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WASHINGTON'S 
 FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
Waskington's 
 
 Farewell Add re ss 
 
 With a Prefatory Note 
 Worthington ChaunceyFord 
 
 E of it or* of 
 
 Tike Writings of George Wa shi nqtcn 
 
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 26339 
 
 Press of 
 George H. Ellis, Boston, U.S.J, 
 
 
The facsimile which firms the frontispiece 
 of this book is a page of Washington' s letter to 
 Madison^ reproduced from a photograph hy Mr. 
 E. Bierstadt from the original in the possession 
 of the New York Public Library. 
 
NOTE. 
 
 AS early as February^ ^79^-) Washington 
 wished to retire from public life^ and ex- 
 pressed to the members of his cabinet his inten- 
 tion of not permitting his name to be put for- 
 ward in the approaching Presidential election. 
 He felt the weight of his years^ he said. His 
 health was not firm^ and his memory was not so 
 good as it had been. Tranquillity and retire- 
 ment had become an " irresistible passion^ It 
 was in this frame of mind that he submitted to 
 Madison in May^ ^792'> ^^^ draft of a proposed 
 " valedictory address " to the public. The rising 
 feud between Hamilton and fefferson^ marking 
 as it did the rise of bitter partisan conflict in 
 national politics^ filled him with apprehension 
 for the future of the Union. Jll other matters 
 were to be subordinated to that one point. A 
 single page of this draft is given in facsimile^ 
 as it is the earliest form of the Farewell Address. 
 Madison made some suggestions^ now lost; but 
 Washington^ s purpose was for the time set aside ^ 
 and he entered upon a second term of the Presi- 
 dency. 
 
 Four stormy years succeeded^ in which Wash- 
 ington saw the division between Hamilton and 
 Jefferson widen beyond all cure. The atti- 
 
NOTE 
 
 tude of France and the intrigues of her agents 
 and representatives in the United States had 
 brought the administration to the verge of war. 
 The treachery of one of his trusted friends^ and 
 a member of his cabinet^ had given the President 
 a rude shock ; while he saw with misgiving the 
 hitherto faithful Madison ranged among the 
 opponents of his policy. The abuse of the press^ 
 once directed against the measures he pursued^ 
 became personal in its criticisms^ and did not 
 hesitate to attack his character or even to hint 
 at failing mental faculties. Ever sensitive to 
 ridicule^ he felt keenly the flings he was power- 
 less to resent and of which he could take no 
 notice. It was in such a frame of mind he saw 
 the time of his deliverance approaching^ and de- 
 termined to carry into effect his intention of 
 addressing the people of the United States. 
 
 Madison was no longer an adviser of the 
 President^ and Washington turned to the trusted 
 Hamilton for guidance. ^ In Aprils ^79^^ ^^ 
 submitted to him a draft of a paper^ probably 
 the same that had been sent to Madison four 
 years before^ and added^ " My wish is that the 
 whole may appear in a plain style^ and be 
 handed to the public in an honesty unaffected^ 
 simple part." Hamilton was able not only to 
 interpret the wishes of his friend^ but he had a 
 
NOTE 
 
 faculty of expression long trained in controversy 
 and public experience. He it was who took 
 the suggested topics of Washington's paper .^ and 
 gave them a full statement and an orderly ar- 
 rangement. Upon its completion.^ he showed it 
 to fohn fay.^ in whose judgment the President 
 had great confidence ; and it was then sent to 
 Washington. It bore little resemblance to the 
 original paper ^ and was not entirely satisfactory 
 to the President.^ who suggested certain addi- 
 tional matter to be incorporated.^ though com- 
 plaining at the same time of its length. * A 
 second draft was prepared by Hamiltony and 
 this met with favor ^ " / prefer it greatly to 
 the other draughts^^ Washington wrote to 
 Hamilton late in August.^ " being more copious 
 on material points.^ more dignified on the whole.^ 
 and ivith less egotism.'^ It was this draft that 
 Washington copied ; and^ with a few omissions 
 " to avoid the imputation of afifiected modesty " 
 and the addition of a short paragraph on educa- 
 tion.^ it was given to David C. Claypoole.^ the 
 proprietor and editor of the Daily Advertiser, to 
 be published. 
 
 Such was the history of this remarkable State 
 paper. Though the form and language were 
 given by Hamilton.^ the matter was suggested by 
 Washington. The address contains the essence 
 
NOTE 
 
 of a career spent in the public service. A 
 planter in a slave-holding community^ a surveyor 
 and soldier on the frontiers of an unknown em- 
 pire^ a Burgess in the colonial legislature,^ a 
 patriot rising against tyranny and oppression,^ 
 a commander-in-chief in a long and trying 
 struggle for freedom,^ and the chief executive of 
 the new State^ — here was an experience in 
 war and government that could not hut hear 
 fruit. Into the Farewell Address were placed 
 the results of a calm and judicial summary of 
 the lessons learned from that lifers experience ^ 
 and it is this quality that makes it a document 
 of interest,^ not for a century only,, hut for all 
 time. 
 
