Glass. Book. 3> ^ / ry > i^t BIOGRAPHY OF MARTIN VAN BUREN. j: • Be- "^n ALBANY ARGUS... EXTRA. BIOGRAPHY OF MARTIN VAN BUREN. (Kxleniled and continued from the Cabinet & Talisman.] [VVc are liKlebted to the authar of the Biography of Mr. Van Buben, pubhshed in the Cabinet and Talisman for 1830, for the following Memoir. The sketch of Mr. V. B's. professional career has been somewhat condensed, and that of his political life enlarged, and brought down to the present period. We present it to the public with the strongest con- viction of its fidelity and accuracy. Nor is it less able, than accurate and just. We have not the least apprehension that it will not be read with avidity and interest; and, may we not hope, with candour.' The attitude in which Mr. Van Buren now stands before the American community — the combined at- tempts of the Aristocracy and of Faction to depress and dpstroy bim -tll« li^jing of" tKo l^joplo In l.ic fa vor, and the strong voice of the popular judgment in his vindication from the harsh and unfair assaults of his political enemies — and particularly his nomina- tion, with unexampled unanimity and cordiality, by the delegated Democracy of the Nation, for the se- cond office w'ithin the gift of the people — lend an additional interest to the particulars of a life, full of examples of a steadfa^^t devotion to the great princi- ples of the Democratic Party, identified with its glo- rious struggles, partaking of its depressions and rsso- ciated with its triumphs, and destined to the still higher honors which a discerning People bestow upon eminent talents, distinguished services, moral worth, and political fidelity. — Editor ^irgus.'] Martin Van Buren was born at Kin- derhook, in the countj^ of Columbia, and state of New-York, on the 5lh of December, 1782. He is the eldest son of Abraham Van Buren, an uprig-ht and intelligent man, whose virtuous conduct and amiable temper enabled him to pass through a long life, not only without ai^ enemy, but witliout ever be- ing involved in contention or controversy. His mother, a woman of excellent sense and pleasing manners, was twice married, Mr. Van Buren being her second husband. Both parents were exclusively of Dutch descent ; lUe'u- ancestors being among the most respec- table of those emigrants from Holland, who established themselves, in the earliest period of our colonial history, in the ancient settle- ( '"Kinderhook. They died at advanced ■agesA father in 1814, the mother in 1818, but r.o\ *'l they had witnessed, and, for a series ■< ^ s, participated in, the prosperity ''th-,?i,' 90.. T' -' ai)! t of this memoir displayed, in J, endowments so superior, that iiis family resolved to educate him for the bar. He was accordingly placed, at the age of fourteen, in the office of Francis Sylves- ter, esq., then and still a much respected re- sident of Kinderiiook, and at tlie time referred to, a practitioner of the law. Prior to the conclusion of his term of study, he spent about twelve months in the office of William P. Van Ness, then a distinguished lawyer and politician in the city of New-York.* His residence in that city afforded Mr. Van Buren opportunities of instruction and im- provement, superior to any that he liad be- fore enjoyed ; and as he was both eager in i>ursi)in,'5. »"'! api in acauiring' knowledg:e, he employed these advantages with diligence and profit. In November, 1803, he was licensed as an attorney of the Supreme Court, and im- mediately thereafter conmienced professional business in his native village, in connexion witii a half brotlier, considerably his senior. At the next term of the county courts, he was admitted as attorney and counsellor, and thus enrolled in the Columbia bar, then num- bering among its members several of the first men in the state ; but the field was not fairly spread before him until his admission as counsellor in the Supreme Court, which took place in February, 1807. He had alwaj's aspired to distirction at the bar ; but though he had within iiim not only the desire, but the elements of success, he was obliged to force his vvay through an op- ])Osition at once powerful and peculiar. Tlie political dissensions which tlien agitated the Union, were carried, in Columbia county, {o the greatest extremities. The title to a large portion of the soil was vested in a few ancient families, the founders of whicli had been en- dowed, during the colonial government, with a species of baronial prerogative. The mem- bers of these families were generally fcde- * This gentleman having afterwards held the ol- fice of District Judge of the United States for the southern district of New- York, is some times con- founded with William W. Van Ness, for many years a Judge of the Supreme Court of the State — a mistake which happens the more readily, from their being both natives of Columbia coumy, and both greatly distinguished by their talents and their connexion with political affaire, though they be- longed, the former to the republican, and the lat- ter to the federal party. ralists, and as they carried with them most of the wealthy freeholders, and the great mass of the merchants and professional men, they were enabled to maintain, for many years, an uninterrupted ascendency in the county. Their reign was not that of toleration or li- berality ; on the contrary, the federalists of Columbia, partly perhaps from the spirited and inflexible character of tlieir opponents, were among the most decided and thorough going partizans in the state. Mr. Van Buren was an object, with them, of particular hos- tility. He was a plebeian and a democrat; he was destitute of fortune and in need of pa- tronage ; and yet he would neither worship at the shrine of wealth, nor court the favor of the powerful — worse than all — he possessed ta- lents, and was not afraid to exert them, in the face, and to the prejudice, of his political ene- mies. It was therefore thought to be a matter of interest, if not of duty, to keep him in the shade ; and notliinof -nj^a <-.iviitiocl tKat eoonit .-. which would doubtless have increased to t!?' highest amount known to the American hi. if iiis labors in his profession had !jot hf frequently interrupted, and at 1 ^jgth fina suspended, by his attention to political con- cerns. Whether before a jury, or at bar, he parti- cularly excelled in the opening of his sub- ject. The facts out of which arose the ques- tions for discussion, the nature of those ques- tions, and the mode in which he intended to treat them, were always stated with great clearness and address. In the exposition of his argument, he was usually copious and dif- fusive, presenting his case in all its lights, and bringing to bear upon it every consideration which could tend to elucidate its merits or to cover its defects. His style and manner were judiciously adapted to the character of his subject, and of his hearers ; sometimes direct and argumentative, and at others dis- cursive and impassioned ; but even in the management of the most abstruse legal topics, he was able by the perspicuity of°his state- ments, the aptness of h{o ilK.otratione, tlio vi vacity and tbrce of his tone and gesture, and the felicity of his whole manner, to excite and to retain the undivided attention of all