^uvi'' -M"^: •%-\* -^ ■ .*% -J:>^. V ./^X '--^^Z . ^^^"^^^ . ^^ ^^«b^ o'^i^V ^-^^ / \Wy' \Wy xW\.'^ • -'•'*°\..:V'" j.°-nK '*'% ^■ ''. %,^ •' • ./%. l^K-' ^*'\ .' ^^ \.J^* y^^: %.,^^ .'i^to. \,/ .♦^^': %, ^' ^% .VA. -r ^^ %^*^ »* :?7r»' A ./y; *bl-" ^"•'.h •^^o« .^* y. . -^ ■n^o< 4°^ -ov*' ^'Mm>^\ '^-^^ i,^s^x- ■«..* *-^°- "o^.-^^'^o' V'^^?^-'.,*"' ^o,-^'-\o' .0' »i^' ^" .♦: ^^. -^^0^ r ^^'^^-^ -J^^^'* N^^°- - *■- o Jp-*. v^\. L^*^. 5^"^. POLITICS" FOR AMERICAN FARMERS; BEING A SERIES OF TRACTS, EXHIBITING THE BLESSINGS OF FREE GOVERNMENT, AS IT IS ADMINISTERED IN THE UNITED STATES, COMPARED WITH THE BOASTED STUPENDOUS FABRIC OF British Monarchy. ORIGINALLY WRITTEN FOR, AND PUBLISHED IN, THE AURORA OF PHILADELPHIA, IN THE BEGINNING OF 1 80r. WASHINGTON CITY: ^' - - P*^ PRINTED BY R. C. WEIGHTMAN. FOR W. DUANE, PHILADELPHIA. POLITICS FOR FARMERS, No. I. You hear every day of men crying out for war — for navies — for extravagant expenditures of money — for alliances with one power, and for hostility against another power — and it is difficult some- times to account for these strange fantasies. There ai*e certain truths, however, which the humblest man in point of information in the whole country can discover, and there are certain plain infe.ences to be drawn from the obvious facts, upon which no tv»'o men can honestly differ. JVb 7na7i tvill deny that peace and the security and happiness which it produces in a free government is the most desirable state of human society : no man will deny, that America owes to her pacific policy, that prosperity which has rendered her the envy of the world, and to which the unfortunate of the old world look for a safe refuge : no ?na7i tvill deny, that a pacific policy is that of all others inculcated by religion, and that nothing can be so foi'eign and destructive of religion and virtue as war and its concommit- ants. A nation then must be opposed by some overwhelming neces- sity, soiTie irresistible evil not to be avoided or guarded against, if it can be at all justifiable in deviating from the principles which ensure happiness — which are the causes of prosperity— which are the fundamental principles of religion. Nothing but the obvious imminent danger of this happiness, and all the coincident blessings, can at any time justify a deviation from the system which produces so much good. These, tve refieat it, are truths ivhich no man can deny» Yet how are we to account for it, that every day you hear men crying out for war — for military navies— for armies — for extrava- gant establishments and expenditures — all incompatible >vith our policy, our peace, and our morals ? Why is it that men who affect to be the most violent sticklers for religion, are also the most vociferous declaimers for this anti- religious policy ? Can any man say, that there is either piety, rharitv, virtue, or religion in such conduct? 1 But then people are at a loss to account ibr it — no doubt ; men innocent of the world and unacquainted with the depravity which is produced by the lust of inordinate wealth — cannot be expected to account for contradictions so gross and preposterous among rational and free minds. But if the plain man will look a little into facts, as they arc plainly laid before him, he will no longer be at a loss to account for such extraordinary proofs of human folly and vice. The United States are aRected not by any evil cause originating ■within themselves, but by external causes acting on the people. The nations of Europe have in a manner realized the fable of the Salamander^ — they have lived in Jire for several centuries; no sooner had one corner cooled, but the fire of war broke out in some other ; and tins has been their miserable fate for ages. A system of government like ours has never before existed. At no period of time has there been a government before our own, in. ■which the interests or the wishes of those who are affected most by war had the least influence or effect. The warlike cries, and the rage for mad systems, do not proceed from the people of the United States, from those whose interests and wishes are inseparable from peace and virtue ; those ravings pro- ceed from external impressions, and disease produced by those im- pressions here ; and the causes are various. Foreign governments, whose institutions and interests are dis- similar froni ours — eyivy us, and endeavor to disturb cur repose. Nations whose policy is a combination of commei'cial monopoly and war, to maintain that monopoly, look upon the United States as other sects look upon the Quakers — w'lXh jealousy — because our Quaker policy exempts us from all the variety of evils to which the savage and unchristian policy of war exposes them. Our policy, so salutary for our own people, like all human things, admits of an alloy, it tempts numbers from those foreign govern- ments to come hither merely for a temporary term — to profit by our policy, and being enriched, to go away ; these persons spread through our sea ports, with the various propensities and habits of their own nations, and contaminate many of our own citizens. Many of our citizens educated in the prejudices of the govern- n^ent which ruled us as colonies, still retain their early attachments and prejudices, and even the most pacific sect exhibits too many examples of the blindness of prejudice which can maintain a reli- gious and a political sentiment at variance, and destructive one of the other. A disposition is evident in many to be discontented with a calm and tranquil prosperity ; and a solicitude in others to bow down, and rise upon, the necks of their fellow citizen.^., over whom they fancy they possess either greater talents or greater riches, which conveys to them a more important idea than talents, genius, or virtue. Many persons educated after the prejudices and habits of fo- reign countries, and hostile to the simplicity and equality of a free state, become speculators in commerce, and repay their commer- cial credits by infidelity to their country. These various classes of men, wrought upon by foreign agents and emissaries — several in the receipt of stipends from foreign governments; — numerous presses indirectly bribed and kept in pay by mercantile and consular favor for the purpose of influencing our people, and forming interests, either to retard the growth of our own nation to maturity, or to create interests or alliances with foreign governments. It is from these viunous, and other subordinate sources, that we hear the cry for war — naval establishments — and extravagant sys- tems. The peaceable citizen, content with the blessings of liberty, and with that security which a wise and providential policy has pre- served for us, is never heard vociferating for war— it is not from the friends of civil liberty and equal rights — :it is not from those who would be foremost in the fight, and bear all the brunt of battle with generous and noble ardor ; it is not from such men that these ranting and ludicrous sallies issue. You hear them from men desperate in their fortunes or their hopes — and the moment you find an adventurer or speculator on the verge of bankruptcy, or deprived of the wages of idleness ; whether it is the gambler at hazard, or the rash hazard of illegal commerce ; for despair drives this unfortunate and desperate de- scription of men to deeper calculations, and like the abandoned Ca- iiline or the profligate Arnold — they turn their backs upon virtue, lay claim to honor while playing the knave, and end with be- ''oming a sore on society and a disgrace to human nature. No. II. HAVING pointed out, in the preceding number, the sources from which all the evil and the disgrace, the disquietude and the turbulence, the servility to foreign nations, and the asperity to our own, proceeds ; its causes, and its purposes ; we shall now descend to a more especial and distinct application of the general princi- ples. If we have any thing to complain of for which we cannot obtain redress or restitution by negociation from any foreign nation — we have m.eans within ourselves that are precious, and the most eff'ec- tive of all the ends for which civil society is instituted, that is, the firomotion of the hap/iiness of the ivhole^ or of the greater number. No man is so well able to know the blessings of freedom such as we enjoy, as the farmer. The farmers, and those who acquire support from labor, compose seventetntwentieths of our population — the will of the majority being the aouercign power^ that policy which secures the happiness of that majority, must prevail — every other interest must be but subordinate to the promotion and security of that happiness. But it is a fraction of the population, nay, a decimal part of that fraction, which is clamorous for war and extravagance, and which encourages foreign influence and vilification of our govern- ment; it is the minoritij attempting to usurp the power of the ma- jority, and to sacrifice the 17 parts to perhaps u tenth of the re- maining three parts — take it this way: The farming and industriou;-; part, or 17-20ths, is 5,100,000 The mercantile part, 3-20ths, - '- - 900,000 5,000,000 Of the 900,000, perhaps there is not more than a fiftieth that is not as sincerely attached to the United States' prosperity as the great majority ; but it is the miserable fraction, of perhaps three or six thousand persons that disturb the nation, and encourage the intrigues and seek to provoke the hostility of foreign nations. The happiness of the nation then is its policy, not the wishes of a vicious fraction of the population. To us the choice between an internal war and a total cessation of intercourse with any nation, would not occupy a moment's de- liberation with any man of sense. Neither will the majority of the iieotile^ who are the sovereigns of this ocuntry^ ever consider upon a choice between the limitation of commerce and the preservation of peace and liberty and indepen- dence, if the question should arise. At this time therefore, when the agents of a foreign nation are more virulent against our government in proportion to the despair excited by the disasters that have befallen Europe ; when as if envious of our prosperity, angry that we have not shared the com- mon fate of all these nations which conspired against the indepen- dence of another — when neither the frustration of corruption here nor humiliation in the other hemisphere has taught the infatuated adherents of England, even ordinary discretion — when the common observance of that gracious prudence, which renders even adver- sity and disappointment, entitled to commisseration — when no considerations can secure for our government or our policy, an exemption from the opprobrium of presses either directly hired^ or indirectly patronized and enriched for their hostility to our govern- ment and our political interests — when they effect to hold out terms of accommodation to our ministers in Europe, and are fo- menting and upholding conspiracy in the bosom of our land ; the yeomanry of the country, who though they make no noise^ must make and give the law, when their I'o/ces are required ; it is incum- bent on them — and the press to inform tlicm^ and to guard them against insidious and against open assailants. These papers are intended for this purpose — to lay bare the roots of disaffection, and to designate the only policy — and the only rule of judgment which apply to our institutions and our national situation. This must not be lost sight of — we have no differences nor com- plaints to make against any European nation, but Spain and Great Britain, The bribery of our citizens by Spain, has been demon- strated in Kentucky, in the persons oi judges on the seat of jiufi- ,-, and senators in the senate. Our territorial disputes are i'.; the hands of our government; and the intrigueing incendiary V,///i, who may be considered as the instrument of i)Jl the conspii-acics against the United States for years past, has been banished from all intercourse with our government, and deservedly disgraced in the eyey of our country. With France we have no quarrel nor cause of complaint, imless such as is founded on the interruptions of a trade curried on illi- citly to a revolted colony, in defiance of the law of nations and of our own laws. With England we have had disputes with little intermission from the peace of 1783: — and although specious promises were held out to our ministers at London, in consequence of the nnn- inifiortation law, we cannot conclude upon any certainty of a suc- cessful issue to the negociation, unless the fate of the continent and the defeat of Burr's conspiracy, by ttacliinf^- England thai she is vulnerable, and that her intrigues are eternally baifled, in- duces her to act at length with justice towards the only nation in the world which is not from necessity now in hostility against her. The Spanish intrigues have been over acted, and exploded — the Spanish calumniator is completely dubbed, he pended his infamous labors. The British alone and their emissaries continue to asperse oui government — and from theni alone is there any injury or danger to be apprehended. Did not the undeviating conduct of Britain, for fifteen years, de- monstrate her determination to destroy the happiness of the U. States, the assertion of her second Cobbett, Culien of New York, would be a convincing proof of it — we cannot lose sight of it. — - That man has openly avowed, that had it not been for the battle of Austerlitz Britain intended to have commenced hostility against this country — or rather in the mild language of Bintish hypocricy, ,*' bold and resolute in the alliance of Austria^ Russia and Prussia, she »' ivas ado/itini; towards the United States, frinci/des unknotvn in the " laiv of nations.'" — Strip this paragraph from the canting of Bri- tish pomposity, and the plain English is — Britain intended to com- mence " vjar in disguise'" — and the pamphlet of that name Avas the manifesto of stupendous piracy and tyranny. The battle of Austerlitz prevented the principles of that mani- festo from being acted upon — but we will go back, and endeavor to state the matter in as clear a manner as practicable. We believe there is not an American who really thinks, leaving even the morality out of sight, that ivar would be advantageous to the United States, even with any nation. Peace is the interest of the farmer — and of the reasonable mer- chant also. The language of the tories and British agents for fifteen years past, has been — gu to ii>ar. Why do they say so ? War, they know, would be embarrassing — it m.ight lead to the 1 uin of our liberties — for that reason, they urge on war, even with any nation. Do the British take our ships — go to war with Britain. Do the French take our ships— ^tfo to war with France, Do the Spaniards obstruct our navigation — go to war with S/iaini Go to war with the Barbary states. Go to war with the whole world. "When you take our merchants individually, their advice is so various, but comprehensive, that the United States would be at war Avith all the world if it were to be pursued — some one or the other has some fancied cause of aggression — some one or other would tilt it with the whole universe. But from what cause do a great proportion of those complaints, even against Britain for the capture of vessels on the high seas, originate ? Does it exist in the actual natural trade of the produce of the United States ? Ab .' Are vessels laden with flour, or pork, or corn, or beef, seized? —No! Does Britain take vessels laden with cotton, or tobacco, or lum- ber ? — No ! How many merchants are there whose cargoes to Europe con- sist of co^le, of sugar, of the productions of other nations, thai escape safe, and whose /lajiei's are regular ? Whose are those vessels which are chiefly taken ? Why in perhaps six out of ten cases, those who carry false pa~ pers. Mere adventurers, who come here like birds of passage during the commercial heat of war — chiefly Briti.s/i, and French, and Scotch speculators — who bring no affection, leave behind no gratitude, und cany away wcuUIi, ibr which they repay our country with re- pi'oaches and sh'nder. Ask at our coil'ee houses, ask at our insurance oflices. If a merchant pays from 20 to 40 per cent, for the insura72ce of his risque, if an insurance officer accepts it, do not those men, in the very enormity of ihe premium, acknowledge a contraband trade ? If ever the fair trade of America was sacrificed, it was when by an ignominious treaty, Britain was suffered to capture American vessels, bound to France \\\\.\\ firovisions, for the French market. The charge brought against the democracy is, that they are ene- vncs to commerce. — The democracy unanimously raised their voice against that odious sacriiice of our own rights and shameful aban- donment of I he law of nations. The democracy, then, arc the firm friends of all /«/r commerce. That commerce we will advocatf;, against every nation that dares to violate it. Agriculture and commerce we hold to be inscfiarable. But let us separate good from evil — let us set the fair trade on its right foundation ; let us not involve it with the rash speculations of every adventurer who may be cast on our shores. If we light a good Christmas fire on our hearths, to warm our- selves and friends ; does it therefore {ollo^Y that we should set our houses on fire f Wine and whiskey are good in their places, to cheer the « dul' Pursuits of civil life," to gladden the heait of a friend ; but if we intoxicate ourselves with it—is this the use, is this the way to make us comfortable r ^ Just so with commerce, keep it within its proper legitimate bounds; in the fair commerce of the productions of the American sotl,_ or even the fair foreign commerce of our merchants, and no nation on earth will have a pretext to molest us. Why are not the ships from China plundered by foreign cruisers? Why, because there is no deception, the trade is fair. And will American farmers ever consent to go to war, or to build navies, or to erect fortifications, at the call of those British adventurers ? Certainly not— in the productions of their farms, in their /lor/r, beef lumotr, cotton, and tobacco, they will never meet but with a comparatively trifling interruption, always inseparable from trad- ing with the powers at war, of whatever nation. A great part of the vessels captured, even by the British, are such as ne-ver entered the American ports, and from which the United Mates have not derived one cent of revenue. And many of those who touch in ports of the United States, and enter their cargoes at the custom house, have the drawbacks allowed. But a small proportion of revenue is then derived from those— not worth the risque, and trouble, and expense, the eo- Ternment are involved in on their account. Then why this bawling for a navy and extravagant fortifications ' Why, to answer the purposes of the government of Britain ^\x\. federalists and Americans join in the demand. Agreed— But if, for mere political convenience, they do give in to this silly clamor— is it therefore the more wise or necessary ?— Witness Louisiana, ' Previous to the fair purchase of that country, and which in the hands of Spain, its lawful owners, Wx^ federalists dulv appreciated Its value to the western states ; they declared it wa^ worth a wav and all its consequences, of 20,000 lives, 100,000,000 dollars All this was advocated by the boldest and most eloquent federal orators • kl^vaTue '°"^ '^ ''""'^^ publishing a forged pamphlet to Certify But the moment the present administration purchased it for 1 5,000,000, then that country was not of any importance, it was a avish expenditure of money ; and had the democrats been duped by clamor in this case, would it have altered the real merits of the purchase ? Just so with a navy and fortifications. Were congress to pay much attention to the New York petition, or to entcn- into their views, half the persons who have signed that petition for fortifica- taons and a nuvy, as m the Louisiana purchase, would be the first to upbraid congress and the administration with the expense - and the injudicious application of the money to dead stone walls' And will congress not profit by this experience i Who are many of the men who bawl the loudest for those mea- sures ? Which are the prints which advocate them ? Why British and torics^ many of whom would return to their native soil, was the United States at war — men who ai'e endeavor- ing to set the house in flames, would be the first to run from the fire, and would rather aid the plunder than the extinguishment of the conflagration. Will our farmers submit to their money being wasted for those spies and emissaries. For the dut and Jirojier fortification of all om* sea ports, where they are actually exposed to danger, we are equal advocates with any person — but no farther — we do not Avish to see realized the romantic schemes of a duke of Richmond on this side of the water. It has been the aim of the British government, and her consuls, to engage this nation in war with France — they have been hitherto defeated. Britain^ resolute and strong in the alliance of Austria, Prussia, and Russia, had it not been for the battle of Austerlitz, intended war against us. Resolute in the alliance of Prussia and Russia, she would again have attempted it. But the battle of Jena — has dissipated all those hopes. And Britain will and 77iust now sign a treaty with America, or lose our commerce. A treaty which will be acknoivlcgement of her crijnes — but an acknowlegement without contrition, and extracted only from her necessities, which she would be ready to violate the next hour, if in her power. America has now nothing to fear from Britain. No. III. A Mx\N who would say, I will raise a thousand bushels of coni on one acre of land, would be deemed mad ; yet those who are the brawlers for a naval establishment, are not more preposterous in their pi'ojects or pretensions. We have a tl^pusand times shewn, that a naval establishment is incompatible, and impracticable in our national circumstances ; — and that even if it were practicable to form and fit ovit and sup- port such an establishment, that it would after all, be wiser to have no military naval establishment whatever. The readers of the Aurora, may perhaps recollect a series of essays published last year, under the title of the Sovereignty^ of the Ocean We undertook the discussion of that subject, which cost us much labor and application, merely to shew the futility of the supposed advantages derived from the sovereignty of the oceav that a auperior naval establishment has always been productive oi greater evils than advantages, to every nation that has possessed a naval superiority ; and that the only advantages derived irom such a force, was the enrichment or agrandisement of a fenv per- sons of the nation^ at the expense of the liberty, virtue, happiness, and security, of all the rest of the nation. Another view we had in that discussion, was to shew, that the affected alarms set afloat by the connivance of English emissaries, of danger to be apprehended from France, was so far from being real, that the very necessity which was imposed ou France, by the conduct of the infatuated powers of Europe, of keeping them in subjection, would render it equally necessary to keep the whole force of that nation to watch them, and to suppress promptly, any new coalitions that might arise. Much of our anticipations on this topic, have been already fulfilled ; and as we then shewed, the po- licy which concentrates all the force of France, will also keep that force contiguous and disposable ; and for that reason the accu- mulation of shifis, the augmentation of commerce, and the establish- ment of colonies will be not remote, but contiguous. These were our views in that discussion, time has strengthened them. A military naval force has been productive only of disaster to France, Holland, and Spain, for the last century ; and what has it produced for England ? Let its debts, its poor-houses, its prisons, and its declension from civil liberty, declare it. But she has conquered Asia — and for whom ? For the people of Asia's happi- ness ? Read Burke's speeches on Hastings, in which, with all his capacity for high colouring, he has fallen far short of the picture of misery procuced by English conquests in Asia. The English company after ravaging all Asia, is in debt 175,000,000 of dollars! Was the conquest for the good of the people of England ? No, the people of England have retrograded from liberty and comfort almost in the same proportion as the monopolists of Asia have been aggrandized. Her national debt is 3,000,000,000, three thousand million of dollars ! These then are the effects of a naval superiority, and a compe- tition for naval glory. In the annals of naval achievement, nothing can be more awfully splendid, and horribly brilliant^ than the bat- tles of Trafalgar and the Nile. But what have they accomplished ? — The battle of Aboukir only transferred Egypt to Turkish bar- barism, or Mamaluke anarchy, and Trafalgar lost its object — it has not saved Naples^ nor yet secured Sicily ; it has not prevented the conquest of the whole European continent ; it has not kept a ft)ot of land or an accessible port for England on the whole coast from the Cape of Otranto to the Cattegat. Yet ideots — for none but knaves or ideots can talk of our estab- lishing a navy to contend with either the victor or the vanquished — competitors for the sovereignty of the ocean. A military naval power can be of no other use than for defence on the high seas ; we have not the means to build a navy for this purpose ; defence on our coasts and harbors, is the only eligible or even justifiable system It) ^ that we can adopt. But a martial navy lor the high seas, is the most extravagant notion that can be conceived, because physical imjiosftibility meets it on the threshold. A. navy for the ocean must be at least equal to the navy which commits the aggiession. — This brings the question then to the sim- pie point — Can we build and support such a navy ? This is a ques- tion ol" simple arithmetic. To see this in its simplest light, we have only to state our actual revenue, and let us suppose as a necessary consequence that our revenue would be double to maintain a navy. (.