within the enemies lines, he woukl have been tried as a traitor, convicted as a traitor, and hanged as a traitor and the line between his treason, and the loyalty of other officers/of the army is as clear and well defined to-day, as it was the day his traitorous con- duct became known. Arnold was ap])()iiited into the army from civil life, and had no previous military experience, except as Captain of a Militia Company, but he was a man of great energy and [lersonal courage, and soon devel- oped quite a genius for military operations, l)ut he possessed a violent and venge.'ul disposition, and was dishonest and mercenary in his dealings with men. He was vain, egotistical, and exceedingly jealous of others. He was very angiy that others were promoted in advance of himself, and when at last he was promoted and made a Major Genend, he found him- self ranked by others whom he considered his inferiors. When at last his dishonesty and mercenary conduct caused him to be court-martialed and he was reprimanded by the C(»mmander-in-Chief, his lage knew no bounds, and it undoubtedly confirmed him in his already half formed plan to desert to the enemy, where he believed fame and fortune awaited him. He intended to betray West Point, at that time C(msidered a great strategic point, into the hands of the British Commander, and but for the arrest ot Major Andi-e, with papers developing the whole plot, upon his perscm, would doulitless have succeeded. It is some satisfaction to know that he never achieved especial distinction in the British Army, his mon- ey reward was much less than he expected, and in London he was des- pised and insulted, and finally died in utter obscurity. When the leaders of the Slave-holder's rebellion, most of whom were among the highest civil oflicers of the government of the United States, formed a great conspiracy, to make war, and actually ilid make war upon, and attempted to overthrow the government, they were guiltv of treason even in a greater degree, than Benedict Arnold. He was actu- ated by a spirit of personal revenge, for r-eal or imaginary wrongs. They had no such feeling to urge them on. They had had possession of the government and its administration almost continually from its foundation. The real (]uestion at issue was that of human slavery, — the ownership — 4 — of man by man. Shall the States be all free or all slave ? . The excuse for war was the peaceful and quiet election of that great and good man, Abraham Lincoln, to the Presidency of the United States, iu place of the weak and vacillating Buchauan. The encroachments of the slave ifbwer were so bold and aggressive, that the people proposed to institute a reform at the ballot box. For this offense. Southern members of the Cabinet, Senators and Representatives, at once made active preparations to dismember and destroy the government, headed by that arch traitor, Jefferson Davis, then Secretary of War ; the army was scattered, the forts dismantled, or placed within the jurisdiction of the rebels, the navy disorganized, the treasury robbed, and everything done to render the government so weak and powerless, 'as to be un- able to make a successful fight for its life, and to fall an easy prey to- the conspirators. During mouths of secession and trait- orous preparation, not the slightest attempt was made to counteract these traitorous movements. The supreme moment finally came; Fort Sump- ter was attacked, the overt act was committed, the treason was consummated, and thenati(jn, after being crippled and almost straiigled to death with no ri"-ht of defense until the overt act was committed, at last had a right to defend itself. Many thousand lives were lost.tiiousands of homes were made desolate, millions of money were spent and on many a hard fought battle field, the ground was .soaked with human blood. At first these infamous conspirators were called traitors, later, after tliey formed a so- called Confederacy, and put large armies in the field, they were called rebels ; later still, as the war progressed these offensive terms were mod- ified, and the mild, inoffen.sive and polite term "Confederates" became the correct t'lyug. At the final surrender at Appomattox, (jfeu. Grant, with a magnanimity- without precedence in tin- history ol the woi-ld, al- lowed (xeneral L '^^ t) retain his sword and his officers their side arms, and parohid his entire ar:nv on such lil)er:.l terms, as no conquering hero had ever before done to a vanquished foe. To General Lee's honor be it said, that he acknowledged himself vanquished, his cause lost. He accepted the situation quietly, and in good taith letired to private Hie, and was never known to utter a- word of disjiaragement to the Govern- ment tiiereafter. Not niany montlis had ehipsed beiore those who had eno-aged iu the rc^bellion were panloneil by tlie magnanimous Govern- ment, and one by one wei-e returned to their old places in the Senate and House of Tle])resentatives, in Washington, and for the last twenty years, — — may truly be said to have had control of the House of Representatives, Now with all this great-hearted action of the Government, with the full approbation of the people