classes of his auditors. No one was better qualified to speak Avith ability and effect, upon little, or without any preparation ; but no one could be more careful or laborious in his preparatory studies. We mention this for the purpose of reminding the junior members of the bar, that if they would emulate and equal the successful career we have delineated, they must rely not on genius alone, nor on general knowledge or a diver- sified experience, but on the surer aids to be derived from a perfect acquaintance with their subject, and a careful premeditation of what they are to say. The public life and services of Mr. Van Buren, to which we shall now direct the at- tention of our readers, demand a fuller notice than that bestowed on his professional career. It must, however, necessarily be brief- for to bring them out, in their just proportions, would require a volume, and would lead to to discussions foreign to this place. His first connexion with political altairs was in the great contest which preceded the civil revo- tion of 1801. His father, a whig in the re- volution, and an anti-federalist of 178S was among the earliest supporters of Mr. Jeffer son. The son, then a law student at Kinder ipjes ; but his course was emphatically -^ _ -vn. It was the result of a decided con- iftion, that the conduct and doctrines of tlie M power, were not only repugnant to ■-;it of the constitution, but subversive • I'ffhts of the people, and calculated to lead to an aristocratic government. The strengtli and integrity of these convictions were severely tested. The gentleman in whose office he was a student was a high- toned federalist ; so was a near and much loved relative, his earliest pati'on. A ma- jority of the inhabitants, including nearly all the wealthy families, and most if not all his youthful associates, belonged to the same party, and that pajty tiien had the ascenden- cy, not only in his own town, but in the county, the state, and the Union. Aware of liis superior endowments, and anxious to save him from what was deemed by many of his friends a flital, if not a criminal heresy, great exeriions were made to attach him to the dominant party. Every motive which could operate on the mind of an ardent and ambitious young man, was held out to him, but without success. He persisted in main- tainins: the prlnciyles he had papnusp*] and he spared no pains to inculcate them upon others, especially by animated addresses at the meetings of the people. His devotion thus eariy, to the popular cause, though it exposed him to the implacable hostility of the federalists, secured for him the confidence and affections of the democracy of the town and soon made him so conspicuous in his' county, tliat in the latter pari of 1800 or be- ginning of 1801, when only in his eighteenth or nineteenth year, he was one of her repre- sentatives in a republican convention com- posed of delegates from the counties of Rens- selaer and Columbia, and held for the pur- pose of nominating a candidate for the house of representatives. On that occasion, he as- sisted the veteran politicians, with whom he was associated, in preparing an address fo the electors. During the residue of his minority he was in the habit of representing the re- publicans of his town in the county conven- tions, and of taking as active and efficient a part in the political contests of the day as any of his seniors. ' His first appearance as an elector, "was in the spring of 1804, when, in common with he great mass of Uie party in which he had been bred, iie supporied Morgan Lewis for governor of New-York in opposition to Aaron -Burr. Here again his integrity and indepen- ir''^.^ '''!!'^ strikingly exemplified. Mr. Van espoused with great warmtli the same' Z T '"'^'"f'^ exemplified. Mr. Van >le.; but his course was emphrtic:^ Lw\:^^^^^^^^^^^^ --- — -• '^'^K.iiixy ueen a stu- dent, was the intimate friend of Col Burr • and Mr. Van Buren himself, wliilst a resident m the city of New- York, had received many fiattenng attentions from that gentleman. Se- veral of the leading republicans of Columbia county, mcluduig some of Mr. Van Buren'" 6 earliest friends, were among the warmest sup- porters of Col. Burr. Yet Mr. Van Buren took a decided stand against Col. Burr, on the ground that he was the candidate of llie party opposed to Mr. Jefferson, and to the democracy of tlic state. His course on tliis occasion subjected him to some temjiorary antipathies; but its wisdom and pro[)riety were sanctioned by the judgment of the peo- ple, and at tlie present day, will Jiardly be called in question. In 1S07 the democratic party was again divided between Lewis and Tompkins, and Mr. Van Buren, again acting in unison with the majority, was among the most decided supporters of the latter. In 1808, he was appointed Surrogate of the county, an office which he held until February, 1813, when the federal party having acquired the ascen- dency in that branch of the legislature which coulrollpH the apDointins" powpi-. he was promptly removed. From the moment when, in early youth, he espoused the democratic principle, he never wavered in his course. Mr. Jefferson's ad- ministration received his uniform support ; tliough in the ardor of youthful patriotism, he sometimes wished for a more decided policy towards the invaders of our neutral rights. Diirino- the whole period of the British en- croachments, he Avas among those who labored to awaken, in our councils and people, a spi- rit of indignation and resistance. The em- baro-o, and other restrictive measures adopted by congress, met his decided api)robation ; and were frequently vindicated by liim in popular addresses, and on other occasions. In the dark days which followed these mea- sures, he neither apostatized, nor flinched, nor doubted. His support of the government was not merely active, but zealous ; nor was his the zeal of ordinary men. It absorbed his whole soul ; it led to untiring exertion ; it was exhibited on all occasions, and under all circumstances. Neither the contumely of inflated wealth, nor the opposition of invidi- ous talent, nor the weekly revilings of a li- centious press, nor a succession of defeats in his own county, could induce him to conceal or to modify his political sentiments, or to temporize in his policy or conduct. The influence of such principles, accom- panied by talents like those of Mr. Van Bu- ren, was not to be circumscribed within the limits of a single county. It accordingly ex- tended in tlie same i)roportion with his pro- fessional reputation ; and as early as 1811, we find him taking the lead in a meeting lield at the seat of government, and com- posed chiefly of the democratic members of the legislature. In 1811, he took great in- terest in the question of the renewal of the United States Bank. In connexion with the venerable George Clinton and other leading members of the party in this state, he strenu- ously opposed the rechartering of that institu- tion. After congress had decided this ques- tion, a powerful association was fonned, for the purpose of procuring from the state legis- lature a charter for tlie Bank of America, to be established in the city of New-York, with a capital (enormous for a local bank) of $6,000,000. As the democracy of