Book M^Ja-. ' ! UW.-I II I- J > 4. ^* * f TlIK UNITED STATES MANUAL BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY: COMPRISINQ LIVES OF THK PRESIDKXTS AND VICE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES, AND THE t'AHlNET lIFFIl'EKS, FROM TIIK ADOPTION OK THK C'ONSTITITION TO TlIK rilKf^KNT DAY. ALSO, LIVKS OK THE SIOXKRS OF THE DECLARATION OF IXDEPE\DE\(E, AND OF THE OLD ARTICLES OF CONFEDtKATlON, OF THE FRAMERS OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES, AND OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE ST'PKEME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. WITH AUTHENTIC COPIES OF THE DECLARATION OF IXDFrENnK.Mi:, THE AIITICLES OF CuN FEDERATION, AND TIIK C'ONSTITLTIUN 0¥ THE UNITED iJTAIES. TO WHICH 18 PREFIXED A\' LVTRODICTORV IIISTOBV OF IDE IMTED STATES. Bt JAMES V. MARSHALL. I L L r .•< T R A T »: I) WITH PORTKAITS OF ALL TH£ PRESIDENTS, FROK ORIGINAL DESIGNS. PniLADELPITIA : PUBLISHED BY JAMES B. SMITH & CO. No. 140 CIIK8TM'T STREET. 1856. K&tered •ocordlng to Act of Congress, im the yew 1866, hf JAMES B. SMITU A CO. In the Clerk's Offloe of the District Court of the United States for the Eastern DUtriet of Pennsylvania. PREFACE. The object of the author of the " United States Manual" is to furnish his countrymen with a complete compendium of biography of the distinguished statesmen who have taken part in public affairs from the colonial period of our history to the present day. At the same time, the work will be found to afford a his- tory of the country, as well as a complete series of biogra- phies of its public men. The Introductory History extends from the discovery of America, by Columbus, to the Decla- ration of Independence. The life of Washington carries for- ward the national history to the close of his administration ; and the lives of the other Presidents comprise the histories of their respective administrations, thus rendering the na- tional history complete. In examining the list of public men whose lives are com- prised in this volume, the reader will not fail to perceive that it comprises all who have taken a very prominent part in our national affairs. These men have been required, by the exigencies of the times, to sign the old articles of Con- federation or the Declaration of Independence, or to assist in framing the Constitution of the United States, or to act as 3 4 PREFACE. Presidents, Vice-Presidents, or Cabinet Ministers, or Chief Justices of the Supreme Court. The author has endeavoured not only to be accurate in giving historical facts and dates, but also to render the volume as entertaining and readable as possible. Its value and convenience as a book of reference to the reader of his- tory, or to the citizen taking a part in politics, must be obvious to every one. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTORY HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES Page 9 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 33 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS OF THE INDEPENDENCE. DECLARATION OF John Hancock Page 37 Josiah Bartlett 39 William Whipple 40 Matthew Thornton 41 Samuel Adams 42 John Adams 44 Robert Treat Paine 45 Elbridge Gerry 46 Stephen Hopkins 49 William Ellery 50 Roger Sherman 51 Samuel Huntington 53 William Williams 55 Oliver Wolcott 56 William Floyd 57 Philip Livingston 58 Francis Lewis 59 Lewis Mori'is 60 Richard Stockton 61 John Witherspoon 62 Francis Hopkinson 64 John Hart 66 Abraham Clark 67 Robert Morris 68 Benjamin Rush 71 Benjamin Franklin 74 John Morton 81 George Clymer 82 James Smith Page 84 George Taylor 85 James AVilson 86 George Ross 87 Ctesar Rodney 88 George Read 89 Thomas McKean 90 Samuel Chase 94 William Paca 96 Thomas Stone 96 Charles Carroll 97 George Wythe 98 Richard Henry Lee 102 Benjamin Harrison 108 Thomas Jefferson 109 Thomas Nelson, Jun 109 Francis Lightfoot Lee Ill Carter Braxton 112 William Hooper 113 Joseph Hewes 113 John Penn 114 Edward Rutledge 115 Thomas Heyward, Jun 116 Thomas Lynch, Jun 117 Arthur Middleton 118 Button Gwinnett 120 Lyman Hall 121 George Walton 122 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION 123 CONTENTS. BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS OF THE ARTICLES OF CON- FEDERATION. John Wentworth, Jun Page 132 Francis Dana 132 James Lovell 133 Samuel Holten 134 Henry Marchant 135 John Collins 135 Titus Hosmer 135 Andrew Adams 136 James Duane 136 William Duer 136 Gouverneur Morris 137 Nathaniel Scudder 139 Daniel Roberdeau Page 139 Jonathan Bayard Smith 140 William Clingan 140 Joseph Reed 141 John Dickinson 143 Nicholas Van Dyke 144 John Hanson 145 Henry Laurens 145 William Henry Drayton 147 Richard Hutson 149 John Matthews 150 Edward Telfair 150 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 151 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS OF THE CONSTITUTION. George Washington Page 164 John Langdon 164 Nicholas Oilman 165 Nathaniel Gorham 165 Bufus King 166 William Samuel Johnson 168 Alexander Hamilton 169 William Livingston 174 David Brearley 175 William Patterson 176 Jonathan Dayton 177 Thomas Mifflin 177 Thomas Fitzsimmons 278 Jared IngersoU 178 Gunning Bedford, Jun Page 179 Richard Bassett 179 Jacob Broom 179 John Blair 180 James Madison, Jun 180 William Blount 181 Richard Dobbs Spaight 181 Hugh Williamson 182 John Rutledge 183 Charles Cotesworth Pinckney 185 Charles Pinckney 187 Pierce Butler 188 William Few 188 Adam Baldwin 189 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES, WITH BIOGRAPHIES OF THE VICE-PRESIDENTS AND MEMBERS OF THE CABINET. George Washington Page 190 Henry Knox 216 Edmund Randolph 219 Oliver Wolcott, Jun 220 JohnM'Henry 220 Timothy Pickering 221 William Bradford 222 Charles Lee 223 Joseph Habersham 223 John Adams :Page 225 Samuel Dexter 233 George Cabot 234 Thomas Jefferson 236 Aaron Burr 255 George Clinton 256 John Marshall 259 Albert Gallatin 266 Henry Dearborn 268 CONTENTS. LIVES OP THE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES, &c. (Cotitiniied.) Robert Smith Page 2G9 Levi Lincoln 270 John Breckenridge 270 Caesar A. Rodney 272 Gideon Granger 272 James Madison, Jun 273 James Monroe 356 George W. Campbell 357 Alexander James Dallas 357 William Eustis 359 John Armstrong 359 William H. Crawford 302 Paul Hamilton 3G4 William Jones 364 Benjamin W. Crowninshield 365 William Pinckney 365 James Monroe 369 Daniel D. Tompkins 379 George Graham 379 Richard Rush 380 Return Jonathan Meigs 381 William Wirt 381 John Caldwell Calhoun 383 Smith Thompson 388 John Quixcy Adams 389 Henry Clay 395 Samuel L. Southard 406 John Rodgers 407 John McLean 409 James Barbour 410 Peter B. Porter 411 Andrew Jackson 416 Louis McLane 430 Edward Livingston 431 John Forsyth 432 Samuel D. Ingham 432 William J. Duane 433 Roger Brooke Taney 433 Levi Woodbury 434 John II. Eaton 435 Lewis Cass 436 Benjamin F. Butler 438 .John M. Berrien 438 William T. Barry 439 John Branch 439, Martin Van Buren Page 440 Richard M. Johnson 445 Joel R. Poinsett 450 James Kirke Paulding 451 IMahlon Dickerson 452 Felix Grundy 458 Henry D. Gilpin 454 Amos Kendall 455 William Henry Harrison 456 Daniel Webster 463 JohnC. Crittenden 467 Thomas Ewing , 468 John Bell 469 George E. Badger 469 Francis Granger , 470 John Tyler 471 Abel P. Upshur 477 Walter Forward 478 John C.Spencer 479 George M. Bibb 480 James M. Porter 481 William Wilkins 481 David Henshaw 482 Thomas W. Gilmer 482 JohnY. Mason 483 Amos Kendall 484 Hugh S. Legarg 484 James Knox Polk 491 George M. Dallas 547 James Buchanan 548 Robert J. Walker 549 William L. Marcy 550 George Bancroft 552 Zachary Taylor 556 John M. Clayton 610 William M. Meredith 611 George W. Crawford 612 William Ballard Preston 612 Reverdy Johnson 612 Jacob Collamer 613 Millard Fillmore 614 Edward Everett 623 Thomas Corwin c 625 Alexander H. H. Stewart 626 Charles M. Conrad 626 5 CONTENTS. LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES, &c. (^Continued.) William H. Graham Page 628 John P. Kennedy 628 Nathan K. Hall 629 Franklin Pierce 630 William R. King 653 Robert McClelland 654 James Guthrie Page 654 Jefferson Davis 655 James C. Dobbin 656 Caleb Gushing 657 James Campbell 658 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. John Jay Page 660 I John Marshall Page 712 JohnRutledge 662 Roger Brooke Taney 712 Oliver Ellsworth 710 |iitrokd0rj '§hkx^ of i\t MnM State. The earliest knowledge of this continent, according to traditionary claims, but supported by respectable CTidence, was had by the Northmen. Near the close of the tenth century, as the Icelandic authorities allege, Eric the Red emigrated from Iceland to Greenland, and formed a settlement there. Among those who accompanied him was Heriulf Bardson, who had a son named Biarne, absent on a trading voyage in Norway, at the time of his departure. Biarne, on returning, sailed in pursuit of his father ; but his vessel was soon enveloped in fogs, and he was carried for many days in an unknown direction. At length the fog cleared away, and the voyagers saw land to the left, while sailing with a south-west wind. As it did not correspond with the descriptions of Gi-eenland, they sailed on two days, when they again came in sight of land. Still sailing with a south- west wind, they kept out to sea, and three days afterward saw a third land, which they discovered to be an island. After four days more sailing with fresh gales, they reached Ileriulfsness, in Greenland. It is conjectured that Biarne had been carried by a north-east wind and currents to the American shores ; but sailed back along the coasts of Newfoundland and Labrador, and thence to his destination. Some years afterward, he made known his voyage and discovery to Eric, earl of Norway, who censured him for not having explored that unknown region. On his return to Greenland, a voyage of exploration was determined upon. Leif, a son of Eric the Red, bought for this purpose Biarne's ship, and sailed with a crew of twenty-five men in the year 1000. They came first to the tract last discovered by Biarne, and landed. They again put out to sea, how- ever, and sailed, as is supposed, along the coast of Nova Scotia, where they also went ashore. Sailing from thence for two days with a north-east wind, they are from their account believed to have coasted along the New England shores, spending the winter in the region of Rhode Island and Massachusetts. Hei-e a German in their company discovered wild grapes. They returned to Greenland, and from that time various voyages of exploration were undertaken, as the Ice- landers assert, and a colony planted in Vinland — the name given to the new region last described. It is also said that traces of the colony left by the North- men were found so late as the fourteenth century, by two Venetian navigators, sailing in the service of a Norman prince of the Orcades, and who visited Vinland. Whatever may be the truth of this account — which, however, has never been relinquished by the Icelandic scholars, and was revived, not many years since, by the Royal Society of Antiquaries at Copenhagen — the discovery of the North- men was not attended with lasting results ; and if real, originated in mere acci- dent. The merit of discovering a New World belongs, undoubtedly, to another name and people. 9 10 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY Christopher Culumbus, to whom the honour of discovering this continent is pre-eminently due, was born in Genoa, in 1435. His early acquaintance with geometry, astronomy, and cosmography, and his rare attainments in those branches, were the foundation of that distinction as a navigator which he after- ward acquired ; and fostered in his mind, for many years of patient research, the conception of that bold enterprise, which finally gave a new hemisphere to the nations of the globe. Passing over his personal history and adventures, which are familiar to almost every reader, we come at once to the period of the discovery, in 1492. The continent was not, however, reached in this voyage, but the adjacent Islands, to which he gave the name of the West Indies. The purpose of his voyage had been to find a western route to the Indies, and thence the name given by him to this group. Amerigo Vespucci, a Florentine, who soon after- wai'd visited the newly discovered land, was the first to proclaim that another continent had been found; and in compliment to him, it was called America. But the first adventurers who actually coasted along its shores were John and Sebastian Cabot, in 1498. The English name, therefore, wears the honour, second only to that rightfully earned by Columbus, of exploring a far-off hemi- sphere ; and from the bold enterprise of her native sons sprang the wide empire which so long bore her sway, and to which she bequeathed the immortal impress of her greatness. Although, during the first quarter of the sixteenth century, several voyages of exploration were prosecuted to the new-found region — those of chief importance, subsequent to the adventures of the Cabots, were undertaken by the French. The Banks of Newfoundland were visited by their fishermen as early as 1504 ; and in 1523, John Verrazani, a Florentine, was sent on a voyage of discovery by Francis I. He explored the American coast from North Carolina to Nova Scotia, and held friendly intercourse with the natives. The French claims to their American territories were founded upon his discoveries. In 1534 and '5 the gulf and river of St. Lawrence were explored by James Cartier, and the country declared a French territory. He gave to it the name of New France. Some attempts were made a few years afterward, under commission from Francis I., to colonize this country ; but it was not till the beginning of the seventeenth century that any permanent settlement was made by the French. Champlain, in 1608, occupied the site of the city of Quebec, and also explored the lake now bearing his name. Florida was discovered by Juan Ponce de Leon, a Spanish adventurer, in 1512. He landed at the site of St. Augustine, and took possession in the name of the king. The various efi'orts made to conquer this country from the Indians were, however, long unsuccessful. The great object of which the Spaniards were in quest was gold ; and the unexampled resources of soil and climate were passed unheeded. But before the middle of that century, these adventurers had pushed their explorations as far as the Mississippi, and even the Missouri. Thus far, however, no settlement had been efi'ected by the Spaniards. It was not un- til the French attempted this object, in the quarter where so much Spanish blood and toil and treasure had been expended, that the importance of such a measure to the establishment of their claim was realized. Settlements by the French were attempted in 1562 and '4, under Charles IX., but with only partial success. These colonists were Protestants. An expedition was now fitted out by Spain for the permanent occupation of Florida. This reached its destination, under the command of Pedro Melendez, in August, 1565. He landed at St. Augustine, and took possession of the continent in the name of the king of Spain, and laid the foundation of the town. This was on the 8th of September; and St. Augustine bears the oldest name of any European settle- OF THE UNITED STATES. H ment in America. The French colony in that neighbourhood were destroyed by •wreck and the sword — and such as fell into the Spanish hands from the flight by sea, were hung on gibbets, with the inscription over their heads — "Not as Frenchnen, but as Protestants." A few years after, a French officer of some dis- tinction fitted out an avenging expedition, and surprising the Spanish settlement, captured several prisoners, who were forthwith hanged upon trees, with the in- scription over their heads — " Iclo not this as unto Spaniards or mariners, but as unto traitors, robbers, and murderers." Meantime, and thi-oughout that century, the English were engaged in repeated but inefi"ectual attempts to colonize America. The problem of a "north-west passage" to India also engaged their attention at this early period. In the prosecution of this search, they not only explored Hudson's Bay, but, in 1579, Sir Francis Drake sailed on the Pacific coast as far as the forty-third degree of north latitude, in quest of the strait supposed to connect the two oceans. He was the first Englishman who visited the Oregon territory. The plan of coloniza- tion was, in the same year, undertaken by Sir Humphrey Gilbert ; but through various disasters failed of success. In 1583, his step-brother, Sir Walter Raleigh, joined him ; but nothing was accomplished by their expedition but the taking possession of Newfoundland in the queen's name, and Gilbert's bark was found- ered on their return. Another attempt was made by Raleigh in 1584, and two vessels despatched by him arrived safely on the shores of Carolina. Having ex- plored Albemarle and Pamlico sounds, and Roanoke Island, they returned to England. To the fertile region thus added to her dominions. Queen Elizabeth gave the name of Virginia. A considerable colony was afterward planted here by Raleigh, but they soon abandoned the enterprise and returned. In 1603, Bartholomew Gosnold made a voyage to the Massachusetts coast, and a settle- ment was attempted, but finally abandoned. These and other voyages served, however, to keep alive the English claims. We have now arrived to the period of the actual settlement of the original States. On the accession of James I. to the throne, the project of establishing colonies was revived. An association for this purpose was entered into by men of rank and business. They laid their plan before the king, and petitioned him for au- thority to carry it into execution. He granted their request, and divided America, from the 34th to the 45th degree of north latitude, into two nearly equal dis- tricts, called South and North Virginia. The first part was allotted to a company in London ; and the other to certain persons, mostly residing in Plymouth. Their charters were of the same tenor. By them the supreme power was vested in a council resident in England, and the subordinate jurisdiction in a council residing in the colony ; the members of both were to be nominated by the king, and to act conformable to his instructions ; the colonists were entitled to the rights of Englishmen, and were to enjoy a free trade. The proprietors, on re- ceiving their charters, immediately prepared to settle their respective colonies ; little imagining they were laying the foundation of powerful and independent states. The first settlement was made in the southern colony, which at length only retained the name of Virginia. One hundred and five men, embarked in three vessels under Captain Newport, sailed for the old settlement of Roanoke, but were driven by a storm to the mouth of Chesapeake Bay. They sailed up this spacious inlet, and entered James River. Delighted with the appearance of the country, they determined to fix their residence here. They took possession of a peninsula, and built Jamestown, in April, 1007. These emigrants were not well qualified to settle and improve an uncultivated country. Many of them were dissipated and profligate, incapable of subordina- tion, and destitute of that industry and economy which their situation required. 12 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY Dissensions broke out among their leaders ; they were involved in a war with the natives ; they suffered from famine and disease ; and, in the course of six months, one-half their number died. The energy and talents of Captain Smith, who at first had been deprived of his seat in the council, saved the colony from utter ruin. Being advanced to the chief command, he restored order, overawed the savages, and acquired a stock of provisions. But, in an excursion against the Indians, he was made prisoner, and condemned to death by Powhatan, the king. At the moment the sentence was to be executed, Pocahontas, his favourite daughter, rushed between Captain Smith and the executioner. With tears and entreaties she prevailed upon her father to spare his life, and soon after pro- cured his liberty. In a few years this Indian princess, with the consent of her father, married Mr. Rolfe, an English planter. She went with him to England, and was bap- tized into the Christian faith. She died on her return to Virginia, leaving one son, from whom are descended some of the most respectable families in Virginia. On Captain Smith's return to Jamestown, he found the colonists in the utmost distress. Their wants, however, were soon supplied, and their numbers increased by arrivals from England. But, as Captain Smith was obliged to return home, the new settlers continued to neglect the cultivation of the earth, and spent their time in searching for gold. Their former miseries of course returned, and they increased to such a degree, that of five hundred settlers, in a few months only sixty remained. It was then determined to abandon the country. They set sail in 1609, but before they reached the mouth of James river they were fortunately met by Lord Delaware, with three ships from England, having on board a con- siderable stock of provisions, and some new settlers. He had been appointed governor of the colony, and brought with him a new charter from the king, wherein the privileges of the proprietors were enlarged. Lord Delaware prevailed on the former settlers to return with him to James- town. Under his wise administration, the colony once more began to assume a promising appearance, and the inhabitants thought no more of abandoning the country. Until the year 1613, the lands were cultivated by the joint labours of the set- tlers, and the produce carried into a common store, from which each inhabitant received a stated allowance. This was a great error, and retarded the progress of improvement. The land was now laid off in lots, and one granted to each in- dividual. This gave a spring to industry ; and it was reckoned that more labour was performed in a day than was formerly accomplished in a week. The colony henceforth enjoyed plenty of the necessaries of life, and the way was prepared for future opulence. As the demand for tobacco increased in England, the Virginians, about 1016, began to cultivate that commodity, which soon became the principal article of export. About this time, a Dutch ship from Guinea sailed up James river, and sold part of her cargo of slaves to the planters. This traffic being introduced, the foundation of slavery was laid in the new world. Near one-half the popula- tion of the Southern States consists of slaves, which it is equally difficult to liberate or to retain in bondage. The colonists were chiefly males, who, constrained to live single, had little at- tachment to the country. A considerable number of young women, of humble birth, but unexceptionable character, were, in 1616, sent over by the council in London. The planters received them with fondness, and engaged to pay the price of their passage in tobacco. The debts contracted on their account had the preference in law to all others. The Virginians now considered the country as belonging to them and their children, and became more attached to it and in- terested in its prosperity. OF THE UNITED STATES. 13 Convicts were introduced about the same time, and were sold as servants for a certain number of years. The colony had hitherto been governed by the laws of the corporation in Eng- land or its officers in Jamestown ; and martial law had for some time been in use. But in 1619, the representative form, so dear to freemen, was introduced. A general assembly was summoned by Governor Yardley. Delegates from eleven corporations appeared, and, with the governor and council, assumed the legisla- tive authority. The laws they enacted, however, were of no force till trans- mitted to London for the approbation of the company, and returned under its seal. Virginia was fast advancing in numbers and wealth, when an event took place which brought it to the brink of ruin. The Indians, though apparently on good terms with the colonists, had for some years been meditating their destruction. They laid their plans with the greatest secrecy, and resolved to cut them off by a general massacre. On the 22d of March, 1622, at midday, the attack was made. They rushed at once on the different settlements, when the people were secure and scattered abroad at their labour, and murdered man, woman, and child. In one hour near one-fourth of the colony was cut off. The destruction would have been greater, had not a converted Indian given information in time to save Jamestown and the places adjacent. A bloody war ensued, in which neither old nor young of the Indians were spared. By an unjustifiable retalia- tion, the colonists allured the Indians by offers of peace, and when they had re- turned to their former settlements, perfidiously fell upon them, and murdered aU they found. Some tribes were totally extirpated. The council in London, having divided into factions, and King James being displeased at their proceedings, he directed the attorney-general to institute a suit against them. The cause was tried in the court of king's bench. Their charter was forfeited, and all the powers granted by it returned to the king. The colony had not, on the whole, been prosperous under the direction of the company. A great expense was incurred, and small returns had been made. Of nine thousand persons who emigrated thither, scarcely eighteen hundred re- mained at the dissolution of the company in 1624. The colony then became a royal government, under the immediate jurisdiction of the crown. MASSACHUSETTS. The immediate cause of settling the northern colony was the persecution car- ried on in England on account of religious opinions. When Henry VIII. sepa- rated from the Church of Rome, he still retained the prelatical government and pompous ceremonies of that church. Many of the people were desirous of a further reformation. The Puritans, as they were called, chiefly inclined to the Presbyterian mode of church government, which establishes an equality among the pastors, and entirely rejects the Roman ceremonies. But some went further, and embraced the Independent scheme, which places pastors and people upon a level, and gives every congregation complete jurisdiction in its own affairs. The sacred rights of conscience were at that time but little understood, and the idea of toleration was unknown. The government of England required a strict ob- servance of the rites it established, and enacted severe laws against non-con- formity. The levelling principles of the Brownists, or Independents, were the most obnoxious ; and the professors of them were often punished with rigour, both by civil and ecclesiastical courts. About 1608, a body of these people fled to Holland, and settled under Mr. Robinson, their pastor. After some years, they became discontented with their situation, and resolved to remove to America. Their first object was to ask the free exercise of religion. Though King James 14 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY refused the reasonable request, he gave a verbal promise not to molest them while they continued peaceable subjects. On this slender security they applied to the London company for a tract of land, vehich was readily obtained. They intended to settle on Hudson's River, but the captain of the vessel, de- signedly, it is said, carried them as far north as Cape Cod. This was beyond the limits of the company. But it was so late in the year, that here they were necessarily obliged to take up their abode. They chose a situation, which they called New Plymouth ; and having signed a compact for the rule of their govern- ment, they landed on the 11th of November, 1620. The emigrants were but one hundred and one in number, and were but poorly provided for the severe winter that ensued. Nearly one-half of them perished before spring, by famine and disease. The population of the settlement in- creased slowly, and at the end of three years did not exceed three hundred souls. They subsisted as a voluntary, independent society ; but were never incorporated by charter, and at last were united to Massachusetts Bay. The government in England, under the counsels of Archbishop Laud, growing more oppressive, and the number and zeal of the Puritans increasing, many be- gan to turn their eyes to New England, as a yjlace where they might enjoy their religious opinions with freedom. An association was formed in order to settle a colony in Massachusetts Bay. A tract of land was purchased from the Ply- mouth council in 1627, and a charter granted by King Charles the following year. The adventurers had the right of the soil and the powers of govei'nment con- ferred on them. The first governor and assistants were named by the king; their successors were to be chosen by the corporation ; the legislative powers to be exercised by the proprietors. They were allowed a free trade, and were to be accounted natural born subjects. Soon after receiving this charter, upward of three hundred persons, mostly Puritans, embarked for New England. They landed at Salem in 1629, where they found a few of their brethren who had emigrated the preceding year. Their first care was to form themselves into a church state, on the Independent or Congregational plan. Among the emigrants were a few who preferred the ritual of the Church of England, and being offended at the total abolition of it, assembled separately for public worship. But the Independents, believing the plan of their church perfect, would allow of no deviation from it. With an in- consistency not uncommon among men, they denied to others the privileges they had claimed for themselves. They had just fled from persecution, yet they in- stantly became persecutors. The governor summoned the chief malecontents be- fore him, and, though they were men of note, expelled them from the colony. A number of persons of wealth and respectable families in England, intend- ing to embark for Massachusetts, were desirous to have the corporate powers of the company transferred to that country. In a general court held for this pur- pose, all the rights of the company were vested in a governor, deputy governor, and eighteen assistants, together with the people. This salutary measure being effected, in the year 1630, fifteen hundred persons sailed for the colony. On their arrival, they laid the foundation of Boston, Charlestown, and other towns. They proceeded to regulate their own civil and ecclesiastical policy ; and enacted a law that none should have any share in the government but such as were members of the church. As the clergy were the principal judges of the qualifications that entitled a man to this privilege, they, in effect, held the rights of every freeman in their hands, and gained great influ- ence in the affairs of the state. This law was repealed by order of Charles II. . The settlements becoming more numerous and widely dispersed, it was incon- venient for the freemen to attend personally to the affairs of the corporation. In 1634, they elected representatives to appear in their name. The delegates met, OF THE UNITED STATES. 15 and, in conjunction with the governor and assistants, considered themselves as the supremo legislature of the colony ; and enacted that no tax should be raised, and no public office appointed, but in the general assembly. The colony had deviated from its charter, in organizing both its civil and ecclesiastical government, and had acted as independent of England. These proceedings offended King Charles and his ministers, and he was about to new model the colony. But the difference between the king and the parliament coming to a crisis, his attention was called to more domestic and interesting con- cerns, and the colony had leisure to pursue its plans. Notwithstanding the care taken to maintain uniformity in religion, theological controversies arose, and greatly agitated the people. Several persons, deemed heretics, were banished, and others voluntarily went in quest of new settlements. RHODE ISLAND. Mr. Roger Williams, a clergyman, being obliged to leave Massachusetts on ac- count of his religious tenets, travelled southward, accompanied with a number of his hearers. They received a grant of lands from the Indians in 1634, which they called Providence. Other emigrants afterward acquired Rhode Island. In these settlements the inhabitants united by a voluntary compact. Full toleration of religious opinions was established. This liberal policy soon drew a number of settlers, and the colony became populous. In 1674, Providence and Rhode Island wei-e incorporated as one government by King Charles the II., on such liberal and democratic principles, that the charter then granted, still continues the constitution of the State. CONNECTICUT. A body of people emigrated from Massachusetts, with the consent of the go- vernment, and in 1635, settled on Connecticut River. Next year emigrants from England founded New Haven. This colony at first tried to bring into practice that refined but impracticable speculation of having all things in common. But they soon relinquished this plan, as it only produced idleness and waste. None were accounted freemen but such as were members of the church ; and they were severe against heretics. They ordered that the judicial laws of Moses should be the mode of proceeding against criminals. Connecticut and New Haven continued two distinct colonies for many years ; at length a royal charter was obtained in 1665, from Charles II., constituting the two colonies, for ever one body corporate and politic, by the name of Connecti- cut. This charter is still the constitution of the State. It is remarkable that Charles, whose government in Britain was arbitrary and oppressive, should esta- blish liberal governments in some of his colonies. NEW HAMPSHIRE. A settlement was made in 1623, under a grant of the Plymouth company; but the religious differences in Massachusetts was the chief occasion of peopling New Hampshire. Mr. Wheelwright, an eminent minister, was banished for hold- ing tenets that were condemned by the ruling party. A number of his people joined him, and advancing toward the north, founded the town of Exeter, in 1637, having first purchased the lands from the natives. This colony was long harassed by the conflicting titles of different proprietors. For several years it was united with Massachusetts, but in 1679 it was finally erected into a distinct government by charter from the king. 16 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY In 1643, the colonies of New Haven, Plymouth, Massachusetts, and Connecti- cut, entered into a confederacy, under the name of the United Colonies of New England, which continued till 1686. It was then stipulated that two commis- sioners from each colony should meet annually, to decide on matters of common concern; that the votes of six members should bind the whole; that in every war, each colony should furnish its quota of men money and provisions, in pro- portion to the number of people ; and that every colony should be distinct, and have exclusive jurisdiction within its own territory. Though the strong members of this confederacy did not always act in a liberal manner toward their associates, yet it increased the power and security of the whole. From the first settlement at New Plymouth, in 1620, until 1640, when the Puritans gained the ascendency in England, and the emigration ceased, it was computed that twenty-one thousand two hundred British subjects had arrived. Since that time the number has increased almost solely by natural population. For some years after the settlement, the colonists had to struggle with many difficulties. The Indians were often hostile; the country was covered with wood; the winters were long and severe ; subsistence was scanty, and many perished with disease. But the survivors were not discouraged. Amid all their hard- ships they counted themselves happy in being governed by their own laws and allowed their own mode of worship. In a few years they overawed the natives ; the necessaries of life became plenty ; they began to export lumber, and apply themselves to the fisheries, and so laid the foundation of that commerce which has since been carried to a very great extent. As the colonies in New England were indebted for their origin to religion, and the first settlers were desirous of further purity in the discipline and government of the church than they were allowed in their native country, these motives gave a peculiar tincture to the character and institutions of the people, as has been noticed in several instances. But they also remarkably fitted them for encoun- tering the dangers and surmounting the obstacles of their new and untried situa- tion. They were a sober, industrious, and persevering people, and a portion of the same spirit among their descendants finally led them to liberty, independ- ence, and peace. We have been thus particular in the detail of the settlements in Virginia and New England, as being the original and parent colonies ; we shall be more brief in our account of the others. MARYLAND. In June, 1632, Charles I. granted to Lord Baltimore that country now called Maryland. The charter of Virginia included this territory, and the company complained of the grant as a violation of their rights. The first emigration con- sisted of two hundred gentlemen, chiefly Roman Catholics, of considerable for- tune, with their adherents. Like the Puritans of New England, they hoped^ to enjoy in the wilderness that liberty of conscience and worship they were denied in their native country. They landed in Maryland in 1633. Governor Calvert, brother to Lord Baltimore, purchased of the Indians the right of soil, and with their consent took possession of their town, which he called St. Mary's. The country was settled with ease. The plan of the government was liberal, and every person was secured in the right of worshipping God according to his con- science. The settlers applied themselves to the cultivation of tobacco, and the country soon became flourishing and populous. Maryland was the first colony in America that was erected into a province of the British empire. In 1639, the representatives of the freemen met in general assembly. OF THE UNITED STATES. 17 CAROLINA. This country was taken possession of by a company of French Protestants, who fled from persecution, and settled near Albemarle river. This colony was extirpated by the Spaniards. In 1662, Charles II. granted the country to Lord Clarendon and seven other noblemen, and in 1669, the proprietors sent over a number of settlers, who fixed their residence at the place whore Charleston now stands. A constitution was formed for the colony, at the desire of the proprie- tors, by the famous Mr. John Locke. Never was the fallacy of theory, when applied to new and unti'ied situations, more fully manifested than in this in- stance. Mr. Locke was one of the most acute philosophers of the age, and though his constitution was ingenious, it was totally inapplicable to the state of the country ; and after being many years a source of disquiet, was at last totally changed. This colony was long in an unsettled and unprosperous state. The Episcopalians and Dissenters quarrelled about religion ; the people were ha- rassed by the Indians, and invaded by the French and Spaniards ; they suffered by famine, and perished by disease. The government of the proprietors being disastrous, they in 1719, gave up the interest to the crown, and the colony be- came a royal government. Under the protection of equal laws, commerce ex- tended, agriculture flourished, and the colonies increased in population and wealth. In 1728, the country was divided into two different colonies, called North and South Carolina. NEW YORK. In 1614, the Dutch settled in New York and New Jersey, and named the coun- try New Netherlands. A few years aftei'ward, the Swedes settled on several parts east and west of Delaware river, and kept possession till 1654, when they were overpowered by the Dutch. Charles II. resolved to assert his right to this territory. In 1664, he granted to his brother, the duke of York, the region extending from the western banks of Connecticut River, to the eastern shore of Delaware, together with Long Island, conferring on him the civil and military powers of government. Colonel Nichols was sent, with four frigates and three hundred soldiers, to reduce the country. The Dutch governor being unable to make resistance, the New Netherlands sub- mitted to the English crown ; and Nichols instantly entered upon the exercise of power, as deputy-governor of New York for the duke of York, afterward James 11. NEW JERSEY. About the same time the Duke of York disposed of New Jersey to Lord Berkeley, and Sir George Carteret. The plan of government was liberal, and the colony soon became populous. The proprietors divided their property by a line from north to south ; hence the names of East and West Jersey. In 1722, the province became a royal government. PENNSYLVANIA. ' Pennsylvania was next settled. Mr. William Penn, the celebrated Quaker, presented a petition to Charles II., in June, 1680, stating not only his relation- ship to his father, the late admiral, for whom his majesty had designed a grant 18 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY of territory, but also that he was deprived of a debt due from the crown, when the exchequer was shut. He prayed for a grant of lands lying to the northward of Maryland and westward of the Delaware ; and added that by his interest he might be able to settle a colony, which in time would repay his claims. The next year the patent was granted, and in 1682, Philadelphia was founded. William Penn, not satisfied with the authority of the king of England to grant the lands of the natives, made purchases of the soil from themselves. He introduced into his colony the most liberal plan of policy ; allowed full liberty of conscience, and granted lands to settlers on easy terms. By these means the colony became the most flourishing of any in America. DELAWARE. Delaware was settled at the same time, by Mr. Penn, who purchased the ter- ritory from the duke of York. Many years before his arrival, a colony of Dutch and Swedes had settled on the banks of the Delaware. Mr. Penn says he was kindly received by them, and that they were a sober, laborious people, with large families of children. The proprietary government continued in Pennsylvania and Delaware until the Revolution in 1776. GEORGIA. It now remains to give some account of the settlement of Georgia. In 1732, a number of gentlemen, considering the great benefit that might arise from set- tling the tract of land between the River Savannah and Altahama, petitioned the king for a charter, which was granted in June the same year. In the beginning of November, about one hundred and sixteen persons pre- sented themselves, most of them labouring people, and were furnished with working tools of all kinds, stores, and small arms. Mr. Oglethorpe, one of the trustees, generously attended these emigrants to Carolina, where they arrived in January, 1733. They soon after proceeded to the country allotted for them, and having pur- chased land from the Creek Indians, founded the town of Savannah. This colony was long before it attained to population or strength, owing to the im- practicable system of government established by the proprietors. They expend- ed large sums of money with the most upright intentions ; but the inhabitants were in a state of confusion and wretchedness. In 1752, they surrendered their charter to the king. But it was not till the peace in 1763, that the province be- gan to prosper ; since that time it has rapidly improved. The history of this country from the period of its discovery to the date of its permanent settlement, is fraught with lessons of the highest importance to man- kind. The germs of her subsequent prosperity were already planted ; the foundations had been laid, even at this early day, of our present national great- ness. It is remarkable that to the vigour of the Anglo-Saxon element is to be traced nearly all successful enterprise and permanent prosperity connected with our origin and progress as a people. It is not less observable that to the self- reliance of the colonists, and to those virtues which constitute them the foremost men of their day, is attributable the unprecedented success which crowned, by the divine favour, their unassisted endeavours. The grants made by James I. to the London and Plymouth companies, were so defined, at a time when the extent of our borders was unknown, as to occa- sion interference and conflict from subsequent grants. This was the case with the patents granted to Lord Baltimore and William Penn. Disputes about their OF THE UNITED STATES. 19 boundaries long subsisted between several of the colonies. Vermont was claimed both by New Hampshire and, New York : and after a long contest, the inhabit- ants set up, in 1775, a government of their own. Between Connecticut and Pennsylvania the conflict was especially memorable. The charter of Connecti- cut extended to the South Sea, and settlements were attempted, by those colo- nists within Penn's borders : the settlers in Pennsylvania soon came in collision, and both parties supported their claims by force of arms. The dispute, in 1782, was decided under Congress in favour of Pennsylvania. The colonies first settled in America wei'e under the direction of the exclusive corporations in England. It was soon discovered that this mode of government was unfriendly both to their liberty and prosperity. The inhabitants of Massa- chusetts always manifested an independent spirit, and modelled their constitu- tion according to their own will. During the civil wars of England the parlia- ment, who were Puritans, granted them several immunities in trade, which greatly increased their prosperity above the other colonies. After the restora- tion, during the latter years of Charles II., and the short reign of James II., they fell under the displeasure of these monarchs. The charter of Massachusetts was vacated by law, and the colony constituted a royal government. James had determined to reduce all the colonies to an immediate dependence on the crown. The prosecution of this plan was prevented by the revolution in 1688. On the accession of King William to the throne of Britain, a new charter was gi-anted to Massachusetts, in which, however, her privileges were much abridged. By this charter, New Plymouth was united with Massachusetts. Shortly after Virginia became dependent on the crown, Charles I. ascended the throne. The arbitrary measures pursued by him in the government of the colony were rigidly enforced by Governor Hervey. The people, exasperated by this tyranny, seized and sent him prisoner to England. Charles immediately rein- stated him in his government, but soon after removed him, and provided for the redress of their grievances. Under the wise administration of Governor Berkely, the colony prospered ; and, in 1040, the white inhabitants amounted to twenty thousand souls. These favours from Charles firmly attached the Virginians to his interest. But parliament getting in the ascendant, their pririleges were soon curtailed by their enactments, and even a fleet was sent to reduce them to obe- dience. This interference of parliament in their colonial concerns was as ob- noxious to the Virginians as it was new and unheard of. They were usually con- sidered as under the sole jurisdiction of the king. The people were, therefore, highly elated at the restoration of Charles II. But his parliaments imposed fur- ther restrictions on their foreign commerce, as well as the home trade between the colonies. The indignation of the people was aroused, and at length broke out into open rebellion. This was in 1676, and the doctrine of independence was then first advanced, which a hundred years later became an open issue and declaration. The insurrection was successful for about seven months, but finally quelled ; and the government became still more arbitrary than before. At this period sectarianism was universally rife. It was the source of civil distraction in Europe, and the colonists of America were by no means free of its baneful influence. The Independents of New England were intolerant and prescriptive to other sects ; the Episcopalians of Virginia, in like manner ; and the same was true of the adherents of Cromwell in Maryland. The Quakers even sufi"ered martyrdom from the fell spirit of the popular religionists. This denomination, with the Baptists of Rhode Island, and the Roman Catholics of Maryland, appear to have had juster views of the rights of conscience. The re- ligious as well as civil liberty now secured under our government to all men, has doubtless arisen in great part from the firm persistence of liberal-minded men in these days, in disregard of the bigotry so generally dominant. But 20 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY whatever may have been the errors of that time — inseparable perhaps from a transitional age — their forecast in other respects was worthy of imitation. The first settlers did not neglect the interests of learning. Schools were early esta- blished, colleges founded, and printing encouraged. The nature of the govern- ment also led the people to political disquisitions ; and by these inquiries they became acquainted with their civil rights. There were other events in their early history which conspired to change, gradually, the colonial condition to that of free and confederate governments. The hostile incursions of the aboriginal tribes — their jealousy of the rapid growth of the whites, and savage method of attack and warfare — led the colo- nists, especially of New England, to combine for mutual defence, and stimulated vigorous self-dependence while acting in concert. The Pequod Indians were the most formidable of those tribes ; and, after attempting, unsuccessfully, to unite the neighbouring tribes in a league of enmity, began hostilities — burning the settlements on the frontiers, and plundering and scalping the inhabitants. Con- necticut raised a body of men and marched against the Indians. They had raised a slight fortification for their defence. This was attacked and carried ; and the victory pursued to extermination. Philip, the chief of the Wampanoag tribe, attacked Massachusetts Bay in 1675. The contest that followed was obstinate and bloody, with a great destruction of property. It lasted upward of a year when, Philip being killed by one of his men, the Indians were vanquished, and the remains of the tribe entirely dis- persed. An Indian war broke out in Maryland in 1542, which lasted several years, attended with the customary evils ; and concluded, as usual, by the submission of the savages. By the middle of the eighteenth century, the period had arrived when the British colonies of North America were to be a united people. The French had settled Louisiana, and were advancing up the Mississippi; and conceived the bold design of uniting these to their possessions in Canada by a chain of forts. This interfered with the English pretensions, of course, which covered the region west as far as the Pacific. The claims of France extended to the Alleghany mountains, and the whole fertile vale of the Mississippi became now the subject of a controversy which could only be decided by the sword. The population of the English colonies was at this time more than one million; of the French, about fifty-two thousand. But the latter were settled compactly, while the popu- lation of the former was scattered over a widely extended territory, and under various local governments. Besides, the governor of New France could muster numerous and efiicient allies from the Indian tribes which peopled the north and west. They were already fortified from Lake Champlain, and along the St. Lawrence, to the great lakes. The settlements attempted meanwhile by the English, in the disputed territory, gave occasion for complaint — and the British traders were seized by the French and made prisoners. Dinwiddle, the lieutenant-governor of Virginia, regarding these proceedings as so many acts of aggression on that colony, laid the subject before the assembly, and despatched Major George Washington, then about twenty-one years of age, to the French commandant on the Ohio, requesting him to withdraw from the dominions of his Britannic majesty. The French com- mandant, in answer, claimed the country as belonging to the king, his master ; and expressed his determination to occupy and defend it. War being now inevitable, the colonies were instructed to oppose the encroach- ments of the French. Virginia raised three hundred men, put them under the command of Colonel Washington, and ordered them toward the Ohio. They de- feated a party of the enemy in May, 1754. The French commandant then OF TPIE UNITED STATES. 21 marched against the victors, with upward of nine lumdred men. Colonel Wash- ington intrenched his little army, and made a brave defence ; but was obliged to surrender. lie received honourable terms of capitulation. At this critical time for the safety of the colonies, a confederation for their common defence was proposed. A meeting of delegates was held at Albany, and a plan of union drawn up. It was dated the 4th of July, 1754. It was not, however, finally adopted. The necessity of repressing the encroachments of the French, led to the deter- mination to attack their forts on the Ohio, at Niagara, Crown Point, and in Nova Scotia. General Braddock was accordingly sent from Ireland to Virginia, with two regiments of foot. When joined by the forces of the colony, he found him- self at the head of twenty-two hundred men. He proceeded against the French posts on the Ohio. He was brave, but wanted other qualifications necessary for the service to which he was appointed. Colonel Washington earnestly begged of hiih, wheji the army was marching toward the enemy, to permit him to scour the woods with his rangers, but was contemptuously refused. The gene- ral pushed heedlessly forward with the first division, consisting of fourteen hun- dred men, till he was suddenly attacked by four hundred, chiefly Indians, who lay in ambuscade. His army was defeated, and himself mortally wounded, on the 9th of July, 1775. The British troops were struck with a panic, and fled in confusion ; but the militia, being used to Indian fighting, were not so terrified. The general had disdainfully turned them into the rear, by which means they remained in a body unbroken ; and served under Colonel Washington, as a most useful reserve, which covered the retreat of the regulars, and prevented them from being en- tirely cut to pieces. Tlie army immediately marched to Philadelphia, and the frontier settlements being exposed to the incursions of the savages, were entirely broken up. The Massachusetts assembly raised a body of troops, which were sent to Nova Scotia. In a few weeks, and with the loss only of three men, they captured all the forts, and obliged the French inhabitants to remove from the province. They were dispersed through the British colonies, and became incorporated with them. The expedition against Niagara was intrusted to Governor Shirley ; but, before the troops were in readiness, the season was so far advanced that the enterprise was relinquished. Sir William Johnson was to attack Crown Point. The delays and deficiency of preparation prevented the several colonies joining their troops till about Au- gust. In the mean time, the enemy having transported forces from France to Canada, marched to meet the provincials, and attacked them ; but they were re- pulsed, with the loss of six hundr'ed men. Notwithstanding this victory, the enemy still kept possession of Crown Point, and fortified Ticonderoga. The next year, 1756, Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, was appointed to the command. It was again determined to reduce Crown Point, Niagara, and Fort Du Quesne. Twenty thousand men were to be raised for this campaign. The troops destined for Crown Point had assembled when Lord Loudon arrived from Britain, as commander-in-chief. Instead of marching against the enemy, the British and American troops differed about their rank in the army. While they were adjusting this point of honour, the French, under Montcalm, advanced against Oswego. This important place, with sixteen hundred prisoners, and a large quantity of stores, fell into his hands. A naval force on the lakes also sur- rendered. The success of the enemy entirely disconcerted the plan of the cam- paign, and the British were obliged to confine themselves to defensive opera- tions. In 1757, a fleet and army rendezvoused at Halifax, in order to attack Cape 22 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY Breton, which, at the late peace, had been restored to France. A superior force of the enemy having arrived, the enterprise was abandoned. Three campaigns were thus wasted away. The generals sent from Britain ac- cused the Americans of timidity, disunion, and of delay in bringing their forces into the field : the Amei-icans warmly expostulated against the pride, avarice, and incapacity of the British officers. In the year 1758, happily for the British nation, Mr. Pitt was placed at the head of the ministry. The war, which had hitherto languished, was carried on with vigour, and crowned witli success. Three separate expeditions were undertaken in America. General Amherst was ordered to attack Cape Breton. After an obstinate defence, Louisburg once more capitulated, and the fortifications were destroyed. General Forbes was equally successful against Fort Du Qaesne. The French, being too weak to defend the place, abandoned it at the approach of the British. They took possession, and gave it the name of Fort Pitt. This acquisition was of great advantage to the colonies. It gave them the command of a great part of the country in contest, and relieved them from the incursions of the Western Indians, who entered into a treaty with General Forbes. The expedition against Grown Point failed a second time. This was under General Abercrombie, whose excessive caution in marching to the place of ac- tion, gave the French an opportunity of strengthening their works in a very complete manner. The British, in attempting to storm the fort, were repulsed with terrible slaughter, and obliged to retreat. The important post of Frontinac was afterward taken by a detachment under Colonel Bradstreet. The next year, 1759, the English were everywhere victorious. General Am- herst, who had now the chief command, with twelve thousand men, marched to attack Crown Point and Ticonderoga. He found the forts deserted and destroyed. The important post of Niagara was taken by Sir William Johnson. Nothing remained, in order to give the finishing blow to the power of the French in America, but the reduction of Quebec, the capital of their dominions. The en- terprise against this formidable city was committed to General Wolfe. After surmounting a combination of difficulties, he made good his landing, and took possession of the ground on the back of the city. The French commander, Montcalm, was no sooner apprized that the British had gained these heights, which they deemed inaccessible, than he resolved to hazard a battle. A most desperate engagement ensued. Montcalm was slain : his second in command shared the same fate. AYolfe, advancing at the head of his grenadiers, received a mortal wound. Struggling in the agonies of death, he heard a voice cry, They run! He asked, who ran? and was informed, the French. He replied, "I die happy," and expired in the arms of victory. Quebec immediately surrendered to the conquerors. Next year the reduction of the whole province of Canada was achieved by Lord Amherst. After the war had raged near eight years, it was concluded in 1763. Britain had been eminently successful. Besides acquisitions in other pai-ts of the world, she had driven the French out of North America, and gained Florida from the Spaniards. Nearly the whole northei-n continent was in her possession. The colonies were delivered from the danger of encroachments on their western boundaries : they also gained considerable experience in the art of war ; and became acquainted with their own strength and resources. They had not only furnished powerful aid in men and money, for the land service ; but were active in fitting out privateers which greatly disti-essed the French ti-ade. Several colo- nies had contributed so much beyond their proportion as to receive a reimburse- ment from the British treasury. Other colonies Avere tardy in their supplies. The requisitions of the British minister were adopted, modified or rejected by OF THE UNITED STATES. 23 the colonial legislatures, ax^cording to their local views, or the danger with whix;h they were threatened. The want of an uniform system of drawing forth then resources, and directing their operations, was very apparent. _ Some have alleged that the inequality of the contributions and exertions, during the war, first suggested to the ministry the idea of taxing Arnenca by authority of parliament; and the plans were in contemplation for a tering the civil government of the colonies, and introducing episcopacy by a legal establish- B,ent It has been suggested by others, that, during the war the colonies be- came so sensible of their own strength and importance, tha the seeds of inde- pendence were sown; and that they afterward indulged a boldness of "^q^^^^J respecting their rights, and a spirit of resistance to British claims, which they would have suppressed, had there been a powerful enemy on their frontiers. 1 he practicability of Britain governing such a growing and widely extended empire, was questioned by her own politicians; and European nations were so jealous of her power, and sensible of their danger from the united exertions of Britain and her colonies, that they gladly seized any opportunity of separating their in- terests and force, in order to abridge the power of the_ British nation. At the peace of 17C3, the British nation, though truimphan m every quartei of the globe, found itself loaded with an immense debt. Whde the minister Mr Grenville, was concerting measures for diminishing this debt, he proposed raisinc. a revenue from the American colonies, and of laying taxes on them by the authority of parliament. This was a new claim. Plans of this kind had indeed been proposed in Britain ; and some of the colonies wished a mode to be adopted, which should combine their exertions, and equalize their expenses. But since the first settlement of America, the colonies had been allowed to tax them- selves. Requisitions to the colonial legislatures, for men and money, had been made by the British minister ; and these were, in general, cheerfully complied with They denied that parliament had any right to grant their money and argued that they were not represented in that assembly, and had no control over its members; that the parliament, having the power of regulating their com- merce and making it subservient to the interests of Britain, which openited as an indirect tax, could not, consistent with any degree of liberty, proceed to lay direct internal taxes, whereby their property would be taken from theni without their consent. They acknowledged themselves subjects of the British crown hut denied the supremacy of parliament. On the other hand, it was contended by Britain, that a great expense had been incurred in defending the colonies; that the late war originated on their account, and terminated for their benebt ; that in reason, they ought to pay part of the expense ; that the parliament of Britain was supreme, and had the right of taxation over the whole empire, it was an important constitutional question, and after all that was said and writ en by speculative men, on both sides of the Atlantic, and the schemes of concilia- tion and union proposed both by Britons and Americans, it may be questioned whether any practicable plan could have been formed, consistent with the uni y ot the empire, and the preservation of the hberty of the colonies The pride of an opulent, conquering nation, urged the British to persist in their claims; he love of liberty, of property, and an idea of their own strength, spirited up the Americans to a determined resistance. The parliament did not immediately proceed to tax the colonies ; but they de- clared in 1TG4, that it would be proper to lay certain stamp duties ; and that the moneys should be paid into the British treasury. The vote excited a general commotion in America. Petitions to the king, and memorials to the parliament were drawn up by the colonial assemblies. The house of representatives _ol Massachusetts passed the following resolutions :— " That the sole right oi giving and granting the money of the people of that province, was vested m them, us 24 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY their legal representatives ; and that the imposition of duties and taxes by the parliament of Great Britain, upon a people who are not represented in the House of Commons, is absolutely irreconcilable with their rights." " That no man can justly take the property of another without his consent ;" upon which original principle, the right of representation in the same body that exei'cises the power of levying taxes, one of the main pillars of the British constitution, is evidently founded. Several of the colonies had agents in London, in order to transact their busi- ness with the government. As so great an opposition was manifested against the stamp act, the minister informed the agents, one of whom was Dr. Franklin, that they were at liberty to suggest any other way of raising money. But the Americans objected not only to the mode, but the principle, and would make no compromise on the subject. The bill was therefore brought into parliament, and passed by great majori- ties, and in March, 1765, received the royal assent. The framers of the stamp act flattered themselves, that the confusion which would arise from the disuse of writings, would compel the colonies to use stamp paper, and thereby to pay the tax imposed. Thus they were led to pronounce it a law that would execute itself. It was to take effect the first of November following. However, Mr. Grenville was not without apprehensions that it might occasion disturbance ; to prevent or suppress which, he projected another bill, which was brought in the same session, whereby it was made lawful for military officers, in the colonies, to quarter their soldiers in private houses. Great opposition being made to this bill, as under such a power in the army no one could look upon his house as his own, that part of it was dropped ; but still there remained a clause, obliging the several assemblies to provide quarters for the soldiers, and to furnish them with firing, bedding, candles, small beer, rum, and sundi-y other articles, at the expense of their own provinces. When intelligence arrived in America that the stamp act was passed, the people were filled with indignation. In several of the large towns riotous meet- ings took place ; buildings were destroyed ; the favourers of the act grossly abused ; and the stamp-masters obliged to resign. The house of burgesses of Virginia was the first public body that manifested an opposition to it. In sundry bold and decided resolutions, passed in May, 1765, they asserted the exclusive right of the assembly to lay taxes on that colony ; and that every attempt to vest such power elsewhere Avas illegal, unconstitutional, and unjust. The legislatures of several other colonies acted in a similar manner. Massachusetts suggested the expediency of a congress of delegates. This proposal being agreed to, deputies from ten of the colonies met at New York, in October, 1765. They asserted their rights in strong terms ; preferred a petition to the king, and a memorial to parliament. They entered into an association not to import British manufactures till the act should be repealed. In order to avoid using stamps, the courts of justice were shut up, and people settled their controversies by arbitration. People in England were differently affected by the disturbances in America. Some were for supporting the authority of parliament at all events ; but others, especially the merchants and manufacturers, were clamorous for peace. The ministry becoming unpopular, Mr. Grenville was dismissed, and was succeeded by the marquis of Rockingham ; and, on the 22d of February, 1766, this obnox- ious law was repealed. This event caused great joy in America. Yet the parliament, at the same time, asserted their supremacy in an act wherein it was declared that they had a power to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever. This statute, which, in OF THE UNITED STATES. 25 fact, deprived the Americans of every right, was overlooked, as being only in words, and which they hoped would never be carried into eifect. Many in Britain were still of opinion that a revenue ought to be raised in America ; and were anxiously waiting for an opportunity to eifect their design. Another attempt was made ; but the plan was changed. Instead of an internal tax, duties were to be levied on certain articles imported. Mr. Charles Town- send, chancellor of the exchequer, in May, 1767, moved in the house of com- mons for leave to bring in bills for levying a duty upon paper, glass, painters' colours, and tea. Two bills for these purposes received the royal assent. These acts occasioned fresh disturbances in America. A determined opposi- tion to parliamentary taxation was again manifested. The colonies again entered into a non-importation agreement. In petitions, they prayed for a re- dress of grievances ; and in resolutions, they stated their rights. Parliament seemed, for a while, determined to enforce obedience ; but they did not perse- vere. The British manufacturers were clamorous, because their trade was suffering by the non-importation agreement. The ministry were embarrassed and indecisive, and at length gave assurance of a repeal of those obnoxious laws. The repeal took place iu 1770, except that of three pence a pound on tea. This trifling and ill-judged reservation, prevented a cordial reconciliation, and in a short time produced an open rupture. A temporary calm, however, took place : for, though the duty on tea was still in force, the Americans resolved to evade it, by not importing any upon which it was payable. The colonists were highly elated in having thus twice defeated the attempts of parliament to tax them. Their non-importation agreements so evidently dis- tressed the manufacturers of Britain, that they imagined she was, in fact, far more dependent upon them, than they were upon her. Doctrines were boldly advanced by some, which tended to question the right of parliament to control their trade ; and calculations were made, to show the great sums that this monopoly carried into the British treasury. Many, however, hoped that the contention between the two countries would now terminate ; and that Britain would neither revive her claims, nor the colo- nies bring their speculations into effect. But the late ferments, though allayed, were not extinguished. In Massachusetts new troubles broke out. Various causes contributed to keep alive the spirit of discontent in that colony : — Introducing a military force into Boston, with a view to overawe the inhabitants,— stationing vessels of war in the harbour, — making the governor and judges independent of the province, — and establishing a board of commissioners for collecting the revenue to be raised by authority of parliament. The people of New England were also less attached to Britain than those of most of the other colonies ; few emigrants had lately come to that part of the continent. They were chiefly descendants of the first settlers. Their ancestors had been persecuted, and banished from Britain ; and they now experienced the arbitrary conduct of that country toward themselves. On the other hand, the inhabitants were looked on by the ministry as a turbu- lent, factious people, who aimed at independence ; and coercive measures only were supposed necessary to secure their obedience. The discontents in New England had, in several instances, broke out into actual violence ; particularly in burning a British armed schooner in Providence river ; and in Bost(m, on the 5th of March, 1770, when a party of the military fired upon, and killed several of the inhabitants, who had previously insulted, threatened, and attacked them. The soldiers were tried, and acquitted of mur- der. But this event sank deep into the minds of the people ; and the anniver- sary of it was observed with great solemnity for many years. In 1770, an insurrection broke out in North Carolina, not connected with the 26 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY general opposition to Britain. A number of people rose in arms, demanding that the courts of justice should be shut ; that the officers of government should resign ; and that no taxes should be levied. Governor Tryon marched against the insurgents, and defeated them. The ministry were disappointed in raising a revenue from tea, in consequence of the American association to import none on which a duty was chargeable. The East India Company also felt the bad effects of the colonial smuggling trade, by the large quantity of tea remaining in their warehouses. They urged the minister. Lord North, to take off the American duty of three pence per pound, and they would pay double the sum on exportation. This offer was rejected ; but a drawback was allowed on the tea they should export to the colonies. The company agreed to this plan, and became their own factors. They sent six hun- dred chests of tea to Philadelphia, the like quantity to New York and Boston, besides what was consigned to other places ; and appointed agents for the dispo- sal of the commodity. In the mean time, the colonists, who well knew what had passed in the mother country, were concerting measures to counteract the views of the British ministi'y. Town meetings were held in the capital cities of the different pro- vinces ; and it was resolved to obstruct the sale of the tea, and even to prevent it from being landed. The captains of the ships which arrived at Philadelphia and New York, being apprized of the determination of the citizens, returned with their cargoes. At Charleston, the tea was landed, but not offered for sale. In Boston, the business terminated in a different manner. The tea ships were prevented from returning ; express orders being sent by the governor, to the armed vessels in the bay, to stop every vessel which had not a pass signed by himself. The inhabitants therefore resolved to destroy it. A number of per- sons, dressed as Indians, went on board the ships, and in about two hours, hoisted out, and broke open three hundred and forty-two chests of tea, the con- tents of which they threw into the sea. They were not in the least molested, and the whole was conducted with very little tumult. No damage was done to the vessels, or any other property. When the business was finished, the people returned quietly to their habitations. This took place in November, 1773. These proceedings irritated the ministry. A message from the king to both houses of parliament was presented, in which he particularly mentioned the de- struction of the tea. It was determined to punish the Bostouians for their re- fractory behaviour. In March, 1774, bills were brought into parliament, to shut up the port of Boston, and to transfer the seat of government to Salem, — to new model the government of Massachusetts Bay, — to transport persons charged with crimes, in Massachusetts, to another colony, or even to England, for trial. These bills all received the royal assent. Several respectable members of both houses, reprobated these severe and dangerous proceedings. Petitions were also pre- sented against their being carried into effect. But the ministry were determined to bring the colonies in absolute submission to the authority of Britain. When intelligence of these acts reached America, the whole continent was in a flame. Though they were levelled against Massachusetts, every colony con- sidered itself included : and that their property and liberty were to be sacrificed to ministerial and parliamentary vengeance : they resolved to make a common cause with the people of New England. In order to obtain a unanimity of measures, it was proposed that a Congress should meet at Philadelphia in Sep- tember. The first of June, 1774, was the time appointed for shutting up the port of Boston. That eventful day was kept in many places as a day of mourning. The sympathy of the colonies was also manifested by liberal contributions for the people of that town ; many of whom, by the operation of the port bill, were OF THE UNITED STATES. 27 deprived of their usual means of subsistence. Tlioy were considered as suffer- ing in the common cause. The British ministry, fearing the consequences of the laws that were enacted, ordered a military force to Boston ; and General Gage, the commander-in-chief, was appointed governor of Massachusetts. These measures served still further to irritate the people of that province. To be prepared for every event, they began to arm in their own defence, and spent much time in acquiring the mili- tary art. These proceedings, and a manifest disposition to resistance, alarmed the general, who thought it necessary, for the safety of his troops, as well as to secure the important post of Boston, to fortify the neck, which afforded the only communication by land between that town and the country. On the 5th of September, 1774, Congress met at Philadelphia. Twelve colo- nies sent deputies to this assembly. It was composed of the most influential characters, and was a faithful representation of the people. They published a declaration of rights, in which they claimed an exemption from being taxed by parliament, but submitted to the regulation of their commerce, — they addressed General Gage, and entreated him to forbear hostilities, — entered into a non- importation and non-exportation agreement, — presented an address to the people of Great Britain, and a petition to the king. These papers were all drawn up with an uncommon degree of animation, firmness, and eloquence. After a ses- sion of eight weeks, they dissolved themselves ; having previously given their opinion, that another Congress should meet in May following, unless their grievances were redressed before that time. The proceedings of Congress met with the approbation of the people. Though they had only an advisory power, their recommendations were as effectually car- ried into execution as the laws of the best regulated States. The colonial legis- latures, except that of New York, sanctioned their proceedings. Provincial Congresses, and subordinate committees of inspection and observation, for cities, counties, and districts, were chosen by the people. These carried the resolutions of the general Congress into effect. The opposition to Britain now assumed the appearance of a regular system, and all the colonies were appa- rently moved by one will. General Gage summoned the legislature of Massachusetts to convene at Salem, in October. He afterward countermanded the summons. But the members as- sembled, and organized themselves into a provincial Congress. They drew up a plan for the immediate defence of the province, organized the militia, and ordered a select number of them to be ready to march at a minute's warning ; collected provisions and ammunition; and voted money to carry their resolutions into effect. Commissioners from New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode Island met with a committee from Massachusetts, and engaged to assist them in their struggle for freedom. When the proceedings of the general Congress reached Britain, the first im- pression seemed favourable to America. Petitions were presented from London, and almost all the manufacturing towns in the kingdom, for a repeal of the ob- noxious laws. Lord Chatham introduced a bill, which he hoped would bring about a reconciliation. The ministry rejected this bill, the petition of the British merchants, and the petition from Congress. At the same time, Lord North gave a sketch of the measures he intended to pursue. lie was to send a greater force to America; and to bring in a bill to restrain the foreign trade of the colonies of New England, particularly their fisheries on the banks of Newfoundland, till they returned to their duty. This bill was introduced and passed. Another act also passed, to restrain the com- merce of the rest of the colonies, except North Carolina and New York. Great opposition was made to these measures, in both houses of parliament. But it 28 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY was replied, that as the colonies had refused to trade with Britain, they ought to be restrained from trading anywhere else. To bring the nation to unanimity, however, was a desirable object with the ministry. I/ord North, to show that he was not averse to conciliation, brought into the House of Commons, on the 20th of February, 1775, what was called hia Conciliatory Motion ; the substance of which was, that when any colony should tax itself, in such a sum as would be satisfactory, parliament would forbear to tax such colony. This motion passed the house. It was expected to unite the people of Britain, even if it was refused by the Americans. When transmitted to the colonies, they unanimously rejected it, as being unreasonable and insidious. The ministry immediately ordered a large reinforcement of troops to Boston; and appointed Generals Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne, men of great military talents, to accompany them. These troops, joined with those already in America, would make an army of ten thousand men. It was fully believed in Britain, that this powerful force, under the direction of such able generals, would be sufficient to reduce the colonies to submission. The Americans were said in parliament to be cowards, and would not venture to make any serious opposition ; or if any military resistance was attempted, a speedy and decisive conquest would be the consequence. Meanwhile, in the colonies, the spirit of opposition to England had been growing stronger and more determined ; and, before the tidings of the late pro- ceedings of parliament could reach America, the indignation of the provincials had been fully aroused by the shock of battle and the spilling of blood. Being informed that the Americans had collected a magazine of military stores at Concord, a town near Boston, General Gage, in the night of April 18, 1775, detached a force of eight hundred grenadiers, to proceed to Concord and destroy the magazine. Though the utmost secrecy had been observed, the troops found their rapid march heralded by signal guns, and the ringing of church-bells ; and when, about sunrise of the 19th, they reached Lexington, some seventy minute- men were discovered in arms upon the green. Major Pitcairn, the English com- mander, ordered them to disperse. On their refusing to obey, the word was given to fire. At the first discharge eight of the provincials were killed. The rest, after a brief skirmish, were put to flight. Pressing forward to Concord, the British found the people of that town in arms. They succeeded, however, in destroying the stores. But they were not suffered to return unopposed. While the work of destruction was being carried on, the militia were assembling beyond the north bridge. Attempting to cross into Concord, they were fired upon by a British guard, and two of their number fell dead. The Americans instantly returned the fire, and drove the enemy back with considerable loss. Pitcairn now gave the word to retreat. It was time. The spirit of the coun- try was aroused. Scarcely had the British begun their flight, rather than march, when they were hotly assailed on all sides, from behind houses, fences, trees, stones, and every place where a man could conceal himself. Their whole route was lined with a deadly and uninterrupted fire. Fortunately for the English, Lord Percy met them at Lexington, with a fresh detachment of nine hundred men. Breathing a little, they again set forward. The same fatal fire pursued them, almost to the foot of Bunker's Hill, where they arrived late in the evening, staggering with exhaustion, and smarting with the mortification of a bloody defeat. The battle of Lexington was the signal for war. Flying from colony to colony, the tidings of it called up armies as if by magic. Two days after the fight, no less than twenty thousand provincials were assembled around Boston. OF THE UNITED STATES. 29 On the lOtli of May following, a small party of Vermont and Connecticut militia, led by Ethan Allen, Seth AVarncr, and Benedict Arnold, succeeded in the bold enterprise of capturing the fortress of Ticonderoga. Many cannon, and a large amount of military stores thus fell into their hands, and proved a valuable acquisition to the forces engaged in the siege of Boston. The same day the Continental Congress assembled at Philadelphia. Besides a second petition to the king, addresses were voted to the people of Great Britain, to the Assembly of Jamaica, and to the inhabitants of Canada. Having thus made their last appeals to the king and people of Great Britain, Congress next voted for the equipment and organization of a continental army, twenty thousand strong. To defray the necessary expenses, bills of credit were issued to the amount of three millions of dollars. The happy selection was next made of George Washington, then a delegate from Virginia, to take the chief command of the proposed army. While Congress was yet in session, tidings were received from the East, that a second battle had been fought. Having reason to apprehend that General Gage designed to issue from the town, and penetrate into the interior of Massachu- setts, the Americans determined to anticipate such a movement by fortifying Dorchester Neck and Bunker's Hill. For the latter service, one thousand men were detached, late in the evening of June the 16th, under the command of Colonel Prescott. Through some mistake, the provincials, instead of occupying Bunker's, passed silently beyond it to Breed's Hill, an eminence much nearer to Boston, and overlooking it. Here, by the dawn of the next day, they had thrown up a small but formidable redoubt. Though a heavy cannonade was immediately directed against them from the British ships in the harbor, and from a battery on Copp's Hill, at the northern end of Boston, the Americans cheerfully pur- sued their labour, seemingly unconcerned at the iron shower of bombs and balls which fell around them incessantly. Deeming it absolutely necessary that the provincials should be driven from the position they had so boldly taken, Gage, at noon, detached ten companies of grenadiers, ten of light infantry, and a body of artillery, who, crossing to Moreton's Point, were there drawn up in battle array, by Generals Howe and Pigot. Notwithstanding this demonstration, the Americans remained firm and undismayed. Perceiving this, the English refrained from advancing, till the arrival of reinforcements from Boston. About three o'clock in the afternoon, the British, having formed in two lines, advanced to storm the American redoubt, under cover of a heavy discharge of field-pieces and howitzers. As they marched slowly forward, Charlestown, a handsome and flourishing village, was set on fire, by the orders of Gage. The conflagration shed a terrific splendour over the scene, which thousands of anxious spectators witnessed from the heights of Boston and the surrounding country. There was a silence like that of death in the American line, till the enemy had advanced within less than one hundred yards. Then it was that the provincials poured in their fire. Their aim was steady and deliberate, and singularly fatal. The British wavered, broke, and fled ; but, being rallied, again resumed their advance, to be a second time driven back, by an equally deadly discharge. Forced on by the swords of their oflicers, they moved to the charge a third time. The powder of the Americans was now almost exhausted ; their line was assailed on three sides at once ; and they found it impossible to hold their position longer. Clubbing their muskets, they retreated slowly, fighting every foot of the way, across Charlestown Neck. Advancing as far as Bunker's Hill, the British there encamped, being too ex- hausted to improve their dear-bought victory, in which three thousand of their veteran troops had with difficulty overcome the resistance of fifteen hundred 30 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY undisciplined American farmers. Nothing could have been more disastrous to their prospects than the result of this conflict. Neither inspirited by brilliant triumph, nor exasperated by shameful defeat, their troops were depressed by a success, of which it would evidently require but a few more such instances to insure their destruction. In the following July, Washington appeared in the camp before Boston, and hastened to organize and discipline the army under his command. Keeping up a close siege of the British for nearly a year, in March, 1776, he determined on attempting to dislodge them from the town. On the evening of the 4th, a strong detachment of provincials, under General Thomas, succeeded in taking posses- sion of and fortifying the heights of Dorchester, by which the complete command of Boston was gained. General Howe, who had succeeded Gage, had no other alternative than to evacuate the town, or dislodge the Americans from their new position. Failing in an attempt to do the latter, he prepared to embark his troops and yield the possession of Boston to the provincials. His retreat was not annoyed, as he had threatened, if it were, to burn the town. On the 17th of March, his fleet set sail for Halifax. Leaving a suitable force at Boston, Washington hastened with his main body toward New York, whither Howe was supposed to have sailed. In the mean time. Congress had decided upon striking a sturdy blow in Canada. At the head of a little more than a thousand troops, General Montgo- mery, a young and high-spirited officer, succeeded in forcing his way to Montreal, which he took unresisted possession of, in November, 1775. Though the season was far advanced, he then pushed down the St. Lawrence, determined to attempt the conquest of Quebec. Against that fortress, Washington had previously detached eleven hundred men, under the command of Colonel Benedict Arnold. Starting from the neigh- bourhood of Boston, Arnold ascended the Kennebec, and then struck out into the untravelled wildernesses of Maine, designing to reach Canada from a direction entirely unexpected. After one of the most memorable, because one of the most toilsome and hazardous, marches on record, he struck the St. Lawrence at a point nearly opposite Quebec. If he could have crossed the river at once, he might have captured the city, notwithstanding the exhaustion of his troops, whose original number had been greatly reduced by desertion. But, having re- ceived warning of his approach, the commandant at Quebec had taken care to remove all the canoes from that side of the St. Lawrence. Yet, after some delay, Arnold succeeded in crossing, in spite of the precau- tions of the British. Landing where the gallant Wolfe had landed sixteen years previously, he drew up his little army before Quebec, and summoned it to sur- render. But his flag was fired upon, and the garrison would hold no commu- nication with him ; and, conscious of his inability to maintain a siege, he with- drew up the river to Point aux Trembles. Here he was presently joined by Montgomery, who took command of their united forces, and together they pro- ceeded to make one more attempt to capture Quebec. Finding that his artillery produced no impression upon the walls of that city, Montgomery at length decided on carrying the place by a bold assault. The attempt was made on the 31st December, in the midst of a driving snow-storm. Though conducted with the utmost gallantry, it failed — Montgomery being slain, and Arnold seriously wounded. From this period, the operations of the Ameri- can army in Canada began to be attended by disaster ; and, in the course of a few months, almost every advantage it had gained was lost, seemingly beyond recovery. In the spring of 1776, a remarkable debate took place in the British house of lords, on a motion of the Duke of Grafton for pacifying America by concessions. OF THE UNITED STATES. 