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 opy 1 
 
 I -4-rA>A_A . . c i 
 
 °sZtr} SENATE , {Do«'- 
 
 tlift ^tJjtefaement of tfje Centuries 
 
 ADDRESS OF 
 
 THE PRESIDENT 
 
 DELIVERED AUGUST 1, 1921 
 
 AT 
 
 THE TERCENTENARY CELEBRATION 
 
 OF THE 
 
 LANDING OF THE PILGRIMS 
 
 AT 
 
 PLYMOUTH 
 
 ^|-2G70^ 
 
 PRESENTED BY MR. LODGE 
 August 10, 1921.— Ordered to be printed 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 
 GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
 
 1921 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 "P'^EIVED 
 
 DOCUMENTS DIVISION 
 
 
 SV^ 
 
ADDRESS. 
 
 Governor Cox and Fellow Americans : Thouf^li they seem com- 
 paratively measureless to^iis, three centuries are little more than a 
 moment in the chronicle of human history. Christianity is now 
 rounding out its twentieth century, and there is no comprehensible 
 measure to the human ferment which went before. Our actual na- 
 tional life is less than half the period of marvelous New World de- 
 velopment, the tercentenary of which beginninji" we celebrate- but in 
 that little while the achievement is the most significant of all the cen- 
 turies. It is not too much to say that the three centuries which have 
 passed since men of our race came here to found a new State have 
 been the most momentous and the most pregnant in all the progress 
 of humankind, - 
 
 They were more swiftly moving and seemingly more vital than 
 the much longer periods of Egyptian, Greek, or Roman civilizations 
 with which we are familiar, and it is not impossible that the com- 
 manding potency of progress and material possessions may turn the 
 significant beginning at Plymouth into surpassing influence in the 
 making of human history. 
 
 To this and the Virginia shore Avere transplanted the seeds of 
 representative democracy', the new ideals of nationality through as- 
 sociation and representation, and there has developed seemingly, 
 the most dependable form of popular government ever witnessed in 
 the Avorld. Perhaps this larger achievement was not intended by 
 the heroes of colonization. They were seeking freedom and found 
 nationality essential to its preservation. Destiny pointed the way, 
 and the hand of divinity traced tlie course of God-intended human 
 advancement. Here came the sturdy English middle class of yoo- 
 manry. burghers, and squires, who clung to their ideals of repre- 
 sentative government. At home they might have been crushed un- 
 der the burdens which reaction. Avas seeking to impose. Here they 
 could have free play and begin anew, and fashion the temple of 
 freedom in a new land, and they began Avhat we call republican 
 institutions. These institutions are the agencies of highest freedom 
 which embody at once the centralized authority strong enough to 
 hold together a great community, and those essentials of democracy 
 whicli insure dominance to the intelligent will of a free people. 
 
 Whether Ave reflect upon the restraints upon freedom Avliich the 
 fathers imposed, or measure the broader liberty under the laAv of 
 to-day, here began the reign of dependable public opinion, which 
 unfailingly is the laAv of highest civilization. One may not say 
 Avhether the Puritans at home Avould haA'e been able to Avork out 
 
4 THE ACHIEVEMENT OK THK CEXTrRlHS. 
 
 such a system if there had heeii no American colonies and the colo- 
 nial inffuence to react upon tlie motlier country. Doubtless the 
 En<rlish revolution, which came soon after the settlement at Plym- 
 outh, would have come even had there been no settlement here, 
 no Massachusetts Bay Colony, no Viro:inia plantation. But it is 
 easy to believe that in the lon<r stru<i<rle after the restoration, the 
 fruits of the revolution, the stren<:thene(l parliamentary institu- 
 tions, and the restiictions on royal prero<rative weiv helped by the 
 influences of colonial democracy. 
 