of the loyal states, one would suppose that the beaten and thoroughly defeated confederates would plainly see, that the people of the loyal states, had no hatred of the people of the rebellious states. They fought —not to kill and destroy, because they hated slave holders, but simply to uphold and sustain the lawful government. They did not hate the slave holders, but the system of cruelty and oppression, which the ownership uf man by man had built up, and the pernicious doc- ti'ine, that the state was greater than the nation, and that the citizen's first allegiance was to the state, and when the authority of the state and na- tion were in conflict, it was his duty to take up arms against the Nation- al Government, when called u])()n by state authoi'ities. Unfortunately in this country the tuition is made up of a consoli- dation of States, each with certain reserved constitutional rights. The line between the rights of the States and those of the Nation was so dim and indistinct as to furnish a foothold for those states determined to separate from the other states, to demand the right to a quiet with- drawal from the nation, and the light to set up a separate Government fu" themselves. The doctrine of nulliticatioii promulgated by Calhoun in 1828, in which he declared that each state had the constitutional right to decide for itself upo:i th'3 constitutionality of any law passed by Congress and prevent its execution within its own limits if regarded as inimical to its own interests, was probably the origin of the rigiit of secession claimed by the Southern states thirty years later. At any rate the State's Rights Idea was the basis of the secession movement, and while slavery was the prime first cause, the claimed right of secession was the excuse and half-open door through which the rebels expected to quietly walkout of the Union, and there were many in the loyal states wli^o dreaded a civil war, and thought it the best way to let tlie " erring sisters go in peace," and even .so eminent an opponent of the slave power as Horace Greeley advocated this idea, when it was found thiit Civil War was inevitable. Such a course would have been a death blow to our National existence, as it would have .shown to the world, and to our.selves, that our boasted form of Government was only held togeth- er by a rope of sand, to be destroyed whenever a rebellion should arise in any sta'e, and the state authorities should demand a release from the Un- ion, and patriotism, instead of being a living principle, would have be- come onlv the ijfhost of a dead sentiment. A civil war is the most deplorable of all wars ; when oue nation opposes another in battle array it is bad enough, but in a civil war, where father is often arrayed against son, and brother against brother, nothing can be more deplorable. Then the war is often carried into the home and in- vades the fireside; thousands of such cases occured in the late War of the Rebellion, mostly in the border states. It being a political war for the dismemberment of the Union and the permanent establishment of slavery on the one side, and the perpetuity of the nation on the other, both sides fought with bravery, energy and desperation. The Union troops were ready to lay down their lives for their country, and no greater display of patriotism was ever seen in any country. The people iu com- prehension of the impending conflict were far in advance of the admin- istration, and thousanils of common people foresaw what the administra- tion seemed to fail to see that it was to be a long and bloody war, only to be ended by the total defeat and vanquishinent of the one side or the other. \V hen Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated president, he found the government without an army, and a treasury without money, yet not- withstanding that the rebels were arming and organizing all over the south Mr. Lincoln and his Cabinet seemed to think it all a bluff, and that the South had no real intention of precipitating Civil War. In the meantime, the patriotism of the loyal states was thorouglily aroused, and the blood of every patriot boiled with indignation at the daily reports of the outrages perpetrated by ihe southern states in actively promoting se- cession, and the preparations which they were making for active war. At last Fort Sumpter was fired upon and very soon the feeble garrison surrendered. Little did the slave holders think that the sound of the first gun, as it reverbrated over Charleston harbor, sounded the death knell of slavery. The patriotism of the loyal men of tiie Nation was thor- oughly aroused and they sprang to arms as one man, but as incredible as it now seems, the President called for only 75,000 men, and those only for ninety days. Scores of regiments were offered to the government, only to be rejected, while the rebels had been organizing and drilling for months, and making every preparation for a long and bitter war. The disastrous battle of Bull Run, the Krst of the war, brought the adminis- tration to its senses. They began to see that the rebels were in earnest, and that grim visaged war with all its horrors was upon them. Not one of