}ur whole gross revenue, let us suppose to be exclusively ap- plied to the naval establishment ; and that the 50,000,000, of re- volutionary debt is all paid off — Say our present revenue, - - 15,000,000 Add new internal taxes to support a navy, 15,000,000 g 30,000,000 This would surely be an ample allowance, comparing the pre- sent state of ovir country with such a contingency. What would a navy cost to build? What annually to support it. The sum re- quired to l>uild we shall not confound our readers by noting — if they choose to multiply the number of ships by the cost of the fri- gate United States, built in this port, the average amount will be about one half the first expense. But the subsistence of a navy, what would it cost, supposing the fleet had suddenly sprung up ; or that the British government, instead of using them to transport their monarch and regalia to Bengal, had made us a present of the whole ? A judicious and dispassionate pamphlet lately published on this subject (we presume a production of Mr. Tench Coxe) furnishes data ready prepared, but over cautiously put down ; in that pam- phlet the average annual expence is, however, set down wtav tiventij millions of dollars short of the real expense ; yet it states the average at 70,000,000 of dollars a year. Deduct your 30 millions even from this, and you would have still 40,000,000 more to provide for. Your acre of land, citizens of America, could not theh produce you a thousand bushels of corn; and you must be content to take your land and cultivate it Avith care, and be satisfied with what it will really produce, though it were only from 10 to 35. But there is another circumstance — where would the men come from? Great Britain, although she has Ireland and Scotland to drain from by impressment, is forced to seize and make slaves of 3000 of our citizens ; and the Danes, Swedes, Italians, Lubeckers, Hamburgers and Dutch seamen, are allowed to compose a full third of the seamen who navigate and fight' her ships of war. - Are yoM, farmers, ready to send your sons on board the destruc- tive den of disease, cri7nes, immorality, and /luman dcba.sc}ncnt, called a man of war? Ol God forbid! — remote be that day when na- tional infatuation, or corruption, or debasement, shall tear our yeo- men from the plough to carry murder and desolation on the ocean murder for sordid gain — a country before us blessed by nature with all that can be required by virtuous man, and to invite the love of peace, and the blessings of which peace, liberty, and justice is capable of conferring on a man. J. I No. IV. NEXT to a due knowlege and consideration of your oun internal concerns— the good you possess, the necessity ol' watch- ing that good in order to preserve it, and to perceiving the absur- dity of those who would lead you into measures that are utterly impossible of accomplishment, only to undermine vour government —the accm-ate knowlege of the imfiulses Avhich 'move those who treat you thus insidiously — is most important. It is a fashionable reply of the ageyits, emissaries and adherents, of that nation, which has almost incessantly insulted, oppressed, or plundered us on the seas, or corrupted our citizens and owr Jircs.-jes on shore— it is X\\&fashionable^\\^ is the only argument they use in reply to all the facts— th^ clanming and ever recurring facts we pub- lish—' The Aurora is in the French Jiay—the Aurora is the incessant ' eulogist and panegyrist of Bonaparte.^ Why this mode oi argument proves nothing — nay it proves that nothing can be said in refutation of what we say ; and by admitting that nothing can be said in refutation of what we say, at once shews the motive for such argument I We should scorn to notice such subterfuge, did it not afford us an opportunity to place facts in a new and stronger point of lio-ht. We say that English emissaries are employed and paid for their services m the United States. To this they reply, there are French emissaries in the same si- tuation and for similar purposes. How is the matter to be decided ? Is it true of one, or both ? Thesfe questions are easily decided by facts. The intention of emissaries, as far as we have ever heard, has been always either to guard the foreign nation fron- injury, or to injure the nation where they are stationed— - By their deeds then you shall know them.' We have never heard of a foreign nation employing emissaries to sustain a government, or to support its measures— or to vindi- cate Its rights. We have rarely heard of a government reared up upon the ruin of democracy, paying agents to maintain a democra- cy in another country— nay, when those who effect to denounce this employment of French emissaries come here for no other pur- pose in the world than to destroy democracy. Take it in another view ; let us suppose that there is French gold employed as Lnglish gold was employed by Liston, on de- mocratic Porcu/iines and Carpenters ^x\c\ ParAv.v ;_if these formi- dable emissaries only support the government-if thev endeavor to inculcate principles of civil liberty, of virtue, of general justice, of the liberty of the press-it must then be admitted that there is no CMmity m^tnis conduct ; if a foreign government pavs persons .n America, tor vinuicating the cause of peace, virtue and the prin- ciples of the revolution, it must at last be taken as proot oi the alsehood of those who declare tlie hostile designs of that power; there is at least a greater degree oUiberality in this 7nilitary chief 12 thau there is to be found in the acts and deeds of the emissaries on the other side — for it is worthy of remark, that the only strenu- ous and consistent democrats who support the principles of the declaration of indejieyidcnce, are said to be in French pay, while those who say so, oppose the declaration of independence, damn demo- cracy, and execrate the author of the declaration of independence, Avho they say is likewise a -violent jacobin^ and have a thousand times over accused of being in French pay also. Either of these two positions must be false, either there are no French emissaries, since there are no papers which uphold French policy in opposition to American policy. Or if there is, France acts as a friend and not an enemy. We have given these frievdly emissaries a fair trial.~-\et us sec what we can say of our English ^^ /leo/ile's friends." Under every administration of England, the agents and adhe- rents of that country have openly and unreservedly avowed hostility to on\- princi/'les and /or/n of government. Under an administration partial to that country, they sought to involve us in a desperate association with the combined powers of Europe. They sought when that failed to involve us in a war with Spain. Frustrated in that and in the efforts of their emissaries to pi'o- duce civil war, (it was Porcupine, who merited a statue of gold, that first preached up the memorable badge of proscription, the black cockade) they labored to bring about a severation of the union. Upon a change of public functionaries, greatly accelerated by the detection oixh^ British intrigues ; after using every effort to in- fluence our presidential election, Liston slunk off — but the agents and emissaries continued to revile and asperse our free govern- ment, and to exercise an influence in our elections. On all elections, tlie papers under English influence — the agents of England — those who depend upon the agents for mercantile fa- vor — are all uniformly hostile to popular government and to those who advocate the administration upon the principles of the re\-o- lution. These Tssa facts palpable and indisputable — they defy controver- sion — and speak more than volumes of general argument. Let us go even into circumstances more particular — we do not wish without necessity to use the name of any individual who is not an obvious ivriter oy publisher, in vilification of American insti- tutions, policy, and the existing adnninistration ; we do not mean to degrade men who are infatuated or blinded by early prejudices, or whose families perhaps, depend on English credits— we mean not to hang their effigies in the same gibbet with Porcupine and Cullen. But we will ask — is it not a fact, if an Englishman emigrates to this country with principles congenial to the American revolu- tion, that if on his arrival he avows he is a friend of representative government; if his ideas are in unison with the first settlers of ♦his country — he is immediately shunned, and branded with the 13 i>ame o( jacobin by the principal part of the merchants here? Is not this a melancholy and a damning fact? But if an Englishman arrives and naturalizes hims-elf — five imll not call it iierjuring himself-,) if he damns republican government and the administration of it in this country, which he has most so- lemnly in the name of God adopted — if he will cry up the blessings of monarchy in opposition to democracy, the virtues of George III. all of which he has abjured, and libel Thomas Jefferson whom he never saw— that with such Englishmen, will our federal merchants associate — bestow on them favor and applause! It is true that many of them, and the insurance offices also have paid dear for this folly — cases need not be mentioned — we know and could najne them, snug as they think they are — but they are registered without abating the folly I In no other country in the world would merchants be so infa- tuated as to hold their coffee house, their exchange, their irisurance offices, under the unwearied vigilance of notorious British spies — of men avowedly such — jdanted in our cities for the express fiurpose of spies — men whose business it is to wriggle into the conversation of every knot of merchants assembled — to be always on the watch for their discourse — to find out the destination of their ships, their cargoes, and illicit adventures — to find out the policies made — in- deed to be acquainted with every transaction on which British cruizers can or cannot justify capture — those discoveries are mi- nutely noted down — they are daily reported to their employers — and expresses have been regularly forwarded to Halifax-^to the West India islands, to the cruizers blockading our ports, from such channels — by such information and thus acquired is it that our "merchants and insurance offices meet many of their losses. Are such men to be pitied — will our farmers go to war, or build navies for such ideots ? These are the miserable creatures who exclaim against the ex- position of historical facts — the anticipation of events from a con- sideration of the sagacity and genius of one man, and the stupidity and folly of others — this they call eulogy ! Yet it is such men chiefly who bawl for fortifications and a navy — and who themselves, the adherents of Miranda, of Britai?i, of Burr, roar out against those who guard the country against them. Who sent for the British frigates from Halifax, when the French were there ? What was the employ of the British after their ar- rival ? — Capturing Americayi vessels! Will our farmers expend their property for such men ? As the last resource of Britain and her emissaries, every attempt will yet be made use of in her expiring struggle, still to lead us on to ruin. When Burr's conspiracy is unravelled, as that of Yrujo and Corondolet's has been, and as Liston's was, what will the emis- saries say ? Lucifer like, they wished to involve the wkole world in her de- struction. And every government that has but listened to hei- wiles has been destroyed. The recapitulation b needless. 14 It is for that reason that in the New York memorial, they haye intimated at this time an attack on France. France never nvill view that attack but as the effusion of British spies. The British papers at New York avow their determination, they are beating the drmn for enlisting the oft'scum of America — and they openly threaten to erect the British standard. And are they such fools as to believe, that any but men like themselves would erect such an ensign of disaster — to pass the seas, and like Austria, like Prussia, to run into the jaws of certain death ? If Americans were too wise before they h?.d the experience of the 16 past yeai's, to avoid their constant theme of hostility to France, hoslililij jinprovoked will they now with all those dreadful facts staring them in the face — are they willing now to shake hands with this all-destroying power? Certainly not — the hope of those who indulge it, is biit the de- lusion of despair. Let the ageiUs of Britain muster all their strength, let us see their adherents support their pretensions with consistency. Why do they stay here where they inust be in a minority if they were to live for two centuries? Why do they not go and join a tiitn cru- sade ? it would be an advantage to the Uiriied i>tatts. Do those people believe that our farmers are unacquainted with who pays the taxes even in ?iecessarywa.rs — with who are burthen- ed ; or that they are ignorant of the easy mode which merchants have of avoiding their /troportion of taxes ? In case even of a necessary war, who would pay the permanent taxes? — -The farmer. Who even in Britain, pays the land tax, the poor rates, and all the other permanent taxes? — The farmer. Who would have to pay them, in the United States, in the event of a war? — The farmer. The excise laws, window and hearth tax, the land ^aa:, and a thou- sand others, all to be paid by the farmer. Whilst the British emissary would rejoice at the destruction he brought the deluded American into, he could transfer his stock to some other country, and there exultingly exclaim against the country he had betrayed, and roar out those are the blessings of de- mocracy, like the Moores and Welds, those reptiles brought to life in the hot beds of monarchical odure — they would go and proclaim abroad, that the worms in our dunghills are the most congenial animals they met with. In Britain the consequence of those eternal wars which she has engaged in, has been the total enslavement of her population, to \\\^ paper ijioney,\.\\G. mercantile, and the banking system. The poor unoffending farmer is only the slave imdvassal of his noble or ignoble landlord. Crushed by taxes, the once independent farmer is sent in his old age to the poor-house — his children are scattei'ed over the world to fight the mercantile battles of their despots-. 15 f Farmers of America^ such would be your fate, the moment a ma- joiMty of your legislators could be found fools, or corrupt enough to hearken to the deception of British emissaries. Like the yeomanry of Britain, you would sink to destruction. By you then it is that the United States will preserve her liberty — you will defend her rec/, and your real interests. Jgriculture and commerce in their real utility. But charge your representatives never to be the dupes of cum- brous navies or armies — nor of British influence — for either Avould be your destruction. No. V. YOUNG as our country is in the political world, it has fur- nished a world of useful experience — the /./•??; ez-s of this land, the simple, honest, laboring classes of men — those who are not above the dull fiursuits of civil life^ cannot be insensible to their blessings — to that pacific and frugal and honest policy, which renders equal justice to all men, and all societies of men— to that paciiic, fru- gal, and neutral policy, which leaves no room for anger, or the en- mity of other nations — which neither goes to excite their jealousy or their fears — the value of this policy we all feel, none feel it more than the farmers — and those whose comforts are the fruits of peace and industry ; none can be so much interested in the preservation of that policy as the farmers, for it is from X\\qiy pock- ets^ from the produce of their farms, that a hostile, an extravagant, or an actual war policy must be paid ; nay, it is the farmer and the man of industry, who would also have to fght as well as to pay ; while those who come here only for the harvest of commerce dur- ing the season of war, would fly to where the sunshine of peace would afford them security from the dangers or the expense of war. These are serious considerations for the farmers ; we recommend these far?7ie7-'s Jtolitics to the republican farmers of Vermont, as one of their members appears to have been bitten by one of the mad dogs of ivar. Let the farmers compare and contrast the measures, and the po- litics of men — let them peruse carefully, even the history of our early settlements — they will find useful lessons in the history of our own old times ; let them see wherein the measures and politics of the royal governors of the colonies, resemble the measures and politics of governors in our own times ; — see where the disposi- tions and the principles are similar, and ask if there can be any good, where there is such an agreement in tyrannic, or extrava- gant, or oppressive policy. Come lower down even to the experience we have had, since the federal constitution. V/ho have been ior extravagant and violent systems ? Who have been for frugal and pacific systems of policy ' 16 Who favot'ed the mad measures, which produced the taxes on lands and houses, the excises and stamps ? J^Tot the farmers — ivho pay every tax. But the rapacious broods, that live upon the extravagance and speculations on the misfortunes of mankind. Who produced the extinction of those oppressive burthens ? The fundamental principle on which the state of Pennsylvania was founded by Pemi, was peace. On this principle, both in theory and in practice, whilst the qua- kers held the administration (f its government, were its affairs conducted — this honor and praise is due to them — however much there has been a backsliding among some of its members since ; and in defiance of the calumnies and denunciations of the tories and federalists of that day, that is of the English courtiers and proprietory agents, did they pursue, undeviatingly, their princi- ples — any man, who wishes to read useful lessons, will find them in Dr. Fra?iklin's history of Pennsylvania. Unmoved by the contumelies of their adversaries, those peace- able people followed the commands of their grfeat, good, and illus- trious patron. They were reproached, indeed, with the names of coivards and of dastards — of being economists of " blood and rrcasure" nay of enemies to the liberties of their country ; as men who would sa- crifice its liberties to the power of France — these very charges were made, by British governors and agents. AH these reflections were cast on the followers and disciples of Penn. But in spite of all those charges, did this state, then a province, arise to a rank and equality in this new world, with their sister states, in a shorter time, and to a prosperity unequalled. To the Indian natives their fiolicy was justice — by that conduct they conciliated their esteem, and to this day do the aborigines of America express their gratitude to the quakei'S. Whilst the frontiers of other states were drenched in blood from the cruelties and invasions and injustice of " sainted fiilgrims" those quakers enjoyed a profound peace. Look to the history of many other states, look to the pi'oclama- tions of many governors of the " sainted Jiilgrbns^" and compare the account. Here you see no reward offered by the first founders for the scalps of men^ roomen and children^ fixing the price by the regulated gradation of age. Here you see no laws enacted by the " sainted pilgrims" of Penn, for banishing or hanging of baptists^ of protestajits, of pa- pists^ of quakers — or others who differed from them " in modes o{ faith." Here there was justice to the natives, and equal liberty to all settlers. The blood of Indians or of European settlers are not registered in the records of heaven, against the first planters of Pennsylvania. And to the honor «f l«rd Baltimorcy a Roman catholic, he follow- 17 cd the footsteps of" Penn, in his system of toleration of liberty of conscience — neither of these men nor their sects in flying to the wildernesses of America, brought with them the cruelty or in- tolerance of the old world — this was left for " sainted tiU'^rinn: and steady habits." Exactly what were the principles of Penn^ in respect to tlie state of Pennsylvania, are the principles of Jefferson^ to the whole v.orld. If then the illustrious founder of Pennsylvania was bi>anded with the character of a coivard^ for his peaceable jirincijiks^ is it any wonder that those who follow the path and example of Penn, should meet with equal calumny. That Penn was an enemy to icflr as hostile to every principle of policy, (and the state of Pennsylvania is a proof of his policy) we ought and do glory in. That such ai'e the principles of Jefferson we are proud to know ~^and that our country is honored in the world for liis policy. But let the declaration of the constitution of this state, let the sufferings of Penn for his religious opinions, let the trial of Penn and Mead, at the Old Bailey, attest that he was no coward, in his; individual person ; there is to be seen that noble fortitude which constitutes real courage ; the resolute maintenance of truth, and the scorn to admit deceit or vice. " The present administration arc niggards of blood and treasure^'' This is the declaration of Cullen, the British spy at New York — • and even the " i^iinted pilgrims" say so ; it seems as if the sainted pilgrims had in process of time, imbibed from the blood of the In- dians, shed the aboriginal aptitude for bloodshed. And whose blood and treasure does this hireling wish to flow? Like Windham the British seci'etary of war, Cullen's patron, when the French were sent to death and massacre^ at Quiberon— " if a. Frenchman is killed — an enemy is decreased" — so he may say " if an American is killed there is a rebel less." So it is with the British agents; — democrats or federalists^ it is of no consequence to them — their only aim is to involve these states in war — their only aim is to lead America on to destruction. We have plainly pointed out in our former essays who are the persons that labor to involve the United States, and the adminis- tration, in dispute with foreign nations. We have plainly pointed out, who arc the persons that would have to pay the permanent taxes in case of a war, of a 7iavy, of fortifica- tions, {or the interest of mercantile speculators — in a word— The farmers and industrious classes — pay and fight all ! These are the men who are staiioyiary, who cannot budge froiifi their plantations and their homes, who cannot skulk into counting houses of ten feet square, and whilst they may be accumulating thousands by their foreign traffic, or by ivar contracts, are compa- ratively exempted from the calls of the taa; gatherer — ^and are never to be seen in the ranks of our militia. The farmers are always visible, they are not birds of passage-— they are not foreigners who treat mankind as a dead carcase, and T\'ho just fiifcli like vtiltures for prey, and then flit off". 