the state, with but few exceptions, considered this application a sort of substitute for the renew- al of the national bank, they took strong ground against it. Mr. Van Buren was one of its most prominent opponents. The re- publicans of his county were convened on the subject. He tlelivered to ibpm a powerful speech against the proposed application, whi(;h was denounced in a series of resolu- tions prepared by him and adopted by the meeting, as a most dangerous and anti-re- publican measure. His sentiments on the main question, and his belief that improper means had been resorted to by the agents of the bank, conspired to recommend to his ap- probation and support, the prorogation of the legislature by Governor Tompkins, in April, 1812 ; and he accordingly sustained that en- ergetic measure by the active exertion of his influence and talents. At this juncture he was, for the first time, put in nomination for an elective office — that of state senator for the then middle district. A more violent struggle was hardly ever known in the state ; Mr. Van Buren succeeded, but by a majority of less than two hundred out of twenty thou- sand votes. He took his seat in the senate in Novem- ber, 1812, at the meeting held for the choice of jnesidential electors. The repub- lican members of the legislature having, in the preceding summer, nominated De Witt Clinton for president, in opposition to Mr. Madison, then a candidate for re-election, and that nomination having been tendered (o, and accepted by Mr. Clinton, Mr. Van Bu- ren thought it due to consistency and good faith, to support electors friendly t "' '. tleman. He was also prompted to by an impression, that the cha measures of the existing administ not sufficiently decisive and ene by a sincere and confident beli l ii"i' Clinton, though supported by the opponft of the war, would yet, if electee' tiiat contest with more vigour and success than his amiable and enlightened competitor. Besides — Mr. Van Buren had been bred in the political sentiments of George Clinton, and on the death of that illustrious patriot, had naturally transferred much of his respect for the name, principles and character of the uncle, to his distinguished nephew, who, up to that period had been generally regarded as a pillar of the democratic party. In these views a majority of the republicans in each branch of the legislature concurred ; and Mr. Clinton accordingly received the vote of New- York. Mr. Van Buren, however, unitbrmly declared that he would abide by the decision of the majority ; and that he would support to the end, every measure of the government, by whomsoever it might be administered, which was calculated to bring the war — a measure which he had advocated in advance, and con- stantly defend'^'l 1" SI successful result. In conformity with these principles, he took a leading part in the winter of 1813, in the nomination of Gov. Tompkins, whose patriot- ism had identiiied him with the history of the country, and Avhose re-election seemed es- sential to the prosecution of the war, if not to the existence of the g^overnment. On this occasion he wrote the address to the elec- tors of the state, issued by the republican members of the legislature — an elaborate and eloquent production, in which the duty of sustaining the administration in the prosecu- tion of the war, was enforced by every mo- tive that could reach the hearts, or call out ,the energies of the people. The extracts from this address which have recently been laid before the public, will have ewabled them to test the justice of this remark. It was widely circulated, and produced the de- sired effect. In the election of April, 1813, Mr. Clin- ton, and many of his friends, supported the candidate of the opposition ; and from this point a separation ensued between that dis- tinguished statesman and Mr. Van Buren, which, as to all political matters, continued ever after. The sessions of 1813 and 14, were pecu- liarly trying. The federalists then had the control in the assembly, and were violent and uniform in their opposition to the war and to ",f5 - .rters. A majority of the senators, Ui Van Buren and his able coadjutors, < -.han ianford and Erastus Root, at their '.V -..-oie equally inflexible in their support 'ie ir<:vernment. They passed many bills tic character, which were rejected by ' ■•) branch. This led to several public conferences, in which the points in contrsver- sy — involving not only the particular measures in dispute, but the justice and expediency ot the war, and the conduct and merits of the na- tional administration — were debated at large, in the presence of the two houses, by com- mittees chosen on the part of each, and with all the energy and ardor which the spirit of the times was calculated to inspire. These conferences, from the nature of their subjects^ the solemnity with which they were conduct- ed, and the crowded and excited auditories that attended them, presented opportunities for the display of popular eloquence, almost rivalling in dignity and interest, the assem- blies of ancient Greece. In all of them, Mr. Van Buren was a principal speaker on the part of the senate, and by his readiness and dexterity in debate, his powerful reasoning, and his patriotic defence of the government nnH He moncjuiroj, oonamandcd great applailSC. On one occasion in particular, he delivered a speech of such eloquence and power, that im- mediatefy after the termination of the debate, a committee was appointed by the republi- cans of Albany — who, in great numbers, had attended in the galleries — ^to present him the thanks of their constituents, and to procure a copy of the speech for publication. This re- quest, however, could not be complied with, as the speech had been delivered without even the usual preparative of short notes ; and Mr. Van Buren, who was then in feeble heaUh, had neither tim.e nor strength to write it out. In September IS 14, the legislature was convoked by the Executive, to deliberate or! the alarming crisis then existing. The re- publicans had then regained their control in both branches, and various measures were adopted with the express view of aiding the national administration, in the prosecution of the war. Of these, in addition to acts mak- ing appropriations of money, the most promi- nent were the acts " to authorise the raising of troops for the defence of the state," and to "encourage privateering- associations." — Tliese bills were each supported by Mr. Van Buren ; but the first and most important — which was known among its friends as the " classification," and among its enemies as the "conscription" bill, and which very much resembled the classification bill subse- quently reported to congress by Mr. Monroe ■ was peculiarly his measure, it havino- been matured and introduced by him. They were assailed by the opposition, both in and out of the legislature, with unwonted violence. In the council of revision, Chancellor Kent de- livered written opinions, denouncing them as inconsistent with the spirit of the constitution, and the public good. Those opinions, thoxigh overruled by the other members of the coun- cil, were published in the newspapers and ex- tensively circulated ; and from the high re- putation of their learned