31 The motion was voted down by a large majority; the supporters of the ministry dedaring that the season for conciliation was past, and that no alternative was left to America save absolute conquest or unconditional submission. The pro- vincials had now to choose between the dignity of independent freemen, and the degradation of pardoned rebels. That the first of these would be their choice, was manifested by the numerous petitions which began to flow to Congress, praying for the open declaration of American independence. Preferring to follow, rather than to precede, public opinion on a question of such transcendent importance. Congress prudently waited a more general and deliberate expression of the national desire. At length, a majority of the thir- teen confederated States began to exhibit symptom.s of their anxiety to sever the political bonds which united them Avith the English crown. Though the unfor- tunate termination of the Canadian campaign was by this time either known or surmised, it did not stifle, but rather gave force to, the expression of the almost general desire that Congress should speedily take some action with regard to the subject of independence. One or two of the provincial assemblies, it is true, had as yet avoided all allusion to the question ; while as many more had openly expressed their disapprobation of any measure approaching to a declaration of the independence of the colonies. But the prominent friends of independence saw that the time was at hand when this momentous design must be either boldly avowed, or given up altogether ; they observed, that, in general, the chief objections brought against it were rather as to the time than to the measure itself, and they fully believed that a vast majority of the people, however hope- ful or desirous of a reconciliation with the mother country, would rather give up such views than cherish them in opposition to the settled and general policy of America. To render certain the existence of such a majority, the leading patriots went actively to work with that powerful engine, the public press. Gazettes, news- papers, and pamphlets, filled with stirring appeals, and sound arguments in favour of the separation of the colonies from Great Britain, were widely dissemi- nated. Prominent among the pamphlets pi'oduced on this occasion was one en- titled " Common Sense," and written by Thomas Paine, an Englishman, but lately arrived in America. Showing the absolute necessity for independence, and pointing out the advantages of it, he ridiculed hereditary succession, and heaped reproach and disgrace on monarchical governments. Though not re- markably learned, Paine was a bold, shrewd, and sarcastic writer, and the effect of his essays on the American people and mind was well-nigh wonderful. On the 22d of April, 1776, the provincial Assembly of North Carolina em- powered its delegates in Congress to concur with the others in the establish- ment of independence. The Virginia Assembly went still further, and instructed its delegates to propose that measure. Accordingly, on the 7th of June, Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, formal- ly proposed in Congress that the confederated states should declare them- selves free and independent. The debate that ensued was a lengthy and spirited one, and elicited such a display of wisdom, genius, and eloquence, on the ques- tion of the liberty and happiness of mankind, as has been but seldom witnessed by the national assemblies of the world. At the head of the party in favour of independence, was the fearless and energetic John Adams, of Massachusetts. John Dickinson, of Pennsylvania, led the opposition. Dickinson was an able man, and spoke eloquently against the measure, having been so instructed by the Assembly of the colony he re- presented in Congress. Still, his opposition was founded upon an honest con- viction that a declaration of independence was as unnecessary as it would be 32 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. wrong. Subsequently, however, he came fearlessly forward, and united his fortunes to those of the Anlerican patriots. On the 10th of June, the resolution of Lee was adopted, in a committee of the whole house, by a bare majority. The question was then postponed till the let of July. In the mean time steps were taken to procure the assent of all the colonies. On the appointed day, all agreed to the measure except Delaware and Pennsylvania. At length, on the 4th of July, a " Declaration of Independence," drawn up by Thomas Jefferson, of Virginian, was reported to Congress, and, after being slightly amended, received the almost unanimous sanction of that body. It was then signed by each of the several members of Congress, and subse- quently read to the people from the door of the state-house in Philadelphia. It was welcomed throughout the colonies with cheers, the ringing of bells, the firing of cannon, and with every expression of rejoicing, and of a determination to adhere to the principles it so boldly avowed. THE UNITED STATES MANUAL. JJakration of Inbcptnkna, JULY 4th, 1776. The Unanimous Declaration of the Thirteen United States of America, in Congress assembled. When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth the sepa- rate and equal station to which the laAvs of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident : that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalien- able rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed ; that, whenever any form of government becomes destruc- tive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to eifect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes ; and, accordingly, all experi- ence hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their 3 33 84 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. duty, to thi»ow oif such government, and to provide ne"W guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the pre- sent king of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an abo- solute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be sub- mitted to a candid world: — He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and neces- sary for the public good. He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained ; and, when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature — a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncom- fortable, and distant from the repository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people. He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected ; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise — the state remaining, in the mean time, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without and convulsions within. He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these states — for that purpose obstructing the laws of naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their offices and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of new oflSces, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people and eat out their substance. He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, with- out the consent of our legislatures. He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power. DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 35 He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution and unacknowledged by our laws — giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation : For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us ; For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states ; For cutting oif our trade with all parts of the world ; For imposing taxes on us without our consent ; For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury ; For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences ; For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighbouring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarg- ing its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit in- strument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies ; For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering, fundamentally, the forms of our governments; For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves in- vested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated government here by declaring us out of his pro- tection and waging war against us. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civil- ized nation. He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. He has excited domestic insurrections among us, and has endea- voured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless In- dian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions. In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms. Our repeated petitions have been an- swered only by repeated injury. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free a people. Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts, by their legis- lature, to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have 56 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settle- ment here. We have appealed to their native justice and magna- nimity, and we have conjured them, by the ties of our common kin- dred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acqui- esce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace, friends. We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of Ame- rica, in general Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection be- tween them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, to- tally dissolved ; and that, as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honour. The foregoing declaration was, by order of Congress, engrossed and signed by the following members : — JOHN HANCOCK, President and Dejmty from Massachusetts. NEW HAMPSHIRE. JosiAH Bartlett, William Whipple. Matthew Thornton. MASSACHUSETTS BAY. Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry. RHODE ISLAND. Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery. CONNECTICUT. Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Williams, Oliver Wolcott. NEW YORK. William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris. NEW JERSEY. Richard Stockton, John Wipberspoon, Francis Hopkinson, John Hart, Abraham Clark. PENNSYLVANIA. Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George Clymeb, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson, George Ross. DELAWARE. C^SAR Rodney, George Read, Thomas McKean. MARYLAND. Samuel Chase, William Paca. Thomas Stone, Chas. Carroll, of Carrollton. VIRGINIA. George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Nelson, Jr., Francis Lightfoot Lee, Carter Braxton. NORTH CAROLINA, William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn. SOUTH CAROLINA. Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyavard, Jr., Thomas Lynch, Jr., Arthur Middleton. GEORGIA. Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton. ^iograjjljus of tjjc Signers of tlje 5^^'^^'^tioi^ ^f |nbcj)cnl)tucc. JOHN HANCOCK. The boldly written name of John Hancock appears first on the list of those who dared to append their signatures to the immortal Declaration of Independence. This distinguished man was the son of the Rev. John Hancock, of Braintree, Massachusetts, and he was born at that place in 1737. He enjoyed the advantages of an ex- cellent education, graduating at Harvard College, in 1754. He then entered the counting-house of his uncle, Thomas Hancock, as a clerk. At this period he discovered no striking qualities, from which his friends could predict his future distinction. On the death of his uncle, young Hancock inherited a large fortune, and soon after he began his brilliant career as a public man. He was first chosen selectman of the town of Boston, and, in the year 1766, he was elected, with Otis, Gushing, and Samuel Adams, a member of the general assembly of the province. On taking his seat, Mr. Hancock was flattered by marks of confi- dence and distinction : he was generally chosen on committees, and was chairman upon some occasions when the deliberations involved the highest interests of the community. As soon as the controversy with Great Britain grew warm, and all hopes of accommodation had vanished, he entered into the non-importation agreement, and all other acts which were expedient to keep inviolate the liberties of the people. In consideration of his zeal and ability, he was, in 1774, called upon to preside over the deliberations of the provincial assembly. On the 12th of June, 1775, General Gage issued a proclamation offering pardon to all the rebels, excepting John Hancock and Samuel Adams, "whose offences" were declared to be "of too flagitious a nature to admit of any other consideration than that of condign punishment." Mr. Hancock at this time occupied a seat in the Con- tinental Congress, and before the close of its session, that body elected him to preside over its deliberations, in place of Peyton Randolph, who was under the necessity of returning home. In this honourable position he continued during the exciting debates upon 37 38 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS the Declaration of Independence ; and -when that noble instrument was adopted, his signature took the lead, as that of the President of the Congress. In October, 1777, ill health compelled Mr. Hancock to retire from his post. On that occasion he received the thanks of Congress for his unremitted attention, and steady impartiality in discharging the duties of his office. But his fellow-citizens would not permit him to retire altogether from the theatre of public events. After the adop- tion of a State constitution in Massachusetts, in October, 1780, he was chosen fii'st governor. He was annually continued in that office until the year 1785, when he resigned ; and after an intermission of two years, during which he had been succeeded by Mr. Bowdoin, was re-elected, and remained in the chair until the close of his life. In 1787, he was chosen president of the State convention, which met to ratify and adopt the federal constitution ; and his influence and agency in promoting its adoption may be mentioned with the objects which most recommend him to esteem among his contempo- raries, and which entitle him to the regard of posterity. The latter years of his administration were very popular, on account of the public tranquillity. The federal government became the source of so much prosperity, that the people were easy and happy. He died suddenly on the 8th of October, 1793, in the fifty-sixth year of his age. Mr. Hancock was above the middle size, of excellent proportion of limbs, and of extreme benignity of countenance. He was easy in his address, polished in manners, affable and liberal ; and, as pre- sident of Congress, he exhibited a dignity, impartiality, quickness of conception, and constant attention to business, which secured him respect. Of his talents it is sufficient evidence, that, in the various stations to which his fortune had elevated him in the republic, he acquitted himself with an honourable distinction and capacity. As an orator, he spoke with ease and propriety on every subject. In private life, he was charitable and generous — indeed, there are few lives, either ancient or modern, that afford, of disinterested gene- rosity, more frequent and illustrious examples. From his private benevolence, a thousand families received their daily bread ; and there is perhaps no individual mentioned in history, who has ex- pended a more ample fortune in promoting the liberties of his coun- try. He was also a generous benefactor of Harvard College. To the last his life was characterized by patriotism, practical ability, and generous munificence. OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 39 JOSIAH BARTLETT. JosiAH Bartlett was one of the earliest and most influential advocates of the Declaration. He was born at Amesbury, Massa- chusetts, in November, 1729. After receiving the rudiments of a classical education in his native town, he commenced the study of physic under Dr. Ordway, and, at the age of twenty- one, he began the practice of his profession at Kingston, New Hampshire. The success of the young physician was almost immediate ; but he was destined for public service in another field. Having zealously es- poused the cause of the people, and displayed great courage and decision, he was elected, in 1765, to represent the town of Kingston in the provincial assembly. This mark of confidence was annually renewed until the Revolution. During the momentous period preceding the bursting of the storm, Dr. Bartlett acted a conspicuous part among the patriots. He was appointed a delegate to the general Congress of 1774, to aid in the adoption of such measures as would secure the rights, liberties, and privileges of the colonies, and restore harmony between the two countries. The opening of the year 1775, instead of a reconcilia- tion, brought about those portentous events which resulted in a revolu- tion. In the mean time, he was a member of the committee of safety, and of the provincial convention, and was actively engaged in mat- ters relating to the welfare of the people. On the 23d of August, 1775, Dr. Bartlett was chosen a delegate to Congress, in the place of I. Sullivan, Esq., and took his seat accordingly. On the 23d of January, 1776, he was again re-elected to Congress, and on the 12th of June was appointed one of the com- mittee to prepare and digest the form of confederation to be entered into between the colonies. In the debates which preceded the signing of the Declaration of Independence, he firmly advocated its adop- tion ; and on the memorable 4th of July, on taking the sentiments of the house, was the first called upon : he answered in the affirmative, and was followed in rotation by the members from the other States. He was re-elected to the Congress which met at York, Pennsyl- vania, in 1778. In 1782, Dr. Bartlett was appointed a justice of the superior court, which office he held until he was appointed chief justice, in 1788. Still higher honours aAvaited him. In 1788, he was a member of the convention of New Hampshire 40 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS Avhich adopted the present constitution. In 1789, lie was chosen a senator to Congress. In 1793, he was elected the first governor of the State, which office he filled with his accustomed promptitude and fidelity, until his infirm state of health obliged him to retire wholly from public business. This eminent man and distinguished patriot closed his earthly career on the 19th of May, 1795. Dr. Bartlett was remarkable for his quick, penetrating intellect, extensive information, and promptitude and decision of action. Rigid in the performance of his duties, he exacted the same strictness from others. The high positions with which he was honoured were the just rewards of his merits, and his faithful performance of their duties was generally acknowledged. WILLIAM WHIPPLE. No man among the illustrious signers of the "Declaration," was more remarkable for the variety of his fortunes than William Whip- ple, who, from a mere cabin-boy, rose to a lofty position as a states- man and soldier. He was born at Kittery, Maine, in 1730. Re- ceiving a very little education, he adopted a seafaring life, at an early age. In 1759, he abandoned the sea, and commenced business in connection with his brother, in Portsmouth, New Hampshire. There he gradually attained a high reputation for energy, judgment, and integrity, and was elected to several responsible offices. Mr. Whipple was among the first to advocate resistance to the exactions of the British Parliament. When the disputes between the two countries were approaching to a crisis, he was, in the year 1775, chosen one of the provincial com- mittee of safety for the town of Portsmouth. In 1776, he was chosen a delegate to the general Congress, which met at Philadel- phia, and accordingly took his seat in that august body on the 29th of February. He continued to be re-elected to that distinguished situation in the years 1777, 1778, and 1779, and applied himself with great diligence and ability to the discharge of its duties, when the military services which he rendered during that period permitted him to be an acting member of the New Hampshire delegation. In the middle of September, 1779, he finally retired from Congress, after having attended, without the least intermission, at his post of duty, from the 5th of the preceding month of November. OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 41 The memorable day which gave birth to the Dechiration of Inde- pendence, afforded in tlie case of Mr. Whipple a striking example of the uncertainty of human affairs, and the triumphs of perseve- rance. The cabin-boy, whose ambition once centred in inscribing his name as commander upon a crew-list, now affixed his signature to a document which has embalmed it for posterity. In the year 1777, Mr. Whipple was called upon to act in untried scenes, and exchange his political for a military character. On the invasion of General Burgoyne, Mr. Whipple and John Stark were appointed brigadier-generals, with orders to embody the militia, and to stop the progress of the enemy. The latter, with the second brigade, proceeded to Bennington, (where the enemy had a large body of troops under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Baum,) attacked their works, and put them to flight. Soon after this vic- tory, General Whipple marched with the first brigade to join the standard of General Gates. In the desperate battles of Stillwater and of Saratoga, the troops of General Whipple gained a large share of honour due to the American army. The consequence of these engagements was the surrender of General Burgoyne. In 1780, immediately after his retirement from Congress, he was elected a member of the State legislature, to which office he was repeatedly chosen, and continued to enjoy the confidence and appro- bation of his fellow-citizens. In 1782, he was appointed a judge of the superior court, which office he held until his death, which hap- pened November 28, 1785, in the fifty-fifth year of his age. In General Whipple the want of education was supplied by the force of a quick and comprehensive mind. Close observation ren- dered his knowledge of men and things more accurate than that of the mass of men, and an indomitable will enabled him to triumph over all the obstacles fortune threw in his path to renown. His career is well worthy of the study of American youth. MATTHEW THORNTON. Some of the most enthusiastic patriots of the Revolution were natives of a foreign soil. Among these was Matthew Thornton, who was born in Ireland, in 1714. A few years after his birth, his parents emigrated to America, and settled in Maine. Thence they removed to Massachusetts, where Matthew, being designed for one 42 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS of the learned professions, received an academical education. At the proper age, he commenced the study of medicine at Leicester, Massachusetts, and having completed the preparatory course, he began the practice of his profession at Londonderry, New Hamp- shire. There his ability and extensive information soon secured him a lucrative practice, and he became possessed of a considerable estate. After filling several important offices. Dr. Thornton was elected, in 1776, a delegate to Congress to represent the State of New Hampshire. He took his seat after the signing of the Declaration of Independence ; but he asked and obtained permission to affix his signature to the glorious roll, thus giving a notable proof of his patriotic zeal. In 1779, Dr. Thornton removed to Exeter, New Hampshire, and there, upon a fine estate, he resided during the remainder of his life, more occupied with his delightful gardens than with either physic or politics. Yet he continued to manifest a deep interest in the welfare of the country. He was the unwavering disciple of Washington, and enjoyed the confidence of that illustrious patriot to the end. Dr. Thornton died at Newburyport, Massachu- setts, while on a visit to his daughters, June 24, 1803, at the age of eighty-nine. Dr. Thornton possessed a large, commanding person ; his com- plexion was dark, and his black eyes had a stern, penetrating glance. Upon his grave may be seen a marble slab, containing his name, age, and the brief, but sufficient epitaph — "An Honest Man.' SAMUEL ADAMS. The two Adamses, of Massachusetts, were always the most promi- nent men in the Continental Congress. Of the two, John Adams was the greater orator, but Samuel Adams commanded the most exten- sive influence. The latter was born in Boston, Massachusetts, Sep- tember 27, 1722. Being descended from a very respectable family, he enjoyed the advantage of a thorough education. In the years 1740 and '43, Mr. Adams graduated at Harvard College, and re- ceived the respective degrees of bachelor and master of arts. On the latter occasion, he proposed the following question for discussion : " Whether it be lawful to resist the supreme magistrate, if the commonwealth cannot be otherwise preserved." He main- OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 43 tained the affirmative of tliis proposition, and thus evinced, at this early period of his life, his attachment to the liberties of the peo- ple. Mr. Adams was known as a political writer during the adminis- tration of Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, to whom he was opposed, as he conceived the union of so much military and civil power in one man to be dangerous. When the stamp act was the subject of conversation, of public resentment, and succeeding tumults, Mr. Adams was one of those important characters who appeared to oppose it at every step. Nor were the taxes upon tea, oil, and colours less odious to the Ameri- cans than the stamp act; on this occasion he boldly opposed the right of Great Britain to tax the colonies, in a remonstrance of some length, which is the first public document we have on record denying the right of the British Parliament to tax the colonies with- out their own consent. In consequence of the act of imposing duties in 1767, Mr. Adams suggested a non-importation agreement with the merchants, which was agreed to and signed by nearly all of them in the province. At a very early period of the controversy with Great Britain, he sug- gested the importance of establishing committees of correspondence. This was first adopted by Massachusetts, on a motion of Mr. Adams, at a public town-meeting in Boston. The plan was afterward fol- lowed by all the provinces. He was afterward the first to suggest a congress of the colonies. After every method had been tried to induce Mr. Adams to aban- don the cause of his country, he was proscribed, in connection with John Hancock, by a general proclamation issued by Governor Gage, June 12, 1775. In 1774, he was elected a member of the general Congress. In 1766, on the 4th of July, he was one of those patriots, who fear- lessly pledged their "lives," their "fortunes," and their "honour," to the maintenance of the Declaration of Independence. Our patriots, in their progress to independence, had successfully encountered many formidable obstacles ; but in the year 1777, still greater difficulties arose, at the prospect of which some of the stoutest hearts began to falter. At this critical juncture there were but twenty-eight members who attended the Congress at Philadelphia. With reference to it, Mr. Adams was said to remark, " It was the smallest, but the truest Congress they ever had." In 1779, he was appointed by the State convention one of the committee to prepare and report a form of government for Massa- chusetts. At the close of the war he opposed a peace with Great 44 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS Britain, unless the Northern States retained their full privileges in the fisheries. In 1787, he was chosen a member of the Massachusetts conven- tion for the ratification of the constitution of the United States. He made several objections to it, which were afterward removed by its being altered to his wishes. In 1789, he was elected lieutenant- governor of the State of Massachusetts, and continued to fill that office till 1794, when he was elected governor. He was annually re- elected till 1797, when his age and infirmities induced him to retire from public office. He died October 3, 1803, aged eighty-one years. The character of Samuel Adams was strongly marked. A firmer man never lived. When Governor Hutchinson was asked by a friend why Mr. Adams was not purchased from the opposition by an ofiice, he replied, " Such is the obstinacy and inflexible disposition of the man, that he never can be conciliated by any office or gift whatever." In political principle, as in feeling, he continued to the end, a thorough democrat, and his love of country was as unswerv- ing as his integrity. He was more distinguished as a writer than an orator, and more remarkable for the profundity of his thoughts than for any felicity of expression. His mere suggestions had more efi"ect than elaborate orations. His person was majestic and dignified ; but like most men of really heroic soul, he possessed a temper as mild and sunny as it was determined. Samuel Adams will be remem- bered as one who did as much for the independence of his country as any civilian could, and as one of the purest men of his age. JOHN ADAMS. A BIOGRAPHY of JoHN Adams will be found in another portion of this work, which includes the lives and administrations of the Presi- dents of the United States. OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 45 ROBERT TREAT PAINE. Robert Treat Paine was distinguished in both literature and politics. He was the son of a merchant, and was born in Boston in 1731. Receiving the advantages of an excellent education, he was graduated at Harvard College, and then, as the fortune of his father had been greatly reduced, he turned his attention to teaching a pub- lic school. In this way he contributed to the support of his parents. Mr. Paine also made a voyage to Europe with the view of acquiring ampler means for their maintenance. Having studied theology, Mr. Paine, in 1755, acted as chaplain to the forces in the northern provinces. Not long afterward, hoAvever, he devoted his attention to the law, and, during the prosecution of his studies, again kept a school for his support. On being admitted to the bar, he established him- self at Taunton, in the county of Bristol, where he resided for many years. In 1762, he was chosen a delegate from that town to the convention called by the leading men of Boston, in consequence of the abrupt dissolution of the general court by Governor Barnard. In 1770, he conducted the prosecution, on the part of the crown, in the absence of the attorney-general, in the celebrated trial of Cap- tain Preston and his men, for the part which they acted in the well- known Boston massacre. The way in which he discharged that duty gave him great reputation. In 1773, Mr. Paine was elected a representative to the general assembly from Taunton. He was afterwards chosen a member of the Continental Congress which met at Philadelphia in 1774. The fol- lowing year he was re-elected, and rendered important services as chairman of the committee named for the purpose of introducing the manufacture of saltpetre, which was then but imperfectly understood, while the colonies were suffering for the want of gunpowder ; also as a member of a committee for the encouragement of the manufacture of cannon and other implements of war. In 1776, '77, and '78, he was also in Congress ; and, in the intervals of their sessions, filled several important offices in Massachusetts. In 1780, he was sent to the convention which met in order to deliberate respecting a con- stitution for that commonwealth, and of the committee which framed the instrument he was a conspicuous member. Under the govern- ment which was organized, he was appointed attorney-general. This office he held until 1790, when he was raised to the bench of the 46 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS supreme court, where he continued to sit until 1804. He was then seventy-three years old. He died May 11, 1814, in the eighty-fifth year of his age. Mr. Paine was chiefly distinguished for his legal attainments and for the strict fidelity with which he discharged the duties of attorney and judge. But his literary productions evince a delicate fancy and a fine command of language. He was & vigorous political writer, and advocated the independence of his country with much power. He founded the American Academy in Massachusetts, and was its superintendent up to the time of his death. ELBRIDGE GERRY. As a bold and decided patriot and statesman, Elbridge Gerry took a foremost rank before and after the Revolution. He was the son of a merchant, and was born at Marblehead, Massachusetts, July 17, 1774. He Avas graduated at Harvard College, in 1762, and subsequently engaged in the same business with his father, at Marblehead. In the controversy between Great Britain and the colonies he early took a warm interest; and was elected, in 1772, representative from his native town in the general court, or legislature, of Massachu- setts. From this period he continued in public life, almost without intermission. His spirit was nourished by close communion with the Adamses, the Hancocks, and the Warrens. In their private meet- ings at Boston, these patriots concerted resistance to the arbitrary measures of the mother country, and jointly laboured for this pur- pose in the exercise of their public duty ; and, when separated, they constantly wrote to each other with the same object. In the general court, though one of the youngest of the assembly, Mr. Gerry was placed on the most important committees of corre- spondence, and distinguished himself in the principal debates. He was next a member of the famous convention at Concord, a provin- cial congress of Massachusetts, which at once virtually destroyed the royal authority in that State. He was an efiicient member of the committees of appeal and safety ; and, on the night preceding the bat- tle of Lexington, he narrowly escaped capture as one of a " rebel" com- mittee of the provincial Congress. After the sword was drawn, he was placed at the head of a committee for raising the necessary supplies. OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 47 Mr. Gerry first proposed, in the provincial Congress of Massachu- setts, the preparation of a law for encouraging and fitting out of armed vessels, and establishing a court for the trial and condemna- tion of prizes, and was chairman of the committee appointed for that purpose. This was the first actual avowal of offensive hostility against the mother country, and the first effort to establish an Ame- rican naval armament. John Adams called it " Gerry's law," and described it as " one of the boldest, most dangerous, and most im- portant measures in the history of the new world." In November, 1775, courts were established by the authority of the province of Massachusetts, and the lucrative post of maritime judge was ofi"ered to Mr. Gerry, but declined, lest it should obstruct the performance of his general political duties. In the beginning of 1776, he was elected a delegate from Massachusetts to the Conti- nental Congress. His reputation occasioned his being placed on all the committees of high importance. From his first entrance into Congress until the organization of the treasury board, in 1780, he was generally chairman of the committee of the treasury. Toward the end of the year 1779, he was appointed head of the commission chosen by Massachusetts to meet delegates from other States at Phi- ladelphia, for the purpose of devising some corrective for the sad condition of the currency. When the treasury board was formed, he was made its presiding officer. In February, 1780, a measure of Congress, with respect to the assessment of supplies from the several States, gave so much um- brage to Mr. Gerry, as the representative of Massachusetts, that he left his seat and returned home. While absent, he was selected by Congress as a member of one of their usual committees to visit the army. Yielding to the solicitations of friends, and satisfied, at length, with the measures which were adopted on the subject of his remonstrance, he resumed his station in the national councils in 1783. When the definitive treaty was laid before them in that year, those members who had signed the Declaration of Indepen- dence, of whom only three had remained^ — Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Gerry, and Mr. Ellery — were appointed first on the committee to which it was referred. In 1784, Mr. Gerry was re-elected a member of Congress ; and it is said that, at the age of less than forty-two years, he had been longer a member of that assembly than any other man in it. In 1787, he was chosen a delegate to the convention which met at Philadel- phia for the purpose of revising the Articles of Confederation. It is well known that great difference of opinion existed in that body, 48 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS and several members refused to affix their signatures to the consti- tution adopted by the convention. Among these was Mr. Gerry. For a short time his popularity suffered severely by the course which he pursued ; but, in 1789, he was elected a member of Congress, and remained in that station for four years, during which time h' lent his aid freely to the support of the constitution since it had received the sanction of the people. On one occasion, indeed, not long after taking his seat, he gave it as his opinion, on the floor of the house, " that, the federal constitution having become the supreme law of the land, the salvation of the country depended on its being carried into effect." After resigning his seat in Congress, Mr. Gerry retired into pri- vate life, and resided at Cambridge until 1797, when he was ap- pointed to accompany General Pinckney and Mr. Marshall on a special mission to France, for the purpose of preventing the threat- ened interruption of the peaceful relations existing between that country and the United States. The French Directory for some time delayed to recognise them, and, in the spring of 1798, ordered Marshall and Pinckney to quit the territories of France, but invited Gerry to remain and continue the negotiation. He refused to do the latter, but consented to remain in order to prevent a rupture between the two countries. This course brought upon him great censure in the United States at the time ; but, in the words of Presi- dent Adams, " he alone discovered and furnished the evidence that X, Y, and Z were employed by Talleyrand ; and he alone brought home the direct, formal, and official assurances upon which the sub- sequent commission proceeded, and peace was made." In October, 1798, Mr. Gerry returned home, and, at the request of the demo- cratic party of Massachusetts, became their candidate for the chair of governor of the State. In 1801, he was again a candidate for the office, but at both periods his opponent was chosen. In 1810, he was a third time a candidate, and was chosen, after a violent contest. The following year he was re-elected, but in 1812 he was defeated. In the same year, he was chosen Vice-President of the United States,, He did not long discharge the duties of the office. As he was pro- ceeding to the senate-house, at Washington, " a sudden extravasation of blood took place upon the lungs, and terminated his life within twenty minutes, almost without a struggle, and apparently without pain." Over his remains a monument of white marble has been erected by Congress. Mr. Gerry possessed a keen, penetrating intellect, was notably sa- gacious as a diplomatist, and bold and influential as a legislator. He OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 49 favoured a strong, central government, but still supported some of the doctrines of the "state rights" party. Popular, or unpopular, he was always a devoted patriot. STEPHEN HOPKINS. The signature of Stephen Hopkins will attract attention, for it seems as if written with a palsied hand. But there was no palsied patriotism about the heart of the delegate from Rhode Island. This distinguished statesman was born in that part of Providence which now forms the town of Scituate, in March, 1707. After receiving a common school education, he pursued his father's occupation of farming until 1742, when he removed to Providence. In 1732, Mr. Hopkins was chosen to represent Scituate in the general assembly, and in 1741, he was elected speaker of that body. In the following year he engaged in mercantile business at Provi- dence, and after he had resided in the town a few months he was chosen to represent it in the assembly, of which he was again made speaker. His advancement in office was rapid, as his energy and ability were generally acknowledged. In 1751, he was appointed chief-justice of the superior court of Rhode Island. In 1754, he was appointed a commissioner from that colony to the convention which met at Albany for the purpose of securing the friendship of the Five Nations of Indians in the approaching French war, and establishing a union between the colonies. In 1756, he was elected Governor of Rhode Island, and he continued to hold that office, with the exception of three years, until 1767, when he retired, in order to terminate a party dispute by which the colony was torn. When the disputes between the colonies and the mother country began,. Mr. Hopkins took an active and decided part, supporting the cause of his countrymen with power and effect. He wrote a pam- phlet advocating the rights and claims of the colonies, entitled, " The Rights of the Colonies Examined." In 1774, he was chosen a delegate to the general Congress which was to meet at Philadelphia, and the next j^ear was a second time appointed chief-justice of the superior court of the province. He was re-elected to Congress in 1775 and in 1776. His signature to the Declaration of Independence is indicative of a tremulous hand, owing to a nervous affection, which compelled him, when he wrote, to guide his right hand with his left. In 1778, he was a fourth time 4 50 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS chosen a member of Congress, where he was of particular service to the committees appointed to fit out armed vessels, and to devise ways and means for furnishing the colonies with a naval armament, and in the deliberations on the rules and orders for the regulation of the navy, in consequence of his intimate acquaintance with the business of shipping. He died July 13, 1785, at the age of seventy-eight. Mr. Hopkins was almost entirely self-taught, and yet his acquire- ments were very extensive. As a speaker, although usually calm, he was always pertinent and effective ; and as a writer upon political questions, he was clear and forcible. He excelled as a mathemati- cian, and was a member of the American Philosophical Society. WILLIAM ELLERY. The colleague of Stephen Hopkins was William Ellery, who was born at Newport, Rhode Island, December 22, 1727. He entered Harvard College at the age of sixteen, and left it in his twentieth year with the reputation of a sound scholar. After study- ing the law for the regular term, he began the practice, and con- tinued it successfully during twenty years. The part which he took with his native State, in promoting resistance to the mother country, occasioned his election to the Congress of 1776. Of this body he was a zealous, spirited, and most serviceable member. His dwelling- house at Newport, and other portions of his property, were destroyed by the British army, under General Pigot. Mr. Ellery continued a member of Congress until the year 1785. Soon after this period he accepted the office of chief-justice of the superior court of Rhode Island. When the present federal govern- ment was organized, he accepted from General Washington the col- lectorship of the customs for the town of Newport — a post which he filled during the remainder of his estimable life. This venerable man died at the age of ninety-two, February 15, 1820. He expired without sickness or pain, reading Cicero Be Offieiis, in his arm-chair. Mr. Ellery was distinguished for the excellence of his heart and the vigour of his mind. Under all his misfortunes during the Revo- lutionary struggle he remained firm in devotion to his country, and adhered to his pledge of " life, fortune, and sacred honour," even in the gloomiest days of that glorious fight. Like most of the " signers," he was permitted to live to a green old age, and died universally lamented. OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 51 EOGER SHERMAN. " That," said Mr. Jefferson on one occasion, when pointing out the various members of Congress to a friend, " that is Mr. Sherman of Connecticut — a man who never said a foolish thing in his life." The great patriot of whom this remark was made was born at New- ton, Massachusetts, on the 19th of April, 1721. His father, being a farmer in moderate circumstances, could only secure him the edu- cation of a village school. Young Roger was then apprenticed to a shoemaker, and on the death of his father he supported his mother and a numerous family by his toil. In 1743, the Sherman family removed to New Milford, Connecti- cut. Soon afterward, Roger abandoned the shoemaking trade, and commenced business in partnership with his brother as a country merchant. He displayed an extraordinary thirst for knowledge, and at an early age was remarkable for the extent and accuracy of his attainments. His mathematical and astronomical knowledge was far beyond that of most men in his part of the country. In 1745, he was appointed county surveyor ; and in 1748, and for several suc- ceeding years, he supplied the astronomical calculations for an alma- nac published in the city of New York. Having devoted leisure moments to the study of law, Mr. Sherman was admitted to the bar in 1754. He rapidly rose to distinction. In the following year he was appointed a justice of the peace for New Milford, which town he also represented the same year in the colonial assembly. In 1759, he was appointed judge of the court of common pleas for the county of LitchiBeld — an office which he filled with great reputation for the two ensuing years. He then fixed his residence in New Haven, of which town he was made a justice of the peace, and often represented it in the colonial assembly. In 1765, he was made judge of the court of common pleas, and about the same time he was appointed treasurer of Yale College. In 1766, he was elected a member of the upper house in the general assembly of Connecticut, which station he retained for nineteen years, when the office of judge being considered incompatible with it, he retired. His judgeship he held until his election, in 1789, to Congress, under the federal constitution. Mr. Sherman's early and strenuous support of American rights caused him to be chosen a delegate to the first general Congress of 1774. He was present at the opening of the session, and continued 52 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS to occupy a seat in that body until his death, in 1793, a space of nineteen years. His whole congressional career was marked by in- defatigable zeal, industry, and fortitude. His sterling sense, inte- grity, and firmness gave him great influence in the assembly. The estimation in which he was held by his fellow-members may be in- ferred from the selection of him as the associate of Adams, Franklin, Jefferson, and Livingston, on the committee appointed to prepare the Declaration of Independence. While holding a seat in Congress, he served the State which he represented in various other ways. During the war, he was a member of the governor's council of safety ; and from 1784 to his death, was mayor of the city of New Haven. In 1783, Mr. Sherman was commissioned, together with Richard Law, both of whom were at the time judges of the superior court, to revise the statutes of the State — a work of great labour and diffi- culty, and which was executed with corresponding ability. In 1787, he was a member of the convention which formed the present consti- tution of the United States ; and its adoption in Connecticut was owing, in a great measure, to his influence. He appeared before the State convention, and made a plain and perspicuous explanation of the probable operation of the principles of the instrument. He was continued in his place in the house of representatives under the new government, and at the expiration of two years was chosen to the senate, but was obliged to retire from this station in consequence of ill health. On the 23d of July, 1793, this illustrious patriot and statesman was gathered to his fathers. Roger Sherman, like all very great men, naturally possessed pow- erful passions. But by a determined practice he acquired a lofty self-control, for which he was remarkable through life. His mind was as penetrating as it was comprehensive, and his knowledge was vast and accurate. As a patriot, he was active and firm ; as a judge, he was impartial in spirit and severely logical in decision. As a speaker, he had none of the exterior graces of oratory ; but a conviction of his sincerity and the weight of his words secured general respect for all that he uttered. OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 53 SAMUEL HUNTINGTON. Samuel Huntington was descended from a respectable family •who were among the first settlers of New England. He was born at Windham, Connecticut, in 1732. In his youth he gave indications of an excellent understanding. Without the advantages of a collegiate education he acquired a com- petent knowledge of the law, and was early admitted to the bar, soon after which he settled in Norwich, and in a few years became eminent in his profession. In 1764, Mr. Huntington commenced his political labours as a representative of the town of Norwich in the general assembly, and in the following year received the office of king's attorney, which he sustained with reputation until more important services induced him to relinquish it. In 1774, he was appointed an associate judge in the superior court, and in the following year a member of the council of Connecticut. Being decided in his opposition to the claims and oppressions of the British Parliament, and active in his exertions in favour of the colonies, the general assembly of Connecticut, properly appreciating his talents and patriotism, appointed him a delegate to Congress, on the second Tuesday of October, 1775, in conjunction with Roger Sherman, Oliver Wolcott, Titus Hosmer, and William Williams. On the 16th of January, 1776, he took his seat in that vener- able assembly; and in the subsequent month of July affixed his signature to an instrument Avhich will continue to be cherished and maintained so long as free principles and free institutions are per- mitted to exist. In this high station he devoted his talents and time to the public service during several successive years. His stern integrity and inflexible patriotism rendered him a prominent member, and attracted a large share of the current business of the house. As a member of numerous important committees he acted with judgment and deliberation, and perseveringly dedicated his moments of leisure to the general benefit of the country. He zeal- ously performed the duties of this office during the years 1776, '77, '78, '79, and '80, when he returned to Connecticut, and resumed his station upon the bench and seat in the council, which had been con- tinued vacant until his return. The estimation in which Mr. Huntington was held by his fellow- members may be properly appreciated from his appointment, on the 54 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 28th of September, 1779, to tlie highest civil dignity of the coun- try. On the resignation of John Jay, who had been appointed minister plenipotentiary to negotiate a treaty of amity and com- merce and of alliance between the United States of America and his Catholic Majesty, Mr. Huntington was elected president of Congress. In 1780, he was re-elected to the same honourable office, which he continued to fill with dignity and impartiality until the fol- lowing year, when, worn out by the constant cares of public life, and his unremitting application to his official duties, he desired leave of absence, and intimated to the house the necessity of his returning home for the re-establishment of his health. The nomination of his suc- cessor was, however, postponed by Congress, which appeared unwill- ing to dispense with the services of a president whose practical worth had been so long and amply displayed. After the expiration of two months, Mr. Huntington, on the 6th of July, 1781, more explicitly declared that his ill state of health would not permit him to continue longer in the exercise of the duties of that office, and renewed his application for leave of absence. His resignation was accepted, and Samuel Johnson, of North Carolina, declining the then appointment, Thomas McKean was elevated to the presi- dency. A few days after his retirement the thanks of Congress were presented to Mr. Huntington, '< in testimony of their appro- bation of his conduct in the chair, and in the execution of public business." After having thus pursued his congressional career with distin- guished success, rising by the energy of his own mind and the per- severance of self-instruction, from the plough to the presidency, Mr. Huntington, in August, 1781, resumed his judicial functions in the superior court of Connecticut, and his station in the council of that State. In May, 1782, he was again elected a delegate to Congress, but it does not appear that he joined his colleagues in that body during the year for which he was then appointed. The injury which his health had previously sustained, and his duties as a judge and a counsellor, probably prevented him from becoming an active member of the dele- gation. But his desire to engage in scenes of more general useful- ness overcame these objections at the ensuing election ; having been re-appointed in 1783, he resumed his seat in Congress in the following July. He continued, without intermission, to perform his duties in Congress until its adjournment to Annapolis, on the 4th of Novem- ber, 1783, when he finally retired from the great council of the nation, of which he had so long been an influential member. OF THE DECLARATION OP INDEPENDENCE. 55 In 1784, soon after his return from Congress, he was appointed chief-justice of the superior court of Connecticut, and after dis- charging the duties of that office for one year, was elected lieutenant- governor of the State. Having at all times a perfect command over his passions, he presided on the bench with great ability and impartiality : no judge in Connecticut was more dignified in his de- portment, more courteous and polite to the gentlemen of the bar, nor more respected by the particular parties interested in the proceed- ings of the court. In 1786, he succeeded Governor Griswold as chief-magistrate of the State, and continued to be annually re- elected, with singular unanimity, until his death. This excellent man and undeviating patriot died in Norwich, on the 5th day of January, 1796, in the sixty-fourth year of his age. In person. Governor Huntington was of ordinary stature. His complexion was dark and his eye was bright and penetrating. His manners were generally cold and formal, but in the social circle he was a pleasing and entertaining companion. His mind was logical and penetrating, and his knowledge of law and politics was precise and profound. As an example of self-education he is worthy a place beside Roger Sherman. WILLIAM WILLIAMS. William Williams was born at Lebanon, Connecticut, on the 8th of April, 1731. His father was a minister of the parish. At the age of sixteen he entered Harvard College, and graduated with honour in due time. After serving a long time in the legisla- ture of his native State, he was, during the years 1776 and '77, a member of the general Congress. At one time, when the paper money was of so little value that military services could not be procured for it, he exchanged for it more than two thousand dollars in specie for the benefit of the cause, which he never recovered. He contributed to arouse the spirit of freedom by several essays on political subjects, and once by an impressive speech. During the whole Revolutionai-y war, he was very useful in obtaining private contributions of supplies for the army. He died August 2, 1811, in the eighty-first year of his age. Mr. Williams was distinguished for sterling sense and earnest patriotism. Without being eloquent, he was a clear and forcible 56 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS ■writer and a fluent and effective speaker. The sacrifices whicli lie made for the cause of national independence should embalm his memory in the hearts of his countrymen. OLIVER WOLCOTT. Governor Wolcott was one of the boldest and strongest charac- ters of the Revolution. He was born at Windsor, Connecticut, in 1726. His father had been governor of the colony. He received an excellent education, and graduated at Tale College in 1747. At this time war raged between the British and French colonies in America. Young Wolcott seized the opportunity to display the boldness and intrepidity of his character. Having obtained the commission of captain, he raised a company by his own exertions, and joined the army on the northern frontiers, where he continued in active service until the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. Returning to Connecticut, Mr. Wolcott began the study of medi- cine, but abandoned it on being appointed sheriff of the county of Litchfield. From 1774 till 1786, he was annually chosen an assist- ant in the council of state ; and, during the same period, he also held the responsible ofiices of judge of the common pleas and judge of the court of probate, Mr. Wolcott took a decided part at the com- mencement of the disturbances which heralded the approach of the Revolution. The cause of the colonies found in him an earnest and able advocate. In 1776, his devoted patriotism and general ability procured for him a seat in the national Congress, and the glorious privilege of signing his name to the Declaration of Independence. Immediately after the adoption of the Declaration, he returned to Connecticut, and was invested with the command of fourteen regi- ments of the state militia, raised for the defence of New York. In November he resumed his seat in Congress. The following summery after performing several military movements, he joined the northern army under Gates with a corps of several hundred volunteers, and assisted in the defeat of Burgoyne. From this period, until 1786, he was occupied in serving his country, either in Congress or the field, or as a commissioner of Indian affairs for the northern depart- ment, settling terms of peace with the Six Nations. In the latter year, he was elected lieutenant-governor of the State ; and, after tea OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 57 successive annual re-elections, was cliosen governor. He died De- cember 1, 1797, in the seventy-second year of his age. Oliver Wolcott was remarkable for his decision, energy, integrity, and judgment. A self-reliant man, he won the confidence of his fellow-countrymen, and became a leader in times of the sorest need. WILLIAM FLOYD. At the head of the delegation from New York, who signed the <' Declaration," was William Floyd. He was born on Long Island, New York, December 17, 1784. He received a liberal education, and afterward confined himself to the pursuits of agriculture. At an early period he embarked in the controversy between Great Britain and the colonies ; and as it grew more animated, he became more conspicuous as an advocate of the rights of the people. It was doubtless from these considerations that he was appointed a delegate from New York to the Congress which met at Philadelphia in 1774. In 1775 he was re-elected, and took his seat in the general Con- gress which met in May, 1776. During this interesting and pro- tracted session, he was actively and constantly employed on the numerous and important committees which particularly occupied a greater part of the attention of Congress. In 1777, Mr. Floyd was elected a senator under the new constitu- tion of New York. Of this body he was a leading and influential member. In 1778-9 he served as a delegate to the general Con- gress ; was a member of the board of admiralty, and of the board of treasury. He was annually re-elected to Congress until 1783, when he declined a re-election. Mr. Floyd was a member of the senate upon the adoption of the federal constitution ; and likewise a member of the first Congress, which met at New York on the 4th March, 1789. At the close of this session he retired from public life to the more peaceful shades of domestic retirement. Subsequently, he served thrice as a presi- dential elector, and once as a senator. On the 1st August, 1821, he was gathered to his fathers, at the advanced age of eighty-seven years. Mr. Floyd served his country with ability and fidelity for more than fifty years. His career was honourable in every respect. 58 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS During the Eevolution, much of his property was destroyed by the British, so that he was one of the most extensive sufferers by the war. PHILIP LIVINGSTON. Philip Livingston was a member of that Livingston family which has long been distinguished in the State of New York. He was born at Albany, January 15, 1716. His education was thorough and classical, and he graduated at Yale College in 1737. He then em- barked in mercantile pursuits, and, by his enlarged enterprise and careful industry, became prosperous and wealthy. Mr. Livingston made his first appearance in public life in 1754, when he was elected an alderman of the city of New York. From this period he continued to fill various and important trusts under the colonial government, till he took a decided and energetic stand against the usurpations of Great Britain. Mr. Livingston was chosen a member of the first Congress which met at Philadelphia on the 5th September, 1774. In this assembly he took a distinguished part, and was appointed on the committee to prepare an address to the people of Great Britain. He was re-elected a delegate in 1775, with full power to concert, with the other dele- gates from the other colonies, upon such measures as should be judged most effectual for the preservation and re-establishment of American rights and privileges. On the 4th July, 1776, he affixed his signature to the Declaration of Independence. On the 15th July, 1776, he was chosen by Con- gress a member of the board of treasury, and on the 29th April fol- lowing, a member of the marine committee ; two important trusts, in which the safety and well-being of America were essentially involved. On the 13th May, 1777, the State convention re-elected Mr. Li- vingston to Congress, and at the same time thanked him and his col- leagues for their long and faithful services rendered to the colony and State of New York. Mr. Livingston's attendance in Congress did not, however, preclude his employment at home in affairs of importance. He served in every capacity in which he could be use- ful in the councils of his State. He assisted in framing a constitu- tion for the State, and, on its adoption, was chosen a senator under it. In October, 1777, he was re-elected to Congress under the new constitution, and took his seat in Congress in May, 1778 — one of OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 59 the most critical and gloomy periods of the Revolution ; and inces- santly devoted his whole faculties to the salvation of his country. He expired at York, Pennsylvania, on the 12th June, 1778. A short time previous to his demise, he sold a portion of his pro- perty to sustain the public credit ; and though he sensibly felt the approach of death, he did not hesitate to relinquish the endearments of a beloved family, and devote the last remnant of his illustrious life to the service of his country, then enveloped in the thickest gloom. In temper, Mr. Livingston was somewhat irritable, yet tender and affectionate to his family and friends. His bearing was dignified and reserved, and he seldom indulged with much freedom in conver- sation. His quick perception of character, his extensive knowledge, and his solidity of judgment, rendered him of great service in the high positions to which he was chosen by his countrymen. FRANCIS LEWIS. Francis Lewis was another of the signers of the "Declaration" who was not born on the soil of America. He was a native of South Wales, and was born in the year 1715. He was carefully educated at Westminster School, England, but chose mercantile pursuits. At the age of twenty-one he converted his patrimony into merchandise, and sailed for New York, whence he proceeded to Philadelphia. There he remained for two years, engaged in mercantile business, and then returned to New York. In New York, Mr. Lewis soon became a man of iniluence, and his superior energy and ability were generally acknowledged. At the commencement of the serious disputes between the colonies and the mother country, he took a bold, decided stand in favour of the colo- nial cause. In 1775, he was unanimously elected to the Continental Congress from New York. His extensive commercial knowledge and practical cast of mind rendered him of great service in that body. During the war, the estate of Mr. Lewis was devastated, and him- self captured by the enemy. He suffered much during his imprison- ment, but was released before the end of the contest, through the exertions of Washington. His latter days were spent in compara- tive poverty ; for he had sacrificed the bulk of his fortune, acquired by trade, upon the altar of patriotism. He died on the 30th of De- cember, 1803, in the eighty-ninth year of his age. 60 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS Mr. Lewis was distinguished for energy and decision of character, and for an extensive knowledge of men and things, acquired by close observation. He was a practical man in every respect, and all his suggestions as a legislator were of weight and influence. LEWIS MORRIS. Lewis Morris was born in the State of New York, in 1726. He was proprietor of the large manor of Morrisania, in the county of Westchester. He was educated at Yale College, of which he received the honours. On his return home he devoted himself to agriculture. When the dissensions between the mother country began he was in a most fortunate situation ; with an ample estate, a fine family, an excellent constitution, literary taste, and general occupa- tions of which he was fond. He renounced at once his domestic comfort, in order to assert the rights of his country. He was elected to the Congress of 1775, wherein he served on the most important committees. That body assigned to him the arduous task of de- taching the Western Indians from the coalition with Great Britain. On this errand he repaired to Pittsburg, and acted with zeal and address. In the beginning of 1776, Mr. Morris resumed his seat in Con- gress, where he was a laborious and very useful member. When he signed the Declaration of Independence, it was at the risk of his beautiful and extensive manor, near New York, which was, in fact, soon after laid waste by the enemy. Three of his sons served in the army with much distinction. He quitted Congress in 1777, and was afterward in the State legislature, and a major-general of militia. Mr. Morris died on his paternal estate, in January, 1798, at the age of seventy-one, possessing universal esteem. He was one of those whole-souled patriots who staked every thing upon the cause of his country's independence. OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 61 RICHARD STOCKTON. Richard Stockton was among the most distinguished of the early statesmen of New Jersey. He was born near Princeton, in that State, on the 1st of October, 1730. After receiving the rudiments of a classical education from the Rev. Dr. Samuel Finley, at West Nottingham, he entered the College of New Jersey, and graduated at that celebrated institution in 1748. Mr. Stockton had a natural inclination for the study of the law, and soon after his graduation he commenced the preparatory studies under the direction of David Ogden. In 1754 he was admitted to the bar, and in 1758, to the grade of counsellor. In 1763, he received the degree of sergeant-at-law, and was at that time unrivalled at the bar. In 1766, he visited England, Scotland, and Ireland, and was received with flattering attention by the most eminent men of the kingdom. On his return home he was, in 1774, appointed one of the judges of the supreme court. On the 21st of June, 1776, the public confidence reposed in his patriotism, firmness, and abilities, by the provincial congress of New Jersey, was manifested by his selection to a seat in the gene- ral Congress then sitting in Philadelphia. On taking his seat in this august assembly, he took an active part in the debates, particularly those which preceded the adoption and signing of the Declaration of Independence. During the summer and autumn of 1776, Mr. Stockton devoted the whole of his time to the pressing exigencies of his country. In Sep- tember he was deputed by Congress one of the committee to inspect the northern army, and to report on its state, and on any further regulations which they might think necessary for its better govern- ment and supply. This service having been discharged, he again resumed his seat in Congress. On the 30th November following he was, together with his friend and compatriot, John Covenhoven, Esq., at Avhose house he resided, captured by a party of refugee royalists, and, after having suifered the most cruel treatment, was thrown into the common prison in New York. Congress, immediately on learning his capture and imprison- ment, interposed and procured his release. His constitution, how- ever, was so materially impaired by his sufferings that he was never again able, except by counsel and advice, to render any important services to his country. 62 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS Mr. Stockton died on the 28tli of February, 1781, at his residence, near Princeton, in the fifty-first year of his age. Mr. Stockton united to great powers of mind vast learning both in law and divinity, persuasive eloquence, and an amiable disposition. In the councils of his country he was always firm, decided, laborious, and influential. His personal sufferings during the great struggle for human rights were more severe than those of any other signer of the Declaration of Independence. JOHN WITHERSPOON. WiTHERSPOON was Called from the halls of science to the councils of the nation, it being as President of the College of New Jersey that he first became known to the people of that State. He was born in Yester, near Edinburgh, Scotland, February 5, 1722. At the age of fourteen he entered the university of Edinburgh, where he continued till he reached the age of twenty-one, when he was licensed to preach the gospel. In the theological hall he had evinced a taste in sacred criticism, a precision of thought, and a per- spicuity of expression which were very uncommon. He was soon ordained at Beith, in the west of Scotland. Thence after a fcAV years he was translated to Paisley. Here he lived in high reputa- tion and great usefulness until he was called to the presidency of Princeton College. So extensively was he known, that he was in- vited to Dundee, to Dublin, and Rotterdam ; but less regardful of personal interest than of what he conceived to be the claims of duty, he was persuaded to listen to the invitation from a distant country. He arrived with his family at Princeton, New Jersey, in the month of August, 1768, and took the charge of a seminary over which had presided Dickinson, Burr, Edwards, Davies, and Finley, men distin- guished for genius, learning, and piety. His name brought a great accession of students to the college, and by his exertions its funds were much augmented. But the war of the American Revolution prostrated every thing. While the academial shades were deserted, and his functions as president were suspended, he was introduced into a new field of labour. As he became at once an American on his landing in this country, the citizens of New Jersey, who knew his distinguished abilities, appointed him a member of the convention which formed the constitution of that State. Here he appeared as OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 63 profound a civilian, as he had before been known to be a philosopher and divine. From the Revolutionary committees and conventions of the State he was sent early in 1776 a representative to the Congress of United America. He was during seven years a member of that illustrious body, and he was always collected, firm, and wise amid the embarrassing circumstances in which Congress was placed. His name is affixed to the Declaration of Independence. But while he was thus engaged in political affairs he did not lay aside his, ministry. He gladly embraced every opportunity of preaching; for his cha- racter as a minister of the gospel, he ever considered as his highest honour. As soon as the state of the country would permit, the collecre was re-established, and its instruction was recommenced under the immediate care of the vice-president, the Rev. Dr. Smith. After the termination of the struggle for American liberty. Dr. Witherspoon was induced from his attachment to the college to cross the ocean, that he might promote its benefit. Though his success was not so great as could be wished, his enterprise and zeal were not the less deserving of commendation. After his return, he entered into that retirement which was dear to him, and his attention was principally confined to the duties of his office as president, and as a minister of the gospel. For more than two years before his death he was afflicted with the loss of sight ; but during his blindness he was frequently led into the pulpit, and he always acquitted himself with his usual accuracy and animation. At length he sank under the pressure of his infirmities. He died, November 15, 1794, in the seventy-third year of his age. He was succeeded by Dr. Smith as president of the college. Dr. Witherspoon, though not a man of the most extensive learning, yet possessed a mass of information well selected and thoroughly digested. Scarcely any man of the age had a more vigorous mind or a sounder understanding. As president of the college he rendered literary inquiries more liberal, extensive, and profound, and was the means of producing an important revolution in the sys- tem of education. He extended the study of mathematical science ; and it is believed he was the first man who taught in America the substance of those doctrines of the philosophy of the mind, which Dr. Reid afterward developed with so much success. He was very distinguished as a preacher. An admirable textuary, a profound theologian, perspicuous and simple in his manner, a universal scholar, acquainted intimately with human nature, a grave, dignified, and solemn speaker ; he brought all the advantages derived from these sources to the illustration and enforcement of divine truth. Thou";h 64 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS not a fervent and animated speaker, it was impossible to hear him without attention. His feelings were naturally strong, but he had imposed restraints upon himself. All ostentation in the pulpit he viewed with the utmost aversion. He loved to dwell on the great doctrines of divine grace. Though he wrote his sermons, and com- mitted them to memory, yet, as he was governed by the desire of doing good, and wished to bring his discourses to the level of every understanding, he was not confined, when addressing his hearers, within the boundaries of what he had written. His life was upright and holy. Besides the daily intercourse with heaven which he held in the closet, and occasional seasons of solemn recollection and devo- tion, he observed the last day of the year with his family as a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer. To the young he was particularly attentive, taking every opportunity to impart to them useful advice in the most agreeable manner. Having a rich fund of anecdote, his moments of relaxation were as entertaining as his serious ones were instructive. The following anecdote presents a specimen of his wit. When Burgoyne's army was captured at Saratoga, General Gates despatched one of his aids to Congress to carry the intelligence. The officer, after being delayed by amusements, which offered them- selves to him on his way, at length arrived at Philadelphia, but the report of the victory had reached there several days before. Con- gress, according to custom, proceeded to give the messenger some mark of their esteem. It Avas proposed to present him with an ele- gant sword ; but Dr. Witherspoon rose, and begged leave to move, that instead of a sword, they should present him with a pair of golden spurs. FRANCIS HOPKINSON. HoPKiNSON was one of the poets of the Revolution. As a satirist he had no rival during that period, and his effusions were exceed- ingly popular. He was born in Philadelphia about the year 1737. Receiving the benefit of a thorough classical education, he graduated at the college of his native city, and then commenced the study of the law. He was admitted to the bar, but had barely time to attain practice, when he was called into active life. In the year 1761, he officiated as secretary in a solemn conference held with the Indians, by order of the government of Pennsylvania. OF THE DECLARATION OF INDErENDENCE. G5 In 1765, Mr. Hopkinson visited England ; but as soon as the clouds began to gather round our political horizon, and the unjustifiable oppressions of the British Government became more daring and decided, glowing with love of country, and feeling, in unison with his fellow-citizens, a becoming indignation at the rapid encroachments of an usurped power, he immediately embarked for America, and on his arrival he employed his pen in support of his oppressed country. In 1776, he was elected a delegate to Congress from the State of New Jersey, and participated largely in the proceedings of that enlightened assembly, and afterward aflSxed his name to the Declara- tion of Independence. He was afterward appointed judge of the admiralty for the State of Pennsylvania. This office he held until 1790, when he received the appointment of judge of the district court. In each of these judicial offices he conducted himself with integrity and ability. He was an active and useful member of the great parties which, at different times, divided his native State. He was a Whig, a Republican, and a Federalist, and he lived to see the principles and wishes of each of those parties finally successful. Although his labours had been rewarded with many plentiful harvests of well- earned fame, yet his death, to his country and his friends, was pre- mature. He died suddenly on the morning of the 9th of May, 1791, We have briefly sketched Mr. Hopkinson's political career. But it was by hiy writings that he acquired the greater fame and influence. He began in 1775 with a small tract, entitled a "Pretty Story," in which, in an allegorical manner, he exposed the tyranny of Great Britain toward America, and he concluded his contributions to his country in this way with the "History of the New Roof," which ought to be read with interest, while the citizens of the United States are sheltered under their present form of national government. His "Battle of the Kegs" has been much admired for its wit. A few years before his death, in consequence of an act of the Assembly for cutting down the trees of Philadelphia, in order to guard against fire and the evils of stagnant air, he wrote a humorous speech of a standing member of the Assembly against the act, and rescued the devoted trees from the impending destruction. His satires on news- paper scandal had the effect to restrain for a number of months the licentiousness of the press. His specimen of modern learning in an examination of the properties of a salt-box, is a piece of exquisite humour. His opinion on education were somewhat peculiar. He often ridiculed in conversation the practice of teaching children the 5 S6 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS English language by means of grammar. He considered most of the years, which were spent in learning Greek and Latin, as lost ; and he held several of the arts and sciences, which are taught in colleges, in great contempt. To his poetical talents he united uncommon excellence in music, and some knowledge of painting. Besides the above works, he published " Science," a poem, 1762. After his death, his miscellaneous essays and occasional writings were published in three volumes octavo, 1792. In person, Mr. Hopkinson was diminutive, being below the middle height, and rather thin. But his small features were uncommonly animated, and the quickness of his speech and motions indicated the activity of his mind. He possessed an exceedingly amiable dis- position, and was an entertaining companion. Seldom has such a union of good nature and power of satire been found to exist in the same man. JOHN HART. " Honest John Hart" was one of the first deputies from New Jersey to the general Congress of the colonies. He was born in that State. His father was a farmer, and John was reared to the same laborious life. Upon the death of his father, he succeeded to the possession of a considerable estate. While still a young man, Mr. Hart became distinguished among his neighbours for his strong sense and scrupulous integrity. Being frequently chosen to a seat in the colonial legislature, he there displayed a warm attachment for the principles of liberty. In 1774, Mr. Hart was chosen a delegate from New Jersey to the general Congress at Philadelphia, and his firmness, judgment, and industry caused him to be frequently re-elected. He was a decided advocate of the Declaration of Independence, and affixed his name to that instrument with singular ardour. Near the end of the year 1776, New Jersey became the scene of a devastating war. Mr. Hart was considered particularly obnoxious to the royalists. His property sufiered to a great extent, and he was hunted about without intermission, being obliged to fly from his house when his wife was afflicted with a distressing disease, which ultimately caused her death. The persecuted patriot was often in want of food. On one occasion he was forced to conceal himself during the night in a dog-kennel. OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. QJ Such were the sufferings of a lover of liberty, who dared to pledge his life, fortune, and sacred honour in the cause of his country. After the evacuation of New Jersey by the English, Mr. Hart returned to his farm and began to repair the injuries it had under- gone. But his constitution was so much weakened by hardship and exposure, that it gradually gave way, and in 1780, he expired, lamented by his friends as an "honest man, the noblest work of God," and by his countrymen as a patriot as true as steel. ABRAHAM CLARK. Abraham Clark was one of the least prominent members of the Congress that adopted the " Declaration ;" but he was also an in- flexible supporter of the cause of independence, and a legislator of considerable experience. He was born at Elizabethtown, New Jersey, on the 15th of February, 1726. He was a self-educated, energetic, and industrious young man, and acquired considerable influence among the people of his district by his varied abilities. He was elected to the Provincial Assembly. While he was a member of that body, the troubles between the colonies and the mother country began. Mr. Clark was a bold advocate of colonial rights, and his conduct increased his popularity. On the 10th of January, 1776, he was appointed secretary of the New Jersey Committee of Safety; and shortly afterward he appeared as an active member of the con- vention which met to frame a state constitution for New Jersey. He was then chosen a delegate to the Continental Congress at Phila- delphia. The New Jersey convention had previously adopted resolu- tions instructing their delegates to vote for the Declaration of Independence, and therefore their course was marked out for them. Mr. Clark cast his vote, however, according to the sentiments of his heart and the judgment of his mind. Mr. Clark was one of the earliest advocates of a strono; federal government, when the independence of the country had been secured. He was one of the delegates to the convention at Annapolis, and also to the convention at Philadelphia, which framed the federal constitu- tion. Afterward, Mr. Clark was chosen to the legislature of his native State, and he continued active in public affairs until his death in June, 1794, at the age of sixty-eight years. 68 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS ROBERT MORRIS. The great financier of the Revolution, — he who furnished the sinews of war, — was born in Liverpool, England, on the 20th of January, 1734. He was the son of a respectable merchant. At the age of thirteen he accompanied his father to America. Soon after his arrival, Robert was placed under the tuition of the Rev. Mr. Gordon, of Maryland. At the age of fifteen he lost his father ; and he then entered the counting-house of Charles Willing, at that time a distinguished merchant of Philadelphia. As soon as he arrived at years of discretion, Mr. Morris was esta- blished in business by his patron. In 1769, he married Mary White, the sister of the celebrated Bishop White, a young, rich, and accom- plished lady. For some years, Mr. Morris was entirely devoted to commercial pursuits. But on the approach of the rupture between the colonies and the mother country, he displayed a decided par- tiality for the cause of the former, and, having acquired a reputation for energy and ability, he was, in 1775, sent to the continental Con- gress, as a member from Pennsylvania. In that body, he was im- mediately employed in making important financial arrangements. During the march of the British troops through the Jerseys, in 1776, the removal of Congress to Baltimore is well known. For reasons of a commercial nature, Mr. Morris was left at Philadelphia, to remain as long as circumstances would permit. At this crisis, a letter from the commander-in-chief was received by the government, announcing, that while the enemy were accurately informed of all his movements, he was compelled, from the want of hard money, to remain in complete ignorance of their arrangements, and requiring a certain sum as absolutely necessary to the safety of the army. Information of this demand was sent to Mr. Morris, in the hope that, through his credit, the money might be obtained ; the communication reached him at his office, in the way from which to his dwelling-house, immediately afterward, he was met by a gentleman of the Society of Friends, with whom he was in habits of business and acquaintance, and who accosted him with his customary phrase, "Well, Robert, what news?" "The news is," said Mr. Morris, "that I am in im- mediate want of a sum of hard money," mentioning the amount, "and that you are the man who must procure it for me. Your security is to be my note of hand and my honour." After a short OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 69 hesitation, the gentleman replied, "Robert, thou shalt have it;" and, by the punctual performance of his promise, enabled Congress to comply with the requisition of the general. The situation of General Greene, in South Carolina, was equally critical — his distresses rendering it scarcely practicable to keep his troops together — when a gentleman, Mr. Hall, of that State, by step- ping forward, and advancing the necessary sums, enabled him to stem the danger. On the return of General Greene to Philadelphia, after the war had terminated, he repaired to the office of finance to settle his accounts, when the secret was divulged, that Mr. Hall had acted under the direction of Mr. Morris. The general was hurt at such an apparent want of confidence in him ; but on reconsidering the subject, he admitted the wisdom of the caution which had been used: "I give you my opinion," said he, »'that you never did a wiser thing : for, on other occasions, I was suflSciently distressed to have warranted my drawing on you, had I known that I might have done so, and I should have availed myself of the privilege." Mr. Morris rejoined, that, even as matters had been conducted, the southern expedition had gone nearer than the operations in any other quarter, to the causing of an arrest of his commercial business. By a resolution of Congress, the ofiice of financier was established in 1781, and Mr. Morris was unanimously elected as the superin- tendent. Previous to this election, he had formed a mercantile con- nection with I. and R. Hazlehurst, and his fear lest the duties of an official situation of such importance should interfere with his engage- ments in business, prevented his acceptance of office, until Congress had specifically resolved, that his fulfilment of his commercial obliga- tions was not incompatible with the performance of the public ser- vices required of him. To trace him through all the acts of his financial administration would be to make this biography a history of the last two years of the Revolutionary war. When the exhausted credit of the govern- ment threatened the most alarming consequences ; when the soldiers were utterly destitute of the necessary supplies of food and clothing ; when the military chest had been drained of its last dollar ; and even the intrepid confidence of Washington was shaken ; upon his own credit, and from his own private resources, did Mr. Morris furnish those pecuniary means, but for which the physical energies of the country, exerted to their utmost, would have been scarcely compe- tent to secure that prompt and glorious issue which ensued. One of the first acts of his financial government was the proposi- tion to Congress of his plan for the establishment of the Bank of 70 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS North America, which was chartered forthwith, and opened on the 7th of January, 1782. At this time, " the States were half a million of dollars in debt on that year's taxes, which had been raised by anticipation, on that system of credit which Mr. Morris had created;" and, but for this establishment, his plans of finance must have been entirely frustrated. On his retirement from office, it was affirmed, by two of the Massachusetts delegates, " that it cost Congress at the rate of eighteen millions per annum, hard dollars, to carry on the war, till he was chosen financier, and then it cost them but little above five millions!" By the representations of a committee of Congress, Mr. Morris was induced to abandon his intention of quitting office, in 1783, and he accordingly continued to superintend the department of finance, to the 30th September, 1784, when, in a letter to the commissioners of the treasury board, he resigned his office, and immediately issued an advertisement, pledging himself to the payment of all his out- standing debts, as they should arrive at maturity. His next public service was performed as a member of the con- vention which framed the federal Constitution in 1787. Fatigued with political cares, which, from the time of his election to a seat in the first Congress under the federal constitution, had so completely engrossed his mind, he was now anxious to retire to the relaxation of private life. That he was not avaricious after influence, may be sufficiently established from the fact of his refusal to accept the situation of secretary of the treasury, which General Washington wished him to fill. That his long continuance in the public service and his unremitted attention to the business of his country had caused some confusion in his private affairs, he assigned as a reason for declining to comply with the solicitations of the city of Philadelphia, which had sent a delegation to request he would become its representative in Congress. It is true, indeed, that he was subsequently induced to resume his situation as a delegate from Pennsylvania, and that he continued to fill this distinguished character for several years after his retirement from the financial department ; but it is equally true that this com- pliance with the public wish was rather the effect of a powerful sense of political duty than of inclination. His long inattention to his private affairs was productive of great embarrassments of mind and circumstances, the results of which cast a shade over those declining years which unembarrassed repose and honourable affluence ought to have soothed and cherished. After a life of inestimable utility, Mr. Morris died in Philadelphia, OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 71 on the 8th of May, 1806, in the 73d year of his age. In person, Mr. Morris was of large frame, with an open countenance and unpretending manners. He was temperate in food, but fond of convivial meetings. His hospitable mansion was always open to strangers of good society. His mind was strongly practical. He WHS a fluent, correct, and impressive orator, and he wrote with ease and force. His public services can scarcely be overrated in import- ance. He never despaired of ultimate success during the Revolution, and was willing to make every sacrifice to attain the desired end. It may be said of him, as Webster said of Hamilton, " He touched the corpse of our credit, and it immediately became a living body." BENJAMIN RUSH. The ancestors of Benjamin Rush followed William Penn from England to Pennsylvania in 1683. His father had a fine estate about twelve miles from Philadelphia. There the most celebrated physician of America was born, on the 24th of December, 1745. His father died while Benjamin was yet young; and when the pro- mising boy was only nine years of age, he was placed under the care of his maternal uncle. Rev. Dr. Samuel Finley, a scholar of high reputation. At this excellent school he remained five years, and then entered Princeton College — then under the superintendence of President Davis. At college, young Rush was distinguished by remarkable eloquence as a public speaker and rapid progress in study. In the year 1760, at the early age of fifteen, young Rush received the degree of bachelor of arts. The next succeeding six years were devoted to the study of medicine, under Dr. John Redman, at that time an eminent practitioner in the city of Philadelphia. Having, with great fidelity completed his course of medical studies under Dr. Redman, he embarked for Europe, and passed two years at the Uni- versity of Edinburgh, attending the lectures of those celebrated pro- fessors. Dr. Munro, Dr. Gregory, Dr. Cullen, and Dr. Black. In the spring of 1768, he received the degree of doctor of medi- cine. From Edinburgh, Dr. Rush proceeded to London, where, in attendance upon the hospitals of that city, he made many accessions to the stock of knowledge already acquired. In the spring of 1769, after visiting Paris, he returned to his native country, and immedi- 72 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS ately commenced the practice of physic in the city of Philadelphia, in which he soon became eminently distinguished. In a few months he was elected a professor in the medical school which had been recently established by the exertions of Dr. Shippen, Dr. Kuhn, Dr. Morgan, and Dr. Bond. But Dr. Bush did not confine his attention and pursuits either to the practice of medicine, or to the duties of his professorship : his ardent mind did not permit him to be an inactive spectator of those important public events which occurred in the early period of his life. The American Bevolution, the independence of his country, the establishment of a new constitution of government for the United States, and the amelioration of the constitution of his own particular State, all successively interested his feelings, and induced him to take an active concern in the scenes that were passing. He held a seat in the celebrated Congress of 1776, as a representative of the State of Pennsylvania, and subscribed the ever-memorable instru- ment of American independence. In 1777 he was appointed physi- cian-general of the military hospital for the middle department; and in the year 1787 he received the additional gratification and evidence of his country's confidence in his talents, his integrity, and his patriotism, by being chosen a member of the State convention for the adoption of the federal constitution. These great events being accomplished, Dr. Bush gradually retired from political life, resolved to dedicate the remainder of his days to the practice of his profession, the performance of his collegiate duties, and the publication of those doctrines and principles in medicine which he considered calculated to advance the interests of his favourite science, or to diminish the evils of human life. In 1789, Dr. Bush was elected the successor of Dr. Morgan to the chair of the theory and practice of physic in the Philadelphia College. In 1791, he was appointed to the professorship of the institutes of medicine, and clinical practice ; and in 1805, upon the resignation of Dr. Kuhn, he was chosen to the united professorships of the theory and practice of physic, and of clinical medicine, which he held the remainder of his life. Besides these delegated and ofiicial trusts, he took, as a member of the community, a very prominent concern in all the leading national transactions that occurred from the commencement of the Bevolutionary war till the organization of our present form of government. Contemporary with this latter event was the termina- tion of his political life. He afterward devoted himself exclusively to his profession, and to the discharge of his duties as a private OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 73 citizen. The only appointment he ever held under the federal go- vernment, as an acknowledgment of all that he had contributed toward its establishment, was that of cashier of the mint of the United States. In addition to those already enumerated, he held many other places of honour and confidence, which were conferred on him by the suf- frages of select associations. He was, for many years, one of the physicians of the Pennsylvania Hospital, to the interests of which he most faithfully devoted a portion of his time. He was president of the American Society for the Abolition of Slavery, vice-president of the Philadelphia Bible Society, an early member, and, for a time, president of the Philadelphia Medical Society, one of the vice-pre- sidents of the American Philosophical Society, and a member of many other learned and benevolent institutions, both in America and Europe. In private charities and acts of hospitality, in public contributions for benevolent purposes, and in donations to churches, colleges, and other useful establishments, Dr. Rush was always liberal ; more so, perhaps, during a part of his life, than was consistent with his in- come. But his object was to do good, and he recognised no value in money except Mhat arose from the proper employment of it. His charities as a physician were also extensive ; for throughout the whole of his life, he regularly set apart a portion of his time for the rendering of professional services to the poor. Those persons in particular, who, in a season of prosperity, had employed him as their physician, he never forsook in the hour of their adversity, when the hand of penury was heavy on their spirits. To their shattered and desponding minds he feelingly administered the balm of comfort, while, by his attention and skill, he removed or alleviated their bodily sufferings. In the midst of his honours and usefulness, advanced in years, but in the meridian of his fame, he died, after a short illness, on the 19th of April, 1813. In person. Dr. Rush was above the middle stature, his frame being slender, but symmetrical. His features were prominent, and their combined expression indicated the vigour and penetration of his mind. He was temperate in his diet, neat in his dress, and the well- bred gentleman in all his habits. In colloquial powers he had but few equals. During his whole life, he was a practical Christian. As a physician, Dr. Rush ranked among the very foremost of his age- He was especially skilful in the treatment of fevers. As a states- man and philanthropist, he was active and influential. 