18 The farmer, when the tax gatherer culls, if net at home to-day, is sure to be found to-morrow. Not like British agents who to-morrow are on the way to the United Kingdoms. On the farmers, then, would the brunt of war fall, whether by permanent service in case of an invasion from a foreign foe — or a naval Tnercayitile war by taxes. Such being- the case, how much does it behove the farmers of the United States to oppose any system which shall involve them in war. -» And esf>ecially in tvar, or a navy., ov fortifications, \.o\.?!i\\y opposite to their interest, and for which they have no more need than the people in the moon. The farmers will be jealous of every thing like war, more par- ticularly at the instigation of British s/iics, and /iresses, ambassadors, or ronsuls — her own example proves her unfit to advise others — her conduct to us proves her to be unfit to be trusted by us. Britain has already led te7i monarchies, besides numerous petty princes and states, to the loss of their independence — by her coun- sels — her gold and her corrujitiom. The means by which she accomplished their ruin were exactly similar to the means which she has pursued in the United States— but, thank God, with a different effect ; had our government not been an elective one — our ruin had been completed before the year 1800 the farmers then awoke from delusion anc": saved the nation from wicked counsellors and English influence. An administrativn, playing into the hands of Britain, was, by the almost unanimous voice of the sovereign people, driven into ob- scurity — 162 to 14 — a ])roportion pretty well agreeing with the proportions of the fanning and foreign interests. ,Cohbett, the supporter of that administration, fled to the haunt* and dens of St. Jameses. Driven to despair, the monarchy of George III. after enjoying- the savage spectacle of the ruin of all the old family thrones of Eu- rope, precipitated by the folly of listening to her ageJits and co7i- suls, beneath the just yengeance of France, will redouble her ef- forts at this eleventh hour, to involve these states with himself in destruction. It is for this her secret expeditions are fitted out — for this that she provides funds for a Burr and a Miranda — lor this she corrupts our presses to vilify our government. The British monarchy, like Satan with cur first parents, will deem her approaching I'uin more tolerable, so as she can, by ar>y means, tempt the people of the United States to follow like others, in her path'of destruction. It is for this cause, and this cause o?}ly, that we see the papers directly paid by Ker, and the federal fia/iers of Jmerica, copy from these papers, incitements to war, navies, taxes, and fortifications. It is for this cause, and this cause only, that Britain pays Blounts and Burrs, and supports our Catilines and Claudiuses to domestic treason, that the Indians are stirred up to war, to second the views ©f those Cudlincf, 19 It is for this cff/.'sf, and this cause on/y, that many are loud for a ?iavy, and war, and fortifications — they know that the farmers are not interested in these, and that by congress adopting those plans to the extent profioscd — the union would be dissolved. This is tlieir aim. Fanners, you whp are 17 /larts of 20 of the population of the U. States, you 162 to 14 — are you advocates for your own ruin,? You will, although there are apostates from bot/i — and who ally with their enemies, you will still follow the peaceable principles of Fenn and Jefferson. No. VI. AT the commencement of the coalition formed at Mantua and Piinitz against France in the year 1791, the plan of partition and plunder was not at first avowed ; and it v/as understood that Great Britain should be allowed time to work up the national tem- per which was then in favor of the French reforms of government ; Burke's famous and intamous writings were the fuel used to ex- cite this universal conflagration ; and very soon, by the excite- ment of terror and fear — addresses against levellers and republicansy covered the tables of the British parliament. These addresses made a great noise, as was intended ; their ?»/m- hers appalled \.\\e. farmers of England, who were adverse to war, and indeed adverse from interest to any concern v/ith the internal af- fairs of other nations — for which they could see no purpose or end, and the expenses of which they knew must ultimately fall upon themselves. However, kfter counting up the number oi signatures to those vo- luminous addresses, it was found that the whole of the advocates for war and destruction were less than 35,000 — out of all the popu- lation of Great Britain 1 — that is, out of eleven millions I It was this small number of 35,000, which playing into the hands of the placemen and pensioners of St. James's, who plunder the whole population of that devoted nation, that put England in the high road to that destruction which she now rapidly approaches. The clergy of the established church petitioi|^d for vjar. Those men feared for their tythes, the tenth part of the farincj-'s produce in England and Ireland is theirs — this would possibly have been superseded by an equitable stipend in the event of a reform. The insurance offices petitioned for -..nir. Those institutions gain ten times the profits by ivar that are gained by /zccce risques. The merchants petitioned for-wr/r. They hoped to monopolize the commerce of the world, and fo double the usual peace profits. The banking traders petitioned for war. 20 Those hoped to profit by the t^ajier monty /oan«— and by the eiu- ployment ot banking funds in underhand usury. The monied interest petitioned for tvar. Because they expected to receive 8 fier cent, interest. Every idle fellow, above the " dull pursuits of civil life" peti- tioned for war. Becuuse lie ex]x;cted to live on the sweat and the labor, and the iu'^lustry, and the talents of the virtuous part of the union. — Bank- rupts in fortune and character ; gamblers of all descriptions ; men of despeiate fortune and profligate life; all petitioned for war. Because in peace and jjrosperity they could not exist. Nine tcntlif< of the public papers were in the pay of the clergy^ the insurance oif!r':f, the bank.<^ the merchants., and monied interest.^ They of course obeyed the mandates of their employers and they petitioned for war — and they inflamed the minds of the people with fear and misrepresentation ; because that was rendering ho-' mage to the views of their patrons. All those men knew that the taxes and expenses of the war would fall net on themselves.^ but on l\\<. farmers. In opposition to this small., corrupt, heterogeneous, but active body of civilized savages,, was opposed the representations of but few — and of those few some were men, screened by th know the common appellation of those British agents, and of Mr. Barclay's men, " ii ton Chronicle of the loth instant, pre- ■sented lo us in a sound and well reasoned essay, under the signa- ture of Franklin, an exhibition of the politics of the L). States, and the views of her enemies, in an impressive point of view — - from this essay we shall incorporate and adopt a few extracts. " There is a party in this country, who call themselves /rrf -its, the Welds, the Moores, the Parkin- sons, in their al:)i!se and defamation of the American character — •whom, in some resjiects they expose justly, for they collected tlieir ideas of American virtue from the ivarm federalism with wliich they associalvd. - Tiiis sketc'i of two eiv.issaries, was necessary to present to the FARMRRs cT A-.iF.RicA, a fair coi-iparison of the similarity of the past and pres.ciU system ; and to shew the congruity which has ujuformly prevailed between the elforts of the (ji:cn ar,d avo-i^cd emissary — tlie oificial age\t — the " nvarmhj federal" politician ; and the presses v/hicli are of their league. Their common object, farmeks of America is hostility to you under every circumstance; England has failed to conquer you by force — and her fraud has recoiled upon her — she now wishes to em- 36 Itroil you; as siie has etnbroilf^d Hollands Genoa^ Florence^ Fenice, A'a/ilcs, Sardinia., Frus-sia, Austria — You know Avhat has been their fate, and they had oriijjinally no more cause or right or provoca- tion to attack France than you have now. These are truths, that defy denial — because they can be demonstrated by the most formal and authentic proofs. No. X. THE history of the American nation since the establishment of the federal constitution, begins now to assume shape and vo*- lume. It is a very interesting history to ;dl tlie Avorid, and the farmers of America cannot study it with loo much attention. With all its defects, (for it has defects, and wh;it liuman institution has not?) it is the most pleasing object of historical contempla- tion in the annals of the ^orld. The peo/ile of America only want one quality, which every other nation on earth possesses, — that is» that the love of country should be Jclt superior to every other con- sideration. This trait of national character is wanting; and so much is it Avanting, that it is the cause of a great many evils \vhich the nation would not be otherwise exposed to. In the pre- ceding number, we have given examples of the fact, in pointings out the conduct of men calling themselves yhnericans, but acting like fiirates or emismries of foreign countries. The farmers of America .^ must be exonerated from any partici- pation, in this shame, or in the injuries that flow from it: and it must also be added (and lamented) that it is from the acts and deeds of those who are engaged in foreign commerce, that our country, its morals and character^ is judged by foreign nations: and by the acts of public men, of what is called the learned professions; from the sentiments and talents of our legislators ; and from the conduct and policy of our statesmen. AiAiong the causes of the war. of a consistent national character^ no doubt, the early situation of these states as colonies, the habits acquired from connection and language, and the remains of a common mode of civil regulation, greatly contribute. But had many of those who embarked in the revolution been so sincerely devoted to principles of public liberty, and the princi- ples of the Declaration of Independence, as they were to pursuits ftf incliviuual ambition, many impediments would have been re- moved from the establishment of national happiness and a national character. But men who either aimed to be despots like Hamilton, or who were disappointed like Burr ; or who vainly conceited that they could write mankind out of their senses and their liberties, like Adamfs and other anti-de^nocratic authors ; also retarded the forma- tion of a national character. These and such men, though they did not accomplish their de- ijfgns, but ultimately sunk into merited obscurity, for the attempts they made ; they nevertheless greatly injured the nation. They seduced the people from the principles of the revolution, plain, natural, and obvious ; into subtlety and absurdity ; they dis- cussed iiaradox and thereby ])revented the application of common sense to the national affairs ; they talked of balances and holes for privileged orders ; as if giving a liian a false name, gave him more wisdom ; or as if placirig a man or a number of men above all control or check, was the best way of making a balance ; or as if creating causes of enmity and jealousy, were the best means of producing confidence and unanimity. Tliey talked of a national del)t as a national blessing — as if a nation any more th^n an individual, must l;c hnppy and indepen- dent in proportion as lie rioted on the uropeity of others, and put himself out of the possihility of payiug libera or their heirs^ to the third or fourth generation. But all these injurious proceedings, which were somctimc-> the effect of personal vanity, and at others of imbeciiity, and in others of foreign corruption, genti-Jly envied in referring the Jicojilc to the cxcanfde of lingUind an-' /a ;■ ■{-,'■:■! ^nwni. Perhaps (>f cM tht: exils r.' .^.> ivic/.i to he nppief.Hiidtd, nor ii;!y that : , and happl- ntss of Anicrica, as t.'jc ,i;i>'vc,), : ,, ... i... i,.,,,., i, „,,..... ., ,...,, .,:,,i\c;:cv. V/ang ihe lig/it of heave?!, and understanding that no law authorised the measurement of the windows, opened a sash on the second floor, and poured the contents of a chatnber tite?isil on the heiid of a tax officer — tiiis was the beginning of the 'ivar — and from tlie specieti of arlillery used, emphatically styled the hot li'alcr roar. We may see from what follows of the English window tax — what we might have expected — from a successful imitation of the example set forth fur us. WINao^v Taa. For every house and ifs appurtenances, of /".S a year rent, /TOGO sterl. a year. For evi sry house with Per annum. For every house with Per annum. 6 w: indows, fM 8 9 28 windows. ;C16 7 do "O 18 29 do 16 15 8 do 1 10 30 do 17 10 9 do 1 18 31 do 18 5 10 do 2 10 32 do 19 n do 3 5 •i?y do 19 15 12 do 4 34 do 20 10 13 do 4 15 35 ilo 21 5 1 14 do 5 10 36 do 22 1,5 do () 5 37 do 22 15 16 do r 38 do 23 10 17 do 7 lo 39 cio 24 5 18 do 8 30 40 ic . 44 do 25 15 19 do 9 5 45 4:.' do 28 5 20 do 10 50 54 do 30 15 21 do 10 15 55 59 do 33 5 22 do 11 10 60 64 do 35 9 23 do 12 5 65 69 do 37 9 24 do 13 70 74 do 39 9 •25 do 13 15 1^ 79 do 41 9 26 do 14 jO 80 84 do 43 9 27 do 15 5 85 89 do 45 9 Q Ptr annum. For ev^ry house with, Per annum 47 9 0" 140 to 149 windows. 68 9 49 9 150 lay do 73 9 D 52 9 16U 169 do 7t; 9 56 9 170 179 do bO 9 60 9 180 and upwards, 83 64 9 shiill be tax i.i) i 1 4 in tiie pound. J 39 For every bouse witiji 90 to 94 windows, 95 99 do lOU 1U9 do 110 119 do 120 129 do 130 139 do And for every house with more than 180 windows or lights, for eac!i window, 2 shillings and 6 pence. Scotland is rated about 2 shillings in the poimd lower for the light of heaven than England. Exemptions — (any one who wishes to consider the full force of this head, should consider an article published in the Aurora on. the 25th of October, from Cobbett's Political Register, concerning: the royal chnl list '. ) all iiouses belon^'ing to /./•>• vutjcolij or a7iij of the royal family. House T.\.k. For every dwelling house whose rent ch:i:-ge above £.3 ^nd ander t w(;jity pounds a ye.ir, (^ For jQ2'J uud under ^'40 Forj^4'Jand iipwardii - - - 2 (5 ExKS^'TIo^0 3. — Every house belonging to his majesty, or any of the royal family I Male S£RVA^■Ts — Class I. For 1 male servant, ... 2 male servants, ... 3 do. - . . . 4 do. 5 do. 6 do. 7 do. 8 do. 9 do. 10 do. - - - - 11 and uj.o.ards, - ... Unmarried men to pay an additional sum oi £^ 10 shill The enumeration of the titles of servants in those classes, is amus- ing — the first class comprehends maitre d'hocel, hovise steward, master of the horse, groom of the chamber, valet de chambre, but- ler, under butler, clerk of the kitchen, confectioner, cook, house porter, footman, running footman, coachman, groom, postilion, sta- ble boy, or keeper, gardener, park keeper, game keeper, huntsf- man, whipperin ; waiters in taverns and boarding houses. Male Servants — ClassVI. Gardeners empioyed to v/oric in a ^^arden under any person chargable in the first class, where the constant labor ot one person is required, ^^5 per year. Day laborers exempted. Male Servan is — Class III. A rider in the service of a merchant, when only one is employed ^Vhere more than one - . - . Boox-keeper, or clerk - - . . Where more than or.e, for each . ... Every shop-man, ware'iiuu.;c-man - - - Every waiter in a tavern, or eating house Evci-y iiorse groom ... Every servant retamed for the purposes of husbandry ^i 10 3 u 3 10 G 4 4 4 4 6 4 12 5 5 10 6 6 on each . servar £2 2 3 3 1 1 u 2 2 1 1 2 if 1 1 a 5 a 40 Male Servants — Class IV. Eveiy cftachman, groom, postilion, or keeper, retained by persons keeping horses or coaches for hire - - - 2 U ^ And every man who cleans a pair of shoes for his employer, is deemed a servant. Exemptions. — The royal family, the universities, hospitals, of- ficers not receiving pay of field officers, disabled officers, army or navy. Carriages. Class I. — With four "wheels. By the owners of one carriage the annual sum of Do. 2 carriages Do. 3 do.'^ Do. 4 do. Do. 5 do. Do. 6 do. Do 7 do. Do. 8 do. Do. 9 do. ;C10 11 12 12 10 13 13 10 14 14 10 0. 15 5 For every additional body, used in the same carriage Class 11. — Carriages with less than four ivhci '• . Every such carriage, (except taxed carts, constructed, kept, and used imder this act) drawn by one horse, mare, or gelding, and no more - - - - - - £3 5 d Drawn by two horses, mares, or geldings - - 7 7 For every additional body to the same can-iage - - 2 10 Within these two classes are comprehended the following de- scriptions — coach, berlin, landau, chariot, calash, chyise marine, chaise sociable, caravan with four wheels (alias Jersey waggon), chaise, curricle, chair, cax* — and keeping without using renders the owner as liable as if used, even though kept only to be disposed of. Class III. — Carriages for hire. Every carriage kept for hire, with horses, and for less time than a year, four wheels, annually - - - - - ^^8' 8 Less than four wheels, according to the rules of the second class and number of horses. Every coach, diligence, caravan, chaise, &c. kept as a public stage, 8 8 Every carriage kept for hire for a period less than a year, Class IV. — Taxed carts. Carriages built of wood and iron, drawn by one horse, without any other than a tilted covering — without hinge or springs, with a fixed seat, and without slings or braces or any other ornaments than paint of a dark color for preser- vation — and on which must be visibly painted the words " taxed cart," and the owner's name, on a black grutind in v^hite Utters, or on a white ground in black letters — each of the letters a full inch in length and of due propor- tion in breadth, - - - - - ;^1 4 Exemptions — AH carriages belonging to his majesty or any of the royal family. Class V. — Coachmakcrs. Every maker of coaches or carriages, annual duty Every carriage made for side, of four wheels Of two wUeeis ... /;o 5 1 10 f) 41 Class VI. — Sellers of carriages by auction, or on commission. Rvery such seller, annual duty, or licence - . . ^Q 5 Q Beside for every carriage sold with four wheels - - 10 Do two wheels > . 10 Stamps. « Stamp on the contract of a solicitor, clerk, or attorney in the courts of West- minster ..... ^110 In any other part of England or Wales - - 55 Asbignment of articles - - « - 1 10 Admittance 6f attorney, clerk, advocate, proctor, notary, or other of- iicer, in any court in England - - . 20 Solicitor, attorney, &c. &c. if not admitted three years, yearly 10 If three years or more, yearly - - . 10 Any other part of Gi-eat Britain but London, yearly - 3 3 If three years and move, yearly . - . 6 Special pleaders, draftsmen in equity, conveyancer V, certiiicate, yearly 10 The farmers of America will remember that the first introduc- tion of those taxes was in a trifling degree — ^just as in John jidams's days, when it was said — " what seditious rascals, why it is only a " penny stamps only a trifling tax on whiskey^ ojdy an exciseman or " two just calling, only now and then, 07dy just to see how you do." So it was the argument of the lories, that Britain only wished to collect a feiv pence a pound on tea — 'twas but a trifle, not worth while for the ragged rabble of Boston to grumble about— or, as the pious Connecticut " ivarm federalists" say, the " tag rag." t. Britain did it only for the good of America — to strengthen the chain of connection 1 So was the larid tax laid on, on the first landing of VVilliam of Nassau, from Holland — it was only to last for a year or two — the un- suspecting farmers of England were duped, and the land tax is now perfectly four shillings in the pound, on all the land in Great Britain— o?z/i/ because the farmer once gave way to internal taxa- tio-n. The first adoption of this land tax was from foreigners, and fo- reign connections — Britain sent to Holland for a thing to make a king, the Hanoverian thing followed and completed the ruin of \\\^ farmer. Those foreigners brought with them foreign ideas, and Britain was soon involved in foreign wars, and foreign alliances — you need not be told of the recent effects. It is from this lesson of ruin and destruction that the spies and emissaries of Britain preach up the examples o( foreign alliances, BTid foreign wars, and foreign natio7is, and taxes, and national debts, and fortifications, to the American people — they know that these things have occasioned the ruin of Britain — and that the same course would produce the same effects here also ; and as they want to ruin America, they advise a course which they know will i-uin her. From foreign alliances, and hearkening to foreigners who ex- cited to war, Britain was 70 years of the last century involved in war. Yet it is " warrnly federal" to call a national debt a blessing —-of course war must be a greater blessing-^iov the debt is occa- 6 ,42 sioned by the war — and if the eflect is a blessing, the cause must be still a greater blessing. To what dreadful blasjihemies do such principles tend to lead its stupid besotted advocates. And yet thousands, who pretend to religion, who hear and read these words, will reply — " well, how can Britain do without /exes ?" Just as well may the highwayman defend ?««r(/fr, because he had determined to rob, as for Britain to make this excuse. Farmers of America, if you once submit and give way to inter- nal taxation, unless for the promotion of improvement in your in- terior, those who will live on your industry in collecting taxes, will soon ruin you with expenses, and then tell you — you cannot' now do without taxes. No. XL THE foundation of all society being the mutual good of all those who compose the ^50ciety ; the means by which that good is most effectually obtained and secured must be the best means. The experience of all times affords every man, with the least abili- ty to think, the means of forming his own opinions. No topics are more easy to be understood — and on none can so much infor- mation be had as on politics. The elements are the simplest of human concerns, and although artifice and wickedness have, for ages, succeeded in blinding the bulk of maiikind to their rights, int~ ?