and estimable author, they were eminently calculated to excite doubts as to the validity of the laws, and to impair public confidence in those who enacted them. In this state of things, Col. Young, then speaker of the assembly, and the principal champion in that house, of the measures thus impugned, undertook their defence, and es- pecially that of the Classification law, in a se- ries of letters, written with great ability, and addressed to the Chancellor, under the signa- ture of Turis Consult us. They were answer- ed by Amicus Curia,, (supposed to be the Chancellor liimself,) who was replied to by Mr. Van Durcn, in four nujiil'cia, undor tUo signature of Amicus Juris Con suit us. In the first of these papers, he took a general Yiew of the several topics connected with the controversy ; the others were devoted to a minute examination of the various objections made by the Chancellor, and by slinicus Cu- ruB, for the act encouraging privateering as- sociations. This controversy, as conducted by all the parties, was one of the ablest which grew out of the last war. Mr. Van Buren's share of it, which was distinguished by great ability and research, soon became known among his political friends, and contributed in no small degree, to his appointment as Attor- ney General, which took place in the February following. He was soon alter appointed by the legislature, a Regent of the University. In 1816, he was re-elected to the Senate, and remained in that body until 1820, when his term of service expired. From the com- mencement to the close of his legislative ca- reer, he was found among the supporters of every measure connected with the great inte- rests of the state. He was particularly dis- tinguished as a leading and most efficient ad- vocate of those great plans of public improve- ment which have since conferred, not alone on the state by which they have been execu- ted, but on the age in which we live, such im- perishable honor. The next step in Mr. Van Buren's pro- gress, places him on higher ground than any he has yet occupied. We have seen him one of the most active and conspicuous politicians in his native state ; we arc now to regard him as the acknowledged rival, in influence and renown, of the most celebrated of her sons — De Witt Clinton. In March, 1817, that gen- tleman was nominated by the republican con- vention as a candidate to succeed Gov. Tomp- kins, who had been chosen Vice-President of the United States. Mr. Van Buren was one of the minority in this convention, though in accordance with the usages and feelings ap- propriate to such occasions, he acquiesced in the result, Mr. Clinton was subsequently elected, almost without opposition, but — whether with, or without cause, we stop not to inquire — gave little satisfaction to the demo- cracy of the slate. A division of the party soon after took place ; (he great mass, with Mr. Van Buren in their number, opposed his re-election, and from this time until the death of Governor Clinton, these distinguished citi- zens stood at the head of the great poli parties of New- York. Mr. Van Burei^ commencement of this era was At General of the state, but the cou' ■ appointmojit, at trhosc pltjusure the off. held, was devoted to Mr. Clinton. Thi-, ho ever, did not prevent him from pursuing .-,iUi frankness and decision, the course which his judgment had prescribed ; though he was aware that the loss of office would ine' liably follow; and he was accordingly remc. oa i'" July, 1819. Opposition to Mr. Clintua v^ the only cause assigned for this mt vi : which was to Mr. Van Buren one of tl.' .>,. fortunate events in his public life. It con mended him more than ever to the confideoc and affections of the firm party men, \ii. ■ membered his uniform adherence to the it ' " lican cause, and above all, his vigoro port of the government, at the most period of the war. It also largely cnni to the peculiar result of the election ii when the opponents of Governor Clinton, they failed in preventing his re-electic ried both branches of the legislature, storation to the office of Attorney -Gene tendered to Mr. Van Buren by his pouucai friends, but being declined by him, he was appointed in February 1821, a senator ui the congress of the United States. In the interval between that appointment and the next congress, a convention was held to amend the constitution of the state. Mr. Van Buren, who had warmly advocated this me? sure, especially with a view to the extensic. of the right of suffrage, was unexpecte('' • : turned to it, though a resident of Alb the republican electors of Otsego, a*: her from that county. Many venerable and distinguished . > .., > getlier with most of the active tale'U. state, were found in this conventio;i therefore, a liigh compliment — thoi u .)f )nly simple Iruih— to say, that in all the deli- j derations of this enlightened assembly, Mr. Van Buren, if not first, was certainly one of *hc foremost. His speeches on the various questions submitted \o the convention, arc ()ublishcd in the report of its proceedings, and Mc among the ablest in the volume. They ire particularly worthy of note, for the clear and comprehensive manner in which they dis- cuss Ihe great principles of government, and for their soundness, moderation and justice. — But it is not the mere display of talent or wis- dom, that illustrates this portion of Mr. Van Curcn's history. His conduct in the conven- tion is entitled to other, and we doubt not pos- terity will deem it higher, praise — the prai?e • hich belongs to independence, magnanimity .,' virtue. He entered it under circumstan- ^ost flattering to his pride — the acknow- leader of a triumplmnt inajority ; he . ipelled betore the termination of the either to assent to a course of procee- elation to the judiciary establishments, •.Mil' . e deemed untalled for and improper, jt to ' rparate irom some of the oldest and most vnlued of his friends. He chose, with- out lie- itation or misgiving, the latter alterna- iVC; and was placed, as he foresaw would be oe consequence, in the ranks of the minority. ii; conduct, on this occasion, was so evident- V 'he result of principle, that those of his ■ >;y who differed from him in opinion, hon- ( i' him the more for his firmness and inte- •ity — the separation it produced, was therc- ;;■ ;.onfuicd to tlie questions which occasion- Ti.c following extract from a speech of Mr. Van ' .. upon one of the measures above referred to, t only illustrate this part of his public conduct, c some idea of his manner in debate. le matter therefore being clear, that the only ef- thc amendment would be toturnout of otiice . ^ sent incumbents, [the Judges of the Supreme Court,] he submitted to the Convention whether it would be either just or wise to do so. He submitted it, he said, particularly to that portion of the Con- vention, who would be held responsible for its doings — aud who would in a political point of view, be the "hicf sufferers by a failure of the ratification of their nrocecdings by the people. He warned them to rc- Iricct seriously on this most interesting matter. He I •; r -*-.i their attention to the never ending feuds and 1 troversies which would inevitably grow s of the amendments adopted by the Con- He knew well, he said, how