 W. C. F. 
 Boston, January, 1899. 
 
FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
Friends^ and Fellow-Citizens: 
 The period for the new election of a 
 Citizen, to administer the Executive 
 Government of the United States, being not 
 far distant, and the time actually arrived, 
 when your thoughts must be employed in 
 designating the person, who is to be clothed 
 with that important trust, it appears to me 
 proper, especially as it may conduce to a 
 more distinct expression of the public voice, 
 that I should now apprise you of the resolu- 
 tion I have formed, to decline being consid- 
 ered among the number of those, out of 
 whom a choice is to be made. 
 
 I beg you, at the same time, to do me the 
 justice to be assured, that this resolution has 
 not been taken, without a strict regard to all 
 the considerations appertaining to the rela- 
 tion, which binds a dutiful citizen to his 
 country — and that, in withdrawing the ten- 
 der of service which silence in my situation 
 might imply, I am influenced by no diminu- 
 tion of zeal for your future interest, no defi- 
 ciency of grateful respect for your past 
 kindness ; but am supported by a full con- 
 viction that the step is compatible with both. 
 The acceptance of, and continuance hith- 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 erto in, the oiEce to which your suffrages 
 have twice called me, have been a uniform 
 sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, 
 and to a deference for what appeared to be 
 your desire. — I constantly hoped, that it 
 would have been much earlier in my power, 
 consistently with motives, which I was not 
 at liberty to disregard, to return to that re- 
 tirement, from which I had been reluctantly 
 drawn. — The strength of my inclination to 
 do this, previous to the last election, had 
 even led to the preparation of an address to 
 declare it to you ; but mature reflection on 
 the then perplexed and critical posture of 
 our affairs with foreign Nations, and the 
 unanimous advice of persons entitled to my 
 confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. 
 
 I rejoice that the state of your concerns, 
 external as well as internal, no longer ren- 
 ders the pursuit of inclination incompatible 
 with the sentiment of duty or propriety; 
 and am persuaded, whatever partiality may 
 be retained for my services, that in the pres- 
 ent circumstances of our country you will 
 not disapprove my determination to retire. 
 
 The impressions, with which, I first under- 
 took the arduous trust, were explained on 
 the proper occasion. — In the discharge of 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 this trust, I will only say, that I have, with 
 good intentions, contributed towards the or- 
 ganization and administration of the govern- 
 ment, the best exertions of which a very 
 fallible judgment was capable. — Not uncon- 
 scious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my 
 qualifications, experience in my own eyes, 
 perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has 
 strengthened the motives to diffidence of my- 
 self; and every day the increasing weight of 
 years admonishes me more and more, that 
 the shade of retirement is as necessary to me 
 as it will be welcome. Satisfied, that, if any 
 circumstances have given peculiar value to 
 my services, they were temporary, I have the 
 consolation to believe, that, while choice and 
 prudence invite me to quit the political 
 scene, patriotism does not forbid it. 
 
 In looking forward to the moment, which 
 is intended to terminate the career of my 
 public life, my feelings do not permit me 
 to suspend the deep acknowledgment of 
 that debt of gratitude, which I owe to my 
 beloved country, — for the many honors it 
 has conferred upon me ; still more for the 
 stedfast confidence with which it has sup- 
 ported me; and for the opportunities I have 
 thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 attachment, by services faithful and persever- 
 ing, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. 
 
 — If benefits have resulted to our country 
 from these services, let it alvi^ays be remem- 
 bered to your praise, and as an instructive 
 example in our annals, that under circum- 
 stances in which the Passions agitated in 
 every direction were liable to mislead, amidst 
 appearances somewhat dubious, vicissitudes of 
 fortune often discouraging, — in situations in 
 which not unfrequently want of success has 
 countenanced the spirit of criticism the con- 
 stancy of your support was the essential prop 
 of the efforts and a guarantee of the plans 
 by which they were effected. — Profoundly 
 penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with 
 me to the grave, as a strong incitement to 
 unceasing vows that Heaven may continue 
 to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence 
 
 — that your union and brotherly aft^ection 
 may be perpetual — that the free constitu- 
 tion, which is the work of your hands, may 
 be sacredly maintained — that its administra- 
 tion in every department may be stamped 
 with wisdom and virtue — that, in fine, the 
 happiness of the people of these States, under 
 the auspices of liberty, may be made com- 
 plete, by so careful a preservation and so 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire ■ 
 to them the glory of recommending it to the f 
 applause, the affection, and adoption of every | 
 nation, which is yet a stranger to it. ' 
 
 Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. — But a 
 solicitude for your welfare, which cannot 
 end but with my life, and the apprehension 
 of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge 
 me on an occasion like the present, to offer 
 to your solemn contemplation, and to recom- 
 mend to your frequent review, some senti- 
 ments ; which are the result of much reflec- 
 tion, of no inconsiderable observation, and 
 which appear to me all important to the 
 permanency of your felicity as a People. — 
 These will be offered to you with the more 
 freedom, as you can only see in them the 
 disinterested warnings of a parting friend, 
 who can possibly have no personal motive to 
 bias his counsels. — Nor can I forget, as an 
 encouragement to it your indulgent reception 
 of my sentiments on a former and not dis- 
 similar occasion. 
 