•■ sis, and /wwer ; the subject is not afterall so much concealed from the understanding, but that it may be approached, handled, and used. As the establishment of the good of all the members of a so- ciety, stale, or nation, is allowed even by despots to be their inte- rest and their object in governing, it does not follow that their va- riation, in practice, from their professions, renders the practice reasonable or consistent. The acknowlegements of despots are, in this instance, a plain confession of what their conduct ought to be; and that the rights oi mankind are eternal, and form, in truth, the first principle of human society. Every channel into which reason travels you discover the same principle under one form or another. It is that principle recognized by all legislators, only assuming different shapes under different circumstances — the righc of SELF-FMESERVAfJON. The right of self-preservation is not disputed byany species of government — and it extends from the right of a man to defend himself against an assassin, as well as against a bear or a tyger. The formation of society, is only a more extensive application of the right of self protection — it is numbers associating to protect each and every of the associators, against a number of bears or assassint. No doubt those who rule despotically over an ignorant 43 or corrupt people, make wars without occasion or necessity; but such is the force of the natural firinciples of general and special protection, that the greatest tyrant affects to be governed by the universal principle of self defence, by holding forth wars and all their concomitants, as necessary to the firoteccion or existence of the states It requires no stretch of discernment to discover, that whenever a society is placed in such a state, by those who either rule, or who are delegated to preserve society secure and happy, as that they could he no worse under the fear of bears or assassins; that the end of constituting society is totally frustrated and destroyed ; the order is reversed, and the dissolution of such a society is not so surprising as its existence. A state of society where millions are debased and degraded, and a few aggrandized in lazy luxury and vicious idleness, must be exposed to miseries the most re- pugnant to the received axioms of humanity and morals ; and taking their situation into a comparison of ett'ects with causes, the convulsion of a day or a year, or ten or twenty years, is not so ter- rible as the silent and secret horrors of ages of protracted wars, miseries and desolations, excited by ambition, and never ending in the alleviation but augmenting human aftlictions. These, FARMERS OF AMERICA, are reflections which arise on a consideration of the taxes and o/i/iressed condition of a nation whose history forms the first volumes of your own ; and whose example is, with a wickedness next to impiety, daily and in every shape presented to you as a model of wisdom, and as the only ex- ample worthy of your imitation. All human concerns, are best understood by comparison ; it is the basis of the reasoning- power. You should ask, as politicians and as men solicitous to preserve happiness co yourselves and pos- terity — you should ask, when any tuhlic o;>ject, foreign or do- mestic, is pi-eferred to your judgmeiU. — d,/ bono? JVImt g<.od is it to produce? JVhat was the 77rcf:-:xitr ? i.'hat tvas t/ic cause? Could it not be done without? Qucatioiis like ib.tse lead to a proper understanding; and unless yoo ask such tjneslions and examine them, it is impossible that you can ever judge of public mea- sures, or derive any advantage from history or experience. Ask the question — IVhy did Great Biifc.in end avor to tax the United States? The answer is a volume of useful instruction for you ; compare the effects on yourselves with similiu" effects on others. What good did her efforts to ens'id^e t'lis continent pro- duce ? — Was there a necessity ? Could it be done without? These questions all answer themselves. And they apply equally to the whole of the v.-ars in which she was engaged for seventy years of the last century? But a question is passed — ivhat ivas the cause? What the effect? ' The cause was that the people, vi\\o fight ^ suffer and pay for all wars, suffered the power to be wrested from their hands. The interests of their peace and happiness they trusted for too long a time to deputies ; and the people becam- supine irom the waht of a prompt and adequate control. The cause was then in the wicked- »ess of the public agents, and the weakness of judgment and want of precaution and discernment in the people ; the effect, enormous debts, taxes and gain. The same principles apply universally — to all governments as well as that of England — and if you do not take warning, and pre- caution, FARMERS OF AMERICA, it will be your fate likewise. Be you watchful, jealous, but generous in rewarding those who serve you faithfully— inflexibly and eternally shut out from your confi- dence, any man who once betrays you, or who, to serve a petty pur- pose of his own, sacrifices your rights and interests. "We have thought these reflections necessary in accompanying our continuation of the view of English taxes — and the American farmer will, as he goes along, ask at each item, Cui bono? — And he will, on recurring, at leisure, to history, find answers in the ambition of kings, the corruption of courtiers, the profligacy of statesmen, and the degradation and ignorance of the people. Ask yourselves how you should like to see your horses taxed at the fol- loTi^ing rates — which is now the tax paid under the government which is held out to you as an example :— - Tax on Horses. For one horse, mare, or gelding, kept for riding or drawing a carriage chargeable with the carriage duty, or hired for one year or more, per annum, /^2 8 For 2 years, • ;C4 For 12 years, . . 5 5 3 . .480 13 ... 5 5 6 4 . . . 4 11 14 . 5 5 6 5 . 4 12 15 . ..556 6 ... 4 16 16 . .556 r . . 4 18 17 . -.560 8 . . 4 18 18 . 5 6 5 9 ...500 19, ..570 40 ... 5 5 20 . 580 11 . . . 5 5 Class II. — Horses let to hire, for every one let to hire for any period less than a year . ;^ 2 8 Class III.—£acers. For every racer or running horse . . . . 2 8 Another class, comprehends horses, mares, geldings, and mules, of an inferior value — annual charge . . . . 12 6 Inferior rack rpnt, tenant's horses . . . - 2 6 A distinction is made in favor of Scotland and Wales, where two horses of the latter description are taxed . . 2 6 Horses not of 13 hands (of 4 inches) high not chargeable. Exp:mptions — Horses, See. of the king and any of the royal fa. lYiily — post masters, poor rectors and vicars, volunteer officers. Look at this last paragraph of exemptions — and consider the amount of the sums paid out of the sweat of the brows, and the produce of the lands, to the English royal family ; — but you for- get these things; they have been published in the newspapers — you have read them, and forget them ; we shall refresh your memory when we close this series. The next is the dogs — and even, the royal dogs appear to be among the bes( blood of the nation, fc they are a firivile^ed order ,' 45 Dogs. Eor every greyhound, hound pointer, setter, spaniel, lurcher, terrier, where more rhan two are kept . ~ - . ^ 10 For every dog not of these descriptions, where there is only one . 6 Exemptions — The king's dogs and other dogs of the royal fa- mily — persons who keep packs of dogs may compound for JQ 30 a year. Horse Dealers. Every trader or dealer in horses in London and its precincts, annual licence . . . . . . ^^20 In any other part of England . . . . 10 Hair Powder, Every person who wears or has worn powder in the hair, annual sum 110 Exemptions — The king and royal family, and their servants-— afficers in army or navy — poor clergymen. Armorial Bearings. The American reader is to understand this to be a privilege for wearing a kind oi barbarous hieroghj/ihics called heraldic or armorial devices — as a tax upon folly, perhaps it is the only laudable tax ia the book — but even his majesty and all the royal family are ex- empted from this tax — the ordinary annual fee for this folly is, for Every coach upon which the hieroglyphics are painted, . . £,2 2 ute^ that of liiring numbers of newspapers, and writers, in " England, and on the continent, [and in America] and publishing " a number of pamphlets." The writers of that day, so employed, have been, some of them, men of great literary qualifications — Dr. Sam Johnson, sir John Dalrymple, James Macpherson., Sleivartf Lind, Knox, (of South Carolina) Maiiduit, 8cc. &c. Having mentioned lord Chatham, we shall quote a sentiment o£ his, pertinent to present circumstances and the discussion in hand; it is contained in a letter from lord Chatham to Stephen Say re, one of the sherifls of London, and is dated August 15, 1774: ' Every step on the side of government (the English) seems calculated to drive ' the Americans into open resistance, vainly hoping to crush the spirit of liberty ' in tint vast continent, at one blow ; but millions must perish before the seeds * of freedom will cease to grow and spread in so favorable a soil ; and in the meau ' time devoted England must sini herseif under the ruins of kir o-u-n foolish and ' df:vated system of destruction.^* Another from a speech in January, 1775 : — ' You may destroy their towns, and cut them off from the superfluities, perhaps ' the conveniences of life; but they are piepared to despise your power, and ' would not lament their loss while they have What? my lords! their ^oot/* ' and their liberty.' It is remarkable that on the introduction of the American stamfi act into the British parliament, there was only one member that had the resolution and the honesty to stand up and vote against it — that was general Conivay. These little histoi-ical illustrations are offered at once to relieve the dryness of an odious subject, that of the tax on stamps, and to call the attention of the farmer to study at his leisure those histo^ rles, in which are described the origin and progress of those great events which have placed America in a situation superior to any nation on the globe. The following is a sketch of the stamp duties paid in England^ — and from a subjection to which you first escaped by the revolu- tion of 1776, and next from a revolution of party in 1800. Stamps. Stamp on the contract of a solicitor, clerk or attorney in the courts of Westminster, In any ether part of England or Wales, Assignment of articles, Admittance of attorney, clerk, advocate, proctoa-, notary. or other officer, in any court in England, Solicitor, attorney, &.c. &.c. if not admitted three years, yea;ly, If three years or more, yearly,- * I'his incident recalls to our memory the case of Stephen Sayre, a man who remains to this hour unpaid for money expended on public service during our revo- lution, and against whom toryi^'m and English influence have kept up from that day to this an hostility that goes very near to \erify the opprobiimi of ingratitude cast upon republics. — Mr. Sayre's claims are not for regard, Twhich by the bye he has a fair claim to) but for money actually laid out ! LIO 55 1 10 20 10 10 48 Any other part of Great Britain but London, yearly, If three years and more, yearly, Special pleaders* draftsmen in equity, conveyancers' cer- tificate, yearly, Warrant to any attorney, &c. to defend a suit to the va- lue of 40 shillings ; — stamp A writ or mandate out of any court in Westminster, Bail, special or common, in any court. Bail bond. Assignment of bail, liecognizance. Appearance in an action, Declaration, plea, replication, each, Copy thereof. Every sheet in plea, &c. over the first sheet, Record of nisi prius, or postea. Judgment of court, Inquisition before a sheriff, Writ of error, or writ of certiorari. Entry of action in mayor's court. Affidavit in court of law. Copy do. Affidavits out of court, Bill, answer, plea, replicatioi;, ur any other pleading in equity. Copy thereof. For "every ninety words abo.i; the first ninety a further duty of Interrogatories in equity, Depositions in equity by commissioners. Deposition not by commission. Copies each, Every ninety words above first ninetv , Rule or order in coui-t of law or equity, Summons by a judge, Order made by a judge. Office cojyv of rule or order. Every skin of parchment or sheet of paper of such edpy, a further duty, Decree of dismission in chancery or exchequer. Ecclesiastical Stamps. As we have nothing of church supremacy in America (thank God) this detail of the head of stamp duties would be in many particulars incomprehensible — we shall therefore only state, that they are about as numerous in the ecclesiastical courts as in the common law and equity courts ; consistinii; of monitions, citations, allegations, answers, final decrees, commissions, inventories, cer- tificates, testimonials, marriage licenses, certificates of marriage, dispensations, matriculations, registers, entries, presentations, do- nations, collations, licenses, copy or extract of wills, probates, letters of administration, appeals from courts of admiralty, court of arches, prerogative court, Sec. requiring stamps from 4 shillings to 30 pounds I Admiralty Stamps. The English admiralty courts, are two s/iecial, and two oi a/ifieal ; the first or instance court, exists during peace, and is professedly governed by the ancient Roman civil law of Oleron, or in other words the law that most favors the policy of the government ; ;6'3 3 6 10 5 5 2 6 2 6 2 6 r 2 6 G 4 4 4 10 10 10 1 2 6 2 6 2 6 2 5 4 0' 4 5 5 4 4 @ 4 2 6 1 2 6 2 6 2 1 6 49 but from this there is an appeal to the chajicery court. The se* cond is the firize court, usually established during war only ; from this court the appeal is to a committee of the king's privy council, called lords of appeal. The forms of proceeding in all their courts are in writing or /iriyuing ! a circumstance necessary to estimate the additional oppression oi stam/ia to the usual extortion of/2roc». tors and court lawyers. As unfortunately American citizens have had too much to do in English admiralty courts, we give the detail of the stamps requisite even in seeking justice. Libel, allegation, inventory, deposition in courts of admiralty, or cinque ports, 5 shillings each — copy four shillings — in Scotland one shilling less. Every sheet after the ilrst, each, 4 shillings. Bail bond or recognizance, 30 do Affidavit in admiralty court, 5 do Copy also, 5 do And for every additional sheet^ 4, do Warrant of court, 13 do Citation or monition, 20 do Answer, 5 do Interlocutory decree, 20 do Copy of any of the preceding, 5 do And each extra sheet, 4 do Sentence, attachment of sentence, or relaxation of sentence, each, 30 dO Writ of appeal, 20 do Letter of marque, 40 do Stamps on Deeds. This class of articles comprehends a number of particulars with which the American farmer is fortunately ignorant but from infor- mation ; but there are many which correspond with deeds in com- mon use among us. That nue were saved from them all we should Tiever forget to thank the creator of heaven and earth. Deeds, or instruments of conveyance, surrender, lease, release, grant, appoint- ment, confirmation, assigpimcnt, transfer, covenant, or other obligatory instru- ment enrolled or registered, or not ; upon any number of words not amounting to 30 law sheets, 70 words to a sheet ; together with every schedule, receipt thereon, &c. £. 1 10 — For every entire 15 sheets above the first, a furth.er ^um of 20 shillings. Copy, or attested copy, Every ten sheets above the first ten, further duty of Copy for any other than the parties tp the deed, on every twenty common law sheets or less, each. Certificate of sale of crown lands, worth exceeding tefiu- 5 do 15 do 5 do 15 do /:i 10 do 2 do T *> 60 From ^'500 to 1000 1000 to 2000 2000 to 3000 3000 to 4000 4000 to 5000 5000 to 10,000 . 10,000 to 15,000 15,000 to 20,000 20,000 and upwards, Over and above the first 15 sheets, a further sum of Bond, commonly called a mortgage bond, or bond given as a collateral security. Deed, or other instrument of transfer, And for every 15 common law sheets, a further duty of Writ of covenant, "Writ of entry, Exernplirication, or seal of court. Award under hand and seal, And forever^ fifteen common law sheets, further duty, Charter party, or any memorandum, note or letter be- tween an owner of a vessel and a merchant, And for every «her fifteen law sheets, further duty, Lease of lands. And further fifteen law sheets, An Agreement, No agreement is valid in England, but what bears a stamp — a verbal agreement cannot be taken in evidence ! ! ! And for every further 15 sheets, £ 1& shillings. Memorial for register of deeds. Copy of ditto, Memorial for registering an annuity, Bond of any kind whatsoever for a sum not exceeding ;C20 And for every 15 sheets further. Bonds under the customs and laws. Bonds given as security for any sum of money not ex- ceeding £ 100 /,'4 shillinga 5 do 6 do 7 do 8 do 10 do 12 do 15 do 20 do ■ 1 ,1 do a 15 do 1 10 do f 20 do 2 do 2 do 3 do 1 10 do , 20 do be- 1 10 do 20 do 20 do 20 do 16 do Prom 100 to 300 300 to 500 500 to 1000 1000 to 2000 2000 to 3000 3000 to 4000 4000 to 5000 5000 to 10,000 10,000 to 15,000 15,000 to 20,000 20,000 and upwards" 10 do 5 do 20 do »g 1 da 15 do 15 do 1 do 1 do 2 do 3 do 4 do 5 do 6 do 7 do 9 do ;^.12 shilling: 15 do 20 do Indenture of AppRENXicESHir. Premiums are generally given Avith children in England, when apprenticed to any art or trade — the stamps are thus regulated by the premium given r W here £ 10 sterling is given as an apprentice's fee, ;C ^ ^^ shillings. From 10 to 20 1 10 do 20 to 50 2 10 do 50 to 100 5 do 100 to 300 12 do 30y and upwards', 20 do 51 AssigTiment of indfnture, 35 shUlrngs. Passport, 3 do BiUoflading, Protest, Any notarial act luhaterer. Debentures for drawbacks. Procuration, Letter or power of attorney, For every further 15 sheets, Transfer of bank stock. Statute-staple, Statute-merchant, Transfer of stock in any sbtjety 'Tcbatcver- Exeeeding;^ 200 sterling, y rem £ 200 to 300 " 300 to 400 400 to 500 500 to 1000 1000 to 2000 2000 to 3000 3000 to 5000 5000 to 10,000 10,000 and upwards. Policy of insurance for houses. Policy for ships not exceeding 20 pounds, For every fiii-ther hundred pounds. When the premium exci^eds tweiity pounds, For every further hundred pounds, AVhen the premium exceeds one hundred pounds, For every further hmidred pounds, Commission or deputation by the commissioners of ex- cise, Admission into any company, Admittance as a fellow of a college cf physicians, Admittance into any inn or court of chancery. Degree in any court of chancery, Warjant for army or navy. Warrant for ought beneficial , Grant from his majesty, exceeding ofte hundred pounds, to pay the duty passing the great seal only, Of any officer, exceeding 50 pounds per annum, Exceeding one hundred pounds. Grant of any honor, liberty, ov privilege, Letters patent under the great seal, Exempliticationof such grant. Specification oi a. patent or discovery. Grant of lands, or other profit under the great seal, where the consideration money exceeds 10 pounds, a duty of 20 Keep in tnetnory, farmers of America, that you have escaped these stamp taxes twice — and that if ever they are revisited upon you, it will be either the efTect of your coi-ru/iiion^ your being too easily duped by artful and selfish politicians — or by your neglecting to fortify your children with knoivlege through an early and efiec- *ive system of education". 3 do 5 do 5 do 4 do 20 do 20 do 20 do 7s 9d 20 shillings 20 do £1 10 shillings, 2 10 do 3 do 3 10 do 5 do 7 10 do 10 do 12 10 do 17 10 do 20 do 1 shilling. 1* 3d 1 3 2 6 2 7 5 5 ^1 10 shillings. 1 do 20 do 20 do 50 do 12, f. 6^. 1 10 16 8 1 20 20 20 20 5 5^ No. XIII. AN English emissary, of the name of Cullen, pays these essays olio of the most grateful compliments which, next to public appro- bation, could be bestowed upon them. A republican paper at New York, from the pressure of local discussion and other matter, has not copied and republished this series of essays — the English emis- sary triumphs in the omission, and attributes it to a very different cause; nay, makes it a merit that /?o'/;er« directly addressed to the common sense of the great bulk of the American nation — the se- X'cnteen-tiventiethfi^ is excluded from even one republican paper. These papers however have been republished, or the republica- tion commenced, in some one or more newspapers, in every state of the union, excepting only Ddavjare. But the best evidence of their truth is, that the enemies of our governmenr, and the revilers and calumniators of our institutions, are as much depressed and displeased, as the great body of the people are gratified at the simple, though hasty, the irrefutable, though immelhodical, series of warnings from experience, and from evidence, which we have thrown out in this shape. The American farmer should never omit as he goes along — . making this reflection — *' Had our rex^olution not succeeded we should " now be subject to the same oppressions as the people in England " are at this day, from the wickedness of its system of policy and " government." And he should add to this reflection another — « Taxation and " tyranny grow up imperceptibly — the first stamp duty was a penny " a sheet — it is now four pence — the first funded debt of England " was a million, it is now 600,000,000 pounds sterling." Such reflections should accompany the perusal of every head of taxes, which we offer as an example of the blessings of the most stupendous fabric of human wisdorn 1 ! ! We shall now continue our extracts of English taxes. License Stamps. For selling beer. ^2 2 For selling hats in London, 2 Do. out of London, 5 Selling meaicine in London, 2 Do." out of London, i\\ a corporate towu, 10 Do. elsewhere, 5 Pawnbroker in London, 10 Do. elsewhere, .5 Lottery offices in London, 50 Do. out of London, 50 To let horses to hire, 5 Stage coaches with 4 passenger;,, 5 Do carrying more than 10, 9 Recollect, reader, these taxes are to be renewed annually. These are the blessings of a funded debt!! 53 The next head contains a series of items which go to illustrate the constitutional speech of our most excellent governor at the opening of the legislature — and we may therefore call it INFORMATION FOR M'KEAN. Newspaper anu Pamphlet dpty. Every newspaper, Every other half sheet. Pamphlets in half sheet, Do. larger. Almanacs, Perpetual almanac, Every pamphlet, containing an ahmanac, l)o. perpetual, Advertising ix Newspapeb. For every advertisement, 3 Pamphlets, books or papers, larger than one whole sheet, and for every other sheet, 2 Playing cards pea- pack, 2 G We would recommend to our worthy governor to study the aboyu taxes on newspa/iers a?id /unn/i/ilets. Now again — more information for our federal merchants and John Adams's stamp men : £0 3 1-2 3 1-2. 1-» 1 1 10 1 U 10 p C OMMERCIAL StAMPS. Promissary notes- -for 21 shillings^ From^^lto 2 2 to 5 5 to 20 Bill of exchange. on demand, Do. after sight, From ;C 5 to 30 30 to 50 50 to 100 100 to 200 •■ 200 to 500 500 to 1000 1000 and upwards, Look here again federalists and federal quids. For every receipt or discharge %vhatpx-er, amounting to /^ 2, ajid not exceeding 10, From 10 to 20 20 to 50 50 to 100 100 to 200 200 to 500 500 and upwards. Receipt, discharge, or acquittance, or any writing whatever, which shall contain or express, or in any manner settle an ac- count, or when the account is expressed or balanced j'or aiiy suni ivbaieijer, and acknowleged to be in full, 5 Next comes duties on probates, letters of administration, and le- gacies — let us see what " blessings" are summed up under this head — farmers, her^ they arc, judge for yoiir^elves—and a pretty list indeed. £0 S 6 9 1 8 1 1 6 2 3 4 5 7 6 10 ajid 2d. 4 8 i*. 2 3 5 54 £.0 10 2 5 8 11 15 22 30 40 50 60 )0O e Jor every probate of wUl from £ 20 to 100 From 100 to 200 200 to 300 300 to 450 450 to 600 600 to 800 800 to 1000 , 1000 to 1500 1500 to 2000 2000 to 3500 3500 to 5000 And so on in the same ratio, up tO;^ 500,000 which pays £ 600O Next comes p,ame licenses. That is, a/armer dares not kill a patridge unless he possesses /T 100 per annum, and then not without paying a game license of /.' 3 3 annually. Insurance Duties. On every /^ 100 of stock on houses, or any property, yearly, 2^. 6d. Hats. Every hat, incU'.cliug trimmings, value 4>?. From 4 to 7 7 to 12 12 to 18 18 and upwards. Plate. Every ounce of gold. Every ounce of silver, Medicines For ever\ pachitjc, or '>o\\ or vial, Value from 1 to 2 shiUings, do 2?. 6a'. to 4 do do 10 to 20 do do 20 10 30 do do 30 to 50 do dp 50 and upwards, . . 20 Pay so much tax for curing a disorder, and when recovered — only to.yvake to slavery ! 