74 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. The American people are happy in the possession of the autobi- ography of a man whose life and writings have had a wonderful influence in moulding the national character. Benjamin Franklin, the philosopher and statesman, was born in Boston, on the 17th of January, 1706. His father, who was a native of England, was a soap-boiler and tallow-chandler in that town. At the age of eight years he was sent to a grammar-school, but at the age of ten his father required his services to assist him in his busi- ness. Two years afterward he was bound as an apprentice to his brother, who was a printer. In this employment he made great pro- ficiency ; and having a taste for books, he devoted much of his leisure time to reading. So eager was he in the pursuit of knowledge, that he frequently passed the greater part of the night in his studies. He became expert in the Socratic mode of reasoning by asking ques- tions, and thus he sometimes embarrassed persons of understanding superior to his own. In 1721 his brother began to print the New England Courant, which was the third newspaper published in America. The two preceding papers were the Boston News Letter and Boston Gazette. Young Franklin wrote a number of essays for the Courant, which were so well received as to encourage him to continue his literary labom'S. To improve his style he resolved to imitate Addison's Spectator. The method which he took was to make a summary of a paper, after he had read it, and in a few days, when he had forgotten the expressions of the author, to endeavour to restore it to its original form. By tliis means he was taught his errors, and perceived the necessity of being more fully acquainted with the synonymous words of the language. He was much assisted also in acquiring a facility and variety of expression by writing poetry. At this early period the perusal of Shaftesbury and Collins made him completely a skeptic, and he was fond of disputing upon the subject of religion. This circumstance caused him to be regarded by pious men with abhorrence ; and on this account, as well as on account of the ill-treatment which he received from his brother, he determined to leave Boston. His departure was facilitated by the possession of his indenture, which his brother had given him about the year 1723, not from friendship, but because the general court had prohibited him from publishing the New England Courant, and OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 75 in order that it might be conducted under the name of Benjamin Franklin. He privately went on board a sloop, and soon arrived at New York. Finding no employment here, he pursued his way to Philadelphia, and entered the city without a friend, and with only a dollar in his pocket. Purchasing some rolls at a baker's shop, he put one under each arm, and, eating a third, walked through several streets in search of lodging. There were at this time two printers in Philadelphia, Mr. Andrew Bradford, and Mr. Keimer, by the latter of whom he was employed. Sir William Keith, the governor, having been informed that Franklin was a young man of promising talents, invited him to his house and treated him in the most friendly man- Der. He advised him to enter into business for himself, and, to accomplish this object, to make a visit to London in order that he might purchase the necessary articles for a printing office. Receiving the promise of assistance, Franklin prepared himself for the voyage, and on applying for letters of recommendation previously to sailing, he was told that they would be sent on board. When the letter-bag was opened, there was no packet for Franklin ; and he now disco- vered that the governor was one of those men, who love to oblige everybody, and who substitute the most liberal professions and offers in the place of active, substantial kindness. Arriving in London in 1724, he was obliged to seek employment as a journeyman printer. He lived so economically, that he saved a great part of his wages. Instead of drinking six pints of beer in a day, like some of his fellow- labourers, he drank only water; and he persuaded some of them to renounce the extravagance of eating bread and cheese for breakfast and to procure a cheap soup. As his principles at this time were very loose, his zeal to enlighten the world induced him to publish his "Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity," in which he contended that virtue and vice were nothing more than vain distinctions. This work procured him the acquaintance of Mandeville and others of that licentious class. He returned to Philadelphia in October, 1726, as a clerk to Mr. Denham, a merchant ; but the death of that gentleman in the follow- year induced him to return to Mr. Keimer in the capacity of foreman in his office. He was very useful to his employer, for he gave him assistance as a letter-founder. He engraved various ornaments, and made printer's ink. He soon began business in partnership with Mr. Meredith ; but in 1729 he dissolved the connection with him. Having purchased of Keimer a paper, which had been conducted in a wretched manner, he now conducted it in a style which attracted much attention. At this time, though destitute of those religious 76 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS principles which give stability and elevation to virtue, he yet had discernment enough to be convinced that truth, probity, and sin- cerity would promote his interest and be useful to him in the world, and he resolved to respect them in his conduct. The expenses of his establishment in business, notwithstanding his industry and economy, brought him in a short time into embarrassments, from which he was relieved by the generous assistance of William Coleman and Robert Grace. In addition to his other employments he now opened a small stationer's shop. But the claims of business did not extinguish his taste for literature and science. He formed a club, which he called the Junto, composed of the most intelligent of his acquaintance. Questions of morality, politics, or philosophy were discussed every Friday evening, and the institution was continued almost forty years. As books were frequently quoted in the club, and as the members had brought their books together for mutual advantage, he was led to form the plan of a public library, which was carried into effect in 1731, and became the foundation of that noble institution, the present Library Company of Philadelphia. In 1732, he began to publish Poor Richard's Almanac, which was enriched with maxims of frugality, temperance, industry, and integrity. So great was its reputation, that he sold ten thousand annually, and it was continued by him about twenty-five years. The maxims were collected in the last almanac in the form of an address, called the Way to Wealth, which has appeared in various publications. In 1736, he was appointed clerk of the General Assembly of Pennsyl- vania, and in 1737 postmaster of Philadelphia. The first fire com- pany was formed by him in 1738. When the frontiers of Pennsyl- vania were endangered in 1744, and an inefi'ectual attempt was made to procure a militia law, he proposed a voluntary association for the defence of the province, and in a short time obtained ten thousand names. In 1747, he was chosen a member of the Assembly, and continued in this station ten years. In all important discussions his presence was considered as indispensable. He seldom spoke, and never exhibited any oratory ; but by a single observation he some- times determined the fate of a question. In the long controversies with the proprietaries or their governors, he took the most active part, and displayed a firm spirit of liberty. He was now engaged for a number of years in a course of electrical experiments, of which he published an account. His great discovery was the identity of the electric fluid and lightning. This discovery he made in the summer of 1752. To the upright stick of a kite he attached an iron point ; the string was of hemp, excepting the part OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 77 wliicli lie held in liis hand, which was of silk ; and a key was fastened where the hempen string terminated. With this apparatus, on the approach of a thunderstorm, he raised his kite. A cloud passed over it, and no signs of electricity appearing, he began to despair ; but observing the loose fibres of his string to move suddenly toward an erect position, he presented his knuckle to the key, and received a strong spark. The success of this experiment completely esta- blished his theory. The practical use of this discovery in securing houses from lightning by pointed conductors is well known in Ame- rica and Europe. In 1753 he was appointed deputy postmaster- general of the British colonies, and in the same year the Academy of Philadelphia, projected by him, was established. In 1754 he was one of the commissioners who attended the Congress at Albany to devise the best means of defending the country against the French. He drew up a plan of union for defence and general government, which was adopted by the Congress. It was however rejected by the Board of Trade in England, because it gave too much power to the representatives of the people ; and it was rejected by the assem- bhes of the colonies, because it gave too much power to the president- general. After the defeat of Braddock he was appointed colonel of a regiment, and he repaired to the frontiers and built a fort. In 1757, he was sent to England as the agent of Pennsylvania, and, while residing there, was appointed agent of Massachusetts, Mary- land, and Georgia. He now received the reward of his philosophical merit. He was chosen a fellow of the Royal Society, and was ho- noured with the degree of doctor of laws by the universities of St. Andrew's, Edinburgh, and Oxford; and his correspondence was sought by the most eminent philosophers of Europe. During his residence in England he published a pamphlet, showing the advantages which would spring from the conquest of Canada; and formed that ele- gant instrument which he called the Harmonica. He returned in 17(32, and resumed his seat in the Assembly ; but in 1764 was again sent to London as an agent for the province to procure a change of the proprietary government. In 1766, he was examined at the bar of the House of Commons respecting the repeal of the Stamp Act ; and here he evinced the utmost self-possession, with an astonishing accuracy and extent of information. During the same and the fol- lowing year, by visiting Holland, Germany, and France, he became acquainted with most of the literary characters of Europe. About the year 1773, some letters of Hutchinson, Oliver, and others in Massachusetts, falling into his hands, he sent them to the legislature of that State; but he ever refused to tell how he procured them. 78 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS He returned to America in 1775, and the day after his arrival was elected a member of Congress. He was sent to the camp before Boston to confirm the army in their decisive measures, and to Canada to persuade the citizens to join in the common cause. In this last mission, however, he was not successful. In 1776, he was appointed on a committee with John Adams and Edward Rutlege, to inquire into the powers with which Lord Howe was invested in regard to the adjustment of our differences with Great Britain. When his lord- ship expressed his concern at being obliged to distress those whom he so much regarded. Dr. Franklin assured him that the Americans, out of reciprocal regard, would endeavour to lessen, as much as pos- sible, the pain which he might feel on their account, by taking the utmost care of themselves. In the discussion of the great question of independence, he was decidedly in favour of the measure. He was in the same year chosen president of the convention which met in Philadelphia to form a new constitution for Pennsylvania. The single legislature and the plural executive seem to have been his favourite principles. In the latter end of the year 1776, he was sent to France to assist in negotiation with Mr. Arthur Lee and Silas Deane. He had much influence in forming the treaty of alliance and commerce, which was signed February 6, 1778, and he after- ward completed a treaty of amity and commerce with Sweden. In conjunction with Mr. Adams, Mr. Jay and Mr. Laurens, he signed the provisional articles of peace, November 30, 1782, and the defini- tive treaty, September 30, 1783. While he was in France, he was appointed one of the commissioners to examine Mesmer's animal magnetism in 1784. Being desirous of returning to his native country, he requested that an ambassador might be appointed in his place ; and on the arrival of his successor, Mr. Jefferson, he immediately sailed for Philadelphia, where he arrived in September, 1785. He was received with universal applause, and was soon appointed president of the supreme executive council. In 1787, he was a delegate to the grand convention which formed the Constitution of the United States. Some of the articles which composed it did not altogether please him, but for the sake of union he signed it. In the same year he was appointed the first president of two societies, which were established in Philadelphia for alleviating the miseries of public prisons, and for promoting the abolition of slavery. A memorial of the latter society to Congress gave occasion to a debate, in which an attempt was made to justify the slave trade. In consequence of this, Dr. Franklin published in the Federal Gazette, March 25, 1789, an essay, signed Historicus, communicating a pretended OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 79 speech, delivered in the divan of Algiers in 1687, against the peti- tion of a sect, called Erika or Purists, for the abolition of piracy and slavery. The arguments urged in favour of the African trade by Mr. Jackson, of Georgia, are here applied with equal force to justify the plundering and enslaving of Europeans. In 1788, he retired wholly from public life, and he now approached the end of his days. He had been afflicted for a number of years with a complication of disorders. For the last twelve months he was confined almost entirely to his bed. In the severity of his pains, he would observe, that he was afraid he did not bear them as he ought, and he expressed a grateful sense of the many blessings received from the Supreme Being, who had raised him from his humble origin to such considera- tion among men. He died, April 17, 1790, in the eighty-fifth year of his age. The following epitaph was written by himself many years previously to his death : The body of Benjamin Franklin, printer, Like the cover of an old book Its contents torn out, And stript of its lettering and gilding, Lies here food for worms ; Yet the v/ork itself shall not be lost, For it will (as he believed) appear once more In a new And more beautiful edition, Corrected and amended by The Author. But although he thus expressed his hope of future happiness, yet from his memoirs it does not appear whether this hope was founded upon the mediation of Jesus Christ. Some have even considered him as not unfriendly to infidelity ; but the following anecdote seems to prove, that in his old age he did not absolutely reject the Scrip- tures. As a young gentleman was one day ridiculing religion as a vulgar prejudice, he appealed to Dr. Franklin, expecting his approba- tion. "Young man," said the philosopher, emphatically, "it is best to believe." President Stiles addressed a letter to him, dated January 28, 1790, in which he expressed a desire to be made ac- quainted with his sentiments on Christianity. The following is an extract from it: "You know, sir, I am a Christian; and would to heaven, all others were as I am except my imperfections. As much as I know of Dr. Franklin, I have not an idea of his religious senti- 80 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS ments. I wish to know the opinion of my venerable friend concern- ing Jesus of Nazareth. He will not impute this to impertinence, or improper curiosity in one who for many years has continued to love, estimate, and reverence his abilities and literary character with an ardour of affection. If I have said too much, let the request be blotted out and be no more." To this Dr. Franklin replied, March 9, but a few weeks before his death: "I do not take your curiosity amiss, and shall endeavour, in a few words, to gratify it. As to Jesus of Nazareth, my opinion of whom you particularly desire, I think the system of morals and his religion, as he left them to us, the best the world ever saw, or is likely to see ; but I apprehend it has received various corrupting changes ; and I have, with most of the present dissenters in England, some doubts as to his divinity." It may not be unnecessary to remark that, if we may credit Dr. Priestley, Dr. Franklin was not correct in estimating the sentiments of a majority of the dissenters in England. He left one son, Go- vernor William Franklin, of New Jersey, a zealous royalist, and a daughter, who married Mr. William Bache, merchant in Philadelphia. Dr. Franklin acquired a high and deserved reputation as a philo- sopher, for his philosophy was of a practical and useful kind, and he seemed to be continually desirous of advancing the welfare of society. In company, he was sententious and not fluent, and he chose rather to listen to others than to talk himself. Impatient of interruption, he often mentioned the custom of the Indians, who always remain silent for some time before they give an answer to a question. When he resided in France as a minister from this country, it has been thought that he was somewhat intoxicated by the unbounded ap- plauses which he received, and was too much disposed to adopt the manners of the French. One of his colleagues was immersed in the pleasures of a voluptuous city, and between himself and the other, Mr. Lee, there was some collision. Soon after his death, his grandson went to England to publish a complete collection of his writings, with his life, brought down by himself to the year 1757, and continued by one of his descendants. He published experiments and observations on electricity, made at Philadelphia, in two parts, 4to, 1753 ; new experiments, 1754 ; a historical view of the constitution and government of Pennsylvania, 1759 ; the interest of Great Britain considered with respect to her colonies, 1760 ; his experiments with the addition of explanatory notes, and letters and papers on philosophical subjects, 1769 ; poli- tical, miscellaneous, and philosophical pieces, 1779 ; and several papers in the Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 81 Two volumes of his essays, with his life, brought down by himself to the year 1750, were published in England in 1792. A collection of his works was first published in London in 1806, entitled, the Complete works in Philosophy, Politics, and Morals of Dr. Frank- lin, first collected and arranged, with a memoir of him, 3 vols. 8vo. Sparks' edition of his life and works is the most complete. In stature, Franklin was above the middle size, and well-propor- tioned. His head was large, and his countenance was marked with the indications of a serene temper, deep thought, and a firm will. In all his public career, he seldom made a speech of over ten minutes' length. But every word was pertinent and full of thought. As a writer, his style was remarkable for ease, force, and variety. He loved to convey the lessons of wisdom in the shape of maxims, be- cause they took a strong hold on the popular mind. He never attacked an abuse with direct vehemence, but chose the mild mode of ridicule ; and this was successful when violent denunciations would have failed. JOHN MORTON. A POVERTY of facts must characterize our biography of a man who acted a distinguished part when the declaration of independence was still a question. John Morton was born in the county of Chester, (then a portion of Pennsylvania, but now Delaware,) about 1721. About the year 1764, he was sent as a delegate to the General As- sembly of Pennsylvania, of which he continued to be for many years an active and influential member. His patriotism and ability secured him a high reputation at the commencement of the difficulties between the colonies and the mother country, and he was elected a delegate to the Congress of 1774. The manner in which he discharged his duties is shown to have been satisfactory by his re-election. Mr. Morton was a decided advocate of the glorious Declaration. The Pennsylvania delegation was divided upon the question, and its com-se depended upon the casting vote of John Morton. He did not hesitate : a man of greater moral intrepidity never lived. He voted in the affirmative, and Pennsylvania stood committed to the Declara- tion. In the following year, Mr. Morton assisted in organizing a system of confederation for the colonies, and was chairman of the committee of the whole when it was adopted — November 15, 1777. Before the close of the year, he died of an inflauunatory fever, in 6 82 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS the fifty-sixth year of his age. He was a man of much energy of character, and remarkable for a sound and accurate judgment. In private life, he was honest, amiable, and social. GEORGE CLYMER. George Clymer was born in Philadelphia, in 1739. The death of his parents left George an orphan at the age of seven years ; but he was well taken care of by his uncle, William Coleman, who bequeathed to him the principal part of his fortune. After the com- pletion of his studies, young Clymer entered into his uncle's count- ing-house, though his inclination for cultivating his mind was much greater than for mercantile pursuits. When discontent had been excited in the colonies by the arbitrary acts of the British Parliament, he was among the first in Pennsylvania to raise his voice in opposition, and was named by a meeting held in Philadelphia, October 16, 1773, chairman of a committee appointed to demand of the commissioners for selling the tea which had been imported into America, on account of the East India Company, their resignation of the office. The demand was complied with. Mr. Clymer was afterward chosen a member of the council of safety, when the increasing troubles rendered such a body necessary. In 1775, he was appointed one of the first continental treasurers, but he resigned his office shortly after his first election to Congress, in August, 1776. His zeal in the cause of his country was displayed by subscribing himself, as well as by encouraging the subscriptions of others, to the loan opened for the purpose of rendering more effec- tive the opposition to the measures of the British ; and also by the disinterested manner in which he exchanged all his specie for con- tinental currency. In July, 1776, he was chosen, together with Doctor Benjamin Rush, James Wilson, George Ross, and George Taylor, Esquires, to supply the vacancy in Congress occasioned by the resignation of the members of the Pennsylvania delegation who ha.d refused their assent to the Declaration of Independence. The new members were not present when the instrument was agreed upon, but they all affixed to it their signatures. In the autumn of 1777, Mr. Clymer's house in Chester county, in which his family resided, was plundered by a band of British soldiers, his property greatly damaged, and his wife and children constrained OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 83 to fly for safety. His services in the cause of liberty seemed, indeed, to have rendered him peculiarly obnoxious to the British ; for, when they took possession of Philadelphia, a numerous body proceeded to tear down the house of his aunt, supposing it to be his, and only desisted when informed of their mistake. In the year 1780, Mr. Clymer was a member of an association which made an oflFer to Con- gress of establishing a bank for the sole purpose of facilitating the transportation of a supply of 3,000,000 of rations and 300 hogsheads of rum to the army, which was on the point of disbanding, in con- sequence of its distressed condition. Congress received the offer, and pledged the faith of the United States to the subscribers to the bank for their full indemnity, and deposited in it, as well for that purpose, as in support of its credit, bills for j£150,000 sterling, on the American ministers in Europe. Mr. Clymer was one of the gentlemen selected to preside over the institution, the good eifects of which were long felt. In November, 1780, Mr. Clymer was again elected to Congress, and strongly advocated there the establishment of a national bank. He was chosen, in May, 1782, to repair, with Mr. Rutledge, to the Southern States, and make such representations as were best adapted to procure from them their quotas for the purposes of the war, which were very remissly furnished. In the autumn of 1784, during which year party spirit had raged with great violence in Pennsylvania, he was elected to the legislature of that State, to assist in opposing the constitutionalists, who were so termed in consequence of their upholding the old constitution, which was justly deemed deficient. Pennsylvania is greatly indebted to his exertions for the amelioration of her penal code, which had previously been of so sanguinary a nature as to produce extreme and almost universal discontent. Mr. Clymer was also a member of the convention which framed the present constitution of the federal government, and was elected to the first Congress which met when it was about to be carried into operation. After serving throughout the term, he declined a re- election. In 1781, a bill having been passed in Congress, imposing a duty on spirits distilled within the United States, he was placed at the head of the excise department in the State of Pennsylvania. In the year 1796, he was appointed, together with Colonel Hawkins and Colonel Pickens, to negotiate a treaty with the Cherokee and Creek Indians of Georgia. He subsequently became the first presi- dent of the Philadelphia Bank, and of the Academy of Arts. He died January 23, 1813, in the seventy-fourth year of his age, at Morrisville, Bucks county, Pennsylvania. 84 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS Mr. Clymer was gifted with a powerful mind, and study and obser- vation gave him a vast amount of information. He was not dis- tinguished as a speaker ; his habits were practical and business-like. To his great intellect was united a pure, generous heart, which moved him to scorn every thing mean and base, and to make exten- sive sacrifices for his country and friends. JAMES SMITH. James Smith was one of the three natives of Ireland who signed the Declaration. He was born in that island some time between 1715 and 1720. His father then became a respectable farmer on the Susquehanna. James received a thorough education, graduating at the college of Philadelphia, and afterward studied law. On being admitted to the bar he fixed his residence near the present town of Shippensburg, where he began business as a lawyer and surveyor. But a short time afterward, he removed to York, where he continued the practice of his profession during the remainder of his life. In 1774, Mr. Smith was a member of the meeting of delegates from all the counties of Pennsylvania, for the purpose of expressing the public sentiment on the expediency of abstaining from importing any goods from England, and assembling a general congress. In January, 1775, Mr. Smith was a member of the Pennsylvania convention, and con- curred in the spirited resolutions which it passed, that "if the British administration should determine by force to effect a submis- sion to the late arbitrary acts of the British Parliament, in such a situation we hold it our indispensable duty to resist such force, and at every hazard to defend the rights and liberties of America." He was also a member of the provincial conference, which assembled on the eighteenth of the ensuing month of June, to establish a new government for Pennsylvania, in consequence of the instructions given by the General Assembly to their delegates in Congress, to resist every measure tending to a separation, and seconded the reso- lution moved by Doctor Rush, to express in form the sentiments of the conference on the subject of a declaration of independence, which was carried, although the obnoxious instructions had been rescinded. Doctor Rush, Mr. Smith, and Thomas M'Kean, were the committee by whom the resolution was drafted. It was unani- OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 85 mously adopted, and signed by the members, and presented to Con- gress, a few days only before the declaration of independence. In July, a convention was assembled in Philadelphia, for the purpose of forming a new constitution for Pennsylvania, of which Colonel Smith was a member. On the twentieth of the month he was elected, by the convention, a member of Congress. He retained his seat in that body until November, 1778, and then resumed his professional pursuits. From these he withdrew in 1800, and died in 1806. The eminent men with whom he was associated, and the high trusts which he faithfully discharged, are the proofs of his ability, energy, and integrity ; and his steady adherence to the cause of inde- pendence, under all circumstances, is evidence of his devoted patriotism. GEORGE TAYLOR. George Taylor was born in Ireland, in 1716. While still a young man he came to America, having no fortune but an energetic mind and industrious habits. He performed menial labour for some time, and then became a clerk in a large iron establishment. Many years afterward, Mr. Taylor's employer died ; the clerk married the widow, and thus became possessed of considerable property. His wealth and ability then secured him influence, and he was elected to a seat in the Assembly of Pennsylvania. At the commencement of the stamp-act excitement Mr. Taylor declared himself a decided Whig, and he continued firm in the faith until his death. In 1776, he was elected to a seat in the Continental Congress. He was not present to vote on the resolution for independence, but he gladly aflBxed his name to the Declaration, pledging all he was worth to the support of the cause. In 1777, Mr. Taylor retired from Congress, and moved to the State of Delaware, where he died, February 23, 1781, in the sixty- fifth year of his age. His career displays the glorious triumph of an indomitable mind over all the circumstances of birth and fortune, and he deserves a place among that noble band of self-made men, who have conferred such lustre upon the free institutions of America — men whom no other country could have produced. 86 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS JAMES WILSON. James Wilson was a native of Scotland, and was born in 1742. His father was a respectable farmer, who could afford to give him the advantage of a thorough education. He studied successively at Glasgow, St. Andrew's, and Edinburgh, and then left Scotland for America. He arrived in 1766 in Philadelphia, where he was first employed as a tutor in the Philadelphia College and Academy, in which capacity he acquired a high reputation as a classical scholar. In a few months, however, he relinquished that occupation, and com- menced the study of the law in the office of the celebrated John Dickinson. At the expiration of two years he was admitted to the bar, and began to practise, first at Reading, and then at Carlisle. From the latter place he removed to Annapolis, and in 1778 re- turned to Philadelphia, where he continued to reside during the rest of his life. Mr. Wilson was elected in 1775 a member of Congress, and took his seat on the 10th of May. He was a uniform advocate of the declaration of independence, though he may have thought, perhaps, that the measure was brought forward prematurely : he voted in favour of it, as well on the first of July, in opposition to the ma- jority of his colleagues from Pennsylvania, as on the 4th, in con- junction with the majority. In 1777 he was superseded in Con- gress, through the influence of party spirit ; but in 1782 he was again honoured with a seat. A few months previously he had been appointed, by the president and supreme executive council, a coun- sellor and agent for Pennsylvania in the controversy between that State and Connecticut, relating to certain lands within the charter boundary of the former, and which were claimed by the latter as in- cluded within her charter. The decision was in favour of Penn^ sylvania. In 1779, Mr. Wilson received the appointment of advocate-general for the French government in the United States, an office the duties of which were both arduous and delicate. He resigned it in 1781, in consequence of difficulties respecting the mode of remuneration. He continued, however, to give advice in such cases as were laid be- fore him by the ministers and consuls of France until 1783, when the French transmitted to him a present of ten thousand livres. In 1787, Mr. Wilson was a member of the convention which framed the constitution of the United States, and was one of the committee who OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 87 reported the draught. In the State convention of Pennsylvania he was principally efficient in causing the constitution to be adopted. He was subsequently a member of the convention which changed the constitution of Pennsylvania, to render it conformable to that of the United States ; and, being one of the committee appointed to pre- pare, was intrusted with the duty of making the draught of the ne- • cessary form. In 1789 he was appointed by General Washington a judge of the supreme court of the United States ; and, while on a circuit in North Carolina, in the discharge of his functions as such, he died at Edenton, 28th of August, 1798, aged about fifty-six years. As a lawyer and judge, Mr. Wilson was eminent for talent and integrity. In private life he was courteous, kind, and hospitable. His political and legal disquisitions are extant in three volumes, and much esteemed. GEORGE ROSS. George Ross was born at New Castle, Delaware, in 1730. His father was then pastor of the Episcopal church at that town. Hav- ing received an excellent education, he devoted his mind to the study of law in Philadelphia, at the age of eighteen. As soon as he was admitted to the bar, he established himself in Lancaster, Pennsyl- vania, where he rapidly acquired influence and reputation. He was considered one of the ablest lawyers in the province. In 1768, Mr. Ross was chosen a representative in the Assembly of Pennsylvania, and retained his seat in that body until 1774, when he was elected one of the delegates to the first general Congress at Philadelphia. At the time of his election, he was also appointed to report to the assembly of the province a set of instructions to regu- late the conduct of himself and his associates. In 1777 indisposi- tion caused Mr. Ross to resign his place in Congress ; on which occa- sion the inhabitants of Lancaster voted him a piece of plate, to be paid for out of the county stock. Mr. Ross, however, thought it his duty to decline the present. On the dissolution of the proprietary government in Pennsylvania, a general convention was assembled, in which Mr. Ross was ap- pointed to assist in preparing a declaration of rights on behalf of the State, in forming rules of order for the convention, and in de- fining and settling what should be considered high treason and mis- 88 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS prision of treason against the State, and what punishment should be inflicted for those offences. In April, 1779, Mr. Ross was appointed a judge of the court of admiralty for the State of Pennsylvania ; but, in the ensuing July, a sudden and violent attack of the gout terminated his life, in the fiftieth year of his age. Few men in the colonies had a fairer prospect of continued dis- tinction than Mr. Ross. His ability was generally known, and a very high position was conceded him among men, the like of whom will not be seen at an early day. CiESAR RODNEY. The father of C^sar Rodney came to America with William Penn, and after a short residence in Philadelphia, settled in Kent, a county now forming a part of the State of Delaware. The subject of this memoir was the eldest son, and was born at Dover, about 1730. He received a good education, and upon the death of his father, he inherited a large landed estate. When but twenty-eight years of age, Mr. Rodney was appointed high sheriff, and on the expiration of his term of service, was created a justice of the peace and a judge of the lower courts. In 1762 Mr. Rodney represented his native county in the legisla- ture ; and in 1765 he was elected by that body a delegate to the Congress that met in New York, for the purpose of consulting upon the measures to be adopted in consequence of the stamp act, and other oppressive enactments of the British government. Mr. Rodney had less of sternness in his nature than we might expect to find in so inflexible a patriot. He was remarkable for a cheerful temper and vivacity of conversation. His abilities were of a practical cast, and the services he rendered to his country were more solid than brilliant. Throughout the struggle for independence, he was esteemed by his countrymen as a true patriot, and on account of his high social position, he acquired more influence than we might suppose him to have possessed, from the paucity of the records of his services. His sacrifices for the cause of his heart were neither few nor far between. Mr. Rodney was a friend to young men whom he discovered to be filled with the right kind of ambition. OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. gQ GEORGE READ, The colleague of Rodney and McKean was born in Cecil county, Maryland, in 1734. Soon after that event his father removed to NeAvcastle county, Delaware. George Read received his education under the superintendence of the Rev. Dr. Allison, and then, at the age of seventeen, commenced the study of the law in Philadelphia. In the year 1753 he was admitted to the bar. In 1754 he settled in Newcastle, Delaware, and commenced the pratice of the law. In 1763, he succeeded John Ross as attorney-general of the State. He held this office till he was elected to Congress in 1775, when he re- signed it. In 1765 he was elected a member of the Assembly of Delaware, which station he continued to occupy for twelve years in succession. In the mean time, however, Mr. Read strenuously sup- ported every measure, and was very conspicuous in resisting every encroachment of British tyranny. In 1774 he was elected by the General Assembly of Delaware, together with Caesar Rodney and Thomas McKean, to represent the State in the first Congress which met at Philadelphia. From this period he continued to represent the State of Delaware in Congress, during the whole of the Revolu- tionary war. He had previously opposed the declaration as a pre- mature measure ; but when it was sanctioned by a large majority of Congress, he gave a ready acquiescence. In September, 1776, Mr. Read was elected president of the convention which formed the first constitution of Delaware. In 1782 he was appointed one of the judges of the court of appeals, in admiralty cases, for the state of Delaware. In 1787 he was a member of the convention which framed the constitution of the United States. Mr. Read continued in the Senate of the United States till Sep- tember, 1793, when he was appointed chief-justice of the supreme court of the State of Delaware. He performed the duties of this office with great ability and integrity, till the autumn of 1798, when his long life of public usefulness was terminated by a short and sud- den illness. In person, Mr. Read was above the middle height, portly, erect, and dignified in bearing. Energy and judgment were the prominent features of his character. The many marks of the confidence of his fellow-citizens which he received during his useful career, evinced their high estimate of his abilities and integrity. 90 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS THOMAS McKEAN. Thomas McKean was born on the 19tli of Marcli, 1734, in Chester county, in the then province of Pennsylvania. His father, William McKean, was a native of Ireland, but married in this coun- try. The subject of this memoir was, at an early age, placed under the tuition of the Rev. Francis Allison, D. D., a man of distinguished learning, and who conducted the most celebrated academy in the province. In that institution Thomas McKean acquired a sound knowledge of the languages, and was instructed in the practical branches of the mathematics and moral philosophy. He proceeded to Newcastle, Delaware, and read law in the office of David Kinney, Esquire. Having been admitted to the bar, he continued to reside at Newcastle, where he soon acquired a solid reputation, and ob- tained full business. Extending his practice into Pennsylvania, he was, in the year 1757, admitted to the bar of the supreme court of that province. During the early part of his career, he was particu- larly remarkable for his attentive habits of business, and for his de- votion to the acquisition of knowledge, and thus laid the foundation of his subsequent usefulness and distinction. In the year 1762, Mr. McKean was elected a member of assembly for Newcastle county, and was annually returned for eleven successive years, until his removal to Philadelphia as a place of residence ; and even after that removal, so great was the confidence reposed in him by the freeholders of Newcastle county, that they elected him annually for six years more, though he frequently communicated to them through the newspapers his desire to decline the honour. At the end of this period, after he had represented Delaware in Congress, and become chief justice of Pennsylvania, an occurrence took place of so in- teresting a character, that we think it worthy of being related to our readers. On the day of the general election in Delaware, in October, 1779, he waited on his constituents at Newcastle, and after a long address on the situation and prospects of the United States, in which he displayed the wisdom of the statesman and the energy of the patriot, he desired to be no longer considered one of the candidates for the State legislature, assigning reasons which were received as satisfactory. Soon after he had retired, a committee of the electors present waited on him, informed him that they would excuse him from serving in the Assembly, but requested, in the name of the electors, that as the times were critical, and they could fully OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 91 rely on his judgment, lie would recommend seven persons in whom they might confide, as representatives. So singular a method of ex- hibiting their confidence in him, could not but excite his surprise ; however, he instantly acknowledged the compliment, and desired the committee to acquaint his fellow-citizens, that he thanked them for the honour intended him, but as he knew not only seven but seventy of the gentlemen then attending the election, whom he believed to be worthy of their votes, he felt assured they would not, on further reflection, subject him to the hazard of giving ofi"ence, by the pre- ference he must show if he complied with their requests ; and hoped to be excused. The committee having left him, soon returned, and stated that the electors after hearing his reply, had unanimously re- iterated their request, and declared that a compliance by him would ofiend no one. He thereupon, instantly, though reluctantly, wrote down seven names, and handed them to the committee, with the ob- servation that his conduct would at least evidence a reciprocity of confidence between them. The election proceeded harmoniously, and resulted in the choice of the seven gentlemen whom he had thus named. He was afterward accustomed to speak of this transaction as one of the most gratifying circumstances of his life. Upon the adoption of the first act of the British Parliament, im- posing " stamp duties" on the colonies, a Congress of committees from the different legislative assemblies was, upon the suggestion of the assembly of Massachusetts Bay, convened at New York, in Oc- tober, 1765. Of this Congress, Mr. McKean was a representative from Delaware, and was the surviving member. He was one of the committee appointed to draft an address to the House of Commons of Great Britain. At this early period he displayed, in support of the rights of his country, that unbending firmness and energy which illustrated his subsequent public conduct. On his return to New Castle, he, with his colleague, Mr. Rodney, received the unanimous thanks of the assembly of Delaware. He continued to be engaged in various public employments, and, in 1765, was appointed a justice of the court of common pleas and quarter sessions, and of the orphans' court for the county of New Castle. In November term, 1765, and in the February term, 1766, he sat on the bench which ordered all the oflBcers of the court to proceed in their several voca- tions, as usual, on unstamped paper. This was done accordingly, and it is believed this was the first court that made such an order in any of the colonies. In relation to all the public events which soon after followed, IMr. McKean's opinions were firm and decided. He was uniform and 92 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS energetic in resisting the usurpations of the British crown. Immedi- ately after the second attempt of the mother country to raise a re- venue from the colonies without their consent, which was made by an act imposing a duty on tea, &c., a correspondence took place among leading and influential characters, in most of the colonies, who concerted measures of opposition to this proceeding, and procured a meeting of delegates from their respective houses of Assembly, at Philadelphia, in September, 1774. Mr. McKean took an active part in this affair, as he had done in 1765, and was appointed a representative of Delaware, though he had, a short time before, removed his residence to Philadelphia. At the opening of this Congress, whose conduct proved it the most glorious assemblage which the world ever knew, Mr. McKean appeared as a representative from Delaware. He was annually returned as a member, until the independence of his country was formally ac- knowledged by the treaty of peace in 1783. Two circumstances are peculiar in his history as connected with this period. He was the only man who was, without intermission of time, a member of the Revolutionary Congress from the day of its opening, in 1774, till the preliminaries of the peace of 1783 were signed. The various public duties of different members, with other circumstances, concurred to produce this fact. Though he was also engaged in other important public affairs, yet his residence at Phila- delphia induced his constituents to continue to return him. The other circumstance to which we refer is, that while he represent- ed the State of Delaware in this Congress, until 1783, and was in 1781 president of Congress, as will be presently stated, yet from July, 1777, he held the appointment and executed the duties of -chief- justice of Pennsylvania. Each of these States claimed him as her own ; and for each were his talents faithfully exerted. Mr. McKean was particularly active and useful in procuring the declaration of independence, 1776. Delaware was represented in Congress by Caesar Rodney, George Read, and Thomas McKean. Mr. Rodney was absent when the question was discussed in com- mittee of the whole, and Mr. Read in committee had voted against the declaration. Delaware was thus divided. All the other States, except Pennsylvania, had voted in favour of the measure, and it therefore became important to the friends of the declaration that the votes of these two States should be secured. Mr. McKean im- mediately, at his own expense, sent an express for Mr. Rodney, who, in consequence of it, arrived in Philadelphia just as Congress was assembling on the morning of the 4th of July. OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 93 Shortly after the declaration of independence, Mr. McKcan was appointed colonel of a regiment of associators of the city of Phila- delphia, and marched at the head of them to support General Wash- ington, until a flying camp of ten thousand men was raised. On his return to Philadelphia he found he had been elected a member of the convention for forming a constitution for the State of Dela- ware. He proceeded to New Castle and wrote in a tavern, without a book or any assistance, the constitution which was afterward adopted. On the 10th of July, 1781, he was elected president of Congress. The following extracts from the journal will illustrate this part of our subject, and, it is thought, will prove interesting to the reader : — "October 23, 1781, the secretary laid before Congress a letter from the president in the words following : " Sir — I beg you to remind Congress that when they did me the honour of electing me president, and before I assumed the chair, I informed them that as chief-justice of Pennsylvania, I should be under the necessity of attending the supreme court of that State in the latter end of September, or, at farthest, in October. That court will be held to-day. I must, therefore, request that they will be pleased to proceed to the choice of another president. "I am, sir, with much respect, your most obedient humble servant, " Thomas McKean. " Charles Thomson, Secretary of Congress." "Whereupon, resolved, That the resignation of Mr. McKean be accepted. " Ordered, That the election of a president be postponed until to-morrow." " October 24, 1781. On motion of Mr. Witherspoon, seconded by Mr. Montgomery, "Resolved, unanimously, That Mr. McKean be requested to re- sume the chair, and act as president, until the first Monday in No- vember next, the resolution of yesterday notwithstanding." "November 5th, 1781. Congress proceeded to the election of a president, and the ballot being taken, the Honourable John Hanson was elected." "November 7th, 1781. Resolved, That the thanks of Congress be given to the Honourable Thomas McKean, late president of Con- gress, in testimony of their approbation of his conduct in the chair, and in the execution of public business." His commission, as chief-justice of Pennsylvania, was dated July 28th, 1777. During the progress of the Revolution, Philadelphia 94 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS being the seat of government of the States, and an object of peculiar watchfulness on the part of the enemy, the just performance of Mr. McKean's judicial functions required not only the learning of the lawyer, but the unyielding spirit of the patriot. We find him pro- claiming from the bench the law of justice and his country with dis- tinguished learning, ability, and integrity. Regardless of the powers of the crown of Great Britain, he did not hesitate to hazard his own life by causing to be punished, even unto death, those who were proved to be traitors to their country, while he demonstrated that popular excitement against individuals accused of offences, could not in the slightest degree divert him from the sound and inflexible discharge of his public duty. It was energy, tempered with justice and humanity, that carried us triumphantly through the terrible conflict. Having passed through the trying scenes of the Revolution with the well-earned and undisputed reputation of being one of the most unwavering and efficient Whigs of the times, he devoted himself to the discharge of the duties of chief-justice until the year 1799, when he was elected governor of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and he continued to discharge the duties of that office for nine years with great ability. In 1808 he retired from public life, and the remainder of his days were passed in the peaceful pursuits of science and litera- ture. Mr. McKean died at his mansion in Philadelphia, on the 24th of June, 1817, in the eighty-fourth year of his age. In person, Mr. McKean was tall, erect, and well formed. His countenance expressed the firmness and intelligence for which he was distinguished, and his manners were dignified and impressive. He was a man of vast influence in his time, and his proudest eulogy may be, that he ever sought to use that influence for the advance- ment of true principles. He was an effective speaker, and his state papers are marked by a singular force of language. SAMUEL CHASE. The leading advocate of independence in Maryland was Samuel Chase. He was born in Somerset county, Maryland, on the 17th of April, 1741. His father, a learned clergyman, instructed him in the ancient classics, and subsequently placed him at Annapolis as a student of laAv. He was admitted to the bar at the age of twenty. OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 95 Ilis talents, industry, intrepidity, imposing stature, sonorous voice, and fluent and energetic elocution, raised him to eminence in a very few years. Having become a member of the colonial legislature, he dis- tinguished himself by his bold opposition to the royal governor and the court party. He took the lead in denouncing and resisting the famous stamp act. His revolutionary spirit, his oratory and repu- tation, placed him at the head of the active adversaries of the British government in his State. The Maryland convention of the 22d of June, 1774, appointed Mr. Chase to attend the meeting of the general Congress at Phila- delphia in September of that year. He was also present and con- spicuous at the session of December following, and in the subsequent congresses during the most critical periods of the Revolution. That of 1776 deputed him on a mission to Canada, along with Dr. Franklin, Charles Carroll of Carrollton, and the Rev. John Carroll, afterward Catholic Archbishop of Baltimore. It was Mr. Chase who denounced to Congress the Rev. Dr. Zubly, a delegate from Georgia, as a traitor to the American cause, and forced him to a precipitate and ignominious flight. He signed the Declaration of Independence with promptitude, and was an active and able member of Congress almost throughout the war ; at the end of which he re- turned to the practice of his profession. In June, 1783, the legisla- ture of Maryland sent him to London, as a commissioner, to recover stock of the Bank of England and large sums of money which be- longed to the State. He remained in England nearly a year, during which time he put the claim in a train of adjustment. There he passed much of his time in the society of the most eminent states- men and lawyers. In the year 1791, Mr. Chase accepted the appointment of chief- justice of the general court of Maryland. Five years afterward, President Washington made him an associate-judge of the supreme court of the United States. Political cases of deep interest having been tried when he presided in the circuit courts, and his conduct having given much displeasure to the democratic party, he was im- peached by the House of Representatives at Washington. The trial of the judge before the Senate is memorable on account of the ex- citement which it produced, the ability with Avhich he was defended, and the nature of his acquittal. A full report of it has been pub- lished. He continued to exercise his judicial functions with the highest reputation until the year 1811, in which his health failed. He expired June 19 of that year. Judge Chase possessed a high degree of moral courage, and never 96 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS wavered in the discharge of what he believed to be his duty. His decisions were generally sagacious. He was a powerful orator, and at the bar had few superiors in his time. WILLIAM PACA. William Paca was born October 31, 1740, and was the second son of a gentleman of large estate, who resided in Hartford county, Maryland. After receiving his degree of bachelor of arts at the College of Philadelphia in 1759, he studied law, and, when admitted to the bar, established himself at Annapolis. In 1771 he was elected a representative of the county in the legislature, and sup- ported the cause of the people against the proprietary government of the province. He was a member of the first national Congress of 1774. He was successively re-elected to the same station until 1778, when he retired, and in the same year, was appointed chief-justice of the supreme court of his State. In 1780, Congress appointed Mr. Paca chief judge of the court of appeals in prize and admiralty cases. In 1782 he was chosen governor of his State. At the close of the year he retired to private life. In 1786 he was again raised to the chief-magistracy, and con- tinued in it for a year. On the organization of the federal govern- ment in 1789 he was appointed by President Washington judge of the district court of the United States for Maryland. In that office he died, in 1799, in the sixtieth year of his age. Judge Paca was a man of talent and cultivated mind, of graceful address and at- tractive manners, of moral worth and political integrity. THOMAS STONE. Thomas Stone was descended from William Stone, Governor of Maryland during the protectorate of Cromwell. He received a thorough and classical education, then studied law, and began the practice of his profession in Fredericktown, Maryland. His repu- tation for learning and patriotism procured his election to the ge- neral Congress of the colonies, and he took his seat in that body in OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 97 May, 1775. That he faithfully discharged the duties of his position is established by the fact of his repeated re-election. Soon after the delaration of independence, to which he had subscribed his name, he was one of the committee appointed by Congress to prepare arti- cles of confederation. After the plan reported was agreed to, Mr. Stone declined a re-election, but became a member of the Maryland legislature, in which he greatly contributed to procure favour for the system adopted. In 1783 he was again sent to Congress. lie then finally retired, and engaged actively in the duties of his profession ; but in 1787 the death of his wife engendered a deep and abiding melancholy. His health declined ; and, on the fifth of October of the same year, he suddenly expired, in the forty-fifth year of his age, when on the point of embarking for England. Mr. Stone possessed an amiable and affectionate disposition, which the stern cares of public life could not suppress. He was generally beloved and esteemed for his private virtues. His abilities as a lawyer were of a high order, and his information was of great ser- vice in the first organization of our national government. CHARLES CARROLL. He who reads the names affixed to the Declaration, will be struck with the peculiar addition to the name of Charles Carroll, one of the delegates from Maryland. It reads " Charles Carroll of Carrollton," and was so written by the patriotic delegate, in order to leave no doubt as to which Charles Carroll it was who pledged his "life, fortune, and sacred honour" to the cause of independence. Mr. Carroll was born at Annapolis, Maryland, on the 20th of Sep- tember, 1737. His father was a wealthy gentleman, and a very decided Roman Catholic. Charles was sent to France, to obtain a thorough education, in accordance with the doctrines and practices of the Church of Rome ; and, in 1765, he returned to Maryland, a highly accomplished man. He immediately began to take an active part in public affairs, and acquired extensive reputation and in- fluence. At the commencement of the colonial troubles, Mr. Carroll appeared as a decided supporter of the rights of his countrymen. His zeal increased as the danger of open conflict became more im- minent. In July, 1770 he was elected to a scat in the Continental 7 98 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS Congress, where he advocated and signed the Declaration of In- dependence. Mr. Carroll was an active member of Congress. His varied in- formation and willingness to make every sacrifice for his country caused him to be influential and popular. When a committee was appointed to proceed to Canada and endeavour to rouse the Canadians to aid the other patriots, he was chosen as a person fitted by talents and religion to effect the object. But the committee failed. He retired from Congress in 1778, but continued to take an active part in public affairs, particularly in the councils of his native State. In 1789, Mr. Carroll was elected United States Senator, and he served in that capacity until 1801, when he retired from public life. From that period till his death, he lived in the enjoyment of accumulated honours and domestic happiness. This distinguished patriot died on the 14th of November, 1832, at the age of ninety-four years. He was the last survivor of the signers of the Declaration of Independ- ence, and in spite of his extreme old age, the news of his death was received by his countrymen with many demonstrations of sorrow. GEORGE WYTHE. The name of Chancellor Wythe stands high in the history of Vir- ginia, and his career illustrates the triumph of a great mind over mean associations. He was born in the county of Elizabeth City in 1726. His father was a respectable farmer, and his mother was a woman of uncommon knowledge and strength of mind. She taught the Latin language, with which she was intimately acquainted, and which she spoke fluently, to her son ; but his education was in other respects very much neglected. At school he learned only to read and write, and to apply the five first rules of arithmetic. His parents having died before he attained the age of twenty-one years, like many unthinking youths he commenced a career of dissipation and in- temperance, and did not disengage himself from it before he reached the age of thirty. He then bitterly lamented the loss of those nine years of his life, and of the learning which during that period he might have acquired. But never did any man more effectually redeem his time. From the moment when he resolved on reforma- tion, he devoted himself most intensely to his studies. Without the assistance of any instructor he acquired an accurate knowledge of OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 99 the Greek, and he read the hest authors in that as well as in the Latin language. He made himself also a profound lawyer, becoming perfectly versed in the civil and common law, and in the statutes of Great Britain and Virginia. He was also a skilful mathematician, and was well acquainted with moral and natural philosophy. The wild and thoughtless youth was now converted into a sedate and pru- dent man, delighting entirely in literary pursuits. At this period he acquired that attachment to the Christian religion, which, though his faith was afterward shaken by the diflSculties suggested by skep- tical writers, never altogether forsook him, and toward the close of his life was renovated and firmly established. Though he never con- nected himself with any sect of Christians, yet for many years he constantly attended church, and the Bible was his favourite book. Having obtained a license to practice law, he took his station at the bar of the old general court with many other great men, whose merit has been the boast of Virginia. Among them he was con- spicuous not for his eloquence, or ingenuity in maintaining a bad cause, but for his sound sense and learning, and rigid attachment to justice. He never undertook the support of a cause which he knew to be bad, or which did not appear to be just and honourable. He was even known, Avhen he doubted the statement of his client, to insist upon his making an affidavit to its truth ; and in every in- stance, where it was in his power, he examined the witnesses as to the facts intended to be proved, before he brought the suit or agreed to defend it. "When the time arrived which Heaven had destined for the separa- tion of the confederated republic of America from the dominion of Great Britain, Mr. Wythe was one of the instruments in the hands of Providence for accomplishing that great work. He took a decided part in the very first movements of opposition. Not content merely to fall in with the wishes of his fellow-citizens, he assisted in per- suading them not to submit to British tyranny. With a prophetic mind he looked forward to the event of an approaching war, and resolutely prepared to encounter all its evils rather than to resign his attachment to liberty. With his pupil and friend, Thomas Jeffer- son, he roused the people to resistance. As the controversy grew warm, his zeal became proportionally fervent. He joined a corps of volunteers, accustomed himself to military discipline, and was ready to march at the call of his country. But that country, to whose in- terests he was so sincerely attached, had other duties of more im- portance for him to perform. It was his destiny to obtain distinc- tion as a statesman, legislator, and judge, and not as a warrior. 100 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS Before the war commenced, lie was elected a member of the Virginia Assembly. After having been for some time speaker of the house of burgesses, he was sent by the members of that body as one of their delegates to the Congress which assembled May 18, 1775, and did not separate until it had declared the independence of America. In that most enlightened and patriotic assembly he possessed no small share of influence. He was one of those who signed the memorable Declaration. But the voice of his native State soon called him from the busy scene where his talents had been so nobly exerted. By a resolution of the General Assembly of Virginia, dated November 5, 1776, Thomas Jefferson, Edmund Pendleton, George Wythe, George Mason, and Thomas Ludwell Lee were appointed a committee to revise the laws of the commonwealth. This was a work of very great labour and diiEculty. The committee of revisors did not disappoint the expectations of their country. In the commencement of their labours they were deprived of the assistance which might have been received from the abilities of Messrs. Mason and Lee, by the death of the one and the resignation of the other. The remaining three prosecuted their task with indefatigable activity and zeal, and June 18, 1779, made a report of one hundred and twenty-six bills, which they had prepared. This report showed an intimate knowledge of the great principles of legislation, and reflected the highest honour upon those who formed it. The people of Virginia are indebted to it for almost all the best parts of their present code of laws. Among the changes then made in the monarchical system of jurisprudence, which had been previously in force, the most important were effected by the act abolishing the right of primogeniture, and directing the real estate of persons dying intestate to be equally divided among their children, or other nearest relations ; by the act for regulating conveyances, which converted all estates in tail into fees simple, and thus destroyed one of the supports of the proud and overbearing dis- tinctions of particular families; and finally by the act for the esta- blishment of religious freedom. Had all the proposed bills been adopted by the legislature, other changes of great importance would have taken place. A wise and universal system of education would have been established, giving to the children of the poorest citizen the opportunity of attaining science, and thus of rising to honour and extensive usefulness. The proportion between crimes and punish- ments would have been better adjusted, and malefactors would have been made to promote the interests of the commonwealth by their labour. But the public spirit of the Assembly could not keep pace with the liberal views of Wythe. OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 101 After finishing the task of new modelling the laws, he was em- ployed to carry them into effect according to their true intent and spirit by being placed in the difficult office of judge of a court of equity. He was appointed one of the three judges of the high court of chancery, and afterward sole chancellor of Virginia, in which station he continued until the day of his death, during a period of more than twenty years. His extraordinary disinterestedness and patriotism were now most conspicuously displayed. Although the salary allowed him by the commonwealth was extremely scanty, yet he contentedly lived upon it even in the expensive city of Richmond, and devoted his whole time to the service of his country. With that contempt of wealth which so remarkably distinguished him from other men, he made a present of one-half of his land in Elizabeth City to his nephew, and the purchase-money of the remainder, which he sold, was not paid him for many years. While he resided in Williamsburg he accepted the professorship of law in the College of William and Mary, but resigned it when his duties as chancellor required his removal to Richmond. His resources were therefore small; yet with his liberal and charitable disposition he continued by means of that little to do much good, and always to preserve his independence. This he accomplished by temperance and economy. He was a member of the Virginia convention which in June, 1788, considered the proposed constitution of the United States. During the debates he acted, for the most part, as chairman. Being con- vinced that the confederation was defective in the energy necessary to preserve the union and liberty of America, this venerable patriot, then beginning to bow under the weight of years, rose in the con- vention, and exerted his voice, almost too feeble to be heard, in con- tending for a system, on the acceptance of which he conceived the happiness of his country to depend. He was ever attached to the constitution, on account of the principles of freedom and justice which it contained; and in every change of affairs he was steady in supporting the rights of man. His political opinions were always firmly republican. Though in 1798 and 1799 he was opposed to the measures which were adopted in the administration of President Adams, and reprobated the alien and sedition laws a-ud the raising of the army, yet he never yielded a moment to the rancour of party spirit, nor permitted the difference of opinion to interfere with his private friendships. He presided twice successively in the college of electors of Virginia, and twice voted for a president whose po- litical principles coincided with his own. After a short but very excruciating sickness, he died June 8, 1806, in the eighty-first year 102 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS of his age. It was supposed that he was poisoned, but the person suspected was acquitted by a jury of his countrymen. By his last will and testament he bequeathed his valuable library and philosophi- cal apparatus to his friend, Mr. Jefferson, and distributed the re- mainder of his little property among the grand-children of his sister, and the slaves whom he had set free. He thus wished to liberate the blacks not only from slavery, but from the temptations to vice. He even condescended to impart to them instruction; and he personally taught the Greek language to a little negro boy, who died a few days before his preceptor. Chancellor Wythe was indeed an extraordinary man. With all his great qualities he possessed a soul replete with benevolence, and his private life is full of anecdotes which prove that it is seldom that a kinder and warmer heart throbs in the breast of a human being. He was of a social and affectionate disposition. From the time when he was emancipated from the follies of youth, he sustained an unspotted reputation. His integrity was never even suspected. While he practised at the bar, when offers of an extraordinary but well-merited compensation were made to him by clients whose causes he had gained, he would say that the labourer was indeed worthy of his hire, but the lawful fee was all he had a right to demand, and as to presents, he did not want and would not accept them from any man. This grandeur of mind he uniformly preserved to the end of his life. His manner of living was plain and abstemious. He found the means of suppressing the desire of wealth by limiting the number of his wants. An ardent desire to promote the happiness of his fellow-men by supporting the cause of justice and maintaining and establishing their rights appears to have been his ruling passion. RICHARD HENRY LEE. Richard Henry Lee, the bold mover of the Declaration, was born at Stratford, Westmoreland county, Virginia, on the 20th of January, 1732. After a course of tuition in his father's house, he was sent to the academy of Wakefield, in Yorkshire, England. He there became distinguished for his classic acquirements. He returned to his native country when about in his nineteenth year, and, his fortune rendering it unnecessary for him to devote himself to any profession, his time was most usefully spent in the OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 103 improvement of his mind. The first endeavour which he made to serve his country, was in the capacity of captain of the volunteer companies which were raised in 1755, for the purpose of aiding the expedition under General Braddock. He was disappointed, how- ever, in his patriotic desires, Braddock having refused to accept any more assistance from the provincials than he was obliged to. In his twenty-fifth year, Lee was appointed a justice of the peace for his native county — an office then given only to persons of the highest character, and generally but to persons of considerable ex- perience. Not long afterward, he was chosen a delegate to the house of burgesses, from Westmoreland county, and thus commenced the career of politics, for which he was peculiarly fitted, both by his natural disposition and talents, and the studies in which he was versed. Works of civil and political morality, history, the prifici- ples of the civil law, and the laws of his own country, had occupied the principal share of his time, while he had not neglected the more elegant departments of polite literature; and he soon obtained dis- tinction in debate. His voice was always raised in support of those principles which were advocated by the republican or anti-aristocratic portion of the legislature; and when, in 1764, the declaratory act was passed in the British Parliament, in pursuance of the right claimed by that body of taxing America, he was the first to bring forward the subject to the notice of the Assembly of which he was a member. A special committee having, in consequence, been ap- pointed to draught an address to the king, a memorial to the House of Lords, and a remonstrance to the House of Commons, Mr. Lee was placed on it, and selected to prepare the two first papers. Tliese, accordingly, proceeded from his pen, and, in the words of his biogra- pher and grandson, "contain the genuine principles of the Revolution, and abound in the firm and eloquent sentiments of freemen." In 1765, Patrick Henry introduced in the Virginia legislature his famous resolutions against the stamp act, which had just been passed by the British Parliament. Mr. Lee lent Mr. Henry's mo- tion his powerful and most zealous assistance. Not long after it had been carried, in spite of the efforts of the influential party, who advocated the measures of the mother country, Mr. Lee, among other methods which he took to prevent the operations of the stamp act, planned and effected an association "for the purpose of deterring all persons from accepting the office of vender of stamp paper, and for awing into silence and inactivity those who might still be attached to the supremacy of the mother country, and disposed to advocate the right of colony taxation." The association bound themselves to 104 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS exert every faculty to accomplish the end for which they had united together, "at every hazard, and paying no regard to danger or to death." In consequence of the opposition the stamp act encountered in the colonies, the British ministry were forced to repeal it; but they did so with a reservation of the right of the mother country "to bind the colonies in all cases whatever." In 1767, Parliament having passed two acts, one laying a tax on tea, and the other requiring the legislature of the colony "to make provision for quartering a part of the regular army," Mr. Lee exerted himself in every way to excite a spirit of hostility to them, perceiving, as he did, their despotic tendency, and feeling, even then, that a struggle for freedom must eventually take place. It would be im- possible for us, consistently with our limits, to enter into a minute detail of the unceasing efforts of Mr. Lee's patriotism between this period and the assembling of the first Congress in Philadelphia; we can only mention that the celebrated plan which was adopted in 1773, by the house of burgesses, for the formation of corresponding committees to be organized by the legislature of the several colonies, and also that of corresponding clubs or societies, among the "lovers of liberty" throughout the provinces, for the purpose of diffusing among the people a correct knowledge of their rights, of keeping them informed of every attempt to infringe them, and of rousing a spirit of resistance to arbitrary measures — both originated with him. The same idea had, about the same time, been conceived and pro- posed by Samuel Adams, in Massachusetts — a circumstance which has occasioned a dispute concerning the merit of having given birth to measures which were the forerunners of the general Congress. In 1774, the first general Congress assembled at Philadelphia, and Mr. Lee attended it as one of the Virginia delegation. His labours during this session, as throughout his whole congressional career, until his zeal and activity were partially arrested by bodily infirmi- ties, were unremitting. Of all the leading committees — those to prepare an address to the King of England, to the people of Britain, and to the colonies, and those to state the rights and grievances of the colonies, and to carry into effect the resolution of non-intercourse with Great Britain — he was a member ; and from his pen proceeded the memorial of Congress to the people of British America. In the following year, he was unanimously elected by the people of West- moreland county to the Assembly of Virginia, by which he was sent to the second Congress. At this period, hostilities were in full operation between the two countries, and one of the first acts of the new Congress was to invest George Washington with the command OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 105 of its armies. His commission and instructions were furnished by Mr. Lee, as chairman of the committee appointed for that purpose. The other committees on which he served in this session were those named to prepare munitions of war, to encourage the manufacture of saltpetre and arms, and to devise a plan for the more rapid dif- fusion of intelligence throughout the colonies. The second address of Congress to the people of Great Britain — a composition unsur- passed by any of the state papers of the time — was written by him this session. But the most important of his services, in this second congressional term, was his motion, June 7, 1776, « that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British croAvn ; and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." His speech on intro- ducing this bold and glorious measure, was one of the most brilliant displays of eloquence ever heard on the floor. From this great effort we make the following extract to illustrate the style of Mr. Lee : — '< Who doubts then that a declaration of independence will procure us allies ? All nations are desirous of procuring by commerce the production of our exuberant soil ; they will visit our ports, hitherto closed by the monopoly of insatiable England. They are no less eager to contemplate the reduction of her hated power; they all loathe her barbarous dominion; their succours will evince to our brave countrymen the gratitude they bear them for having been the first to shake the foundation of this Colossus. Foreign princes wait only for the extinction of all hazard of reconciliation to throw off their present reserve. If this measure is useful, it is no less becom- ing our dignity. America has arrived at a degree of power which assigns her a place among independent nations. We are not less entitled to it than the English themselves. If they have wealth, so have we ; if they are brave, so are we ; if they are more numerous, our population, through the incredible fruitfulness of our chaste wives, will soon equal theirs ; if they have men of renown, as well in peace as in war, we likewise have such; for political revolutions usually produce great, brave, and generous spirits. From what we have already achieved in these painful beginnings, it is easy to pre- sume what we shall hereafter accomplish, for experience is the source of sage counsels, and liberty is the mother of great men. Have you not seen the enemy driven from Lexington, by thirty thousand citi- zens armed and assembled in one day? Already their most cele- brated generals have yielded in Boston to the skill of ours ; already 106 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS their seamen, repulsed from our coasts, wander over the ocean, •where they are the sport of the tempest and the prey of famine. Let us hail the favourable omen, and fight, not for the sake of know- ing on what terms we are to be the slaves of England, but to secure to ourselves a free existence, to found a just and independent govern- ment. Animated by liberty, the Greeks repulsed the innumerable army of Persians ; sustained by the love of independence, the Swiss and the Dutch humbled the power of Austria by memorable defeats, and conquered a rank among nations. But the sun of America also shines upon the heads of the brave; the point of our weapons is no less formidable than theirs; here also the same union prevails, the same contempt of danger and of death in asserting the cause of our country. "Why then do we longer delay; why still deliberate? Let this most happy day give hirtlb to the American Republic. Let her arise, not to devastate and conquer, but to re-establish the reign of peace and of the laws. The eyes of Europe are fixed upon us ! she de- mands of us a living example of freedom, that may contrast, by the felicity of the citizens, with the ever-increasing tyranny which deso- lates her polluted shores. She invites us to prepare an asylum where the unhappy may find solace, and the persecuted, repose. She entreats us to cultivate a propitious soil, where that generous plant, which first sprang up and grew in England, but is now withered by the poisonous blasts of Scottish tyranny, may revive and flourish, sheltering under its salubrious and interminable shade all the un- fortunate of the human race. This is the end presaged by so many omens, by our first victories, by the present ardour and union, by the flight of Howe and the pestilence which broke out among Dun- more's people, by the very winds which bafiled the enemy's fleets and transports, and that terrible tempest which engulfed seven hundred vessels upon the coast of Newfoundland. If we are not this day wanting in our duty to the country, the names of the American legislators will be exalted, in the eyes of posterity, to a level with those of Theseus, Lycurgus, of Romulus, of Numa, of the three Williams of Nassau, and of all those whose memory has been, and will be for ever dear to virtuous men and good citizens." After a protracted debate, it was determined, June 10, to post- pone the consideration of this resolution until the first Monday of the ensuing month of July ; but a committee was ordered to be im- mediately appointed to prepare a Declaration of Independence. Of this committee he would have been the chairman, according to par- liamentary regulations with regard to the original mover of an OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 107 approved resolution; but he was obliged on the same day (the 10th) to leave Congress, and hasten to Virginia, in consequence of the dangerous illness of some of the members of his family. Mr. Jeffer- son was substituted for him, and drew up the Declaration. In August following, Mr. Lee returned to his seat in Congress, which he con- tinued to occupy until June, 1777, pursuing, with unabated ardour, the path which was to lead to the freedom and happiness of his country. In that month he solicited leave of absence, and returned to Vir- ginia. This step was taken on account of the delicate state of his health, and also for the purpose of clearing his reputation from certain stains which malice or overheated zeal had thrown upon it, which he effectually did, by demanding an inquiry into the allega- tions against him, from the Assembly of his native State. The result of this inquiry was a most honourable acquittal, accompanied by a vote of thanks to him for the fidelity and zeal of his patriotic ser- vices, which the speaker of the house, the venerable George Wythe, in communicating it to him, prefaced by a warm and flattering eulogy. In August, 1778, he was again elected to Congress, but was forced by his declining health to withdraw in a great degree from the arduous labours to which he had hitherto devoted himself. In 1780 he retired from his seat, and declined returning to it until 1784. In the interval he served in the Assembly of Virginia, and, at the head of the militia of his county, protected it from the incursions of the enemy. In 1784 he was chosen president of Congress by a unani- mous vote, but retired at the end of the year; and, in 1786, was re- elected to the Virginia Assembly. In the convention which adopted the present constitution of the United States, Mr. Lee joined in the vote of Congress which submitted the plan they proposed to con- ventions of the people of the States. He was, however, hostile to it himself, thinking that it had too great a tendency to consolidation. When it was adopted, he and Mr. Grayson were chosen the first senators from Virginia under it, and, in that capacity, he moved and carried several amendments. In 1792 his health forced him to retire from public life, when he was again honoured by the Virginia legislature with a vote of thanks. He died June 19, 1794. The classic pen of William Wirt has thus delineated the character of Mr. Lee : — "Mr. Lee had studied the classics in the true spirit of criticism. His taste had that delicate touch which seized with intuitive cer- tainty every beauty of an author, and his genius that native affinity which combined them without an effort. Into every walk of litera- ture and science, he had carried this mind of exquisite selection, 108 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS and brought it back to the business of life, crowned with every light of learning, and decked with every wreath that all the muses and all the graces could entwine. Nor did those light decorations constitute the whole value of its freight. He possessed a rich store of historical and political knowledge, with an activity of observation, and a certainty of judgment, that turned that knowledge to the very best account. He was not a lawyer by profession; but he under- stood thoroughly the constitution both of the mother country and of her colonies ; and the elements also of the civil and municipal law. Thus while his eloquence was free from those stiff and technical restraints, which the habits of forensic speaking are so apt to gene- rate, he had all the legal learning which is necessary to a statesman. He reasoned well, and declaimed freely and splendidly. Such was his promptitude, that he required no preparation for debate. He was ready for any subject as soon as it was announced; and his speech was so copious, so rich, so mellifluous, set off with such cadence of voice, and such captivating grace of action, that, while you listened to him, you desired to hear nothing superior, and, indeed, thought him perfect." BENJAMIN HARRISON. The date of the birth of Benjamin Harrison is not accurately known. He was a student in the College of William and Mary, when his father and two sisters were simultaneously killed by a stroke of lightning. He went early into public life, (in which his ancestors had long been distinguished,) commencing his political career in 1764, as a member of the legislature of his native province. The eminence which he acquired in that capacity, combined with the in- fluence naturally accruing from fortune and distinguished family connections, rendered it an object for the royal government to enlist him in their favour ; and he was accordingly offered a seat in the executive council of Virginia — a station analogous to that of a privy- counsellor in England. This was a tempting bait to an ambitious young man ; but as, even at that time, the measures of the British ministry indicated an oppressive spirit, he refused the proffered dignity, and always exerted his influence for the benefit of the people. When the time came for active resistance to the arbitrary acts of the government, Mr. Harrison was not found backward. In the first OF TliE D]'rLARATION OF INDEPENDExXCE. IQg general Congress of 1774, he was a delegate, and consecrated his name, by aflixing it to that Declaration which can never be forgotten as long as liberty is Avorshipped. It is related concerning him, that, while signing the instrument, he happened to stand near Mr. Gerry of Massachusetts, who was of a slender and spare form, while he was very corpulent; and, turning to him, after laying down the pen, he said, in a facetious way, "When the time of hanging comes, I shall have the advantage over you. It will be over with me in a minute, but you will be kicking in the air half an hour after I am gone." Mr. Harrison was particularly useful as chairman of the board of war. After his resignation of his seat, in 1777, he was elected to the house of burgesses of Virginia, of which he was immediately chosen speaker. This situation he occupied until the year 1782, when he was made chief-magistrate of the state, and was twice re- elected. In 1785, he retired into private life, but, in 1788, became a member of the convention of Virginia that ratified the present con- stitution of the United States. Of the first committee appointed by this body, that of privileges and elections, he was chosen chairman ; but his age and infirmities prevented him from taking an active part in the debates. He, however, advocated the adoption of the con- stitution, with certain amendments. He died of the gout in 1791. Patriotism was the virtue that threw a lustre upon the life of Ben- jamin Harrison ; his love of country never quailed in the hour of gloom, or hesitated at any sacrifice. But energy, decision, and sound judgment were also remarkable features in his character. THOMAS JEFFERSON. A BIOGRAPHY of the illustrious author of the Declaration will be found among those of the Presidents of the United States. THOMAS NELSON, JuN. Thomas Nelson, Jun., was descended from one of the most respectable families among the early settlers of Virginia, and was born at York, December 2G, 1738. When in his fifteenth year, according to the prevailing fashion 110 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS among gentlemen of affluence at the South, he was sent to England to receive his education. His first appearance in public life was in 1774, as a member of the house of burgesses. He was a member of the conventions of 1774 and 1775 ; and evinced such a boldness and promptitude in opposing British aggression, as to alarm some of his personal friends, particularly when he proposed the organization of a military force among the colonists. In the military organization of Virginia he was appointed to the command of a regiment. In September, 1775, he first took his seat in the general Congress, to which he was reappointed the following year. In the summer of 1777, ill health compelled him to resign his seat and return to Virginia. The State was at that time threatened with invasion, and Mr. Nelson was appointed brigadier-general and commander-in-chief of all its military forces. His popularity was unbounded, and his appointment gave universal satisfaction. About this time a motion was made to sequester the debts due in this State to English mer- chants. His inflexible and zealous opposition to the proposition in the legislature redounded to his honour, and evinced the lofty inte- grity of his character. At this period the American cause was threaten- ed with annihilation, and Congress made an appeal to the patriotism of the young men of property and standing. When the appeal was pub- lished, General Nelson embarked in the cause with his characteristic ardour. He published an animating address, and succeeded in enlist- ing about seventy young Virginians in a volunteer corps, and fur- nished a number of them with the means of defraying their expenses, from his own purse. At the head of this Spartan band he marched to the North ; but a change of circumstances occurring, their services were not required. In this enterprise General Nelson expended large sums of money, which were never repaid. Early in 1779, he was again a short time in Congress, but ill health again compelled him to return to Virginia. In 1780, when the State undertook to borrow two millions of dollars for the aid of Congress, General Nelson opened a subscription. Calling on several friends, they declared that they would not lend him a shilling on the security of the commonwealth, but they would lend him all they could possibly raise ; upon which he added his own personal security to that of the State, and succeeded in raising a large proportion of the sum required. By this and similar patriotic exertions, he suffered severe pecuniary losses, but never relaxed his exertions. He had at the beginning anticipated sufferings and sacrifices in effecting the independence of his country, and prepared his mind to meet and sustain them. In 1781, when the storm of war burst upon Virginia, OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. HI General Nelson was actively employed in eiFecting plans to oppose the enemy ; and, succeeding Mr. Jeiferson as governor, he was com- pelled to unite in himself the two offices of governor and commander of the military forces. By great exertions Governor Nelson kept his forces together until the capture of Cornwallis. To do this, he exerted his personal influence, his official authority, and his private fortune, to the utmost extent. After the surrender, Washington, in his account of it, made a very honourable acknowledgment of the valuable services of Governor Nelson, and the militia under his command, during the siege, in securing its important issue. In a month after, ill health compelled Governor Nelson to retire again to private life, where malice and envy preferred base accu- sations against him for mal-administration of his office. But he was most honourably exculpated by the legislature. He never again entered public life. His time was passed in retirement at his plan- tation in Hanover, and at York. His health gradually declining, he died in Hanover, January 4th, 1789, aged fifty years. Firmness and energy were the conspicuous traits of Governor Nelson. His abilities were moderate, but they were entirely devoted to noble purposes. FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE. This signer of the Declaration was one of the least prominent members of the great Continental Congress, and no one has thought proper to preserve the leading events of his life from oblivion. He was born in Westmoreland county, Virginia, in October 14, 1734. His education was directed by a private tutor, and he inherited a large estate. In 1765, he was chosen a member of the house of bur- gesses, and he continued in that body until 1775, when his reputation for earnest patriotism procured him an election to the Continental Congress. He remained in that body until 1779, having the glorious opportunity of affixing his name to the Declaration of Independence, of which he was a firm supporter, and serving faithfully upon a num- ber of important committees. In 1779 he was elected to the legis- lature of Virginia. He died in Richmond, in 1797, generally lamented as a true gentleman and a warm patriot. 