 It is a difficult task to sin<rle out and measure the factors in jjo- 
 litical and social i)roirress. The jrerm of proirress is doubtless uni- 
 versal, but recjuires favorable conditions for its develo])ment. Con- 
 ditions were favorable in the New AVorld and the Plymouth Colony 
 Avas destined to beirin the surpassing: stoi-y of three centuries of 
 ardent, eajrer pursuit of human justice. 
 
 Xo one will ever dispute the larire part New En<rland played in 
 the rearin<r of new standards of freedom. The early .strujxirles here 
 were cotem))oraneous with the makinjr of modern British consti- 
 tutionalism, and the New AVorld beacon was an incentive and an 
 inspiration across the sea; and to-day Old AVorld and New join in 
 rejoicino; at the ends achieved. Here, with crude narrowness and 
 unconscious selfishness hinderinfr. but with supreme intent impellin«r. 
 there developed the accepted plan of emancipatino: humanity, and 
 the frrant to man to sluqie his own destiny. The world choi'us to-day 
 rejoicin<r in maintained democracy, attuned its chord to the notes 
 first sounded here. 
 
 This devoloi)ment of liberty, this ureat conception of freedom, 
 took ever firmer hold, until it was held and voiced unceasinfrly by 
 those who boi'e aloft its banners here. And there was siirnificant 
 reflex in the motherland. No Enjrlishman will do his country full 
 justice or will quite understand its human story who does not seek 
 out and study the effects of this sympathy and interaction between 
 the seasoned, aofe-old lil)eralism of the Enjrlish countryside and the 
 new, eaoer, out-reachin<r r.spiration of those wdio were plantino- the 
 seed here in a fresh soil and ^uardiufr its early devel()[)Uient. No 
 American can fullv a]ii)raise his country's contribution to mankind's 
 advance if he overlooks these thinp^s which were truly fundamental in 
 creatin*r two towers of national strenjjth for freedom where there 
 mi<>;ht have been but one. At a time when the restored House of 
 Stuart was bent on breakin": tip the New England confederacy, 
 esteeminff it a lea«rue for ultimate independence, the enemies of 
 Chailes IT were the firm friends of New Euiiland. The confederacy 
 was at len<rth destroyed. l)ut it had served to teach the colonists 
 unity and cooperation. Thus there Avas laid the foundation, in 
 ])ublic opinion and workin<r experience, of the confederation which 
 afterwards brought tooethei' the thirteen Colonies in the revolu- 
 tionary strufro:le, and later the Federal T'nion. 
 
 At a time when the Commons at AA'^estminster seemed impotent 
 against the demand of the returned Stuarts, the Kintr sent his de- 
 mand that the Massachusetts charter be sun-endered. The be- 
 ffinnini; of American Ke^olution may fairly l)e traced the larjrer 
 part of a century from the date we conunonly fixed for it to the 
 great town meeting in the South Church, to which was submitted 
 
THK ACHIEVEMliXT OF THE CEXTUIUES. 5 
 
 the question whether the coh)ny woukl assent to the charter reor- 
 ganization that the King demanded. Those who voted to aceej^t 
 the royal terms were called on to raise their hand; and no hands 
 were shown! The charter, indeed, was later revoked; but the uni- 
 iied and incensed colony was ah-eady in a state of semire\olt. The 
 fundamental grants of other cok)nies were in turn withdrawn and 
 the King undertook to bring them all together under a single ad- 
 ministration which should hold them in closer leash and keep the 
 royal eye carefully on their activities. He foresaw already that 
 the colonies were disposed to stiff-necked defiance of him and that 
 they were tending to come together and make common cause; ami 
 lie saw, too, that that common cause was more and more appealing 
 to the sj'mpathy of Liberals at home. 
 
 If the idea of religious freedom had little to hope for from the 
 effort of the stern old fathers to set up a theocracy in Xew Eng- 
 land, the ideal of political freedom found here a particularly fertile 
 :soil in which to germinate. If we candidly wuU examine the jieriod 
 of the Stuart restoration we will find more than one of England's 
 political tyrants insisting on a wider measure of religious tolerance 
 in these colonies. Ultimately, under the Crown insistence, the fran- 
 chise was widened by placing it on a property-holding basis rather 
 than on that of church communion. It was a distinct liberalization, 
 a significant broadening of the civic foundation. If a Stuart king 
 took from these colonies the right to choose their own governors, 
 lie also undertook to forbid those excesses of religious zeal wdiich 
 led to persecutions for conscience' sake. 
 