 Interwoven as is the love of liberty with 
 every ligament of your hearts, no recom- 
 mendation of mine is necessary to fortify or 
 confirm the attachment. 
 
 The Unity of Government which consti- 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 tutes you one people, is also now dear tb 
 you. — It is justly so •, — for it is a main Pillar 
 in the Edifice of your real independence ; 
 the support of your tranquillity at home ; 
 your peace abroad ; of your safety ; of your 
 prosperity ; of that very Liberty, which you 
 so highly prize. — But as it is easy to foresee, 
 that from different causes, and from different 
 quarters, much pains will be taken, many 
 artifices employed, to weaken in your minds 
 the conviction of this truth ; — as this is the 
 point in your political fortress against which 
 the batteries of internal and external enemies 
 will be most constantly and actively (though 
 often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is 
 of infinite moment, that you should properly 
 estimate the immense value of your national 
 Union to your collective and individual hap- 
 piness ; — that you should cherish a cordial, 
 habitual, and immoveable attachment to it ; 
 accustoming yourselves to think and speak 
 of it as of the Palladium of your political 
 safety and prosperity ; watching for its pres- 
 ervation with jealous anxiety ; discounte- 
 nancing whatever may suggest even a sus- 
 picion that it can in any event be abandoned, 
 and indignantly frowning upon the first 
 dawning of every attempt to alienate any 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 portion of our Country from the rest, or to 
 enfeeble the sacred ties which now link y 
 together the various parts. 
 
 For this you have every inducement of 
 sympathy and interest. — Citizens by birth or j. 
 choice of a common country, that country 
 has a right to concentrate your affections. — 
 The name of American, which belongs to 
 you, in your national capacity, must always 
 exalt the just pride of Patriotism, more than 
 any appellation derived from local discrimi- 
 nations. — With slight shades of difference, 
 you have the same Religion, Manners, Habits, 
 and political Principles. — You have in a com- 
 mon cause fought and triumphed together. — 
 The Independence and Liberty you possess 
 are the work of joint councils, and joint 
 efforts — of common dangers, sufferings and 
 successes. — 
 
 But these considerations, however power- 
 fully they address themselves to your sensi- 
 bility, are greatly outweighed by those which 
 apply more immediately to your Interest. — 
 Here every portion of our country finds 
 the most commanding motives for carefully 
 guarding and preserving the Union of the 
 whole. 
 
 The North in an unrestrained intercourse 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 with the South^ protected by the equal Laws 
 of a common government, finds in the pro- 
 ductions of the latter great additional re- 
 sources of maritime and commercial enter- 
 prise — and precious materials of manufact- 
 uring industry. — The South in the same 
 intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the 
 North^ sees its agriculture grow and its 
 commerce expand. Turning partly into its 
 own channels the seamen of the North^ it 
 finds its particular navigation envigorated ; — 
 and, while it contributes, in different ways, 
 to nourish and increase the general mass of 
 the national navigation, it looks forward to 
 the protection of a maritime strength to 
 which itself is unequally adapted. — The 
 East^ in a like intercourse with the West^ 
 already finds, and in the progressive improve- 
 ment of interior communications, by land 
 and water, will more and more find, a valu- 
 able vent for the commodities which it brings 
 from abroad, or manufactures at home. — The 
 West derives from the East supplies requi- 
 site to its growth and comfort, — and what 
 is perhaps of still greater consequence, it 
 must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment 
 of indispensable outlets for its own produc- 
 tions to the weight, influence, and the future 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the 
 Union, directed by an indissoluble community 
 of interest, as one Nation, — Any other tenure 
 by which the West can hold this essential 
 advantage, whether derived from its own sep- 
 arate strength, or from an apostate and un- 
 natural connexion with any foreign Power, 
 must be intrinsically precarious. 
 
 While then every part of our Country 
 thus feels an immediate and particular in- 
 terest in Union, all the parts combined can- 
 not fail to find in the united mass of means 
 and efforts greater strength, greater resource, 
 proportionably greater security from external 
 danger, a less frequent interruption of their 
 Peace by foreign Nations ; and, what is of 
 inestimable value ! they must derive from 
 Union an exemption from those broils and 
 wars between themselves, which so fre- 
 quently afflict neighbouring countries, not 
 tied together by the same government ; which 
 their own rivalships alone would be sufficient 
 to produce; but which opposite foreign alli- 
 ances, attachments and intrigues would stim- 
 ulate and embitter. — Hence likewise they will 
 avoid the necessity of those overgrown Mili- 
 tary establishments, which under any form of 
 government, are inauspicious to liberty, and 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 which are to be regarded as particularly hos- 
 tile to Republican Liberty : In this sense it 
 is, that, your Union ought to be considered 
 as a main prop of your liberty, and that the 
 love of the one ought to endear to you the 
 preservation of the other. 
 