apt, men leir situation — heated by discussions, and pressed by indiscreet friends — were to . ;i feelings to be excited, and to lead them in- ■ '.sure ; which their sober judgments would con- _ ' It was their duty to rise superior to all such . lings, tie asked them to reflect for a moment, I ':''''i''!iswerhim.whpther, when they left home, > or heard the lea=;t intimation" from their He took his scat in the Senate ot the Uni ted States in December, 1821. In 1S27 he was re-elected to the same station. To de- scribe the share taken by him in the proceed- ings of the Senate, would be to copy the jour nals of that body for the seven years during which he was a member. Before the end ot the first session, he had established, in an assembly containing such men as Rufus King and William Pinckney, a reputation of the highest grade, Avhich was successfully main- tained in after years. It has often been demonstrated, that tlie sarcastic remark of Mr. Burke, " that law- yers are not at home in legislative assem- blies," has no application to the American bar. Of this, Mr. Van Buren furnishes a new and signal proof. In the Senate of New- York, he showed himself an able and saga- cious legislator ; in the Senate of the. United constituents, that instead of amending the constitu- tion upon genera! principles, they were to descend to pulling downobnoxious ofificers through the medi- um of the Convention ; and he asked them whether they were not sensible of the great danger of surpri- sing the public at this advanced stage of fhe session, when the greatest uneasiness already prevailed, by a measure so unexpected. There was, he said, no necessity for, or propriety in, this measure. They had already thrown wide open the doors of approach to unworthy incumbents. They had altered the im- peaching power, from two-thirds to a bare majority. They had provided also that the chancellor and judg- es should be removable by the vote of two-thirds of one branch, aud a bare majority of the other. The judicial officer who could not be reached in either of those ways, ought not to be touched. There were therefore no public reasons for the measure, and it not, then why are we to adopt it i Certainly not from personal feelings. If personal feelings could or ought to influence us against the individual who would probably be most affected by the adoption of this amendment, [Judge W. W. Van Ness] Mr. Van Buren supposed that he above all others, would be excused for indulging them. He could with truth say, that he had through his whole life been assailed from that quarter, with hostility, political, professional and personal — hostility which had been the most keen, active and unyielding. But sir, said he, am I on that account, to avail myself of my situ- ation as a representative of the people, sent here to make a constitution for them and their posterity, and to indulge my individual resentments in the prostra- tion of my private and political adversary ? He hoped it was unnecessary for him to say, that he should forever desjiise himself if ho could be capa- ble of such conduct. He also hoped that that senti- ment was not confined to himself alone, and that the Convention would not ruin its character and credit, by proceeding to such extremities." — ^Carter unci Stone^s Debates of the Convcntivn, p. 535. The conduct of Mr. Van Buren on this occa.sion, and on the nomination of Mr. Clay as Secretary of State, furnishes a conclusive refutation to the charge of " proscription" recently made by the latter, in the TTnited States Senate, and is strikingly contrasted with his course on the ocra'sion referred to, 10 states, his sphere of action was not only greatly extended, but the subjects of deliber- ation proportionably difficult and complica- ted ; yet here, also, he displayed a reach and , comprehension of intellect, and a degree of j practical wisdom and enlightened forecast | which entitle him to the appellation and the i honors of a statesman. As a ready and sue- ! cessful debater, he had no superior. Several of his speeches, particularly those in favor of the bill abolishing imprisonment for debt, and in support of the law making provision for the officers and soldiers of the revolution, have been ranked among the finest specimens of eloquence ever heard in the Senate. Those on the Panama mission, on the organization of the judiciary, and on the right of the Vice-President to control the freedom of de- bate, were conspicuous for luminous discus- sion, and for sound views of constitutional policy. KCpOTlS or sume of thtlll Im-ro hocn j published, but "though the massive trunk of sentiment remains," tiie " blossoms of elocu- tion," in each case, and the fruits of genius in most of them, " have dropped away."* This must be said of every attempt to per- petuate his speeches, whether at the bar or in the Senate. His utterance is so rapid, that no short hand writer can follow him with ac- curacy ; and he has rarely ever submitted to the drudgery of writing out a speech. Nor, indeed, is he capable, by any after labor, of doing justice to his own efforts ; for his bril- j liant passages are so entirely extemporaneous, (hat they can neither be repeated by others nor recalled by himself. | • The course pursued by Mr. Van Burcn as j a senator, both in respect to the foreign poli- | cy of the nation, and to our domestic con- j cerns, was in perfect harmony with the doc- trines he had previously maintained. One of his first efforts was, to revive the distinctive principles of the party in which he had been ; bred, and from which, as he supposed, Mr. j Monroe's administration, especially during its '<, second term, had considerably swerved. Al- though the exertions made by him to effect this end, were not very successful, they at- tracted general attention, and were decidedly approved by the democracy of the union. He also took a leading part in the presi- dential election of 1824, and the canvass which preceded it. Believing the election of Mr. Crawford move likely, at that period, to bring back the government to the Jefferso- nian policy, than that of any of his competi- tors, he gave to that gentleman his vigorous support. His perseverance, under the most * Johnson. adverse circumstances, in the support of that upright and persecuted citizen, is well known •, as is also the overwhelming defeat, both in his own state, and in the union, which tor minated tiio contest. In that catastrophe, his enemies, — igno rant or forgetful of the recuperative power of talents and integrity — vainly imagined, they saw the downfall, if not the end, of his infiu- I ence and success ; but before another year had elapsed, he occupied a position more ele- vated than ever. The first step toward that position, was the wise determination to take no part in the decision by the House of Re- presentatives — a resolution adopted by the friends of Mr. Crawford, with the double mo- tive of retaining their usefulness after the con- test should be decided, and of preserving theni- selves from the charge of coalescing with theu- opponents. After the election, Mr. Van Buren adviootl hiG fiionde at home to abstain fiom all acts of hostility towards Mr. Adams ; to . give him a fair trial, and to judge of his ad- ministration