our soldiers or officers had ever seen a great battle. A few had achiev- ed distinction in the Mexican War, but that compared with the war they were euteriug upon was a mere skirmish. Our men rallied from all the walks and conditions of life, full of patriotism and enthusiasm, ready to do their part in the bloody conflict. After four years of hard fighting, the loss of hundreds of thousands of brave men, and the bereavement of thousands of homes, the war finally came to end, and victory crowned tlie Union arms. Peace was declared, hundreds of thousands of veteran soldiers were mustered out and returned quietly home to again engage in the pursuits of peace. Many predicted that having been so long under arms, and become so used to the carnage of war, that many of the old soldiers would return home worthless, dissipated and reckless, and would become a terror to the communities in which they lived. But the same noble patriotism which took them to war, and carried them through the hardships of many a bloody campaign, returned them good citizens, and no more orderly sol- diers ever returned to their homes. After the surrender of Lee's army at Appomattox, the great ques- tion of dealing with the leading rebels came up for adjustment. Jeffer- son D.ivis, the ringleader who headed the rebellion was caught and ar- raigned for treason. Horace Greeley, whose constant crv through the New York Tribune of " On to Richmond " precipitated the first battle of Bull Run, causing great disaster to the raw Union troops, who had little idea of a great battle, and nearly causing the capture of Washington, and tiie establishment of the Confederacy then and there, came forward and became the principal bondsman for the arch traitor. That mawkish sen- timent which leads fair women to take flowers to piisou to bedeck a foul, murderer prevailed. Davis was set free without a trial, and that patriotic sentiment, "The penalty of treason is death " is practically declared by the action of the Government to be a sentiment only fit for use wlien calling for soldiers to defend the life of the Nation and when traitors are caught and ar- raigned for punishment to be cast aside as an assassin tramples upon the 6th commandment when he commits a murder. Perhaps after this exhibition of feebleness on the part of the Government it ought not to expect pat- riotis n to survive as a living principle among those who had fought the battles and savel the life of the nation. After the collapse of the Confederacy came the great question of reconstruction. Eleven states had passed ordinances of secession and claimed to be oul^of the Union. The rebels were defeated and hum Hat- ed, but still solid for the lost cause. Four millions of slaves were set free. What was the best thing to do ? was a question that might well engage 8- the best thoudit of our wisest statesmen. Many like General Butler were in favor of holding the defeated states as conquered provinces. Others like Seward and Greeley were in ftivor of new elections ot the Legislatures under Federal jurisdiction. All were in favor of enfran chisiug the freed negroes, and the 15th Amendment to the Constitution was adopted, by which the late slaved' were enfranchised and were given the rio-ht of free suffrage, and the State Legislatures were set in motion. Many of the leading rebels were at first disfranchised, but afterwards were restored to the full right of citizenship. The adherents of the lost cause, who created the solid south, never once lost sight of re- gaining possession of the Government. In a few years the southern states were represented in both houses of Congress by Generals and high civil- ians who had been most active in promoting the rebellion. At first many freedmen were elected to Congress,under military supervision, but finally in 1876, all soldiers were withdrawn from the southern states, and the newly enfranchised negroes were left to the tender mercies of their late masters, and the freedmen became so thoroughly bulldozed and Ku- Kluxed by the late rebels, that they have finally ceased to be a political iactorin the southern states. Every protest of the loyal people against the outrages perpetrated upon the freed negroes were sneered at and de- clared to be "waving the bloody shirt." The South for the last few years has become so thonmghly solid that in Presidential elections every state which was formerly a slave holding state is counted upon as perfectly ciM-taia to vote in oppositiou to the sentiment which fought the battles for the Uni:)n. The solid south -has persistently worked for one thing and never lost sight of it, and that i^ t(» again git full control of the Government in all its departments. How well they have succeeded, I leave you to jiidge. Perhaps no device of the ex-confederates for winning the rnion soldiers awav from their loyalty to the patriotic .sentiments which fought the battles of the Union is so cunning and enticing as the Society of the Blue and the Gray. It teaches that tiie war is over, and that all who fought on both .sides were brave men ; that it was only a great family fio-ht in which the Union side by greater numbers and by force of arms vaiiqiii4ied the oth -r .side ; that each fought for what they thought was right, and cou.