 These considerations speak a persuasive 
 language to every reflecting and virtuous 
 mind, — and exhibit the continuance of the 
 Union as a primary object of Patriotic de- 
 sire. — Is there a doubt, whether a common 
 government can embrace so large a sphere ? — 
 Let experience solve it. — To listen to mere 
 speculation in such a case were criminal. — 
 We are authorized to hope that a proper or- 
 ganization of the whole, with the auxiliary 
 agency of governments for the respective 
 subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the 
 experiment. 'Tis well worth a fair and full 
 experiment. With such powerful and obvi- 
 ous motives to Union, affecting all parts of 
 our country, while experience shall not have 
 demonstrated its impracticability, there will 
 always be reason to distrust the patriotism 
 of those, who in any quarter may endeavor 
 to weaken its bands. 
 
 In contemplating the causes which may 
 disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of se- 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 rious concern, that any ground should have 
 been furnished for characterizing parties hy 
 Geographical discriminations — Northern and 
 Southern — Atlantic and Western , whence 
 designing men may endeavour to excite a 
 belief, that there is a real difference of local 
 interests and views. 
 
 One of the expedients of Party to acquire 
 influence, within particular districts, is to 
 misrepresent the opinions and aims of other 
 districts. — You cannot shield yourselves too 
 much against the jealousies and heart burn- 
 ings which spring from these misrepresenta- 
 tions ; — They tend to render alien to each 
 other those who ought to be bound together 
 by fraternal affection. — The inhabitants of 
 our Western country have lately had a use- 
 ful lesson on this head. — They have seen, 
 in the negotiation by the Executive, and in. 
 the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of 
 the Treaty with Spain, and in the universal 
 satisfaction at that event, throughout the 
 United States, a decisive proof how un- 
 founded were the suspicions propagated 
 among them of a policy in the General 
 Government and in the Atlantic States un- 
 friendly to their interests in regard to the 
 Mississippi. — They have been witnesses to 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 the formation of two Treaties, that with G. 
 Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to 
 them every thing they could desire, in re- 
 spect to our Foreign Relations, towards con- 
 firming their prosperity. — Will it not be 
 their wisdom to rely for the preservation of 
 these advantages on the Union by which 
 they were procured ? — Will they not hence- 
 forth be deaf to those advisers, if such there 
 are, who would sever them from their Breth- 
 ren, and connect them with Aliens ? — 
 
 To the efficacy and permanency of your 
 Union, a Government for the whole is indis- 
 pensable. — No alliances however strict be- 
 tween the parts can be an adequate substitute. 
 — They must inevitably experience the infrac- 
 tions and interruptions which all alliances in 
 all times have experienced. — Sensible of this 
 momentous truth, you have improved upon 
 your first essay, by the adoption of a Con- 
 stitution of Government, better calculated 
 than your former for an intimate Union, 
 and for the efficacious management of your 
 common concerns. — This government, the 
 .offspring of our own choice uninfluenced and 
 iinawed, adopted upon full investigation and 
 mature deliberation, completely free in its 
 principles, in the distribution of its powers. 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 uniting security with energy, and containing 
 within itself a provision for its own amend- 
 ment, has a just claim to your confidence and 
 your support. — Respect for its authority, 
 compliance with its Laws, acquiescence in its 
 measures, are duties enjoined by the funda- 
 mental maxims of true Liberty. — The basis 
 of our political systems is the right of the 
 people to make and to alter their Constitutions 
 of Government. — But the constitution which 
 at any time exists, 'till changed by an ex- 
 plicit and authentic act of the whole People, 
 is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very 
 idea of the power and the right of the People 
 to establish Government, presupposes the 
 duty of every individual to obey the estab- 
 lished Government. 
 
 All obstructions to the execution of the 
 Laws, all combinations and associations, 
 under whatever plausible character, with the 
 real design to direct, controul, counteract, 
 or awe the regular deliberation and action of 
 the constituted authorities, are destructive 
 of this fundamental principle and of fatal 
 tendency. — They serve to organize faction, 
 to give it an artificial and extraordinary force 
 — to put, in the place of the delegated will 
 of the Nation, the will of a party ; — often a 
 
 13 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 small but artful and enterprizing minority of 
 the community; — and, according to the 
 alternate triumphs of different parties, to 
 make the public administration the mirror 
 of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects 
 of faction, rather than the organ of con- 
 sistent and wholesome plans digested by 
 common councils and modified by mutual 
 interests. — However combinations or asso- 
 ciations of the above description may now 
 and then answer popular ends, they are 
 likely, in the course of time and things, to 
 become potent engines, by which cunning, 
 ambitious, and unprincipled men will be 
 enabled to subvert the Power of the People 
 and to usurp for themselves the reins of 
 Government ; destroying afterwards the very 
 engines which have lifted them to unjust 
 dominion. — 
 