3 6 1 <-> 3 16 1 11 3 1 2 3 u 10 Post Horses, Stage Coache'; For every mile, Forcsery 7uik, If 6 passengers, .... If 10 passengers. .... Race Horses. For eveiy horse, every time he enters to run on any course, . • . . • ;^*2 2 & Game Licenses. Every person who shall have a dog or gim, shall deliver in his name, under the penalty of ;^ 20. Appsaisementk. For every sheet of paper containing an appraisement of 50 pounds, From 50 to 100 100 to 200 200 to 500 500 and v-pwards, 11-2 21-2 5 2s. ba 5 10 15 20 2s . 61 5 10 5 20 2 5 55 Now for legacies— here farmers is a stamp ta;5C — in reality^, here are the blessings of a national debt — here are the blessings of a mo- narchy in perfection — read them with attention. Upon any legacy of 20 pounds or more, given by will for the benefit of any cbild or descendant of any child, for every 100 pounds, Is. To a brotbtr or sister, for every 100 pounds, . . 2 \0d. Brother or sister of a father or mother, for every £ 100 4 A brother or sister of a grand-father or grand-mother — for every ;(; 100 . . . . .5 For the benefit of any of^e;-/)erso«, ... .8 N. B. — The royal family are exempted from any duties undei- ihis act. AH these duties are payable exclusive of a stamp recei/ii to be given by former acts on the receipt of any legacy. Wives, children, or grand children, when the amount is £ 30 or under, ... ... From 20 to 100 100 and upwards, .... Any other descendant, or the father or tiie mother, to pay for a legacy of y^ 20 20 to 100 100 to 200 . . . . £2 200 additional, ..... 3 300 additional, ..... 4 Ai\6 for a7iy further 100 im additional Evei-y stranger, for a legacy under £ 20, . . Farmers^ make your calculations — those are the blessings the British agents, and spies, and Americans ^' tvarmly federal^'' want to make you partakers of — will yon accept the boon ? Ask yourselves the old question of the Roman orator — cui bono? What good has been produced by those taxes? Are they the better or the worse ? Were these taxes laid for their good ? You will be told that they were necessary. How necessary? The country was involved in wars. By nvhom? You will be told that it was by the jealousy or enmity of their neighbours. But you see them engaged in the present war to restore those very enemies of which they have pretended to complain for ages, and who in turn complained of them, and both of whom were alike cul- pable. There are two clues to the mysteries of English taxation, but one growing out of the other. The prime source of evil /.v the furm. and system of government-'— of which wc gave you a siaull specimen in the sums consumed by the royal family. The next is the wars in Avhich the nation has been involved to keep up and strengthen tliat system ; only consider tlit i'ollowing: facts — which shew the source gf the taxes in tlic second degree. From irOO to 1701 Peace, ■ -ar;?, 2 1702 to 1712 War, 11 1715 to 1717 Peacoj 5 1718 to 1720' War. "I- 1721 to 1738 Peace, 18 1739 to 1747 War, ) 06 El-om 1748 to 17oa Peace, jCars, 9 IT 56 to 1?'63 War, 8 ir64 to 1774: Peace, 10 1775 to 1783 War, 9 1784 to 17i*2 Peace, 9 1793 to 1807 War, 15 In these wars of little more than a century, are not compre- Jiended any of the wanton aggressions of Falkland Islands, Nootlca Sound and Octhakoflf armaments, nor the wars of Mysore. These wars are the means by which enormous debts and taxeg- were rendered ricc-essary. And which have gradually progressed to the misery of the Eng- lish people — the impending ruin of her independence as a nation, and the overthrow of every power in Europe — Say ! will you g« the same road ? No. XIV. THAT was a most animating spectacle which was lately ex- hibited in Baltimore. A musical festival was held, to which each person who chose to be an auditor, subscribed a small sum for ad. mission. The proceeds were destined to purposes of charity — and congenial with so benevolent a purpose, the performers were com- posed of the members of 'vrinous Christian churches, and the audi- tors of every religious denomination. In what other country could such a spectacle be seen ? Where but in this could the voices of various sects be found united in the sweet concord of charity and toleration? — Farmers, you owe this all to your principles of go- vernment — such concord you could not see or hear any where else — the interests of other governmeiils depend upon imposture ; re- ligion is employed only as an engine of the state — the machinery of state is constructed upon principles the reverse of concord ; — it is constructed upon principles of discord. And a state church is employed at once to aggrandize one sect at the expense of all the rest, and to aid by its spiritui^i in/luenci', the political influence of other classes or factions of oppressors. ^ By the revolution of 1776 you escaped this most impious of all the arts of state quackery. In Britain (for it is the example held out to us) no one tax is icund to coASolidate together the rnt^ri^ies of such a. g-ood g'overn- 7ne7it, so well as //.'V.fi—lhat is, the tc:ith part of the produce of tvtvy fartner does, by law, belong to a clergyman of the establish- ed church — no matter whether the farmer i)elongs to that church or to another. The state cliurcJi must be supported — ^because it^ combines both temporal and spiritual iiiHuence. And the estab- ' lished clergy, in return for the favor of the fitate, act as sfiies to deliver over, with the assistance of the parish lawyer and parish exciseman^ for punishment, eyeiy dccluimcr against too much cner«" ^y in government. 57 The firivile^ed clergyman adds spiritual excommunication ill Britain — to the terrors of regular government. The tithes are wholly paid by the farmer — be he Calvanist or Quaker — Methodist or Seeker — he pays the tenth to the estab- Hshed church. Supposing a farmer were to rent three hundred acres of land, and offer the clergyman one hundred of them instead of tithes — and heside payi}ig the rent for the clergyman — think you he would accept the land, even wiih the rent paid i No, he would not ! His tenth of the produce would be better in Britain than one third of the land after defraying charges of cultivation — for farmers in England are generally renters. The farmers, in the first place, pay the rent — Secondly, tlie land ta:r, and all the other taxes, we have enume- Vated in preceding numbers. Thirdly, the wages of his servants, and the expense of his house and farming utensils. Fourthly, plowing, manuring and sowing. Fifthly, reaping. And after the farmer has incurred all this expense and labor«- then comes the established clergyman — but not till then ! The fai'mer, when his wheat is cut, must put it up in the field in sheaves of ten in each heap — Then the clergyman comes and picks out one of the best; if there is one heap in every ten that looks bigger than the others, that is certain to go to the established church. The farmer is obliged to put his barley, and oats, and hay also in heaps ; and the clergyman gathers up every tenth heap in like manner — he takes his choice, one out of every ten I The farmer dares not touch any of his own property, the pro- duce of his labor and expense, till he has given notice to the cler- gyman ; and even then the parson may suffer his tenth parts to re- main in the field — 48 hours — and the poor farmer dares not turn in his hogs, or his turkeys, or poultry, the while I These various articles, however, are only what ai'e called the great tithes I After that the farmer is obliged to pay to the established church a composition for feeding and pasturing his own cattle. Sec. kc. — and these are called the little tithes I Then for the farmer's ivif' — She, poor woman, comes under the parson's clutches* She must carry to the parson's house — every tenth chicken-"^ Every tenth goose, turkey, and duck — Every tenth egg, and roasting /tig — The tenth of her apples, and peaches, and pears, and cherries. And more, she must pay a composition for the cabbage, thyme, onions, cellery, parsley, &c. Sec. of her garden. If a poor man has only one hen, and that hen hatches seve7i chick- ens, the parson takes one, notwitiistanding ; it was not the parson's fault if the hen had not ten instead of seven — the same of the lit" ters of pigs : the same of geese, &c.-— the lavos give it him' 8 " This must be a stupendous fabric of human wisdom— :/br Lhc pamona of the established church ! ! I Then the clergyman takes the tenth calf — also for the established church. He has the tenth part of the milk every day. Or if the parson chooses the whole milk of every tenth day — he may make the choice. Many a poor poor calf and hog goes with a hungry belly in En- gland, every tenth day — but who will be so Jacobinical as to say the government was made for calves? Or that John Bull is only a GREAT CALF for Submitting to it? • Then comes Easter dues. Farmers of America, do you know what Easter dues are ? It is curious to see the poor agricultural laborers (the clodpoles) in Britain, whose children are almost starving, or feeding on their barley cakes, lugging the tenth of their scanty produce, of their gardens — their eggs, their poultry, and with tears, knocking at the door of a minister of a church called Christian ! There is energy for you ! " O 1 how degraded are the United " States, by a Jacobinical democratical government, such as they <' noiv Aa-ye," said a "■ waritily federal'\friend lately. Had the system of 1797-8 succeeded, we should have had more energy — and in time, farmers of America, your children might have -^2^6. Easter dues — what a misfortune that iJz^j-r missed the em- pire 1 the vicar general of Mexico no doubt made tithes a part of the convention. — It Was a part of the concordat of the quid em- pire ! Well, the clergyman prefers receiving tithes of one tenth of the produce, rather than to have one third of a plantation for a gift 11 But the clergyman of the established church is a politica' arith- metician ; the taxes are so heavy that he is considerably the gain- er, bv refusing one third of the land and taking a tenth of the produce. TXw: farmers often have bad crops in Britain, like other coun- tries — by bad crops, bad harvest, by heavy poor rates, or the death of his hoi'ses and cattle, he is, as elsewhere, a considerable loser by his farm ; and very often his stock is seized to pay the rent, to the " best blood of the couJitry." You would naturally conclude then, that the parson would make some little allowance; and if ihe law had neither justice nor gene- rosity in it, that the Christian parson would have some little feel- ing — that he would come in for some little share of the loss. But no, not a cent — the church, like the king, can do no wrong —the church of England is not like the. Jicpc infallible — it can only do no ivrong. Thefurvier might be ruined, his wife and family turned out of doors. -his childi*en crying for bread, but the parson, crop much or little — ^be the iveatfutr wet or dry — sweeps ofi" ivheat, hay, barley, calves, turkeys, ducks, geese, hogs, eggs, apples, pears, and parsley I The firmer may starve, but the tithe must be paid. This is tlic system held up for your admiration;, more admirable 59 than the discovery of the compass and all that — this is the state you, farmers of America, would have been reduced to ere long, had it not been for Jefferson's election, and the wise democratic po- licy of his administration. Tithe and excisemen, proctors, always go hand in hand — they are the chief support, the janisaries of energetic government — read this brief statement, — it contains a.mo7itiment that ought to exciie more curiosity and astonishment than the existence of the pyra- mids of Egypt — for its stupendous base. When the British agents and papers, and spies, and Cullens, call for an energetic government, they mean by it, all which we have enumerated — and more that we shall enumerate. Mauy /((feralisis who know nothing of Britain or British govern- ment but by hearsay — federalists, really well meaning men, but who fancy themselves '' a little bit of blood," those poor deluded men, we have seen gaping and swallov.ing and crediting the " cock and bull stories" of British spies — and believing every report of Britain which ihc papers in British pay relate. Arc Xho^t federalists ready to bend the neck to the taxes and the tithes we have enumerated ? Our expositions in the farmers' politics, we are happy to find, cat close — there are wretches xx^for hire who advertise themselves by rcvilinp- farmprs' politics — they cannot controvert, they cannot deny the truth of a fact stated in them — but they are hankering after the "flesh pots" — and they reprobate these essays, as an un- fortunate class of another sex hang out a. signal. And why ? because we rehue facts, undeniable facts, which can= not be palliated. No. XV. IT is a veiy common custom for the executive magistrates oi those states, whose capitals ai-e occasionally affiicted with the yel- Lov/ FEVER, to congratulate the citizeris whenever they escape fi'om its visitation. It is common (and laudable) for the clergy to offer their thanks to God for the exemption. And even the merchants arc as joyous as if they had made a good voyage uninsured. These things are n-tural — because they are matters between God and man — the ailiiction may be avoided in a great degree by a retreat in time — or by wise precautions against its inroads, through the chamicls of filth and uncleanness — But such is the inconsistency, or the contradictory nature- of man, that evils more durable and dangerous, because they carry contagion from generation r.o generation, and produce the deadly 60 disease of despotism and debasement— ^A^ mind's death in the liv zng man; this disease finds its ^^ay amongst us in ten thousand shapes, and yet we have no (juarantine laiv against it— the disease \ve allude to is foreign influence. Ii would be a subject well worthy of time and labor— to enter into a comparative analysis of the various shapes in which ydlov Jcvcr ^.m\Jorci;^n inihc.nct, affect the bodv corporate -and politic-1 and to ascertain llu- -.■aHous mode, of attack, and the fiarticnlar ■nibjcci. most exposed to the infection of each. Both diseases have one common appearance— in fact, both might, for that matter be characterised under the denomination of ndlow—or^U distini-uish. ing the fh'njsical from tht/coliticai. ^ 'ihere is a feature, or as the physicians would say, a diagnostic^ common to the two diseases o *^ They do not pass and carry destruction beyond the tide -waters— we have them both in our cities, and no nvhcre else, unless now and then a vagrant case ; but such cases are deemed .s-/wradic or sinpu- lar — and convey no contagion. It is in our cities we see them exercise their dcadhj emjiirc— and either destroy or undermine the constitutions of all who come within their pestilential scope. ^ What other diseases of the same type, but with some variation in the apficaranccs of the patients, these have generated, we shall noi go at length into the inquiry. The farmers and mechanics win Ketp in mind, the indisputable lact — That these diseases do not prevail nor produce the least danger —beyond the tide ivaters, or the atmosphere of our cities. " lVar7n fdn-alism" is only the same disease, with a differenl aspect; the disease in its violent character, appears first under the characteristic of " warm federalism"— and though yellonv fever comes only from the West Indies when there is a massacre or a war— the warm federal fever prevails most when we are most at peace and most solicitous to be so— but both are plagues— hoW equally deadly— hoxh equally to be shunned. However, '^ warm federalism'' is placed, by Burr's conspiracv, rather m an awkipard situation. r j Federalism has been the covert under which every thing t>enom- ous and traitorous has sheltered itself Under the wings of federalism the bats, the night owl; the birds of prey, nestled and brooded. Warm federalism, British agents, British s/nea, the Cobbetts, and Lullens, cjuiddis,n—7im\ at last in the full glare of treason— iSwrr-™ crept out from beneath the wings of federalism— Q.r\(l are all vindi- cated or connived at by warm federalism. How dreadful is the crisis of this disease when medicine is not timely administered ! ^ The federalists have constantly held themselves up as the ''bes^ olood" of the country — This has been their regular cry. Jh^vul-gar, as Johnson has it, in Britain, arc—the ni^/,7?Vj mw/^/. nic{e. 61 In Connecticut the -<■ sainted pilgrims,^' call the men of industry and innocence, tag-raff. The, warm federalists and British agents, every where style 5 hem — the vulgar. Burr asserts, — that hundrecUi of the beat blood of the Umtcd States, were in his conspiracy. Federalists have always called themselves the best blood — where there is presumed 'to be bcst^ that there must be worst follows— consequently it ^federalists he alluded to — when he talked of them as tliey talk of themselves — mechanics diXxA farmers, of course, are the worst. Those are plain understandable facts — they are not to be con- tradicted by all the sophistry of the '■'■nvariii JcderaV newspapers, who, by their vain hut flattering denunciations of our addresses tr> farmers and mechanics, show the cloven foot of the cabinet of St, James's, Why do not those tory Jia/iers i-Q\n\h\\sh our farmers' and me- <:hanics'/'.o////(s, and refute thcni? Why do tliey not let the persons who confine their ideas to their papers, judge for themselves whether our Jiolitics are those of an cneii:y to the United States? We have given in our politics io farmers, and in some of the aumbers to mechanics, a pretty good idea of the blessings of taxes. Of the blessings of the blood, birth, extraction of Britain. Burr applied to none but federalists as his leaders. You, federalists, who are really Americansj how can you get over these damning facts — how wipe away the stigma he has load- ed you with ? Burr's plans were to establish himself an emperor. And Burr apjilied io federalists, as if he knew that the general principles o{ federalism tended to monarchy. Aleclianics, as well usfar/rier.s, these remarks we throw before yon for your consideration — if any of you who are c&Wed federalists, and are only held by the principle without being participators in the iniquity carried on under the name — you have sufficient evidence before you of what federalism has been perverted to, by the resort of traitors to that party for the materials of destruction — if you have voted for the opposers of a democratic government, if you have supported the advocates of rjar, i^tandlng armies, fortifica- tions — Pause, we beseech you— "/or heaveri's sake, pause." Take the specimen of Burr, as the surest principles of the lead- ers oifederali&7n 1 An emperor ! — you have had specimens of monarchy in the seven years' hor.ors of revolutionary war, carried on by George III. against yovi. You have specimens of monarchy, in tlie taxes of P.ritai:i — in the horrible slavery to which her population arc sulr,rctcd. In the list of taxes on servants,, which are divided into fnur classes, those who wait on the blood, birth, and extraction of Britain, xirc ranked the liighest in honor — many of them come here, and in 62 fealf a dozen years they talk of their nobility, and of " having served ** their masters in stations suitable to their birth." Then comes what are called the third class, and in that class are enumerated : Persons who ride, or collect money, or settle accounts in the country ^ for merchants — Then book-keejiers or clerks-^ Then shofimeii or warehousemen ! Then laborers in husbandry, that is the farmers ; for you must observe that where there is nobility or no-ability, or best blood, the farmers arc put in the lowest class! What say these classes of persons, in the United States, to those distinctions ? Is the Aurora their enemy because it tells them the truth, and does not deceive them — or is it because it tells too 7nuch truth for them to bear ? If then these classes are registered as the lowest grades of ser- .'a?-'/5, that is, ranked with the unfortunate negroes — How much lower must the mechanics be deemed? Cobbett tells you, they are all paupers in England — that is beg- gars I jBurr's conspiracy calls on every real American, at the next elec- tion to exert himself; it calls on him to give his sacred vote for none but men who v^'ill support the principles of equality. Who invented the steam engine? Mechanics. Who invented r>.nd improved the fire engine ? Mechanics, Who invented and improved the loom ? Mechanics. YS'ho invented and improved all the machinery of mill work? Mechanics. Who build and improve the arts of navigating the sea in ships? Mechanics. .By all their various mechanical arts, it is that Britain has ob- tained her boasted manufactures and trade. And yet British agents term the inechanics of America: ^'■Low- bred tradesmen" — " the ■vidgar.'" Mechanics z.r\A farmers, it rests with yourselves, if you are dis- posed to bend your necks to the Burrs or to British emissaries'— they are ready to set thtivfeet upon you. If you are determined to be freemen — only count your numbers — but be not content with coinputation — be united with each other — there is room enough for us all in this happy wooden world of ours — nay more, mechanics and farmers, it is a solemn truth that the more work you do, the more business you will have to do ; be- cause if you could do enough for the consumption of the country, you woiiid not have cxihav foreigyi comjietilion — nor the dangerous influence which foreign agents exercise to keep your industry under, and to retard the public prosperity to which peace contri- butes so much, and which war would either destroy or retard for twenty years. Look to your happy country, and be proud that there is no lord or lordling. to put you from your path of industry, nor to tare from you the. fruits of your ho\\est labor and genius. 