by his acts. His course in the Senate was governed by the same principles ; and it was not until the great question of the Panama mission that he found occasion to de- part from it. His opposition to that measure ; the interesting considerations connected with it ; and the judgment which the people have pronounced on the conduct of those who sup- ported and those who opposed it ; are well known. It was after taking this stand, an act which drew upon him the marked hostili- ty of Mr. Adams's Cabinet, and the open de- I nunciations of their supporters, that he was re-elected to the Senate, by the legislature of New York. His connexion with the great contest of 1828, and his efficient instrumen- I tality in bringing about that triumphant result, I which, to use his own language, "while it infused fresh vigor into our political system. ! and added new beauties to the republican j character, once more refilled the odious im- ; putation that Republics are ungrateful," need I not be rehearsed. With the electors of president and vice president for the state of New-York, a gov- ernor of the state was also to be choson, to succeed the distinguished and lamented Clin- ton. Yielding to the pressing demand of the reptiblicans of New-York, Mr. Van Buren consented to become a candidate fo' fice, and was subsequently elected. This event made it necessary thai retire from the Senate of the Um aud he accordingly resigned his v' body in January, 1829. 1 Before we follow him to the ch 11 Iracy of his native state, it will be proper to notice two or three points connected with liis services iii the Senate, to which no reference lias yet been made. During the whole period of those services, the nation was agitated by discussions on bills for regulating- the tarifl", and for constructing internal improvements. As a great majority of the people of New- York, were decidedly in favor of the protec- tive system, and of the bills imjiositig addi- tional duties passed in 1824 and 182S, Mr. Van Burcn's votes on these bills were go- verned by their wishes and instructions — ■ it being with hij« a cardinal maxim, that the representative is bound to express the senti- ments of his constituents, whenever those sen- timents can be clearly ascertained. But wliilst he was always ready to aid in the pro- tection of the manufacturing interest, by ad- vocating the adoption of all necessary and reasonable mea«iire«, he -w-ae not propoi-cd to build up that interest at the expense of oth- ers equally important to the well-being of the nation. Deeply sensible that the union of the states could only be kept up, by the constant exercise of that spirit of concession and com- promise in which it was termed, he earnestly inculcated upon the representatives of the manufacturing states, the importance of lim- iting their demands to the lowest practicable point; the mischiefs to be apprehended, both in a pecuniary and national point of view, from extravagant and oppressive duties ; and the benetrts to be derived from a reduction of the revenue to an amount barely sufficient to pay the national debt, and carry on an economi- cal government. The wise and liberal senti- ments entertained by him in this respect, were made, not unfrequently, the topics of accusa- tion in his own state. In 1827, these accu- sations increased to such an extent, that he availed himself of the opportunity alTorded him by a public meeting held in Albany on the subject of the then proposed Harrisburgh convention, to lay before that meeting, in" a speech of considerable length, his general views on the whole subject, as well as an ex- planation of the course he had pursued, whilst a member of the senate, on the particular bills which had come before that body. This speech, which was afterwards published, had tlie effect of satisfying the people of :: in regard to the course of the o made it, but it had also a tenden- ■ate the high taritr sentiments of constituents. Tlie recent history »n, and above all the bill just le reduction of the duties, have ited (he wisdom, foresight and the -.sed 1 patriotism of Mr. Van Burne's course in rela- tion to this most important and difficult sub- ject. In regard to internal improvements, Mr. Van Buren, had always but one opinion, viz : that it was not intended by the framers of tlie constitution to confer on Congress the power of constructing tliem ; and tliat the power, if exercised at all, ought to be sacredly con- fined to objects of a strictly national charac- ter. With periiaps a single exception, his votes in the Senate, were in strict accord- ance with these views. The case alluded to, as constituting a possible exception, is thus stated by himself. " Mr. Van Buren is by no means certain, that in (his respect, he him- self has been aKogelher williout fault. At the very first session after he came into tlie Senate, the knowledge of the perpetual drain that the Cumberland road was destined to prove upon tl.« public trca.Titir^, unlcsa some means TV'CrS taken to prevent it, and a sincere desire to go at all times, as far as he could consistent- ly with the constitution, to aid in the im- provement, and promote (he prosperity, of (he western country, had induced him, without full examination, to vote for a provision, author- izing tlie collection of toll on this road. The affair of the Cumberland road, in respect to its reference to the constitutional powers of this government, is a matter entirely sui gen- eris. It v/as audiorised during the adminis tration of Mr. Jefferson, grew out of the dis- position, of the territory of the United States, and had the consent of the states through which it passed. He has never heard an ex- planation of the subject, (although it has been a matter of constant reference,) that has been satisfactory to his mind. All he can say, is, that if the question were again presented to him he would vote against it ; and that his regret for having done otherwise, would be greater, had not Mr. Monroe, much to his credit, put his veto upon tlie bill ; and were it not the oidy vote, in the course of a seven years' service, which the most fastidious critic can torture into an inconsistency with the principles which Mr. V. B. professed to main- tain, and in the justice of which, he is every day more and more confirmed."* Mr. Van Buren entered upon the office of Governor of New-York, on the first of January, 1829, and administered the government until the 12th of March following, when he resigned, in consequence of his appointment as Secreta- ry of State of tlie United States. Of the ability * Note C. to Mr. Van Buren's speech in relation to the right of the Vice-President to call to order, &c. delivered in 1S28. 