 In short, there is some justification for the generalization that the 
 political tyrants of the restoration forced a religious freedom on a 
 colonial community whose dominating minority did not want it, 
 while the Colonies wrested political freedom from the Crown. The 
 clash between a theocratic tyranny on this side and ai political 
 tyranny on the other resulted in the destruction of both, to the vast 
 betterment of every human interest involved. It was a long, stub- 
 I)orn, determined struggle between forces, neither of which had 
 much cajjacity for yielding or compromise. In one way or another, 
 sometimes consciously and sometimes unconsciously, it was going 
 on practically throughout the entire period from the beginning of 
 the colony at Plymouth to the end of the Revolutionary War and 
 the recog'nition of independence. Looking back upon it, we may 
 say that it was inevitable, and that the end which came to it was an 
 inevitable conclusion. But things which look inevitable in the ret- 
 rospect, conclusions which seem inescapable when the long scroll 
 •of developing events can be unrolled before the mind's eye, are 
 never so apparent during the process of their evolution. That mani- 
 fest destiny whose directing hand we descry when we survey the 
 long processes of history would doubtless have brought at last the 
 happy state of both political and religious freedom. But without 
 that cooperation of forces, that reaction of influences between the 
 •old England and the new, we may well doubt whether the light of 
 the new day would have broken through to shine upon the better 
 fortunes of "a^i emancipated race without a struggle longer, by gen- 
 erations, perhaps by centuries, than that which history records. 
 
 The men and women who came here to found in a wilderness, across 
 ;a tliousand leagues of ocean waste, a new State, came with high and 
 
b THE ACHIEVKMKNT OF THE CEXTI-HIES. 
 
 conscious i)iiiposo of acliieviri<r a great human end. Out of their 
 vohiminous letters, memoirs. j)uhlic records, and historical writintrs 
 Ave constanth- get the impression of their deep ccmviction that they 
 had been called as divine instruments to accomplish a work of su- 
 premest significance. Some have .seen in this nothing more than the 
 basis for an indictment on the ground of zealotry, bigotry, even 
 fanaticism. But bigotry, extremism, fanaticism never found their 
 fruition in noble ends achieved, in freedom established, in numkind 
 emancipated, in gieat States raised up as guardians of unshackled 
 thought and unchained souls. We will find no philosophy i)ased on 
 sucji unworthy assumi)tions which will exjjlain the miracle that was 
 here performed. AVe will have to look higher, to see more clearly, 
 to deal more fairly with human nature, to estimate more generously 
 the purpose of those whom generations of men have honored. No 
 merely human philosophy is capable of explaining such marvels as 
 these. But when we lift our eyes we will rec<ignize the supreme guiti- 
 ance, the divine inspiration, which alone could have wrought these 
 ends. 
 
 Hand of uuiu alone did not build what was founded here: it was 
 but the visible sign, the human symbol of a purpose, which we mav 
 not understand but for whose beneficence all men nuist give tribute 
 of praise and voice undying gratitude. We may speculate and c-on- 
 jecture, we may seek to frame laws of human relationship by which 
 to account for such results as here have been wrought. l)ut at last 
 we will have to recognize that they are not for us to explain. 
 
 I^ven Cromwell, in his great leadership, failed to understand. He 
 spoke contenijjtuously of those whom he accused of running away 
 from the struggle at home. "Pinched fanatics.'" he proclaimed these 
 fatheis of freedom in half a world. It would be difficult to find 
 more convincing i)roof that human judgments are not to be trusted 
 in these afl'airs wherein a higher than human wisdom directs the 
 destinies of men and nations. Cromwell lived to know he had erred 
 in his estimate of men and motives. 1)ut it was not given to him to 
 know how stupendous Avas his mistake. He did not live to realize 
 that the .schism he deplored was to be the means of winning liberty 
 for both countries, and to bring them at last into that glorious union 
 of free men's energies which in our day has saved a world from re- 
 action and despotism. 
 