63 If you betray such a country by aiding those who are your vili-' ^fiers^ and the disturbers of your country's peace — you or your chil- dren must feel remorse. Act by your country as the men of 1776 acted — and the joys of conscious rectitude •will lengthen your Jives aad bless your posterity. No. XVI. WHENEVER the emotions of virtuous liberty take posses- sion of man, the spirit which it inspires renders him superior to the little and sordid interests which engross the plodding- calcu- lator or the speculator in human wants or misfortunes. This spirit it is which though it may not be equally felt by ail, is still so dif- fusive and glowing, as to arouse and keep nations IVom falling into the lethargy of vices and sordid passions. Without ihis animating spirit, or could it be extinguished, the American na- tion would speedily follow in that gloomy path which leads to the grave of liberty, and the loss of general happiness. This spirit in republics is vital — it is the spirit which guards against the en- croachments of every species of danger, and which being estab- lished on the basis of virtue., without which freedom cannot exist, necessarily maintains an incessant and eternal watchfulness, against every species of crimes and criminals — a contention of this kindy however grattful the triu?n/i/i to the advocate of virtue, cannot be maintained without much disgust, vnich abhorrence, and not a little of hazard and peril t-o him who is placed in the front of the combat — where, too, the advocate of public virtue has nothing to expect but the consolations ftoiving from his own rectitude — and where the wick- ed, disregarding all considerations, but success, in which they may gain so7nething, are indifferent alike to honor and to virtue, and even to the atrociousness of their means of warfare ; they resort to weapons which virtue would not employ, and they find allies and auxiliaries in every gradation of turpitude. Such we, without affectation, fairly confess we think to be the condition of every editor of -a. free press who advocates the princi- ples of the Declaration of independence, and the peace and indepen- dence of the United States. The joy that warms the bosom of the freeman, who renders noble service to his country, is like incense which I'egales the senses — and the anger and the menaces of his enemies are the proudest tributes of applause bestowed on his labors. We had contemplated suspending the remaining numbers of the Politics for Farmeus — but we find them called for from all parts of the country ; we have been repeatedly solicited to pub- lish them in a more portable form ; and we have been requested to continue them. The most forcible call upon us has been the articles from the ga?.cttes notoriously hostile to ti^.c liberty of thr 64 United States j llicy have exhibited so much anger and resent- ment, as to prove that the success of these numbers has exceeded our anticipations — Upwards of' 300 new subscribers have been added to the siibscriptiun list of the Aurora^ since the firi^t day of December last ; we shall now complete the series ; three numbers beside the present, are already prepared ; and shall appear with- out material delay. In the preceding numbers we exhibited the ingenuity and variety of taxation,, under that government which is a more stupendous fabric of human wisdom (or wickedness!) than has hitherto ex- isted. We touched upon the regal civil list and its various legiti- mate and illegitimate branches — and we ventured also to touch the hierarchy and the tithes. We promised to touch upon the excise — that fatal malady of free states. The memory of excise is not yet eradicated from the-- American mind ; it excited a dangerous fermentation, and a just apprehension ; much as the resistance of that execrable excise system has been artificially covered with odium ; it is the 7nanner of the resistance, and not the resistance itself that is really censur- able ; the resistance however destroyed it ; and the sacrifice of a n^iillion of dollars was a cheap expenditure to save the nation from its horrid and baleful eftects. Comparatively few of our citizens know what the excise was — or is; but they may form an opinion of what it might have been, had the system not been annihilated by national feeling, by a view of the excise system in England,, from which our very profound financiers borrowed it. The far- 7ners of America may remember that the excise and the British treaty were born about the same time, and have been each fruitful of disaster. The excise was introduced in England under that very Charles 7. who had his head cut off on a scafibld, for his manifold offences against the people ; but when that government became so financial from its extravagance, as almost to realize the opinion of an Ita- lian., that the government nvas instituted only to make experiments i?i finance:,, and to discover how far the theory of credit and interest and imposition and credulity could be carried. According as the go- vernment became wicked and extravagailt, the excise was progres- sively extended to such an extreme, as to be of itself sufficient to obliterate every vestige of civil liberty, domestic security, or at- tachment to government. Read and judge for yourselves — read these papers, which British emissaries tell you are " accursed pa- pers," because they tell you truths which no one can controvert — which they cannot deny — which they cannot even shew to be in a single particular false, nor either distouted or discoloured in n single instance. You, A.merican/«?v/zers, can brew your own beer from your own malt — if you chuse to do it — you can roast and grind your own eofjee, if you chuse to use it ; if you kill a IniUock, a calf, or u sheep, and you chuse to make candles,, or to make soap of the fat, you can do it without asking any man's permission ; the things arc vour own. But' there would be no end to shewing you what yor; 65 aan do and may do— butTione of these things here stated, nor a thousand more, can an Englishman do in his own country— wzV//o«( a;2 exciseman ! In England no house-keeper dare, under a heavy penalty, roast as much coffee as would make a breakfast— but in the presence of an exciseman. No man dare make his own cAocofcrf— without an exciseman. ISo m-an can make his osvn malt, or malt for another person— without an exciseman. Every person who makes candlea Or soa^i^ must take out a li- cense, and have his name registered in the excise office— so that no person in his own family can make soap or candles, whatever may be saved by it— there must be an exciseman to see the :soaJi of cand/'-s made, and even the place in which they are made must be closed and secured by two locks— and the exciseman must keep one of the keys : so that no soap or candles be made but in his pre- sence, and when it suits his convenience 1 nor can the manufactory- be unlocked — but in the presence of an exciseman. No person can brew his own beer, or beer for any other person , but in the presence of an excise?nan. The exciseman is of a privileged order^ for he has power to enter any malt house— or bvew house at any time of the day, or night; and if admission is not immediately given, he may, by having a constable present, break ojien the door. Nf. Aian can distill a gallon of whiskey or gm— without an ex- riseuian. No man can make a brick or a tile-— without an exciseman. No man can dig a slate from a quarry — without an exciseman. No man can manufacture snuff or tobacco — without an excise- man. When an inn -keeper or tavern-keeper takes out a license lot- keeping a tavern, he has not done all that the excise law requires ; he may keep the tavern empty if he likes, and live upon his li- cense, if he does not take out an additional and separate license for every one of the following particulars : 1 A license for selling Brandy and spirits, or rurn^ 2 do. Beer. 3 do. Wine to his customers. 4 do. . Tobacco and segars. 5 do. Cyder and metheglin, or meade. 6 do. for letting Horses. 7 do. do. Chaises, gigs, or Jersey waggons. Then your grocers, or wet-good store-keepers, must have their several kinds of licenses also — 1 A license to sell Tea, coffee, or chocolate. 2 do. Tobacco and snuff> 3 do. Starch. 4 do. Wine. 5 do. Whiskey and spirits. A separate license is to be paid for in every casti 66 But the shop-keeper is not done there ; the excise pays particu- lar attention to its favorites, the shop-keepers and tavern-keepers. The exciseman is bound to keep an account of the shop-keeper's stock, and the tavern keeper's stock, which he may- take account of at any time, and as often as he chuses ; he can compel them at his own discretion to weiejh every pound of tea, coffee, c/wco/otcy starch, tobacco, or snuff; and to guage every cask of wine, or other liquors, every day, and at any hour of the day he chases ; it sig- nifies nothing how busy the tuveim-kccjicr or the store -kce/>er may be with their customers— all must give way — to Ms majesty's ink horn. The tanner cannot tan a hide, but under the inspection of an exciseman. The manufacturer of glue— must work under the exciseman. The dresser of skins and the manufacturer of parchment, must ftot work without an exciseman. No man can curry a hide, after it is tanned, but under the in- spection of an exciseman. No man can establish a paper mill, or finish a ream of paper, but under the control of an exciseman. We have not done, nor one half done — for even the exciseman is under the control of another exciseman of a superior order whom we shall notice in our next ; meanwhile, we recommend it t« tliose who are forever holding up the British government as a model of perfection, to open their understandings, and be no longer foolish ■—what we here state they may not all have known ; but he who knows these things, and would recommend such a system for our imitation, must be an enemy of human nature — or an ideot. American farniers, never forget that this is only a small part of the system that was intended for you — this was the rod which an energetic governmeiit was to provide for you — and to bring you to order and regular governmeiit ; and do not forget — that excises^ and tithes, and taxes, are the natural effects of monarchy and ivars^ and the odious systems which tear from the hands of industry the fruits of its labor, to bestow it on the ministers of courts, and those sjmriom breads of beings called nubilitiii No. XVII. WE stated m our last, that, over the lowest grade of excisemen^ there was another and superior grade ; these are called •sufiervisors. The exciseman may be a thief, and they set another to watch him. He may, indeed, have pestered the tavern-keeper or the store- keeper, with daily weighings and guagings ; but the su/iervisor -knows his crcft, and must do sometJiing for the honor of his sacred majesty's protecting government ; he therefore orders all to be 67 -weighed and guaged again. As dignity, it is said, descends so ■vve sontietimes see even in our republic a constable or a court run- ner, assume more airs in the exercise of his functions, than the president of the United States, who appoints him ; so the distance is great between the exciseman and the supervisor's dignity in a monarchy. Perhaps when the gentleman supervisor (for they are gentlemen ! also) comes, he recollects that you did not make your bow f>iiffi. cienily lovo to his mojesty's wk horn at the preceding visit ; and that you may not forget what you owe to so beneficent and all protect- ing a government, he may insist on measuring and weighing and gu aging your stock once more ; and if there are any indignant feelings left in the bosom of poor John Bull ; if the " memory of departed joys," as Dr. Leib said, talking of the liberty of the press, remain with him, and he utters a sulky symptom of discontent, the superior (who is a gentleman always !) having charge of the scales and the gauging rod, may punish the contumacy by either a threat or an actual prosecution for defrauding the revenue. Poor John Bull may be as innocent in the aflair — and as patient as a bear with a sore head, though he growls : — it is no matter, the excise- man. and the supervisor are his majesty's representatives — and, as every part or parcel of majesty partakes of its essence, and the king being incapable of doing wrong, as is agreed by the very bench of bishops, and all the lords of his creation, so neither can the exciseman nor the supervisor do wrong — he can neither blun- der, nor mistake, nor even falsify — his fiat is like the law of the Medes and the Persians. Indeed it saves ages ef trouble — a poor devil of a tavern-keeper or shop-keeper is not obliged to hang about the courts for seven years to bring a villain to justice — the villain is himself the culjirit.) the /irosecutor and the executioner — the fellow who dares to turn up his nose at majesty is dispatched at once by a dash from his majesty's ink horn. But wc have not enumerated still all the operations of excise. No store-keeper or other person can sell a hat — without an ex- cise license. No callico printer can print a yard of cotton or linen cloth — without an exciseman. No silversmith can finish a tea spoon or any piece of plate — without an exciseman. An exciseman is requisite to put the finishing hand to every sheet of parchment. The exciseman exacts a dollar a bushel for every bushel of bar- ley which a farmer makes or has made into malt. Glass cannot be removed from the glass house without the per- mission of the exciseman. There is another view in which the energetic beauty of the ex- cise system is to be seen. The exciseman charges John Bull with an intended fraud ; the exciseman may, in the first instance, mis- take, and really believe the charge founded ; he makes his entry; — but the law exjiresshj forbids tlie erasure or obliteration of u sin- gle letter in his book ; he dares i)ot blot out or erase — the mistaK* 68 iTiust stand-and the place of the excisemati is now at 5tal;e->vc sav nothine: of the reputed morals of English excisemen— he is afraid or ashamed of his error-and, being detected by the super- visor, is passed oft' to the charge of poor John. The excise laws of England disdain to prove any thing, they are too merciful to be liable to sus/iicion, they are ad7ninistered byangele in human shape— and when these angels make an accusation, the bene, volence of the law, laughing at the false logic of ancient ethics, puts the proof of innocence on the accused; perhaps by reversing the rules of accusation, innocence may be the fact charged, ^nA they conclude that it is not a violation of common law principles to oblige the ac- cused to prove an affirmative. However, common people may not be able to discover these nice distinctions. . , , , , Every store keeper, and tavern-keeper, is obliged to keep a book, in which he is compelled to enter every pound or ounce oj tea, to- bacco or snvff. Sec. sold. This book he is obliged to swear^ to every four months. Should there happen to be any mistake, either ot a v°ife or shopman, or boy, or by any hurry of business-then there is a prosecution for perjury, and the whole stock is liable to seiz^^e— ibr the benefit of his sacred majesty's faithful and vigilant officers, the exciseman and supervisor. This is what we hear of in certain mouths very often— support- ing the dignitv of the government— this is what we hearMten, un. der tlie name of energy ; it is sometimes called character too ; and who can dispute as to its character. However, there are some things that may be urged as palliatives —store-keepers should be more careful— and as it was under Lewis XIV. the French acquired all their politeness, John Bull may learn to boo > and be is bound to learn arithmetic; and to swear; which . implies that he should also learn to dance and be religious, and to read • and then his wife may be kept out of the shop, and his chil- dren'may go to school (or the work house) or into the army ; and . >vhile he is minding his business himself, he escapes all the danger of being infected by jacobinism, or thirsting after the delusion ot parliamentary reform. . . But all the good which the government, in its wisdom and tnercy, derives from the great body oi excisemen and supervisors, requires still to be explained. In conjunction with the clergy ot the established church, it is their duty to be supervisors of the public morals and politics also ; the churchmen look to their spiritual, and the excisemen to their earthly concerns. When these fellows (or centlemen !) are excising and guaging the wine or snuff", the coffee or whiskey, they are also taking the length and breadth of John Bull's religious and political opinions— for so they are instructed. If there is any little flaw in his religious or political opinions, it is soon excised', if he is the least out of unison with the ideas of the powers that be, his heresy is entered in a book along with his excise account, and regularly transmitted to the office which ha* coenizance of such concerns I Extend your consideration, American farmers, to tlie opera- tion of this Hiipcndous contrivance of human wisdom, which leaves 69 ihc- mariner's compas. and the art of navigation, Md all othtx wisdom, •» «f--'°*::;\\r'ore";ery.o..n, and village and ha n^'IilellvlmilyTn England, there is an agent of the govern- HSth---i;aX:^^--^^;^^- they may be called by any other names. A rose by any other name will smell as sweet. The eovernin^ power by this means becomes acquainted Avith formerK" ere in Connecticut, it must 7e i,is own lault ,u mak- '"!.:;''rS""- ave you not char„,ed «ith the wonderful sys- ''«:'::":« leave yon to ruminate for yourselves on the subject — tiJl another day. No. XVill. TTIFY had formerly a remarkable custom in Sweden ; when 1 Ui.i nciu ^"'' ^, , , carefully concealed from him - -■"-':'» lV-ln:!«l eteuti« ' omethnes they cherished l.ope ^:i^i<.., fonit - •- r:i;-'— rompt.:!d\nr- ^Sinfo^iL-rtd'occiiS .:t^an;. -ej the -im least expected it, without consciousness of ] t*^' j" , i ^I ! liilBiig '70 when it is rendered imbecile by absolute ignorance, or brutal by tbat other kind of ignorance which is still worse than mere nl whT- '^/^^'^^^■'^if f^; ^'-'j^^-' that adoption of misintelli^ence wluch ,s best described by the word .u/ter.uinov, which deprives ignorj^nce of its mnocence, and, by substituting error for truth, makes the very acquisition of reputed knowlege the creative store house lor barbarism. We are shocked at these things; yet millions and millions of millions of circumstances pass before our eyes, more barbarous, withou excumg an emotion or a sigh. " Experience is a dear school, said poor Richard, - but none but fools will study there, ZwA scarcely m that." ^ ^ ^ What does .x/.mV„c. say with poor Richard-are all studies in her school huitless? Have we not paid dear enough for our tvhhtle in the revo ution See whagise Europe has made'of her education I W eshall be told of the jlobinism of the French revolution. But we seldom hear of tne jacobinism of Pilnitz ! We are told of the jacobinism ox the gnillotin-but what is the guillotin to the massa- ere at Praga ? V^ hat are the fusilades and the guillotinades of Paris and Lyons to the fusdades of Warsaw ? Look at the lesson—see tne anniversary of Jamaappe celebrated at Fieurus-of Fleurus at Marengo_ot ^la.tngo at Austerliiz-and of Austerlitz where —why at Praga on the theatre of Suwaroff's butcheries; the pnviogue of Polish dismemberment we saw in 1791, the second and tfnrdacts m 1793 and 1795; but in 1805 and 180& we saw real dcnoument of Prussian, and Russian, and Austrian humiliation I Experience is a dear school," savs poor Richard. But it IS a clear school only fo those who do not profit by it. ^\e are, thank Providence, the only naiion that has vet profited by our education. Ki„o-s arc educated in h.xr.ry and 'selfishness, llepubhcs are born ,n adversity; and so long as they kc-ep in rnmd the lessons ot experience, they are happy : the moment thev iorget or disregard them, then their education and the fruits of experience are thrown away. It has been a kind of fashion to introduce English lessons in our education— but study under experience, and what does the ve- nerable and sedate old dame, what does she say ?— She i^ives you lessons unnumbered. She gives you the whole history of the earth— the book is cheap as water— It is not dear if you only read it, and make a proper use of It- let It not be said with poor Richard, that you study scarce in ^^/^—^'^^ ^'^'"°"^ a^'^ abundant, and they are not like the fables ol Filpay,()r Esop, or Gay, mere fictions ofa moral construction, which genius contrives to sooth innocence into the unerring paths of virtue r--your lessons are not fables-they are stories written in the blood and the miseries of millions. The drunken ingenuity oi the Swedes, to palliate and sooth, to conceal as it were the ave- nues to deatli from the unfortunate victim of the laws— is an awful lesson li we apply the moral— if we test it by the lessons of expe. rience. ^ Our own history, as we once before observed, is only a chapter 71 of a volume begun at a certain. page in the British history—and let us see what are the lessons which experience points out to us let us see — aye — the ivhitc and the red roses whence did those execrable wars arise ? Not about a people's rights not to 'estab- lish virtue and happiness in a nation — in these wars of those who are called our progenitors — what happened? The wars of the Goths and Vandals— the inroads of the Saracens— the extirpations of the Moors and Arabians, are comparatively mild, when we look at 300 years of remorseless massacre and assassination— for what ? To put a scoundrel on a throne, who wa5 after all to become thq tyrant and the destroyer of the whole of those who survived and fought his battles. Experience is indeed a dear school— for what is called the no- bihty—ilmt is, Mr. Burr's ^bes( blood of the nation,' which was nearly extirpated in the contest— what contest— why w/;o shallride- a;7(/ plunder; 'men above the dull pursuits of civil life.' Farmers of Jmerica — voluminous as the common law is— and the oracles say that " 20,000 volumes would not contain it,"— experi- ence says, that to be happy yourselves, and to secure happ-ness to your posterity, you must pursue a course different from that which has been productive only cf athiction and misery to mankind, and m every nation. You must consider a svstem which experience shows to have been productive only of miseries, ruin, desolation, disaster, and under its very best form, of oppression, and a de- ceptions or qualified tyranny— cannot be an object fit for your ap- probation, much less your applause— or for imitation— it is only such an example as the attempt to extinguish a fire with sulphur or with oil— greater destruction only can be the consequence of its adoption, for human wickedness when interested will employ hu- man cunning to conceal its hideous arts, and to render its destruc- tion more certain— the sulphur will be compounded with other in- gredients, and it will blow you up— the oil simply used may be mnocent, but add it to combustion, and the greater will be the destruction. Look at the royalties, the nobilities, the hierarchies, the tares, the. tithes, the floor rates, the excise of England— and say, is this the stupendous fabric oi human wisdom you wish to imitate ?— We leave you for the present lo reflect. If knaves or fools deceive you —you cannot say you wanted counsel ; and you will then have to deplore for yourselves, and incur the just resentment of posteritr. The light is before you — open your eyes. No. XIX. WE have shewn, by contrasting the situation and pro'^ress of Uie government constantly held up for your imitation, with the state ot happiness you possess wnder your elective govcrnpient, the itip«riority of your condition in every respect. Since the prececl> ing numbers were published, our Jwanions are strengthened, and the absurdity of commercial wars, standing armies, navies, fortifica>. tions, are rendered not only nugatory, but more ridiculous. We have enumerated British taxes, tithes, excisemen, in order to prove that those who have held forth that government as a model of perfection, were deceivers ; that they held up to view a theory deceitfully painied and tinselled on the outside ; but which experiment had proved to be totally fallacious in in its application and fatal m its consequences. It is not to us a matter of triumph that the British system has Ijeen productive of nothing but misfortunes to the world, ami of oppression and misery to its own people ; but it is certainly a mo- ral obligation on every American citizen to guard his coimtry against the folly or the wickedness which would lead Amei'ica into the same destructive path. What we have said hitherto has principally related to the operation of her system of government on the nation of England — we shall take a view of a few circum- stances abroad, and let us see if the course is any better there. There is a Mr. William Eton, an Englishman, who was many years in the civil and military service of the empress of Russia. Mr. Eton, in 1301, published, under sanction of the British go- vernment, for whom he acted as a political agent, an history of the Turkish em/iirc. The motive of that publication was to stir up England against France, and to induce the British to support the empress of Russia in her views on the Turkish empire. Eton's work is very interesting; no man of discernment can be mistaken as to the political object of the book ; but the infor- mation compensates for every thing of that kind ; he gives the following view and history of the the treatment of near 80,000 farmers, their wives, and children, by the regular government of Russia — this dreadful relation is given with all the cold insensibi- lity of a courtier of St. James's, who estimates /iir me rs and inccha- nics only as brutes — not one word of pity or reprobation escapes his courtly pen — take his own words — -Jcn-mers : " While I was in the quarantine on the Russian frontier, in September, 1778, there passed 75,000 christians, (farmers) obliged by the Russians to emigrate from the Crimea, of whom 35,769 were males. The Armenian women, who came from Kaffa, were more beautiful, and I think approached nearer that perfect form, which the Grecians have left us in their statues, than the women of Ti7io. These people were sent to inhabit the country, abandoned by the Mgai Tartars, (on its being conquered by the Russians,) near the west coast of the sea of Azof; but the winter coming on before the houses for them were ready, a great part of them had no other shelter from the cold than what was afforded them by holes dug in the ground, covered with what they could procure: they were a i'eojile who all came from comfortable homes ; and the greatest fiarf of them perished; seven thousand only were alive a few years :i.go \ Other colonies had no better fate, owing to the bad manage- 73 ment of those who were comrnissioned to provide for them— (''co?z- tractors -who ivere bawling for nvarj and not to the climate." Now, farmers, what think you of this picture, told by an Eng- lish officer, the friend of Russia? — and i( friends will relate such truths, what cannot enemies relate ? What would the whole trtith be ? He relates it simply as a mere matter of course, as a merchant invoices cold iron ; not one word of pity escapes his pen, any more than if these hapless people were statues of iron or stone, for they were notiiing hwi farmers and mechanics, ^ With the savage feeling of a courtier of St. James's, when dwelling or conversing on the cruelties committed in America ; or the mas^sacres of millions for commercial purposes in India, or Asia, they are passed over as merchandize — he says other colonies shared the same fate. Their women were more beautiful .' .' O noble connoisseur — ! He feasted his eyes with the beautiful forms of those farmers' wives, and their beautiful children — driven at the point of the bay- onet. by the order of the savage empress, to form what— and for whose puvoose ? — why, what think you ? \ city, for the advantage of British merchants ; a commercial city on the sea of Azof I. ....''