^eqn ntly each side was equally meiirorious. Wlieu a Un- ion .-oldier consents to sit or marcli under the coufederatcflag, ai.d see the fohls of "Old Glory" mixed and mingled with the banner ot secession and treason, von mav consider his patriotism a thing of the past, that is — 9 — if he ever had any, which may well be doubted. It shows, that he has uo couception of the principles involved in the great Civil War ; that it was a great contest involving the live of the Nation, organized and pre- cipitated by a gang of conspirators and traitors for the destruction of the Union and overthrow of the Nation. Where patriots were ranged upon one side and traitors were ranged upon the other, and the line between the two was distiuctly marked, and was the line between patriotism ;ind trea- son, which should never be allowed to be dimmed or obliterated. For a Union soldier to join the Society of the Blue and the Gray is equivalent to a desertion of the Union cause for which he fought and a declaration that patriotism is dead within his heart. Such conduct on the part of all Union sohliers would be a death blow to patriotism, and when the line between patriotism and treason becomes so dim as that, it will take but little to obliterate it entirely, and when i)atriotism is nearly dead in the hearts of the people, the life of the Republic is in great danger. The government of tlie i)eoi)le, by the people, and for the people, is now on trial. Ours is the only Republic on the face of the earth, ex- cept perhaps little Switzerland. France is a Republic only in name. The Central and South American Republics are absurd little concerns governed by a coterie of Spanish Grandees, and like their volcanoes gen- erally in a state of eruption. IMexico is but little better. Shall the great Republic endure is a question which many a man has asked himself, and it is a question of great concern. We have little danger of a foreign war, but the danger of another civil war is by no means remote. A foreign war unites and cements a Nation together, and arouses the fervor of Patriotism. The war cry then is " Our Country ! May it always be right ! But our Country right or wrong." All the an- imosities engendered by devastating war are directed towards the common foe, and the harder the fighting the more glorious the victory and the greater the glow ot patriotism. A Civil War on the other hand divides and distracts a Nation and engenders hatred of one portion of the people against another and against the Government. The vanquished never forgive the victors, and generations of time never wholly efface the effect of Civil War. There are many good reasons why we may not anticipate another foreign war. We occupy a peculiarly isolated position with regard to other Nations. Our strength is so great, and our Mexican and South American neighbors are so weak that there is little danger in that direc- tion. Canada and British America on the north are British provinces, — 10 — vast iu area, but thinly populated. Their territory adjoius us from the Atlautic to the Pacific, aud would be a most vulnerable point of attack, and we could put such an army in the field in ninety days as to capture and h(>ld it. The British could only attack us ettectively with its navy, and our own navy and coast defenses are growing rapidly, and are of the latest and best construction, and with our coast and merchant marine armed as privateers, we could iu a few months destroy British ocean commerce. The British Government is fully aware of our advantages, and the danger of seriously interfering with American affairs in any part of the world, so that the danger of war with the British Nation is very re- mote. No other foreign Nation is near enough to us to meddle with our aflTairs, and besides they have enough to do in watching each other, so there is very little danger of war with a fi)reign nation. As between the United States and Great Britain a curious senti- ment has been developed in favor of arbitration. A i'ew well disposed persons who think it is better and nobler to run away, than to fight for our rights, have devised this cowardly plan, and put it iu operation. Of course England is delighted to have its differences with the United States, arbitrated by the despotic governments of Europe, whose sympathies are all against us, and Faigland is sure by this method of getting two-thirds of the loaf, when by fighting she would get nothing but a thorough drub- bing. In our late unpleasantness about the Behring Sea, and its seals, by arbitration we gave ourselves away, and got the small end of the loaf, as we always will when we leave a foreign people to say whether we are right or wrong. Let our own best statesmen decide whether we are right or wrong. If w^e are right stand up and fight like a man ; i, wrong, sur render the case like a man. Imagine, if you can, France and Germany submitting their differences to half a dozen of the American Republics, or England arbitrating its differences with Egypt or Ireland in the same way. No, the logic of the situation is entirely against the