 Towards the preservation of your Govern- 
 ment and the permanency of your present 
 happy state, it is requisite, not only that you 
 steadily discountenance irregular oppositions 
 to its acknowledged authority, but also that 
 you resist with care the spirit of innovation 
 upon its principles, however specious the 
 pretexts. — One method of assault may be to 
 efFect, in the forms of the Constitution, 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 alterations which will impair the energy of 
 the system, and thus to undermine what can- 
 not be directly overthrown. — In all the 
 changes to which you may be invited, re- 
 member that time and habit are at least as 
 necessary to fix the true character of Gov- 
 ernments, as of other human institutions — 
 that experience is the surest standard, by 
 which to test the real tendency of the exist- 
 ing Constitution of a Country — that facility 
 in changes upon the credit of mere hypothe- 
 sis and opinion exposes to perpetual change, 
 from the endless variety of hypothesis and 
 opinion : — and remember, especially, that for 
 the efficient management of your common 
 interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a 
 Government of as much vigor as is con- 
 sistent with the perfect security of Liberty is 
 indispensable. — Liberty itself will find in 
 such a Government, with powers properly 
 distributed and adjusted, its surest Guardian. 
 — It is indeed little else than a name, where 
 the Government is too feeble to withstand 
 the enterprises of faction, to confine each 
 member of the Society within the limits 
 prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all 
 in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the 
 rights of person and property. 
 
 IS 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 I have already intimated to you the danger 
 of Parties in the State, with particular refer- 
 ence to the founding of them on Geographi- 
 cal discriminations. — Let me now take a 
 more comprehensive view, and warn you in 
 the most solemn manner against the baneful 
 effects of the Spirit of Party, generally. — 
 
 This Spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable 
 from our nature, having its root in the 
 strongest passions of the human mind. — It 
 exists under different shapes in all Govern- 
 ments, more or less stifled, controuled, or 
 repressed ; but, in those of the popular form, 
 it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is 
 truly their worst enemy. — 
 
 The alternate domination of one faction 
 over another, sharpened by the spirit of re- 
 venge natural to party dissension, which in 
 different ages and countries has perpetrated 
 the most horrid enormities, is itself a fright- 
 ful despotism. — But this leads at length to a 
 more formal and permanent despotism. — The 
 disorders and miseries, which result, gradually 
 incline the minds of men to seek security and 
 repose in the absolute power of an Individual : 
 and sooner or later the chief of some pre- 
 vailing faction, more able or more fortunate 
 than his competitors, turns this disposition 
 
 i6 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 to the purposes of his own elevation, on the 
 ruins of Public Liberty. 
 
 Without looking forward to an extremity 
 of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not 
 to be entirely out of sight), the common and 
 continual mischiefs of the spirit of Party are 
 sufficient to make it the interest and duty of 
 a wise People to discourage and restrain it. — 
 
 It serves always to distract the Public 
 Councils, and enfeeble the Public administra- 
 tion. — It agitates the community with ill 
 founded jealousies and false alarms, kindles 
 the animosity of one part against another, 
 foments occasionally riot and insurrection. — 
 It opens the doors to foreign influence and 
 corruption, which find a facilitated access to 
 the Government itself through the channels 
 of party passions. Thus the policy and the 
 will of one country, are subjected to the pol- 
 icy and will of another. 
 
 There is an opinion that parties in free 
 countries are useful checks upon the Admin- 
 istration of the Government, and serve to 
 keep alive the Spirit of Liberty. — This within 
 certain limits is probably true — and in Gov- 
 ernments of a Monarchical cast. Patriotism 
 may look with indulgence, if not with favour, 
 upon the spirit of party. — But in those of the 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 popular character, in Governments purely 
 elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. — 
 From their natural tendency, it is certain 
 there will always be enough of that spirit for 
 every salutary purpose, — and there being 
 constant danger of excess, the effort ought to 
 be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate 
 and assuage it. — A fire not to be quenched ; 
 it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent 
 its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of 
 warming, it should consume. — 
 
 It is important, likewise, that the habits 
 of thinking in a free country should inspire 
 caution in those entrusted with its adminis- 
 tration, to confine themselves within their 
 respective constitutional spheres ; avoiding in 
 the exercise of the powers of one department 
 to encroach upon another. — The spirit of 
 encroachment tends to consolidate the powers 
 of all the departments in one, and thus to 
 create, whatever the form of government, a 
 real despotism. — A just estimate of that love 
 of power, and proneness to abuse it, which 
 predominates in the human heart, is sufficient 
 to satisfy us of the truth of this position. — 
 The necessity of reciprocal checks in the 
 exercise of political power, by dividing and 
 distributing it into different depositories, and 
 
 i8 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 constituting each the Guardian of the Public 
 Weal against invasions by the others, has 
 been evinced by experiments ancient and 
 modern ; some of them in our country and 
 under our own eyes. — To preserve them 
 must be as necessary as to institute them. 
 If in the opinion of the People, the distribu- 
 tion or modification of the Constitutional 
 powers be in any particular wrong, let it 
 be corrected by an amendment in the way 
 which the Constitution designates. — But let 
 there be no change by usurpation ; for 
 though this, in one instance, may be the 
 instrument of good, it is the customary 
 weapon by which free governments are 
 destroyed. — The precedent must always 
 greatly overbalance in permanent evil any 
 partial or transient benefit which the use can 
 at any time yield. 
 