..As Shylock says—" this was the value of the bond."' What must have been the dreadful sufferings of those ciiristians, who all came from comfortable houses ! Here pavise one moment, farmers — there were no royal Bour- bons, no dukes D'Enghein among these Armenian beautiful wo- men and children to excite christian feeling— they were only people of Armenia, christians, beautitul, and had been happy. But, .\merican farmers — ?nark im ! In that very year, %uhen those 75,000 funuers, and other cuicmiitu, and t/jth beautiful \:i-jes, and children, 'i--'erc thu.:; murdi; red; — [n thai very year was that humane monarch George IH. in actual treaty for 50,000 of tliose very Russians, who drove those l^ooY farmers before them with their bayonets ; and for what pur- pose think you? — to be trans/for ted to America; to do, what think you ? to aid the Hessians, and Brimswickers\ and British troops, in cutting your throats, and giving you an energetic government like that which the Armeiiiajis experienced 1 Like those \ioov farmers you would have been treated by those auxiliaries of George HI. had they been landed— you might, per- haps, like the Maroons or Caraibhs, have changed your climates, and merely to strengthen your constitution ; the South Carolinian might have been'removed to Nova Scotia, as the Armenians were to kaffa,— only for their good, or the good of trade. The Jersey prison ship, Wilkesbarre, and Paoli, would indeed, and in truth, have been only whippings. Doctor Johnson, who was in the secrets of St. James, and knew what he said— he knew the intentions of the cabinet of those days. Turn to Mouse's Gkography, if you have the book; if not. buy, or borrow it, and then read the accotmt of the massacre (s! 74 Praga^ of Warsarj, and of the Poles — by those same Russians—, who are now the last hope of Europe against jacobinism. Farmers of America, you may not all know how it happened that British emissaries are in such deep anxiety tor the fate of Rus- sia at this moment. We will tell you — they care nothing about the Russians, but they are inveterate against France for re-establishing Poland — you ought, if you can obtain it, read the history of Poland. It is dk useful history for freemen ; for Poland fell from its independence because the body of the people were slaves — and because an aris- tocracy is always accessible to corruption, and ever lusting for power. There is one other reason that influences the adherents of England ; it was France that jire-vented ihose self same Riis^tiajis from cutting your throats — by preventing their being sent hither ; take Eton's ovvn words for it — observe Eton is no jacobin, nor in French pay — nor even attached to democracy — he says — " It would be an endless task to recite all the manoeuvres of the French till they unluckily succeeded. In this same year 1779 — the empress of Russia had determined on giving his Britannic majesty an 'ffective assistance ap;ainst his rebellious subjects in America, then supported by t" e crown of France. Prince Fotemkin, who, to the last day of his life, affirmed, that the success of the enterprize against Turkey, depended on the alliance of Great Britain — had the sole management of this business, and, witholit the concur- renceoi count Panin, the minister of foreign affairs, and the parti- zan of I'rance, who, suspecting, or having some information of what was going on, employed a miss Guibal^ governess of one of Po- tempkiifs neices, to steal the papers from imder the prince's pillow, and, after seeing the contents, to replace them so carefully, that it W^as sometime afterwards before he discovered he was betrayed. Count Panin found iTieans to retard the signing of the instrument already drawn ujiy and produced another project in the place, that of the ar7ned neutrality.'' Thus it wd.%^ farmers of America, that you escaped the ravaging murders of Suivarrow and the Russians — that Boston, or York, or Philadelphia did not exhibit horrors to rival Praga. This is the true cause of the mournings of the Cullens and British agents for the fate of Russia. It was for the intentions of those Russians that the blood thirsty Suivarrotv^ and those Russians^ were toasted, and success drank to their arms in this city of the brctlierhood — at the coffee house where our merchants still resort — and where Ha?-per, and Mie7 cken^ and Joe Thomas were the leaders of the feast : By the British merchants and ivarm federalists of Philadeljihiay over their nocturnal banquets^ and their ivirie, , Here is their hostility to France : France prevented Suwarrow and 50,000 Russians from being sent hither, in addition to the Hessians , flanoverians and Bruns» •tvickcrs-i and from cutting yeur throats^ for the sake of order and re- gular government. 75 Farmers of Jmerica, "when you I'ead this account of 70,000 of voiii' christian brethren — do not forget that such would have been exactly your fate had George 111. been victorious — the burnings at Paoli, and Wilkesbarre, Esopus and Fairhcld, and New London, as the pious doctor Samuel Johnson said, were only the whippings of children, compared with the tender mercies of Russian mas- ters. In droves like cattle, equal to the population of Ohio and Ten- }irs;i-'e, would you i.u\e icu driven before the Russian bayonets; and you, your beu'i f ! \vi\es and children, shipped off, eitiier to have been slaves in t e British West India islands — at Botany Bay — or perhaps to found colonies on Labradore, or Baffin's bay — as the Armenians were sent to the borders of the seaof^/^zo/. Remember, reader — as you go along — that in those numbers throughout, we offer nothing of theory or surmise — nothing is left to conjecture ; we challenge the most inveterate enemies of out" politics and yours, to contradict us in a single circumstance or fact which we have uttered to yoit in the whole course of these num- bers. We give them chapter and verse for our authority ; nothing is left to doubt or to speculation — let them turn to Ktarsleif's tax ta- bles for the exemplificiuion of the miseries of Britain — ail we say is from British authority. Let them turn to Eton's sttrvey of the Turkish empire, printed in London in 1801 — for our assertions in this essay are quoted from that Avork. And yet, farmers of America, you have been called to weep over those Russians — who dismeinbered Poland, and massacred her virtuous citizens at Praga ! Look at ^Morse's geography tor an account of this. W e suppose you will be called on by the warm federalists to weep over that self same firincc of Hesse, who sold his subjects to ciit your throats, farmers. We suppose you will be called on to weep over the Hanoverians, who were sent to ctU your throats. We suppose you will be called on to weep over the Brunswick' ers, ivlto were scni to cut your throats. The wages of sin and death, which they received for your wounds, and the murders of your forefathers, are taken from them — and the pains they inflicted are now repaid upon Hanover, and Hesse, and Brunswick. These Brunsnvickers^ whose duke, in his dreadful manifesto de- clared, " That such of the farmers of France as were found in arms against the troops of those uilitd powers (the F.ussiutis and Frus-^ siant,) should be punished as rebels, (just tlie same lant.>;uage ai was held towards you Anieiicans in 177 6; — and the city of Paris, in case the king, queen and royal tamily are not immediaiely set at liberty, is to be delivered up to tlie horrors of military execution ! !" It was the lately deceased duke of Brunswick, who, at the head «f a Prussian arpiy, made this proclamation ; and that proclama- 76 tion was only the ecko of what Edmund Burke said at same the tjmc — hear him: " The mode of civilized war will not be practised ; they must look for no modified hostility : all which is not battle, will be mUitary execution .' /" This, farmers, was the languai>;c of men, who fasted, and who /iraijcd, and who, drunk with blood, Avished success to the Russian and Prussian ^artitioners of Poland. Where are those Russians and Prussians now, and see where Poland is — you were once on the verge of being parties in common wilh those Prussians and Rus- sians — to drive 70.000 American ./orwer* before the bayonets as they did the farmers of the Crivwa, And will you weep over the fate of those Russians, those Hes- sians, those Ilanox'erians, those Brunsivickers ? As rather over the destruction of their rulers— ^/bj- iv/iose subjects any chuhge must be for the better. Compare all these things, for that is the use of them — if you do not compare, all you read is good for nothing. Had George III. succeeded against you — Had the Russians come among you — what would have been your fate ? ^ Look what you are — guard what you have — and you are the most happy people on earth. No. XX. YOU have read v.ith attention — for the whole of the actual republican papers from one end of the continent to the other, have republished this series of papers — the truths which they con- tain have not in a single instance been attempted to be denied, much less refuted; and the lessons which they convey, are there- fore not lost, as newspaper essays too frequently are. There are yet several other topics which have only been glanced al ; and some of these are so very important in them- selves, that if there were no other cause to be jealous of those who endeavored to impose upon you, tlicse alone would be suffi- cient to induce an eternal watchfulness. One point which particularly merits your rcifcrd, is that jvliich relates to llie IJlwr'y of the [.rrss. Another is what relates to tlie rraeiing of citizinip. to consult on public alTairs. either to petition for redress of grievances, or for reformation of abuse. The third is what relates to the rights and liberties of those who compose the great body and strength of every society, those who earn their bread by their bodily labor and industry. The attempt made in the state of Pennsylvania, by the recom- mendation of governor M'Kean, to frame law restraints on the 77 firess, in violation of the constitution, renders attention to that, subject particularly necessary to freemen ; because, as it is the practice of the English government, to receive every thing as usage, which is not resisted or opposed ; and to prevent by every means the resistance of what they wish to do, subversive oi pub- lic liberty; the measure that is unopposed or unresisted through fear, they seize upon and argue upon as a law established through choice, and the precedent becomes what is called commm lunv. You have been so common, laiv ridden, that it is a special duty to be vigilant against its encroachments ; as well as vo guard against its grievances ; against the dreadful effects which it may produce if carried to an intolerable extent. In the three cases above alluded to, attempts have been alrea- dy made, not only to introduce the system, but execrable laws have been passed, approaching very close to the two first oppres- sions ; and the case of t!~ie shoemakers, a common law dcci.non in this citv, is an hideous and ext^crable specimen of the third. That the two first subjects may be fairly belore you, we shall not abridge a letter or a word from Kearsley's tax table — the part which relates to the press, is as follows: " From and after the expiration of forty days from July, 1799, every person having any printing press or types for printing, shall cause a notice thereof, signed in the presence of, and attested by one witness, lo be delivered to the clerk of the peace according to the form in the act, who is to gra\it a certiticate thereof for one shilling, and fill one notice, and transmit an attes.tci ci:py to the secretar) of state, and every person who, not having delivered sucii notice, and obtained such certiricaie, shall keep or use an\ j.'rinting press or types, or havir.g obtained the same, sliall use any printing press or types, in any other place than the place ex- pressed in the notice, shall forfeit twent) pounds. " His majesty's prmters for England and Scotland, and the public presses, are exempted. " Letter founders and printing press makers are also to give a notice in the form in the act, to the clerk of the peace, who shall graiK a ce; li.icaLe, and till the no- tice, and transmit an attested co])y to thie secretary of state. *' An account to be kept oft)])es and printing presses sold, and to whom, and- to be produced when required, on penalty of tveit;. pounds. " From a.nd after the expiration of forty days aFcer the 12th July, 1799, every person who shall )jrint -dVA' paper or !moi K/.\it.-jucTcr whieli shall be meant to be pub- lished or dispersed, whether tlie same sluill l)e s(jld or given away; ibal' print ttpop. tke front of tvery oucb paper, if the same shall be printed on one side only , and upon the Jirst and last leaves iif every paper (^ book which shall consist of more than one leaf, his name and tlie name of the city, town, parish, or place, and also the name (if any) of the square, street, lane, court, or place, in which his dwelling house bhall be, on pain to forfeit twenty pounds. " But not to extend Xi> pap'crb printed h\- authority of parliament. " Every primer ;h;:H I ;.■•, ii'i'i; '.iii,, -. ,■ . ■ ■ ( i least) of every paper printed by him, on which 1;.^ -; .V- ;,.< l ... ■■- of the person by whom he shall be employed to | , i; , th'- •:cii .,■ , ,;..fi ^l li._ ■,; ' ■mi; cr neglect to do so, or to keep the same foi six calendar monihs, ue.\ ir.cing thereof, or to produce the same to any justice, who withiii i . shall require to see the same, he shall forfeit twenty pounds. " It shall be lawful for any jierson, V' wlioin or in ^vhor.e presence any printed papers not having tlie name and abode of tj^e priiUer theieon, or having a fictitious or false name or abode printed thereon, : iiall be sold, or oilered for sale, or stall be delivered ^r«/«, or shall be pasted, iixed, or left in any^iiblio place, or in any other ^iianner exposed to public view, to seize the persons selling or oHering to sell, cr 78 delivering, pasting, frxing, or leaving tlie suhie, and forthwith convey him before some jubtice, or deliver hini to some constable. " 1 his act is' not to extend to impressions of engravings or newspapers, or the printing the names and addresses, or the business of any person, or papers for the sale ot estates or goods. " A justice may empower a peace officer to search for presses and types which he suspects to be illegally used, and to seize them and the printed papers found. " Prosecutions are to be commenced within three months atter penalty is in- curred. " Any pecuniary penalty exceeding twenty pot;nds, may be recovered by ac- tion ; and any pecuniary jjenalty, not exceeding twenty pounds, may be recovered before any justice of the peace, and levied by distress and sale; and in case no sufficient distress can be had, such justice shall commit the offender to the common jail or house of correction, for not exceeding six, nor less than three calendar months; and one moiety shall go to the informer, and the other to his majesty." To these extracts we shall barely subjoin a few short extracts fi'om the constitution of the United States and that of Pennsylva- nia ; and thereto add an extract from the speech of the governor of Pennsylvania; that the American reader may see how closely • the views and wishes of a governor disposed to be arbitrary, ap- proaches to the adoption of doctrines execrated even in England —and forbidden in America, and which have already contributed to overthrow an arbitrary administration of the federal govern- ment. Constitution of the United States — Hrst amendment — •' Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or pro- hibiting the free e.xercise thereof, or abriu'gi-.g the freedom of speech or of the press — or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the govern- ment for redress of grievances." • Constiti'.tion of Pennsylvania — article IX. \ 8. " The printing presses shall be fiee ro every jjcso.. who unc'ertakes to examine she jiroci^edmgs uf the legisJauue or any brancli . f government — aiid no law shall ever be made to restrain the riglits thereof. The tree communication of thoughts and opinion is cne of the invaluable rights of man ; and every citizen may freely speak, v^'rlte, and print, on any subject, being re ponsihle for the abuse of that li- berty. In prosecutions forthe publication of [japers investigating tlie official con- duct of officers, or men in a public capacity, or where the matter published is proper for public information, the truvh thereof ma)^ be given in evidence. And, in all indictments for libels, the jury shall have a right to determine tlie law and the facts, under the direction of the court, as in other cases." To this we shall subjoin the extract from the governor's speech the reader should compare it AVith the doctrines in the forego- ing abstract of b^nglish law ; further ilhistralion would be super- fluous, after the admirable and excellent report of Dr. Leib, which* is of record on the journals of the legislature of this common- -vvealth. Ex 1 1 -a a from ^ /' Ke jn's a cl dress . " The most zealous advocates of a free press, have always thought, that to preserve its liberty, its licentiousness must he re- strained. The law provides*perhaps sufficiently for the punish- ment of a convicted libeller; but the inadequacy of that species of reparation to the feelings and fame of the injured individual, and even the opportunities to escape conviction, are points on which the law is still susceptible of great and constitutional amendment. 79 I would, therefore, venture to suggest, that every printer who as- sails the character of a citizen should be compelled, if required to publish the defence ; that every printer and editor of a newspa- per, or other periodical work, should register his name in some public office of the proper county, to be evidence of the fact of publication, upon trials at law ; and that whenever a grand jury shall present a press as a public nuisance, the printer and the editor should be bound in a recognizance with sureties for their good behaviour, and the court authorised to suppress it for a limit- ed time. But, after all, it cannot be denied, that the only effectual remedy must be supplied by the good sense and virtue of the com- mumty ; since the crime of libeUing, like the crime of duelling:, will forever depend for its indulgence and its impunitv upon public taste and public opinion. Your predecessors indeed lately enacted a law for the more effectual prevention and punishment of duels • but reflecting that duels are among the natural and the usual efl tects of libels, you, gentlemen, will, I am confi-lent, be solicitous to discredit and suppress the cause of such complicated mischief, by the influence of^your example and advice, as well as by the ex- ercise of your legislative authority." The foregoing extract from governor M^Kean's speech, the rea- der should compare with the quotation from the constitution, which he swore to support ; and the coincidence of the restrictions on the press m England, with those which he recommends. What relates to the -mbject of duels in the governor's sfieech, we shall notice in an essay separate from these papers, and we make no doubt shall both astonish and disgust— when the reader finds the atrocious designs to which the speech alludes. / POLITICS MECHANICS. No. L UNDER the denomination of mechanic, is properly com- prehended, every person who practises an art or manual operation by known rules; for the word is derived from a Greek word signi- fying art ; so that whoever understands and executes any work byi rules of art, is a mechanic. Some mistakes have prevailed on this term, through a frivolous effort to create distinction, between me- chanics and artists, and handicraftsmen, and manufacturers, words which are in fact of the same original meaning, only adopted from different languages. In the strict sense, therefore, a farmer who performs the labor of agriculture by rules of art, whether those rules were acquired from imitation, or instruction, or by rules adopted from reasoning and comparison, and various modes of practice by others, is in fact a mechanic, who practiiies an useful and important art. We have thought it fit to preface a series of papers particularly- addressed to mechanics by these definitions, as in the course of what we shall have to say, the discriminations that have been arti- ficially or cunningly made, between various classes of men, will be illustrated by the observations which we shall offer to the me- chanics of the United States. In addressing our series of papers to the farmers of the United Stfites, we were well aware that a farmer was also a me- chanic ; and that the importance and interests of actual industry, are common to the whole body of industrious men who are not abo^ve the dull jmrsuits of civil life. But as it tends to convenience, and went immediately to the agricultural body, we addressed that bodv by their favorite appellation oi farmers ; although with us the word farmer, bears a veiy different meaning from the meaning of the same word in the country from which we derive our language. There a " farmer is a person who rents out an estate, or por- " tion of land, at a stated rent per year." With us the farmer may be called the noble of nature ; for every American farmer is the lord of the soil. The various descriptions of persons employed in the useful arts of social life, in the manufactui'es of all that con- 11 82 tribute to comfort and to rational gratification, from the builder of the house to the manufiacturer of needles — from the maker of watches to the makers of stockings and shoes — the weaver, the halter, the smith of various classes and branches, — all these 'are alike generally denominated artisans, manufacturers, handicrafts- ixien — we comprehend them all under one word — mechanics — and to these we address this series of papers ; noting at the same time, that eve^ry farmer is as much interested in the facts that we shall state and discant upon, as those mechanics who are not prac- tical agriculturalists, but mechanics in the vulgar use of the term» Dr. Franklin, who may be considered with propriety as the great exemplar and glory of mechanics, as well as of his country, lays down the following principles as the true sources of national weuUh : "The earth and the waters are tlie sources from which all " true riches are produced. The maintenance, enjoyments, and *' evenin a measure the superiluities of life, are, properly speak- " mg, real riches. But the earth and the waters would l^e unpro- " d'jct;:v" without labor ; therefore the labor oflzHagei^ the first, and " >;he L:': .r of -nir'ijjciurcs the second means of acquiring national "and in'.livKkud weallli." Adam Smith, who .vrole on the subject of national wealth, with so much merited celebrity, opens his valuable work, with this fun- damental principle ; — " The annual labor of every nation, is the " fund which originally supplies it with all the necessaries and con- " veniencies of life, which it annu/illy consumes, and which consist " always either in the immediate produce of that labor^ or in nvhat ." is /lurchased ivith that produce from other nations." It would be superHuous to refer to any other authorities, in sup- port of principles that require only to be stated to be understood —principles, which being universally admitted, even by those wlm are themselves above the dull jiursuils of ^iiechanical labor, declare at the same instant the self-respect which every viechanic should feel, as forming part of that great basis upon v.