112 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS CAETER BRAXTON. Carter Braxton was born at Newington, King and Queen county, Virginia, September 10, 1736. His father was a wealthy planter, and his mother a daughter of Robert Carter, at one time president of the council of the colony. Mr. Braxton, having gradu- ated at William and Mary at the age of nineteen, married Miss Judith Robinson, an accomplished lady, and daughter of a wealthy planter of Middlesex. His style of living was according to the gene- ral mode of Southern hospitality of that day, and subjected him to great expense. As early as 1765, he was a member of the house of burgesses when Patrick Henry's celebrated resolutions were passed. In 1769, when Governor Botetourt, in consequence of the bold and spirited measures introduced, suddenly dissolved the Assembly, Mr. Braxton was one of the members who retired to a private room and signed a written non-importation agreement. In the next house, he was on three of the standing committees. He was elected a member from King William to the first Virginia convention, in 1774. At the period of the disturbance caused by the removal of the gunpowder from the magazine at Williamsburg by Lord Dunmore, Mr. Braxton was essentially instrumental in effecting a settlement on the part of his lordship which pacified the excited populace. He was a very active and useful member of the last house of bui'gesses ever con- vened in Virginia by royal authority, and was employed upon the committees of the House to whom were referred the subjects of dis- pute between his lordship and the legislature. Mr. Braxton was a member of the convention chosen by the people which met in Rich- mond in July, 1775, and was placed upon the committee of public safety. In December of the same year, he was appointed the suc- cessor of Peyton Randolph in Congress, that gentleman having died a short time previous. He was omitted in the election of members to Congress subsequent upon the Declaration of Independence. But on a meeting of the General Assembly, the first under the new con- stitution, of which he was a member, he, with Mr. Jefferson, received a vote of thanks from the Assembly, " for the eloquence, ability, and integrity with which they executed the important trust reposed in them, as two of the delegates of the county of King William in the general Congress." He was a member of Congress from 1777 to 1783, and in 1785. From 1786 to 1791 he was a member of the OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 113 council of the State, and from 1794 until the day of his death, Octo- ber 6, 1697. Mr. Braxton's services, it will be seen, were highly important. The confidence and attachment of his constituents were unequivocally manifested in every vicissitude of circumstance, some of which were of the most afflictive kind, even to the close of his life. WILLIAM HOOPER Was born in Boston, June 17, 1742, and was the son of a clergy- man who had emigrated to that city from Scotland. After graduat- ing, in 1760, at Harvard College, he commenced the study of the law in the office of James Otis, and, on being admitted to the bar, removed to North Carolina, where he soon acquired an extensive practice. In 1773, he was chosen a representative in the provincial legislature, from the town of Wilmington, in which he had fixed his residence, and signalized himself by his opposition to an arbitrary measure of the government. He also wrote several essays, under the signature of Hampden, against the same measure. In 1774, Mr. Hooper was named a delegate to the general Con- gress about to meet at Philadelphia. In that body he fully main- tained his previous reputation. He was the chairman of the com- mittee appointed to report an address to the inhabitants of Jamaica, the draught of which was his work. Shortly after signing the Decla- ration of Independence, Mr. Hooper was obliged to resign his seat, in consequence of the embarrassed state into which his private affairs had fallen while he was occupied with his public duties. He was permitted to live to see the triumph of the cause of independence, and the organization of the federal government, but was called away from earth in the height of his fame, and the per- fection of his powers. He died in October, 1790, aged forty-eight years. Mr. Hooper was a fervent orator, a learned lawyer, and a forcible writer. JOSEPH HEWES. Joseph Hewes was born at Kingston, New Jersey, in 1730. His parents were in good circumstances, and they gave him a thorough education. After graduating at Princeton College, however, he pre- 114 BioGrxAriiiEs op the signers pared for a mercantile life. Having capital and enterprise, Mr. Hewes was successful in the pursuits of trade. At the age of thirty he removed to Wilmington, North Carolina, where he soon accumu- lated a fortune, and acquired popularity. He was elected a member of the colonial Assembly for several years, was an active and influ- ential legislator, and a decided supporter of the rights of the colonists. Mr. Hewes was elected a member of the first Continental Con- gress, which met in 1774, and he continued in that body until 1779, his repeated re-election proving that his services were considered faithful and meritorious. In 1779 sickness compelled him to retire from his seat in Congress, and on the 10th of November, of that year, he died, in the fiftieth year of his age. Mr. Hewes was not a conspicuous member of Congress. His mind was of a practical mould, and better fitted for attention to the details of business, than for brilliant action in a legislative body. But he was a firm patriot, and a man of strong, cool judgment. JOHN PENN. John Penn was another of the signers having the merit of being a self-made man. He was born in Carolina county, Virginia, on the 17th of May, 1741. He enjoyed no advantages of early education. But a strong, inquisitive mind, combined with a persevering will, overcame all obstacles. Having contrived to obtain an extensive knowledge of books, he began the study of the law, under the direc- tion of the celebrated Edmund Pendleton, one of the ablest lawyers and orators of his day. Mr. Penn was admitted to the bar, and 'Commenced the practice of his profession in 1762. His ability and learning soon raised him to a high position. In 1774, Mr. Penn removed to North Carolina. He had already avowed himself a decided Whig, and such was the general confidence in his patriotism and talents, that he was elected, in 1775, to a seat in the Continental Congress. In that body, he was an active member, giving the most untiring energy to the working committees, and advocating with zeal and eloquence decisive measures. He continued in Congress until 1779, when he returned to North Carolina. But he did not retire altogether from public life until the close of the war. This able and energetic patriot was not destined to survive the OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 115 maturity of his powers. He died in September, 1788, at the age of forty-six years, leaving behind him the reputation of a great lawyer, an accomplished statesman, and an inflexible patriot. EDWARD RUTLEDGE. The brothers John and Edward Rutledge were the leading states- men and orators of South Carolina, during the war of independence. John Rutledge, president of the State, was a bold, decisive, com- manding patriot, with an eloquence as vehement and irresistible as a hurricane — a man of the same class as Henry Otis and John Adams. His brother, Edward Rutledge, was a difierent character, but equally eminent of his kind. Edward Rutledge was born in the city of Charleston, South Caro- lina, in the month of November, 1749. He received a classical education, and at an early period commenced the study of the law with his elder brother. In 1769 he was sent to England to com- plete his legal education, and was entered as a student at the Temple. In 1773, he returned home, and commenced the practice of law in his native State. He rose rapidly to professional eminence ; and as an exalted proof of the general esteem in which he was held, he was elected a delegate to Congress, which met at Philadelphia, in 1774. On his return home, he received the thanks of the Provincial Con- gress, and was again appointed a member of the next Congress. Owing to the secrecy which was observed by this august body, it is impossible to say what part he acted, but it is well known that he was an active and efficient member. In the Congress of 1776, he took an active part in the discussions which preceded the declaration of independence. He is said to have proposed some alterations to the original report of this cele- brated declaration, to which he afterward affixed his name. He was again chosen to Congress in 1779, but sickness prevented his attending its sessions. At the close of the war he returned to the practice of his profes- sion, but he devoted the greater part of seventeen years in the service of his country, and in the state legislature. In 1798, Mr. Rutledge retired from the profession of the law, and was elected governor of the State ; but he lived to complete only li:ilf the term for which he had been appointed. He bore his last illness with great fortitude, and expired January 23, 1800. 116 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS Mr. Rutledge possessed eminent virtues both as a public and pri- vate character. His manners were the most aifable, his temper amiable, and his disposition benevolent. His person was above the middle size ; his complexion was florid and fair, and with an unusual animation of countenance. As an orator he was not so impetuous and commanding as his brother John Rutledge, but possessed more of the Ciceronian style. There was a suavity in his manner, and conciliating attraction in his arguments, that had frequently the effect of subduing the prejudices of the unfriendly, and which never failed to increase the ardour and inflexibility of steady friends. The eloquence of John Rutledge was as a rapid torrent ; that of Edward as a gentle and smoothly gliding stream ; the first hurried you forward to the point it aimed at, with powerful impetuosity ; the last conducted to it, with fascinations that made every progressive step appear enchanting. THOMAS HEYWARD, Jun. Thomas Heyward, Jr., was one of the signers of the " Declara- tion" who supported the cause of his country in the field as well as in council. He was born in South Carolina, in 1746. His father, who was a wealthy planter, gave him a classical education. He then commenced the study of the law with Mr. Parsons, a celebrated lawyer, and after the usual term of study, was sent to England, as was the custom, to complete his legal education. After completing his studies in the Middle Temple, Mr. Heyward spent several years in travel, on the continent of Europe. On his return home, in 1778, he soon became a favourite with the people. He was elected a member of the Assembly, and shortly afterward a member of the Council of Safety, an ofiice bestowed only on the fearless and pru- dent. His fidelity and patriotism in these trusts recommended him to higher honours, and in 1775 he was elected to Congress, to fill the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of John Rutledge. Mr. Heyward arrived in Philadelphia in time to attend upon the discussion of the Declaration of Independence ; and found himself in that assembly of sages whose sagacity and intrepidity had reminded a Chatham of the fathers of ancient Rome. In 1778, Mr. Heyward was elected a judge of the civil and criminal courts of his State. OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 117 On the invasion of the Southern States, Mr. Ilcyward bore arms in defence of his country, and distinguished himself by daring and fortitude in action. At the siege of Charleston, he commanded a battahon of troops. When General Lincoln was compelled to sur- render, Mr. Hey ward fell into the hands of the British ; and as he was particularly obnoxious on account of his zeal and activity as a patriot, he was sent, with a number of other distinguished patriots, to St. Augustine, where the prisoners were inhumanly treated. Mr. Hey ward was not released until the cessation of hostilities, when he went to Philadelphia. On his return to South Carolina, he resumed the labours of the judicial bench, and served in that position until 1788. In 1790 he was appointed a member of the convention for framing a State constitution, but continued care and anxiety had brought on bodily infirmities, and in 1791, Judge Heyward retired to private life. He survived, however, until March, 1809, and, before yielding his spirit to the God who gave it, had the satis- faction of beholding his country happy and prosperous. Mr. Heyward was honest, energetic, and intelligent in the dis- charge of his public duties. He was a conscientious and indomitable supporter of the cause of independence, and to procure his country's triumph was willing to sacrifice estate, reputation, or his very life. THOMAS LYNCH, Jux>i. Thomas Lynch was the son of one of the wealthiest planters of South Carolina. He was born in that State, August 5th, 1749. The father superintended the early education of the son, and, in his thirteenth year sent him to England to continue his scholastic studies. On the arrival of young Lynch in that country, he was placed at Eton school, preparatory to entering Cambridge University as a gentleman commoner. At the latter institution he took his de- grees ; and, in 1772, after an absence of eight or nine years, he returned to his native State. Few men had ever returned to America more accomplished in the most valuable sense of the term. With ample stores of knowledge, won from the solid parts of human learning, embellished by the graces of polite literature, possessing easy and insinuating manners, combined with a powerful and fascinating elocution, he was enabled at once to impress that community, in which he was destined to spend 118 BIOGRAPPIIES OF TilE SIGNERS his short life, with a decided conviction of his great fitness for public confidence and distinction. Shortly after his arrival, Mr. Lynch made his debut as a public speaker at one of the town meetings at Charleston, for the purpose of taking into consideration some of the accumulated injuries inflicted by the mother country upon the colonies; and in 1775 was elected to represent his State in Congress, in the place of his father, who was obliged to resign on account of his extreme ill health. On his arrival at Philadelphia, he took his seat in the Congress of 1776. Here he succeeded in fixing a just impression of his exalted character, superior intellect, and persuasive eloquence. He had not been, however, long in Congress before his health began to decline with the most alarming rapidity. He was, however, enabled to give his full sanction to those measures which were tending, with irre- sistible efficacy, to the Declaration of Independence. One of the last acts of his political life was to affix his signature to that import- ant instrument. During the early part of the services of Mr. Lynch in Congress, his father remained in Philadelphia. He had experienced a tem- porary alleviation from his bodily sufferings ; and his physicians advised him to travel. He lived only to reach Annapolis, where he expired in the arms of his son, in the autumn of 1766. The afflicted survivor, after this distressing event, at the request of his physician, prepared to take a voyage to the South of France. He accordingly, in the year 1779, sailed in a ship commanded by Captain Morgan, accompanied by his amiable lady, whose conjugal devotion increased with the declining health of her husband. In this voyage, they terminated their mortal career. The circumstances of their fate are vailed in impenetrable obscurity. But it is supposed that the ship foundered at sea. By the untimely death of Mr. Lynch, the young republic lost a statesman and orator of the highest promise, and South Carolina, one of the noblest of her representatives. ARTHUR MIDDLETON. The ancestors of Arthur Middleton were of the highest respecta- bility. His grandfather was a man of great influence in the colony of South Carolina, and his father, Henry Middleton, was one of the OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 119 presidents of the first Continental Congress. The subject of this memoir was born in 1743, on the banks of the Ashly river, South Carolina. At an early age he was sent to England to obtain a thorough education. He was first placed at the well-known school of Ilarrow-on-the-IIill, whence, at the age of fourteen, he was trans- ferred to that of Westminster. In both he made great proficiency in the Greek and Latin classics. Having passed regularly through Westminster school, he was entered, between the age of eighteen and nineteen, in Trinity College, Cambridge. He left this institution in his twenty-second year, with the reputation of a sound scholar and moral man. After visiting many parts of England, he passed two years in making the tour of Europe. In 1773, he fixed his residence at his birthplace. In the following year he engaged warmly on the side of the colonies, in the disputes between them and the mother country. As a member of the first council of safety chosen by the Provincial Congress of South Carolina, Mr. Middleton advocated and suggested the most vigorous and decisive measures. After serving on the com- mittee to prepare and report a constitution for South Carolina, he was elected by the Assembly one of the representatives of the State in the Congress of the United States, then convened at Philadelphia. In this capacity he signed the Declaration of Independence. He and Hancock formed a joint domestic establishment, and exercised a munificent hospitality, which was deemed salutary in uniting socially the members from the two extremities of the Union. Mr. Middle- ton held his seat until 1777, always strenuous in the cause of inde- pendence. The post of Governor of South Carolina was off'ered to him in 1778, but he declined it because he could not approve the new constitution which was that year framed for the State. In 1779, Mr. Middleton distinguished himself in the defence of Charleston against the British, who afterward ravaged his plantation and rifled his mansion. In the following year he became their prisoner, (in November, 1780,) was sent to St. Augustine, and, in 1781, was included in a general exchange of prisoners, and sailed for Philadel- phia. Soon after his arrival in that city, he was appointed by the Governor of South Carolina a representative in Congress. In 1782, the General Assembly of the State elected him to the same station. When the revolutionary contest terminated, Mr. Middleton returned to his native State. He afterward served in the legislature of South Carolina, for the purpose of efiecting a reconciliation of parties. The remainder of his life was spent in elegant and philosophical ease. Mr. Middleton incurred an immense loss of property by his course 120 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS (luring the Revolution. In November, 1786, lie was seized with an intermittent fever, which caused his death January 1, 1787. Without possessing the highest order of talent, Mr. Middleton was an able and accomplished statesman, a firm and decisive patriot, and an enlightened philanthropist. In all the public offices with which he was honoured, he was a faithful servant. In pi'ivate life, he was the personification of social virtue. BUTTON GWINNETT. Button Gwinnett perilled all he possessed for an adopted country. He was born in England in 1732, and did not emigrate to America until 1770, when the troubles between the colonies and the mother country were rapidly approaching a rupture. On his arrival in the new world, Mr. Gwinnett settled in Charleston, South Carolina, where he continued the business of a merchant, in which he had been previously engaged. At the end of two years, he abandoned com- merce, and, purchasing a plantation on St. Catharine's Island, in Georgia, devoted his attention to agriculture. At the commencement of the Revolution, Mr. Gwinnett boldly advocated the cause of his adopted country. His zeal and ability soon rendered him conspicuous, and on the 2d of February, 1776, the General Assembly of Georgia elected him a delegate to the Con- tinental Congress at Philadelphia, where he took his seat on the 20th of May. Soon afterward, the debate upon the Declaration of Inde- pendence commenced. When the question was decided, Mr. Gwin- nett signed his name among those of the other patriots, and so em- barked his life and fortune in an apparently desperate cause. He was re-elected to a seat in Congress on the 9th of October in the same year. In February, 1777, Mr. Gwinnett was appointed a member of the convention for the purpose of framing a constitution for Georgia ; and the foundation of that afterward adopted is said to have been furnished by him. He was then chosen president of the council. But it is said that while he held this position, he allowed personal enmity to get the better of patriotic principle, and employed his powers to thwart the operations of General Mcintosh, for whom he cherished an inexorable hatred. In May, 1777, Gwinnett was a candidate for the gubernatorial chair of the State, but failed, as his OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 121 conduct toward Mcintosh luid rendered him unpopular. On the 27th of the same month a duel occurred between him and Mcintosh. Both parties were wounded, but the injuries received by Gwinnett terminated his life in the forty-fifth year of his age. Mr. Gwinnett's political career was short, and its termination lamentable. But he stamped his character in the history of Georgia as a man of great energy and intelligence. His passions were power- ful; and as he had not learned the prime art of self-control, he per- mitted them to lead him from the path of prudence. It is but justice to his memory to say, however, that he was an honest man, and the services which he rendered the country of his adoption were solid and permanent in their effects. LYMAN HALL. Lyman Hall, whose name stands second among those of the Georgia delegates whose signatures are immortalized by the De- claration to which they are appended, was born in Connecticut, about the year 1731, and, after receiving a classical education, com- menced the study of medicine. In 1752 he removed to South Carolina, and, in the same year, to Sudbury, in the district of Med- way, in Georgia, where he practised his profession until the com- mencement of the Revolutionary troubles. In July, 1774, he was sent, as representative of the parish of St. John, to a general meeting of the republican party in Georgia, which was held at Savannah. The proceedings of the meeting were of too temporizing a nature to please the ardour of the inhabitants of that parish, and they, in con- sequence, separated themselves from the other parishes of the colony, and, March 21, 1775, elected Dr. Hall their delegate to the general Congress, assembled at Philadelphia. May 13, he was admitted to a seat in the house, though he was not allowed to vote when the sentiments of the body were taken by colonies, as he could only be considered the representative of a small portion of a province. But in June of the same year, the convention of Georgia having, at length, acceded to the general confederacy, its representation was rendered complete by the election of four other delegates. The names of but two of his colleagues, however, appear in conjunction with Dr. Hall's on the Declaration, the remaining two being absent. The last time Dr. Hall appeared in Congress was in 1780. In 1782 he was chosen Governor of the State of Georgia, and, after his retirement 122 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS from public life, settled in Burke's county, where he died in the sixtieth year of his age. He possessed a strong mind and a placid disposition. He made great sacrifices, both of comfort and property, in his country's service. When the British took possession of Georgia, his estate was confiscated. He was not calculated to become a con- spicuous figure among the colossal men of the Revolution, but a practical cast of mind enabled him to render efficient service in the business of Congress and in the councils of Georgia. GEORGE WALTON. The last name affixed to the great charter of independence is that of George Walton, whose long and honourable public career is worthy of the study of young Americans. Mr. Walton was born in Frederic county, Virginia, about the year 1740. He enjoyed but meagre opportunities of education. His early occupation was that of an apprentice to a carpenter. Like Sherman and Whipple, how- ever, he possessed that eager thirst for knowledge which no outward circumstances could quench; and he employed all his leisure moments in reading and study. At the expiration of his term of apprentice- ship, Mr, Walton removed to Georgia, where he gained an opportunity of studying law under the superintendence of H. Young, Esq. In 1774, the quondam carpenter's apprentice was admitted to the bar. Mr. Walton was an active and zealous patriot. He was one of the most prominent among that daring council which assembled at the "Liberty Pole," at Tondee's Tavern, Savannah, to devise measures of resistance to the encroachments of England. In January, 1775, he was chosen a member of a committee ap- pointed to prepare a petition to the king; and, in February, 1776, he was elected one of the Georgia delegation to the national Congress, and continued a member of that body, with little intermission, until 1781. In December, 1778, he was appointed colonel in the militia, and received a wound in the thigh during the defence of Savannah. He was made prisoner, but exchanged in September, 1779. He was, twice chosen governor of the State, once a senator of the United States, and, at four different periods, a judge of the superior courts, which last office he held fifteen years, until his death, Feb. 2, 1804. In all the public positions to which he was called, Mr. Walton dis- played energy, decision, and great natural capacity. As a judge he had no superior in Georgia. %xkkB of Conftbtration. To all to whom these presents shall come, ive, the undersigned Dele- gates of the States affixed to our names, send greeting. Whereas, the delegates of the United States of America in Con- gress assembled did, on the fifteenth day of November, on the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-seven, and in the second year of the independence of America, agree to certain articles of confederation and perpetual Union between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, in the words following, viz : — Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union hetiveen the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Pro- vidence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Penn- sylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. Article 1. The style of this confederacy shall be, "The United States of America." Article 2. Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom, and inde- pendence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this confederation expressly delegated to the United States in Con- gress assembled. Article 3. The said States hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other for their common defence, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare; binding themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence whatever. Article 4. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and intercourse among the people of the difi'erent States in this Union, the free inhabitants of each of these States, paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several States ; and the people of each State shall have free ingress and egress to and from any other State, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce subject to the same duties, impositions, and restrictions, as 123 124 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. the inhabitants thereof respectively, provided that such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into any State to any other State, of which the owner is an inhabit- ant; provided also, that no imposition, duties, or restriction, shall be laid by any State on the property of the United States or either of them. If any person guilty of or charged with treason, felony, or other high misdemeanour, in any State, shall flee from justice, and be found in any of the United States, he shall, upon demand of the governor or executive power of the State from which he fled, be delivered up and removed to the State having jurisdiction of his offence. Full faith and credit shall be given in each of these States to the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other State. Article 5. For the more convenient management of the general interests of the United States, delegates shall be annually appointed in such manner as the legislature of each State shall direct to meet in Congress on the first Monday in November, in every year, with a power reserved to each State to recall its delegates or any of them, at any time within the year, and to send others in their stead for the remainder of the year. No State shall be represented in Congress by less than two, nor by more than seven members; and no person shall be capable of being a delegate for more than three years in any term of six years; nor shall any person, being a delegate, be capable of holding any office under the United States, for which he, or another for his benefit, re- ceives any salary, fees, or emoluments of any kind. Each State shall maintain its own delegates in a meeting of the States, and while they act as members of the committee of the States. In determining questions in the United States in Congress assem- bled, each State shall have one vote. Freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Congress ; and the members of Congress shall be protected in their persons from arrests and im- prisonments, during the time of their going to and from and attend- ance on Congress, except for treason, felony, or breach of the peace. Article 6. No State without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any em- bassy from, or enter into any conference, agreement, alliance, or treaty, with any king, prince, or state ; nor shall any person holding any office of profit or trust under the United States, or any of them, accept of any present, emolument, office or title of any kind whatever, ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 125 from any king, prince, or foreign state; nor shall the United States in Congress assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility. No two or more States shall enter into any treaty, confederation, or alliance "whatever, between them, without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, specifying accurately the purpose for which the same is to be entered into and how long it shall continue. No State shall lay any imposts or duties, which may interfere with any stipulations in treaties entered into by the United States in Con- gress assembled, with any king, prince, or state, in pursuance of any treaties already proposed by Congress to the courts of France and Spain. No vessel of war shall be kept up in time of peace by any State, except such number only as shall be deemed necessary by the United States in Congress assembled for the defence of such State or its trade ; nor shall any body of forces be kept up by any State in time of peace, except such number only as in the judgment of the United States in Congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite to garrison the forts necessary for the defence of such State ; but every State shall always keep up a well-regulated and disciplined militia, suffi- ciently armed and accoutred, and shall provide and have constantly ready for use, in public stores, a due number of field-pieces and tents, and a proper quantity of arms, ammunition, and camp equipage. No State shall engage in any war without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, unless such State be actually invaded by enemies or shall have received certain advice of a resolution being formed by some nation of Indians to invade such State, and the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay till the United States in Congress assembled can be consulted; nor shall any State grant commissions to any ships or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or reprisal, except it be after a declaration of war by the United States in Congress assembled, and then only against the kingdom or state, and the subjects thereof, against which war has been so declared, and under such regulations as shall be established by the United States in Congress assembled, unless such State be infested by pirates, in which case vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and kept so long as the danger shall continue, or until the United States in Congress assembled shall determine otherwise. Article 7. When land forces are raised by any State for the com- mon defence, all officers of or under the rank of colonel, shall be appointed by the legislature of each State respectively, by whom such forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such State shall direct, 126 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. and all vacancies shall be filled up by the State which first made the appointment. i\.RTiCLE 8. All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common defence or general welfare, and allowed by the United States in Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several States in proportion to the value of all land within each State granted to or surveyed for any person, and such land and the buildings and im- provements thereon shall be estimated according to such mode as the United States in Congress assembled shall from time to time direct and appoint. The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction of the legislatures of the several States, within the time agreed upon by the United States in Congress as- sembled. Article 9. The United States in Congress assembled shall have the sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war, except in the cases mentioned in the sixth article — of sending and receiving ambassadors — entering into treaties and alliances; pro- vided, that no treaty of commerce shall be made whereby the legis- lative power of the respective States shall be restrained from imposing such imposts and duties on foreigners as their own people are subjected to, or from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species of goods or commodities whatsoever — of establishing rules for decid- ing, in all cases, what captures on land or water shall be legal, and in what manner prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service of the United States shall be divided or appropriated — of granting letters of marque and reprisal in times of peace — appointing courts for the trial of piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and esta- blishing courts for receiving and determining finally appeals in all cases of captures: provided, that no member of Congress shall be appointed a judge of any of the said courts. The United States in Congress assembled shall also be the last re- sort on appeal in all disputes and differences now subsisting or that hereafter may arise between two or more States concerning boundary, jurisdiction, or any other cause whatever; which authority shall al- ways be exercised in the manner following: whenever the legislative or executive authority or lawful agent of any State in controversy with another shall present a petition to Congress, stating the matter in question, and praying for a hearing, notice thereof shall be given by order of Congress to the legislative or executive authority of the other State in controversy, and a day assigned for the appearance ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 127 of the parties, by their lawful agents, who shall then bo directed to appoint by joint consent commissioners or judges to constitute a court for hearing and determining the matter in question; but if they can- not agree, Congress shall name three persons out of each of the United States, and from the list of such persons each party shall al- ternately strike out one, the petitioners beginning, until the number shall be reduced to thirteen; and from that number not less than seven nor more than nine names, as Congress shall direct, shall, in the presence of Congress, be drawn out by lot; and the persons whose names shall be so drawn, or any five of them, shall be commissioners or judges, to hear and finally determine the controversy, so always as a major part of the judges, who shall hear the cause, shall agree in the determination : and if either party shall neglect to attend at the day appointed, without showing reasons which Congress shall judge sufficient, or being present shall refuse to strike, the Congress shall proceed to nominate three persons out of each State, and the secretary of Congress shall strike in behalf of such party absent or refusing; and the judgment and sentence of the court to be appointed in the manner before prescribed, shall be final and conclusive; and if any of the parties shall refuse to submit to the authority of such court, or to appear, or defend their claim or cause, the court shall never- theless proceed to pronounce sentence or judgment, which shall in like manner be final and decisive, the judgment or sentence and other proceedings being in either case transmitted to Congress, and lodged among the acts of Congress for the security of the parties concerned : provided, that every commissioner, before he sits in judgment, shall take an oath, to be administered by one of the judges of the supreme or superior court of the State, where the cause shall be tried, "well and truly to hear and determine the matter in question, according to the best of his judgment, without favour, aff'ection, or hope of reward :" provided also, that no State shall be deprived of territory for the benefit of the United States. All controversies concerning the private right of soil, claimed under different grants of two or more States, whose jurisdiction as they may respect such lands and the States which passed such grants are adjusted, the said grants or either of them being at the same time claimed to have originated antecedent to such settlement or jurisdic- tion, shall, on the petition of either party to the Congress of the United States, be finally determined, as near as may be, in the same manner as is before prescribed for deciding disputes respecting terri- torial jurisdiction between different States. The United States in Con";ress assembled shall also have the sole 128 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coin struck bj their own authority, or by that of the respective States — fixing the standard of weights and measures throughout the United States — regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians not members of any of the States ; provided that the legislative right of any State within its own limits be not infringed or violated — es- tablishing and regulating post-offices from one State to another throughout all the United States, and exacting such postage on the papers passing through the same, as may be requisite to defray the expenses of the said office — appointing all officers of the land forces in the service of the United States excepting regimental officers — appointing all the officers of the naval forces, and commissioning all officers whatever in the service of the United States — making rules for the government and regulation of the said land and naval forces, and directing their operations. The United States in Congress assembled shall have authority to appoint a committee to sit in the recess of Congress, to be denomi- nated "A Committee of the States," and to consist of one delegate from each State ; and to appoint such other committees and civil officers as may be necessary for managing the general affairs of the United States, under their direction — to appoint one of their num- ber to preside, provided that no person be allowed to serve in the office of president more than one year in any term of three years — to ascertain the necessary sums of money to be raised for the service of the United States, and to appropriate and apply the same for defraying the public expenses — to borrow money or emit bills on the credit of the United States, transmitting every half year to the respective States an account of the sums of money so borrowed or emitted — to build and equip a navy — to agree upon the number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each State for its quota, in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in such State ; which requisition shall be binding, and thereupon the legislature of each State shall appoint the regimental officers, raise the men, and clothe, arm, and equip them, in a soldierlike manner, at the expense of the United States ; and the officers and men so clothed, armed, and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States in Congress assembled : but if the United States in Congress assembled, shall, on consideration of circumstances, judge proper that any State should not raise men or should raise a smaller number than its quota, and that any other State should raise a greater number of men than the quota thereof, such extra number shall be raised, officered, clothed, armed, and ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 129 equipped, in the same manner as the quota of such State, unless the legishiture of such State shall judge that such extra number cannot safely be spared out of the same ; in which case they shall raise, officer, clothe, arm, and equip as many of such extra number as they judge can be safely spared. And the officers and men so clothed, armed, and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States in Congress assembled. The United States in Congress assembled shall never engage in a war, nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, nor enter into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor regulate the value thereof, nor ascertain the sums and expenses necessary for the defence and welfare of the United States or any of them, nor emit bills, nor borrow money on the credit of the United States, nor appropriate money, nor agree upon the number of vessels of war to be built or purchased, or the number of land or sea forces to be raised, nor appoint a commander-in-chief of the army or navy, unless nine States assent to the same ; nor shall a question on any other point, except for adjourning from day to day, be determined, unless by the votes of a majority of the United States in Congress as- sembled. The Congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn to any time within the yean, and to any place within the United States, so that no period of adjournment be for a longer duration than the space of six months ; and shall publish the journal of their proceed- ings monthly, except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alli- ances, or military operations, as in their judgment require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the delegates of each State on any question shall be entered on the journal, when it is desired by any delegate; and the delegates of a State, or any of them, at his or their request, shall be furnished with a transcript of the said journal, except such parts as are above excepted, to lay before the legislatures of the several States. Article 10. The committee of the States, or any nine of them, shall be authorized to execute, in the recess of Congress, such of the powers of Congress as the United States in Congress assembled, by the consent of nine States, shall from time to time, think expedient to vest them with ; provided that no power be delegated to the said committee, for the exercise of which, by the articles of confederation, the voice of nine States in the Congress of the United States as- sembled is requisite. Article 11. Canada, acceding to this confederation, and joining in the measures of the United States, shall be admitted into, and 9 130 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. entitled to all the advantages of this Union ; but no other colony shall be admitted into the same unless such admission be agreed to by nine States. Article 12. All bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, and debts contracted, by or under the authority of Congress, before the assembling of the United States, in pursuance of the present con- federation, shall be deemed and considered as a charge against the United States, for payment and satisfaction whereof the said United States and the public faith are hereby solemnly pledged. Article 13. Every State shall abide by the decision of the United States in Congress assembled, on all questions which, by this con- federation, are submitted to them. And the articles of this con- federation shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the Union shall be perpetual ; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them, unless such alteration be agreed to in a Con- gress of the United States, and be afterward confirmed by the legis- lature of every State. And whereas it has pleased the great Governor of the world to incline the hearts of the legislatures we respectively represent in Congress, to approve of and to authorize us to ratify the said articles of confederation and perpetual Union : know ye, that we, the under- signed delegates, by virtue of the power and authority to us given for that purpose, do, by these presents, in the name and in behalf of our respective constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each and every of the said articles of confederation and perpetual Union, and all and singular the matters and things therein contained ; and we do further solemnly plight and engage the faith of our re- spective constituents, that they shall abide by the determinations of the United States in Congress assembled, on all questions which, by the said confederation, are submitted to them ; and that the articles thereof shall be inviolably observed by the States we respectively represent ; and that the Union be perpetual. In witness whereof, we have hereunto set our hands, in Congress. Done at Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, the ninth day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight, and in the third year of the independence of America. new HAMPSHIRE. Elbridge Gerry, Henry Marchant, JosiAH Bartlett, Francis Dana, John Collins, John Wentworth, Jun. James Lovell, Samuel Holton. CONNECTICUT. MASSACHUSETTS BAY. Roger Sherman John Hancock, RHODE ISLAND. Samuel Huntington, Samuel Adams, William Ellery, Oliver Wolcott, ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 131 Titus Hosmer, Andrew Adams. NEW YORK. James Duane, Francis Lewis, William Duer, Gouverneur Morris. NEW JERSEY. John Witherspoon, Nath. Scudder. PENNSYLVANIA. Robert Morris, Daniel Roberdeau, Jonathan Bayard Smith, William Clingan, Joseph Reed. DELAWARE, Thomas McKean, John Dickinson, Nicholas Van Dyke. MARYLAND. John Hanson, Daniel Carroll. VIRGINIA. Richard Henry Lee, John Banister, Thomas Adams, John Harvie, Francis Lightfoot Lee. NORTH CAROLINA. John Penn, Constable Harnett, John Williams. SOUTH CAROLINA. Henry Laurens, William Henry Drayton, John Matthews, Richard Hutson, Thomas Heyward, Jun. GEORGIA. John Walton, Edward Telfair, Edward Langworthy. §iogrHgljits of tijt Signers of i\t %xkh of €mitkxu\m. JOHN WENTWORTH, Jun.* The delegates from New Hampshire in the Congress which adopted the Articles of Confederation were Josiah Bartlett and John Wentworth, Jun. We have already given a biography of the first- named statesman. John Wentworth was the descendant and relative of the Wentworths who so long held the highest offices in New Hampshire. His uncle was Benning Wentworth, who held the gubernatorial office twenty-five years, and who himself was the son of a lieutenant-governor. The subject of this memoir was the son of Mark Hunting Wentworth. Having received an excellent educa- tion, he applied himself to the study of the law, and at the com- mencement of the difficulties between the colonies and the mother country, he espoused the patriot side in opposition to his cousin, Governor Wentworth, who had done all in his power to restrain the rising spirit of the colonists, and who, finding the efi'ort vain, had fled to England. Young Wentworth was an active member of the Congress which framed the Articles of Confederation, and a worthy colleague of Josiah Bartlett. He remained faithful to the patriot cause throughout the Revolu- tion, and was, till his death, a distinguished citizen of New Hamp- shire. FRANCIS DANA. Among the framers of the Articles of Confederation, the fol- lowing delegates represented Massachusetts : — John Hancock, Samuel Adams, Elbridge Gerry, James Lovell, and Samuel Holten. We have already given biographies of Hancock, Adams, and Gerry, among * The biographies of those of the signers of the Articles of Confederation who were also signers of the Declaration of Independence are, of course, omitted under this head. 132 BIOGUAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS. 133 those of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. FrancIo Dana was born in Massachusetts in 1743. His parents were wealthy and respectable, and gave him the benefit of an excellent education. Young Dana graduated at Harvard College in 1762, and then turned his attention to the study of the law. On being admitted to the bar, Mr. Dana went to England, where he remained one year, and then returned and began the practice of his profession. His learning and ability secured him speedy success. At the commencement of the troubles occasioned by the arbitrary and oppressive measures of the British Parliament, Mr. Dana mani- fested a decided partiality for the cause of the colonists, and was a valuable acquisition to the ranks of the patriots. In 1776, he was elected to a seat in the Continental Congress, and he continued to be an active member of that body until 1779. He was one of the committee appointed by Congress to consider the conciliatory pro- positions of the British commissioners, Messrs. Johnson and Eden ; but nothing was effected by the negotiation. In 1779, Mr. Dana accompanied John Adams to France as secre- tary of legation. In 1780, he was appointed minister to Prussia, and although not publicly received as such, he remained there until the close of the war. He then returned to America, and in 1784 was elected to a seat in Congress. In 1792, Mr. Dana was appointed chief-justice of Massachusetts, and he continued to discharge the grave duties of that office until 1806, when he resigned. This emi- nent servant of the public died in 1811, at the age of sixty-eight years. His character was estimable in every respect ; — it was that of a firm patriot, an upright judge, and a cheerful domestic com- panion. JAMES LOVELL. James Lovell was an instance of a patriotic son in conflict with a Tory refugee father. John Lovell, his father, was a schoolmaster in Boston, Massachusetts. He was a good scholar, and a man of considerable force of character. Many of the principal men of the Revolution had been under his tuition. He was a decided loyalist, and in 1777 he accompanied the British troops to Halifax, where he died in 1778, at the age of seventy years. His son, James Lovell, was born in 1738, and graduated at Harvard College in 1756. For many years afterward he was a distinguished teacher of the 134 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS. Latin school, being associated with his father. From the commence- ment of the colonial troubles, James Lovell was a firm Whig. In consequence of his patriotic zeal, General Gage put him in prison, and he was carried by the British troops to Halifax, where he was for a long time kept in close confinement. The father was there a Tory refugee ; the son a prisoner, suffering for his devotion to his country's cause. At length, Mr. Lovell was exchanged, and he returned to Boston to receive the congratulations of his fellow-citizens on his fidelity. He was immediately elected to a seat in the Continental Congress, in which station his services were manifold and exceedingly valuable. He was a member of the committee of foreign correspondence, and unwearying in attention to his duties. Before the establishment of the constitution of Massachusetts, in 1786, Mr. Lovell was collector of customs for the port of Boston, and afterward was naval officer for Boston and Charleston until his death, in 1814, at the age of seventy-six years. Mr. Lovell was truly a devoted patriot, and an example of the sacrifice of domestic peace for the general good. SAMUEL HOLTEN. Samuel Holten, who had the honour of becoming one of the pre- sidents of the Continental Congress, was born in Danvers, Massa- chusetts, June 9, 1738. Having received a good education, he studied medicine, and then commenced the practice of his profession in his native town. He was a zealous Whig, and gave all his energy and ability to the cause of his country at the commencement of the struggle against British oppression. In 1778, Mr. Holten was elected a member of Congress, and he continued an active member of that august body for five years, serving for a time as its presiding ofiicer. He then retired from prominent public positions and enjoyed an interval of repose. In 1793, Mr. Holten was again elected a representative in Con- gress. In 1796 he was appointed judge of probate for the county of Essex, which ofiice he resigned in 1815, after having been in public stations forty-seven years, a long period of patriotic and honourable service. He died in 1816, aged seventy-seven years. Mr. Holten was a man of high chax'acter and dignified bearing ; rigidly faithful in the performance of his duties, and exacting the same strictness in keeping engagements from others. OF THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. I35 HENRY MARCHANT. Of this signer of the Articles of Confederation we know no further than he was a patriotic and unflinching representative of Rhode Island in the Continental Congress ; hut although he was not a pro- minent man during those stormy times, he deserves remembrance from the firm position he occupied in that body. JOHN COLLINS. John Collins was an active patriot of Rhode Island during the Revolution. He was born in that State in 1717. After receiving a good education, he studied law, and became an advocate of consi- derable reputation. Being a zealous supporter of the rights of the colonists, he was elected a member of the Continental Congress, where his services were of a practical and efficient character. When the independence of his country was once declared, he lent all his energies to upholding the declaration, and was a chief advocate of the Articles of Confederation to which we find his signature affixed. In 1786, Mr. Collins was elected governor of Rhode Island ; and he held that office until 1789. He then retired from the theatre of public action, to enjoy the calm pleasures of private life. He died in 1795, at the age of seventy-eight years. He was an earnest and intelligent patriot. TITUS HOSMER. Titus Hosmer was one of the foremost scholars, lawyers, and statesmen of his day. He was born in West Hartford, Connecticut. Being educated to the law, he soon acquired distinction and influence. He was elected a member of the council of state and of the national Congress, and then appointed a judge of the maritime court of ap- peals for the United States. He was the patron of Joel Barlow, the poet, whom he encouraged to publish the "Vision of Columbus." Mr. Hosmer died in middle life, in the full maturity of his powers, shortly after he had seen the independence of his country established. 136 BIOGEAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS ANDREW ADAMS. Andrew Adams was born at Stratford, Connecticut, in January, 1736. Being of a very respectable family, he was thoroughly edu- cated, and he graduated at Yale College in 1760. In 1764, Mr. Adams entered upon the practice of the law at Litchfield, in his native State. His success was immediate, and eminently honourable. His fine abilities were then devoted to the service of his country in council ; for, having become an ardent Whig, he was elected to Con- gress soon after the great Declaration of Independence was given to the world. He was an active and useful member of that body. In 1789, Mr. Adams was appointed a judge of the supreme court of Massachusetts ; and in this position his profound learning and vigorous mind were so fully displayed, that he was, in 1793, appointed chief-justice of the State of Connecticut. He died on the 26th of November, 1799, at the age of sixty-three years, leaving behind a high reputation as a lawyer, statesman, and patriot. JAMES DUANE. Judge Duane was a distinguished citizen of New York, when the colonial trials commenced. On account of his zeal and ability, he was elected a delegate to the first Congress, and he was an active patriot and statesman throughout the Revolution. In 1789 he was appointed judge of the district court of New York. He was the first mayor of the city of New York after its evacuation by the British forces. He died in 1797. Among his productions was a published law case, which displays his ability as a judge. WILLIAM DUER. William Duer was the patriotic progenitor of a family which has long been distinguished in New York city. Besides having been a member of that Congress which framed the Articles of Confedera- tion, he took an active part in local resistance to the British autho- rities at New York, and held a number of important civil offices after the Revolution. Some of his descendants have risen to distinction in judicial and congressional life. OF THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 137 GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. The ablest man among the New York delegates in the Continental Congress was Gouverneur Morris. He was born at Morrisania, near the city of New York, on the 31st of January, 1752. Being of a wealthy family, he enjoyed the advantages of a complete classical education. He graduated at King's College, in May, 1768. Imme- diately after he entered the office of William Smith (the historian of the colony) as a student of law. In 1771, he was licensed to practise law. His proficiency in all his studies was remarkable. He acquired early much reputation as a man of brilliant talents and various promise. His person, address, manners, elocution, were of a superior order. In May, 1775, Mr. Morris was chosen a delegate to the Provincial Congress of New York. In June of that year, he served on a committee with General Montgomery, to confer with General Washington respecting the manner of his introduction to the Congress. He entered with zeal and efficiency into all the questions and proceedings which referred to a vigorous resistance to the pretensions of the mother country. In December, 1776, Mr. Morris acted as one of the committee for drafting a constitution for the State of New York, which was reported in March, and adopted in April, of that year, after repeated and very able debates, in which Jay, Morris, and Robert R. Livingston were the principal speakers. In July, 1777, he served as a member of a committee from the New York Congress, to repair to the head- .quarters of Schuyler's army, to inquire into the causes of the evacua- tion of Ticonderoga. In October of that year he joined the Con- tinental Congress at York, Pennsylvania, and, in 1778, wrote the patriotic and successful pamphlet called Observations on the Ame- rican Revolution, which he published at the beginning of 1779. We must refer to the journals of Congress for an account of his many and valuable services, rendered in that body to the Revolutionary cause. In July, 1781, he accepted the post of assistant superintendent of finance, as the colleague of Robert Morris. He filled every office to which he was called with characteristic zeal and ability. After the war of the Revolution, this active man embarked with Robert Morris in mercantile enterprises. In 1785, he published an Address to the Assembly of Pennsylvania on the Abolition of the Bank of North America, in which he cogently argued against that project. In December, 1786, he purchased from his brother the fine 138 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS estate of Morrisania, and made it his dwelling-place. Here he devoted himself to liberal studies. In the following year, he served with distinction as a member of the convention for framing the con- stitution of the United States. December 15, 1788, he sailed for France, where he was occupied in selling lands and pursuing money speculations until March, 1790, when he proceeded to London as private agent of the American government with regard to the con- ditions of the old treaty, and the inclination of the British cabinet to form a commercial treaty. In November, 1790, he returned to Paris, having made a tour in Germany. In the interval between this period and the beginning of the year 1792, he passed several times on public business between the British and French capitals. Febru- ary 6, 1792, he received his appointment as minister plenipoten- tiary to France, and was presented to the king, June 3d. He held this station with great eclat until October, 1794. He witnessed the most interesting scenes of the Revolution in the capital, and main- tained personal intercourse with the conspicuous politicians of the several parties. The abundant memorials which he has left of his sojourn in France, and his travels on the European continent, possess the highest interest and much historical value. He made extensive journeys after he ceased to be minister plenipotentiary, of which he kept a a full diary. In the autumn of 1798, Mr. Morris returned to the United States. to engage in politics, with enhanced celebrity and a large additional stock of political and literary knowledge. He was universally ad- mitted to be one of the most accomplished and prominent gentlemen of his country. In 1800, he entered the Senate of the United States, where his eloquence and information made him conspicuous. The two eulogies which he pronounced — one on General Washington, and the other at the funeral of General Hamilton — are specimens of his rhetorical style. His delivery was excellent. Mr. Morris, at an early period, gave special and sagacious attention to the project of that grand canal by which the State of New York has been. so much honoured and benefited. In the summer of 1810 he examined the canal route to Lake Erie. The share which he had in originating and promoting that noble work, is stated in the regular history which has been published of its conception and progress. In May, 1812, he pronounced a public and impressive eulogium on the venerable George Clinton ; in the same year, an oration before the New York Historical Society; in 1814, another on the restoration of the Bourbons in France; in 1816, a discourse before the New York His- torical Society. Mr. Morris died at Morrisania, November 5, 1816. OF THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 139 He passed the latter years of his life at Morrisania, exercising an elegant and munificent hospitality, reviewing the studies of his early days, and carrying on a very interesting commerce of letters with statesmen and literati in Europe and America. The activity of his mind, the richness of his fancy, and the copiousness of his eloquent conversation, were the admiration of all his acquaintance. NATHANIEL SCUDDER. Nathaniel Scudder was one of the most active patriots of New Jersey, during the Revolution. Having won the confidence of his fellow-citizens by his zeal and decision, he was, in 1777, elected to a seat in Congress. He continued a member of that body until November, 1779. He was a faithful servant of his country in the time of sorest need. After the great struggle had been brought to a successful termination, he took no part in public affairs. DANIEL ROBERDEAU. General Daniel Roberdeau was a distinguished statesman and soldier of the Revolution. He was born in the Isle of France in 1727. At an early age he distinguished himself as a zealous Hu- ganot and friend of civil and religious liberty. Emigrating to America, he settled in the beautiful vale of Wyoming, where he built a fort for protection against the Indians, and devoted himself to the pursuits of hunting and agriculture. Having listened to the preaching of the Rev. George Whitefield, he became a follower of that eloquent minister of the gospel. But the deep religious feeling of Mr. Roberdeau did not prevent him joining the patriot forces at the commencement of the Revolution. His skill, courage, and self- reliance in all emergencies soon raised him to command, and he dis- tinguished himself by gallantry in active service. Previous to entering the army, however, General Roberdeau had been elected to Congress. He was not a conspicuous member of that august body, for the faculty of eloquence was denied him, and he could only show his patriotism by faithful practical service. At 140 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS the conclusion of the war, General Roberdeau removed to Virginia, and settled in Frederick county, where he died January 5, 1795, at the age of sixty-eight years. He was a man of great energy of character, having a religious tone of mind, and a grave and dignified bearing. His love of civil and religious freedom was remarkable throughout life in France and in America ; and he devoted his whole soul to the cause he had at heart. JONATHAN BAYARD SMITH. Jonathan Bayard Smith was an active and influential patriot of Philadelphia throughout the Revolution. When the committee of observation and correspondence was formed in that city in June, 1776, Mr. Smith was elected vice-president, Thomas McKean being chosen president. This committee issued a solemn and temperate address to the people of Pennsylvania, prescribing the course of action to be pursued by the friends of liberty, and Mr. Smith was a colleague of Benjamin Rush and others in preparing this able paper. As a member of the Continental Congress, Mr. Smith was useful, inndustrious, and an advocate of the boldest and most decisive measures. WILLIAM CLINGAN. This signer of the Articles of Confederation was not a prominent member of the Continental Congress. We do not find his name in connection with any of the important movements of the period beyond the hall of Congress. But there is no member of that body who does not deserve to be remembered by his countrymen, as one who perilled all for his country, and blenched not when the storm was loudest and most terrible ; and though Mr. Clingan may not have possessed the ability to perform great deeds for the cause of his heart, the intention alone elevates him to a niche of honour. OF THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 141 JOSEPH REED. General Joseph Reed was one of the most prominent characters of the Revolution. He was born on the 27th of August, 1741, in New Jersey. In 1757, at the age of sixteen, he graduated at Princeton College. After studying law in that place, he repaired to England, where he prosecuted his studies until the disturbances produced in the colonies by the stamp act. On his return, he commenced the practice of his profession in Philadelphia, and met with distinguished success. He embarked actively in the political struggle of the day, on the side of independence, and, in 1774, was appointed one of the committee of correspondence of Philadelphia. He was in the same year, also, president of the first provincial convention held in Pennsylvania, and a delegate to the Continental Congress. On the formation of the army, he resigned a lucrative practice, and, at the solicitation of Ge- neral Washington, repaired to the camp at Cambridge, where he was appointed aid- de-camp and secretary to the commander-in-chief. Throughout this campaign, though acting merely as a volunteer, he displayed great courage and military ability. In the beginning of 1776, Mr. Reed was made adjutant-general, and contributed materially, by his local knowledge, to the success of the affairs at Trenton and Princeton. During the week which elapsed between the two actions, he proposed to six Philadelphia gentlemen, members of the city troop, to accompany him on an excursion to obtain information. They advanced into the vicinity of Princeton, where the enemy was stationed, and surprised twelve British dragoons in a farm-house, who surrendered to this party of half their number, and were conducted by them to the American camp. At the end of the year, he resigned the office of adjutant-general. In 1777, within a period of less than two months, he was appointed chief-justice of Pennsylvania, and named by Congress a brigadier-general. He de- clined both offices, however, but continued to serve as a volunteer until the close of the campaign. He was present at almost every engagement in the northern and eastern section of the Union; and, although at each of the battles of Brandy wine, White Marsh and Monmouth, he had a horse killed under him, he had the good fortune never to receive a wound. In 1778, Mr. Reed was elected a member of Congress, and signed the Articles of Confederation. About this time, the British commis- 142 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS sioners, Governor Johnstone, Lord Carlisle and Mr. Eden, invested with power to treat concerning peace, arrived in America; the former of whom addressed private letters to Mr. Laurens, Mr. Dana, Mr. Morris, and Mr. Reed, offering them various inducements to lend them- selves to his views. He caused information to be secretly communi- cated to General Reed, that, if he would exert his abilities to promote a reconciliation, .£10,000 sterling, and the most valuable office in the colonies, should be at his disposal. The answer of Reed was, " I am not worth purchasing ; but, such as I am, the King of Great Britain is not rich enough to do it." In the same year, he was unanimously elected president of the supreme executive council of Pennsylvania, and continued in the office for the constitutional period of three years. At the time, there were violent parties in the State, and several se- rious commotions occurred, particularly a large armed insurrection in Philadelphia, which he suppressed, while he rescued a number of distinguished citizens from the most imminent danger of their lives, at the risk of his own, for which he received a vote of thanks from the legislature of the State. The revolt of the Pennsylvania line, also, in 1781, was suppressed through his instrumentality; and he was deputed, with General Potter, by the council of the state, with ample powers to redress the grievances complained of. To him, like- wise, belongs the honour of having been the original detecter and exposer of the character of Arnold, whom he brought to trial for mal-practices while in command at Philadelphia, notwithstanding a violent opposition on the floor of Congress, and the exertions of a powerful party in Pennsylvania. Amid the most difficult and trying scenes, the administration of Mr. Reed exhibited the most disinterested zeal and the greatest firm- ness and energy. His knowledge of law was very useful in a new and unsettled government; so that, although he found it in no small weakness and confusion, he left it, at the expiration of his term of office, in 1781, in as much tranquillity and stability as could be ex- pected from the time and circumstances of the war. He then re- turned to his profession. In 1784, he again visited England, for the sake of his health; but his voyage was attended with but little good effect. On the 5th of March, in the following year, he died, in his forty-third year. General Reed displayed inflexible patriotism, boldness, and a com- prehensive mind in his public career, wielding a vast influence in council and field. In private life he was known to be purely moral, and a faithful friend. OF THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. I43 JOHN DICKINSON. The leading opponent of John Adams in the debate upon the Declaration of Independence was John Dickinson, of Delaware — an honest, able, patriotic, but timid statesman. He was born in Mary- land, in December, 1732, and educated in Delaware, to which province his parents removed soon after his birth. He read law in Philadelphia, and resided three years in the Temple, London. After his return to America, he practised law with success in Philadelphia. He was soon elected to the legislature of Pennsyl- vania, in which his superior qualifications as a speaker and a man of business gave him considerable influence. The attempts of the mo- ther country upon the liberties of the colonies early awakened his attention. His first elaborate publication against the new policy of the British cabinet was printed at Philadelphia, in 1765, and entitled, The late Regulations respecting the British Colonies on the Continent of America considered. In that year he was deputed, by Pennsyl- vania, to attend the first Congress, held at New York, and prepared the draft of the bold resolutions of that Congress. In 1766 he published a spirited address on the same questions, to a committee of correspondence in Barbadoes. He next issued in Philadelphia, in 1767, his celebrated Farmer's Letters to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies — a production which had a great influence in enlight- ening the American people on the subject of their rights, and pre- paring them for resistance. They were reprinted in London, with a preface by Doctor Franklin, and published in French, at Paris. In 1774, Mr. Dickinson wrote the resolves of the committee of Pennsylvania, and their instructions to their representatives. These instructions formed a profound and extensive essay on the constitu- tional power of Great Britain over the colonies in America, and in that shape they were published by the committee. While in Congress, he wrote the Address to the Inhabitants of Quebec ; the first Petition to the King ; the Address to the Armies ; the second Petition to the King, and the Address to the several States; all among the ablest state-papers of the time. As an orator, he had few superiors in that body. He penned the famous Declaration of the United Colonies of North America, (July 6, 1775;) but he opposed the declaration of independence, believing that compromise was still practicable, and that his countrymen were not yet ripe for a complete separation from Great Britain. This rendered him for a time so unpopular, that he 144 • BIOGRArHIES OF THE SIGNERS withdrew from the public councils, and did not recover his seat in Congress until about two years afterward. He then returned, ear- nest in the cause of independence. His zeal was shown in the ardent address of Congress to the several States, of May, 1779, which he wrote and reported. Mr. Dickinson was afterward president of the States of Pennsyl- vania and Delaware, successively; and, in the beginning of 1788, being alarmed by the hesitation of some States to ratify the constitu- tion proposed by the federal convention the year before, he published, for the purpose of promoting its adoption, nine very able letters, under the signature of Fabius. This signature he again used in fourteen letters, published in 1797, the object of which was to pro- duce a favourable feeling in the United States toward France, whose revolution he believed to be then at an end. Before the period last mentioned, he had withdrawn to private life, at Wilmington, in the State of Delaware, where he died, February 14, 1808. His retire- ment was spent in literary studies, in charitable offices and the exercise of an elegant hospitality. His conversation and manners were very attractive ; his countenance and person, uncommonly fine. His public services were eminent: his writings have been justly described as copious, forcible and correct; sometimes eloquently rhetorical and vehement, and generally rich in historical references and classical quotations. The patriotism of Mr. Dickinson was of that manly nature which does not permit the statesman to sanction a measure simply because it chances to be popular, but holds him to what seems to tend to the best interests of the country. NICHOLAS VAN DYKE. Nicholas Van Dyke was distinguished in the politics of his native State, Delaware, during the Revolution, and after its termination, in the triumph of liberty. After having served with rigid fidelity in the councils of his country during her hour of trial, he was rewarded with her honours when peace and prosperity smiled over the land. He was elected to the Senate of the United States, and served in that body from the 4th of March, 1817, till January, 1827, when death removed him from the scene of his patriotic toil. OF THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 145 JOHN HANSON. John Hanson was born in Maryland. He displayed energy and decisive patriotism at the commencement of the Revolutionary war. He was elected a delegate to Congress, and while a member of that body his reputation for practical ability steadily rose. In 1781, Mr. Hanson was elected president of Congress, and he continued to hold that office until 1783, when death removed him from the scene of his patriotic services. HENRY LAURENS. Henry Laurens was born in Charleston, South Carolina, in the year 172-4. He took an early part in opposing the arbitrary claims of Great Britain, at the commencement of the American Revolution. When the provincial Congress of Carolina met in June, 1775, he was appointed its president ; in which capacity he drew up a form of association, to be signed by all the friends of liberty, which in- dicated a most determined spirit. Being a member of the general Congress, after the resignation of Hancock, he was appointed presi- dent of that illustrious body in November, 1777. In 1780, he was deputed to solicit a loan from Holland, and to negotiate a treaty with the United Netherlands ; but on his passage, he was captured by a British vessel on the Banks of Newfoundland. He threw his papers overboard, but they were recovered by a sailor. Being sent to England, he was committed to the Tower, on the 5th of October, as a state prisoner, on a charge of high-treason. Here he was con- fined more than a year, and was treated with great severity, being denied, for the most part, all intercourse with his friends, and for- bidden the use of pen, ink, and paper. His capture occasioned no small embarrassment to the ministry. They dared not condemn him as a rebel, through fear of retaliation ; and they were unwilling to release him, lest he should accomplish the object of his mission. The discoveries found in his papers led to a war with Great Britain and Holland, and Mr. Adams was appointed in his place to carry on the negotiation with the United Provinces. Many propositions were then made to Mr. Laurens, which wero repelled with indignation. At length, news being received that his 10 146 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS eldest son, a youth of such uncommon talents, exalted sentiments, and prepossessing manners and appearance, that a romantic interest is still attached to his name, had been appointed the special minister of Congress to the French court, and was there urging the suit of his country, with winning eloquence, the father was requested to write to his son, and urge his return to America ; it being further hinted, that, as he was held a prisoner in the light of a rebel, his life should depend upon compliance. "My son is of age," replied the heroic father of an heroic son, " and has a will of his own. I know him to be a man of honour. He loves me dearly, and would lay down his life to save mine ; but I am sure that he would not sacrifice his honour to save my life, and I applaud him." This veteran was, not many months after, released, with a request from Lord Shel- burne that he would pass to the continent, and assist in negotiating a peace between Great Britain and the free United States of America, and France their ally. Toward the close of the year 1781, his sufterings, which had, by that time become well known, excited the utmost sympathy for him- self, but kindled the warmest indignation against the authors of his cruel confinement. Every attempt to draw concessions from this inflexible patriot having proved more than useless, his enlargement was resolved upon, but difficulties arose as to the mode of effecting it. Pursuing the same high-minded course which he had at first adopted, and influenced by the noblest feelings of the heart, he ob- stinately refused his consent to any act which might imply a con- fession that he was a British subject, for as such he had been com- mitted on a charge of high-treason. It was finally proposed to take bail for his appearance at the Court of King's Bench, and when the words of the recognizance, "our sovereign lord the king," were read to Mr. Laurens, he distinctly replied in open court, "Not my sove- reign!" With this declaration, he, with Messrs. Oswald and Ander- son as his securities, were bound for his appearance at the next Court of King's Bench for Easter term, and for not departing without leave of the court, upon which he was immediately discharged. When the time appointed for his trial approached, he was not only exonerated from obligation to attend, but solicited by Lord Shelburne to depart for the continent to assist in a scheme for a pacification with America. The idea of being released, gratuitously, by the British government, sensibly moved him, for he had invariably considered himself as a prisoner of war. Possessed of a lofty sense of personal independ- ence, and unwilling to be brought under the slightest obligation, he thus expressed himself: "I must not accept myself as a gift; and as OF THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 147 Congress once offered General Burgoyne for me, I have no doubt of their being now willing to offer Earl Cornwallis for the same purpose." Close confinement in the Tower for more than fourteen months had shattered his constitution, and he was ever afterward a stranger to good health. As soon as his discharge was promulgated, he received from Congress a commission, appointing him one of their ministers for negotiating a peace with Great Britain. Arriving at Paris, in conjunction with Dr. Franklin, John Adams, and John Jay, he signed the preliminaries of peace on the 30th of November, 1782, by which the independence of the United States was unequivocally acknow- ledged. Soon after this, Mr. Laurens returned to Carolina. En- tirely satisfied with the whole course of his conduct while abroad, it will readily be imagined that his countrymen refused him no distinc- tions within their power to bestow; but every solicitation to suffer himself to be elected governor, member of Congress, or of the legisla- ture of the State, he positively withstood. When the project of a general convention for revising the federal bond of union was under consideration, he was chosen without his knowledge one of its mem- bers, but he refused to serve. Retired from the world and its con- cerns, he found delight in agricultural experiments, in advancing the welfare of his children and dependants, and in attentions to the in- terests of his friends and fellow-citizens. He expired on the 8th of December, 1792, in the sixty-ninth year of his age. He directed his son to burn his body on the third day, as the sole condition of his inheriting an estate of X60,000. Rigid virtue was characteristic of Mr. Laurens in public and private life. He had almost the austerity of Cato. His patriotism was as devoid of the alloy of ambition as that of any man who ever lived. WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON. South Cakolina had a very distinguished delegation in the Con- gress that framed the Articles of Confederation. Among the mem- bers, William Henry Drayton iad a very high reputation. He was born in South Carolina, in 1742. He spent his youth and acquired his education in England. Soon after he came to manhood, he returned to Carolina, and there with 148 BIOGP.APIIIES OF THE SIGNERS inferior opportunities, but superior industry, prosecuted his studies. In it he acquired the greater part of that knowledge for which he was afterward distinguished. He first began to write for the public about the year 1769. Under the signature of "Freeman" he stated several legal and constitutional objections to an association, or rather the mode of enforcing an association, for suspending the importation of British manufactures, which was then generally signed by the in- habitants. This involved him in a political controversy, in which he was opposed by Christopher Gadsden and John Mackenzie. In the year 1774 he wrote a pamphlet under the signature of "Freeman," which was addressed to the American Congress. In this he stated the grievances of America, and drew up a bill of American rights. This was well received. It substantially chalked out the line of conduct adopted by Congress then in session. He was elected a member of the provincial Congress, which sat in January, 1775; and in the course of that year was advanced to the presidency thereof. In the latter character he issued on the 9th of November, 1775, the first order that was given in South Carolina for firing on the British. The order was addressed to Colonel William Moultrie, and directed him "by every military operation to endeavour to oppose the pas- sage of any British naval armament that may attempt to pass Fort Johnson." This was before Congress had decided on independence, and, in the then situation of Carolina, was a bold, decisive measure. Before the Be volution, Mr. Drayton was one of the king's coun- sellors, and one of his assistant judges for the province. The first of these offices he resigned, and from the last he was dismissed by the officers of his Britannic majesty. On the formation of a popular constitution, he was reinstated in the corresponding offices of the State, and in the last advanced to the rank of chief-justice. He published his charge to the grand jury in April, 1776, which breathes all the spirit and energy of a mind which knows the value of freedom, and is determined to support it. The following is an extract from the charge : — "In short, I think it my duty to declare, in the awful seat of justice, and before Almighty God, that in my opinion, the Americans can have no safety but by the Divine favour, their own virtue, and their being so prudent as not to leave it in the power of the British rulers to injure them. Indeed the ruinous and deadly injuries re- ceived on our side; and the jealousies entertained, and which, in the nature of things, must daily increase against us on the other; demonstrate to a mind, in the least given to reflection upon the rise and fall of empires, that true reconcilement never can exist between OF THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 149 Great Britain and America, the latter being in subjection to the former. The Ahuighty created America to be independent of Britain : let us beware of the impiety of being backward to act as instruments in the Almighty hand, now extended to accomplish his purpose; and by the completion of which alone, America, in the nature of human affairs, can be secure against the craft and insidious designs of her enemies wJio think her prosperity/ and power already BY far too great. In a word, our piety and political safety are so blended, that to refuse our labours in this Divine work, is to refuse to be a great, a free, a pious, and a happy people ! " And now having left the important alternative, political happi- ness or wretchedness under God, in a great degree in your own hands, I pray the Supreme Arbiter of the affairs of men, so to direct your judgment, as that you may act agreeably to what seems to be his will, revealed in his miraculous works in behalf of America, bleeding at the altar of liberty." This being anterior to the declara- tion of independence, was bold language. Several publications ap- peared from his pen, explaining the injured rights of his country, and encouraging his fellow-citizens to vindicate them. He has also left a manuscript history of the American Revolution in three folio volumes, brought down to the end of the year 1778, which he in- tended to continue and publish. His country, pleased with his zeal and talents, heaped offices upon him. He was appointed a member of Congress in 1778 and 1779, Soon after he had taken his seat, British commissioners came to America, with the hope of detaching the States from their alliance with France. Drayton took an active and decided part in favour of the measures adopted by his country- men. His letters, published expressly to controvert the machinations of the British commissioners, were considered as replete with irre- sistible arguments, and written in the best style. He died in Philadelphia, in 1779, while attending his duty in Congress, in the thirty-seventh year of his age. He was a statesman of great decision and energy, and one of the ablest political writers South Carolina has produced. RICHARD HUTSON. Richard Hutson was not a prominent member of the South Carolina delegation in the Congress that framed the Articles of Con- federation; but his activity and devotion to the patriot cause are 150 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS demonstrated by his connection with most of the important revo- tionary movements made in his native State, and by the record of his earnest efforts to sustain the drooping spirits of his countrymen after the British under Cornwallis and Rawdon had overrun the Carolinas. Such a citizen was worthy of the highest civil trusts his countrymen had it in their power to bestow. JOHN MATTHEWS. John Matthews was one of the youngest of the statesmen South Carolina gave to the country during the war of independence. He was born in 1744, was well educated, and became a lawyer of repu- tation while still a young man. At the commencement of the Revo- lution he avowed himself an ardent Whig, and applied his abilities to vindicating the rights and liberties of his native land. In 1780, Mr. Matthews was elected to a seat in Congress, in which body he displayed much energy, eloquence, and general legislative ability, adding greatly to his reputation. In 1782 he was chosen to succeed Governor Rutledge in the chief-magistracy of South Carolina. Mr. Matthews held this honourable and responsible post for one year. In 1784 he was appointed a judge in the court of equity, which office he continued to hold until his death in 1802, at the age of fifty-eight years. He was a man of high talent, firm and resolute will, and of extensive information. EDWARD TELFAIR. Edward Telfair was one of the earliest promoters of the Revo- lution in Georgia. He was one of the "sons of liberty" who met at Tondee's tavern in Savannah, and organized a regular resistance to the measures of the British government. In 1774 he was appointed one of the committee to draw up resolutions to be adopted by the friends of liberty, and he continued his activity as a patriot through- out the great struggle. He was elected a member of Congress, in which body he was a conspicuous legislator and orator. After the war, Mr. Telfair was elected governor of Georgia, and he held the office several years, giving general satisfaction. After a long life of public service he died in Savannah in October, 1807. C0n$titiition d tfje Unittb $kk%. We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution for the United States of America. ARTICLE I. Section 1. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a senate and house of representatives. Section 2. The house of representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature. No person shall be a representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one representative ; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Planta- tions one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey four, Penn- sylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the 151 152 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. The house of representatives shall choose their speaker and other oflBcers ; and shall have the sole power of impeachment. Section 3. The senate of the United States shall be composed of two senators from each State, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years ; and each senator shall have one vote. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the ex- piration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every second year ; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of any State, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the legisla- ture, which shall then fill such vacancies. No person shall be a senator who shall not have attained to the ag* of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. The vice-president of the United States shall be president of the senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. The senate shall choose their other officers, and also a president pro tempore, in the absence of the vice-president, or when he shall exercise the office of president of the United States. The senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments : When sitting for that purpose they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the president of the United States is tried, the chief-justice shall preside : And no person shall be convicted without the concur- rence of two-thirds of the members present. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honour, trust or profit under the United States : but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indict- ment, trial, judgment, and punishment, according to law. Section 4. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing senators. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 153 meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. Section 5. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, re- turns, and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business ; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the at- tendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such pe- nalties as each house may provide. Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behaviour, and, with the concurrence of two- thirds, expel a member. Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judg- ment require secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of the members of either house on any question shall, at the desire of one fifth of those present, bo entered on the journal. Neither house, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting. Section 6. The senators and representatives shall receive a com- pensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective houses, and in going to and returning from the same ; and for any speech or debate in either house, they shall not be questioned in any other place. No senator or representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time ; and no person holding any office under the United States, shall be a member of either house during his continuance in office. Section 7. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the house of representatives ; but the senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills. Every bill which shall have passed the house of representatives and the senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the president of the United States ; if he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his objections, to that house in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration 154 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. two-thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other house, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that house, it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each house respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the presi- dent within ten days (Sunday excepted) after it shall have been pre- sented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their adjournment prevent its re- turn, in which case it shall not be a law. Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the senate and house of representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the president of the United States ; and before the same shall take effect shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two- thirds of the senate and house of representatives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. Section 8. The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States ; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States ; To borrow money on the credit of the United States ; To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes ; To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States; To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures ; To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States ; To establish post-offices and post-roads ; To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries ; To constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court ; To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations ; To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captui-es on land and water ; CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 155 To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years ; To provide and maintain a navy ; To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces ; To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions ; To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively the ap- pointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress ; To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of par- ticular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings ; — And To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof. Section 9. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such im- portation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. No capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in pro- portion to the census or enumeration hereinbefore directed to be taken. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one State over those of another ; nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and 156 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States : And no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolu- ment, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state. Section 10. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or con- federation ; grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit bills of credit ; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any im- posts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws : and the net produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States ; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the Congress. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such immi- nent danger as will not admit of delay. ARTICLE 11. Section 1. The executive power shall be vested in a president of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and, together with the vice-president, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows : Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature threof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of senators and representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress : but no senator or representative, or person holding holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the day on which they shall give their votes ; which day shall be the same throughout the United States. No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United States, at the time of the adoption of this constitution, shall be eligi- ble to the office of president ; neither shall any person be eligible to CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 157 that office "wlio shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United States. In case of the removal of the president from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the vice-president, and the Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the president and vice-president, declaring what officer shall then act as president, and such officer shall act accordingly, until the disability be removed, or a president shall be elected. The president shall, at stated times, receive for his services, a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not re- ceive within that period any other emolument from the United States, or any of them. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation : — " I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of president of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the United States." Section 2. The president shall be commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several States, when called into the actual service of the United States ; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the executive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices, and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and con- sent of the senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, judges of the supreme court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise pro- vided for, and which shall be established by law : but the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers as they think proper, in the president alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. The president shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their next session. Section 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress in- 158 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. formation of the state of the Union, and recommend to their considera- tion such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient ; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper ; he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the United States. Section 4. The president, vice-president, and all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misde- meanors. ARTICLE III. Section 1. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The judges, both of the supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behaviour, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a com- pensation which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office. Section 2. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority ; — to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls ; — to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction ; — to contro- versies to which the United States shall be a party ; — to controver- sies between two or more States ; — between a State and citizens of another State ; — between citizens of different States ; — between citizens of the same State claiming lands under grants of different States, and between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens, or subjects. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and con- suls, and those in which a State shall be party, the supreme court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before men- tioned, the supreme court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations as the Congress shall make. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury ; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed ; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed. CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 159 Section 3. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted. ARTICLE IV. Section 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by general laws prescribe the man- ner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. Section 2. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all ■ privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall, on the demand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. No person held to service or labour in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labour may be due. Section 3. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union ; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State ; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the con- sent of the legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property be- longing to the United States ; and nothing in this constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular State. Section 4. The United States shall guaranty to every State in this Union a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion ; and on application of the legislature, 160 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. or of the executive, (when the legislature cannot be convened,) against domestic violence. ARTICLE V. The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this constitution, or, on the application of the legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this constitu- tion, when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress ; pro- vided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article ; and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the senate. ARTICLE VL All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this constitution, as under the confederation. This constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof ; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the su- preme law of the land ; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any thing in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrai-y notwithstanding. The senators and representatives before mentioned, and the mem- bers of the several State legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the LTnited States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this constitution; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States. ARTICLE VIL The ratification of the conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient for the establishment of this constitution between the States so rati- fying the same. Done in convention by the unanimous consent of the States present, the seventeenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven and of the independence AMENDMENTS. 161 of tlie United States of America the twelfth. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names. Go. Washington, President, and deputy from Virginia. NEW HAMPSHIRE. John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman. MASSACHUSETTS. Nathaniel Gorham, RuFus King. CONNECTICUT. William Samuel Johnson, RoGBE Sherman. NEW YORK. Alexander Hamilton. NEW JERSEY. William Livingston, David Brearlby, William Paterson, Jonathan Dayton. Attest . PENNSYLVANIA. Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, Robert Morris, George Clymer, Thomas Fitzsimons, Jared Ingersoll, James Wilson, Godverneur Morris. DELAWARE. George Reed, Gunning Bedford, Jun., John Dickinson, Richard Bassett, Jacob Broom. VIRGINIA. John Blair, James Madison, Jun. NORTH CAROLINA William Blount, Richard Dobbs Spaight, Hugh Williamson. SOUTH CAROLINA. John Rutledge, Charles C. Pinckney, Charles Pinckney, Pierce Butler. GEORGIA. MARYLAND. James McHenry, Daniel op St. Tho. Jenifer, William Few, Daniel Carroll. Abraham Baldwin. William Jackson, Secretary. AMENDMENTS to THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES, RATIFIED ACCORDING TO THE PROVISIONS OF THE FIFTH ARTICLE OF THE FOREGOING CONSTITUTION. Article the first. Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances. Article the second. A well-regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed. Article the third. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quar- tered in any house, without the consent of the owner, nor in a time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. Article the fourth. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and eflfects, against unreasonable 11 1(32 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported hj oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the per- sons or things to be seized. Akticle THE FIFTH. No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger ; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just com- pensation. Article the sixth. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be confronted with the witnesses against him ; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favour, and to have the assist- ance of counsel for his defence. Article the seventh. In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law. Article the eighth. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. Article the ninth. The enumeration in the constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. Article the tenth. The powers not delegated to the United States, by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. Article the eleventh. The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, com- menced or prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign State. Article the twelfth. The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for president and vice-president, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with AMENDJIENTS. 163 themselves ; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as president, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as vice-presi- dent, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as president, and of all persons voted for as vice-president, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the president of the senate ; the president of the senate shall, in the presence of the senate and house of representatives, open all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted ; — the person having the greatest number of votes for president, shall be the president, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as president, the house of representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the president. But in choosing the president, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if the house of representatives shall not choose a president whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the vice-president shall act as presi- dent, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the president. The person having the greatest number of votes as vice-president, shall be the vice-president, if such number be a ma- jority of the whole number of electors appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list, the senate shall choose the vice-president ; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of president shall be eligible to that of vice-president of the United States. imgragljus of % Jframcrs of t\t Constitution. GEORGE WASHINGTON. A BIOGRAPHY of Georgb WASHINGTON who was president of the convention which framed the constitution, will be found in that por- tion of the work which includes the lives of the Presidents of the United States. JOHN LANGDON. Nevt Hampshire should be proud of the noble patriots she pro- duced during the Revolutionary period. Stark, Whipple, and Lang- don were men who would have been ornaments to mankind in any state or age. John Langdon was born at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, in 1739. At an early age he entered the counting-house of a merchant, and afterward owned and commanded a ship which was employed in the London and West-India trade, but soon exchanged the seafaring life for the business exclusively of a merchant, in which he was highly successful. At the opening of the Revolution, he took a decided part in behalf of the colonies. As early as 1774, when the mother country passed the Boston port bill, and menaced hostilities, Mr. Langdon, with John Sullivan and Thomas Pickering, raised a troop, proceeded to the fort at Great Island, disarmed the garrison, and conveyed the arms and ammunition to a place of safety. The royal government would have prosecuted him, but was deterred by the resolution of the inhabitants to shield him at all hazards. In 1775, Mr. Langdon was a delegate to the general Congress of the colonies. In June, 1776, he resigned his seat in that body, for the place of navy-agent. In 1777, he was speaker of the Assembly of New Hampshire, and, when means were wanted to support a regi- ment, Langdon gave all his hard money, pledged his plate, and applied to the same purpose the proceeds of seventy hogsheads of tobacco. A brigade was raised with the means which he furnished, and with 164 OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 165 that brigade General Stark achieved his memorable victory over the Hessians. In 1785, Mr. Langdon was president of New Hampshire, and, in 1787, delegate in the convention that framed the federal constitution. Under this constitution, he was one of the first senators from New Hampshire. In 1805, he was elected governor of his State, and again in 1810. In 1801, President Jeiferson solicited him in vain to accept the post of secretary of the navy at Washington. He died September 18, 1819. Mr. Langdon was a patriot and public servant of great energy, decision, and generous purpose. His sacrifices at the time when his native State had the most pressing need of funds, will ever be re- membered by grateful Americans. NICHOLAS OILMAN. Nicholas Gilman was the son of John Taylor Gilman, who held high civil offices in New Hampshire, and under the general govern- ment, and who was an active patriot during the Revolution. He was educated to the profession of the law, and soon assumed a distin- guished position in his native State. He was appointed the colleague of John Langdon, in the convention that framed the federal consti- tution. In March, 1805, he was elected to a seat in the United States Senate, and he continued to be an active member of that body until 1814, when he died. He was a man of firm character and de- cided talent. NATHANIEL GORHAM. Nathaniel Gorham was born in Charlestown, Massachusetts, May 27, 1738. He received an excellent education, and possessing uncommon talents, he always appeared to advantage in company with literary men. He settled in business at the place of his nativity, but being a constant, fearless, and independent lover of freedom, seemed to be formed more for public life than to succeed in mercantile pursuits. Mr. Gorham was chosen representative for Charlestown, in 1771, 166 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS and every year till the commencement of the Revolutionary war. He was a very assiduous attendant on the house of representatives, and was a leader in all their debates. In 1779 he was elected a delegate of the convention which formed the constitution of his native State. In 1784 he was chosen a member of the Congress of the United States, and soon after elected president of that honourable body. In 1787, Mr. Gorham was a member of the grand convention which formed the federal constitution. In this august body, he sustained a high reputation for his knowledge and integrity. He stood high with all parties for his wisdom and prudence, and eloquence in debate. He was on this account one of the most influential members of the State convention, which adopted the constitution. He died, June 11, 1796, at the age of fifty-eight years. EUFUS KING. The name of Rufus King stands high in our history, as that of a statesman, orator, and diplomatist of rare powers. He was born in 1755, at Scarborough, Maine, where his father was a wealthy mer- chant. Young King was entered at Harvard College, in 1773; but, in 1775, his collegiate pursuits were interrupted by the commence- ment of the Revolutionary war, the buildings appertaining to the in- stitution having become the barracks of the American troops. The students were, in consequence, dispersed until the autumn of the same year, when they reassembled at Concord, where they remained until the evacuation of Boston by the British forces, in 1776. In 1777 he received his degree, and immediately afterward entered as a student of law, into the office of the celebrated Theophilus Parsons, at Newburyport. Before he was admitted to the bar in 1778, Mr. King volunteered his services in the enterprise conducted by General Sullivan and Count d'Estaing against the British in Rhode Island, and acted in the capacity of aid-de-camp to the former. In 1780 he began the practice of his profession, and soon after was elected repre- sentative of the town of Newburyport, in the legislature or General Court, as it is called, of Massachusetts, where his success paved the way to a seat in the old Congress in 1784. His most celebrated effort in the legislature was made in that year, on the occasion of the re- commendation by Congress to the several States to grant to the general government a five per cent, impost, a compliance with which OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 167 he advocated with great power and zeal. He was re-elected a mem- her of Congress in 1785 and 1786. In the latter year, he was sent by Congress, with Mr. Monroe, to the legislature of Pennsylvania, to remonstrate against one of its proceedings. A day was appointed for them to address the legislature, on which Mr. King rose first to speak ; but, before he could open his lips, he lost the command of his faculties, and, in his confusion, barely retained presence of mind enough to request Mr. Monroe to take his place. Meanwhile, he re- covered his self-possession, and on rising again, after complimenting his audience by attributing his misfortune to the effect produced upon him by so august an assemblage, proceeded to deliver an elegant and masterly speech. In 1787, when the general convention met at Philadelphia for the purpose of forming a constitution for the country, Mr. King was sent to it by the legislature of Massachusetts, and, when the convention of that State was called, in order to discuss the system of govern- ment proposed, was likewise chosen a member of it by the inhabitants of Newburyport. In both assemblies, he was in favour of the present constitution. In 1788, he removed to New York city. In 1789, he was elected a member of the New York legislature, and, during its extra session, in the summer of that year, General Schuyler and him- self were chosen the first senators from the State, under the consti- tution of the United States. In 1794, the British treaty was made public, and, a public meeting of the citizens of New York having been called respecting it, Mr. King and General Hamilton attended to explain and defend it ; but the people were in such a ferment, that they were not allowed to speak. They therefore retired, and imme- diately commenced the publication of a series of essays upon the subject, under the signature of Camillus, the first ten of which, re- lating to the permanent articles of the treaty, were written by General Hamilton, and the remainder, relative to the commercial and maritime articles, by Mr. King. The most celebrated speech made by Mr. King, in the Senate of the United States, was in this year, concern- ing a petition which had been presented by some of the citizens of Pennsylvania against the right of Albert Gallatin to take a seat in the Senate, to which he had been chosen by that State, on the ground of want of legal qualification, in consequence of not having been a citizen of the United States for the requisite number of years. Mr. King spoke in support of the petition, and in answer to a speech of Aaron Burr in favour of Mr. Gallatin. Mr. Gallatin was excluded. In the spring of 1796, Mr. King was appointed, by President Washington, minister plenipotentiary to the court of St. James, liav- 1(38 EIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS ing previously declined the offer of the department of state. The functions of that post he continued to discharge until 1803, when he returned home. In 1813, he was a third time sent to the senate by the legislature of New York, at a period when the nation was in- volved in hostilities with Great Britain. His speech on the burning of Washington by the enemy, was one of his most eloquent displays, and teemed with sentiments which had echoes from all parties. In 1816, while engaged with his senatorial duties at Washington, he was proposed as a candidate for the chief magistracy of the State of New York, by a convention of delegates from several of its counties. The nomination was made without his knowledge, and it was with great reluctance that he acceded to it, at the earnest solicitation of his friends. He was not, however, elected. In 1820, he was re-elected to the Senate of the United States, where he continued until the expiration of the term, in March, 1825. Several of the laws which he proposed and carried, in that interval, were of great consequence. In the famous Missouri question, he took the lead. On his with- drawal from the Senate, he accepted from President Adams the appointment of minister plenipotentiary at the court of London. During the voyage to England, his health was sensibly impaired. He remained abroad a twelvemonth, but his illness impeded the perform- ance of his official duties, and proved fatal soon after his return home. He died like a Christian philosopher, April 29, 1827, in the seventy- third year of his age. In person, Mr. King was somewhat above the middle size, and well proportioned. His countenance was frank, manly, and beaming with intelligence. His orations and writings were remarkable for their condensation and force of style. His conversation was brilliant and varied. As a statesman, all parties agreed that he ranked among the first of his age. WILLIAM SAMUEL JOHNSON. William Samuel Johnson was the eldest son of the Rev. Dr. -Johnson, first president of the college in New York. He was edu- cated at Yale College, where he took the degree of bachelor of arts in 1744. At the bar he was an eminently graceful speaker and an able advocate, and soon rose to high professional reputation. After passing with honour through almost all the respectable offices of the colony, he was sent to England in 1766, by the legislature of Con- OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 169 nectlcut, to argue before the royal council a great land cause of the highest importance to the colony. He remained in England until 1771, and during this period the University of Oxford conferred on him the degree of doctor of civil law, and he was elected a member of the Royal Society. Some time after his return, he was appointed one of the judges of the superior court of Connecticut. He also represented the State for some years under the old confederation. He was sent as a delegate from his native State to the convention for forming a new constitution for the United States, and was elected a member of Congress on the first organization of the new constitution. In 1792 he was elected president of Columbia College, and he con- tinued to fill that station with great dignity and usefulness until 1810. Mr. Johnson died at Stratford, Connecticut, in 1819, at the age of ninety-three years. ALEXANDER HAMILTON. The chief debater in the convention which framed the federal constitution, and the chief advocate of that instrument after its com- pletion, was Alexander Hamilton. He was a native of the Island of St. Croix, and was born in 1757. His father was the younger son of an English family, and his mother was an American. At the age of sixteen he accompanied his mother to New York, and entered a student of Columbia college, in which he continued about three years While a member of this institution the first buddings of his intellect gave presages of his future eminence. The contest with Great Britain called forth the first talents on each side, and his juvenile pen asserted the claims of the colonies against very re- spectable writers. His papers exhibited such evidence of intellect and wisdom, that they were ascribed to Mr. Jay, and when the truth was discovered, America saw with astonishment a lad of seventeen in the list of her able advocates. At the age of eighteen he entered the American army as an oflBcer of artillery. The first sound of war awakened his martial spirit, and as a soldier he soon conciliated the regard of his brethren in arms. It was not long before he attracted the notice of Washington, who in 1777 selected him as an aid, with the rank of lieutenant colonel. His sound understanding, compre- hensive views, application and promptitude soon gained him the entire confidence of his patron. In such a school, it was impossible but that his genius should be nourished. By intercourse with Wash- 170 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS ington, by surveying his plans, observing his consummate prudence, and by a minute inspection of the springs of national operations, he became fitted for command. Throughout the campaign, which ter- minated in the capture of Lord Cornwallis, Colonel Hamilton com- manded a battalion of light infantry. At the siege of York, in 1781, when the second parallel was opened, two redoubts, which flanked it and were advanced three hundred yards in front of the British works, very much annoyed the men in the trenches. It was resolved to possess them, and, to prevent jealousies, the attack of the one was committed to the Americans and of the other to the French. The detachment of the Americans was commanded by the marquis de la Fayette, and Colonel Hamilton, at his own earnest request, led the advanced corps, consisting of two battalions. Toward the close of the day, on the 14th of October, the troops rushed to the charge without firing a single gun. The works were assaulted with irre- sistible impetuosity, and carried with but little loss. Eight of the enemy fell in the action ; but notwithstanding the irritation lately produced by the infamous slaughter in Fort Griswold, not a man was killed who had ceased to resist. Soon after the capture of Cornwallis, Hamilton sheathed his Bword, and being encumbered with a family and destitute of funds, at the age of twenty-five applied to the study of the law. In this profession he soon rose to distinction. But his private pursuits could not detach him from regard to the public welfare. The violence which was meditated against the property and persons of all who remained in the city during the war, called forth his generous exertions, and by the aid of Governor Clinton the faithless and re- vengeful scheme was defeated. In a few years a more important affair demanded his talents. After witnessing the debility of the confederation, he was fully impressed with the necessity of an eifi- cient general government, and he was appointed in 1787 a member of the federal convention for New York. He assisted in forming the constitution of our country. It did not indeed completely meet his wishes. He was afraid that it did not contain sufficient means of strength for its own preservation, and that in consequence we should share the fate of many other republics, and pass through anarchy to des- potism. He was in favour of a more permanent executive and senate. He wished for a strong government, which would not be shaken by the conflict of difl'erent interests through an extensive territory, and which should be adequate to all the forms of national exigency. He was apprehensive that the increased wealth and population of the States would lead to encroachments on the Union, and he anticipated OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 171 the day, when the general government, unable to support itself, would fall. These were his views and feelings, and he freely ex- pressed them. But the patriotism of Hamilton was not of that kind which yields every thing because it cannot accomplish all that it desires. Believing the constitution to be incomparably superior to the old confederation, he exerted all his talents in its support, though it did not rise to his conception of a perfect system. By his pen in the papers signed Publius, and by his voice in the convention of New York he contributed much to its adoption. When the govern- ment was organized in 1789, Washington placed him at the head of the treasury. In the new demands which were now made upon his talents, the resources of his mind did not fail him. In his reports he proposed plans for funding the debt of the Union and for assuming the debts of the respective States, for establishing a bank and mint, and for procuring a revenue. He wished to redeem the reputation of his country by satisfying her creditors, and to combine with the government such a moneyed interest as might facilitate its operations. But while he opened sources of wealth to thousands by establishing public credit, and thus restoring the public paper to its original value, he did not enrich himself. He did not take advantage of his situation, nor improve the opportunity he enjoyed for acquiring a fortune. Though, accused of amassing wealth, he did not vest a dollar in the public funds. He was exquisitely delicate in regard to his official character, being determined if possible to prevent the im- peachment of his motives, and preserve his integrity and good name unimpaired. In the early stage of the administration, a disagreement existed between Mr. Hamilton and the secretary of state, Mr. Jefferson, which increased till it issued in such open hostility, and introduced such confusion in the cabinet, that Washington found it necessary to address a letter to each, recommending forbearance and moderation. Mr. Hamilton was apprehensive of danger from the encroachment of the States, and wished to add new strength to the general govern- ment ; while Mr. Jefferson entertained little jealousy of the State sovereignties, and was rather desirous of checking and limiting the exercise of the national authorities, particularly the power of the executive. Other points of difference existed, and a reconciliation could not be effected. In the beginning of 1793, after intelligence of the rupture between France and Great Britain had been received, Hamilton, as one of the cabinet of the president, supported the opinion that the treaty with France was no longer binding, and that a nation might absolve itself from the obligations of real treaties. 172 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS when such a change takes place in the internal situation of the other contracting party, as renders the continuance of the connection dis- advantageous or dangerous. He advised therefore, that the ex- pected French minister should not be received in an unqualified manner. The secretary of state on the other hand was of opinion that the revolution in France had produced no change in the rela- tions between the two countries, and could not weaken the obligation of treaties; and this opinion was embraced by Washington. The advice of Hamilton was followed in regard to the insurrection in Pennsylvania in 1794, and such a detachment was sent out under his own command that it was suppressed without effusion of blood. He remained but a short time afterward in ofiice. As his property had been wasted in the public service, the care of a rising family made it his duty to retire, that by renewed exertions in his profes- sion he might provide for their support. He accordingly resigned his office on the last of January, 1795, and was succeeded by Mr. Wolcott. When a provisional army was raised in 1798 in conse- quence of the injuries and demands of France, Washington suspended his acceptance of the command of it on the condition, that Hamilton should be his associate and the second in command. This arrange- ment was accordingly made. After the adjustment of our dispute with the French republic, and the discharge of the army, he returned again to his profession in the city of New York. In this place he passed the remainder of his days. In June, 1804, Colonel Burr, vice-president of the United States, addressed a letter to General Hamilton, requiring his acknow- ledgment or denial of the use of any expression derogatory to the honour of the former. This demand was deemed inadmissible, and a duel was the consequence. After the close of the circuit court, the parties met at Hoboken on the morning of Wednesday, July 11, and Hamilton fell on the same spot where his son a few years before had fallen, in obedience to the same principle of honour, and in the same violation of the laws of God and of man. He was carried into the city, and being desirous of receiving the sacrament of the Lord's supper, he immediately sent for the Rev. Dr. Mason. As the principles of his church prohibited him from administering the ordinance in private, this minister of the gospel informed General Hamilton that the sacrament was an exhibition and pledge of the mercies which the Son of God has purchased, and that the absence of the sign did not exclude from the mercies sig- nified, which were accessible to him by faith in their gracious Author. He replied, " I am aware of that. It is only as a sign OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. I73 that I wanted it." In the conversation which ensued, he disavowed all intention of taking the life of Colonel Burr, and declared his abhorrence of the whole transaction. When the sin of which he had been guilty was intimated to him, he assented with strong emotion ; and when the infinite merit of the Redeemer, as the pro- pitiation for sin, the sole ground of our acceptance with God, Avas suggested, he said with emphasis, "I have a tender reliance on the mercy of the Almighty through the merits of the Lord Jesus Christ." The Rev. Bishop Moore was afterward sent for, and after making suitable inquiries of the penitence and faith of Gene- ral Hamilton, and receiving his assurance that he would never again, if restored to health, be engaged in a similar transaction, but would employ all his influence in society to discountenance the bar- barous custom, administered to him the communion. After this his mind was composed. He expired about two o'clock on Thursday July 12, 1804, aged about forty-seven years. General Hamilton possessed very uncommon powers of mind. To whatever subject he directed his attention, he was able to grasp it, and in whatever he engaged, in that he excelled. So stupendous were his talents, and so patient was his industry, that no investiga- tion presented difficulties which he could not conquer. In the class of men of intellect he held the first rank. His eloquence was of the most interesting kind, and when new exertions were required, he rose in new strength, and touching at his pleasure every string of pity or terror, of indignation or grief, he bent the passions of others to his purpose. At the bar he gained the first eminence. He was an honest politician; and his frankness has been com- mended even by those who considered his political principles as hostile to the American confederated republic. His views of the necessity of a firm general government rendered him a decided friend of the union of the American States. His feelings and lan- guage were indignant toward every thing which pointed at its disso- lution. His hostility to every influence which leaned toward the project was stern and steady, and in every shape it encountered his reprobation. With all his pre-eminence of talents, and amiable as he was in private life. General Hamilton is yet a melancholy proof of the influ- ence which intercourse with a depraved world has in perverting the judgment. In principle he was opposed to duelling, his conscience was not hardened, and he was not indiflferent to the happiness of his wife and children ; but no consideration was strong enough to pre- vent him from exposing his life in single combat. His own views 174 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS of usefulness were followed in contrariety to the injunctions of his Maker and Judge. He published the letters of Phocion, which were in favour of the loyalists after the peace. The Federalist, a series of essays, which appeared in the public papers in the interval between the publication and the adoption of the constitution of the United States, or soon after, and which was designed to elucidate and support its principles, was written by him in conjunction with Mr. Jay and Mr. Madison. He wrote all the numbers, excepting numbers 2, 3, 4, 5, and 54, which were written by Mr. Jay ; numbers 10, 14, and 37 to 48 inclusive, by Mr. Madison ; and numbers 18, 19, and 20, which he and Mr. Madison wrote conjointly. This work has been published in two volumes, and is held in the highest estimation. His reports while secretary of the treasury are very long, and display great powers of mind. Some of them are preserved in the American Museum. In the report upon manufactures, he controverts the principles of Adam Smith. In the papers signed Pacificus, written in 1793, while he justified the proclamation of neutrality, he also supported his opinion that we were absolved from the obligation of our treaties with France, and that justice was on the side of the coalition of the European powers for the re-establishment of the French monarchy. He pub- lished also observations on certain documents, &c., being a defence of himself against the charge of peculation, 1797 ; and a letter con- cerning the public conduct and character of his excellency John Adams, president of the United States, 1800. In this letter he endeavours to show, that the venerable patriot, who was more dis- posed than himself to maintain peace with France, was unworthy of being replaced in the high station which he occupied. WILLIAM LIVINGSTON. The Livingston family contributed many able and devoted patriots to the service of America. Among these, William Livingston, Governor of New Jersey was conspicuous during the Revolution. He was born in New York about the year 1723, and was graduated at Yale College in 1741. He afterward pursued the study of the law. Possessing a strong and comprehensive mind, a brilliant imagination, and a retentive memory, and improving with unwearied diligence the literary advantages which he enjoyed, he soon rose to eminence in OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 175 his profession. He early embraced the cause of civil and religious liberty. When Great Britain advanced her arbitrary claims, he em- ployed his pen in opposing them, and in vindicating the rights of his countrymen. After sustaining some important offices in New York, he removed to New Jersey, and as a representative of this State was one of the principal members of the first Congress in 1774. In 1776, on the formation of the new constitution of the State, he was elected the first governor; and such was his integrity and republican virtue that he was annually re-elected until his death. During our struggles for liberty, he bent his exertions to support the independence of his country. By the keenness and geverity of his political writings he exasperated the British, who distinguished him as an object of their peculiar hatred. His pen had no inconsider- able influence in exciting that indignation and zeal, which rendered the militia of New Jersey so remarkable for the alacrity with which on any alarm they arrayed themselves against the common enemy. In 1787 he was appointed a delegate to the grand convention which formed the constitution of the United States. After having sustained the office of governor for fourteen years, with great honour to himself, and usefulness to the State, he died at his seat near Elizabethtown, July 25, 1790. Governor Livingston was remarkably plain and simple in his dress and manners. He was convivial, easy, mild, witty, and fond of anecdote. Fixed and unshaken in Christian principles, his life pre- sented an example of incorruptible integrity, strict honour, and warm benevolence. His writings evince a vigorous mind and a refined taste. Intimately acquainted with ancient and modern literature, he acquired an ele- gance of style which placed him among the first writers of his time. DAVID BREARLEY. David Brearley was born in New Jersey, about the year 1763, and at the age of eighteen he received the honours of Princeton College. On leaving that celebrated seminary, he commenced the study of the law, and in a few years stood foremost at the bar of his native State. In consideration of his distinguished talents as a lawyer and states- man, he was unanimously elected a member of the grand convention 176 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS which met at Philadelphia, in 1787, for framing the constitution of the United States, and his name is affixed to that charter of our liberties. In 1789 he was appointed by President Washington, chief-justice of the State of New Jersey, which office he held with distinguished honour to himself and his country until his death, which took place at his seat, near Trenton, August 23, 1790, in the twenty-seventh year of his age. Mr. Brearley was cut off in the bloom of his powers, and when the highest hopes were entertained of his future usefulness. To have reached the position of chief-justice at the age of twenty-six years, was an almost unprecedented instance of the triumph of youthful genius, and sufficient of itself to inspire his friends with glorious an- ticipations. As an advocate he was always eloquent and forcible; and as a judge he was learned and impartial. WILLIAM PATTERSON. Governor Patterson was one of the most accomplished states- men whom New Jersey has produced. He was born in that State in 1745. Receiving an excellent education, he graduated at Princeton College in 1763, and then turned his attention to the study of the law. During the Revolution, Mr. Patterson employed his eminent abilities in furthering the cause of his country. After the struggle had ended, and the formation of a federal union was proposed, he was sent as a delegate to the convention which met at Philadelphia for that purpose. His course in that body increased his reputation as a statesman; and he was chosen senator from New Jersey into the first Congress after the adoption of the federal constitution. In 1790, Mr. Patterson was elected governor of New Jersey, and not long afterward he was appointed an associate judge of the supreme court of the United States. Mr. Patterson died in 1806, at the age of sixty-three years. He possessed a vigorous, comprehensive mind, and a large fund of knowledge in law and politics. OP THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. I77 JONATHAN DAYTON. Colonel Elias Dayton was a distinguished patriot and soldier of New Jersey in the war of independence, and his son, Jonathan Day- ton, was one of the ablest civilians of that State, after independence had been achieved. Jonathan Dayton was born at Elizabethtown, New Jersey, shortly before the Revolution. He was carefully edu- cated and prepared for the career of a lawyer and statesman, and from his first entrance into public life his promotion was rapid. After being appointed to several offices in his native State, Mr. Dayton was in 1788 elected a member of the national house of representatives. In the preceding year he had served as one of the delegates to the convention which framed the constitution of the United States. He was also elected a senator in Congress, and took his seat on the 4th of March, 1799. On the 3d of March, 1805, his term expired, and he retired from public office. Mr. Dayton was an accomplished lawyer, a firm friend to the constitu- tion, and one of its ablest defenders. THOMAS MIFFLIN. General Thomas Mifflin was one of the most distinguished of the Pennsylvania delegates who signed the federal constitution. He was born in 1744, of parents who were Quakers or Friends. His education was intrusted to the Rev. Dr. Smith, Avith whom he was connected in cordial intimacy for more than forty years. Active and zealous, he engaged early in opposition to the measures of the British Parliament. He was a member of the first Congress in 1774. He took arms, and was among the first officers commissioned on the organization of the continental army, being appointed quarter- master general in August, 1775. For this offence he was read out of the Society of Quakers. In 1777 he was very useful in animat- ing the militia, and enkindling the spirit which seemed to have been damped ; but he was also suspected in this year of being unfriendly to the commander-in-chief, and of wishing to have some other per- son appointed in his place. His sanguine disposition and his activity might have rendered him insensible to the value of that coolness and caution which were essential to the preservation of such an army as was then under the command of Washington. 12 178 BIOGRAPHERS OF THE FRAMERS In 1787, General Mifflin was a member of the convention which framed the constitution of the United States, and his name is affixed to that instrument. In October, 1788, he succeeded Franklin as president of the supreme executive council of Pennsylvania, in which station he continued till October, 1790. In September a constitu- tion for this State was formed by a convention, in which he presided, and he was chosen the first governor. In 1794, during the insur- rection in Pennsylvania, he employed to the advantage of his coun- try the extraordinary powers of elocution with which he was en- dowed. The imperfection of the militia laws was compensated by his eloquence. He made a circuit through the lower counties, and at diiferent places publicly addressed the militia on the crisis in the the affairs of their country, and through his animating exhortations the State furnished the quota required. He was succeeded in the office of governor by Mr. McKean, at the close of the year 1799, and died at Lancaster, January 20, 1800, in the fifty-seventh year of his age. He was an active and zealous patriot, who had devoted much of his life to the public service. THOMAS FITZSIMMONS. Thomas Fitzsimmons does not appear to have been a prominent member of the convention which framed the constitution. Nor does his name appear in connection with the movements of his fellow-citi- zens during the Revolution. But as there were no men of mean capacity in the convention, we may suppose that Mr. Fitzsimmons was, by talent and energy, rendered worthy of the high legislative trust which the people of his native State saw fit to place in his hands. JARED INGERSOLL. Jared Ingersoll was born in 1749. He graduated at Yale Col- lege, and then began the practice of the law in Philadelphia, where he soon acquired a high reputation, although brought in conflict with the most distinguished lawyers of the day. He was elected to a seat in Congress under the confederation, and was chosen as one of the repre- sentatives of Pennsylvania in the convention which assembled to frame the federal constitution. In both these bodies he made a decided im- OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 179 pression as a learned and able man. Soon afterward he became at- torney-general of Pennsylvania, wliieh office he held until 1816, when he resigned. At the time of his death he was a judge. In 1812, Mr. Ingersoll was the federal candidate for the vice-presi- dency of the United States. The candidates of the Republican or war party were, however, elected. Mr. Ingersoll died in 1822, at the age of seventy-three. GUNNING BEDFORD, Jun. GuNNiNa Bedford, Jun., was a patriotic statesman of the Revo- lution. He was chosen governor of Delaware in 1796, and he dis- charged the duties of his office to the general satisfaction. He was then appointed district judge of the United States court, and he continued to hold that office until his death in 1815. He was one of the ablest patriots that the little State of Delaware produced during the Revolutionary period. RICHARD BASSETT. Richard Bassett was a distinguished patriot of the Revolution. He was elected governor of Delaware, was a member of the old Continental Congress, one of the framers of the present constitu- tion, and then a member of the senate of the United States. In 1801, Mr. Bessett was placed upon the bench of the federal judi- ciary. But the repeal of the act constituting the courts was effected under Jefferson, and Judge Bassett was deprived of his office, (1802.) He died in 1815. Mr. Bassett was a man of energy, talent, and learning. JACOB BROOM. Jacob Broom was a native of Delaware, and a descendant of one of the most respectable families of that State. He received a thorough education, and became an eminent lawyer early in life. Having been chosen to represent his native State in the convention 180 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS that framed the constitution, Mr. Broom became a prominent mem- ber of that body. He was afterward an active man in the politics of his native State. Some of his descendants are now among the distinguished citizens of Pennsylvania. JOHN BLAIR. The Virginia colleague of Madison in signing the federal con- stitution was John Blair. This distinguished man was born in that State about the year 1731. On receiving a collegiate education, he entered upon the study of the law, and in a very fcAV years rose to the head of his profession. From eminence at the bar, his course to political distinction was rapid and successful. He was called by the voice of his fellow-citizens to some of the highest and most import- ant trusts, which he faithfully discharged, at a time when the state of the country wore the most gloomy aspect, and by his exertions contributed essentially to its liberty and independence. In 1787, at which time Mr. Blair was judge of the court of ap- peals, the legislature of Virginia, finding the judiciary system incon- venient, established circuit courts, the duties of which they directed the judges of the courts of appeals to perform. These judges, among whose names are those of Blair, Pendleton, and Wythe, re- monstrated, and declared the act unconstitutional. In the same year he took his seat in the convention which met at Philadelphia to frame the federal constitution, and was one of its most active members. To that instrument the names of Blair and Madison are affixed as the deputies from Virginia. In September, 1789, when the government which he had assisted in establishing had commenced its operations, he was appointed by President Washington an asso- ciate judge of the supreme court of the United States. He died September 12, 1800, in the sixty-ninth year of his age. Judge Blair was an amiable, accomplished, and truly virtuous man. JAMES MADISON, Jun. A biography of Mr. Madison will be found among those of the Presidents of the United States. OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 181 WILLIAM BLOUNT. "William Blount was born in North Carolina in 1744. Rising to distinction as a lawyer and statesman, he was sent as a delegate to the convention which framed the federal constitution. In 1790 he was appointed governor of the territory south of the Ohio. In 1796 he was chosen president of the convention of Tennessee. He was afterward elected by that State to a seat in the United States senate, but was expelled in July, 1797, for having instigated the In- dians to assist the British in conquering the Spanish territories near the United States. He died at Knoxville, Tennessee, in March, 1800. BICHARD DOBBS SPAIGHT. Richard Dobbs Spaight was an active patriot of North Carolina during the Revolution, and he remained firm in the faith when the British seemed completely triumphant in the South. He was a young man when Gates led his doomed army southward. He hastened to join the North Carolina forces, then commanded by General Caswell, and was appointed aid-de-camp to that officer. Throughout the struggle, Mr. Spaight showed a gallant spirit. The people of his native State, appreciating his patriotism and capacity for public office, appointed him a delegate to the convention which framed the constitution. He was an active and influential member of that body, and strongly advocated the adoption of the federal constitution in North Carolina. In 1792, Mr. Spaight was elected governor of the State, and in that position his energy and ability were conspicuous. He was one of the noblest citizens of whom North Carolina could boast in the days of trial. We find no record of the precise time of his decease ; but notice in our researches into the biography of those patriots who signalized themselves by virtue, courage and patriotism in the early days of the republic, that North Carolina furnished her full share. 182 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS HUGH WILLIAMSON. Hugh Williamson, M.D., LL.D., one of the signers of the fe- deral constitution, was born in West Nottingham, Pennsylvania, on the 5th of December, 1735. At the age of sixteen, he entered the first class in the College of Philadelphia, and at the first commence- ment held in that college he received the degree of bachelor of arts. He afterward commenced the study of divinity with Dr. Samuel Finley, and prosecuted it with such success that in 1759 he was licensed to preach. In 1760 he received the degree of master of arts ; and was soon after appointed professor of mathematics in that institution. In 1764, Mr. Williamson resigned his professorship and left his native country for Europe, to prosecute his medical studies at the University of Edinburgh. After enjoying the medical lectures of that institution for several years, he went to London, where he re- mained twelve months diligently pursuing his studies. From London he crossed over to Holland, and completed his medical education at Utrecht. After his return to this country, he commenced the prac- tice of medicine in Philadelphia, and met with great success. In 1769, in conjunction with several of the American astronomers, Mr. Williamson was employed in making observations on the transit of Venus, which happened in that year ; and which were afterward referred to with peculiar notice and approbation by the astronomers of Europe. In 1770 he published " Observations upon the change of the climate of the United States." In consideration of these valuable papers, he was elected honorary member of the Holland Society of Sciences ; of the Society of Arts and Sciences of Utrecht ; and as a further reward of his literary labours, the degree of doctor of laws was conferred upon him by the University of Leyden. In 1773, Mr. Williamson was appointed, in conjunction with Dr. John Ewing, to make a tour through England, Scotland, and Ire- land, to solicit benefactions for the college at Newark. During his stay in London, he procured the celebrated letters of Hutchinson and Oliver, in which they had secretly laboured to paint, in the most odious colours, the character of the people of Massachusetts. He lost no time in delivering them into the hands of Dr. Franklin, who afterward transmitted them to his constituents in Boston. " The indignation and animosity, which were excited on their perusal. OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 183 roused the people to a greater opposition to the measures of Great Britain." Mr. Williamson then passed into Holland, where he heard the news of the declaration of independence. As soon as he could arrange his affairs, he sailed for America, and arrived at Philadel- phia in March, 1779. Shortly after, he settled in North Carolina, and commenced the practice of physic at Edenton, and afterward removed to Newbern. In 1780, he was appointed a surgeon in the army. In 1782 he took his seat as a representative in the House of Commons of North Carolina ; from thence he was sent to the general Congress ; and in 1786 he was appointed a member to re- vise and amend the constitution of the United States. In 1787, Mr. Williamson was appointed a delegate from North Carolina, in the general convention at Philadelphia who formed and signed the federal constitution of the United States. While in Con- gress, he enjoyed a large share of influence, and was esteemed for the purity of his intentions and his inflexible devotedness to the interests of his country. In 1811 he pubished " Observations on the climate in the diff'erent parts of America, compared with the climate in corresponding parts of the other continent." In 1812 he published the "History of North Carolina," 2 vols, octavo. His other writings are numerous and detached, and are to be found in many of the literary and scientific journals of our country. In 1814, Mr. Williamson took an active part in the formation of the "Literary and Philosophical Society of New York." His intel- lectual faculties remained to the last period of his life unbroken and in their full vigour. He died on the 22d of May, 1819, in the eighty-fifth year of his age. JOHN RUTLEDGE. Unquestionably the great character of South Carolina during the Revolution was John Rutledge, who was for a time invested with dictatorial powers. He possessed all the qualities which con- stitute the man born to win and command — an eloquence of astonish- ing power, and a daring and decision of will which always placed him before his fellow-countrymen. He was born in South Carolina in 1739, In 1761 he commenced the practice of law, and soon became eminent in his profession. He 184 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS was sent a delegate to the first Continental Congress which met at New York in 1765 ; and " the members of the distant provinces were sm-prised at the eloquence of the young member from Carolina." At the commencement of the Revolution he was by successive elections a member of Congress till the year 1776, when he was elected president and commander-in-chief of South Carolina, in con- formity to a constitution established by the people in that year. In this ofiice he rendered important service to his country. General Lee, who commanded the continental troops, pronounced Sullivan's Island to be a "slaughter-pen," and either gave orders, or was dis- posed to give them, for its evacuation. The troops which Carolina had raised before Congress had declared independence, remained subject to the authority of the State, and at this early period were not under the command of the officers of Congress. To prevent the evacuation of the fort on Sullivan's Island, President Rutledge, shortly before the commencement of the action on the 28th of June, 1776, wrote the following laconic note to General Moultrie, who had the command on the island : " General Lee wishes you to evacuate the fort. You will not do it without an order from me. I would sooner cut oiF my hand than write one. John Rutledge." In 1778 he resigned the office of president ; but at the next election he was reinstated in the executive authority of the State, under a new con- stitution, with the name of governor, substituted in the place of pre- sident. In 1784 he was elected a judge of the court of chancery in South Carolina. In 1787 he assisted in framing a national constitu- tion ; and as soon as it was in operation, he was designated by Pre- sident Washington as first associate judge of the supreme court of the United States. In 1791 he was elected chief-justice of South Carolina. He was afterward appointed chief-justice of the United States. " Thus for more than thirty years, with few short intervals, he served his country in one or other of the departments of govern- ment; and in all with fidelity and ability." Mr. Rutledge died on the 23d of January, 1800. He was one of the greatest men whom this country has produced. To his govern- ment during the war in South Carolina, is to be attributed in a great degree the successful termination to which it was brought. He pos- sessed a quick penetration, and soon perceived the superior merit of Greene, Sumpter, Marion, and Pickens, whose operations he seconded with great energy and skill. Although invested with dic- tatorial powers, he never gave occasion for complaint, and retained the confidence of the patriots to the end. OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 185 CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, distinguished as a patriot, soldier and diplomatist, was born in South Carolina in 1740. His education was received in England, where he passed through West- minster school and the University of Oxford with a high reputation for ability and industry. After reading law at the Temple, he re- turned to Carolina in 1769, but was not able to practise his profes- sion for any length of time, the commencement of the Revolution obliging him to exchange the gown for the sword. He was first ap- pointed a captain in the continental line, and, soon afterward, com- mander of the first regiment of Carolina infantry. When the South had been freed, for a period, from invasion, by Moultrie's gallant defence of the fort on Sullivan's Island, Colonel Pinckney joined the northern army, and was made aid-de-camp to Washington. In that capacity he was present at the battles of Brandywine and German- town. When the South was again menaced with danger, he returned to Carolina, and displayed great resolution and intrepidity, on the rapid and harassing march which saved that city from General Pro- vost, and on the subsequent invasion of Georgia, and the assault on the lines of Savannah. On the approach of the army under Sir Henry Clinton, and of the fleet conducted by Admiral Arbuthnot, he was intrusted with the command of the fort on Sullivan's Island. A favourable breeze and a flowing tide, however, enabled the fleet to sail into the port of Charleston, beyond the reach of his guns. He then hastened with a part of the garrison to aid in defending the city, and was for continuing hostilities to the last extremity, not, as he said, because he thought they would eventually be able to repel the enemy, but because " we shall so cripple the army before us, that, although we may not live to enjoy the benefits ourselves, yet to the United States they will prove incalculably great." Other counsel, however, prevailed, and he was made prisoner with the rest of the besieged. Some time after the return of peace, Colonel Pinckney was placed in command of the militia of the lower division of the State, but was very soon appointed by Washington, whose confidence and friendship he enjoyed in a high degree, minister plenipotentiary to France. He resigned his commission in consequence, and sailed for Europe. The hostile feeling of the French directory toward this country, caused them to reject its conciliatory propositions in an insulting manner, 18G BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS and to order its minister out of the territories of the republic. Ge- neral Pinckney immediately communicated to the government the indignities which he had received, and retired to Holland. Not long afterward, he was joined by General Marshal and Mr. Gerry, with fresh instructions to reiterate propositions to the directory for the adjustment of diiferences. When, at length, war was inevitable, and the whole United States were resounding with his celebrated senti- ment, "Millions for defence, but not a cent for tribute," he returned home, having been named a major-general by Washington, who had been placed at the head of the forces raised for the protection of the American shores. Superior rank, however, was accorded to General Hamilton, who had been his junior during the Revolution. Some one spoke to General Pinckney of this preference as unjust, but he briefly answered, that he was satisfied that General Washington had sufficient reasons for it. "Let us," he continued, "first dispose of our enemies ; we shall then have leisure to settle the question of rank." Previously to his going to France, General Pinckney had been ofi"ered by President Washington several places under government of the highest importance, all of which, however, private considera- tions obliged him to decline. The first was that of judge of the su- preme court ; the next that of secretary of war, on the resignation of General Knox ; and then that of secretary of state, when Ran- dolph had been removed. He was a member of the convention which framed the constitution of the United States, and afterward, in the convention of South Carolina, assembled for deliberating upon the instrument, he contributed greatly to its adoption. He died in August, 1825. As a lawyer. General Pinckney was distinguished for profound and accurate learning, and strength and ingenuity of reasoning, without having much pretension to eloquence. In his practice he was highminded and liberal, never receiving any com- pensation from the widow and orphan. His literary attainments were extensive, especially his classical knowledge ; and no one was a more zealous friend to the advancement of learning. For more than fifteen years before his death, he acted as president of the Bible Society of Charleston — an office to which he was named with unanimity by the Christians of almost every sect. OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 187 CHARLES PINCKNEY. Charles Pinckney was born in. Charleston, South Carolina, in the year 1758. Unaided bj a college education, he became by the assist- ance of private instructers a proficient in the languages of Greece, Rome, and France, and in all acquirements necessary to form a states- man. Ardent and impassioned in the pursuit of literature and distinc- tion, he did not long remain unknown. At the commencement of the Revolution, he took a share in the struggle for independence, and was one of those patriots who underwent seven years calamity to restore liberty and independence to his country. At the age of twenty-seven, Mr. Pinckney was elected a member of the State legislature, which place he held until the year 1787, when he was unanimously elected by that body one of the delegates to the federal convention which met at Philadelphia to frame the present constitution. Though youngest in this august body, yet he has been ranked among the most conspicuous in eloquence and effi- ciency. He advocated an energetic general government. Of the various propositions which he originated, there is one which, though not a part of the constitution, yet the people appear to have adopted in practice. This was, that the president's tenure should be seven years, and afterward ineligible. By custom he is continued for eight years, but the example of Washington in declining a third election, has established the utmost limit of a president's term. Mr. Pinckney's distinguished services were rewarded with the ap- plause of his constituents, and as an evidence of their high opinion, he was advanced to the chief-magistracy of his native State, soon after he had been auxiliary in procuring the adoption of the new constitution by the State convention. In the year 1798 he was elected a member of the Senate of the United States. He was after- ward appointed ambassador to the court of Spain, where, besides fulfilling his official duties, he collected a fund of information on the manners, laws, and customs of the old world. Upon his return from Europe, his native State elected him for the fourth time governor. The eloquence of Mr. Pinckney was luminous, fervid, and without acrimony ; his enunciation was full, ardent, and impressive. Gifted with unusual colloquial powers, urbane in manners, with a temper of great amenity, he always added to the enjoyments of social inter- 188 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS course. Though visited with his portion of mortal frailty, yet he was a kind master, an indulgent parent, and a devoted patriot. Adversity presented him a chalice often overflowing, yet he aban- doned neither hope nor his equanimity ; and, after a life of utility and vicissitude, calmly sunk into that sleep where ambition cannot excite, nor the pains of misfortune invade. He died October 29, 1824, at the advanced age of sixty-six years. PIERCE BUTLER. Pierce Butler was descended from the family of the Dukes of Ormond, in Ireland. Before the Revolution he was a major in a British regiment at Boston. He afterward became an advocate of the republican institutions of America. In 1787 he was a delegate from South Carolina to Congress, and then a member of the conven- tion which framed the constitution of the United States. He was one of the first senators elected by South Carolina after the adoption of the federal constitution. This eminent man died in 1822, at the age of 77 years. WILLIAM FEW. Of this patriotic individual, we only know that he was an active and prominent lawyer of Georgia, at the time of the call for the con- vention to frame the constitution of the United States. He did not take an active part in the deliberations of that august body, but re- presented correctly the sentiments of the people of his native State. He retired from public life after the organization of the national go- vernment. He was one of those men, "few and far between," who effect more by solid weight of character than many can by eloquent speech or restless action. OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 189 ABRAHAM BALDWIN. Abraham Baldwin, a distinguished statesman, was graduated at Yale College in 1772, and distinguished for great scholarship. In 1785 he was appointed president of the University of Georgia. He was a member of the grand convention, which held its session from May 25, to September 17, 1787, and framed the constitution of the United States. To that instrument he affixed his name as one of the deputies from Georgia. After the organization of government, he was elected a senator of the United States, and while in the dis- charge of his official duties, he died at Washington, March 2, 1807. AND SKETCHES OF THEIE ADMINISTRATIONS, TOGETHER WITH SiwQOpl^i^s 0f % f ia-|miknts an^ % Pmkrs at t\t €MmiL GEORGE WASHINGTON. The pure and glorious name of Washington heads the list of the Presidents of the United States. He was the third son of Mr. Augustine Washington, and was born at Bridges Creek, in the county of Westmoreland, Virginia, February 22, 1732. His great- grandfather had emigrated to that place from the North of Eng- land about the year 1657. At the age of ten years he lost his father, and the patrimonial estate descended to his elder brother, Mr. Lawrence Washington, who in the year 1740 had been engaged in the expedition against Carthagena. In honour of the British admiral, who commanded the fleet employed in that enterprise, the estate was called Mount Vernon. At the age of fifteen, agree- ably to the wishes of his brother, as well as to his own urgent request to enter into the British navy, the place of a midshipman in a vessel of war, then stationed on the coast of Virginia, was obtained for him. Every thing was in readiness for his departure, when the fears of a timid and affectionate mother prevailed upon him to aban- don his proposed career on the ocean, and were the means of retaining him upon the land to be the future vindicator of his country's rights. Most of the advantages of education which he enjoyed, were derived from a private tutor, who instructed him in English literature and the general principles of science, as well as in morality and religion. After his disappointment with regard to entering the navy, he devoted much of his time to the study of the mathematics; and in the practice of his profession as a surveyor he had an opportunity of acquiring that information respecting the value of vacant lands which afterward greatly contributed to the increase of his private fortune. At the age of nineteen, when the militia of Virginia were to be trained for actual service, young Washington was appointed an adju- tant-general with the rank of major. It was for a very short time, 190 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS. 191 that he discharged the duties of this office. In the year 1753 the plan formed by France for connecting Canada with Louisiana by a line of posts, and thus of enclosing the British colonies, and of esta- blishing her influence over the numerous tribes of Indians on the frontiers, began to be developed. In the prosecution of this design possession had been taken of a tract of land, then believed to be within the province of Virginia. Mr. Dinwiddie, the lieutenant- governor, being determined to remonstrate against the supposed en- croachment and violation of the treaties between the two countries, despatched Major Washington through the wilderness to the Ohio to deliver a letter to the commanding officer of the French, and also to explore the country. This trust of danger and fatigue he executed with great ability. He left Williamsburg, October 31, 1753, the very day on which he received his commission, and at the frontier settle- ment of the English engaged guides to conduct him over the Alle- ghany mountains. After passing them," he pursued his route to the Monongahela, examining the country with a military eye, and taking the most judicious means for securing the friendship of the Indians. He selected the forks of the Monongahela and Alleghany river as a position which ought to be immediately possessed and fortified. At this place the French very soon erected Fort du Quesne, which fell into the hands of the English in 1758, and was called by them Fort Pitt. Pursuing his way up the Alleghany to French Creek, he found at a fort upon this stream the commanding officer, to whom he deli- vered the letter from Mr. Dinwiddie. On his return he encountered great difficulties and dangers. As the snow was deep and the horses weak from fatigue, he left his attendants at the mouth of French Creek, and set out on foot, with his papers and provisions in his pack, accompanied only by his pilot, Mr. Gist. At a place upon the Alle- ghany, called Murdering Town, they fell in with a hostile Indian, who was one of a party then lying in wait, and who fired upon them not ten steps distant. They took him into custody and kept him until nine o'clock, and then let him go. To avoid the pursuit, which they presumed would be commenced in the morning, they travelled all night. On reaching the Monongahela, they had a hard day's work to make a raft with a hatchet. In attempting to cross the river to reach a trader's house, they were enclosed by masses of ice. In order to stop the raft. Major Washington put down his setting pole; but the ice came with such force against it as to jerk him into the water. He saved himself by seizing one of the raft-logs. With difficulty they landed on an island, where they passed the night. The cold was so severe, that the pilot's hands and feet were frozen. The next day 192 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, they crossed the river upon the ice. Washington arrived at Williams- burg, January 16, 1754. His journal, which evinced the solidity of his judgment and his fortitude, was published. As the French seemed disposed to remain upon the Ohio, it was determined to raise a regiment of three hundred men to maintain the claims of the British crown. The command was given to Mr. Fry, and Major Washington, who was appointed lieutenant-colonel, marched with two companies early in April, 1754, in advance of the other troops. A few miles west of the Great Meadows he surprised a French encampment in a dark, rainy night, and only one man escaped. Before the arrival of the two remaining companies, Mr. Fry died, and the command devolved on Colonel Washington. Being joined by two other companies of regular troops from South Carolina and New York, after erecting a small stockade at the Great Meadows, he proceeded toward Fort du Quesne, which had been built but a short time, with the intention of dislodging the French. He had marched only thir- teen miles, to the westernmost foot of the Laurel hill, before he received information of the approach of the enemy with superior numbers, and was induced to return to his stockade. He began a ditch around it, and called it Fort Necessity; but the next day, July the third, he was attacked by fifteen hundred men. His own troops were only about four hundred in number. The action commenced at ten in the morning and lasted until dark. A part of the Americans fought within the fort, and a part in the ditch filled with mud and water. Colonel Washington was himself on the outside of the fort during the whole day. The enemy fought under cover of the trees and high grass. In the course of the night, articles of capitulation were agreed upon. The garrison were allowed to retain their arms and baggage, and to march unmolested to the inhabited parts of Vir- ginia. The loss of the Americans in killed and wounded was supposed to be about a hundred, and that of the enemy about two hundred. In a few months afterward orders were received for settling the rank of the ofiicers, and those who were commissioned by the king being directed to take rank of the provincial officers. Colonel Washington indignantly resigned his commission. He now retired to Mount Vernon, that estate by the death of his brother having devolved upon him. But in the spring of 1755 he accepted an invitation from Ge- neral Braddock to enter his family as a volunteer aid-de-camp in his expedition to the Ohio. He proceeded with him to Wills's creek, afterward called Fort Cumberland, in April. After the troops had marched a few miles from this place, he was seized with a raging fever ; but refusing to remain behind, he was conveyed in a covered AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 103 wagon. By his advice twelve hundred men were detached in order hj a rapid movement to reach Fort du Quesne before an expected reinforcement should be received at that place. These disencumbered troops were commanded by Braddock himself, and Colonel Washing- ton, though still extremely ill, insisted upon proceeding with them. After they arrived upon the Monongahela he advised the general to employ the ranging companies of Virginia to scour the woods and to prevent ambuscades ; but his advice was not followed. On the ninth of July, when the army was within seven miles of Fort du Quesne, the enemy commenced a sudden and furious attack, being concealed by the wood and high grass. In a short time. Colonel Washington was the only aid, that was unwounded, and on him devolved the Avhole duty of carrying the orders of the commander-in-chief. He was cool and fearless. Though he had two horses killed under him, and four balls through his coat, he escaped unhurt, while every other officer on horseback was either killed or wounded. Doctor Craik, the phy- sician, who attended him in his last sickness, was present in this battle, and says, " I expected every moment to see him fall. Nothing but the superintending care of Providence could have saved him from the fate of all around him." After an action of three hours the troops gave way in all directions, and Colonel Washington and two others brought off Braddock, who had been mortally wounded. He attempted to rally the retreating troops ; but, as he says himself, it was like endeavouring "to stop the wild bears of the mountains." The conduct of the regular troops was most cowardly. The enemy were few in numbers and had no expectation of victory. In a sermon occasioned by this expedition, the Rev. Dr. Davies, of Hanover county, thus prophetically expressed himself: — "As a remarkable instance of patriotism, I may point out to the public that heroic youth, Colonel Washington, whom I cannot but hope Providence has hitherto pre- served in so signal a manner for some important service to his country." For this purpose he was indeed preserved, and at the end of twenty years he began to render to his country more important services than the minister of Jesus could have anticipated. From 1755 to 1758 he commanded a regiment which was raised for the protection of the frontiers, and during this period he was incessantly occupied in efforts to shield the exposed settlements from the incur- sions of the savages. His exertions were in a great degree ineffectual in consequence of the errors and the pride of government, and of the impossibility of guarding with a few troops an extended territory from an enemy which was averse to open warfare. He in the most earnest manner recommended offensive measures as the only method 13 104 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND YICE-PIIESIDENTS, of giving complete protection to tlie scattered settlements. In the year 1758, to his great joy it was determined to undertake another expedition against Fort du Quesne, and he engaged in it with zeal. Early in July the troops were assembled at Fort Cumberland; and here, against all the remonstrances and arguments of Colonel Wash- ington, General Forbes resolved to open a new road to the Ohio instead of taking the old route. Such was the predicted delay, oc- casioned by this measure, that in November it was resolved not to proceed further during that campaign. But intelligence of the weak- ness of the garrison induced an alteration of the plan of passing the winter in the wilderness. By slow marches the army was enabled on the twenty-fifth of November to reach Fort du Quesne, of which peaceable possession was taken, as the enemy on the preceding night, after setting it on fire, had abandoned it and proceeded down the Ohio. The works in this place were repaired, and its name was changed to that of Fort Pitt. The success of the expedition was to be attributed to the British fleet, which intercepted reinforcements destined for Canada, and to events in the Northern colonies. The great object which he had been anxious to effect being now accom- plished, and his health being enfeebled. Colonel Washington resigned his commission as commander-in-chief of all the troops raised in Virginia. Soon after his resignation he was married to the widow of Mr. Custis, a young lady, to whom he had been for some time strongly attached, and who to a large fortune and a fine person added those amiable accomplishments which fill with silent felicity the scenes of domestic life. His attention for several years was principally di- rected to the management of his estate, which had now become con- siderable. He had nine thousand acres under his own management. So great a part was cultivated, that in one year he raised seven thou- sand bushels of wheat, and ten thousand of Indian corn. His slaves and other persons employed by him amounted to near a thousand; and the woollen and linen cloth necessary for their use was chiefly manufactured on the estate. He was at this period a respectable member of the legislature of Virginia, in which he took a decided part in opposition to the principle of taxation asserted by the British Parliament. He also acted as a judge of a county court. In 1774 he was elected a member of the first Congress, and was placed on all those committees whose duty it was to make arrangements for defence. In the following year, after the battle of Lexington, when it was de- termined by Congress to resort to arms. Colonel Washington was unanimously elected commander-in-chief of the army of the united AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 195 colonies. All were satisfied as to his qualifications, and the delegates from New England were particularly pleased with his election, as it would tend to unite the Southern colonies cordially in the war. He accepted the appointment with difiidence, and expressed his intention of receiving no compensation for his services, and only a mere dis- charge of his expenses. He immediately repaired to Cambridge, in the neighbourhood of Boston, where he arrived on the second of July. He formed the army into three divisions, in order the most effectually to enclose the enemy, entrusting the division at Roxbury to General Ward, the division on Prospect and Winter hills to General Lee, and commandino; himself the centre at Cambridge. Here he had to struff- gle with great difiiculties, with the want of ammunition, clothing, and magazines, defect of arms and discipline, and the evils of short en- listments; but instead of yielding to despondence, he bent the whole force of his mind to overcome them. He soon made the alarming discovery, that there was only sufficient powder on hand to furnish the army with nine cartridges for each man. With the greatest cau- tion to keep this fact a secret, the utmost exertions were employed to procure a supply. A vessel, which was despatched to Africa, ob- tained in exchange for New-England rum all the gunpowder in the British factories; and in the beginning of winter. Captain Manly, cap- tured an ordnance brig, which furnished the American army with the precise articles of which it was in the greatest want. In September, General Washington despatched Arnold on an expedition against Quebec. In February, 1776, he proposed to a council of his officers to cross the ice and attack the enemy in Boston, but they unanimously disapproved of the daring measure. It was however soon resolved to take possession of the Heights of Dorchester. This was done without discovery on the night of the fourth of March, and on the seventeenth the enemy found it necessary to evacuate the town. The recovery of Boston induced Congress to pass a vote of thanks to General Washington and his brave army. In the belief that the efforts of the British would be directed toward the Hudson, he hastened the army to New York, where he himself arrived on the 14th of April. He made every exertion to fortify the city, and attention was paid to the forts in the highlands. While he met the most embarrassing difficulties, a plan was formed to assist the enemy in seizing his person, and some of his own guards engaged in the conspiracy; but it was discovered, and some who were concerned in it were executed. In the beginning of July, General Howe landed his troops at Staten Island. His brother, Lord Howe, who commanded the fleet, soon arrived; and as both were com- 196 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PPvESIDENTS, missioners for restoring peace to the colonies, the latter addressed a letter upon the subject to "George Washington, Esq. ;" but the general refused to receive it, as it did not acknowledge the public character with which he was invested by Congress, in which charac- ter only he could have any intercourse with his lordship. Another letter was sent to "George Washington, &c. &c." This for the same reason was rejected. After the disastrous battle of Brooklyn on the 27th of August, in which Stirling and Sullivan were taken prisoners, and of which he was only a spectator, he withdrew the troops from Long Island, and in a few days he resolved to withdraw from New York. At Kipp's Bay, about three miles from the city, some works had been thrown up to oppose the enemy ; but on their approach the American troops fled with precipitation. Washington rode toward the lines, and made every exertion to prevent the disgraceful flight. He drew his sword, and threatened to run the cowards through; he cocked and snapped his pistols ; but it was all in vain. Such was the state of his mind at this moment, that he turned his horse toward the advancing enemy apparently with the intention of rushing upon death. His aids now seized the bridle of his horse and rescued him from destruction. New York was on the same day, September the 15th, evacuated. In October he retreated to the White Plains, where on the 28th a considerable action took place, in which the Americans were overpowered. After the loss of Forts Washington and Lee, he passed into New Jersey in November, and was pursued by a triumphant and numerous enemy. His army did not amount to three thousand, and it was daily diminishing; his men, as the winter commenced, were barefooted and almost naked, destitute of tents and of utensils with which to dress their scanty provisions; and every circumstance tended to fill the mind with despondence. But General Washington was undismayed and firm. He showed himself to his enfeebled army with a serene and unembarrassed coun- tenance, and they were inspired with the resolution of their com- mander. On the 8th of December he was obliged to cross the Dela- ware; but he had the precaution to secure the boats for seventy miles upon the river. While the British were waiting for the ice to afford them a passage, as his own army had been re-enforced by several thousand men, he formed the resolution of carrying the can- tonments of the enemy by surprise. On the night of the 25th of December he crossed the river nine miles above Trenton, in a storm of snow mingled with hail and rain, with about two thousand four hundred men. Two other detachments were unable to effect a pas- sage. In the morning precisely at eight o'clock he surprised Trenton AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 197 and took a thousand Hessians prisoners, and a thousand stand of arms, and six field-pieces. Twenty of the enemy were killed. Of the Americans two privates were killed, and two frozen to death; and one officer and three or four privates were wounded. On the same day he recrossed the Delaware with the fruits of his enterprise ; but in two or three days passed again into New Jersey, and concen- trated his forces, amounting to five thousand, at Trenton. On the approach of a superior enemy under Cornwallis January 2, 1777, he drew up his men behind Assumpinck Creek. He expected an attack in the morning, which would probably result in a ruinous defeat. At this moment, when it was hazardous if not impracticable to return into Pennsylvania, he formed the resolution of getting into the rear of the enemy, and thus stop them in their progress toward Philadel- phia. In the night he silently decamped, taking a circuitous route through Allentown to Princeton. A sudden change of the weather to severe cold rendered the roads favourable for his march. About sunrise his van met a British detachment on its way to join Corn- wallis, and was defeated by it ; but as he came up he exposed him- self to