 Of all the dispositions and habits, which n 
 lead to political prosperity. Religion and * 
 morality are indispensable supports. — In 
 vain would that man claim the tribute of 
 Patriotism, who should labour to subvert 
 these great Pillars of human happiness, these 
 firmest props of the duties of Men and 
 Citizens. — The mere Politician, equally with 
 the pious man, ought to respect and to 
 
 19 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 cherish them. — A volume could not trace 
 all their connexions with private and public 
 felicity. — Let it simply be asked where is 
 the security for property, for reputation, for 
 life, if the sense of religious obligation desert 
 the oaths, which are the instruments of in- 
 vestigation in Courts of Justice ? And let 
 us with caution indulge the supposition, that 
 morality can be maintained without religion. 
 — ^Whatever may be conceded to the influ- 
 ence of refined education on minds of peculiar 
 structure — reason and experience both for- 
 bid us to expect, that national morality can 
 prevail in exclusion of religious principle.- — 
 
 'Tis substantially true, that virtue or mo- 
 rality is a necessary spring of popular govern- 
 ment. — The rule indeed extends with more 
 or less force to every species of Free Gov- 
 ernment. — Who that is a sincere friend to 
 it, can look with indifference upon attempts 
 to shake the foundation of the fabric .? — 
 
 Promote, then, as of primary importance, 
 institutions for the general diffusion of knowl- 
 edge. — In proportion as the structure of a 
 government gives force to public opinion, it 
 is essential that public opinion should be 
 enlightened. — 
 
 As a very important source of strength 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 and security, cherish public credit. — One 
 method of preserving it is to use it as 
 sparingly as possible : — avoiding occasions 
 of expense by cultivating peace, but remem- 
 bering also that timely disbursements to pre- 
 pare for danger frequently prevent much 
 greater disbursements to repel it — avoiding 
 likewise the accumulation of debt, not only 
 by shunning occasions of expense, but by 
 vigorous exertions in time of Peace to dis- 
 charge the debts which unavoidable wars may 
 have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing 
 upon prosperity the burthen which we our- 
 selves ought to bear. The execution of 
 these maxims belongs to your Representa- 
 tives, but it is necessary that public opinion 
 should co-operate. — To facilitate to them the 
 performance of their duty, it is essential that 
 you should practically bear in mind, that 
 towards the payments of debts there must 
 be Revenue — that to have Revenue there 
 must be taxes — that no taxes can be devised 
 which are not more or less inconvenient and 
 unpleasant — -that the intrinsic embarrass- 
 ment inseparable from the selection of the 
 proper objects (which is always a choice of 
 difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for 
 a candid construction of the conduct of tha? 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 Government in making it, and for a spirit of 
 acquiescence in the measures for obtaining 
 Revenue which the public exigencies may at 
 any time dictate. — 
 
 Observe good faith and justice towards all | 
 Nations. Cultivate peace and harmony with | 
 all. — Religion and Morality enjoin this con- i 
 duct *, and can it be that good policy does not 
 equally enjoin it ? — It will be worthy of a 
 free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a 
 great nation, to give to mankind the mag- 
 nanimous and too novel example of a People 
 always guided by an exalted justice and 
 benevolence. — Who can doubt that in the 
 course of time and things, the fruits of such 
 a plan would richly repay any temporary 
 advantages, which might be lost by a steady 
 adherence to it ? Can it be, that Providence 
 has not connected the permanent felicity of 
 a Nation with its virtue ? The experiment, J 
 at least, is recommended by every^sentimeiit^ 
 which ennobles human nature.T^^— Alas ! is it 
 rendered impossible by its vices ? 
 
 In the execution of such a plan nothing is 
 more essential than that permanent, invet- 
 erate antipathies against particular nations and 
 passionate attachments for others should be 
 excluded ; and that in place of them just and 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 amicable feelings towards all should be culti- 
 vated. — The Nation, which indulges towards 
 another an habitual hatred or an habitual 
 fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is 
 a slave to its animosity or to its affection, 
 either of which is sufficient to lead it astray 
 from its duty and its interest. — Antipathy 
 in one nation against another disposes each 
 more readily to offer insult and injury, to 
 lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and 
 to be haughty and intractable, when acci- 
 dental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. 
 — Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, en- 
 venomed and bloody contests. — The Nation 
 prompted by ill-will and resentment some- 
 times impel to War the Government, con- 
 trary to the best calculations of policy. — The 
 Government sometimes participates in the 
 national propensity, and adopts through pas- 
 sion what reason would reject ; — at other 
 times, it makes the animosity of the Nation 
 subservient to projects of hostility instigated 
 by pride, ambition, and other sinister and 
 pernicious motives. — The peace often, some- 
 times perhaps the Liberty, of Nations has 
 been the victim. — 
 