^hich society is erected, and without which society could not exist in a social and happy order. : The acknowleged principle also must be taken in another point of view, as it relates to the propensity of the idle, the imbecile, and the profligate speculator to treat with affected con- tempt those classes of men — mechanics and/«r/;.'trs, to whose virtue and toil those excrescences of society owe their very existence. Many men are almost stupiticd by the adoption o[ foreign ideas, and applying them to our ov.m condition, with which they cannot enter into association. In countries whose governments are founded and maintained for the gratif cation or aggrandizement _ of a fe-v, which is the real character of every government in Eu- rope at this moment, under such governments, a hatred of the dzdl jmrsidts of civil life is a necessary consequence of the system. The rulers have an interest in degrading and ridiculing, and promoting distinctions, and excitirig jealousies among the various classes of^ men who are not above labor and usefulness. 'I'hey have an interest in their ignorance, and in their poverty, Its the means of perpetuating that ignorance ; for if all minds were well improved, that are not ignorant, the mechamc and the farmer mx^hx discover that they were the strength and the base of society ; and without which, the prh'ilegcd orders could not be released from the dull pursuits of civil life. The reflecting man must often be astonished, at the supercilious insolence of idU'r- The voyal sons, and nephews, and wives, 2,500,(XX) g OpOO.UOO Recollect this is exclusive of the pay of judges, ambassadors) kc. Sec. Sec. charged to the civil list. This is all spent on George III, and his progeny ! There's blood, birth and extraction — with a vaigrance 1 ThQ poor rates of England and Wales alone are, even now that bread is at a lower rate than for several yeai'S past — 6,000,000 poands sterling — near 30,000,000 of dollars' ! Here's bhod and birth, and extraction ! most amazing ! And these 30 millions are expended on this pampered and da- '70uring I'ace, while the poor mechanics and farmers of Britain are educed to poverty — to support such a set of vamjiirea and harpies. " Every mechanic and labourer," (says Cobbett) " having a fa- *• m.ily,is a pauper, and cannot possibly get even victuals to sustain i> liie." The diik': of Richmond, a descendant from a bastard of Cliar'es II. has >C "■25,000 sierling a year — 120,000 dollars — irom a tux on coals brought into the poi't of London — and v/nhcut any merit on the score of service, but being above the dull pursuits of civil life. By the l.\vf, the same Charles gave the !U)\v hc':t:ir:l constitution wliich Ojv.ncciif.ut now prides herself on — is not the ,'■ ..'r such as the tree ? Baetard libcriy, and bastard charity. So exactly would it be with the -mechan^'a jiud farmers of Ameri- ca, if they could ever think of submitting to hoie,s for nobility, or to consider mechanics and clodhofspers as terms conveying iustifiable reproach or dishonor. Had blood, birth, extraction been wanted, Britain could hav^ supplied rivers of them. * 12 90 But no, the revolution of America Was to establish the priVV- icges of human nature on the true basis of Christianity. The wulow's mite was of as much value as all the riches of the wealthy man. The sint^le lamb of the poor shepherd was of as much value as the flocks of the monopolist. "* Did the American revolution ever intend that because a man had not riches he was to be deprived of liberty also. That the rich man Avas to be his keeper. No, i-ather to establish in this new and favored world a new system different from the systems of the old. And if a mechanic unA farmer had no riches> then for that very reason he should not be deprived of liberty, and by being free to ac- gvire and to preserve his acquisitions, he should supfiort mid enjoy liberty. To enjoy the light of suffrage. Mechanics, farmers, support the liberty of the press, — And you will forever enjoy your rights. Once lend an hand to assist tijrants in their speeches against the liberty ot the press, — And that moment, some Burr, or some Workman will enslave you, as the mechanics and faj-rners of Britain are now registered. " Men above the dull pursuits of civil life," will make your tears, and the tears of your hungry children, the sweat of your bi-ows — support their idleness — if ever you listen to those who would league as Burr has done to raise men of blood, birth, extract tion. The great lord Camden, when speaking on the American revo- lution, asserted that resistance to tyranny — " Is to be justified by the laws of the land." If such were the ideas of Caiiiden on British rights, how much more, how doubly more have Americans sanctified that law ? How much more is it the law, the birth right of Americans ? When did Americans resist ? Why, when the rulers of Britain, the cabinet of St. James'!,, passed laws to deprive them of their liberty. Then it was that Americans resisted. And if legislatures, or congresses, or governors, were in Ame- rica to pass laws, enti'enching on the liberty of the citizen, because he had not riches — Then would resistance be lawful. The 'iuar?n federal pa/iers, the British agents, and sf^ies, av& COU:- tinually ridiculing the congress and legislatures of America. This m;iu, is nothing but -^x firmer. This man is nothing but a mechanic. That man is nothing but a manuficinrer. The quid papers last year were full of the most infamous de- traction. Snvdcr was ^farmrr. a ranner, a mechanic. As Jefferson s^id, in his inaugural speech, "has hearen sent an- gels in the shnpcof kings to govern mankind?"' ^1 Let the present state of Europe answer— so we Say — John Adams's stuuciing army was intended to reduce you to slaves—. hence the line of battle ships, eight per cent, loans, increase of fvaf'icd debt, fortifications, privileged orders — and internal taxes and excise. A proof that " warm federalism^' partook, like the angels of Eu- rope, in the shape of kings, of the views and designs which led to such recommendations for government. Mechanics and farmers — Britain by the list of taxes, which we have sliewn to you in former papers, and the effects in this num- ber, has lost a footing, which slie would have engaged but foi the revolution — to have entailed equal blessings on you — for this rea- son it was that Cobbet was employed — that Cullen is now employed — that almost all the papers in our sea ports arc directly or mdi- rectly in British pay. Britain seeks the destria;!on oj America, frovi revenge. British 7nerchants bring over British meanings to nvords, they at- tempt to engraft them on those American?, who are disposed to lord it over their fellow citizens. But will you suffer it? Once more, you, gentlemen — and once more, you, who are not gentlemen, but clodhoppers, look at those basons — here is No. T. — whose blood is this with the green and yellonv coagulum ? what a fiestiferous scent — it is a cluster of nodes and foul and filthy juices —fxaugh 1 Look at the other bason — No. IL — clear, transparent as the ru- by, a gelid ichor surrounds it, and it floats in an element emble- matic of its purity — the eye is not offended nor is the nose averted from it. Which is which ? Speak physician ! — The physician is silent — but by his eye you may guess his meaning— he has been just prescribing mrrcia-y for No. I. — and his eye seems to say, we must not expose those by whom we live. The physician speaks plain enough for mechanics — whose phy- sic is rational labor, temperance and domestic love. No. IV. INTELLIGENT v/riters on political economy, or the prin- ciples of national wealth, have demonstrated, that the English go- vernment could not have sustained the burthen of its immense debts and enormous expenditures for thirty years past, had not Mf:cHANicAL GENIUS and INDUSTRY dcviscd means by which the labor of man could be multiplied to an incredible extent. This assertion is, indeed, demonstrable, by well established facts, in the application of machinery to the arts of the worker in iron, in ■tvood, in cotton, in flax, in short, in every branch of art and mami- facture. Indeed, lord Lauderdale^ a very able and ingenious writer, has been led §o fair ijite adioiraiion of machinery^ by its effects^ as ^2 to conskler machinery as a new principle of national wealth, and separate iVom the principle of labor. The mistake is, however, very palpable on a consideration that machinery is itself a produc- tion of labor, and of mechanical rules of art ; and that, even in its most ]-jerfcct state, labor is necessary to its operation, as well to contrive and make, as to keep in order and put it in motion. Upon the same principle, the iron spade or hoe, would be considered as coming under a different principle from the wooden or the clumsy stone instruments of a rude state of society. The use of these remarks is, to shew that in monurchics, in oligarchies, or in aristocracies, those who are the main -strength of the nation are always depreciated, and, as much as can be done, dej T.'.uid. A Vfvy distinguished federal charactc:-, once a senator of the United States, said, the workinj^ people should be allowed so little for their labor as to reduce them to subsist on ''^potatoes and herri7igs;" and in 1797, 1798 and 1799 mechanics were proscribed and refused employment, who dared to hold a republican opinion. Some of the men proscribed in those days have, however, trucklen and become the instruments of a factious aristocracy ; and, by their blind and base desertion of principle, aftbrded too much encourage- ment for those who wished to make the mechanics as abject slaves as they are in other countries. We set out in this series of papers, with the purpose of exposing erroi'S and mistakes of a dangerous tendency to the nation. The example of England in the case of her mechanics, is, perhaps, as stupendous a monument of national slaverij as has existed from the earliesi epocha of time. The mechanics of America will remem- ber, that what is called the mercantile interest holds the all control- ing and all subduing influence of that nation. That speculation has enslaved industry. By an act passed in the British parliament, only in the last year, every laborer, artisan, tradesman, mechanic and mauufaclurer, who earns by daily or weekly wages, by himself, 'nis wife, or hii- chil- dren under age — 4 dollars and 30 cents per week — shall pay on oath ' — for tlie support of that goveniment and its royal family — 5 per cent, from the sweat of his brow. Five dollars out of every 100 — o\\five cents out of every dollar. And this without any deduction for his extra expenses, of sick- ness, or the various other incidental expenses of human life! - Suppose he does not earn this migiity sum of 4 dollars and 30 cents per week — (and there are hundreds and hundreds of thou- sands who do not) what then ? — Why then, American mechanics, hear and remember it, and remember the case of the- shoemakers — He is registered as a Slave! Let no falsifier or deceiver impose a doubt upon you as to the solemn truth of what we here state — no man of the least profes- sion to honesty will attempt it, because it is solemnly registered in the law of England — we copy it from an authentic book — Kearsley's tax tables for 1S06 — second edition — appendix, page 189, rule XVII — section 4. " Labourers, artisans, handicraftsmen or tradesmen, mechanics, and manufacturers, &r daily or weekly wages — shall, in order to 93 be exempted from payment of the duties, produce to the commis' sioners a declaration signed by himself, with a certificate annex- ed to it by the master or employer in the following form : ' I, A. B. do declare, that I exercise and follow the employ- jnent of a laborer in husbandry — or other work — [naming it] — or artisan, handicraftsman or mechanic in the trade of [naming it] for duuij or vjctkhj wages ; that 1 have not received in any one week within the year preceding, for my work or labor, any sum exceed- ing [name the sum] except in employment in husbandry in time of harvest, and that v/ithin the lime above mentioned I have worked for of and that I have not received v.-ithin the preceding year, any sum or sums of money from any source other than labor as aforesaid. So help me God.' Master's Certificate. ' I, of — hereby certify, that the above signed was in my employ as a ; — for within the year preceding, and that the wages paid by me did not exceed the rate above men- tioned, and to the best of my belief, the matters contained in the above declaration are true as far as the same are within my know- lege. So help me God." The intent of these certificates is, that no mechanic shall dare to move a mile without the consent of the government, that they may know where to m.eet with him when wanted, to be sent to perish in the West Indies l)y the yellovv fever, in fighting the nvsr- cunXile battles of West Jiulia nabobs, Plere, American mechariics, is a specimen of the effects of the most stupendous fabric of human wisdom — of the checks and ba- lances, privileged orders, nobility holes, and order and regular go- vernment. But the mechariics o[ Riitain need not starve, said Dundas ; there is the army and navy, for them — and work house for their wives and children ! 1 ! In the English house of lords, in 1793, it was stated in debate, that one magistrate had attested, as soldiers, 12,000 mechanics, all of whose families were left behind; another lord said that a single magistrate in one town of Lancashire had attested 23,00p in one year. What has been the reason why the abolitionists in Britain could ■not get forward with the abolition of the black slave trade in En- gland ? Wilberforce uniformly supported Pitt, in every measure which enslaved the mechanics and others in England. Well, after making a long speech, respecting the miseries of the blacks in the West Indies — Some shrenvd advocate for slavery answers him v,'ith this knock do'wn answer—- The slaves in the West Indies are better clothed., and better Jtd^ than the fioor^ and the mechanics, atid the laborers in Britain. Again, Wilberforce complains of the stowage in the middle pas- sage. What's the answer given ? Pray, Mr. Wilberforce, do just step out of the house into t'.c v,'oi"k house in your own pai'ish— 94 laot two minutes walk — you will there see— closer packing of poor Englishmen and women than of negroes in the middle passage. WiLberforce is dumb. Vital religion is put in a state of smfiemled am?natio7t. Every mechanic and laborer, says Cobbett, is a paufier — and CoBBETT speaks truth. One million of the unhappy population of Britain are perishing in the v. ork-houses, or famishing out of them — for every man who r^arns 430 cents must pay one fifth to ihe tax gatherer 1 This is Jolm Mams's stupendous monument of human wisdom. This all comes from men of birth and extruc\\on» This all comes from (axes^ taxcH — These a.e among the glo- : ions consequences of cov.stltutionalfort:Jicaiio7is^ navies 1 This comes from unn.ecessary standing armies ! This comes from the mechanic, ihc 7iianufacturer, or Xh^ laborer., being so stupiiied as to siifler himself to be trodden upon, and to believe that any man /..■ better than hintsclf who is not more viri/L-.ous. This comes from giving Avay to birth and extraction. Pray, which is of most consequence in society, Xht farmer, or the mechanic, or the sailor, or ship builder, Avho can turn to and earn their mw.vA any hour of the day ; Or the man who takes the room and place of a female ; and, whilst measuring out ribbons, or laces, or counting needles or pins, or sells these productions of industry by the invoice, or parcel, exclaims, " They are nothing but mere mechanics .'" At the close of the election before last, in this city, of the brother- hood, many of those 7nen of a good birth and extraordinary extrac' lion — were in high spirits ; they did not hesitate to assert openly, to this effect — " now we ■will inanage those jwrters, and draymen^ '' and the 7ncchanics — those men ea^ni too much — if they did not earn '' half as much it would be the better for, us." Mechanics, this is fact — and the case of the shoemakers is only another proof of the tendency of lazy luxm-y to enslave the men of ludustry who acquire their bread by labor. " We Avill take care to regulate the votings at the ensuing le- cisUiture," exclaimed another. " They do not vote nor receive half tlie pay in England that me- ',Jianics do here," says a rav^r imported British emigrant — ^just land- ed, with his laiob full of self-sufficiency and contempt for all the world. '■' No, nor shall they have it here either long," says a " tomf* and " 'tiHunn federalist.'^ Farmei-s,7nechanics, laborers, all classes take care— suffer no man to trench on your right, your privilege of voting. Tnvo pence a pound 07i tea was the spring that set this new world in motion — but there are villainies practised every day ten thou- sand degrees more dangerous, and equally iniquitous. If you once give way, it is all over with you. The laborers in husbandry in Britain are as much sold, and as substantially slaves to the soil of their despots, as the population of Russi«i— If they earn more than 430 cents a week, five per cent. 95 must go to tlie government ; and if they wish to emigrate and g^ wher J they can earn more, the law forbids it, and they are liable to im .-usonment for attempting to be more happy ! Burr's couspii'acy gives to you a warning. ••' We are men above the dull pursuits of civil life," said Burr to Eaton. And how were those men of " birth and extraction" to be sup- ported ? Why, Judge Work^iiun tells you — ^' Establish a desjwtlsm." That is, make Cae farmers and mechanics toil for men above in- dustry and labor, as they do in Britain. Dr. Johnson's definition of words is the criterion of most En- glishmen — although there are some Englishmen who are as true to the principles of the revolution as if they had bled in the cause — but we speak of the general predominant sentiment and feeling of those who adhere to the tottering fabric. "\V' hat are the toasts and sentiments of the sons of St. George :' What are their private toasts at their tavern suppers ? The federalists} many of them, we do not mean the *' ivarmft'- deralists," call Burr a traitor. But he could not have established a more horrid or despotic government than that of Britain. Would he not have taken the register of this number as tire sround work for judge Workman's despotism ^ Then why do such men condemn Burr? Or is it only the name \ Burr is not George III. No man who is hankering after the British government, that stupendous monument of human wisdom, can consistently con- demn Burr — or call him a traitor. Farmers and mechanics^ be always cautious when you hear an ad- herent of Britain calling Burr a traitor. You see what was here intended for you. — You were to have been the registered slaves of men of birth and extraction — above the dull pursuits of civil life — or, as Mr. Barclay would have it, ♦' warmly federal." Burr's plans are foiled — be you then on the watch-— watch your privileges — guard against men who would wean you from your free institutions. Watch every encroachment on the price of ^-our labor. Tell them yo'_. are entitled to independence aswell as themselves. Ask, in your minds, who are they in America, with so many hun- dreds of millions of acres of lands, that can bebt do without each other — farnurs and mechanics — or merchants ? Watch every attempt to contract your privilege of election— for if was intended. M'Kean has not only undertaktai to set the will of the majority at naught, but to appoint a commiss'on of bis own crea- tures to set aside the majority of your suffrages I Burr, Workjnan, and the daily speeches you hear, give you no- tice — the farmers of the west, by their breath (k\ a signal from the executive have annihilated a daring treason. / If you once give but the least way or opeying to men without anymorcrand often not equal merit, who aifect to be your sup-. iiQ^') steh by -stefi'^yow will be completely enslaved. 9(>- No.V. THIS number will be a brief abstract of the effects of that go- veiTiment whence so many of our misfortunes are derived, by the blind and servile adherence to their institutions in /«w, policij and commeixe. It is by their fruits you shall know them, says the pro- verb. What is the only source and virtuous purpose of society ? Is it not the happiness of all, or the greatest portion of the individuals that constitute the society ? By their fruits you shall know thfem. From the Norman conquest in 1056, to this year, 1807, a space of 741 years, (and the war is not yet ended) England has been involved in the foilcwing wars : Civil wars, for the choice of tyrants, 7 With Scotland, for conquest, 1 ! With Ireland, for conquest, 19 With France, for conquest and power, 24 With Spain, for power and plunder, 9 With Denmark, for power, 2 With Holland, for commerce, plunder, and for dependence, 4 With Prussia, for Hanover, 2 With Sweden, fcr Bremen and Vcrden, 1 With America, for enslavement, 1 With Austria, insidious and secret in 1807, in Belgium, I With Algiers, 1 Wars, 82 In which period there have been the ibilowing intervals of peace 22 8 — 6—8 — 19 — 27 — 4—5—8 — 21 — 15 — 10 — 8 — 15 — 1 — 3 2 6—20—13—6 — 1 — 1 — 15 — 5 — 5 — 28 — 8 — 12 — 9 — 1 — mak- ing in the whole period — Of war, 428 years — Of peace, 313 Total, 741 years. Of the lives lost; The misery created; The wives widowed; The orphans made ; The aged starved ; The town* and countries desolated ; — The powers of calculation and imagination combined can form no accurate nor adequate conception. The money spent, and the debts created, are ascertainable — ^but what is wealth ? — What are the guady trappings, and the frippery of luxurious idleness, put into competition with that serene secu- rity and comfort — that domestic bliss, that solace of all solaces, which surround the peaceful fireside of the American farmer — and to which all other nations are comparatively strangers. Ame- ricans, guard against foreign influence — be content with your own resources of happiness — and be it your daily study to guard against those systems of policy and lav/ which have been productive of so much nii'iery to the world. THE FND, Wciyhtw.an, piinfe ^fn m ,*■ .. %/ .' , J^'^^WS .^"^'X • O'^ . . "^. 'o,'^'* Yv <*, ♦^TTT*' ^0^ ' • « * « v — ^ *^0< }P^*. 4 '* -^ *' : -^^0^ .'«• *>^ i-^ •. ^o1>" »* ►^ .V- V ^ * ^ ;. /X ''^W'* >*'"*^ '- .0* .•"-•• *o **o< C" . .■«•' ^oV p-^ .•i'" ;• . V- ■'^ •.«i^^.* J? "** %^ .• *?^">« 5-" ^ '^.7* A >9- -ov^^ - .-^^ .t^>% O*^ • • ' ciV \^ i'^'^^. - '^^ ;* k'- •'*..„< /<< / v^v \/^^\/ v^^'/ y ,^^.. P"/