12 and iipiiglitiiess with wliicli he dischai<^ed the were clearly stated, and Avhen founded on duties of the chief magistracy, there is high truth and justice, inflexibly maintained ; the and honorable proof. Resolutions expressive pretensions of our opponents were candidly of the " highest respect for his virtues and ; considered ; and in accordance with the talents," and tendering to liim the congratu- I character and policy of the President, every lations of the representatives of the people, ! ctTort was made to conduct our diplomatic Avith " their earnest wish that he might enjoy ! arrangements in the spirit of sinceiity and a full measure of happiness and prosperity in justice. The success wliich attended his la- the new sphere of public duty to which he [ bors as Secretary of State, is too well known was about to be removed," were unanimous- to need to be repeated. ly passed by both branches of the state legis- lature, though a considerable portion of each house belonged to tlie party opposed to his election. The like sentiments were express- ed, in terms still more flattering and aCcction- ate, by the republican members, who transmit- ted him a communication on the eve of his departure for Washington, in which, alter ex- pressing "their attachment to his person, their respect for his character, and their re- sret at tlio coparalion. ih;il ^vae jiLoiit. to take place," they tendered him their acknowledge- ments, "for the numerous and important ser- vices wliich lie had rendered to the state, par- ticularly in sustaining those political princi- ples which they believed to be most intimate- ly blended with its highest and dearest inter- ests." These proceedings, in connexion with those had during the last winter, may be ta- ken as an index of the estimation in which he is held by the people of his native state, and of the character of their feelings towai-dshim. Immediately after his resignation as Gover- nor of New-York, he repaired to the post as- signed him by the President. The qualities of his mind, temper and man- ners, were peculiarly adapted to the duties of a cabinet minister, and more especially to those of the state department. Whilst he oc- cupied tliis station, he showed himself a safe constitutional adviser, by recommending on all occasions, a strict and scrujmlous adher- ence to the terms of the constitution — a libe- ral regard to the interests of each portion of the Union — a sincere deference to the inde- pendence and sovereignty oi the states, where- ever those attributes remained to them — an honest, vigilant and frugal administration at home — and a watchful and provident atten- tion to our concerns with foreign nations. The management of those concerns, so far as it devolved on him, was jirecisely what it should Viave been. His demeanor towards the agents of foreign powers, was on all occa- sions frank, conciliatory, and dignified ; his despatches contained nothing rhetorical, of- fensive or imprudent; the affairs to which they related were discussed in a plain busi- ness-like manner ; our own views and claims ISIr. Van Buren held the office of Secreta- ry of State, until June 1S31, when he retired from that important and honorable tnist which he had voluntarily resigned in the preceding April. The reasons wliich induced him to take this step, were of the purest and most elevated character. He believed that the best interests of the republic were identified with the full and successful development of the principles which led to the election of Gen. Jackson; he saw that the confidence of the President, tiiough indispensable to his usefulness in the cabinet, was yet made the ground of o])en accusation and insidious at- tack ; he was aware that envy and ambition in their efforts to injure him, were likely to embarrass, if not to thwart the measures of the government ; and he knew tliat so long as he maintained a position so prominent and commanding, the patriotic designs of the Ex- ecutive would be counteracted, not only by the regular opposition, but by the more dan- gerous hostility of some who pretended to be his friends. Under these circumstances, he resolved to abandon the advantages of that position ; and, by a voluntary sacrifice of the influence and prosjiecfs which belonged to it, to relieve the administration from the difficul- ties created by enmity towards him. When the mists of prejudice wliich hang over the page of recent history, shall have been clear- ed away, tliis act will stand out in the lustre of personal magnanimity and public virtue. The reluctant assent of Gen. Jackson to the resignation of Mr. Van Buren, was ac- companied by a warm testimonial of un- limited confidence in his abilities and integri- ty. A further proof was soon after given of this confidence, in the appointment of Mr. Van Buren as minister to Great Britain. In making this appointment, the President was mainly influenced by the belief ♦•^"* ^■'^r. ^'^n- Buren would be more likely thai could select, to negotiate a sai justment of the delicate and da! tions concerning blockades, impi the right of search, which occas. «'i i'<^ ■ war with Great Britain, and whii - V ""- undisposed of. The President i' nW the amicable settlement of these questions an object of deep interest, not only to the two nations, but to the world ; and that it, there- fore, demanded the best talents of tlie coun- try. He also supposed that Mr. Van Buren, from his intimate knowled<,^e of our relations with the several powers of Europe, would be able to render essential aid to our ministers on tliat continent ; and that he might, in va- rious other ways, promote the public interest, during liis residence at London. Mr. Van Buren felt the whole force of these considera- tions, and he was, moreover, very willing to withdraw, for the usual period of a foreign mission, from the turmoil of party. He therefore readily complied with the wishes of the president, by accepting the appoint- ment — ^though most of his political and per- sonal friends were exceedingly averse to it, on tlie ground that his absence from the country would mafp.ri.ally impaiv 1.;= prii;ii,.,Tl prospects at home. This being the principal motive of their objections, he did not think them sufficiently important to deter him from engaging in a service, which promised, if successful, to be not less useful to his coun- try than honorable to himself. He landed in England in September 1831, and was soon after received at court with distinguished fa- vor. His appointment, however, remained to be confirmed by the senate. It was submit- ted to that body in December following, and after various postponements was finally nega- tived, by tlie casting vote of the vice-presi- dent, on the 26th of January, 1832. In con- sequence of this event, Mr. Van Buren was immediately recalled, and has recently landed on his natal soil. Of the reasons assigned for liis rejection, it can not, in tliis place"^ be ne- cessary to speak, farther than to remark, that if any reliance can be placed on repeated and spontaneous expressions of the public voice and in matters of this sort the people never err — then were those reasons utterly insuffi- cient. The popular feeling excited by the conduct of the senate, has been further ex- emplified in his recent nomination for the vice-presidency — an event, which, when he left the country, he neither looked for nor desired. The heterogenous interests which were combined to accomplish his defeat in te, are again united in opposing his but as the question now at issue, is ided by the yeomanry of the coun- ave no fears as to the result. 