 So likewise a passionate attachment of one 
 Nation for another produces a variety of 
 
 23 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 evils. — Sympathy for the favourite nation, 
 facilitating the illusion of an imaginary com- 
 mon interest in cases where no real common 
 interest exists, and infusing into one the en- 
 mities of the other, betrays the former into a 
 participation in the quarrels and w^ars of the 
 latter, w^ithout adequate inducement or justi- 
 fication : It leads also to concessions to the 
 favourite Nation of privileges denied to 
 others, v^^hich is apt doubly to injure the Na- 
 tion making the concessions ; by unneces- 
 sarily parting with what ought to have been 
 retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, 
 and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties 
 from whom equal privileges are withheld ; 
 and it gives to ambitious, corrupted or de- 
 luded citizens (who devote themselves to the 
 favourite Nation) facility to betray, or sacri- 
 fice the interests of their own country, with- 
 out odium, sometimes even with popularity : 
 — gilding with the appearances of a virtuous 
 sense of obligation, a commendable deference 
 for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for 
 public good, the base or foolish compliances 
 of ambition, corruption or infatuation. — 
 
 As avenues to foreign influence in innu- 
 merable ways, such attachments are particu- 
 larly alarming to the truly enlightened and 
 
 24 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 independent Patriot. — How many opportu- 
 nities do they afford to tamper with domestic 
 factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to 
 mislead public opinion, to influence or awe 
 the public councils ! Such an attachment 
 of a small or weak, towards a great and 
 powerful nation, dooms the former to be the 
 satellite of the latter. 
 
 Against the insidious wiles of foreign in- 
 fluence, I conjure you to believe me, fellow 
 citizens, the jealousy of a free people ought 
 to be constantly awake, since history and ex- 
 perience prove that foreign influence is one 
 of the most baneful foes of Republican Gov- 
 ernment. — But that jealousy, to be useful 
 must be impartial ; else it becomes the in- 
 strument of the very influence to be avoided, 
 instead of a defence against it. — Excessive 
 partiality for one foreign nation and exces- 
 sive dislike of another, cause those whom 
 they actuate to see danger only on one side, 
 and serve to veil and even second the arts of 
 influence on the other. — Real Patriots, who 
 may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are 
 liable to become suspected and odious; while 
 its tools and dupes usurp the applause and 
 confidence of the people, to surrender their 
 interests. — 
 
 '5 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 The great rule of conduct for us, in re- 
 gard to foreign Nations, is, in extending our 
 commercial relations, to have with them as 
 little Political connection as possible. — So far 
 as we have already formed engagements let 
 them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. — 
 Here let us stop. — 
 
 Europe has a set of primary interests, 
 which to us have none, or a very remote re- 
 lation. — Hence she must be engaged in fre- 
 quent controversies, the causes of which are 
 essentially foreign to our concerns. — Hence 
 therefore it must be unwise in us to impli- 
 cate ourselves, by artificial ties in the ordi- 
 nary vicissitudes of her politics, or the 
 ordinary combinations and collisions of her 
 friendships, or enmities. 
 
 Our detached and distant situation invites 
 and enables us to pursue a different course. — 
 If we remain one People, under an efficient 
 government, the period is not far off, when 
 we may defy material injury from external 
 annoyance ; when we may take such an atti- 
 tude as will cause the neutrality we may at 
 any time resolve upon to be scrupulously 
 respected. — When belligerent nations, under 
 the impossibility of making acquisitions upon 
 us, will not lightly hazard the giving us 
 
 a6 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 provocation ; when we may choose peace or 
 war, as our interest guided by justice shall 
 counsel. — 
 
 Why forego the advantages of so peculiar 
 a situation ? — Why quit our own to stand 
 upon foreign ground ? — Why, by interweav- 
 ing our destiny with that of any part of 
 Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity 
 in the toils of European ambition, rivalship^ 
 interest, humour or caprice? — 
 ^> 'Tis our true policy to steer clear of per- 
 manent alliances, with any portion of the 
 foreign world ; - — so far, I mean, as we are 
 now at liberty to do it — for let me not be 
 understood as capable of patronizing in- 
 fidelity to existing engagements. (I hold 
 the maxim no less applicable to public than 
 to private affairs, that honesty is the best 
 policy). — ' I repeat it therefore let those en- 
 gagements be observed in their genuine 
 sense. — But in my opinion it is unnecessary 
 and would be unwise to extend them. — 
 
 Taking care always to keep ourselves^ 
 by suitable establishments, on a respectably 
 defensive posture, we may safely trust to 
 temporary alliances for extraordinary emer- 
 gencies. — 
 