 There has never lived a generation of men possessing such wealth 
 of historic materials, such capacity for candid analysis, such broad 
 experience to guide them in right determination, as the generation to 
 which we belong. Likewise there has been none which confronted 
 more complex and difficult problems. Therefore, I like to commend 
 study of the history which began here at Plymouth, in it-^ relations 
 to the sweep of modern affairs. It teaches us that sometimes schism 
 may lead to true solidarity; that division may mean nudti])lication. 
 
 The English-speaking race had hardly established itself in its 
 true character as the foremost exponent of liberal institutions, 
 when it began to distribute itself among the Avildernesses of the 
 earth. Even before liberty had been secured for the mother country, 
 its soldiers Avere adventuiing into distant parts, carrying their am- 
 bitions Avith them. (^roniAvell looked upon them as deserters, de- 
 si)ised them as Aveaklings. Avas disgusted Avith himself for having 
 once thought to unite Avith them. It Avas not an unnatural or a 
 
THE ACHIEVEMENT OF THE ("EXTURH^S. 7 
 
 far-fetched jiid<i:niont for one of the Cromwellian habit. But what 
 Avoiild have been his amazement if lie could have foreseen the destiny 
 that awaited this feelde colonial enter[)rise, if he could have known 
 that here Avas being founded the community that would at last in- 
 spire the forces of C)ld-'\\'orld liberalism if he could have looked 
 <lov.-n the vista of three centuries and seen political diA^sion followed 
 by s[)iritual reunion in the greater cause of liberty for all mankind? 
 
 The community of free people of our race, whether in Euro])e or 
 America, in Africa or Australia, under the northern or the southern 
 skies — Avhether held together by political ties or by the yet more 
 potent bonds of common traditions, institutions, language, and 
 blood — this community, spread now to all quarters of the world, was 
 begun wdien Jamestown and Plymouth were founded. It has car- 
 ried its ideals wherever it has set its standard. It has won recognition 
 of these ideals as the basis of social conduct, of community relations, 
 throughout the world. Its w'ork is not finished; but, pray God, it 
 has come triumphantly through its determining ordeal. It comes 
 foith from that test, nerved and heartened for further tasks, confi- 
 dent, assured, reliant. None questions either its place or its right of 
 leadership: few doubt its destiny to establish, under that divine guid- 
 ance which it has ever recognized, the splendid structure of human 
 brotherhood in peace and understanding. 
 
 The ])erspective of history are not safely to be judged save from 
 the loftiest peaks of human experience. It is the dearly bought privi- 
 lege of our generation to stand on one of those heights of the long 
 ages, to look back over the pathways by which we have come thus far, 
 to see clearly what haA^e been the main traveled roads and what the by- 
 ]iaths. If we Avill but let our minds record that Avhich our eyes tell us, 
 we Avill note that the widespreading landscape behind us is now 
 A'astly changed. It is not what it seemed Avhen Ave Avere passing 
 through it. A little time ago, from a loAver altitude, we looked back 
 on this same sweep and missed much that is now clear-cut and plain. 
 That was before the storm. Then the clouds obscured the heights. 
 Dense fogs of ignorance bedimmed the A^ew. There were poisoned 
 va]>ors of prejudice and the miasmas of intolerance. Noav, in this 
 wider, clearer vision Ave see that some of the routes Avhich Ave sup- 
 l)osed Avere the hiirh )-oads of progress Avere the futile ways of Avasted 
 oifort. Others, which in the journey's heat and toil Ave counted only 
 as its marches of anguish, we recognize as the short-cuts that carried 
 us quickly to loftier leA'els and safer positions. 
 