every danger and gained a victory. With three hundred prisoners he then entered Princeton. During this march many of his soldiers were without shoes, and their feet left the marks of blood upon the frozen ground. This hardship and their w^ant of repose induced him to lead his army to a place of security on the road to Morristown. Cornwallis in the morning broke up his camp, and alarmed for his stores at Brunswick urged the pursuit. Thus the military genius of the American commander, under the blessing of Divine Providence, rescued Philadelphia from the threatened danger, obliged the enemy, which had overspread New Jersey, to return to the neighbourhood of New York, and revived the desponding spirit of his country. Having accomplished these objects, he retired to Morristown, where he caused the whole army to be inoculated with the small-pox, and thus was freed from the apprehension of a ca- lamity which might impede his operations during the next campaign. On the last of May he removed his army to Middlebrook, about ten miles from Brunswick, where he fortified himself very strongly. An ineffectual attempt was made by Sir William Howe to draw him from his position by marching toward Philadelphia; but after Howe's return to New York, he moved toward the Hudson in order to defend the passes in the mountains, in the expectation that a junction with Burgoyne, who was then upon the lakes, would be attempted. After the British general sailed from New York and entered the Chesa- peake in August, General Washington marched immediately for the 198 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, defence of Philadelphia. On the 11th of September he was defeated at Brandjwine with the loss of nine hundred in killed and wounded. A few days afterward, as he was pursued, he turned upon the enemy, determined upon another engagement; but a heavy rain so damaged the arms and ammunition, that he was under the absolute necessity of again retreating. Philadelphia was entered by Cornwallis on the 26th of September. On the 4th of October the American commander made a well-planned attack upon the British camp at Germantown ; but in consequence of the darkness of the morning, and the imperfect discipline of his troops, it terminated in the loss of twelve hundred men in killed, wounded, and prisoners. In December he went into winter quarters at Valley Forge, on the west side of the Schuylkill, between twenty and thirty miles from Philadelphia. Here his army was in the greatest distress for want of provisions, and he was re- duced to the necessity of sending out parties to seize what they could find. About the same time a combination, in which some members of Congress were engaged, was formed to remove the commander-in- chief and to appoint in his place Gates, whose successes of late had given him a high reputation. But the name of Washington was too dear to the great body of Americans to admit of such a change. Notwithstanding the discordant materials of which his army was composed, there was something in his character which enabled him to attach both his officers and soldiers so strongly to him, that no distress could w^eaken their affection, nor impair the veneration in which he was generally held. Without this attachment to him the army must have been dissolved. General Conway, who was con- cerned in this faction, being wounded in a duel with General Cad- walader, and thinking his wound mortal, wrote to General Washing- ton, "You are, in my eyes, the great and good man." On the 1st of February, 1778, there were about four thousand men in camp un- fit for duty for want of clothes. Of these scarcely a man had a pair of shoes. The hospitals also were filled with the sick. At this time the enemy, if they had marched out of their winter quarters, would easily have dispersed the American army. The apprehension of the approach of a French fleet inducing the British to concentrate their forces, when they evacuated Philadelphia on the 17th of June and marched toward New York, General Washington followed them. Contrary to the advice of a council he engaged in the battle of Mon- mouth on the 28th, the result of which made an impression favoura- ble- to the cause of America. He slept in his cloak on the field of battle, intending to renew the attack the next morning, but at mid- night the British marched off in such silence as not to be discovered. AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 199 Their loss in killed was about three hundred, and that of the Ameri- cans sixty-nine. As the campaign now closed in the Middle States, the American army went into winter quarters in the neighbourhood of the highlands upon the Hudson, Thus after the vicissitudes of two years, both armies were brought back to the point from Avhich they set out. During the year 1779, General Washington remained in the neighbourhood of New York. In January, 1780, in a winter memorable for its severity, his utmost exertions were necessary to save the army from dissolution. The soldiers in general submitted with heroic patience to the want of provisions and clothes. At one time they ate every kind of hovse-food but hay. Their sufferings at length were so great, that in March two of the Connecticut regiments mutinied, but the mutiny was suppressed and the ringleaders secured. In September the treachery of Arnold was detected. In the winter of 1781, such were again the privations of the army, that a part of the Pennsylvania line revolted and marched home. Such however was still their patriotism, that they delivered up some British emissa- ries to General Wayne, who hanged them as spies. Committing the defence of the posts on the Hudson to General Heath, General Washington in August marched with Count Rochambeau for the Chesapeake to co-operate with the French fleet there. The siege of Yorktown commenced on the 28th of September, and on the 19th of October he reduced Cornwallis to the necessity of surrendering with upward of seven thousand men to the combined armies of America and France. The day after the capitulation, he ordered that those who were under arrest should be pardoned, and that divine service in acknowdedgment of the interposition of Providence should be per- formed in all the brigades and divisions. This event filled America with joy, and was the means of terminating the war. Few events of importance took place in 1782. In March, 1783, he exhibited his characteristic firmness and decision in opposing an attempt to produce a mutiny by anonymous letters. His address to his ofiicers on the occasion displays in a remarkable degree his pru- dence and the correctness of his judgment. When he began to read it he found himself in some degree embarrassed by the im- perfection of his sight. Taking out his spectacles, he said, " These eyes, my friends, have grown dim, and these locks white, in the ser- vice of my conntry ; yet I have never doubted her justice." He only could have repressed the spirit which was breaking forth. On the nineteenth of April a cessation of hostilities was proclaimed in the American camp. In June he addressed a letter to the governors of the several States, congratulating them on the result of the contest 200 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, in the establishment of independence, and recommending an indis- soluble union of the States under one federal head, a sacred regard to public justice, the adoption of a proper peace establishment, and the prevalence of a friendly disposition among the people of the several States. It was with keen distress, as well as with pride and admiration, that he saw his brave and veteran soldiers, who had suffered so much, and who had borne the heat and burden of the war, returning peaceably to their homes without a settlement of their accounts or a farthing of money in their pockets. On the twenty- fifth of November, New York was evacuated, and he entered it ac- companied by Governor Clinton and many respectable citizens. On the fourth of December he took his farewell of his brave comrades in arms. At noon the principal officers of the army assembled at Frances' tavern, and their beloved commander soon entered the room. His emotions were too strong to be concealed. Filling a glass with wine, he turned to them and said, " With a heart full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of you ; I most devoutly wish that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy as your former ones have been glorious and honourable." Having drank, he added, " I cannot come to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged to you if each of you will come and take me by the hand." General Knox, being nearest, turned to him. Incapable of utterance. General Washington grasped his hand, and embraced him. In the same affectionate manner he took his leave of each suc- ceeding officer. In every eye was the tear of dignified sensibility, and not a word was articulated to interrupt the silence and the ten- derness of the scene. Ye men, who delight in blood, slaves of am- bition ! when your work of carnage was finished, could ye thus part with your companions in crime ? Leaving the room, General Washington passed through the corps of light infantry, and walked to Whitehall, where a barge waited to carry him to Powles' Hook. The whole company followed in mute procession with dejected coun- tenances. When he entered the barge, he turned to them, and waiving his hat, bade them a silent adieu, receiving from them the same, last, affectionate compliment. On the twenty-third of De- cember he resigned his commission to Congress, then assembled at Annapolis. He delivered a short address on the occasion, in which he said, "I consider it an indispensable duty to close this last solemn act of my official life, by commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty God ; and those who have the superintendence of them, to his holy keeping." He then retired to Mount Vernon to enjoy again the pleasures of domestic life. Here AND OF ME^ICERS OF THE CABINETS, 201 the expressions of the gratitude of his countrymen in affectionate addresses poured in upon him, and he received every testimony of respect and veneration. In his retirement, however, he could not overlook the public in- terests. He was desirous of opening by water-carriage a commu- nication between the Atlantic and the western portions of our coun- try in order to prevent the diversion of trade down the Mississippi, and to Canada, from which he predicted consequences injurious to the Union. Through his influence two companies were formed for promoting inland communication. The legislature of Virginia pre- sented him with three hundred shares in them, which he appropri- ated to public uses. In the year 1786 he was convinced, with other statesmen, of the necessity of substituting a more vigorous general government in the place of the impotent articles of confederation. Still he was aware of the danger of running from one extreme to another. He exclaims in a letter to Mr. Jay, "What astonishing changes a few years are capable of producing ! I am told that even respectable characters speak of a monarchical form of government without horror. From thinking proceeds speaking ; thence to acting is often but a single step. But how irrevocable, and tremendous ! What a triumph for our enemies to verify their predictions ! What a triumph for the advocates of despotism to find that we are inca- pable of governing ourselves, and that systems founded on the basis of equal liberty are ideal and fallacious!" In the following year he was persuaded to take a seat in the convention which formed the present constitution of the United States, and he presided in that body. In 1789 he was unanimously elected the first president of the United States. It was with great reluctance that he accepted this office. His feelings, as he said himself, were like those of a culprit going to the place of execution. But the voice of a whole continent, the presssing recommendation of his particular friends, and the apprehension that he should otherwise be considered as un- willing to hazard his reputation in executing a system which he had assisted in forming, determined him to accept the appointment. In April he left Mount Vernon to proceed to New York, and to enter on the duties of his high office. He every where received testimo- nies of respect and love. At Trenton the gentler sex rewarded him for his successful enterprise and the protection which he afforded them twelve years before. On* the bridge over the creek which passes through the town, was erected a triumphal arch, ornamented with laurels and flowers, and supported by thirteen pillars, each en- 202 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PEESIDENTS, circled mth. wreaths of evergreen. On the front of the arch was inscribed in large gilt letters, At this place he was met by a party of matrons, leading their daughters, who were dressed in white, and who with baskets of flowers in their hands sang with exquisite sweetness the following ode, written for the occasion : Welcome, mightj' chief, once more Welcome to this grateful shore ; Now no mercenary foe Aims again the fatal blow. Aims at thee the fatal blow. Virgins fair and matrons grave, Those thy conquering arm did save, Build for thee triumphal bowers ; Strew, ye fair, his way with flowers, Strew your hero's way with flowers. At the last line the flowers were strewed before him. After re- ceiving such proofs of affectionate attachment he arrived at New York, and was inaugurated first president of the United States on the thirtieth of April. In making the necessary arrangements of his household, he publicly announced that neither visits of business nor of ceremony would be expected on Sunday, as he wished to re- serve that day sacredly to himself. At the close of his first term of four years, he prepared a valedictory address to the American people, anxious to return again to the scenes of domestic life ; but the earnest entreaties of his friends and the peculiar situation of his country induced him to be a candidate for a second election. During his administration of eight years, the labour of establishing the difierent departments of a new government was accomplished; and he exhibited the greatest firmness, wisdom, and independence. As the period for a new election of a president of the United States approached, and after plain indications that the public voice would be in his favour, and when he probably would be chosen for the third time unanimously, he determined irrevocably to withdraw to the shades of private life. He published in September, 1796, his farewell address to the people of the United States, which ought to be engraven upon the hearts of his countrymen. In the most earnest AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 203 and aflfectionate manner he called upon them to cherish an immova- ble attachment to the national Union, to watch for its preservation with jealous anxiety, to discountenance even the suggestion that it could in any event be abandoned, and indignantly to frown upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest. Overgrown military establishments he represented as particularly hostile to republican liberty. While he recommended the most implicit obedience to the acts of the established govern- ment, and reprobated all obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regu- lar deliberation and action of the constituted authorities ; he wished also to guard against the spirit of innovation upon the principles of the constitution. Aware that the energy of the system might be enfeebled by alterations, he thought that no change should be made without an evident necessity, and that in so extensive a country as much vigour as is consistent with liberty is indispensable. On the other hand, he pointed out the danger of a real despotism by break- ing down the partitions between the several departments of govern- ment, by destroying the reciprocal checks, and consolidating the different powers. Against the spirit of party, so peculiarly baneful in an elective government, he uttered his most solemn remonstrances, as well as against inveterate antipathies or passionate attachments in respect to foreign nations. While he thought that the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly and impartially awake against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, he wished that good faith and justice should be observed toward all nations, and peace and harmony cultivated. In his opinion, honesty, no less in public than in private affairs, is always the best policy. Providence, he believed, had connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue. Other subjects to which he alluded were the importance of credit, of economy, of a reduction of the public debt, and of literary in- stitutions ; above all, he recommended religion and morality as in- dispensably necessary to political prosperity. "In vain," says he, "would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens." Bequeathing these coun- sels to his countrymen, he continued in office till the 4th of March, 1797, when he attended the inauguration of his successor, Mr. Adams, and with complacency saw him invested with the powers which had for so long a time been exercised by himself. He then retired to Mount Vernon, giving to the. world an example most hu- 204 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, miliating to its emperors and kings ; the example of a man volun- tarily disrobing himself of the highest authority, and returning to private life with a character having upon it no stain of ambition, of covetousness, of profusion, of luxury, of oppression, or of injustice. It was now that the soldier, the statesman, and the patriot hoped to repose himself after the toils of so many years. But he had not been long in retirement before the outrages of republican France induced our government to raise an army, of which in July, 1798, he was appointed commander-in-chief. Though he accepted the appointment, his services were not demanded, and he himself did not believe that an invasion would take place. Pacific overtures ■were soon made by the French Directory, but he did not live to see the restoration of peace. On Friday, December 13, 1799, while attending to some improvements upon his estate, he was exposed to a light rain, which wetted his neck and hair. Unapprehensive of danger he passed the afternoon in his usual manner ; but at night he was seized with an inflammatory affection of the windpipe. The disease commenced with a violent ague, accompanied with some pain and a sense of stricture in the throat, a cough, and a dif- ficult deglutition, which were soon succeeded by fever and a quick and laborious respiration. About twelve or fourteen ounces of blood were taken from him. In the morning his family physician. Dr. Craik, was sent for; but the utmost exertions of medical skill were applied in vain. The appointed time of his death was near. Believ- ing from the commencement of his complaint that it would be mortal, a few hours before his departure, after repeated efforts to be understood, he succeeded in expressing a desire that he might be permitted to die without being disquieted by unavailing attempts to rescue him from his fate. After it became impossible to get any thing down his throat, he undressed himself and went to bed, there to die. To his friend and physician, who sat on his bed, and took his head in his lap, he said w^ith difficulty, " Doctor, I am dying, and have been dying for a long time ; but I am not afraid to die." Respi- ration became more and more contracted and imperfect until half- past eleven on Saturday night, when, retaining the full possession of his intellect, he expired without a struggle. Thus on the 14th of December, 1799, in the sixty-eighth year of his age, died the father of his country, "the man, first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen." This event spread a gloom over the country, and the tears of America proclaimed the services and virtues of the hero and sage, and exhibited a people not insen- sible to his worth. The senate of the United States, in an address AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 205 to tlie president on this melancholy occasion, indulged their patriotic pride, while they did not transgress the bounds of truth in speak- ing- of their Washington. "Ancient and modern names," said they, "are diminished before him. Greatness and guilt have too often been allied ; but his fame is whiter than it is brilliant. The destroyers of nations stood abashed at the majesty of his virtues. It reproved the intemperance of their ambition, and darkened the splendour of victory. The scene is closed, and we are no longer anxious lest misfortune should sully his glory ; he has travelled on to the end of his journey, and carried with him an increasing weight of honour ; he has deposited it safely where misfortune cannot tar- nish it, where malice cannot blast it." General Washington was rather above the common stature ; his frame was robust, and his constitution vigorous. His exterior cre- ated in the beholder the idea of strength united with manly grace- fulness. His eyes were of a gray colour, and his complexion light. His manners were rather reserved than free. His person and whole deportment exhibited an unaffected and indescribable dignity, un- mingled with haughtiness, of which all, who approached him, were sensible. The attachment of those who possessed his friendship, was ardent but always respectful. His temper was humane, bene- volent and conciliatory ; but there was a quickness in his sensibility to any thing apparently offensive, which experience had taught him to watch and correct. He made no pretensions to vivacity or wit. Judgment rather than genius constituted the most prominent feature of his character. As a military man he was brave, enterprising, and cautious. At the head of a multitude, whom it was sometimes impossible to reduce to proper discipline before the expiration of their time of service, and having to struggle almost continually with the want of supplies, he yet was able to contend with an adversary superior in numbers, well disciplined, and completely equipped, and was the means of saving his country. The measure of his caution has by some been represented as too abundant ; but he sometimes formed a plan which his brave officers thought was too adventurous, and sometimes contrary to their advice he engaged in battle. If his name is not rendered illustrious by splendid achievements, it is not to be attributed to the want of military enterprize. He con- ducted the war with that consummate prudence and wisdom which the situation of his country and the state of his army demanded. He also possessed a firmness of resolution, which neither dangers nor difficulties could shake. In his civil administration he exhibited repeated proofs of that practical good sense, of that sound judgment, 206 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, ■which is the most valuable quality of the human mind. More than once he put his whole popularity to hazard in pursuing measures which were dictated by a sense of duty, and which he thought would promote the welfare of his country. In speculation he was a real republican, sincerely attached to the constitution of the United States, and to that system of equal political rights on which it is founded. Real liberty, he thought, was to be preserved only by preserving the authority of the laws and maintaining the energy of government. Of incorruptible integrity, his ends were always upright, and the means which he employed were always pure. He was a politician to whom wiles were absolutely unknown. When any measure of importance was proposed, he sought information, and was ready to hear, without prejudice, whatever could be said in relation to the subject ; he suspended his judgment till it was necessary to decide; but after his decision had been thus deliberately made, it was seldom shaken, and he was as active and persevering in executing, as he had been cool in forming it. He possessed an innate and unassum- ing modesty, which adulation would have offended, which the plaudits of millions could not betray into indiscretion, and which was blended with a high sense of personal dignity, and a just consciousness of the respect which is due to station. General Washington was blessed with abundant wealth, and he was not ignorant of the pleasure of employing it for generous pur- poses. His style of living was dignified, though he maintained the strictest economy. While he was in the army he wrote to the superintendent of his estate in the following terms : — " Let the hos- pitality of the house be kept up with regard to the poor. Let no one go hungry away. If any of this sort of people should be in want of corn, supply their necessities, provided it does not encourage them in idleness. I have no objection to your giving my money in charity, when you think it will be well bestowed ; I mean, that it is my desire that it should be done. You are to consider that neither myself nor my wife are in the way to do these good offices." Thus was he beneficent, while at the same time he required an exact compliance with engagements. A pleasing proof of the generous spirit which governed him, is exhibited in his conduct toward the son of his friend, the Marquis de La Fayette. The marquis, after fighting in this country for American liberty, had returned to France ; but in the convulsions of the French revolution he was ex- iled and imprisoned in Germany. General Washington gave evidence of sincere attachment to the unhappy nobleman, not only by exerting all his influence to procure his release from confinement, but by AND OP MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 207 extending his patronage to his son, who made his escape from France, and arrived with his tutor at Boston in 1795. As soon as he was informed of his arrival, he wrote to a friend, requesting him to visit the young gentleman and make him acquainted with the relations between this country and France, which would prevent the President of the United States from publicly espousing his interest, but to assure him of his protection and support. He also directed this friend to draw upon him for moneys to defray all the expenses which young La Fayette might incur. Toward his slaves, General Washing- ton manifested the greatest care and kindness. Their servitude lay with weight upon his mind, and he directed in his will that they should be emancipated on the decease of his wife. There were insu- perable difficulties in the way of their receiving freedom previously to this event. On the death of Mrs. Washington, May 22, 1802, the estate of General Washington, as he had no children, was divided according to his will among his and her relations. It amounted by his own estimate to more than five hundred thousand dollars. The public addresses and other productions of General Washing- ton's pen are written in a style of dignified simplicity. Some have seen so much excellence in his writings that they have been ready to transfer the honour to his secretaries ; but nothing has appeared under his name, to which his own powers were inadequate. It remains now to sketch the events of the eight years during which his wisdom and firmness were employed in the administration of the federal government. He was inaugurated at New York on the 30th of April, 1789. The oath of office was administered by Chancellor Livingston. The inaugural address was replied to by John Adams, as president of the senate, and by Frederick A. Muhlenberg, as speaker of the house of representatives. Only ten States participated in the first presidential election. New York had neglected to adopt a law regulating the mode of election, and North Carolina and Rhode Island had rejected the constitution. North Carolina came into the Union in November, 1789, and Rhode Island adopted the constitution in May, 1790. The first Congress under the federal constitution met at New York, and its first session continued six months, during which period the machinery of govern- ment was set in motion and the construction of the provisions of the constitution were very ably discussed. Sixteen articles of amend- ments to the constitution were adopted by Congress, and ten of them were approved by the requisite number of States. Washington displayed his usual judgment in the formation of his cabinet. Thomas Jefferson was appointed secretary of state ; Alex- 208 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, ancler Hamilton, secretary of the treasury ; Henry Knox, secretary of -war ; Edmund Randolph, attorney-general, and Samuel Osgood, postmaster-general. John Jay was appointed chief-justice of the supreme court, and John Rutledge, James Wilson, John Blair, William Gushing, and Robert H. Harrison "were chosen for the posts of associate judges. After the adjournment of Congress, the president made a tour through New England, where he was received by the inhabitants with demonstrations of the most filial affection. The second session of the first Congress began the 6th of January, 1790. At this session, Mr. Hamilton made his celebrated report with respect to the discharge of public debts contracted during the war of the Revolution. With regard to the foreign debt, he remarked that no difference of opinion existed ; all agreed that provision should be made for its discharge according to the terms of the contract ; but with respect to the domestic debt, opinions were entirely opposite — some advocating a discrimination between the present holders of public securities, and those to whom the debt was originally due. This subject opened a field of debate which shook the government to its foundation, and may fairly be said to be the origin of that division of sentiment and feeling which agitated so long and so vio- lently the national councils, and which gave rise to the two great political parties, which, under the names of Federalists and Republi- cans, for thirty years arrayed one part of the American community against the other. The question was, shall the present holders of public securities, who have given but two or three shillings on the pound, receive the full value of what appears on the face of the obli- gations, or only the amount which they gave ? After much debate, Mr. Madison proposed that the present holder of assignable paper should receive the highest price such paper had borne in market, and the original holder receive the residue. These propositions were finally rejected. During the war, the States had frequently exerted their resources under their own authority, independent of Congress. Some had funded their debts ; some had paid the interest, and some had done neither. All looked forward to the new Congress to assume their debts. Mr. Hamilton recommended this assumption of the State debts ; and also, that provision should be made for paying the inte- rest, by imposing taxes on certain articles of luxury, and on spirits distilled within the couutry. These recommendations again opened a torrent of debate in Congress. The Republican party, who existed chioliy in the Southern States, warmly opposed Mr. Hamilton. The AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINET. 209 Federal party, existing principally in the Northern States, supported with great ability the plans of the secretary ; but they were rejected by a majority of two. Disputes had taken place with respect to the temporary as well as the permanent seat of government. It was understood that should it be fixed for ten years at Philadelphia, and afterward at a place to be selected on the Potomac, some of the members of the house of representatives, from the Potomac, would withdraw their opposition to Mr, Hamilton. This was accordingly done, and his plans were adopted. The debt funded amounted to a little more than 75,000,000 dollars, upon a part of which an interest of three per cent, was paid, and on the remainder, six per cent. Soon after the commencement of the third session of Congress a bill was introduced for laying the taxes which the secretary had pro- posed for the payment of the interest on the assumed debt of the States. That for laying duties on distilled spirits was urged on the ground that the inhabitants beyond the xilleghany mountains, where no other spirits were consumed, would not otherwise bear an equal burden with those on the seacoast, who consumed most of the articles on which an import duty was laid. The bill, after much debate, was carried. In 1790 a termination was put to the war which had for several years raged between the Creek Indians and the State of Georgia. During the third session of Congress, an act was passed accepting the cession of the claims of North Carolina to a district west of that State, and a territorial government was established by Congres under the title of "The Territory of the United States south of the Ohio." This year the States of Pennsylvania and North Carolina esta- blished their constitutions. This year also Kentucky was erected into an independent State, receiving its name from its principal river. A national bank was during this session recommended by the secretary. It met with a violent opposition from the Republican party. They considered all banking institutions as useless, the pre- sent bill defective, and the power of establishing a bank not granted to Congress. The supporters of the bill considered it as constitu- tional ; and a national bank not only useful, but necessary for the operations of government. The president required the opinions of the cabinet in writing. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Randolph opposed, while Mr. Hamilton sanctioned the bill. After deliberate investisra- 14 210 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICErRESIDENTS, tion, the president was convinced of its constitutionality and utility, and gave it his signature. In 1791, Vermont adopted the federal constitution, and applied to Congress to be admitted into the Union. New Hampshire and New York had both laid claim to the territory of this State, and both had made grants of land within its limits. In 1777 the inhabitants re- fusing to submit to either, declared themselves independent. At the request of her citizens, Vermont was this year admitted a member of the Union. In 1791 the first census, or enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, was completed. They amounted to 3,921,326. The revenue amounted to 4,771,000 dollars, the exports to 19,000,000, and the imports to about 20,000,000. In October the second Congress commenced its first session. One of its first acts was that of apportioning the number of representa- tives according to the census. After much disagreement, a bill passed fixing the ratio at one for every 33,000. While Congress was agitated by party strife and conflicting interests, an Indian war was opening in the north-western frontiers of the States. Pacific arrangements had been attempted by the president with the hostile tribes in Ohio, but without efiect. On their failure. General Harmer was sent with a force amounting to 1400 to reduce them to terms. He was successful in destroying their villages, and the produce of their fields ; but in an engagement near Chillicothe he was defeated with considerable loss. Upon the failure of General Harmer, Major-General St. Clair was appointed to succeed him. He hastened to protect with his army the unfortunate inhabitants who were now left without defence to suffer all the mid- night horrors of Indian warfare. With a force amounting to nearly 2000 men, St. Clair marched into the wilderness in the month of October. On the 3d of November he encamped within a few miles of the Miami villages, with his army, which was reduced by desertion and detachment to 1400. Here he intended to remain until reinforced. Notwithstanding the many melancholy examples of similar disasters in the armies of his country, St. Clair suffered himself to be sur- prised. The militia who were posted in front, were driven in great disorder upon the regulars. In vain did St. Clair attempt to rally the flying militia and repulse the savages. They appeared on all sides of the American army, and poured in such a deadly fire from the surrounding thickets, as strewed the field with the wounded, the dying and the dead. After a contest of three hours. General St. Clair, disabled by indisposition from the active duties of commander, AND OF MEJIBERS OF THE CABINETS. 211 ordered a retreat, which was effected, and the remnant of his army saved from total ruin. The victorious Indians pursued closely about four miles, when they returned to share the spoils of the camp. Ge- neral St. Clair retreated to Fort Jefferson, and afterward to Fort Washington. In this disastrous engagement, the numbers on each side were nearly equal. The loss of the Indians is not known ; but that of the Americans was 630 killed and missing, and 260 were wounded — a slaughter almost unparalleled. The whole American camp and artillery fell into the hands of the enemy. On receiving information of this disaster. Congress resolved to prosecute the war with increased vigour, to augment the army by enlistment, and to put the frontiers in a state of defence. In pursuance of the resolutions of Congress, Washington endea- voured to put on foot an army sufficient for a vigorous prosecution of the war with the Indians ; but the defeats of Harmer and St. Clair produced such a dread of the Indians, that a sufficient number of recruits could not be raised to authorize an expedition against them. There was a violent clamour against the war; and the president deemed it advisable to make another effort at negotiation with the unfriendly Indians. The charge of this business was committed to Colonel Harden and Major Freeman, who were both murdered by the savages. Kentucky was this year admitted to the Union. Soon after the opening of the next session of Congress, a motion was made to reduce the military establishment, but it did not pre- vail. In 1792 a Mint was established by Congress, and the division and value of the money to be used throughout the country regulated by statute. General Washington was again elected president, and in March, 1793, was inaugurated. Mr. Adams was also re-elected vice-president. The president, intent on terminating the war with the Indians, had obtained the intervention of the Six Nations. Through their friendly agency, a treaty of peace had been negotiated with the In- dians on the Wabash ; and the Miamis had consented to a conference the ensuing spring. About this time the French Revolution, which had commenced in 1789, began seriously to affect the politics of the United States. A new government was at first established in France, which had for its fundamental principle the universal equality of man. Hopes were entertained that France would now enjoy the blessings of a free government ; but the leaders of the revolution were selfish and un- principled men, and their sanguinary measures soon blasted these 212 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, hopes. Louis XVI. was executed, his family murdered or impri- soned, and all who were suspected as being hostile to their views, particularly the nobility, suffered decapitation by the guillotine. The parties which had agitated the union were now raging with increased violence. The Democratic or Republican party beheld with pleasure the downfall of kings, and the dissemination of what they regarded as their own peculiar principles ; and though they contemplated with horror the proceedings of those sanguinary leaders, Marat and Robespierre, they trusted that when the first commotions were assuaged, a republic 9f the most perfect kind would be esta- blished, and would remain as a proof to the world of the compati- bility of good order with liberty. The Federalists, regarding their country as connected with Britain by identity of origin, and the various ties of commercial interest, by resemblance of institutions — by similarity of language, of literature, and of religion, shocked with the crimes of the French rulers, and alarmed at the system of disor- ganization which they had introduced, became more inveterate in their animosity to the Democratic or Republican party, whom they charged with fostering this spirit. In April, 1793, information was received of the declaration of war by France against Great Britain and Holland. Washington was an American, and he did not choose to involve his country in the contests of Europe. He accordingly, with the unanimous advice of his cabinet, consisting of Messrs. Jefferson, Hamilton, Knox, and Randolph, issued a proclamation of neutrality. This measure con- tributed in a great degree to the prosperity of America. Its adoption was the more honourable to the president, as the general sympathy was in favour of the sister republic, against whom it was said Great Britain had commenced a war for the sole purpose of imposing upon her a monarchical form of government : but he preferred the welfare of his country to the popular applause. M. Gerard, the French minister, who had been appointed by the king, was about this time recalled, and in April, M. Genet, who was appointed by the republic, arrived at Charleston, South Carolina. The flattering reception he met with induced him to believe that he could easily persuade the American people to embark in the cause of France, whatever might be the determination of government. This opinion of his was followed by the presumptuous procedure of fitting out privateers from the port of t^harleston, to cruise against the ves- sels of the enemies of France — nations, however, at peace with the United States. Notwithstanding these illegal assumptions of power, he was wel- AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 213 corned at Philadelphia by the most extravagant marks of joy. Mr. Hammond, the British minister, complained of these proceedings. The cabinet unanimously disapproved of them, and determined to enforce the laws against those citizens who had committed the offence. Genet accused the executive of acting in opposition to the wishes of the people, and even threatened an appeal from the government to the people. This threat turned many against him who had before been his advocates. When Congress met in December, the proclama- tion of neutrality was approved, as well as the conduct of the admi- nistration toward M. Genet. France, at the request of the presi- dent, annulled his powers, and he was succeeded by M. Fauchet. On the 1st of January, 1794, Mr. Jefferson resigned his office of secretary of state, and was succeeded by Mr. Randolph. The office of attorney-general was filled by Mr. William Bradford. An insurrection of the western counties of Pennsylvania took place about this time. Great dissatisfaction had arisen from the laws of Congress laying duties on distilled spirits. A sheriff was killed in the execution of his duty. A meeting of the malecontents was held at Pittsburg, correspondences were established among them, and an armed force, calculated to amount to 7000 men, was organized. General Washington, after having vainly attempted persuasive measures, found himself compelled to resort to force. An army of 15,000 men was raised, and placed under the command of General Lee. This powerful force had the intended effect — inspiring such salutary terror that no opposition was attempted. Sixteen of the most active leaders were seized, tried, and convicted of treason, but afterward pardoned. At this session of Congress an act was passed to raise a naval force, consisting of six frigates, for the purpose of protecting the American commerce against Algerine corsairs. Eleven merchant vessels and upward of one hundred citizens had been captured by these corsairs, and further preparations, it was understood, were making for a renewed attack upon the unprotected commerce of the United States. A war with Great Britain was now apprehended. Since the peace of 1783, mutual complaints were made by the United States and Great Britain for violating the stipulations contained in the treaty. The former were accused of preventing the loyalists from regaining possession of their estates, and British subjects from recovering debts contracted before the commencement of hostilities. The Americans complained that certain military posts situated in the western wilder- ness, within the limits of the United States, were still retained, that 214 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, the Indians were incited to make incursions upon the frontier settle- ments, and that injurious commercial restrictions had been imposed. By these restrictions, American vessels trading to the ports of France might be seized by English cruisers, carried into England, and there condemned. A bill passed, laying an embargo for thirty days, one for erecting fortifications, one for raising a provincial army, and another for organizing the militia. To avert, however, if possible, the calamity of another war, Mr. Jay was sent to England for the purpose of negotiating with the British government. The Indians still continuing hostile. General Wayne had been ap- pointed to succeed General St. Clair. Wayne having in vain attempted to negotiate with the savages, marched against them, at the head of 3000 men, and a battle was fought near the Miami of the Lakes. The Indians were totally routed, a vast number killed, and their whole country laid v/aste. This decisive victory disposed them to peace, and had a salutary effect on all the tribes north-west of the Ohio, as well as upon the Six Nations. January 1st, Mr. Hamilton resigned his office of secretary of the treasury, and was succeeded by Oliver Wolcott from Connecticut. At the close of this session, General Knox also resigned his office of secretary of war, and was succeeded by Timothy Pickering. In the spring of 1795, Mr. Jay, having negotiated a treaty with Great Britain, returned to America. This treaty having been laid before the senate, was, after considerable debate, ratified by that body. This treaty provided that the posts which the British had retained should be given up to the Americans, and compensation made for illegal captures, and that the American government should pay to the British 600,000 pounds in trust for the subjects of Great Britain to whom American citizens were indebted. But it did not prohibit the right of searching merchant-vessels claimed by the Bri- tish ; and was thus an abandonment of the favourite principle of the Americans, that "free ships make free trade." Meantime, while the senate were debating the subject with closed doors, a member had given an incorrect copy of it to a printer. It was circulated with rapidity, and produced much irritation. The president received addresses from every part of the Union, praying him to withhold his signature ; but Washington, believing the treaty to be the best which, under existing circumstances, could be obtained, signed it in defiance of popular clamour : at the next session of Congress an attempt was made by the Republican party to hinder the treaty from going into effect, by refusing to vote for the necessary supplies of money. After a long debate, in which several members, particularly Fisher AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 215 Ames, of Massachusetts, displayed much eloquence, and the parties generally much heat and irritation, the appropriation was carried by a majority of three, and the treaty went into effect. A treaty was also made this season with Algiers, the commerce of the Mediterranean was opened, and the American captives were restored. A treaty was also concluded with the Indians in the West ; thus securing the frontiers from savage invasion. A treaty with Spain soon after followed. Spain had endeavoured to cause the western boundary of the new republic to be fixed three hundred miles east of the Mississippi. She denied the inhabitants beyond the Alleghany mountains access to the ocean through that river, the mouth of which was in her province of Louisiana. To adjust these differences, Thomas Pinckney was appointed envoy extraordinary to the court of Madrid. In October, a treaty was signed, allowing the claims of the republic as to the western boundary, securing to the United States the free navigation of the Mississippi to the ocean, and the privilege of landing and depositing cargoes at New Orleans. In 1796, Tennessee was admitted to the Union. The treaties of the last year met with no opposition in Congress. The conduct of France still continued to be a source of disquiet to the American republic. M. Fauchet, ardently attached to his nation, and believing himself supported by a numerous party in America, gradually assumed an authoritative manner. He accused the admi- nistration of partiality to their former foes, enmity to their friends, and cold indifference to the cause of liberty. Mr. Morris, who had been sent minister to France, failing to secure the confidence of those in power, was at their request recalled. Mr. Monroe succeeded him. This gentleman possessed the ardour for liberty and the rights of man common to the Republican party ; and, with them, hoped that the French revolution would eventually lead to the establish- ment of a free government in the room of the ancient despotism of that country. He was received in the most flattering manner by the convention, who decreed that the flags of the two republics, entwined, should be suspended in the legislative hall as a symbol of their friend- ship and union. M. Adet soon after succeeded M. Fauchet, and brought with him the colours of France, which, with much ceremony, were deposited with those archives of the United States which are at once the me- morials of their freedom and independence, and an honourable testi- mony of the existing sympathies and affections of the sister republics. Notwithstanding the professions of friendship between the govern- ments, France still wished to involve America in her European wars; 216 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, but finding her maintaining a steady system of neutrality, slie adopted measures highly injurious to American commerce. Her cruisers were allowed in certain cases to capture vessels of the United States, and while prosecuting a lawful trade, many hundreds were taken and confiscated. Mr. Monroe, at this time, was suspected by the president of not asserting and vindicating the rights of the nation with proper energy. These suspicions were attributed by the Republican party to the false insinuations of his political opponents. The president, how- ever, recalled him, and appointed Charles C. Pinckney, of South Carolina, in his stead. As the period for a new election of president of the United States arrived, Washington announced his determination to retire to private life. He issued a " Farewell Address" to his countrymen, replete with sound political principles and the counsels of prudence, such as a father might communicate to his beloved children. He was gratified by the choice of Mr. Adams as his successor, and after remaining to grace the inaugural ceremonies with his presence, he retired to the shades of Mount Vernon, followed by the common exclamation of mankind — "Well done, thou good and faithful servant." HENRY KNOX. The statesmen who were members of the cabinet during Washing- ton's two terms of administration were Thomas Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton, Henry Knox, Edmund Randolph, Oliver Wolcott, Jun., Timothy Pickering, William Bradford, Charles Lee, and John McHenry. At that period the postmaster-general was not con- sidered a member of the cabinet as at present. But for the sake of uniformity we will record their biographies. During Washington's administration that ofiice was filled successively by Samuel Osgood, Timothy Pickering, and Joseph Habersham. The lives of Jefferson and Hamilton have already been given. Henry Knox, the distinguished general and war minister, was born in Boston on the 25th of July, 1750. His parents were of Scottish descent. Before our Revolutionary war, which afforded an oppor- tunity for the development of his patriotic feelings and military talents, he was engaged in a book store. By means of his early AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 217 education and this honourable employment he acquired a taste for literary pursuits, which he retained through life. Young Knox gave early proofs of his attachment to the cause of freedom and his country. It will be recollected, that, in various parts of the State, volunteer companies were formed in 1774, with a view to awaken the martial spirit of the people, and as a sort of preparation for the contest which was apprehended. Knox was an officer in a military corps of this denomination, and was distinguished by his activity and discipline. There is evidence of his giving un- common attention to military tactics at this period, especially to the branch of engineering and artillery, in which he afterward so greatly excelled. It is also to be recorded in proof of his predominant love of coun- try and its liberties, that he had before this time become connected ■with a very respectable family, which adhered to the measures of the British ministry, and had received great promises both of honour and profit, if he would follow the standard of his sovereign. Even at this time his talents were too great to be overlooked ; and it was wished if possible, to prevent him from attaching himself to the cause of the provincials. He was one of those whose departure from Boston was interdicted by Governor Gage soon after the affair of Lexington. The object of Gage was probably not so much to keep these eminent characters as hostages, as to deprive the Americans of their talents and services. In June, however, he found means to make his way through the British lines to the American army at Cambridge. He was here received with joyful enthusiasm ; for his knowledge of the military art and his zeal for the liberties of the country were admitted by all. The provincial Congress, then con- vened at Watertown, immediately sent for him, and intrusted solely to him the erection of such fortresses as might be necessary to pre- vent a sudden attack from the enemy in Boston. The little army of militia collected in and about Cambridge in the spring of 1775, soon after the battle of Lexington, was without order and discipline. All was insubordination and confusion. Gene- ral Washington did not arrive to take command of the troops until after this period. In this state of things, Knox declined any par- ticular commission, though he readily directed his attention and exertions to the objects which Congress requested. It was in the course of this season, and before he had formally undertaken the command of the artillery, that Knox volunteered his services to go to St. John's, in the province of Canada, and to bring thence to Cambridge all the heavy ordnance and military stores. 218 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, This hazardous enterprise he effected in a manner which astonished all who knew the difficulty of the service. Soon after his return from this fortunate expedition, he took com- mand of the whole corps of the artillery of our army, and retained it until the close of the war. To him the country was chiefly in- debted for the organization of the artillery and ordnance depart- ment. He gave it both form and efficiency ; and it was distinguished alike for its expertness of discipline and promptness of execution. At the battle of Monmouth, in New Jersey, in June, 1778, Gene- ral Knox exhibited new proofs of his bravery and skill. Under his personal and immediate direction, the artillery gave great effect to the success of that memorable day. It will be remembered that the British troops were much more numerous than ours, and that Gene- ral Lee was charged with keeping back the battalion he commanded from the field of battle. The situation of our army was most critical. General Washington was personally engaged in rallying and directing the troops in the most dangerous positions. The afiair terminated in favour of our gallant army, and Generals Knox and Wayne re- ceived the particular commendations of the commander-in-chief the following day, in the orders issued on the occasion. After mention- ing the good conduct and bravery of General Wayne, and thanking the gallant officers and men who distinguished themselves. General Washington says, "he can with pleasure inform General Knox, and the officers of the artillery, that the enemy have done them the justice to acknowledge that no artillery could be better served than ours." When General Greene was offered the arduous command of the Southern department, he replied to the commander-in-chief, "Knox is the man for this difficult undertaking; all obstacles vanish before him; his resources are infinite." "True," replied Washington, "and therefore I cannot part with him." No officer in the army, it is believed, more largely shared in the affection and confidence of the illustrious Washington. In every action where he appeared, Knox was with him : at every council of war he bore a part. In truth, he possessed talents and qualities which could not fail to recommend him to a man of the discriminating mind of Washington. He was intelligent, brave, patriotic, humane, honourable. Washington soon became sensible of his merits, and bestowed on him his esteem, his friendship, and confidence. On the resignation of Major-general Benjamin Lincoln, Knox was appointed secretary of the war department by Congress, during the period of the convention. And when the federal government AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 219 was organized in 1789, he was designated by President Washington for the same honourable and responsible office. This office he held for about five years, enjoying the confidence of the president, and esteemed by all his colleagues in the adminis- tration of the federal government. Of his talents, his integrity, and his devotion to the interests and prosperity of his country, no one had ever any reason to doubt. In 1794 he retired from office to a private station, followed by the esteem and love of all who had been honoured with his acquaintance. At this time he removed with his family to Thomaston, on St. George's river, in the district of Maine, two hundred miles north- east of Boston. He was possessed of extensive landed property in that part of the country, which had formerly belonged to General Waldo, the maternal grandfather of Mrs. Knox. At the request of his fellow-citizens, though unsolicited on his part, he filled a seat at the council-board of Massachusetts, during several years of his residence at Thomaston ; and the degree of doctor of laws was conferred on him by the president and trustees of Dart- mouth College. The amiable virtues of the citizen and the man were as con- spicuous in the character of General Knox as the more brilliant and commanding talents of the hero and statesman. The afflicted and destitute were sure to share of his compassion and charity. " His heart was made of tenderness;" and he often disregarded his own wishes and convenience, in kind endeavours to promote the interest and happiness of his friends. In his person, General Knox was above the common stature ; of noble and commanding form, of manners elegant, conciliating, and dignified. General Knox died at Thomaston, October 25, 1806, aged fifty- six years. His death was occasioned by swallowing the bone of a chicken. EDMUND RANDOLPH. Edmund Randolph, the first attorney-general of the United States, was the son of John Randolph, attorney-general of Virginia before the Revolution. He rose to eminence at the bar before the great struggle for independence began, and then became a fervent advocate 220 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, of the rights of the colonies. After having held several honourable stations in the State, Mr. Randolph was in 1779 elected to a seat in Congress, and he continued to be an active member of that body until 1782. In 1787 he was a member of the convention which framed the federal constitution; but his name does not appear among the signers of that instrument; and, in fact, he was one of its most formidable opponents in Virginia. In conjunction with the cele- brated George Mason and the eloquent Patrick Henrj, he advocated its rejection. In 1788, Mr. Randolph was chosen governor of Virginia. In the next year he received the appointment of attorney-general of the United States, and, upon the resignation of Mr. Jefferson in 1794, he was selected to fill the responsible position of secretary of state. While in this position, however, he was charged with engaging in an intrigue with the French minister, by which he lost the confidence of the cabinet. He resigned in August, 1795, and returning to Vir- ginia, resumed the practice of his profession. Mr. Randolph died on the 12th of September, 1813. He was a profound lawyer, but is said to have lacked prudence in his general political course. OLIVER WOLCOTT, Jun. Oliver Wolcott, Jun., was the son of the Oliver Wolcott who signed the Declaration of Independence, and was born in Litchfield, Connecticut, in 1759. He was educated for the bar, was appointed by Washington comptroller of the treasury, and, on the retirement of Hamilton, secretary of the treasury, which oflBce he filled during the remainder of Washington's and the whole of John Adams's admi- nistration. In 1800 he commenced business as a merchant in the city of New York. In 1815 he returned to his native town, and was was annually elected ten years in succession governor of Connecticut. He afterward returned to the city of New Yoi-k, where he died, June 1, 1833, at the age of 74 years. He possessed great financial ability. JOHN M'HENRY. Of this cabinet ofiicer we have no reliable material for biography. AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 221 TIMOTHY PICKERING. Colonel Pickering, the distinguislied and successful soldier and statesman, was born in Salem, Massachusetts, on the 17th of July, 1745, of a respectable family. He was graduated at Harvard College in 1763, and, after the usual course of professional studies, was ad- mitted to the practice of the law. When the dissensions between the colonies and the mother country commenced, he soon became the champion and leader of the Whigs of the quarter where he lived. He was a member of all the committees of inspection and correspondence, and bore the entire burden of writing. The address which, in 1774, the inhabitants of Salem, in full town-meeting, voted to Governor Gage on the occasion of the Boston port-bill, proceeded from his pen. A part of it, disclaiming any wish, on the part of the inhabitants of Salem, to profit by the closing of the port of Boston, is quoted by Dr. Ramsay, in his History of the American Revolution. In April, 1775, on receiving intelligence of the battle of Lexing- ton, Colonel Pickering marched, with the regiment of which he was at the time commander, to Charlestown, but had not an opportunity of coming to action. Before the close of the same year, when the provisional government was organizing, he was appointed one of the judges of the court of common pleas for Essex, his native county, and sole judge of the maritime court (which had cognizance of all prize causes) for the middle district, comprehending Boston, Avith Salem and the other ports in Essex. These offices he held until he accepted an appointment in the army. In 1777 he was named adju- tant-general by Washington, and joined the army then at Middlebrook, New Jersey. He continued with the commander-in-chief until the American forces went into winter quarters at Valley Forge, having been present at the battles of Brandywine and Germantown. He then proceeded to discharge the duties of a member of the continental board of war, to which he had been elected by Congress, then sitting at Yorktown, Pennsylvania. In this station he remained until he was appointed to succeed General Greene in the office of quarter-master general, which he retained during the residue of the war, and in which he contributed much to the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown. From 1790 to 1794, he was charged by President Washington with several negotiations with the Indian nations on our frontiers. In 1791 he was also made postmaster-general, and, in 1794, removed from that station to the secretaryship of war, on the resignation of 222 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, General Knox. In 1795 he Avas appointed secretary of state in the place of Mr. Randolph. From that office he was removed by Presi- dent Adams, in May, 1800. At the end of the year 1801 he returned to Massachusetts. In 1803 the legislature of that State chose him a senator to Congress for the residue of the term of Dwight Forster, Esq., who had resigned, and, in 1805, re-elected him to the same sta- tion for the term of six years. After its expiration in 1811, he was chosen by the legislature a member of the executive council ; and, during the war of 1812, he was appointed a member of the board of war for the defence of the State. In 1814, he was sent to Congress, and held his seat until March, 1817. He then finally retired to pri- vate life. His death took place January 29, 1829, in the eighty- fourth year of his age. In his manners, Colonel Pickering was plain and unassuming. In public life, he was distinguished for energy, ability, and disinterestedness ; as a soldier, he was brave and patriotic ; and his writings bear ample testimony to his talents and information. He was one of the leaders of the Federal party. WILLIAM BRADFORD. William Bradford was born in Philadelphia, September 14, 1755, and was graduated at Princeton College in 1772. He com- menced the study of the law under Edward Shippen, Esq., late chief- justice of Pennsylvania, and prosecuted his studies with unwearied application. In 1776 he joined the standard of his country, and fought in defence of her rights. In 1779 he recommenced the study of the law, and in September following was admitted to the bar of the supreme court of Pennsylvania. In 1780 he was appointed at- torney-general of the State. In 1784 he married the daughter of Elias Boudinot, of New Jersey, with whom he lived in the exercise of every domestic virtue that adorns human nature. In 1791 he was appointed by Governor Mifflin judge of the supreme court of Pennsylvania. Here he had deter- mined to spend a considerable part of his life; but on the promotion of Mr. Edmund Randolph to the office of secretary of state, as suc- cessor of Mr. Jefferson, he was urged by various public considerations to accept the office of attorney-general of the United States, now left vacant. He accordingly received the appointment January 28, 1794. He continued only a short time in this station, to which he was ele- AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 223 vated by Washington. He died August 23, 1795. He published, in 1793, an Inquiry how far the Punishment of Death is necessary in Pennsylvania, "with notes and illustrations. Mr. Bradford was a lawyer of great ability, and at the period of his death, his prospect of reaching the highest stations in the United States was considered equal to that of any of the contemporary statesman. CHARLES LEE. The Lee and the Livingston families were in glorious rivalry dur- ing the early days of the republic, in furnishing patriots and states- men for the service of the country. It is difficult to decide to which belongs the palm. Besides those Lees whose names are familiar to most readers of American history, Virginia contributed to the na- tional administration a statesman and lawyer of the name who stood high in the confidence of Washington. Charles Lee was a distin- guished lawyer of Virginia at the time of the adoption of the Con- stitution of the United States, and he advocated its acceptance in his native State. In December, 1795, he was appointed attorney-general of the United States, a post for which he was peculiarly fitted. It was by his advice that Mr. Monroe was recalled by Washington from the French mission. On the 12th of February, 1800, Mr, Lee was appointed commissioner to adjust the claims of Georgia ; and on the 20th February, 1801, he was appointed chief judge of the fourth circuit. In all these positions Mr. Lee displayed ability, energy, and learning. JOSEPH HABERSHAM. Joseph Habersham was the son of a merchant, and was born in Savannah, in 1750. Having received a good education, he was about to engage in the peaceful pursuits of commerce when the Revolution oc- curred. Mr. Habersham was an ardent patriot, and having received the commission of lieutenant-colonel in the continental army, he engaged in a number of daring enterprises, which gave him a high military reputation. In 1785, Colonel Habersham was elected to Congress, where he served with distinction. In 1795, Washington appointed 224 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS. him postmaster-geceral of the United States, to succeed Timothy Pickering. He held that office until 1800, when he resigned. He was then made president of the branch bank of the United States at Savannah, which position he held until his death, in November, 1815, at the age of 65 years. Colonel Habersham filled with eminent ability and patriotism the various offices to which he was called. We have thus completed the notices of the several members of Washington's cabinet. It is hardly necessary to remind the reader that the vice-president during the period of this administration was the illustrious John Adams. We now proceed to give the life and administration of John Adams, and the lives of the members of his cabinet. Jiks 0f t\t ^rtstbnits of W^t WiwM States, AND SKETCHES OF THEIR ADMINISTRATIONS, TOGETHER WITH §i0gra^Mcs at tk iitc-frcsi^tnts m\)i tk ITcnibxrs at ik €i\hhtU, JOHN ADAMS. The ancestors of John Adams were among the first Puritan settlers of New England. He was born at Braintree, Massachusetts, on the 19th of October, 1735. He was carefully educated, anc( in 1755 graduated at Harvard College. He then turned his attention to the study of the law. In 1758 he was admitted to the bar, and began the practice of his profession in the city of Boston. There his learn- ing and eloquence soon gave him the pre-eminence among the younger members of the bar. But the cares of his profession did not wholly engross his mind. He was deeply interested in the disputes between the colonies and their unnatural mother, and evinced a bold, patriotic spirit in advocating the cause of his countrymen. In 1765, Mr. Adams published a bold and energetic dissertation in support of the rights of the colonies, in which he invoked the people to make them- selves acquainted with their rights, and resist the encroachments of arbitrary power. On the 5th of March, 1770, occurred the memorable "Boston Massacre." This event furnished Mr. Adams with an opportunity to display that peculiar courage in the discharge of what he believed to be his duty, for which he was ever remarkable. In company with Josiah Quincy, another distinguished patriot, he undertook the de- fence of the British officers and soldiers involved in the disaster, and by a splendid effort of eloquence and forensic skill, procured their acquittal. In the same year, Mr. Adams was elected a representative in the Assembly of Massachusetts. In 1773 and 1774, he was chosen a counsellor by the general court, but rejected by the governors, who feared the influence of one who had taken a deep interest in the con- troversy between the colony and Great Britain, and was devoting his time and talents to the cause. 15 225 226 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, The great cause of emancipation was spreading and strengtliening through the colonies; and the unjust and unwise arrogance and se- verity of the mother country, naturally hastened the catastrophe. The crisis came rapidly on. In June, 1774, a general Congress of delegates from all the colonies was agreed to ; and Mr. Adams was one of those chosen by Massachusetts. This Congress assembled at Philadelphia in September, 1774. The high character of this assem- bly of patriots, for wisdom, solidity, firmness, and discretion, has been justly celebrated even by the greatest names of Europe; and, perhaps, was never surpassed. The eulogium of Lord Chatham upon it, is well known. It is is designated by the emphatic appellation of the first Congress. In such a body Mr. Adams became at once dis- tinguished for talents, zeal, and usefulness ; taking a leading part in every important measure. It was truly said of him, that, " in patriotic zeal and devotion to the public cause, he had no superior in that im- mortal senate. He sat in council with heroes and sages, and was himself the exciting spirit of the assembly." From the first, John Adams had believed in the necessity of inde- pendence. He laboured under all circumstances to prepare the minds of his countrymen for the great event. When the declaration of independence was moved, he was its chief champion — and, in its ad- vocacy, says Thomas Jeff"erson, "he came out with a power of thought and expression which moved us from our seats." He was the Colossus of that Congress. As our contest with Great Britain assumed the character of a regular and protracted war, and lost that of a short-lived insurrec- tion, to be immediately strangled by force or conciliated by com- promise, it became indispensable to engage some powerful European ally to aid us in the strife. France was naturally looked to, not only for her ability to give us support, but from her known jealousy of England, and her readiness to cherish every eflFort to diminish her power. In November, 1777, Mr. Adams was appointed a com- missioner to the court of France co solicit her patronage. This delicate and difficult ofiice he performed to the entire satisfaction of Congress. On his return to America in 1779, he was elected a member, and, of course, an active and leading one, of the convention which framed the constitution of Massachusetts ; a considerable part of which was drafted by him. In August of the same year, he was again sent to Europe as a commissioner to negotiate a general peace; and did not return to his country until her independence was consum- mated and secured by the treaty of 1783. In the mean time he was labouring with indefatigable zeal and fidelity with the powers of AND OF MEMBERS OP THE CABINETS. 227 Europe, to obtain their co-operation in the great cause of his coun- try; making, in 1781, a favourable treaty -with the Dutch provinces. In 1780 he received a vote of thanks from Congress for his services in Europe. In the following year he was associated with Franklin, JeiFerson, and others, in a plenipotentiary commission for concluding treaties with several European powers. He assisted with great dis- tinction, and his usual decision and sagacity, in making the treaty of 1783 with Great Britain, which restored us to peace, and termi- nated for ever her claims and power over this country. When the United States were thus liberated from foreign shackles, and stood among the nations on the basis of her own strength and resources, Mr. Adams was the first minister appointed to London. He Avas there to stand in the presence of the monarch he had so deeply injured, and to meet the gaze of a court which well knew how much he had contributed to dismember their empire, and pluck the fairest jewel from the crown. But he enjoyed a distinction even more remarkable than this: he was the first minister that, may we not say, had ever appeared as the representative of a republic, in its full and just sense. In the year 1787, Mr. Adams, at his own request, was permitted to return home; and a vote of thanks was passed for him in Con- gress, of a character beyond the ordinary language of compliment. In September, 1787, that which may well be styled the grand con- vention of the United States, promulgated their scheme of govern- ment; which, in due time, was adopted by the people, and im- mediately put into operation. In 1789, Mr. Adams was elected the first vice-president under this constitution ; and he was re-elected to the same office in 1793. On the retirement of General Washington from the presidency in 1797, Mr. Adams succeeded him in that dignified station. Mr. Adams was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1797. His address was remarkable for its patriotic sentiments and simple vigour of style. ^'^ In the preceding year, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney had been appointed minister plenipotentiary to the French republic. The object of his mission Avas declared, in his letter of credence, to be "to maintain that good understanding, which, from the commence- ment of the alliance, had subsisted between the two nations; and to efface unfavourable impressions, banish suspicions, and restore that cordiality which was, at once, the evidence and pledge of a friendly union." On inspecting his letter of credence, the Directory an- nounced to him their determination "not to receive another minister 228 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-rRESIDENTS, plenipotentiary from the United States until after the redress of grievances demanded of the American government, which the French republic had a right to expect from it." The American minister was afterward obliged, by a written mandate, to quit the territories of the French republic. Besides other hostile indications, American vessels were captured wherever found; and, under the pretext of their wanting a document, with which the treaty of commerce had been uniformly understood to dispense, they were condemned as prizes. The president, by proclamation, required Congress to meet on the 15th of June ; when, in a firm and dignified speech, he stated the great and unprovoked outrages of the French government. Having mentioned a disposition indicated in the executive Directory to sepa- rate the people of America from their government, "such attempts," he added, "ought to be repelled with a decision which shall convince France and all the world that we are not a degraded people, hu- miliated under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted to be the miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honour, character, and interest.' He expressed, how- ever, his wish for an accommodation, and his purpose of attempting it. "Retaining still the desire which has uniformly been manifested by the American government to preserve peace and friendship with all nations, and believing that neither the honour nor the interest of the United States absolutely forbade the repetition of advances for securing these desirable objects with France, he should," he said, "institute a fresh attempt at negotiation, and should not fail to pro- mote and accelerate an accommodation on terms compatible Avith the rights, duties, interests, and honour of the nation." In the mean time, he earnestly recommended it to Congress to provide effectual measures of defence. Three envoys extraordinary were now appointed, at the head of whom was General Pinckney. By their instructions, "Peace and reconciliation were to be pursued by all means compatible with the honour and the faith of the United States ; but no national engage- ments were to be impaired, no innovations to be permitted upon those internal regulations for the preservation of peace, which had been deliberately and uprightly established; nor were the rights of the government to be surrendered. A treaty of peace and friendship was concluded between the United States and the bey and subjects of Tripoli, in January. On the 7th of July an act was passed to declare the treaties here- tofore concluded with France, no longer obligatory on the United AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 229 States. The reasons assigned in the preamble, are, that those treaties had been repeatedly violated on the part of the French government; that the just claims of the United States for the reparation of those injuries had been refused, and their attempts to negotiate an amicable adjustment of all complaints between the two nations, repelled with indignity; and that, under authority of the French government, there was yet pursued against the United States a system of predatory violence, infracting the said treaties, and hostile to the rights of a free and independent nation. In the spring of 1798, despatches were received from the Ameri- can envoys in France, announcing the total failure of their mission. It was stated that money was demanded as an antecedent condition, not only of the reconciliation of America with France, but of any negotiation on the subject of differences ; and that the envoys had given a decided negative to all such demands. Two of the envoys were then ordered to quit the territories of the republic ; the third was permitted to remain and resume the discussions. The despatch excited great indignation throughout the United States, and the lan- guage was "Millions for defence, not a cent for tribute." Congress adopted vigorous measures, one of which was, a regular army. A regiment of artillerists and engineers was added to the permanent establishment. The president was authorized to raise twelve additional regiments of infantry, and one regiment of cavalry, to serve during the continuance of the existing differences with the French republic, if not sooner discharged. He was authorized also to appoint oiEcers for a provision army, and to receive and organize volunteer corps; the provisional army not to receive pay, unless called into actual service. An act was passed, more effectually to protect the commerce and coasts of the United States. These acts were passed in May. In June, Congress passed an act to authorize the defence of the merchant vessels of the United States against French depredations. In July, President Adams appointed George Washington lieutenant-general and commander-in-chief of the de- fensive army raising in the United States ; and the appointment was accepted. In his letter of acceptance, General Washington observed, " Satisfied that you have sincerely wished and endeavoured to avert war, and exhausted to the last drop the cup of reconciliation, we can, with pure hearts, appeal to heaven for the justice of our cause, and may confidently trust the final result to that kind Providence who has heretofore, and so often, singularly favoured the people of the United States." Happily for this great and good patriot, and for his country, and in accordance with his own uniform belief, the 230 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, hostile attitude of France was followed by no invasion of the United States. The French government having made a fresh proposal of negotia- tion, President Adams appointed Oliver Ellsworth, chief-justice of the United States, Patrick Henry, late governor of Virginia, and William Vans Murray, minister at the Hague, to be envoys to the French republic, to discuss and settle by treaty all controversies between the United States and France. Mr. Henry died on the 4th of June, before the time of embarkation; and Governor Davie, of North Carolina, was appointed in his room. The envoys were not to embark for Europe until the executive directory of France should give assurances to the United States that they should be cordially received, and that a minister of equal powers should be appointed to treat with them. A treaty of peace and friendship between the United States and the kingdom of Tunis, negotiated by William Eaton and James L. Cathcart, was concluded on the 6th of March ; and a treaty of amity and commerce between the United States and the King of Prussia, negotiated by John Quincy Adams, minister plenipotentiary at the court of Berlin, on the 11th of July. Although the armies of France and the United States had not an opportunity for hostile collision, the superiority of the infant repub- lic was established at sea. Commodore Truxtun, commander of the frigate Constellation, thirty-eight guns, captured the French frigate L'Insurgente, forty guns, after a sharp action, off St. Christopher's, in the West Indies, on the 9th of February, 1799; and on the 2d of February, 1800, the same vigilant and skilful commander compelled the French frigate La Vengeance, fifty guns, to strike her colours, but the vanquished vessel escaped in the night. During this short war, the American privateers inflicted an immense amount of damage upon the French commerce. The American envoys found the government of France in the hands of Napoleon Bonaparte, who had not taken part in the trans- actions which had embroiled the two countries. With him negotia- tions were opened, which terminated in an amicable adjustment of all disputes. The provisional army was soon after disbanded by order of Congress. On the 14th of December, 1799, the illustrious Washington, the model man and the hero citizen, departed from the scene of his earthly glory. The great people whom he had so faithfully served, mourned for him, as for a father; and the government, by a solemn AND OF MEMBERS OP THE CABINETS. 231 and august pageantry, showed its appreciation of the greatness of the loss. During the year 1800, the seat of government, agreeably to a law passed by Congress in 1790, was transferred from Philadelphia to the City of Washington. A territory ten miles square, in which the permanent seat of government was located, had been ceded to the General Government by the States of Virginia and Maryland. It was situated on both sides of the Potomac, a few miles from Mount Vernon. Public buildings had been erected, and in November of this year, Congress for the first time held their session in that place. Indiana was this year constituted a state; and Mississippi was erected into a territorial government. The time had now arrived for electing a president. It was about this period that the feuds and animosities of the Federal and Republi- can parties were at their greatest height. When Mr. Adams was first made the opposing candidate to Mr. Jefierson, he was by no means obnoxious to the great body of the Republican party, who voted against him. They recognised in him a patriot of the Revolution, and they liked him well, although they liked Mr. Jefferson better. It was Mr. Hamilton, not Mr. Adams, who was the chief object of party aversion ; and although a clamour was raised to serve party purposes, accusing Mr. Adams of being too much in favour of the British form of government; yet the real cause of dissatisfaction was, that he was supported by those who they were persuaded had monarchical views. After the lapse of four years, when Mr. Adams was again to be a candidate for the presidency, he was opposed with far more bitterness. In some of his measures he had been unfortunate, and the vigilant spirit of party was awake to make the most of the real or supposed errors of the nominal head of their opponents. In the early part of his administration the acts by which the army and navy were strengthened, and 80,000 of the militia subjected to his order, were represented by the republicans as proofs, that however he might have been a friend to the constitution of his country, he now either wished to subvert it, or was led blindfold into the views of those who did. The republicans scrupled the policy of a war with France, and denied the necessity, even in the case of such a war, of a great land force against an enemy totally unassailable except by water. They believed that spirits were at work to produce this war, or to make the most of the prospect of a disturbance, in order to lull the people, while they raised an army which they intended as the instrument of subverting the republican, and establishing a monarchical government. 