likelihood of our being engaged in a foreign war for many years to to come. On the other hand there are good reasons why another Civil War may be ex- pected. The Union soldiers may not live to see it, but many of the young men now in their teens, will have to battle for the supremacy of the Union, as their fathers did before them. In the first place, we have all the religious on the face of the earth, Jews, Roman Catholics, Protestants of High and Low degree, Mormons, Mohammedans, Buddhists, Christian Scientists, Spiritualists, Free-thinkers, Agnostics and — 11 — Infidels; an incongruous multitude, and all more or less antagonistic to each other. Then we have all kinds of politics and political divisions be- tween whom no love is lost. Democrats, Republicans, Populists, Prohi- bitionists, Anarchists, Communists, Free Traders, Protectionists, Union Laborers, Female Suffragists, Gold Bugs, Silver Bugs, and every other kind of a political bug. The enmities of all these classes of religionists, and political clans, is so great, that patriotism is lost sight of in the gen- eral shuffle that all are engaged in, to reach the top rounds of the ladder, and gain control of the City, State and National Government. Our peo- ple are all in a state of unrest and discontent. We see the labor organ- ized against capital, and demanding the right to fix time, wages, and reg- ulations of the men who employ them, and the right to deny non-union men employment. Then we have the outrageously dishonest methods of elections, the most dangerous factor of all, gradually creeping over the whole body politic, and we need not go farther than Kansas City to learn all about the methods used to count out, and keep out enough votes to give the dominant party control of the local government, and greatly aid national and state politics. Again, we are the dumping ground for all the earth ; thousands of criminals and anarchists, are turned in upon us every year, whose only idea of a free country is, free whiskey, free lunches, free dives, and free brothels, freedom to cut the throat of honest people, not one with a knowledge of, or a care for, the institutions of our country, speakino- foreign languages, and who are rushed to the polls a few weeks after landing upon our shores, before becoming citizens, and are voted like so many cattle. These miscellaneous and incongruous peoples, religions and politics under our weak form of government, are bound to clash at some future time, and produce a civil war. Looking westward, over Kansas, we see a great state, but lately one of the most stalwart in its patriotism, upon wh(;se broad prairies,^ the first blood which preceded the war was spilled, in de- fense of a free ballot, and a free state ; the great lion of patriotism, in four short years, turned into a braying ass, led by an Amazon in petti- coats, and followed by a shrieking mob of Populists and Anarchists, with its demagogue Governor issuing a seditious call to the Governors of the Western and Southern States to hold a convention, to provide for a combination of those states against the Northern and Eastern States. Its delegation in congress, once among the most powerful and influential of any state, supplanted by a gang of cheap demagogues, — 12 — whose ouly idea of statesmauship is, that they must tear dovvu every- thing that it has taken a century to build up. In Colorado we see a governor who declares that the people of his state will I'ise in rebellion and wade to their horses' bridles in blood if Congress dares to pass laws believed to be unfevorable to their private interests, and calling the Legislature together in special session to pass coinao-e laws in violation of the constitution of the United States. In far off Oregon another seditious Governor who sends insulting messao-es to the president of the United States, and injects a seditious stump speech into a thanksgiving proclamation. Looking eastward, we see the country filled up with foreign crim- inals, Anarchists, and paupers, not yet citizens, from the old world, all votino- together like so many cattle. We sen the money aristocracy or- ganizing trusts of all kinds, in order to control the output of the nation's productions. ^Ye gee a o-reat i)olitical octopus so complete and |)()werf'ul, as t > hold the great city of New York in its grip as in a vice. This great or- ganization, gathering in the ignorant immigrants from all nations, and tikini"- th ni to tlie polls, and voting them as thev please. This organi- zation is so p^)werful, unscrupulous and corrupt that it has finally got control of the state of New York, which in national affairs controls the nation. For a long time it has worked for this great prize, until it has it surelv in its grasp, and its sympathies, a d effort-; are not toward you, but a fainst von ahv;ivs. Similar organizations exist in every city worth h;'norant,tht; corrupt and the degi-aded, always on the sin not s-e that we are upon :i volcano, which is liable to burst into an emotion at almost any time, and when it comes it will be tenfold wors<' than the late civil war. It will le fought not on sen- timental and inoial u'rounds, but on partisan an