 We stand to-day before the unknoAvn, ])ut we look to the future 
 with confidence unshaken. There is no retracing, Ave must forever 
 go on. We Avekome the theories Avrought out in ncAv hope, hut Ave 
 <ling to the assurance founded on e.\i)erience. All that is — is not 
 l)ad. all that is to be Avill not be ideal. AVe can not lift the veil to 
 the future, but we can analyze and understand what has gone be- 
 fore. It is good to keej) our feet firndy on the earth, though we 
 ;i;aze in higli hope for human l)r()therhood and high attainments. 
 
 Just as the Pilgrims had a practical mind for material things 
 amid eifectiA'e i)ursuit of theii" higher ideals, so must Ave Avith our 
 inheritance. God neAer intended an achicAement Avithout great 
 effort — there is' no rcAvard Avithout great labor. Freerlorn is the field 
 of endeavoT, not tlie fancied abode of idleness. 
 
8 THE A(HIEVK.Vli:XT OF TllK I KM lltlES. 
 
 Just as these fathers (heM- t<)«!;ether toward ample conmiiiiiity 
 authority to make the Nation and still i)reserve the freedom of those 
 who compose it, so must we <::uar(l a«rainst the supreme centraliza- 
 tion of power at home, and the superstate for the world. More, we 
 must comhat the menace in the ^low in«r assumption that the state 
 must su[)[)oit the pe()i)le. foi- just ijovei-mnent is merely the <ruaranty 
 to the i)e()ple of the ii<iht and oppoi-tunity of that i)eople to support 
 themselves. The one outstandino- dan^rer of to-<lay is the tendency to- 
 turn to Washington for thinirs which are the tasks or the duties of 
 the forty-eight Commonwealths Avhich constitute the Nation. Hav- 
 ing wrought the Nation as the rential power of pi'eservation and 
 defense, let us preserve it so. 
 
 A new hoj)e looms to-day. We are slowly but very surely re- 
 covering from the wastes and sonows and utter disarrangements of 
 a cataclysmal war. Peace is i)ringintr its new assurances; and peni- 
 tent realization and insistent conscience will preserve that peace. 
 Our faith is firmer that war's causes may l)e minimized, and over- 
 burdening armament may be largely diminished. And these, too, 
 without surrender of the nationality which has inspired or the good 
 conscience which has defended. The international pros}XH't is more 
 than piomising. and the distress and de])ression at home are symp- 
 tomatic of eaily recovery. Solvent financially, sound economically, 
 unrivaled in genius, unexcelled in industi'v. resolute in determina- 
 tion, and unwavering in faith, these United States will carry on! 
 
 In the story of 300 years there is every recompense for the 
 agonies of ye.sterday, there is our staff for the burdens of to-day, 
 there is our assurance for the trials of to-morrow. The civilization 
 of to-day, the status of mankind, has been reached by many routes. 
 We have approximated the common vision, the united purpose, the 
 one supi'eme aim. We note the divisions of the ])ast, the ))arting 
 paths, the clashing aml)itions. the misguided efforts, and we see all 
 of them bringing men together and urging understanding, suggest- 
 ing larger i)urpose. There is no fit temple for num amid eternal 
 rivalries, enmities, hatreds, strife, and warfare. But in the concord 
 of brotherhood and understanding we may ajiproach the state which 
 (lod must have meant for those created in his own image. 
 
 Here was the early dedication to religious liberty and political 
 freedom. It was a sublime gift to posterity. We can not better 
 express our reverence to-day than by sweeping aside the errors, the 
 faihu'es. the disappointments, the betrayals of our day. and plant 
 here for all America and all the world the standards of highest jus- 
 tice and real human brotherhood. This would add to the volume of 
 rejoicing on earth and give echo to the heavens of the nobler aspira- 
 tion of united mankind. It w<mld. dim no torch of liberty which 
 was lighted here, but would set the world aglow with new hopes, 
 new confidence, and new exaltation. 
 
 ^ iLS?"^ °'' CONGRESS 
 
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