232 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, The president was stung by the clamours of the opposition, ■who imputed to him intentions which he never had. Attributing the evil to French emissaries; and moreover, ascribing to too much liberty the horrible excesses of the French revolution, he gave his signature to two acts, which were considered by the body of the people as dangerous to, if not subversive of, the constitutional liberty of America. One of these, called the alien law, authorized the presi- dent to order any alien whom he should judge dangerous to the peace and liberty of the country, to depart from the United States on pain of imprisonment. The other, called the sedition law, had for its avowed object to punish the abuse of speech and of the press; and imposed a heavy fine and imprisonment for years upon such as should "combine or conspire together to oppose any measure of the government;" upon such as should <' write, print, utter, publish, &c. any false, scandalous, and malicious writing against the government of the United States or either house of the Congress of the United Sates, or the president," &c. Under the sedition law several persons were actually imprisoned. The sympathies of the people were awakened in their behalf, and their indignation was aroused against those, by whose means they were confined. These were the principal causes why Mr. Adams was at this period unpopular, and that the Federal party, as appeared by the election, had become the minority. Immediately preceding his retirement from office, Mr. Adams ap- pointed in pursuance of a law made by Congress twelve new judges: these were called his midnight judiciary, from the alleged fact that they were appointed at twelve o'clock on the last night of his presi- dential authority. At the general election, the republican electors, who had the majority, voted for Thomas Jefierson and Aaron Burr, and those two statesmen had an equal number of votes. The choice then devolved upon the house of representatives. But in that body, it was found that repeated ballots resulted in giving the two candidates an equal number of votes, and it was not until the thirty-sixth ballot had been taken that Mr. JeiFerson was found to have a majority of one State. He was accordingly declared to be elected president, and Aaron Burr vice-president. Mr. Adams retired from office a very unpopular man. Even a portion of the Federal party, following the lead of General Hamilton, expressed their dissatisfaction with his course of action. But the great statesman of the Revolution had a consciousness of having acted according to the best dictates of his judgment, and he was con- AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 233 tent to leave his vindication to posterity; and in 1801 he retired to his family residence near Boston, devoting his life "to the culture of patriotism, charity, and benevolence," and declining the repeated calls of his fellow-citizens to high official stations. In 1820, how- ever, he consented to serve as a member of the convention for re- vising the constitution of Massachusetts, and was elected president thereof by nearly an unanimous vote ; but he declined the chair on account of his great age. He nevertheless took an interesting and useful part in the deliberations and debates of that body. Mr. Adams enjoyed the privilege of seeing his son, John Quincy Adams, elected president of that republic for the independence and prosperity of which he had so triumphantly toiled. He died on the 4th of July, 1826, at the green old age of ninety-one. His last "words were "Independence for ever!" The character of this great man was once violently assailed by politicians. But the mists of prejudice have cleared away, and it now appears in its own grand, splendid proportions. Incorruptible as a patriot ; all-powerful as an orator ; sagacious as a diplomatist, and bold and decided as a statesman, John Adams must be ranked as one of the noblest men among the founders of the republic. SAMUEL DEXTER. During the administration of John Adams, the following dis- tinguished men were members of the cabinet : — Secretary of state, Timothy Pickering ; secretary of the treasury, Oliver Wolcott, Jun,, and Samuel Dexter ; secretary of war, John McHenry ; secretary of the navy, George Cabot, and Benjamin Stoddart; attorney-general, Charles Lee. Joseph Habersham Avas post-master general. The lives of most of these statesmen have already been given. Samuel Dexter was born in Boston, Massachusetts, in 1761. He was the son of a distinguished merchant of the same name, who was an ardent patriot during the Revolution, and one of the benefactors of Harvard College. The son was graduated at that institution, in 1781, with its first honours. He then engaged in the study of the law. He had not been long at the bar before he was elected to the State legislature, from which he was transferred to Congress, first to the house of representatives, and then to the senate. He was in Congress during a period of strong party excitement, and succeeded 234 LIVES OF THE TRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, in gaining much influence and honour by the force of his talents and character, proving himself an enlightened politician and superior orator. President Adams made him, successively, secretary of war and of the treasury. He discharged these offices in a masterly manner. Toward the end of Mr. Adams's administration, he was offered a foreign embassy, but declined it. When Mr. Jefferson became president, he resigned his public employments, and returned to the practice of the law. In 1815, President Madison requested him to accept an extraordinary mission to the court of Spain, but he declined the offer. For many years, he continued to display extra- ordinary powers in his profession, having no superior, and scarcely a rival before the supreme court at Washington, in which he appeared every winter, in cases of the highest importance. On his return from that capital, in the spring of 1816, he fell sick at Athens, in the State of New York, and died there May 4, aged fifty-five. Mr. Dexter was tall and well-formed, with strong features and a muscular frame. His eloquence was that of clear exposition, and cogent philosophical reasoning ; his delivery in general simple, and his enunciation monotonous; but he often expressed himself with signal energy and beauty, and always gave evidence of uncommon power. He devoted much of his leisure to theological studies, and died a zealous Chris- tian. In the party divisions of the American republic, he held, at first, the post of an acknowledged leader among the Federalists : eventually, however, he separated himself from his colleagues, on some questions of primary interest and magnitude. In the fine sketch of his life and character, drawn by Judge Story, it is truly said of him, "He considered the union of the States as the main security of their liberties; whatever might be his opinion of any measures, he never breathed a doubt to shake public or private con- fidence in the excellence of the constitution itself." GEORGE CABOT. George Cabot was one of the most distinguished statesmen of the period immediately subsequent to the Revolution. He was the first secretary of the navy, that department being created under Mr. Adams's administration. He was born in Salem, Massachusetts, in the year 1752. He spent the early part of his life in the employ- ment of a shipmaster. But he did not neglect the improvement of AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 235 his mind, even amid the restlessness and danger of a seafaring career. Before he was twenty-six years of age, he was chosen to the provincial Congress, which met at Concord, with the visionary project of ordaining a maximum of prices, in order that commodities might be cheapened by constraining the owners to sell at reduced and fixed i-ates ; and there he first displayed that intimate acquaint- ance with the true principles of political economy, for which he was thenceforward pre-eminent. Before Adam Smith was known in the United States, and Say and the other continental writers had formed any correct notions on the subject, Mr. Cabot maintained the present doctrines, and strenu- ously contended for the entire liberty of domestic and international commerce. Mr. Cabot was a prominent member of the State con- vention assembled to deliberate on the adoption of the federal con- stitution, and, soon after that event took place, was elected a senator of the United States, an office which his sense of public duty caused him to accept, although against his inclinations. In that station, he enjoyed the unlimited confidence, not only of the august body of which he was a member, but also of Washington and Hamilton ; and to his commercial knowledge and profound views of finance and political economy, the latter was greatly indebted in the formation of his financial system. With Fisher Ames, also, Mr. Cabot was long linked by ties of the most affectionate friendship. When, in the late war, the exigencies of the country seemed to him to require his co-operation, he presided over a body of delegates from New England, who, in a season of extreme solicitude, attempted to pro- vide means for averting a dreadful storm of public calamity. Mr. Cabot died at Boston, April 18, 1823, in the seventy-second year of his age. He was the delight and veneration of all who knew him, and his talents seemed the most extraordinary, his virtues the most bright, to those who had the happiness to see him most familiarly. His mind was capacious and elevated. In public life he was pure and disinterested, all his exertions tending to one single object — public good ; in private, he was endeared to his family and his friends by his kindness, urbanity, and benevolence. The study of political economy and the science of government was his favourite pursuit. His eloquence, which was oftener displayed in private than in public, was remarkable for its beauty and simplicity. AND SKETCHES OF THEIR ADMINISTRATIONS, TOGETHER WITH §iogtii|)l]ics 0f i\)t Wm-''§xtsxh\\U anij gl'cmkrs at i\t €MmtL THOMAS JEFFERSON. At length we have reached the name of the illustrious author of the Declaration — Thomas Jefferson. He was born on the 2d of April, 1743, at the farm called Shadwell, adjoining Monticello, in the county of Albemarle, Virginia. His ancestors were among the most distinguished of the early settlers of his native State. His father, Peter Jefferson, was an energetic, self educated man, who rose to reputation and influence by a course of steady exertions. At the age of five, Thomas was placed by his father at an English school, where he continued four years, at the expiration of which he was transferred to a Latin school, where he remained five years, under the tuition of Mr. Douglass, a clergyman from Scotland. With the rudiments of the Latin and Greek languages, he acquired at the seme time a knowledge of French. When he was but fourteen years of age, his father died, (August 17, 1757.) Mrs. Jefferson was left a widow, with six daughters and two sons, of whom Thomas was the elder. Both sons inherited large estates, Thomas receiving for his portion the Shadwell lands, including Monticello. At this period, the subject of this memoir was placed under the instruction of the Rev. Mr. Maury, to complete preparation for college. In the spring of 1760 he entered William and Mary College, and continued there the space of two years more. At the latter place it was his great good fortune, and what he considered as fixing the destinies of his life, that Dr. William Small, of Scotland, was then professor of mathematics in the institution ; "a man," says his pupil, "profound in most of the useful branches of science, with a happy talent of communication, of correct and gentlemanly man- ners, and with an enlarged and liberal mind." An attachment was soon formed between these congenial spirits, and they became daily and inseparable companions. From the conversations of this learned 236 MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 237 man and true friend, Jefferson confesses that he first imbibed his views of the expansion of science, and of the system of things in which we are placed. Dr. Small returned to Europe in 1TC2, having first occupied the philosophical chair at the college, and filled up the measure of good- ness to his young friend by procuring for him a reception as a student at law under the direction of the celebrated George Wythe, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, and afterward chancellor of the State of Virginia. With this gentleman he was also united not merely by the ties of professional connection, but by a congeniality of feeling and similarity of views alike honourable to them both; the friendship formed in youth was cemented and strengthened by age, and when the venerable preceptor closed his life in 1806, he bequeathed his library and philosophical apparatus to a pupil and friend who had already proved himself worthy of his instruction and regard. In 1767 he was introduced to the practice of the law at the bar of the general court of the colony, and at which he continued until the Revolution. His legal career was not only pursued with zeal, but attended with overflowing success. In the short period he devoted himself to it, he acquired an enviable reputation ; and a monument of his professional labour and legal research still exists in a volume of reports of adjudged cases in the supreme courts of Virginia, com- piled and digested amid the engagements of active occupation. But his energy and talents were demanded by his fellow-citizens for public life, and his country would not permit him to remain in a private station or attend to ordinary affairs ; their hopes and desires already pointed to him, and their interests directed his aim to higher objects and more extensive usefulness. As early as the year 1769 he was elected a member of the provincial legislature from the county where he resided, and continued a member of that body until it was closed by the Revolution. In consequence, he became associated with men who will always stand in bold relief among the first, the most ardent, and most determined champions of our rights. Ever since the year 1763, a spirit of opposition to the British government had been gradually arising in the province of Virginia, and this spirit was rapidly increasing, owing to the arbitrary measures of the mother country, which seemed to be the result no less of mad- ness than determined oppression. The attachment to England was great in all the colonies, and in Virginia it was more than usually strong ; many of the principal families, according to a popular writer, were connected with it by the closest ties of consanguinity; the 238 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, young men of talent were sent thither to complete their education in its colleges ; and by many, and those not the least patriotic, it was fondly looked to as their home. To sever so intimate a con- nection could not be an undertaking of ordinary facility ; yet such was the rash course pursued by the British ministry, that very brief space was suflScient to dissolve in every breast that glowed with national feeling, those ties which had been formed by blood, by time, and by policy. It cannot be doubted that Mr. Jefferson was among the first to perceive and suggest the only course that could be adopted. The conviction of his mind and ardour of his feelings may, in some measure, be judged, from his recollections of the powerful efforts of the celebrated Patrick Henry, and of which he was a witness. " When the famous resolutions of 1765 against the stamp-act were proposed, I was yet a student of law in Williamsburg. I attended the debate, however, at the door of the lobby of the house of burgesses, and heard the splendid display of Mr. Henry's talents as a popular orator. They were great indeed ; such as I never heard from any other man. He appeared to me to speak as Homer wrote." In Mr. Jefferson's opinion, Henry was the first who gave impetus to the ball of the Revolution in the province of Virginia. In 1769, shortly after the election of Mr. Jefferson to the pro- vincial legislature, these discontents arrived at their crisis. In May of that year, a meeting of the general assembly was called by the governor. Lord Botetourt. To that meeting was made known the joint resolutions and address of the British Lords and Commons of 1768-9, on the proceedings in Massachusetts. Counter resolutions, and an address to the king, by the house of burgesses, were agreed to with little opposition, and a spirit manifestly displayed itself of considering the cause of Massachusetts as a common one. The governor dissolved the general assembly in consequence of the sympathy which was thus exhibited by a majority of its members ; but they met the next day in the public room of the Raleigh Tavern, formed themselves into a convention, drew up articles of association against the use of any merchandise from Great Britain, and signed and recommended them to the people. They then repaired to their respective counties ; and were all re-elected except those few who had declined assenting to their proceedings. On the 1st of January, 1772, Mr. Jefferson married the daughter of Mr. John Wayles of Virginia, an alliance by which he at once gained an accession of strength and credit, and received, in the intervals of public business, that domestic happiness he was so well fitted to partake and enjoy. Its duration, however, was but short ; AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 239 in little more than ten years, death deprived him of his wife, and left him the sole guardian of two infant daughters ; to whose educa- tion he devoted himself with a constancy and zeal which might, in some measure, compensate for the want of a mother's care and instruction. Mr. Wayles was an eminent lawyer of the province, and having by his great industry, punctuality, and practical readi- ness, acquired a handsome fortune, he died in May, 1773, leaving three daughters : the portion which came on that event to Mrs. Jef- ferson was about equal to the patrimony of her husband, and con- sequently doubled the ease of their circumstances. After the dissolution of the Virginia legislature in 1769, nothing of particular excitement in the country occurred for a considerable length of time ; the nation appeared to have fallen into an apathy or insensibility to their situation ; although the duty on tea was not yet repealed, and the declaratory act of a right in the British Par- liament to bind them by their laws in all cases, was still suspended over them. But they at length aroused from their stupor, A court of inquiry held in Rhode Island, in 1762, with a power to send persons to England to be tried for offences committed here, was thought to have aimed a deadly stab at the most sacred rights of the citizen, and as demanding the attention of the legislature of Virginia. The subject was taken up and considered at the spring session of 1773. On this occasion, Mr. Jefferson associated himself with seve- ral of the boldest and most active of his companions in the house, ("not thinking," as he says himself, "the old and leading members up to the point of forwardness and zeal which the times required,") and with them formed the system of committees of correspondence, in a private room, in the same Raleigh Tavern. On the 12th of March, 1773, Mr. Jefferson was chosen a member of the first committee of correspondence established by the colonial legislatures. The year 1774 found Mr, Jefferson still actively en- gaged in his duties as a member of the legislature of Virginia. The passage by Parliament of the Boston port bill, by which that port was to be shut up on the 1st of June, 1774, was the next event which aroused the indignation and excited the sympathy of the house. It arrived while they were in session in the spring of 1774. It was at this crisis that Mr. Jefferson wrote, and the members, though not then adopting as resolutions, afterward published his "Summary view of the Rights of British America;" and in which he maintained what was then thought by many a bold position, but which he con- sidered as the only orthodox and tenable one : that the relation between Great Britain and the colonies was exactly the same as that 240 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PEESIDENTS. of England and Scotland, after the accession of James, and until tlie union, and the same as her present relation with Hanover, having the same executive chief, hut no other necessary political connection ; and that our emigration from England to this county gave her no more rights over us than the emigration of the Danes and Saxons gave to the authorities of the mother country over England. In these sentiments, however, bold as they were, his political asso- ciates joined with him ; they considered those acts of oppression directed against the colonies of New England, acts in which all were concerned, and an attack on the liberties and immunities of every other province- They accordingly resolved that the 1st day of June, the day on which the Boston port bill was to go into operHion, should be set apart by the members as a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer. Lord Dunmore, the royal governor of the province, could not be otherwise than highly exasperated at such proceedings. Mr. Jeffer- son, who had boldly avowed himself the author of the obnoxious pamphlet, was threatened with a prosecution by him for high- treason ; and the house of burgesses was immediately dissolved after their daring publication. Notwithstanding these measures, the members met in their private capacities, and mutually signed a spirited publi- cation, setting forth the unjust conduct of the governor, Avho had left them this, their only method, to point out to their countrymen the measures they deemed the best calculated to secure their liberties from destruction by the arbitrary hand of power. They told them that they could no longer resist the conviction that a determined system had been formed to reduce the inhabitants of British America to slavery, by subjecting them to taxation without their consent, by closing the port of Boston, and raising a revenue on tea. They therefore strongly recommended a closer alliance with the sister colonies, the formation of committees of correspondence, and the annual meeting of a general Congress ; and earnestly hoping that a persistence in these principles would not compel them to adopt measures of a more decisive character. The pamphlet having found its way to England, it was taken up by the opposition, and, with a few interpolations by the celebrated Edmund Burke, passed through several editions. It procured for its author considerable reputation, and likewise the dangerous honour of having his name placed on a list of proscriptions in a bill of at- tainder, which was commenced in one of the houses of parliament, but was speedily suppressed. In the same bill the names of Hancock, the two Adamses, Peyton Randolph, and Patrick Henry, M'ere inserted. AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 241 The year 1775 opened with a renewal of oppressive and insulting enactments by the British Parliament. The ministers of the crown brought forward the project of a law, purporting that when in any province or colony, the governor, council, assembly, or general court should propose to make provisions according to their respective conditions, circumstances, and faculties for contributing their pro- portion to the common defence ; such proportion to be raised under the authorities of the general court or assembly in each province or colony, and disposable by Parliament ; and should engage to make provision also for the support of the civil government, and the admi- nistration of justice in such province or colony; it would be proper, if such proposal should be approved by the king in his parliament, and for so long as such provision should be made accordingly to forbear, in respect of such province or colony, to impose any duties, taxes, or assessments, except only such as might be thought neces- sary for the regulation of commerce. On the 1st of June, 1775, this resolution was presented by Lord Dunmore, the governor, to the legislature of Virginia ; and Mr. Jefferson was selected by the com- mittee, to whom it was referred, to frame the reply. This was done with so much force of argument, enlarged patriotism, and sound political discretion, that it will ever be considered as a document of the highest order. When this address had been passed, Mr. Jefferson immediately proceeded to Congress, which was then in session, and gave them the first notice they had of it. It was highly approved of by them. He had been elected on the 27th of March, 1775, one of the members to represent Virginia in the general Congress already assembled at Philadelphia, but had delayed his departure until now at the request of Mr. Randolph, who was fearful the draughting of the address alluded to would, in his absence, have fallen into feebler hands. On the 21st of June, 1775, Mr. Jefferson appeared, and took his seat in the Continental Congress. In this new capacity he per- ocvered in the decided tone which he had assumed, ahvays maintain- ing that no accommodation should be made between the two countries, unless on the broadest and most liberal principles ; and here, as elsewhere, he soon rendered himself conspicuous among the dis- tinguished men of the day. On the 24th of the same month, a com- mittee which had been appointed to prepare a declaration setting forth the causes and necessity of resorting to arms, brought in their report, (drawn up, as it was believed, by J. Rutledge,) which, not being approved of, the house recommitted it, and added Mr. Dick- inson and Mr. Jefferson to the committee. 16 242 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, Mr. Jefferson prepared the draught of the declaration committed to them. It was drawn with singular ability, and exhibited his usual firmness and discretion ; but it was considered as too decided by Mr. Dickinson. He still nourished the hope of a reconciliation with Great Britain, and was unwilling it should be lessened by what he considered as offensive statements. He was so honest a man, says Mr. Jefferson, and so able a one, that he was greatly indulged even by those who could not feel his scruples. He was therefore requested to take the paper and put it in a form he could approve. He did so, preparing an entire new statement, and preserving of the former only the last four paragraphs and half of the preceding one. The com- mittee approved and reported it to Congress, who accepted it. Con- gress, continues Mr. Jefferson, gave a signal proof of their indulgence to Mr. Dickinson, and of their great desire not to go too fast for any respectable part of their body, in permitting him to draw their second petition to the king, according to his own ideas, and passing it with scarcely any amendment. The disgust against its humility was general. On the 15th of May, 1775, the convention of Virginia instructed their delegates in Congress to propose to that body to declare the colonies independent of Great Britain, and appointed a committee to prepare a declaration of rights and a plan of government. Ac- cordingly, the eloquent Richard Henry Lee made the desired propo- sition. After the great debate was concluded, and the majority appeared in favour of independence, a committee was appointed to draw up the declaration, consisting of Messrs. Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston. It is a decisive proof of the consideration which he enjoyed in Con- gress, that in selecting five of their most distinguished members for the solemn purpose of composing this instrument, Jefferson, although only thirty-three years of age, and one of the youngest members of Congress, received the greatest number of votes, and of course pre- sided over the committee. When they met, they delegated to Jeffer- son and John Adams the task of preparing the sketch of it — and then, after some mutual expressions from each, that the other should perform it, Jefferson yielded to the wishes of his elder colleague. He then presented it to the committee, by whom only a few slight and verbal alterations were made, at the suggestion of Franklin and Adams ; but in its progress through Congress, it underwent several modifications. But the changes are comparatively so few, that, in all literary justice, the authorship of it must be ascribed to Jefferson. The Declaration of Independence is among the noblest productions of the human intellect. It stands apart, alike the first example, and AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 248 the great model of its species — of that simple eloquence, worthy of conveying to the world and to posterity the deep thoughts and the stern purposes of a proud, yet suffering nation. It contains nothing new, for the grave spirits of that Congress were too intent on their great work to aspire after ambitious novelties. But it embodies the eternal truths which lie at the foundation of all free governments. It announces with singular boldness and self-possession their wrongs, and their determination to redress them. It sustains that purpose in a tone of such high, and manly, and generous enthusiasm — it breathes around an atmosphere of so clear and fresh an elevation, and then it concludes with such an heroic self-devotion, that it is im- possible even at this distant day to hear it without a thrill to the soul. In the September following, Mr. Jefferson was appointed a com- missioner to France, in conjunction with Franklin and Deane ; but in consequence of the state of his family, he declined accepting it, and having resigned his seat in Congress, was elected a member of the house of delegates of Virginia, which met in October, 1776. While there, he was appointed, with Wythe, Pendleton, Lee, and Mason, to prepare a code of laws for that State. Of these distin- guished associates, one died in the progress of the work, and another withdrew from it, so that the burden and the glory of this service belong principally to Jefferson. After being occupied with it for more than two years, he presented to the legislature in June, 1779, the result of his labours in what is called the revised code. Its object was to simplify the laws, by reducing into a single code the whole body of the British statutes and of the common law, so far as they were applicable to Virginia, and the acts of the State legisla- ture. This mere revision could have been accomplished by ordinary jurists, but that which stamps the work with the seal of his peculiar genius, was the adaptation of the laws of Virginia to its new political condition. It was evident that as no form of political constitution can be permanent unless sustained by a corresponding legislation, it was necessary to readjust the foundations of the commonwealth, and more especially to modify the laws with regard to slavery, to entails, to primogeniture, and to religion. He had begun by obtaining the passage of a law prohibiting the further importation of slaves. His plan for their gradual emancipa- tion was this : — All slaves born after the establishment of the law, were to be free ; to continue with their parents until a certain age, then to be brought up to useful callings, at the public expense, until the age of eighteen for females, and twenty-one for males, when they were to be sent with implements of war and husbandry to some 244 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, colony, where they should be protected until able to defend them- selves. In the same spirit, the constitution which he prepared in 1783, contained a provision against the introduction of slaves, and for the emancipation of all born after the year 1800. His second measure was the abolition of entails. Governments which extend equal rights to all their citizens, can be best maintained by preventing any excessive inequality of condition among them, consistent with the full exercise of individual power over the fruits of industry. The law of entail, as transferred from England, had so seconded the natural tendency to build up large fortunes, that, to use the language of Jefferson, "by accumulating immense masses of property in single lines of families, it had divided our country into two distinct orders of nobles and plebeians." Against such tenden- cies, as inconsistent with the improved condition of the State, he succeeded in obtaining a law. He resisted, with equal success, another part of the system, which assigned an unequal distribution of fortune among the members of the same family. The easy naturalization of foreigners, the proportioning of punish- ment to crimes, and the establishment of common schools throughout the State, form other parts of his system. But there remained one great achievement, the security of religious freedom. The Church of England, as established in Virginia, required a permanent contribution for its support from every citizen, and a law of the State prescribed that any person of either sex, unless Pro- testant dissenters exempted by act of Parliament, who omitted to attend the church service for one month, should be fined, and in default of payment, received corporeal punishment. The neighbour- hood of Maryland appears to have excited no tenderness toward the religion of that State ; for if any person, suspected to be a Catholic, refused to take certain oaths, he was subjected to the most degrad- ing disqualifications. To undermine this fanaticism, Jefferson began by procuring a suspension of the salaries of the clergy for one year. Other years of similar suspense succeeded, till at length the public sentiment was prepared for his plan, which formed originally part of the revised code, but was not finally enacted until the year 1786, when, during his absence, the care of it devolved on the kindred mind of him who was equally worthy to be his friend in all stations, and his successor in the highest, James Madison. On completing the revised code, he was elected, in the year 1779, governor of Virginia, which place he held for two years. About that period, M. Marbois, of the French legation, being desirous of AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 245 collecting information with regard to the United States, prepared certain queries, a copy of which he addressed to a member of Con- gress from each of the States. The member from Virginia requested JeiFerson to answer these inquiries. This he accordingly did, in the year 1781, and enlarged his observations in the year 1782, when a few copies were printed for the use of his friends ; but it was not until the year 1787, that the work appeared in its present form, under the unassuming title of "Notes on Virginia." A translation into French, by the Abbe Morellet, was printed at Paris in the same year. It professes to be an answer to M. Marbois's queries, in the order in which they were presented, and to give the outlines of the history, geography, and general statistics of Virginia. But it is not so much in the .details of the work, though these are perfectly well digested, as in the free and manly sense, the fine philosophical tem- per, and the liberal feeling which pervade it, that consists its princi- pal attraction. Constitutions, laws, the nature and consequences of domestic slavery, are all discussed with an impartiality which dis- plays the independent spirit of the writer. Here, too, he overthrew the idle fancy of Buflfon as to the inferiority of the animal creation of the new world. On leaving the government of Virginia, he was appointed a minis- ter plenipotentiary, to unite with those already in Europe, in nego- tiating a peace between the United States and England ; but at the moment of embarking, intelligence arrived of the signature of that treaty. He returned to Congress in 1783, and in the following year, was sent to Europe to join Franklin and John Adams, as plenipo- tentiaries, to arrange with the several powers of Europe their future commercial relations with the United States. They framed a treaty with Prussia only, after which Jefferson visited England for a few weeks, in order to assist in an effort, which proved abortive, to make a treaty with that power. On the return of Franklin, he was ap- pointed his successor as minister plenipotentiary to France, where he remained for several years. During his residence in Paris, his public duties were chiefly confined to the details of the commercial intercourse between the two countries, and the diligent performance of these left him leisure for the cultivation of every species of liberal knowledge. He returned from France in November, 1789, on a visit to his family, but instead of resuming his place, he yielded to the request of General Washington, and in April, 1790, accepted the office of secretary of state under the new constitution. Here he soon evinced, that in enlarging his acquirements, he had lost none of his practical sagacity as a statesman. His department was in fact to be created, 246 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, our diplomatic relations under the new government to be established, and the general arrangement of our intercourse with foreign nations to be organized. Then arose the difficulties growing out of the French revolution, and it was his peculiar duty to sustain the rights of the country against the pretensions of England and France, and to vindi- cate the neutrality of our government. The interest of these dis- cussions has passed with the occasion, as more recent facts and longer experience have in some degree superseded them ; but there are three of his public labours at that period, entitled to particular remem- brance. The first is his report on foreign commerce. The second is his correspondence with the British minister on the mutual com- plaints of the two countries — which combines with great force of reasoning and perspicuity of style, a tone of dignified courtesy rarely seen in similar papers. The third is his report on weights and measures, which presents, in a clear and condensed form, all the knowledge of that day on this interesting and intricate question. lie withdrew from this station on the 1st of January, 1794, and resumed his tranquil pursuits at home. These, however, he was not long suffered to enjoy, for in the year 1797, he was elected vice- president of the United States. While in this office, not content to remain inactive in any station, he composed the system of rules known by the name of "Jefferson's Manual ;" a digest of the parlia- mentary practice of England, with such modifications as had been adopted by the senate, or are suggested by the difference between the British and American legislatures. About this time he was elected president of the American Philoso- phical Society, having been previously a member of the French In- stitute, the most learned body perhaps in Europe — distinctions which were richly earned by the variety of his acquirements in science. His services were now to receive their highest reward by his ad- vancement to the presidency of the United States, on the 4th of March, 1801, and his re-election in 1805. Mr. Jefferson was inaugurated President of the United States on the 4th of March, 1801. At the same time, Aaron Burr became vice-president. Many changes were expected to be made by the new president, both in the offices under the administration, and in the practices of the government ; and Mr. Jefferson displayed his originality as a statesmen in numerous particulars. On his accession to office, he departed from the example of his predecessors, and instead of a speech delivered to the two houses of Congress in person, he sent to them a written message, which was first read by the senate, and then transmitted to the house of representatives. This prac- AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 247 tice has been sanctioned and followed by bis successors. The levees at the presidential mansion were abolished as anti-republican. The principal offices were transferred to the Republicans. A bill was passed by Congress, in accordance with the recom- mendation of the president, reorganizing the judiciary department, by means of which the twelve judges appointed during the last days of Mr. Adams's administration, were deprived of their offices. An- other bill was passed enlarging the rights of naturalization. A second census of the United States was now completed, giving a population of 5,319,762, an increase of 1,400,000 in ten yeai-s. Daring this year. Congress declared war against Tripoli. In 1802, Ohio was admitted as an independent State into the Union. The territory of this State was originally claimed by Vir- ginia and Connecticut, and was ceded by them to the United States, at difierent times after the year 1781. From this extensive and fertile tract of country slavery was entirely excluded. In 1802, the port of New Orleans was closed against the United States. The king of Spain having ceded Louisiana to the French, the Spanish intendant was commanded to make the arrangements to deliver the country to the French commissioners. In consequence of this order, the intendant announced that the citizens of the United States should no longer be permitted to deposit their merchandises and effects in the port of New Orleans. By this prohibition, the Western States were in danger of suffering the ruin of their com- merce, and great agitation was excited in the public mind. In Con- gress, a proposition was made to take the whole country by force ; but reposing just confidence in the good faith of the government whose officers had committed the wrong, that body caused friendly and reasonable representations of the grievances sustained, to be made to the court of Spain, and the right of deposit was restored. Aware of the danger to which the United States would be per- petually exposed, while Louisiana remained in the possession of a foreign power, propositions had been made for procuring it by pur- chase. This was a subject of much discussion and feeling. But by a treaty concluded at Paris in 1803, Louisiana, comprising all that immense region of country extending from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean, was ac(i[uired by the United States, as well as the free and exclusive navigation of the river. The sum of 15,000,000 dollars was the price of these newly acquired rights. The minority were opposed to a ratification of the treaty, contending that the sum was exorbitantly large, and that the navigation of the river could have been secured without such heavy pecuniary sacrifices. Mr. Jcfi'erson 248 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, and the majority of Congress viewed the subject in a very different lio-ht. They considered that, compared with the importance of the object attained, the purchase-money was trifling; that the pros- perity of all the Western States was dependent on the free and unin- terrupted navigation of the waters of the Mississippi, and a safe depot at New Orleans; that by this treaty the Western frontier would be protected and preserved from collisions with a foreign power, and that such was the happy organization of the American government, that it was fully adequate for the security and protec- tion of its territories, however extensive they might be. In the mean time, the semi-barbarous nations which inhabit the southern shores of the Mediterranean had commenced depredations on the American commerce. Tripoli, in particular, had intimated to the government that the only method of securing their commerce, was the payment of tribute. This led to a war between that power and the United States. In prosecution of this war, the United States had, during the year 1801, sent out Commodore Dale, with a squadron of two frigates and a sloop of war. By blockading the harbour of Tripoli, he prevented the piratical cruisers from leaving it, and thus afforded protection to the American commerce. Early in the year 1803, Congress, bent on more efficient opera- tions against their barbarian enemy, sent out Commodore Preble, with a squadron of seven sail. In October, one of his ships, the frigate Philadelphia, Captain Bainbridge, was sent into the harbour of Tripoli to reconnoitre ; and while in pursuit of a small vessel, he unfortunately proceeded so far that the Philadelphia was grounded, and fell into the hands of the enemy. The officers were considered as prisoners, and the crew treated as slaves. As soon as the news of the capture of the Philadelphia reached the squadron, Stephen Decatur, who held a lieutenancy under Com- modore Preble, conceived the design of recapturing or destroying it. Having obtained the consent of the commodore, he armed a small ketch, the Intrepid, and sailed from Syracuse, February, 1804, with seventy men. He entered the harbour of Tripoli undiscovered, and advancing boldly, took a station along side of the frigate, which was moored within gun-shot of the bashaw's castle and of the principal battery. Two of the enemy's cruisers lay within two cables' length, and all the guns of the frigate were mounted and loaded. Decatur sprang on board, and his intrepid crew rushed, sword in hand, upon the astonished and terrified Tripolitans ; killed and drove them into the sea, and were soon masters of the frigate. The situation of De- AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 249 catur and his crew became perilous from the artillery of the battery, which now began to be poured in upon them. The corsairs in the harbour were approaching, and they had no time to lose in making their escape. They set fire to the Philadelphia, left her, and were soon out of the reach of their pursuers, having accomplished this daring enterprise without the loss of a single man. In the month of August, Commodore Preble went three times into the harbour of Tripoli, and opened the broadsides of his fleet upon the shipping and the batteries of the city. Although the Americans destroyed some of the Tripolitan shipping, yet they failed of making any material impression upon the fortifications. Meantime, the bar- barians treated the American prisoners with every degree of in- dignity and cruelty. Captain Bainbridge, who, with his crew, had remained in captivity since the capture of the Philadelphia, vainly en- deavoured to obtain some mitigation of their suiferings. Their country deeply commiserated their distresses, and Congress was ready to listen to any proposition which afforded a reasonable prospect of their relief. In 1803, Captain William Eaton, on his return from Tunis, where he had been consul, represented to the government, that his joint operation with an elder and expelled brother of the reigning bashaw of Tripoli might be useful. Permission was given him to undertake the enterprise, and such supplies granted as could be afforded, and the co-operation of the fleet recommended. In 1804, Eaton was ap- pointed navy-agent of the United States for the Barbary Powers. After reaching Malta, he left the American fleet, and proceeded to Cairo and Alexandria, where he formed a convention with Hamet, who hoped, by attacking the usurper in his dominions, to regain his throne. For this purpose, an army was to be raised in Egypt, where Hamet had been kindly received and presented with a military com- mand by the Mameluke Bey. Early in 1805, Eaton was appointed general of Hamet's forces. From Egypt, he marched with a few hundred troops, principally Arabs, across a desert 1000 miles in extent, to Derne, a Tripolitan city on the Mediterranean. In this harbour he found a part of the American fleet, which was destined to assist him. He learned, also, that the usurper, with a consider- able force, was within a few days' march of the city. The next morning, he summoned the governor of Derne to surrender, who returned for answer, "My head or yours." He then commenced an assault upon the city, and, after a contest of two hours and a half, took possession of it. General Eaton was wounded, and his army suffered severely, but immediate exertions were, notwithstanding, made to fortify the city. On the 8th of May, it was attacked by the 250 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, Tripolitan army. Although the assailants were ten times more numerous than Eaton's band, yet, after persisting four hours in the attempt, they were compelled to retire. On the 10th of June, an- other battle was fought, in which Eaton was again victorious. The next day, the American frigate Constitution arrived in the harbour, and the Tripolitans fled precipitately to the desert. While the im- pression resulting from the bravery displayed at Derne, operated at Tripoli, and an attack upon that city was daily expected from the United States' squadron. Colonel Lear, the consul at Tripoli, thought it the best moment to listen to the terms of peace offered by the bashaw. He did so, and it was stipulated that a mutual delivery of prisoners should take place; among whom were Captain Bain- bridge, with the officers and crew of the Philadelphia ; and, as the bashaw had a balance of more than two hundred prisoners in his favour, he was to receive sixty thousand dollars for them. It was also understood, that all support from Hamet was to be withdrawn, and hostilities were to cease. It was, however, stipulated, that on Hamet's retiring from the territory, his wife and children, then in the power of the reigning bashaw, should be given up to him. Thus ended the war in the Mediterranean. In July, 1804, occurred the death of General Alexander Hamilton. He died in a duel fought with Aaron Burr, vice-president of the United States. Colonel Burr had addressed a letter to General Hamilton, requiring his denial or acknowledgment of certain offensive expressions contained in a public journal. Hamilton declining to give either, Colonel Burr sent him a challenge. They met, and Hamilton fell at the first fire. His death caused a deep sensation throughout the Union. The city of New York paid extraordinary honours to his remains. In 1804, the general elections occurred. Mr. Jefi'erson's popu- larity had greatly increased, and he was now re-chosen to the presi- dency by a large majority. The popularity of Burr had, on the other hand, dwindled away since the death of Hamilton ; and George Clinton, of New York, the candidate of the Jefi'erson party, was elected vice-president. Mr. Jefi'erson, on entering upon the discharge of the duties of the second term of his administration, although a decided majority in both houses of Congress were friendly to the principles of govern- ment by which he was actuated, perceived himself to be placed in a more critical position than at any former period of his public life. The manner in which European wars were conducted created appre- hensions in the minds of the American citizens that their rights and / AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 251 liberties would not only be endangered, but sacrificed. The wise policy of America had been eminently conspicuous in maintaining a steady system of neutrality, during the whole of those wars which broke out in consequence of the French revolution. Her neutrality enabled her to profit by the colonial commerce of France and Spain, as also the whole branch of European trade, which, in consequence of the general war, could not be transported with native ships. On two subjects, Britain and America were at issue. One was re- specting what the former power denominated "the right of search;" by which, on various pretences, she assumed and exercised an au- thority to search the vessels of other nations. Another subject in dispute was that of expatriation. England maintained that a man once a subject was always a subject; and that no act of his could change his allegiance to the government under which he was born. This difference in principles on the subjects of the right of search, and that of expatriation, produced the difficulties between the two nations on the subject of the impressment of American seamen. Officers of British ships, in the exercise of the pretended right of search, entered American vessels, and impressed from thence certain seamen, whom they claimed as British subjects, because they were born in Great Britain ; while the same men, having become natural- ized in America, were regarded by that power as her citizens. The practice of impressment thus begun, did not end here, but proceeded to extremes that the Americans considered unjustifiable on any principles. America, thus situated, was meditating measures for the defence of her commerce, when she received from both the belligerents fresh cause of provocation. Great Britain, under the administration of Fox, issued a proclamation, May, 1806, blockading the coast of the continent, from Elbe to Brest. The French government, exaspe- rated at this measure, retaliated by the decree issued at Berlin, November 21st, declaring the British Isles in a state of blockade. Thus each nation declared in effect that no neutral power should trade with the other. In 1807 the public attention was again directed to Colonel Burr. He had lost the confidence of the Republican party, by his supposed intrigue against Mr. Jefi'erson for the office of president, and ex- cited the indignation of the whole Federal party by his encounter with Hamilton. Thus situated, he had retired a private citizen into the Western States. It was at length understood that he was at the head of a great number of individuals, who were arming and or- ganizing themselves, and purchasing and building boats on the Ohio. 252 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, Their ostensible object was peaceful and agricultural. It was to form a settlement on the banks of the Washita, in Louisiana. Their boats, it was said, were calculated to accommodate families who were removing to their settlements. But the vigilant eye of government was upon their leader ; and, as the nature and designs of his movements were suspected, he was closely scrutinized ; prose- cutions were instituted against him in Tennessee, in Kentucky, and in the Mississippi Territory, from which, as proof of guilt was wanting, he was discharged. At length, these suspicions gaining strength, he was apprehended on the Tombigbee river, in Missouri Territory, in February, 1807, brought to Richmond under military escort, and com- mitted in order to take his trial upon two charges exhibited against him on the part of the United States. First, for a high misdemeanour in setting on foot within the United States a military expedition against the king of Spain, with whom the United States were at peace ; second, for treason in assembling an armed force, with a design to seize the city of New Orleans, to revolutionize the territory attached to it, and to separate the Atlantic States from the Western. It was supposed that he intended to make New Orleans the seat of his do- minions, and the capital of his empire. In August, after a trial be- fore Judge Marshall, the chief-justice of the United States, evidence of his guilt not being presented, he was acquitted by the jury. In June of this year (1807) an alleged outrage was committed upon the United States' frigate, the Chesapeake, by the British ship of war Leopard, which produced throughout the country a general burst of indignation. The Chesapeake, commanded by Commodore Barron, having been ordered on a cruise in the Mediterranean, sailed from Hampton Roads on the 22d of June. She had proceeded but a few leagues from the coast, when she was overtaken by the Leopard. A British officer came on board, with an order from Vice-admiral Berkely, to take from the Chesapeake three men, alleged to be deserters from the Melampus frigate. These men, it appears, were American citizens, who had been impressed by the British, but kad deserted, and enlisted in the American service. Commodore Barron replied to the British officer in terms of politeness, but refused to have his crew mustered for examination by any officers but his own. Commodore Barron was unprepared for an attack, not contemplating the possibility of meeting an enemy so near the Capes ; but, during this interview, he noticed preparations on board the Leopard, indica- tive of a hostile disposition, and he immediately gave orders to pre- pare for action. But before any efficient preparations could be made, the Leopard opened a broadside upon the Chesapeake. After re- AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 253 ceiving hev fire about thirty minutes, during which time the Americans had three men killed, and eighteen wounded, Commodore Barron ordered the colours to be struck. An oiEcer from the Leopard came on board, and took four men, the three who had been previously demanded, and another, who, they affirmed, had deserted from a merchant vessel. Commodore Barron observed that he considered the Chesapeake a prize of the Leopard. The officer replied, "No," he had obeyed his orders in taking out the men, and had nothing further to do with her. This event produced great excitement. That rancour of party which had so long embittered all the inter- course of social life, was lost in the general desire to avenge a com- mon wrong. The president, by proclamation, commanded all British armed vessels within the harbours or waters of the United States to depart from the same without delay, and prohibited others from en- tering. Mr. Monroe, the American minister in London, was instructed to demand reparation ; and a special Congress was called. In November, Britain issued her orders in council, a measure declared to be in retaliation of the French decree of November, 1806. These orders in council prohibited all neutral nations from trading with France, or her allies, except upon the condition of paying tri- bute to England. This was immediately followed by a decree of Bonaparte, at Milan, which declared that every vessel which should submit to be searched or pay tribute to the English, should be con- fiscated if found within his ports. Thus was the commerce of America subjected to utter ruin, as almost all her vessels were, on some of these pretences, liable to capture. The American government, after much discussion, resorted to an embargo on their own vessels, as a measure best fitted to the crisis. This would eifectually secure the mercantile property, and the mariners now at home, and also those who were daily arriving; and, at the same time, it would not be a measure of war, or a just cause of hostility. Mr. Monroe was instructed not only to demand satisfaction for the Chesapeake, but to obtain security against future impressments from American ships. But Mr. Canning, the British minister, objected to uniting these subjects, and Mr. Monroe was not authorized to treat them separately. Mr. Rose was sent envoy extraordinary to the United States, to adjust the difficulty which had arisen on account of the Chesapeake. In 1808, Commodore Barron was tried for pre- maturely surrendering that frigate. In 1809, Mr. Jefferson's second term of office having expired, he declared his wish to retire from public life, and Mr. Madison, who 254 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE PRESIDENTS, had during Mr. Jefferson's administration held the important office of secretary of state, was elected president. Mr. George Clinton, of New York, M^as re-elected vice-president. Mr. Jefferson's political course had given satisfaction to a vast majority of the people of the United States ; and when he retired to the shades of Monticello he was followed by the good wishes of his countrymen. At the expiration of his second term of service, he de- clined a re-election, and withdrawing to his farm at Monticello, re- sumed the favourite studies and occupations from which his public duties had so long withheld him. On this spot, endeared by attachments which had descended with it from his ancestors, and scarcely less cherished from the embellishments with which his own taste had adorned it; on this elevated seclusion, of which more than forty years ago Chastelleux had said, "it seemed, as if from his youth, he had placed his mind as he had his house, upon a high situation, from which he might contemplate the universe;" he appears to have realized all that the imagination can conceive of a happy retirement, that blessing after which all aspire, but so few are destined to enjoy. There, surrounded by all that can give lustre or enjoyment to exist- ence, an exalted reputation, universal esteem, the means of indulging in the studies most congenial to him, a numerous and affectionate family, enlivened by the pilgrimage of strangers who hastened to see what they had so long venerated, a correspondence that still preserved his sympathies with the world he had left, blessed with all the con- solations which gently slope the decline of life, he gave up to philo- sophical repose the remainder of that existence already protracted beyond the ordinary limits assigned to men. But it was not in his nature to be unoccupied, and his last years were devoted to an enter- prise every way worthy of his character. Aware how essentially free institutions depend on the diffusion of knowledge, he endeavoured to establish in his native State a seminary of learning; and his success may be seen in the rising prosperity of the University of Virginia, his last and crowning work. The time, however, had arrived, when his cares and his existence were to end. His health had been through life singularly robust ; as the vigorous frame which nature had bestowed on him was preserved , by habits of great regularity and temperance. But for some months previous to his death he was obviously declining, and at length, on the 4th of July, 1826, in the eighty-fourth year of his age, he died with the firmness and self-possession native to his character, and the last hours of his existence were cheered and consecrated by the return of that day, when, of all others, it was most fit that he should AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS, 255 die — the birthday of his country. He felt that this was not his appropriate resting-place, and he gave up to God his enfeebled frame and his exhausted spirit, on the anniversary almost of that hour, which, half a century before, had seen him devoting the mature energies of his mind and the concentrated affections of his heart to the freedom of his country. In person, Mr. Jefferson was tall, erect, and well-formed, though thin. His countenance was bland and expressive, his conversation fluent, entertaining, and abounding in various information. Few men equalled him in the art of pleasing in personal intercourse. His complexion was fair, his forehead was broad, and his whole face square, and expressive of a mild but determined spirit. In dis- position, Mr. Jeflerson was liberal and benevolent, his charity being as bountiful as it was unostentatious. He was warmly attached to his children and relatives. His mind was capacious and powerful, and a wide range of thought and study had stored it with the treasures of knowledge. He was, perhaps, the most philosophical of American statesmen, Franklin alone excepted. His faith in the capacity of humanity was firm through life, and from it flowed those liberal, democratic sentiments which have exercised so vast an in- fluence upon the politics of the United States. Up to the time of his death, he was considered the Nestor of the State-rights Democratic party. Mr. Jefferson lacked the voice and action necessary to an orator; but as a writer, either upon politics or general subjects, he had few superiors in America. His pen could give a life and a vivid attraction to any matter he chose to illustrate. The Declaration of Independence will endure as a monument of his literary skill, and as the great charter of the rights of man. AARON BURR. It is a part of the plan of this work to give the biographies of the vice-presidents of the United States. Those of the earlier vice- presidents have already been written under other heads. Aaron Burr is the first person who held that high ofiice who had not pre- viously been connected with the administration of the government. Colonel Burr was certainly one of the most remarkable characters in the early history of the great Republic. He possessed a com- bination of qualities which rendered him a leader in the council and 256 LIVES OF TFIE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, in the field. He was born in Newark, New Jersey, on the 6th of February, 1756, and was the son of Aaron Burr, president of the College of New Jersey. He graduated at Princeton when only six- teen years old. At the age of twenty years, he joined the American army, then in the vicinity of Boston. He volunteered to accompany General Arnold in the famous expedition against Quebec, by way of the Kennebec. Having endured with wonderful fortitude all the trials of that celebrated march through the wilderness, young Burr was appointed aid-de-camp to General Montgomery. In May, 1776, he returned to Canada, and was soon afterward appointed aid-de- camp to General Putnam. In the summer of 1777 he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the army. But ill health com- pelled him to resign his commission in March, 1779. On the restoration of peace. Colonel Burr applied himself to the study of the law, and was admitted to the bar. He commenced to practise at Albany, New York, and soon met with that success which his abilities were calculated to achieve. He then married, and set- tled in the city of New York, where his energy and eloquence soon secured him great influence. In 1788, Colonel Burr was appointed attorney-general of the State, and in January, 1799, he was elected to a seat in the senate of the United States. In the following year he was appointed a judge of the supreme court of the State of New York, but he preferred to continue in his prominent position as a senator, and leader of the Democratic party. At the presidential election of 1800, Mr. Burr and Mr. Jefferson received an equal number of votes, and when the election devolved upon the house of representatives, thirty-six ballots were held before Mr. Jefferson was elected to the presidency. Colonel Burr became vice-president. The conduct of Burr during the presidential canvass destroyed his popularity, and at the end of four years he had but few friends. In 1805 he became a candidate for governor of New York. Colonel Hamilton was at that time in the meridian of his fame and the rival of Colonel Burr in business and reputation. Having no confidence in the integrity of Burr, he gave vent to his opinions, and refusing to retract them, was challenged to fight a duel. The challenge was ac- cepted, and Hamilton was mortally wounded. Soon after this bloody affair, Colonel Burr forsook his former employments and led a life full of mystery. He made frequent journeys to the West, and it soon became apparent that he was preparing an expedition, the purpose of which was unknown. But the government of the United States, suspecting him of the design of separating the Western States from the Union, watched his movements narrowly, AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 257 and at length its agents arrested him. He was brought to trial at Richmond, upon the charge of treason, and then of misdemeanour, but the evidence was insufficient to convict him of either charge. Yet the popular opinion was decidedly against him, and in June, 1808, he was induced to go to England. He remained abroad four years, and then, returning to New York, resumed the practice of the law. He declined several tempting offers of command from the Spanish-American republics. This extraordinary man died on Staten Island, on the 14th of September, 1836, in the eighty-first year of his age. The character of Colonel Burr has excited a great deal of discus- sion. By the majority he is regarded as the Sergius Catiline of the American republic — a bold, artful, eloquent, but selfishly ambitious and corrupt man. His private life was undeniably dissolute, and in public life he displayed more of the mere political intriguer than any of his American contemporaries. As to the precise character of his schemes in the West, the world knows nothing, but suspects much that is to be condemned. In the latter part of his life, Colonel Burr certainly rejected several splendid opportunities for attaining power in the Spanish- American republics — opportunities that most ambitious men would have eagerly seized. Upon the whole, however, it is to be regretted that a man of such, energy and ability had not possessed a purer and more honest heart. GEORGE CLINTON. George Clinton, vice-president during the second term of Jeffer- son's administration, and the first of Madison's, was born on the 26th of July, 1739, in the county of Ulster, New York. He was the youngest son of Colonel Charles Clinton, an emigrant from Ire- land, and a gentleman of distinguished worth and high consideration. He was educated principally under the eye of his father, and re- ceived the instruction of a learned minister of the Presbyterian church, who had graduated in the University of Aberdeen ; and, after reading law, in the office of William Smith, afterward chief-justice of Canada, he settled himself in that profession in the county of his nativity, where he rose to eminence. In 1768 he took his seat as one of the members of the colonial Assembly, for the county of Ulster, and he continued an active mem- 17 258 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, her of that body until it was merged in the Revolution. His energy of character, discriminating intellect, and undaunted courage, placed him among the chiefs of the Whig party, and he was always consi- dered possessed of a superior mind and master spirit, on which his country might surely rely, in the darkest periods of her fortunes. On the 22d of April, 1775, he was chosen by the provincial con- vention of New York one of the delegates to the Continental Con- gress, and took his seat in that illustrious body on the 15th of May. On the 4th of July, 1776, he was present at the glorious declaration of independence, and assented, with his usual energy and decision, to that measure ; but having been appointed a brigadier-general in the militia, and also in the army, the exigencies of his country, at that trying hour, rendered it necessary for him to take the field in person, and he therefore retired from Congress immediately after his vote was given, and before the instrument was transcribed for the signature of the members, for which reason his name does not appear among the signers. A constitution having been adopted for the State of New York on the 20th of April, 1777, he was chosen at the first election under it, both governor and lieutenant-governor, and he was continued in the former office for eighteen years, by triennial elections ; when, owing to ill health, and a respect for the Republican principle of rotation in office, he declined a re-election. During the Revolutionary war, he cordially co-operated with the immortal Washington ; and without his aid, the army would have been disbanded, and the Northern separated from the Southern States, by the intervention of British troops. He was always at his post in the times that tried men's souls : at one period repelling the ad- vances of the enemy from Canada, and at another meeting them in battle when approaching from the South. His gallant defence of Fort Montgomery, with a handful of men, against a powerful force commanded by Sir Henry Clinton, was equally honourable to his intrepidity and his skill. The administration of Governor Clinton was characterized by wisdom and patriotism. He was a republican in principle and prac- tice. After a retirement of five years, he was called by the citizens of the city and county of New York to represent them in the As- sembly of the State ; and to his influence and popularity may be ascribed, in a great degree, the change in his native State, which finally produced the important political revolution of 1801. At that period, much against his inclination, but from motives of AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 259 patriotism, he consented to an election as governor ; and in 1805, he was chosen vice-president of the United States, in which office he continued until his death, presiding with great dignity in the senate, and evincing, by his votes and his opinions, his decided hostility to constructive authority, and to innovations on the established prin- ciples of republican government. He died at Washington, when attending to his duties as vice-pre- sident, and was interred in that city, where a monument was erected by the filial piety of his children, with this inscription, written by his nephew : — "To the memory of George Clinton. He was born in the State of New York, on the 26th of July, 1739, and died in the city of Washington, on the 20th of April, 1812, in the seventy-third year of his age. He was a soldier and statesman of the Revolution. Eminent in council, and distinguished in war, he filled, with unex- ampled usefulness, purity, and ability, among many other ofiices, those of governor of his native State and of vice-president of the United States. While he lived, his virtue, wisdom, and valour were the pride, the ornament, and security of his country ; and when he died, he left an illustrious example of a well-spent life, worthy of all imitation." JOHN MARSHALL. The members of the cabinet during Jefierson's administration were as follows : — Secretaries of State, John Marshall and James Madison ; secretary of the treasury, Albert Gallatin ; secretary of war, Henry Dearborn ; secretaries of the navy, Robert Smith and Jacob Crowninshield ; attorney-generals, Levi Lincoln, Robert Smith, John Breckenridge, and Ciesar A. Rodney. Gideon Granger was postmaster-general. A few months' service as secretary of state brings the celebrated Judge, John Marshall, within the scope of this work. He was born at Germantown, Fauquier county, Virginia, on the 24th of September, 1755. The house in which he was born is not in existence. When he wj^ quite a young man, the family moved to Goose's Creek, under Manassa's Gap, near the Blue Ridge, and still later to Oak Hill, where the family lived at the commencement of the Revolution. His father, Thomas Marshall, was a planter of limited means and 260 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, education, but of strong natural powers, wMcli, cultivated by observa- tion and reflection, gave him tbe reputation of extraordinary ability. He served with distinction in the Revolution as a colonel in the con- tinental army. John was the eldest of fifteen children. The narrow fortune of Colonel Marshall, and the sparsely inhabited condition of Fauquier, compelled him to be almost exclusively the teacher of his children, and to his instructions, the chief-justice said, "he owed the solid foundation of all his success in life." He early implanted in his eldest son a taste for English literature, especially for poetry and history. At the age of twelve, John had transcribed the whole of Pope's Essay on Man, and some of his Moral Essays ; and had committed to memory many of the most interesting passages of that distinguished poet. At the age of fourteen he was placed with the Eev. Mr. Campbell, in Westmoreland, where for a year he was instructed in Latin, and had for a fellow-student James Monroe. The succeeding year was passed at his father's, where he continued to study under the Rev. Mr. Thompson, a Scotch gentleman, which "was the whole of the classical tuition he ever obtained. By the assistance of his father, however, and the persevering efforts of his own mind, he continued to enlarge his knowledge, while he strengthened his body by ' hardy, athletic exercises in the open air. He engaged in field-sports ; he indulged his solitary meditations amid the wildest scenery of na- ture ; he delighted to brush away the earliest dews of the morning.' " To these early habits in a mountain region he owed a vigorous con- stitution. The simple manner of living among the people of those regions of that early day, doubtless contributed its share. He ever recurred with fondness to that primitive mode of life, when he par- took, with a keen relish, of balm-tea and mush, and when the females used thorns for pins. In the summer of 1775 he was appointed lieutenant in the "Minute Battalion," and had an honourable share in the battle of Great Bridge. In July, 1776, he was appointed first lieutenant in the eleventh Virginia regiment, on the continental establishment, which marched to the North in the ensuing winter; and in May, 1777, he was promoted to a captaincy. He was in a skirmish at Iron Hill, and at the battles of Brandywine, Germantown, and Monmouth. He was one of that body of men, never surpassed in the history of the world, who, unpaid, unclothed, unfed, tracked the snows of^ Val- ley Foi-ge with the blood of their footsteps in the rigorous winter of 1778, and yet turned not their faces from their country in resent- ment, or from their enemies in fear. AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 261 That part of the Virginia line which was not ordered to Charleston, S. C, being in effect dissolved by the expiration of the term of en- listment of the soldiers, the officers (among whom was Captain Mar- shall) were, in the winter, of 1779-80, directed to retm-n home, in order to take charge of such men as the State legislature should raise for them. It was during this season of inaction that he availed himself of the opportunity of attending a course of law lectures given by Mr. Wythe, afterward chancellor of the State ; and a course of lectures on natural philosophy, given by Mr. Madison, president of "William and Mary College in Virginia. He left this college in the summer vacation of 1780, and obtained a license to practise law. In October he returned to the army, and continued in service until the termination of Arnold's invasion. After this period, and be- fore the invasion of Phillips, in February, 1781, there being a re- dundancy of officers in the Virginia line, he resigned his commission. During the invasion of Virginia, the courts of law were not re- opened until after the capitulation of Lord Cornwallis. Immediately after that event, Mr. Marshall commenced the practice of law, and soon rose into distinction at the bar. In the spring of 1782 he was elected a member of the State legislature, and, in the autumn of the same year, a member of the executive council. In January, 1783, he married Miss Ambler, the daughter of a gentleman who was then treasurer of the State, and to whom he had become at- tached before he left the army. This lady lived for nearly fifty years after her marriage, to partake of the distinguished honours of her husband. In 1784 he resigned his seat at the council-board in order to return to the bar; and he was immediately afterward again elected a member of the legislature for the county of Fauquier, of which he was then only nominally an inhabitant, his actual residence being at Richmond. In 1787 he was elected a member from the county of Henrico ; and though at that time earnestly engaged in the duties of his profession, he embarked largely in the political ques- tions which then agitated the State, and, indeed, the whole confederacy. Every person at all read in our domestic history must recollect the dangers and difficulties of those days. The termination of the Revolutionary war left the country impoverished and exhausted by its expenditures, and the national finances at a low state of depres- sion. The powers of Congress under the confederation, which even dur- ing the war were often prostrated by the neglect of a single State to en- force them, became in the ensuing peace utterly relaxed and inefficient. Credit, private as well as public, was destroyed. Agriculture and commerce were crippled. The delicate relation of debtor and creditor 262 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, became more and more embarrassed and embarrassing ; and, as is usual upon sucb occasions, every sort of expedient was resorted to by popular leaders, as well as by men of desperate fortunes, to in- flame the public mind, and to bring into odium those who laboured to preserve the public faith and to establish a more energetic go- vernment. The whole country was soon divided into two great parties, the one of which endeavoured to put an end to the public evils by the establishment of a government over the Union, which should be adequate to all its exigencies, and act directly on the people ; the other was devoted to State authority, jealous of all federal influence, and determined at every hazard to resist its increase. It is almost unnecessary to say that Mr. Marshall could not re- main an idle or indiflferent spectator of such scenes. As little doubt could there be of the part he would take in such a contest. He was at once arrayed on the side of Washington and Madison. In Vir- ginia, as everywhere else, the principal topics of the day were paper money, the collection of taxes, the preservation of public faith, and the administration of civil justice. The parties were nearly equally divided upon all these topics ; and the contest con- cerning them was continually renewed. In such a state of things, every victory was but a temporary and questionable triumph, and every defeat still left enough of hope to excite to new and strenuous exertions. The affairs, too, of the confederacy were then at a crisis. The question of the continuance of the Union, or a separation of the States, was freely discussed; and, what is almost startling now to repeat, either side of it was maintained without reproach. Mr. Madison was at this time, and had been for two or three years, a member of the house of delegates, and was in fact the author of the resolution for the general convention at Philadelphia to revise the confederation. He was at all times the enlightened advocate of union, and of an efiicient federal government, and he received on all occasions the steady support of Mr. Marshall. Many have wit- nessed, with no ordinary emotions, the pleasure with which both of these gentlemen looked back upon their co-operation at that period, and the sentiments of profound respect with which they habitually regarded each other. Both of them were members of the convention subsequently called in Virginia for the ratification of the federal constitution. This instrument, having come forth under the auspices of General Wash- ington and other distinguished patriots of the Revolution, was at first favourably received in Virginia, but it soon encountered decided hostihty. Its defence was uniformly and most powerfully main- AND OF MEMBERS OP THE CABINETS. 263 tained there by Mr. Marshall. He was then not thirty years old. It was in these debates that Mr. Marshall's mind acquired the skill in political discussion which afterward distinguished him, and which would of itself have made him conspicuous as a parliamentarian, had not that talent been overshadowed by his renown in a more soberly illustrious though less dazzling career. Here, too, it was that ho conceived that deep dread of disunion, and that profound conviction of the necessity for closer bonds between the States, which gave the colouring to the whole texture of his opinions upon federal politics in after life. The constitution being adopted, Mr. Marshall was prevailed upon to serve in the legislature until 1792. From that time until 1795 he devoted himself exclusively to his profession. In 1795, when Jay's treaty was "the absorbing theme of bitter controversy," he was elected to the house of delegates, and his speech in its defence, says Judge Story, "has always been represented as one of the noblest efforts of his genius. His vast powers of reasoning were displayed with the most gratifying success The fame of his admirable argu- ment spread through the Union. Even with his political enemies it enhanced the estimate of his character ; and it brought him at once to the notice of some of the most eminent statesmen who then graced the councils of the nation." Soon after, he, with Messrs. Pinckney and Gerry, was sent by President Adams as envoy extraordinary to France. The Directory refused to negotiate, and though the direct object of the embassy failed, much* was effected by the official papers the envoys addressed to Talleyrand, her minister of foreign relations, in showing France to be in the wrong. These papers — models of skilful reasoning, clear illustration, accipate detail, and urbane and dignified modera- tion — have always been attributed to Marshall, and bear internal marks of it. Such was the impression made by the despatches, that on the arrival of Mr. Marshall in New York in June, 1798, his entry had the ^clat of a triumph. A public dinner was given him by both houses of Congress, "as an evidence of affection for his person, and of their grateful approbation of the patriotic firmness with which he sustained the dignity of his country during his important mis- sion ;" and the country at large responded with one voice to the sentiment : "Millions for defence, but not a cent for tribute." Mr. Marshall was elected to Congress in 1799. He had not been there three weeks when it became his lot to announce the death of Washington. Never could such an event have been told in language more impressive or more appropriate. " Mr. Speaker — The melan- 264 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, choly event, which was yesterday announced with doubt, has been rendered too certain. Our Washington is no more ! The hero, the patriot, and the sage of America: the man on whom in times of danger every eye was turned, and all hopes were placed, lives now only in his own great actions, and in the hearts of an affectionate and afflicted people," &c. &c. That house of representatives abounded in talent of the first order for debate ; and none were more con- spicuous than John Marshall. Indeed, when the law or constitution were to be discussed, he was, confessedly, the first man in the house. When he discussed them, he exhausted them ; nothing more remained to be said ; and the impression of his argument effaced that of every one else. In 1800 he was appointed secretary of state, an office which he held but a few months. He was appointed chief-justice of the su- preme court of the United States, January 31, 1801. The nomina- tion w^as unanimously confirmed by the senate. How well he filled that office is known to his countrymen. We shall not attempt to protract our account of the last thirty-five years of Judge Marshall's life. It was spent in the diligent and upright, as well as able dis- charge of his official duties ; sometimes presiding in the supreme court at Washington, sometimes assisting to hold the circuit federal courts in Virginia and North Carolina. His residence was in Rich- mond, whence it was his frequent custom to walk out, a distance of three or four miles, to his farm. He had also a farm in his native county, Fauquier, which he annually visited, and where he always enjoyed a delightful intercourse with numerous relations and friends. Twice in these thirty-five years, he may be said to have mingled in political life; but not in party politics. In 1828 he was a member of a convention held in Charlottesville, to devise a system of in- ternal improvement for the State to be commended to the legisla- ture. In 1829 he was a member of the convention to revise and amend the State constitution, where he delivered a speech regarded as an unrivalled specimen of lucid and conclusive reasoning. " No man more highly relished social and even convivial enjoy- ments. He was a member of a club which for forty-eight summers met once a fortnight near Richmond, to pitch quoits and mingle in relaxing conversation ; and there was not one more delightedly punctual in his attendance at these meetings, or who contributed more to their pleasantness ; scarcely one who excelled him in the manly game from which the ' Quoit Club' drew its designation. He would hurl his iron ring of two pounds weight, with rarely erring aim, fifty-five or sixty feet ; and at some chef-d' ceuvre of skill in AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 265 himself or his partner, wouhl spring up and dap his hands with all the light-hearted enthusiasm of boyhood. Such is the old age which follows a temperate, an innocent, and a useful life." Chief-justice Marshall died at Philadelphia, July 6, 1835, in his eightieth year. '< The love of simplicity and dislike of ostentation, which had marked his life, displayed itself also in his last days. Ap- prehensive that his remains might be encumbered with the vain pomp of a costly monument and a laudatory epitaph, he, only two days be- fore his death, directed the common grave of himself and his consort to be indicated by a plain stone, with this simple and modest inscrip- tion : — " John Marshall, son of Thomas and Mary Marshall, was born on the 24th of September, 1755 ; intermarried with Mary Willis Ambler, the 3d of January, 1783; departed this life the day of , 18 — ." This unostentatious inscription, with the blanks only filled, is carved on the plain white marble monument erected over his remains in the graveyard at Shoccoe Hill, Rich- mond. The late Francis W. Gilmer thus described the intellectual character of Judge Marshall : — "His mind is not very richly stored with knowledge ; but it is so cre- ative, so well organized by nature, or disciplined by early education, and constant habits of systematic thinking, that he embraces every subject with the clearness and facility of one prepared by previous study to comprehend and explain it. So perfect is his analysis that he extracts the whole matter, the kernel of inquiry, unbroken, clean, and entire. In this process, such are the instinctive neatness and precision of his mind that no superfluous thought, or even word, ever presents itself, and still he says every thing that seems appropriate to the subject. This perfect exemption from needless encumbrance of matter or ornament, is in some degree the effect of an aversion to the labour of thinking. So great a mind, perhaps, like large bodies in the physical world, is with difficulty set in motion. That this is the case with Mr. Marshall's is manifest from his mode of entering on an argument, both in conversation and in public debate. It is difficult to rouse his faculties ; he begins with reluctance, hesi- tation, and vacancy of eye; presently, his articulation becomes less broken, his eye more fixed, until, finally, his voice is full, clear, and rapid ; his manner bold, and his whole face lighted up with the mingled fires of genius and passion ; and he pours forth the un- broken stream of eloquence, in a current deep, majestic, smooth, and strong. He reminds one of some great bird, which flounders and flounces on the earth for a while, before it acquires impetus to sustain a soaring flight. 26G LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS ALBERT GALLATIN. This distinguished financier was born at Geneva, in Switzerland. He was left an orphan in his infancy; but under the kind protection of a female relative of his mother, received a very thorough educa- tion, and graduated at the University of Geneva in 1779. His family friends were wealthy and highly respectable ; and we have been told that his aged grandfather, with whom he resided, was deeply imbued with the aristocratic prejudices of the ancient regime. Young Albert, on the contary, was an ardent Republican, and made no secret of his adhesion to the Revolutionary school. With- out the knowledge or consent of his family, Albert, then only nine- teen, with a comrade of the same sentiments, left the home of his father to seek glory and fortune, and freedom of thought, in the in- fant republic of America. He was recommended by a friend to the patronage of Dr. Franklin, then at Paris. He arrived in Boston in July, 1780, and soon after proceeded to Maine, where he pur- chased land, and resided till the end of 1781 at Machias and Passa- maquoddy. Here he served as a volunteer under Colonel John Allen, and made advances from his private purse for the support of the garrison. In the spring of 1782 he was appointed instructor in the French language at Harvard University, where he remained about a year. Going to Virginia in the fall of 1783 to attend to the claims of an European house for advances to that State, he fell in with many of the eminent men of the State, and particularly with Patrick Henry, who treated him with marked kindness and re- spect, and predicted his future eminence. In accordance with Mr. Henry's advice, Mr. Gallatin sought his fortune in the new and wild country then just opening on the Ohio, and purchased considerable tracts of land in Western Virginia, between 1783 and 1785. In December, 1785, he purchased his plantation at New Geneva, Fa- yette county, Pennsylvania, where he subsequently established the glass-works. His talents for public life soon became extensively known, and he was honoured in 1789 with a seat in the convention to amend the constitution of Pennsylvania. In that convention he took a decided stand on the Democratic side, opposing the pretensions of property as an element in political power, and advocating the extension of the right of suffrage, restricted only by length of residence. When the new fedei'al constitution was before the country for adoption, he took AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 267 ground against it ; but when adopted, lent it his efficient support. He became distinguished with all parties in the legislature for his ready comprehension of the great questions at issue, particularly of financial subjects; and was elected to the United States senate in February, 1793, notwithstanding there existed a majority in the legislature opposed to his own party, and though he had himself ex- pressed doubts respecting his own eligibility. When he took his seat in December, the question of his citizenship was revived, and he lost his seat, after an elaborate examination and report, on the ground that he had not been nine years a legally naturalized citizen of the United States. The question was decided by a strict party vote of fourteen to twelve, in February, 1794, between the Federalists and Democrats. Mr. Gallatin soon after mari'ied a daughter of Commodore Nicholson, a distinguished officer of our navy, and re- turned to Fayette county. While contesting his seat in the senate, he received through Robert Morris a thousand guineas from his family friends, who, it would seem, had not for some time previously been apprized of his movements in this county. During the whisky insurrection of 1794, Mr. Gallatin, although sympathizing with the insurgents in lawful and constitutional oppo- sition to the law, yet boldly and openly opposed the adoption of warlike and treasonable measures. In this course he was sustained by the people of his own county ; and his popularity was evidenced in October of the same year by his election to Congress from the Washington and Greene county district, (although he did not reside in it,) in opposition to Hugh H. Breckenridge. Both were of the Democratic party. Mr. Gallatin was not aware of his being himself a candidate until the election was announced to him. He had been at the same time elected to the legislature from Fayette country. In Congress, where he continued during three terms, he was dis- tinguished as a leader of his party, in conjunction with Madison and Giles. He was appointed secretary of the treasury by Mr. Jeffer- son, in 1801 — a post which he occupied for a number of years with pre-eminent ability. His official reports are models of clearness and conciseness : in one of these he originated the project of the Na- tional road. On retiring from the cabinet in 1813, he entered upon his diplo- matic career in Europe, as one of the commissioners at Ghent, in negotiating the peace with Great Britain ; and soon afterward asso- ciated with Messrs. Adams and Clay, at London, in negotiating the commercial treaty with that power. He continued in Europe, as ambassador at Paris, until 1823, when he returned to the new 268 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, mansion which had been built during his absence at New Geneva, and spent a few years in dignified retirement. He was again minister to England in 1816. On his return he sold his place at New Geneva, and resided for a time in Baltimore ; and subsequently removed to New York He was for many years president of the National Bank. He died in New York city in 1850, at the venerable age of eighty-nine years. For many years, Mr. Gallatin stood at the head of the financiers of the country. Notwithstanding his foreign birth, his state papers display a masterly command of the English language, and are models in every respect. HENRY DEARBORN. Henry Dearborn, distinguished both as a soldier and a states- man, was born in New Hampshire in 1751. Having received a thorough education, he studied physic, and then commenced practice as a physician in Portsmouth. He was a zealous patriot, and on re- ceiving intelligence of the battle of Lexington, he collected sixty volunteers, and marched with them to Cambridge, Massachusetts. He then served as captain in Colonel John Stark's regiment at the battle of Bunker Hill, and afterward accompanied Arnold in the famous expedition through the wilderness of Maine to Quebec. Here he was captured by the enemy, and put in close imprisonment; but in May, 1776, the patriot soldier was permitted to return home on parole. In March, 1777, he was exchanged, and was thus once more at liberty to join the forces of his country. Having received the rank of major. Dearborn served with gal- lantry in the army under General Gates. He then joined the army commanded by Washington, and at the battle of Monmouth dis- tinguished himself by a dashing charge upon the enemy, and was especially complimented by the commander-in-chief. In 1777, Dearborn accompanied General Sullivan in his expedition against the Indians. In 1780 he was with the army in New Jersey, and in 1781 he was at Yorktown at the surrender of Cornwallis. Thus he served throughout the Revolutionary war, and participated in most of its trying scenes. In 1789, President Washington appointed General Dearborn marshal of the district of Maine. Subsequently he was twice elected to Congress from that district. In 1801, President Jefferson AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 2G9 appointed him to the responsible position of secretary of war, and he held that office until 1809, when he was appointed collector of the port of Boston, a very lucrative post. In 1812, Dearborn received a commission as senior major-general in the army of the United States. He superintended operations on the Northern frontier; but, although he captured York, in Upper Canada, and Fort George, at the mouth of the Niagara, sickness pre- vented him from achieving any success commensurate with the expect- ations of the public mind, and in July, 1813, he was recalled by President Madison. He was next ordered to assume the command of military district of New York city. In 1822, General Dearborn was appointed minister plenipotentiary to Portugal. He remained abroad two years, and then returned to New England broken down with age and infirmities. This distinguished patriot and warrior died in 1829, at the age of seventy-eight years. ROBERT SMITH. Robert Smith of Maryland was a prominent public man during the early administration of the United States government. He was a native of Maryland, and educated for a legal and political career. But at the breaking out of the Revolutionary war, Mr. Smith obtained a commission as captain, and joined the forces of the patriots. His talents soon attracted the attention of Washing- ton, and it was by the influence of that great man that he was ap- pointed secretary of the board of war in May, 1778. This office, however, he was induced to decline, as he preferred active service. In November, 1789, the name of Mr. Smith was mentioned in con- nection with the office of district judge of Maryland. He then re- sided at Baltimore and practised his profession. But Washington, while he acknowledged the talents of Mr. Smith, decided to appoint an older and more experienced person, and William Paca received the office. On the 15th of July, 1801, Mr. Smith was appointed secretary of the navy. On the 2d of March, 1805, he was trans- ferred to the post of attorney-general ; and on the 6th of March, 1809, he was raised to the office of secretary of state. In April, 1811, he resigned his high trust, and retired to private life. By a long train of public service he had entitled himself to the gratitude of his countrymen, and made an impression upon the politics of the nation deep enough to perpetuate his name. 270 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, LEVI LINCOLN. Levi Lincoln was born in Massacliusetts in 1749. He was well educated, and graduated at Harvard College in 1772. He then studied law and commenced practice in the town of Worcester, in his native State, where he soon acquired a high reputation for ability and learning. In 1801, President Jefferson appointed him attorney-general of the United States, and he continued in that office until December, 1805. In 1807 and 1808, Mr. Lincoln was chosen lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts, and on the death of Sullivan, in December, 1808, he acted as governor during the re- mainder of the political year. He died in 1820, at the age of seventy-one years. His character was estimable in every respect. JOHN BRECKENRIDGE. John Breckenridge was the second son of Colonel Robert Breck- enridge, of Augusta county, Virginia, and was born where the town of Staunton now stands, on the 2d of December, 1760. At a very early age, he was carried by his father to the neighbourhood of Fin- castle, in Bottetourt county, Virginia, whither he removed, and where he died, when his son was about eleven years of age ; leaving a widow and seven children in circumstances which we should now consider narrow ; and exposed, upon what was then almost the extreme limit of the Avhite settlements, to all the dangers of an Indian frontier. Raised in the midst of dangers, hardships, and privations, the tra- ditions of his family replete only with tales of suffering and exile for conscience' sake ; with a widowed mother and orphan family — of which he became the head at the age of early boyhood — the objects of his constant care ; it is by no means strange that his powerful character should have been early and remarkably developed. A calm, simple, correct man — gentle to those he loved — stern and open to those he could not trust — always true, always brave, always self-dependent, it is just in such a way, that such circumstances would mould and de- velop such a nature as his. But it is not easy to ascertain how it was, that in his circumstances, there should have been implanted in him, from earliest childhood, a thirst for knowledge that seemed to AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 271 the end of his life insatiable ; nor could any thing less than the highest mental endowments, directed with energy that never flagged, explain the extent, the variety, and the richness of the acquisitions which he was enabled to make. His education, both preparatory and profes- sional, was privately conducted, and so far as is now known, chiefly without other aid than books, except about two years, which he spent at the College of William and Mary, in Virginia. During the latter part of his attendance at this ancient seat of learning, and when he was about nineteen years of age, he was elected to the Virginia house of burgesses, from the county of Bottetourt, without his having even suspected that such a matter was in agitation. On account, of his youth, the election was twice set aside, and it was only on the third return, and against his own wishes and remonstrances, that he took his seat. From this time to the period of his death, he lived con- stantly, as a lawyer and a statesman, in the public eye. In the year 1785 he married Mary Hopkins Cabell, a daughter of Colonel Joseph Cabell, of Buckingham county, Virginia; and settled in the county of Albemarle, and practised law in that region of Vir- ginia, until the year 1793, in the spring of which he removed to Kentucky, and settled in Lexington ; near to which place, at " Cabell's Dale," in the county of Fayette, he resided till the period of his death, which occurred on the 14th December, 1806, when he had just completed his forty-sixth year. As a statesman, very few men of his generation occupied a more commanding position, or mingled more controllingly with all the great questions of the day; and not one enjoyed a more absolute popularity, or maintained a more spotless reputation. He took a leading, per- haps a decisive part in all the great questions of a local character that agitated Kentucky, from 1793 to 1806, and whose settlement still exerts a controlling influence upon the character of her people and institutions. The constitution of 1798-9, which is still pre- served unaltered, was more the work of his hands than of any one single man. The question of negro slavery, as settled in that con- stitution, upon a middle and moderate ground — the systematizing, to some extent, the civil and criminal codes — the simplification of the land law — the law of descents — the penitentiary system — the aboli- tion of the punishment of death, excej^t for wilful murder and treason — all these, and many other important subjects, of a kindred nature, fell under his moulding labours at the forming period of the common- wealth, and remain still nearly as they were adjusted half a century ago. In those vital questions that involved the destiny of the whole West, and threatened the plan, if not the continuance of the Union 272 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS. itself, no man took an earlier or more decided stand. It is capable of proof, that the free navigation of the Mississippi river, and sub- sequently the purchase of Louisiana, (which latter act, though it covered Mr. Jefferson with glory, he hesitated to perform, upon doubts both as to its policy and constitutionality,) were literally forced upon the general government by demonstrations from the West, in which the mind and the hands of this far-sighted statesman were conspicu- ous above all. Mr. Breckenridge served the public in the legislature, in the senate of the United States, and as the attorney-general under Mr. Jeffer- son's administration, and in all these positions his great powers of mind rendered him among the most conspicuous men of his day. C^SAR A. RODNEY. C^SAR A. Rodney was the son of the Revolutionary patriot and statesman, Coesar Rodney, of Delaware. His parentage gave him brilliant opportunities and. he was fitted to improve them. Having received a classical education, he removed to Pennsylvania, and there commenced the practice of law. On the 20th of January, 1807, he was appointed attorney-general of the United States. He resigned this post in December, 1811, and once more resumed the regular practice of his profession in Pennsylvania. GIDEON GRANGER, The postmaster-general under Jefferson's administration, was born in Connecticut, in 1767. Being of a very respectable family, he received the benefits of an excellent education, and graduated at Yale College in 1787. He then studied law, and commenced the practice of his profession in his native State. In 1801 he was ap- pointed postmaster-general, although still a young man, and he held that important office until 1814. He then became an inhabitant of the State of New York, and was soon prominent among the most public-spirited citizens. He was elected to the senate of the State, where he laboured hard to advance internal improvements. He gave one thousand acres of land in aid of the great canal. This eminent and active citizen died in 1822, at the age of fifty-five years. ^^'C^< y .