1. ve thus presented a rapid sketch • • 1 .fessional and public life of Martin ■^EN. It illustrates in a manner the ressive, one of the happiest princi- 13 pies of our excellent frame of govermnent— Its tendency to draw out and foster talent and mtegrity, and to secure to them, in spite of eve- ry thing by whicli their progress may be im- peded, the honors they deserve. We have seen that he owed nothing to birth or ances- try — nothing to property or patronage. And though like otliers of our public men, he was greatly indebted to the press of his own party, for occasional vindications of his character and conduct, he was not, like some of them, helped along in his career, by a systematic course of newspaper panegyric . On the other hand, he encountered from opposing prints, an unusual degree of obloquy and rejiroach. At an early age, they selected him as a sub- ject of perpetual and virulent abuse ; and for nearly twenty years, this abuse was persisted in, to a degree larely paralleled, and never surpassed, in the liistory of our politics. The aUr.nr=s.o«.o„t of Kle cLUUIca, and iiidccd the denial tliat he possessed any just claim to tal- ents of any sort, was one of the most common, and perhaps the most jirovoking, of these li- bels. The slander was refuted by the daily exhibition of great parts, and malignity itself was obliged to admit, that he was always found adequate to the particular duty witli wJiich he had been charged; but tliis ac- knowledgement was uniformly followed by the prediction, that he had reached the " ex- tremest verge" which destiny had assigned him; and that his next step would plunge him beyond his depth, not in a " sea of o-lo- ry," but in a "rude stream," that should sweep away the past, and overwhelm him for the future. The story of his advancement— at once the most regular and rapid with which we are acquainted — is the best commentary on diatribes of this sort. We have seen his sphere of action constantly enlarging from his native village to the county capital, from that to the metropolis of the state, and fi-om the latter to the councils of the union— but we have found liim equal, and more than equal, to every emergency, never falling short of his prior reputation, and never disappoint- ing the hopes of his friends ; on the contrary, each successive step in his career, whilst it hasflilsified the predictions of his enemies, has furnished new proofs of his capacity, and new claims to the respect and confidence of his countrymen. In person, Mr. Van Buren is neither above nor below the middle height ; his figure is erect and graceful— his frame slender, and apparently delicate, but capable of sustaining severe and long continued exertion — the gen*^ eral expression of his features, animated'and 14 Qgieeable — Ins eye quick and piercing — Us head, (which is now quite bald,) particularly liis forehead, of unusual size, and admirable formation. The engraving by Hatch, which accompanies the memoir in the Cabinkt, from the fine portrait recently painted by In- man for the corporation of New-York, is a spirited and accurate likeness. The private cliaracler of Mr. Van Buren may be conmiended without reserve. Enmi- ty itself has rarely ever ventured to reproach or to suspect it. In his intercourse with the world, the justice, propriety, and benevo- lence of his conduct, render him a model for imitation ; whilst the case and frankness of his manners, and his happy talent for conver- sation, make him the ornament of the social circle. Blessed with a disposition at once firm, amiable, and forbearing ; and uniting with a just self-respect, habitual self-control ; he hns been aT>lo ax^^ld ih.a porplo^^itips of litigation, the cares of office, and the conten- tions of party — to preserve the serenity of his temper, and to blend with a vigilant atten- tion to his own character and rights, a con- stant observance of the courtesies of life and a sedulous regard to the feelings of others. No man ever numbered among his personal friends, a gi'cater proportion of liis political opponents. Even in times of the greatest excitement, tliosc of them wlio enjoyed his acquaintance, always accorded him their res- pect — usually their contidcnce and esteem. It is obvious tliat with such qualities and manners, he could hardly fail to secure the affections of his political associates. Such has accordingly been tlie case in every stage of his progress ; and it is to this, combined with his admirable knowledge of men, and his practical good sense, that he is indebted for his success as a political leader. To this also must be ascribed the charge of intrigue and artifice, which has so often been prefer- red against him. If by this, it be intended, that he possesses in an eminent degree tlie talent of harmonizing, concentrating and di- recting tlie feelings and exertions of those with whom he acts — and tliat he has often exerted tliis talent with sagacity and effect — his friends must plead guilty to tlic charge. It would be as idle to deny it in respect to him, as to Hamilton or Jefferson, to Chatham or to Fox. But if by tlie charge, be intended, the pursuit of those objects which are held up by our free institutions, as tlie incentive, and the reward of honorable ambition, by trick du- plicity or cunning — we may indignantly repel it, as alike unsupported by evidence and un- fotinded in fact. No man who was ever brought in contact with him — who was able to speak to the point, from personal knowl- edge of his conduct — ever ventured to give to such an accusation the sanction of his name. On the contrary, all such persons will acknowledge — they must acknowledge, if they speak the truth — that his course as a pol- itician, though decided and unyielding, was always open, liberal and honest. This has been admitted by several of his opponents, under circumstances peculiarly calculated to give force and solemnity to their statements, A single instance will illustrate this remark. The most violent warfare in which he was ever engaged, was that with Governor Clin- ton, and with his leading supporters. Chief Justice Spencer and the late William W. Van Ness, two of the ablest men New-York ever produced. Indeed Avith the latter of these gentlemen, he had waged a severe contest from tiiIo«-t;r,n will A.^^iok <» ^<.«„ ^.^d most impressive illustration of the great mo- ral and political truth, that integrity, though it may sometimes be beaten down by unna- tural coalitions, will yet ultimately receive, at the hands of a free and intelligent commu nity, a full and triumphant vindication. The influence of such a vindication, will not, in the present case, be confined to our own country, nor to the present generation. It will attract the notice of other nations; it will go down to remote posterity. With the former, it will redeem us from the reproach incurred by the wrong intended to be redress- ed ; with the latter, it will form a page of authentic history, from which envious and aspiring men may read the salutary lesson — one which from the days of Haman to the present hour, they have been slow to learn — that when truth and justice are violated to ef- fect the ruin of an adversary, the very con- trivances adopted to accomplish this end, are likely to become the means of his advance- ment; and that it is therefore the part, not o.Uy of at,ijr, fc^t of intcroot, to trcat their op- ponents with justice and moderation, and " to do unto others as they >vould have others do to them." LRBfe'lb