 Harmony, liberal intercourse with all 
 
 27 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 Nations, are recommended by policy, hu- 
 manity and interest. — But even our com- 
 mercial policy should hold an equal and 
 impartial hand : neither seeking nor granting 
 exclusive favours or preferences ; — consult- 
 ing the natural course of things ; — diffusing 
 and diversifying by gentle means the streams 
 of commerce, but forcing nothing ; — estab- 
 lishing w^ith Powers so disposed — in order 
 to give trade a stable course, to define the 
 rights of our Merchants, and to enable the 
 Government to support them — conven- 
 tional rules of intercourse, the best that 
 present circumstances and mutual opinion 
 vi^ill permit ; but temporary, and liable to be 
 from time to time abandoned or varied, as 
 experience and circumstances shall dictate ; 
 constantly keeping in view^, that 'tis folly in 
 one nation to look for disinterested favors 
 from another, — that it must pay vt^ith a por- 
 tion of its independence for whatever it may 
 accept under that character — that by such 
 acceptance, it may place itself in the con- 
 dition of having given equivalents for nomi- 
 nal favours and yet of being reproached with 
 ingratitude for not giving more. — There can 
 be no greater error than to expect, or cal- 
 culate upon real favours from Nation to 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 Nation. — 'Tis an allusion which experi- 
 ence must cure, which a just pride ought 
 to discard. — 
 
 In offering to you, my Countrymen, these 
 counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I 
 dare not hope they will make the strong and ] 
 lasting impression, I could wish, — that they 
 will controul the usual current of the passions, 
 or prevent our Nation from running the 
 course which has hitherto marked the des- 
 tiny of Nations. — But if I may even flatter 
 myself, that they may be productive of some 
 partial benefit ; some occasional good ; that 
 they may now and then recur to moderate 
 the fury of party spirit, to warn against the 
 mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against 
 the impostures of pretended patriotism, this 
 hope will be a full recompense for the solici- 
 tude for your welfare, by which they have 
 been dictated. — 
 
 How far in the discharge of my official 
 duties, I have been guided by the principles 
 which have been delineated, the public Rec- 
 ords and other evidences of my conduct must 
 witness to You, and to the World. — To my- 
 self, the assurance of my own conscience is, 
 that I have at least believed myself to be 
 guided by them. — fA 
 
 29 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 In relation to the still subsisting War in 
 Europe, my Proclamation of the 2 2d of 
 April 1793 is the index to my plan. — Sanc- 
 tioned by your approving voice and by that 
 of Your Representatives in both Houses of 
 Congress, the spirit of that measure has 
 continually governed me : — uninfluenced by 
 any attempts to deter or divert me from it. 
 
 After deliberate examination with the aid 
 of the best lights I could obtain, I was well 
 satisfied that our country, under all the cir- 
 cumstances of the case, had a right to take, 
 and was bound in duty and interest, to take 
 a Neutral position, — Having taken it, I de- 
 termined, as far as should depend upon me, 
 to maintain it, with moderation, persever- 
 ance, and firmness. — 
 
 The considerations which respect the 
 right to hold this conduct, it is not neces- 
 sary on this occasion to detail. I will only 
 observe, that according to my understanding 
 of the matter, that right, so far from being 
 denied by any of the Belligerent Powers, 
 has been virtually admitted by all. — 
 
 The duty of holding a neutral conduct 
 may be inferred, without anything more, 
 from the obligation which justice and hu- 
 manity impose on every Nation, in cases in 
 
 30 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate 
 the relations of Peace and Amity towards 
 other Nations. — 
 
 The inducements of interest for observ- 
 ing that conduct will best be referred to 
 your own reflections and experience. — 
 With me, a predominant motive has been 
 to endeavour to gain time to our country to 
 settle and mature its yet recent institutions, 
 and to progress without interruption to that 
 degree of strength and consistency, which 
 is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, 
 the command of its own fortunes. 
 
 Though, in reviewing the incidents of 
 my Administration, I am unconscious of 
 intentional error — I am nevertheless too 
 sensible of my defects not to think it proba- 
 ble that I may have committed many 
 errors. — Whatever they may be I fervently 
 beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate 
 the evils to which they may tend. — I shall 
 also carry with me the hope that my coun- 
 try will never cease to view them with in- 
 dulgence ; and that after forty-five years of 
 my life dedicated to its service, with an up- 
 right zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities 
 will be consigned to oblivion, as myself 
 must soon be to the mansions of rest. 
 
 31 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 Relying on its kindness in this as in 
 other things, and actuated by that fervent 
 love towards it, which is so natural to a 
 man, who views in it the native soil of 
 himself and his progenitors for several gen- 
 erations ; — I anticipate with pleasing ex- 
 pectation that retreat, in which I promise 
 myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet 
 enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my 
 fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good 
 Laws under a free Government, — the ever 
 favourite object of my heart, and the happy 
 reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, 
 labours, and dangers. 
 
 G? WASHINGTON 
 
 United States, ") , 
 
 igth September, \ ^"^^• 
 
 Z% 
 
LIBRPRY OF CONGRESS 
 
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