^^ (^^^^f .^ ^'^ Jite of t\t ^rtsthnts of \\t "^mith State, AND SKETCHES OF THEIR ADMINISTRATIONS, TOGETHER WITH |i0gra|l]i^s at i\t Wm-l]xmknU m^ tk SItmbm ot Hit Ciibinets. JAMES MADISON, Jun. Among those wko acted as tlie organizers of our system of govern- ment, James Madison deserves a most conspicuous rank. He was intended for a statesman from liis youth, and made himself master of constitutional law, when it was hardly known as a science either in England or in this country. He was born on the sixteenth of March, 1751, and, of course, was in all the ardour and freshness of youth on the breaking out of the Revolution. In 1775, Mr. Madison was a member of the legislature of Virginia, and at that early age was distinguished for his maturity of understanding and sage pru- dence. He was soon appointed one of the council of state. During the whole eventful struggle, James Madison had the confidence of the State of Virginia; and, as a member of her legislature, was listened to with profound attention when he brought forward sundry resolu- tions for the formation of a general government for the United States, based upon the inefficiency of the old confederation. From these resolutions grew a convention of delegates from the several States, who, in conclave, prepared a form of a constitution to be submitted to the several States for their discussion, approbation, and adoption. Mr. Madison was a member of this convention, as a delegate from Virginia, and took an active part in the deliberations of that enlight- ened body, of which Washington, his colleague, was president. On the adoption of this constitution — a wonderful era in the history of the liberties of man — Mr. Madison was elected a member of the first Congress, and took an active part in setting the machinery in motion. At this period public opinion was greatly agitated by the crude and false opinions scattered through the country, through the medium of the opposition presses ; this was grievous to the friends of the con- stitution, and three mighty minds, Jay, Hamilton, and Madison, formed a holy alliance to enlighten the people upon the great doc- 18 273 274 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, trines of the constitution, and breaking through the host of the Phi- listines, drew the pure waters of truth for the good of the people. The essays from the pens of these worthies, were collected in a volume, called the Federalist, which now stands a monument of the wisdom and patriotism of that age. In the debates of the first Con- gress, Mr. Madison took a large share. It was an illustrious assem- blage of patriots, among whom there often arose a difference of opinion in regard to political policy, but all were lovers of their country, and labouring for her best interests. Here Mr. Madison acted with the Cabots and the Ameses of the East, in perfect harmony. It was reserved for an after age to feel the withering effects of party feuds. These were hardly discovered as long as the father of his country filled the presidential chair. In the administration of his successor, a separation into parties took place, and Mr. Madison ranked himself on the side of Mr. Jefferson and his party. During the presidency of Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison was secretary of state, and sustained that office with singular ability. He held a ready pen, had a clear, philosophical perception of the great principles on which the govern- ment professed to act, and could readily produce a defence of the course pursued. No secretary ever did, or ever will do more by force of argument, than Mr. Madison, while supporting the measures of Mr. Jefferson. He was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1809. On the 1st of March the embargo was repealed. Congress inter- dicted by law all trade and intercourse with France and England ; and on the 12th of April passed an act to raise an additional force. On the 23d of April, Mr. Erskine, minister plenipotentiary from his Britannic Majesty to the United States, pledged his court to repeal its anti-neutral decrees by the 10th of June; and in consequence of an arrangement now made with the British minister, the president proclaimed that commercial intercourse would be renewed on that day ; but this arrangement was disavowed by the king. Mr. Erskine was recalled in October, and was succeeded by Mr. Jackson, who soon giving offence to the American government, all further intercourse with him was refused, and he was recalled. On the 23d of March, 1810, Bonaparte issued the Rambouillet decree, ordering the seizure of all American vessels and cargoes ar- riving in any of the ports of France, or of any of the countries oc- cupied by the French troops. This measure excited a retaliatory spirit in Congress, and on the 1st of May an act was passed exclud- ing all British and French armed vessels from the ports of the United States ; but providing that if either of those nations modified their AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 275 edicts before the third of March, 1811, commercial intercourse might be renewed. In pursuance of this act, on the 2d of November, Pre- sident Madison issued a proclamation, announcing that the French decrees were revoked, and that intercourse between the United States and France might be renewed; and on the 10th of the same month, a proclamation was issued, interdicting commercial intercourse with Great Britain. The year 1811 opened with the British government making repa- ration for the attack on the Chesapeake. Still, the majority clamored for war against Great Britain. The message of the president to Congress indicating an apprehension of hostilities with Great Britain, the committee of foreign relations in the house of representatives re- ported resolutions for filling up the ranks of the army ; for raising an additional force of ten thousand men ; for authorizing the presi- dent to accept the services of fifty thousand volunteers, and for ordering out the militia when he should judge it necessary; for re- pairing the navy; and for authorizing the arming of merchantmen in self-defence. These resolutions were principally agreed to. A bill from the senate for raising twenty-five thousand men, after much discussion, was agreed to by the house. On the 16th of May there was an engagement between the United States frigate President, commanded by Captain Rodgers, and the British sloop-of-war Little Belt, commanded by Captain Bingham, in which the Little Belt had eleven men killed, and twenty-one wounded. Only one man of the frigate was wounded. The Little Belt gave the first fire. The frontier settlers being seriously alarmed by hostile indications on the part of the Indians, Governor Harrison resolved to move toward the Prophet's town, on the Wabash, with a body of Kentucky and Indiana militia, and the 4th United States regiment, under Colonel Boyd, to demand satisfaction of the Indians and to put a stop to their threatened hostilities. His expedition was made early in November. On his approach within a few miles of the Prophet's town, the principal chiefs came out with offers of peace and submis- sion, and requested the governor to encamp for the night. It was merely a treacherous artifice. At four in the morning the camp was furiously assailed, and a bloody and doubtful contest ensued. The Indians were finally repulsed with the loss, on the part of the Ame- ricans, of sixty-two killed, and one hundred and twenty-six wounded, and a still greater number on theirs. Colonel Davies, a distinguished lawyer. Colonel White, of the Saline, and several other valuable 276 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, officers, fell on this occasion. Governor Harrison having destroyed the Prophet's town, and established forts, returned to Vincennes. On the 1st of June, the president communicated to Congress additional documents on the subject of our affairs with Great Britain. In his message, on this occasion, he strongly stated, as hostile acts, the impressment of American seamen by the British ; the seizure of persons as British subjects, on the high seas, sailing under the Ame- rican flag; the violation of the rights and the peace of our coasts by British cruisers ; the blockading of their enemies' ports without an adequate force; and the orders in council affecting neutral rights; and suggested a suspicion that the Indians had been instigated to acts of hostility by British agents; and submitted the question, "Whether the United States shall continue passive under these pro- gressive usurpations, and these accumulated wrongs; or, opposing force to force in defence of their national rights, shall commit a just cause into the hands of the Almighty Disposer of events." On the 3d of June, the committee on foreign relations, to whom "was referred the president's message, presented to the house of repre- sentatives a report, or manifesto of the causes and reasons of war with Great Britain ; which was concluded by a recommendation of an immediate appeal to arms. The next day, a bill for declaring war with Great Britain passed the house of representatives ; on the 17th it passed the senate ; and on the 18th it was signed by the pre- sident, who, on the day following, issued a proclamation of the war. The minority in the house of representatives entered a protest against the declaration of war; declaring, that the subject of im- pressments had been once satisfactorily adjusted in a treaty between the British court and the American envoys Monroe and Pinckney, and though that treaty was not ratified, the same terms might still be obtained; that official notice having been given of the repeal of the French decrees, they entertained no doubt of the revocation of the orders in council; that the blockading of enemies' ports without an adequate force was but a retaliation for the same conduct on the part of the French ; and that the French government was considered the first and the greatest aggressor on neutral rights. Four days after the declaration of war, the decrees of Berlin and Milan having been officially revoked, the British orders in council were repealed. The forces of the country were in no condition for war ; but the navy, although small, was spirited and efficient. Mr. Monroe, secre- tary of state, was the only man in the government who had any mili- tary experience. But war Avas declared in June of 1812, and means of defence were to be found. The plan of military operations at the AND OF MEMBERS OF TflE CABINETS. 277 commencement of the war, on the part of the United States, was to garrison and defend the seaboard principally by occasional calls of the neighbouring militia, aided by a few regular troops, the whole to be under the command of generals of the regular army, stationed at the most important points. With the remaining regular forces, together with such volunteers as could be procured, and the militia, to attack the British posts in Upper Canada, and subdue them. This province borders on the United States from the neighbourhood of Montreal westerly to an indefinite extent, and is separated from them by the waters of the St. LaM^-ence and the lakes, to the western ex- tremity of the Lake of the Woods ; along the shores of the lakes, and banks of the rivers communicating with them, is a fine tract of country, then containing one hundred thousand inhabitants, principally emigrants from the United States, who have removed there since the war of the Revolution. Northerly and westerly of these settlements was an immense wilderness thinly inhabited by Indians. The settle- ment of white inhabitants extended westward as far as the Detroit river, which conveys the waters of Lake Huron to Lake Erie. At the mouth of this river is the village of Amherstburg, furnishing one of the best harbours on the lake; and the military post of Maiden, from whence the Indians of the north and west are supplied with goods, arms, and ammunition, and encouraged in acts of hostility against the frontier inhabitants of the United States. To break up this establishment, and subdue the province, was the first object of the military operations on the Canada border. It was confidently expected that the inhabitants needed only a demonstration of a respectable military force, and an assurance of protection, to induce them to revolt from the British, and join the American standard. This province being conquered, it was designed to push eastward to Montreal. Immediately after the declaration of war had been issued. General William Hull, governor of Michigan Territory, collected about twenty- five hundred men, and passed over to Canada. There he issued a proclamation, couched in pompous terms, calling upon the inhabit- ants to submit to his arms or expect to suffer the extremities of war. But the general experienced considerable difficulty in getting supplies, and the Canadians showed no disposition to join his standard. Soon afterward, hearing that an army of British and Indians, under Brock and Tecumseh, were advancing against him, he fell back to Detroit, and fortified his position. The enemy followed, and it was expected that a general battle would take place; but on the 15th of August, General Hull surrendered his whole army without firing a gun. By 278 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, this great disaster, the whole north-western frontier was exposed to the ravages of the British and Indians. General Hull was exchanged, court-martialled, and sentenced to death for cowardly conduct. But in consequence of his Revolutionary services, the president commuted his punishment to a deprivation of all military command. At sea the Americans were unexpectedly successful, and the boasted supremacy of the British navy was threatened with annihilation. Commodore Hull, in the Constitution, sailed from the Chesapeake on the 12th of July ; on the 17th, off Egg Harbour, he was chased by a ship of the line and four frigates. These ships approached rapidly with a fine breeze, while it was nearly calm about the Constitution. At sunrise of the 18th, escape appearing hopeless, as they had neared her considerably during the night, preparation was then made for action. The enemy still drawing near, another effort was made to escape. Boats were sent ahead with anchors for the purpose of warping. It was now nearly a calm with the British, and they re- sorted to the same expedient. The chase continued for two days, partly sailing with light breezes, and partly by warping. On the 20th the squadron was left entirely out of sight, and the Constitution made the harbour of Boston. On the 2d of August, Commodore Hull again put to sea, cruised along the eastern coast as far as the Bay of Fundy, in expectation of falling in with British frigates in that direction. Not finding any, he proceeded to take a station off the Gulf of St. Lawrence, to intercept the Quebec trade. Having here taking two or three merchantmen, he proceeded to the south- ward. On the 19th, he fell in with the British frigate Guerriere, rated at thirty-eight, but mounting fifty-four guns. This vessel had hoisted at her mast head, a flag with her name, the Warrior, in large characters, and on another was inscribed the words. Not the Little Belt. She had looked into several ports in quest of American frigates, and given a challenge to all vessels of her class. On the Constitution's heaving in sight, the British commander assembled his crew, pointed to them the object of their wishes, assured them of an easy victory, and being answered by three hearty cheers, backened sail, prepared for action, and awaited her approach. The two ships continued manoeuvring to obtain the weathergage of each other for three quarters of an hour, the Guerriere occasionally firing broad- sides. The Constitution reserved her fire until within about four musket-shot, when she opened her broadsides in quick succession upon her antagonist. The mizen-mast of the Guerriere was directly car- ried away, and her decks were swept by a raking fire. In thirty mi- nutes from the time the Constitution fairly got alongside of her, every AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 279 mast and spar was gone, and she lay an unmangeable wreck. Tlie firing ceased, and she surrendered. She was so much damaged as to render it impossible to bring her into port, and, the next day, was cleared of the prisoners, and every thing valuable, and set fire to and blown up. The damage sustained by the Constitution was of so little consequence, that she was prepared for action the next day, when another ship appeared in sight. The Constitution had seven killed, and the same number wounded; the Guerriere nineteen killed and sixty wounded. The news of this brilliant victory, the first on the ocean, was received with rapturous applauses by the American peo- ple. Every mark of respect was shown Commodore Hull and his gallant officers and crew. Congress granted fifty thousand dollars to the crew for the loss of their prize, and the executive promoted several of their officers. The event was as mortifying to the British as gratifying to the Americans. Other brilliant naval victories were achieved by the Americans during the year. The Frolic, a British sloop-of-war, was captured after a severe engagement by the Wasp, commanded by Captain Jones. Commodore Decatur, of the United States frigate, fell in with the British frigate Macedonian, Captain Cordon, off" the West- ern Islands, and captured her, after an action of about an hour and a half. The loss of the Macedonian was thirty-six killed and sixty- eight wounded; of the United States, seven killed and five wounded. The United States frigate Constitution, Captain Bainbridge, after an action of nearly two hours, captured the British frigate Java. The American loss was nine killed and twenty-five wounded ; the British, sixty killed and one hundred and one Avounded. The American pri- vateer schooner Dolphin, two guns, Captain Endicott, captured a British ship of fourteen guns and eighteen men. On land, the whole campaign was disastrous for the Americans. After the surrender of Hull, a large, but undisciplined force assem- bled on the Niagara frontier, under the command of General Van Rensselaer. The militia demanded to be led against the enemy, and the general determined to gratify them by attacking the fortified position of Queenstown, on the opposite side of the river. The prin- cipal British force was at Eort George ; but they had made an esta- blishment, and erected batteries on the heights above Queenstown; against these batteries, the eff'orts of the American troops were to be first directed. Batteries were erected on the American shore, to protect the passage and landing of the troops. The regular forces, under Colonel Fenwick and Major Mallary, were ordered up to Lewis- town ; and thirteen boats, being all that could be procured at the 280 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, time, were provided for crossing. The van of the troops destined for the attack, consisted of militia, under the command of Colonel Solomon Van Rensselaer, aid to the general; a part of the thirteenth infantry, under Colonel Christie; a detachment of the sixth and ninth, under Major Mallary ; the whole amounting to four hundred men. At three o'clock, on the morning of the 13th, they proceeded from the camp at Lewistown to the place of embarkation. Colonel Vail Rensselaer, to whom the chief command of the expedition was intrusted, with a hundred men, crossed over and effected a landing. A grape-shot from a battery below Queenstown, which enfiladed the passage, wounded Colonel Christie in the hand; his pilot became confused, his boatmen frightened, and he was obliged to return. The boats with Major Mallary were carried by the violence of the current below the landing-place, two of them were taken, and the others returned. In ascending the bank, Colonel Van Rensselaer received four wounds. Captains Armstrong, Wool, and Malcom were also wounded, and Lieutenant Valleau and Ensign Moi-ris killed. A party of British troops having issued from an old fort below Queenstown, were fired upon by the Americans and compelled to retreat. The firing from the batteries on the heights soon ob- liged the Americans to take shelter under the bank. The small force of Americans kept their ground, however, chiefly through the efforts of Captain Wool. Reinforcements were received by both parties, and the battle was renewed with fury. The British were at length driven from the ground, and General Brock was killed in try- ing to rally them. The day was considered decided in favour of the Americans, when General Sheafe, with about one thousand British and Indians, arrived and renewed the conflict. General Van Rensse- laer now ordered the militia to cross the river to aid their gallant comrades ; but they refused to obey, and in spite of all threats and entreaties, they remained spectators of the fight. The troops already on the Canadian shore defended themselves bravely, but were at length overpowered and obliged to surrender. Sixty of the Ameri- cans were killed, one hundred wounded, and seven hundred sur- rendered themselves prisoners of war. General Van Rensselaer having resigned the command shortly after the affair at Queenstown, it devolved upon Brigadier-general Smith, of the regular army, whose head-quarters were established at Buffalo, at the east end of Lake Erie. This officer, who had censured the plans of his predecessor as being rash and badly di- gested, immediately prepared for another expedition to the opposite side. In an address which was issued on the 12th of November, AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 281 he called upon "the men of New York," by every motive which can actuate freemen, to lend their aid to the enterprise. He proposed to them to volunteer for a short tour of duty, promising them that in a few days he would plant the American standard in Canada. The language of the proclamation, however, Avas unfortunately neither creditable to the literary talents nor to the modesty of its author ; but, seconded by an address from General Porter, of the New York militia, it produced considerable effect upon the minds of the citizens in that quarter. By this and other means a force of about four thousand five hun- dred men was assembled at Buffalo, on the 27th of November, con- sisting of regular troops, New York, Pennsylvania, and Baltimore volunteers. The orders under which General Smyth acted appear to have authorized or directed him to cross when he had a force of three thousand men. Preparatory to the descent which he now de- termined to make, a number of boats and scows were prepared, and on the night of the 27th two parties were sent over. The first, under Colonel Boerstler, were to destroy a bridge near Fort Erie, in which they entirely failed. The second party, commanded by Captain King, and Lieutenant Angus of the navy, was more success- ful. They were directed to storm the British batteries, which they effected with great bravery, and spiked the cannon. The greater part retmmed, with a number of prisoners; but Captain King, with the remainder, was captured by the enemy. Colonel Winder made an attempt to support this detachment, with about three hundred men; but was compelled to retreat, with the loss of six killed and twenty wounded. It was intended that the great enterprise should have been undertaken at reveille, on the succeeding day; and the embarkation accordingly commenced soon after that period, but went on so tardily, that it was afternoon when the whole was completed. The enemy now showed themselves in force, on the opposite shore, having, it was supposed, about five hundred men, with a piece of artillery. General Smyth now called a council of officers, to determine on the expediency of proceeding. A large majority expressed their opinions against the measure; and the troops were accordingly ordered to debark. This measure excited great discontent among them; but the assurance that another attempt would be made, in some degree allayed it. The first day of December was then de- termined on for the renewal of the enterprise. It was intended to leave the American shore two hours before daylight, to land above Chippewa, and made an attack upon Queenstown and Fort George. 282 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, Daylight, however, arrived before the embarkation was completely eifected ; and the number of men with whom the descent was to be made, it was found, did not exceed fifteen hundred, exclusive of of- ficers. A council was therefore called by the commanding officer, consisting of the field officers of the regular army, who unanimously decided that they ought not to proceed. The troops were therefore once more debarked. They were informed that the invasion of Canada was abandoned for the season, and were ordered into winter quarters. Such were the results of these long-meditated attempts to obtain a footing in Canada. The disappointment and indignation of the militia and volunteers, who had been thus called from their homes, at an inclement season, to be made, as they thought, the victims of caprice, were excessive, and evinced themselves in some irregular and violent proceedings. The commander was openly accused of cowardice by General Porter; and his personal safety endangered, by the exasperated soldiery. He contended, however, in his vindica- tion, that the number of troops in his power was insufficient to cope with the enemy. The regulars amounted only to eight hundred and sixty, and the whole force to little more than fifteen hundred; while upward of twenty-three hundred rations were issued on the British side. He added, that the regulars were decreasing in numbers, from sickness and exposure at that season, and the term of service of the volunteers would soon expire; while many of the militia had dis- played a spirit of insubordination, or a disposition to desert. The public opinion, however, as generally expressed at the time, was against the propriety of this officer's conduct. His boastful and inflated addresses tended, probably, in a great measure, by the con- trast they afforded with his actions, to produce this sentiment; and the severe language in which he had spoken of his predecessors was retorted upon him by those who were as little inclined to judge charitably of his own military feats. The troops whose attempts we have just narrated were denominated "the army of the centre," to distinguish them from the Western force, and the "Northern army." No operation of any importance was undertaken by the last during this season. A large body of regulars had been collected during the summer and autumn, which were concentrated at Plattsburg, at the close of October. General Dearborn, who commanded, had his head-quarters at Greenbush; while Generals Bloomfield and Chandler were at the head of brigades. At length, on the 16th of November, the army broke up from Platts- burg, and moved toward the Canada frontier. On the ISth, it AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 283 encamped at Cliamplain, within a short distance of the lines ; and, on the succeeding day, General Dearborn took the command. On the same day, Colonel Pike, an officer of great merit, advanced with his regiment several miles into the enemy's country; surprised a body of British and Indians; destroyed a considerable quantity of public stores, and returned without much loss. It was now expected that the whole army would advance into Canada ; but, probably from the lateness of the season, and the failure of the attempts on the borders of Lakes Erie and Ontario, the enterprise was abandoned; and, on the 23d, the troops returned to Plattsburg, at which place and its vicinity they went into winter quarters. In the mean time, some attempts at negotiation between the belligerent governments completely failed. In the United States, the warmth of party feeling had greatly increased, and in the Eastern States, the Federalists refused to contribute any thing toward the prosecution of the war. In the latter part of 1812, the presidential election occurred; when the war was shown to be popular by the re-election of Mr. Madison by a large majority. Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts, was chosen vice-president. George Clinton, the pre- ceding vice-president, had died before his term of service had expired. A new army under General Harrison, had been called out in the North-west. With the scattered and irregular force of which it was chiefly composed, to carry on ofi"ensive operations through a swampy and intricate wilderness, was a task which, even at the most favour- able season, would require all the varied talents of this general to execute. When the duty of attempting the recapture of Detroit was devolved upon him, the autumn had already commenced; and his arrangements were undertaken at the very season "the prudent caution of President Washington had directed the army of General Wayne to be placed in winter quarters." The command of Lake Erie, prior to any oifensive operations against the enemy's territory, appears to have been considered by General Harrison, as it was by General Hull, an object of the first importance, which ought to have claimed an earlier share of attention. The total amount of the force under the command of General Har- rison was estimated at ten thousand men. From the extreme rigour of the season, however, it was supposed that the whole efiective force on the frontier did not exceed six thousand three hundred, which appear to have been entirely infantry. Having communicated to the administration his ideas on the subject of the future operations of his army, he received from the war department powers to prosecute the campaign in conformity with his own views, with an assurance 284 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, that the government was determined to make the most vigorous and active exertions to obtain command of the lake, which they expected to accomplish at an early period in the ensuing spring. In answer to this despatch, General Harrison stated, that, believing it to be the wish of the government to regain the lost ground, as well as to con- quer Upper Canada, he did not consider himself authorized to adopt another alternative; and that the silence of the war department on the subject of the enormous expense which would attend the operations of the army, led him to conclude that it would be dis- regarded. The plan now laid down was similar to the one heretofore adopted: to occupy the Rapids of the Miami ; to collect provisions there ; to move from thence with a select detachment; and, making a feint upon Detroit, to pass the strait upon the ice, and invest Maiden. The force he proposed to assemble at the Rapids was from four thousand five hundred to five thousand men. This body, as we have stated, Avas to proceed in three divisions from Fort Defiance, Fort McArthur, and Upper Sandusky. To the latter place General Har- rison proceeded, soon after the 8th of January, where he found the Virginia and Pennsylvania brigades, making his efiective force there about fifteen hundred men; and a large quantity of artillery, with the necessary munitions of war, soon after arrived. From this place he despatched orders to General Winchester, whom we left at Fort Defiance, to advance to the Rapids, as soon as he had accumulated provisions for twenty days. He was directed to commence there the building of huts, with a view of inducing the enemy to believe he was going into winter quarters ; and to construct sleds for the expedition against Maiden. Having received a supply of provisions and clothing, and provided for the sick, General Winchester commenced his march, in con- formity with his directions, on the 30th of December. The progress of his army was necessarily very slow; and while performing it, General Winchester received a despatch from the commander-in- chief, (founded upon some information of the extent of the Indian force on the Wabash,) recommending to him to abandon the forward movement and fall back to Fort Jennings. He did not, however, think himself required to discontinue his march; and arrived at the Rapids on the 10th of January, where he immediately formed a forti- fied camp, on an eminence surrounded by prairies. On the 11th, a despatch, directed to Fort McArthur, was sent to apprize General Harrison of the arrival of the detachment at the Rapids; and, on the succeeding day, another was sent to Lower AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 285 Sandusky, both of whicli were delayed several days beyond the ex- pected time. Information was received, on the 13th, which was corroborated on the following day, that the Indians had threatened to burn the town at the river Raisin, and massacre the inhabitants. Their force was stated not to exceed two hundred, with two companies of Canadian militia. The utmost anxiety prevailing in the army to advance to that place, a council of officers Avas called, a majority of whom were decidedly in favour of sending on a strong detachment. Accordingly, on the morning of the 17th, Colonel Lewis was de- tached, with five hundred and fifty men, to the river Raisin ; and, a few hours afterward, he was reinforced by Colonel Allen, with up- ward of one hundred men. On the march, the commander learned that there were about five hundred Indians at Frenchtown, and that Colonel Elliott was expected from Maiden, with a force destined to attack the camp at the Rapids. He resolved, therefore, to gain pos- session of Frenchtown, previous to the arrival of Colonel Elliott. When he approached Avithin a few miles of the town, he was dis- covered by a party of the enemy, who hastened to give the alarm. The troops were formed in line of battle when they arrived within a quarter of a mile of the village, and a general charge was im- mediately made upon them. The enemy were dislodged from the houses and picketing, with great gallantry, by Majors Graves and Madison, and falling in with Colonel Allen's command on the right, a warm contest ensued, which ended in their repulse ; and they were pursued by the troops about two miles. The detachment appears to have behaved with great bravery on the occasion ; its loss was twelve killed and fifty-four wounded. The enemy, who were commanded by Major Reynolds, of the British regulars, were supposed to have consisted of about one hundred whites and four hundred Indians : their loss was not known : fifteen were found dead where the action commenced. Colonel Lewis resolved on holding the place, and immediately sent off expresses to Generals Harrison and Winchester. The former officer had, unfortunately, not received the despatch of General Winchester, announcing his intended march to the Rapids, until the 11th of January. No further intelligence was received until the 16th, when he was informed, through another channel, of the arrival of the detachment at that place, and of the contemplated movement in advance. Alarmed at this information, he immediately gave orders for the movement of the artillery, ac- companied by a guard of three hundred men, to the Rapids. Owing, 286 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, however, to the extreme badness of the roads, little progress could be made. He himself immediately set out for Lower Sandusky, where he found that General Perkins had prepared a battalion, with a piece of artillery, to reinforce General Winchester. Having re- ceived information of Colonel Lewis's success at the river Raisin, he determined to proceed to the Rapids immediately, and ordered the remainder of General Perkins's brigade to follow him to the same place. On the morning of the 20th, he arrived at General Win- chester's camp, and found that he had gone, the preceding evening, to the river Raisin, leaving behind him a force of about three hun- dred men. The news of Colonel Lewis's success had excited a great desire at the Rapids to proceed to his support. It was feared that an attempt would be made by the British to regain the lost ground. Maiden being; but eighteen miles distant. On the night of the 20th, General Winchester arrived at French- town, with about two hundred and fifty men, and encamped in an open lot, on the right of Colonel Lewis's detachment, which was protected in its encampment by some close garden pickets. On the 21st, Colonel Allen left Frenchtown for the Rapids; and a place was selected for a fortified camp for the whole detachment, which it was intended they should commence on the ensuing day. But another kind of labour, alas ! awaited them ; and men eminent for valour, and virtue, and patriotism, were doomed to fertilize with their blood, and to whiten with their bones, the sterile soil of which they vainly hoped they had become masters. Late in the evening of the 21st, information was given to General Winchester, by a person who had recently left Maiden, that a large force of British and Indians was about to march from that place, shortly after his departure. Unfortunately, however, little attention appears to have been given to the report ; and the most fatal se- curity prevailed among both officers and men, unsuspicious of the tragedy about to follow. A most striking proof of the want of proper preparation on the part of the American commander, is evinced by the fact that no picket-guard was placed at night on the road by which the enemy was to be expected. The latter had thus been enabled to approach very near to the camp without discovery, and to station their cannon behind a small ravine, which ran across the open fields on the right. Soon after daylight on the 22d, they opened a heavy fire from their artillery, at the distance of three hundred yards. The American troops were immediately formed, and received a charge from the AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 287 British regulars, and a general fire of small arms. The detachment under Colonel Lewis, being defended by pickets, soon repulsed the enemy ; but the reinforcement which had arrived with General Win- chester were overpowered; and not being able to rally behind a fence, as directed by the general, were thrown into complete con- fusion, and retreated in disorder across the river. All attempts to rally this unfortunate body, although made in various places by General Winchester and Colonels Lewis and Allen, proved in vain. They endeavoured, as the Indians had gained their left flank and rear, to make their escape through a long lane, on both sides of which the savages were stationed, by whom they were shot down in every direction. Their officers also, carried in this general tide of flight, attempted to escape, only, in most instances, to be massacred. Colonel Allen, and Captains Simpson and Mead, were killed on the field, or in the flight ; and General Winchester, with Colonel Lewis, were captured a short distance from the village. That part of the American force, however, which had been sta- tioned behind the picketing, maintained their post with undiminished bravery. About ten o'clock, the British commander drew ofi" his forces, with the apparent intention of abandoning the conflict ; but, finding that General Winchester was his prisoner, he represented to him that nothing but an immediate surrender could save the rest of the Americans from massacre by the Indians. Influenced by this appeal, the general consented to issue the order, which was con- veyed to the detachment by a flag of truce. Finding that the force opposed to them was far superior in numbers, that there was no pos- ' sibility of a retreat, and that their ammunition was nearly exhausted. Major Madison, who commanded, consented to surrender, on con- dition of being protected by a guard, and that the sick and wounded should be sent, on the succeeding morning, to Amherstburg. Colonel Proctor, the British commander, having promised the American officers that their wounded should be removed the succeeding day, marched, about twelve o'clock, with his prisoners, leaving Major Reynolds, with two or three interpreters. The unfortunate soldiers, who had been thus left, wounded and helpless, in the power of their enemy, had a right to expect that, at / least, the common duties of humanity would be exercised toward them. But the most horrible act of this sanguinary tragedy was yet to be performed. Charity induces us to hope that the tales which innumerable eye-witnesses and sufferers have related of the barbarities that ensued, have been heightened by the colouring with. which it was natural to invest them. Making all due allowance. 288 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, however, on this ground, enough remains to satisfy the mind that the cruelties perpetrated on this occasion were as shocking to human nature as any which history, fruitful as it is of the crimes of man, has ever recorded. General Harrison, who had arrived at the Rapids on the 20th, a few hours after General Winchester had left that place, immediately despatched an order to the latter, to " maintain the position at Frenchtown, at any rate." On the evening of the succeeding day, a regiment of General Perkins's brigade, and the remaining Kentucky troops, under General Payne, were ordered to Frenchtown, for which place they left the Rapids on the morning of the 22d. At ten A. M. on that day, the news of the attack on General Winchester's camp was received, and the whole body was hastened on, accom- panied by General Perkins in person. On the road, they learned the melancholy intelligence of the total and irretrievable defeat of the detachment. No choice was then left but a return to the Rapids, which was accomplished without loss. The disaster which had befallen the elite of the army at French- town, gave a decisive blow to the operations of the campaign. The force that remained at the Rapids consisting of only about nine hundred men and a single piece of artillery, it was decided by a council of war, convened by General Harrison, that it would be ex- pedient to fall back on their resources. Accordingly, on the suc- ceeding day, the block-house, with a quantity of provisions, having been set on fire, the remains of the army retired as far as Portage river, about eighteen miles distant, where the camp was strongly fortified. Here they remained until the 1st of February, when a reinforcement, under General Leftwich having arrived, which in- creased his force to about seventeen hundred men. General Harrison returned to the post of the Rapids, and encamped on the south-east side of the river, at a spot which he deemed more suitable than that occupied by General Winchester. The attention of General Harrison was now turned toward the fortifying of his position, which service was intrusted to Captain Wood, of the corps of engineers. The force, which remained at the Rapids consisted of about seventeen hundred men, and was vigorously employed in this important operation. The camp was about two thousand five hundred yards in circumference, the whole of which, with the exception of several intervals left for batteries and block-houses, was to be picketed with timber fifteen feet long, from ten to twelve inches in diameter, and set three feet in the ground. The position thus fortified was denominated Fort Meigs. AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 289 The period of service of tlie Kentucky and Ohio troops was now- drawing to a close ; and, notwithstanding a liberal pecuniary offer from the legislatures of those States, they generally testified an in- tention to return to their homes, though they expressed, at the same time, a willingness to advance against the enemy, if their commander should think proper to lead them. An additional draft of three thousand men was therefore made, by virtue of an act of the legis- lature of Kentucky, which was organized into four regiments, under Colonels Boswell, Dudley, Cox, and Caldwell, the whole commanded by Brigadier-general Green Clay. The two former were directed to assemble at Newport on the 1st of April. On the 1st of March, the whole that remained of the preceding draft from Kentucky and Ohio had been honourably discharged. Small parties of the enemy had been seen at various times hover- ing around the camp : and on the 28th of April, the whole force, composed of British and Indians, was discovered approaching within a few miles of the fort, and as soon as their ordnance was landed, it was completely invested. The ground in its vicinity had been co- vered by a forest, which was cleared to a distance of about three hundred yards from the lines. From behind the stumps of the trees, however, which remained, the Indians kept up a severe fire, by which some execution was occasionally done. On the 1st of May, the British batteries being completed, a heavy cannonading commenced, which was continued till late at night. The intervening time had not been spent in idleness by the garrison under the direc- tion of Captain Wood. A grand traverse, twelve feet high, upon a base of twenty feet, and three hundred yards long, had been com- pleted, which concealed and protected the whole army. The fire of the enemy, therefore, produced little efiect, except the death of Major Stoddard, of the regular army, an ofiicer of great merit. Disappointed in his first plan of attack. Colonel Proctor transferred his guns to the opposite side of the river, and opened a fire upon the centre and flanks of the camp. The cannonading of the enemy continued, for several days, incessant and powerful ; that of the Americans, however, produced greater execution : but a scarcity of ammunition compelled them to economize- their fire. In the mean time, a reinforcement of twelve hundred Kentuckians, under General Clay, was descending the river, with the hope of be- ing able to penetrate into the fort. As soon as General Harrison heard of their approach, he determined to make a sally against the enemy on his arrival ; and sent an oflScer, with directions to General Clay, to land about eight hundred men, from his brigade, about a 19 290 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, mile above the camp. Thej were then directed to storm tlie British batteries on the left bank, to spike the cannon, and cross to the fort. The remainder of the men were to land on the riglit side, and fight their way into the camp, through the Indians. During this ope- ration, General Harrison intended to send a party from the fort to destroy the batteries on the south side. In conformity with this direction, a body of men, under Colonel Dudley, were landed in good order, at the place of destination. They were divided into three columns, when within half a mile of the British batteries, which it was intended to surround. Unfor- fortunately, no orders appear to have been given by the commanding officer, and the utmost latitude was in consequence taken by the troops. The left column, being in advance, rushed upon the bat- teries, and carried them without opposition, there being only a few artillerymen on the spot. Instead, however, of spiking the cannon, or destroying the carriages, the whole body either loitered in fatal security in the neighbourhood, or, with their colonel, were engaged in an irregular and imprudent contest with a small party of In- dians. The orders and entreaties of General Harrison were in vain ; and the consequences were such as might have been foreseen, had the commanding officer possessed the slightest portion of mili- tary knowledge. The fugitive artillerists returned, with a reinforce- ment from the British camp, which was two miles below. A retreat was commenced, in disorder by the Americans, most of whom were captured by the British or Indians, or were killed in the pursuit. Among the latter was Colonel Dudley. About two hundred escaped into the fort: and thus this respectable body of men, who, if pro- perly disciplined and commanded, might have defeated the ope- rations of the enemy, became the victims of their own imprudence. The remainder of General Clay's command were not much more successful. Their landing was impeded by the Indians, whom they routed, and, with their characteristic impetuosity, pursued to too great a distance. General Harrison perceiving a large force of the enemy advancing, sent to recall the victors from the pursuit. The retreat was, however, not effected without considerable loss, the In- dians having rallied, and, in turn, pursued them for some distance. The sortie, however, made by a detachment under Colonel Miller, of the regulars, gained for those who participated in it much more reputation. The party, consisting of about three hundred and fifty men, advanced to the British batteries with the most determined bravery, and succeeded in spiking the cannon, driving back their opponents, who were supposed to be double in number, and capturing AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 291 forty ' prisoners. The enemy suffered severely ; but rallied, and pressed upon the detachment until it reached the breastwork. The attempt to raise the siege was thus defeated, from the imprudence and insubordination of the troops concerned, rather than from any original defect in the plan. Many valuable lives were lost during the heat of the battle : and the cruelties perpetrated upon the prisoners, in presence of the officers of the British army, are said to have been little inferior in atrocity to those of the bloody day of Frenchtown. From this period until the 9th, little of importance occurred. The British commander, finding he could make no impression upon the fort with his batteries, and being deserted in a great measure by his Indian allies, who became weary of the length of the siege, resolved upon a retreat. After several days' preparation, his whole force was embarked on the 9th ; and was soon out of sight of the garri- son, with little molestation on their part. The spring of the year 1813 had far advanced, before any events of national importance occurred on the Northern frontier. The partisan warfare was principally conducted by Major Forsyth, of the rifle regiment, a very valuable and enterprising officer. In the month of February, he resolved, in retaliation for an incursion of the enemy, to attempt a post not far distant from Ogdensburg, ■where he commanded. Accordingly, with a party of riflemen, and some volunteers, he crossed the St. Lawrence; surprised a guard at Elizabethtown; captured fifty-two prisoners, including six officers, besides a large quantity of military stores ; and returned without the loss of a man. By way of revenge for this exploit, a large British force was assembled for an attack on Ogdensburg. Colonel Bene- dict, who commanded the militia of the vicinity, hastily called out his regiment to the aid of Major Forsyth, whose force was far in- ferior to that of the enemy. On the 21st of February, they attacked the town, in t"wo columns of six hundred men each; and, after a sharp contest of an hour's duration, succeeded in driving the Ameri- can troops out of it, with the loss on the part of the latter, of about twenty killed and wounded: that of the enemy was supposed to be far greater, from the known skill of the riflemen. After sacking the place, they retired on the same day, carrying with them some valua- ble articles. A concentration of a large -portion of the regular army, with a view to some important operation, was effected about the middle of April, at Sackett's Harbour. This post, which acquired so much celebrity during the war, and Avhich, in the course of a few months, 292 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, emerged from the quiet and gloom of a forest, to become tlie scene of the bustle and hostility of civilized man, is situated at the east end of Lake Ontario, about sixteen miles from the St. Lawrence. Erom its position, it had been found peculiarly adapted for a military depot, as well as for the purposes of commerce, and the protection of armed vessels. The squadron, which cruised on the lake, was accordingly prepared here; and at this period was assembled for the conveyance of the troops to the Canada shore, as soon as the ice would admit of naval operations. The land forces were under the immediate command of Major- general Dearborn, who now determined to make an attack, in the first instance, upon the town of York, the capital of Upper Canada, and a place of great importance to the enemy. The navigation of the lake being ascertained to be unimpeded by ice, the troops destined for the expedition, to the number of about seventeen hundred, em- barked on board the squadron, and left Sackett's Harbour on the 25th of April. On the 27th, they arrived off their place of destina- tion, and at eight in the morning the landing was commenced, at a spot distant about a mile and a half from the enemy's works. In consequence of the state of the wind, the troops were not able to debark at the place originally intended ; and the enemy was enabled to collect, at the point where the landing took place, his whole force, which consisted of seven hundred regulars and militia, and one hundred Indians. Major Forsyth, with his riflemen, were the first to gain the shore ; and, after a severe contest for nearly half an hour, succeeded in repulsing the enemy, with a very inferior force. Gene- ral Pike now landed ; and, pushing on with a small party, drove the enemy before him, who rallied, however, and returned to the attack ; but were again repulsed, and retreated to their works. The whole body was by this time formed on the shore, and arranged in the order contemplated for the attack. Led by their gallant commander, the column pressed forward with the utmost regularity; and, after receiving a heavy fire from one of the enemy's batteries, which they carried by assault, were moving toward the main works, when a sudden and tremendous explosion took place from the enemy's maga- zine, which hurled upon the advancing troops immense masses of stone and timber; and, for a short time, checked their progress, by the havoc it made in their ranks. Numbers were immediately killed or disabled by the contusions : among the latter was their deservedly lamented commander. General Pike, who survived but a few hours. The direction of the troops then devolved upon the senior officer, Colonel Pearce, General Dearborn having remained on board one of AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 293 the vessels of the squadron. The enemy's regular troops had now retreated, leaving the defence of the place to the militia. At five o'clock, the Americans took possession of the town, having arranged articles of capitulation with the commanding officer. The land and naval forces of all descriptions were surrendered prisoners of war, and all public stores given up. Private property was guaranteed, and scrupulously respected. A large vessel of war, which was build- ing, and nearly finished, was set on fire by the enemy, previous to their retreat. The prisoners taken amounted to forty officers, and two hundred and fifty-one non-commissioned officers and privates, the greater part of whom were militia. The loss of the enemy was estimated by General Dearborn at one hundred killed, and three hundred wounded, independent of prisoners. The capture of Fort George being the next object in view, the troops, to the number of about four thousand, under Generals Dear- born and Lewis, were embarked on board the vessels for that pur- pose. The squadron anchored within musket-shot of the shore; and a heavy fire commenced, by which the enemy's batteries were silenced in ten minutes. The troops proceeded to the beach in three brigades, the advance being commanded by Colonel Scott, who landed under a heavy fire from the British forces. The first, second, and third brigades having reached the shore in their order, the enemy soon gave way, and retreated with precipitation to the fort, which, how- ever, having become untenable, from the fire of the American bat- teries, they abandoned it, on the approach of the advance of General Boyd's brigade, and dispersed in various directions. Previously to the retreat, they attempted to set fire to the magazines, but were frustrated by the energy and skill of the American officers. They were pursued several miles by the light troops ; but, in consequence of the severe fatigue of the latter, they were recalled. The conduct of the American force was such as to obtain for it the highest en- comiums. General Boyd, Colonels Scott and Porter, Major Armi- stead, and Lieutenant Totten, were particularly noticed in the official report. The army had, indeed, manifestly improved in discipline, the only qualification wanting to place them on a perfect equality with their enemy. The loss of the British was much greater than that of the Americans. One hundred and eighty of the former were killed, and one hundred and sixty wounded, who, together with one hundred and fifteen regulars, and five hundred militia, became priso- ners. The latter had thirty-nine killed and one hundred and ten wounded. Lieutenant Hobart, of the first brigade, was the only of- ficer killed. 294 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, After this engagement, the British force, under General Vincent, retired to a spot called the Beaver Dams, where it was joined by a reinforcement from Fort Erie and Chippewa. General Winder was therefore despatched with his brigade from Fort George, on the 1st day of June, for the purpose of cutting off the retreat of this body. Finding that the enemy had been reinforced, and that his troops, now amounting to about fifteen hundred men, had taken a position on the heights, at the head of Burlington bay. General Chandler was sent forward with his brigade : and the two detach- ments being united, the latter or senior officer took the command. On the 5th, the detachment advanced to Stony creek, in the vicinity of the British force, and then encamped on its bank. The usual precautions, in the positions of the different corps, and of the ar- tillery, appear to have been taken. An advanced guard, of about eighty men, was posted in a wooden house, about a quarter of a mile in front. A strong detachment occupied a hill on the left, which commanded a road running through the centre of the camp. In this position, the enemy, whose situation had become precarious, de- termined upon a night attack, as the only means of saving his army. The scheme was well conceived, and in a great measure succeeded. At two o'clock in the morning of the 6th the attack was made by a column of about seven hundred regulars, after having bayoneted the sentinels in advance, and passed by the guard in front without notice. The twenty-fifth regiment had occupied the ground on the opposite side of the creek, for the purpose of cooking; but, leaving their fires burning, had withdrawn to the encampment about mid- night, and lay upon their arms. Toward these fires the enemy ad- vanced, raising a shout, in the belief that the American troops were behind them. This outcry fortunately roused the camp, and the twenty-fifth regiment commenced a fire upon the column, which was now discerned by the light of the fires on the opposite bank. The American line was soon formed ; but, in a short time, the firing on the part of the British ceased ; and such was the darkness of the night, that it was impossible to ascertain in what direction they had moved. Profiting by this obscurity, the enemy moved silently along the road, until they arrived at the spot where the artillery was stationed, upon which they immediately made a charge, and drove the artillerymen from their cannon. In this situation they were found by General Chandler, who, advancing to the centre to give orders, was immediately taken prisoner. The same fate unfortunately attended General Winder. Having discovered some confusion in the centre, he hastened forward to AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS, 295 ascertain the cause ; and, in a few moments, found himself in tlie hands of the enemy. Satisfied with the capture of these officers, and part of the artillery, they now retreated in haste, and when the day dawned, w^ere out of sight. Although they partially succeeded in surprising the American camp, the consequences, had they been properly pursued, would have been highly disastrous to them. The capture of the two commanders, and of four pieces of cannon, gave the affair the appearance of a victory, which was enhanced by the re- treat of the American army on the next day ten miles from the field of battle. The enemy, however, suffered severely from the fire of the artillery in the latter part of the engagement, and lost one hundred prisoners, chiefly of the forty-ninth regiment. Of the Americans, one hundred and fifty-four were killed, wounded, or taken prisoners. On the 7th, the detachment which had fallen back to the Forty- mile Creek, was joined by a reinforcement of the sixth and fifteenth regiments, under Colonel Miller ; and the command was now taken by Major-general Lewis. On the succeeding day, the British squadron, under Sir James Yeo, appeared opposite to the encamp- ment, which had its right flank on the lake, and anchored within a mile of the shore. He attempted to burn the boats by which the baggage of the army was transported ; but was received so warmly, by a battery constructed by Captains Archer and Towson, that he at length desisted. A party of Indians now appeared on the left of the camp, and were soon dislodged by a detachment of the thirteenth regiment. Sir James Yeo, finding that he could make no impression upon the camp by this display, sent in a flag, demanding the surrender of the army. No reply was deemed necessary : and, in consequence of orders from General Dearborn, the army began its retreat to Fort George. The baggage and camp equipage were placed in the boats, twelve of which, unfortunately, were taken by an armed vessel of the enemy. The march of the army was ha- rassed by the hostile Indians, until its arrival within a short distance of Fort George. Soon after this event, a body of the enemy having been collected at the Beaver Dams, about eight miles from Queenstown, and seventeen from Fort George, Lieutenant-colonel Boerstler was detached with about five hundred men, with directions to attack and disperse them. He had proceeded about nine miles west of Queenstown, when he ■was assailed from the adjoining woods by a large party of Indians. The infantry succeeded in dispersing them ; but they only retired to make the attack in another quarter. In the mean time, a rein- forcement of British regulars had arrived, and the detachment was 296 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, compelled to retreat until they had gained an open ground. Here, Colonel Boerstler determined to make a stand, and despatched an express for a reinforcement. The enemy, however, continued to press on in considerable numbers. The Americans were forced to close column for the purpose of forcing their way, and continued the ac- tion until the ammunition of the artillery had been expended. In this situation, the enemy demanded their surrender ; and Colonel Boerstler, finding himself surrounded by Indians, regulars, and militia, resolved, on consultation with his officers, to capitulate. The troops were surrendered prisoners of war ; and the humiliating condition of laying down their arms at the head of the British column was prescribed. Much ill-treatment was experienced from the Indians by the unfortunate prisoners. Contrary to the articles of capitulation, the officers were plundered of their side-arms, and the soldiers of many of the most necessary articles of clothing. The loss sustained during the action is not known. While the greater part of the American army was thus occupied on the Canada frontier, the opportunity was seized by the enemy to make an attack upon the important post of Sackett's Harbour. At the departure of General Dearborn for York, he gave the command to Brigadier-general Brown, of the New York militia, although his term of service had expired. On the 27th of May, the enemy's squadron was discovered by Lieutenant Chauncey ; and notice being given at Sackett's Harbour, alarm-guns were fired for the purpose of bringing in the militia of the vicinity. By these and other means, a force of about one thousand men was collected, consisting of regulars, seamen, volunteers, and militia, the latter composing one-half of the amount. With this body. General Brown made all the arrangements for defence which the shortness of the time would allow. The militia and volunteers, under Colonel Mills, were posted behind a breastwork, hastily thrown up on a peninsula, at which it was supposed the enemy would land. The regulars, under Colonel Backus, formed a second line ; and Lieutenant Chauncey, with some seamen, was stationed at the Navy Point, with directions to destroy the buildings and stores, in case of the defeat of these troops. On the morning of the 29th, the enemy landed his whole force, which consisted of one thousand picked men, under Sir George Prevost, after a heavy fire from the battery on the peninsula, which occa- sioned some loss. This fire was, however, all the defence that the militia attempted. As soon as the enemy began to approach, they were seized by one of those panics to which all raw troops are sub- ject, and fled in haste and confusion. Colonel Mills, their com- AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 297 mander, in vain endeavoured to rally them ; in the attempt, he was mortally wounded. The enemy, having thus easily surmounted the first opposition, advanced toward the village, though checked for a time by a bold attack from a small party under Major Aspinwall, who were, however, soon compelled to retreat. About one hundred of the militia, rallied by General Brown, annoyed the enemy's left flanks ; and the regulars, under Colonel Backus, having also engaged him, a sharp conflict ensued. The Americans were at length com- pelled, by the force of numbers, to retire. In their retreat, they took possession of the houses in the vicinity, and poured upon the British column so destructive a fire, that it was found expedient to fall back. Perceiving the hesitation on the part of the enemy, General Brown had recourse to a stratagem, which soon converted their retreat into a precipitate flight. Collecting together a number of the militia who had so ingloriously fled, he formed and marched them silently through a wood, in the direction of the enemy's rear, but so as to be observed by him. Imagining that his retreat would be cut off", the latter re-embarked so rapidly as to leave most of his wounded, and some prisoners, behind. In his flight, he was not mo- lested by the American troops. The capture of Sackett's Harbour, had the enemy succeeded in effecting that object, would have been productive of the most dis- astrous consequences to the republic. Being the most convenient place of deposit, great quantities of military stores had been accu- mulated there, as well as the materials for the increase of the navy upon the lake. A new frigate was at the moment upon the stocks, besides several others in the harbour. Had these fallen into the hands of the enemy, his naval superiority would have been firmly established, and any further attempts of the American troops upon Canada for a time impeded. No event, therefore, of the campaign was of more manifest advantage than the repulse of the British troops on this expedition ; and the able dispositions, as well as patri- otic zeal of General Brown, acquired him deserved credit. In re- compense for his exertions on this occasion, he was shortly afterward appointed a brigadier in the regular army. The repulse of the combined force of the allies from Fort Meigs, of which we have already spoken, did not deter them from a renewal of the attempt. Early in the month of July, the Indians began to infest the vicinity of that post ; and occasional skirmishes took place between them and parties of the Americans. About the 20th of that month, a large body of British and Indians encamped below the fort. Information of the meditated attack was communicated to 298 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, General Harrison, bj the commander, General Clay. General Har- rison accordingly made preparations for his relief; but before any reinforcement arrived, the enemy had abandoned the siege. On the 28th, they embarked on board their vessels, and sailed round to Sandusky Bay, hoping to surprise the fort at that place. Fort Stephenson, the defence of which acquired for its commander so much renown, is situated on the river Sandusky, at about twenty miles distance from lake Erie. At this period, it was little more than a picketing, surrounded by a ditch six feet in depth and nine in width ; and had been considered by General Harrison as so unte- nable, that, previous to the attack on Fort Meigs, he had given directions to the commanding officer to retire on the approach of an enemy, and destroy the public stores. It was garrisoned by only one hundred and sixty men, regulars and volunteers, under the command of Major George Croghan. On the 29th of July, an express reached General Harrison, with intelligence of the retreat of the enemy from Fort Meigs, and of the strong presumptions that an attack would be made upon Sandusky. He immediately called a council of war ; and, by their advice, despatched an order to Major Croghan to abandon and set fire to the fort, and repair with his command to head-quarters. The express did not reach Fort Stephenson until noon on the succeeding day; and the Indians having by that time surrounded the fort. Major Croghan did not think it advisable to comply with the order. On the 1st of August, the enemy's gun-boats appeared in sight; and their troops were shortly afterward landed, with a howitzer, about a mile below the fort. Previous to the commencement of the operations, an officer was despatched by the British commander, to demand the surrender of the garrison, to which a determined refusal was immediately returned by Major Croghan. The force of the enemy was supposed to consist of about five hundred regulars, and eight hundred Indians, the whole commanded by General Proctor. The enemy now opened a fire from the six-pounders in their gun- boats, as well as from the howitzer, which was continued during the night, with very little injury to the fort. The only piece of artillery in this post was a six-pounder, which was occasionally fired from difi"erent quarters, to impress the enemy with a belief that there were several. The fire of the assailants having been principally directed against the north-western angle of the fort, with the inten- tion, as it was supposed, of storming it from that quarter, the six- pounder was placed in such a position as to enfilade that angle, and masked so as to be unperceived. Th^ firing was continued during AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 299 the next day, and until late in the evening; when, the smoke and darkness favouring the attempt, the enemy advanced to the assault. Two feints were made in the direction of the southern angle; and, at the same time, a column of about three hundred and fifty proceeded to the attack of that of the north-west. "When they arrived within twenty paces of this point, they were discovered, and a heavy fire of musketry opened upon them. The column, however, led by Colonel Short, continued to advance, and leaped into the ditch; but, at this moment, the embrasure was opened, and so well-directed and raking a fire was poured in upon them from the six-pounder, that their com- mander and many of the men were instantly killed ; and the re- mainder made a disorderly and hasty escape. A similar fate attended the other column, commanded by Colonel Warburton. They were received, on their approach, by so heavy a fire, that they broke, and took refuge in an adjoining wood. This affair cost the enemy twenty-five privates killed, besides a lieutenant, and the leader of the column. Colonel Short. Twenty-six prisoners were taken, and the total loss, including the wounded, was supposed to be about one hundred and fifty. The scene which followed the attack reflected the greatest credit on the Americans. Numbers of the enemy's wounded were left lying in the ditch, to whom water and other necessaries were conveyed by the garrison, during the night, at the risk of their own safety. A communication was cut under the pick- eting, through which many were enabled to crawl into the fort, where surgical aid, and all that the most liberal generosity could dictate, was administered to them. About three o'clock in the morning, after their repulse, the enemy commenced a precipitate retreat, leaving behind them many valuable military articles. The defence of Fort Stephenson, achieved as it was by a youth scarcely arrived at manhood, against a foe dis- tinguished for his skill and bravery, and that too with so small means of defence at the time subsisting, was certainly one of the most brilliant achievements of the war. The news of the repulse of the enemy was received with great exultation throughout the Union. Major Croghan was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel, and, together with his brave companions, received the thanks of Congress. The invasion of the State of Ohio having been communicated to Governor Meigs, he immediately called out the whole body of the militia of the State. Great numbers accordingly repaired to Gene- ral Harrison's camp ; but the siege of Forts Meigs and Stephenson having been raised, he was compelled to disband them, with the ex- ception of about one thousand men. This proceeding occasioned 300 LIVES OF THE rKESTCEXTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, great discontent on the part of the volunteers, and equal regret to General Harrison. The whole regular force of the north-western army, in the month of July, did not exceed two thousand men. On the 20th of that month, he received authority from the war department to call out such of the militia of the adjoining States as might be necessary to complete the intended army. He accordingly wrote instantly to Governor Shelby, of Kentucky, requesting a draft, not to exceed two thousand men, from that State. The latter officer, however, being of opinion that the foot soldiers could not be marched in time for the purposes of General Harrison, took upon himself the responsi- bility of departing somewhat from his directions. On the 31st of July, he issued a proclamation to the militia of Kentucky, calling upon them to furnish a body of mounted volunteers, to meet him at Newport, on the 31st of August, and promising to lead them himself against the enemy. Such was the unabated ardour of this impetuous and patriotic people, that more than the number required was soon obtained. The regiment of mounted volunteers, under Colonel Johnson, which had been in a great measure disbanded, was now reorganized, and filled up with so much eagerness, that many of the companies con- tained more than the complement of privates allotted by law. When the recruiting was completed, the regiment was stationed in the vicinity of Dayton, where it was diligently trained by its field- officers ; and new manoeuvres, adapted to the species of enemy they had to contend with, were introduced and inculcated. The remainder of the Kentucky volunteers assembled at Newport, in conformity with their orders, on the 31st of August ; and, on the succeeding day, crossed the Ohio, to the number of about three thousand five hundred men. At their head was the venerable and patriotic Governor Shelby, who commanded them in chief. Under him were Major-generals Henry and Desha, five brigadiers, and eleven colonels. This formidable force arrived, on the 12th of Sep- tember, at Upper Sandusky. Here the governor received directions from General Harrison, who was at the Seneca camp, to proceed immediately to Lower Sandusky with his army, in order to be in readiness for embarkation, in case of a successful issue of the con- flict which it was supposed had taken place on Lake Erie. Early in the spring of this year, the attention of the national government had been seriously directed toward the important object of the command on this lake. The earnest representations of General Harrison had awakened the administration to a proper sense of the AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 301 necessity of this measure; and great exertions were accordingly made to obtain a force competent to engage the enemy. In the month of March, two brigs and several schooners were commenced, at the port of Erie, under the directions of Captain Oliver Hazard Perry. The building of these vessels was continued with all possible rapidity, and without molestation from the enemy, until the 20th of July, when the British squadron appeared off Erie, with the apparent intention of attacking the town. The militia of the vicinity were hastily assembled, in addition to the force already provided for its defence ; but the enemy soon afterward retired, without having made any attempt. On the 2d of August, the equipment of the vessels being completed, they were launched ; and, on the two succeeding days, they were buoyed over the bar, at the mouth of the harbour, in face of the enemy's squadron, without any molestation on their part. The latter, finding the force of the Americans superior, returned to Maiden, to await, the completion of a large ship which was then building. Commodore Perry, having now received an expected re- inforcement of seamen, and being joined by a company of infantry and some volunteers, acting as marines, sailed in quest of the enemy's squadron, which he found lying in the harbour of Maiden, augmented by a new vessel, called the Detroit, their force being thus superior to that of the Americans. Finding the enemy, however, unwilling to venture out, the American commander returned to Put- in-bay, in Bass island. On the morning of the 10th of September, while the squadron was lying in this harbour, the enemy's vessels were discovered stand- ing out of the port of Maiden, with the wind in their favour. The American fleet immediately weighed anchor, and fortunately got clear of the islands near the head of the lake, before the enemy approached. At ten o'clock, the wind changed, so as to give the former the weather-gage. Commodore Perry then formed his line of battle, and at a few minutes before twelve the action commenced. The fire from the enemy's long guns proving very destructive to the Lawrence, the flag-ship of the squadron, she bore up, for the pur- pose of closing with her opponents, and made signals to the other vessels to support her. The wind, however, being very light, and the fire of the enemy well directed, she soon became altogether un- manageable ; she sustained the action, nevertheless, for upward of two hours, until all her guns were disabled, and most of the crew either killed or wounded. In this situation of affairs, the American commodore, with singular presence of mind, and a gnllantry rarely equalled, and never ex- 302 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-rRESIDENTS, ceeded, resolved upon a step which decided the fortune of the day. Leaving his ship, the Lawrence, in charge of a lieutenant, he passed in an open boat, under a heavy fire of musketry, to the Niagara, which a fortunate increase of wind had enabled her commander. Captain Elliott, to bring up. The latter officer now volunteered to lead the smaller vessels into close action ; while Commodore Perry, with the Niagara, bore up, and passed through the enemy's line, pouring a destructive fire into their vessels. The smaller American vessels having soon afterwafd got within a suitable distance, opened a well-directed fire upon their opponents ; and, after a short but severe contest, the whole of the British squadron struck their colours to the republican vessels. The Lawrence, whose flag had been struck soon after the American commodore left her, had been enabled again to hoist it, previous to the conclusion of the contest, the enemy not having it in his power to take possession of her. Thus termi- nated an engagement which will be long memorable in the annals of the republic, both as being the first victory of a squadron of its vessels over one of an enemy, and as being among the most brilliant and decisive triumphs ever recorded in the annals of naval warfare. The intelligence of this important victory produced, as may be supposed, sensations of the greatest joy in the camps of Governor Shelby and General Harrison. The latter immediately proceeded to Lower Sandusky, having issued orders for the movement of the troops and the military stores to the margin of the lake, preparatory to embarkation. Governor Shelby's command also reached that place on the 16th of September, after a difficult and forced march. The squadron having arrived there on the 14th, the prisoners cap- tured in the engagement, to the number of three hundred, Avere landed, and soon afterward marched into the interior. It Avas now resolved that the whole army, with the exception of Colonel Johnson's mounted regiment, which was to proceed from Fort Meigs by the way of Detroit, and a small body left to guard the horses, should be embarked on board the squadron, by which they were to be conveyed to the enemy's shore. From the 16th to the 26th, the troops were occupied in preparations for this movement. On the 27th, the whole army was embarked, and, at three in the afternoon, landed on the shore of Canada. The line of march was immediately formed, and in a few hours the American flag was hoisted in the town of Maiden. Immediately after receiving intelligence of the capture of his fleet, General Proctor made preparations for a retreat from his post at Maiden, the information he had received of the numbers of General AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 303 Harrison's array being greatly exaggerated. Having destroyed the fort and public stores, the town was finally abandoned on the day preceding the arrival of the American army. The whole of the British force, consisting of about seven hundred regulars and one thousand Indians, independent of the militia, then retired along the rivers Detroit and Thames. On the 28th, the American army moved forward, and, on the next day, took possession of Sandwich, without any obstruction from the enemy. The mounted regiment, under Colonel Johnson, joined the army on the 1st of October, and it was then determined by General Harrison and Governor Shelby, to pursue the enemy without delay. Leaving, therefore, a strong detachment, under General McArthur, to keep the Indians in check, the remainder marched at sunrise on the 2d, to the number of about three thousand five hundred men, consisting of about one hundred and forty regulars. Colonel John- son's mounted regiment, and part of Governor Shelby's volunteers. On the first day, they encamped at a distance of twenty-five miles ; and, early on the next, arrived at the river Thames, where a party of the enemy were captured, in the act of destroying the bridge over a creek in the vicinity. On the 4th of October, a skirmish took place between the advanced guard and a party of Indians, at the passage of the fork of the river. The latter were, however, speedily dispersed, by the arrival of the "main body, with the two six- pounders. A large quantity of arms and public stores was here captured by the army. On the morning of the 5th, they marched at an early hour ; and, about noon, information was received that the enemy was lying at a short distance, awaiting the attack. Colonel Johnson was then sent forward to reconnoitre, and the troops were prepared for action. The allied army was drawn up across a narrow isthmus, covered with beech-trees, and formed by the river Thames on the left, and a swamp running parallel to the river on the right. The regulars were posted with their left on the river, supported by the artillery; while the Indians, under Tecumseh, were placed in a dense wood, with their right on a morass. In the order in which the American army was originally formed, the regulars and volunteer infantry were drawn up in three lines, in front of the British force ; while the mounted volunteers were posted opposite to the Indians, with directions to turn their right flank. It was soon perceived, however, that the nature of the ground on the enemy's right would prevent this operation from being attempted with any prospect of success. General Harrison therefore determined to change his plan of attack. 304 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, Finding that the enemy's regulars were drawn up in open order, he conceived the bold idea of breaking their ranks, bj a charge of part of the mounted infantry. They were accordingly formed in four columns of double files, with their right in a great measure out of the reach of the British artillery. In this order they advanced upon the enemy, receiving a fire from the British lines, from which their horses at first recoiled. Recovering themselves, however, the column continued to advance with such ardent impetuosity, that both the British lines were immediately broken. Wheeling, then, on the enemy's rear, they poured a destructive fire into his ranks ; and in a few minutes the whole British force, to the number of about eight hundred men, threw down their arms, and surrendered to the first battalion of the mounted regiment, the infantry not having arrived in time to share the honour. Their commander, General Proctor, however, escaped with a small party of dragoons. In the mean time, a more obstinate and protracted conflict had been waged with the Indians on the left. The second battalion of the mounted volunteers, under the immediate command of Colonel Johnson, having advanced to the attack, was received with a very destructive fire ; and the ground being unfavourable for the opera- tions of horse, they were dismounted, and the line again formed on foot. Here the conflict was long and sanguinary. The Indians stood their ground bravely until their great chief, Tecumseh, fell, when they broke and fled in every direction. The trophies acquired by this victory were of the most gratifying nature. Besides a great quantity of small arms and stores, six pieces of brass artillery were captured, three of which had been taken during the Revolution, at Saratoga and Yorktown ; and were part of the fruits of General Hull's surrender. The prisoners amounted to about six hundred, including twenty-five ofiicers, and were chiefly of the forty-first regiment. Of the Americans, seven were killed and twenty-two wounded; and of the British troops, twelve were killed and twenty-two wounded. The Indians, however, sufi'ered far more severely. The loss of thirty of their number killed was trifling, in comparison with that sustained by the death of Tecumseh, their cele- brated leader. His intelligence and bravery were no less conspicu- ous on this occasion than in the preceding part of the war. He was seen in the thickest press of the conflict, encouraging his brethren by his personal exertions ; and, at the conclusion of the contest, his body was found on the spot where he had resisted the charge of the mounted regiment. His death had inflicted a decisive stroke on the AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 305 confederacy of the savages, from which it never recovered, and de- prived the British troops of a most active and efficient auxiliary. The consequences of this victory upon the interests of the Indian tribes were soon perceived. Being cut off from their communications with the British posts in Canada, many of them sent deputations to General Harrison to sue for peace. Previous to the engagement on the Thames, an armistice had been concluded with the Ottowas and Chippewas, on condition of their raising the tomahawk against the British ; and soon afterward the Miamis and Potawatamies submitted on the same terms. The object of the expedition having been accomplished by the capture of the British army, the troops commenced their march for Detroit on the 7th. They arrived at Sandwich on the 10th, and soon afterward the Kentucky infantry returned home, and were discharged at Limestone on the 4th of November, after having received the thanks of General Harrison for their exemplary conduct during the campaign. For a considerable period after the resignation of General Dear- born, the army of the centre lay inactive at Fort George, its com- mander being restricted from engaging in offensive operations. In the mean time, a new selection of officers had been made by the government, to supply the vacant commands. Major-generals Wil- kinson and Hampton, both of whom had served in the war of the Revolution, were called from their stations in the Southern section of the United States to the northern frontier. To the former was given the chief command of the forces destined for the invasion of Canada, and particularly of those on the Niagara. General Hamp- ton was assigned to the Northern army, then encamped at Platts- burg, which it was supposed would amount to about four thousand, all regular troops. It was now determined by the administration, that the detach- ments on the Ontario frontier should be concentrated in one spot, with a view to active operations by a powerful force. Two objects presented themselves, as worthy of the exertions of the army. The one was the capture of Kingston, a post of equal, and indeed greater importance to the enemy, than that of Sackett's Harbour to the Americans. The other was a movement past Kingston, and down the St. Lawrence, with the design of uniting with the army under General Hampton, and marching against Montreal. It was finally resolved, that the troops should be concentrated at Sackett's Har- bour, and the choice of the two plans left to the commanding general. Having made the necessary arrangements with the government 20 306 LIVES OF THE TRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, on this subject, General Wilkinson arrived at Sackett's Harbour, on the 20th of August ; and, shortly afterward, proceeded to Fort George, where he took command of the troops, amounting to about three thousand five hundred men. A considerable period was em- ployed in collecting and equipping the scattered detachments of the array; and it was determined that they should be concentrated upon Grenadier Island, a position between Sackett's Harbour and Kings- ton, and contiguous to the St. Lawrence. The secretary of war having, in the mean time, arrived at Sackett's Harbour, for the pur- pose of superintending the operations of the campaign, the plan of attack was, after considerable deliberation, definitively settled. It was determined that the army should fall down the St. Lawrence in boats ; that it should be joined by the force under General Hampton, at the most convenient point of junction, and should thence proceed to the attack of Montreal, which, at that period, was supposed to be garrisoned by a very small force. The advanced stage of the season, when the plan was undertaken, rendered it necessary that the greatest expedition should be used. Such, however, were the difiiculties at- tending the concentration of the troops, that it was not until the 23d of October that a sufiicient force was collected to justify a move- ment. The army, thus assembled, consisted of about seven thousand men, and was composed of a regiment of light artillery, parts of the first and second regiments of artillery, eleven regiments of infantry, and a body of riflemen. The force of the enemy, at Kingston, was supposed to amount to about four thousand men, he having collected his detachments from the peninsula, on the supposition of an attack bei-hg meditated on that place. To continue the idea, and prevent preparations being made below. General Wilkinson appointed French Creek, a post on the St. Lawrence, convenient for the attack on Kingston, as the place of rendezvous for the army. To this spot, therefore, the advance of the army, under the command of Brigadier- general Brown was despatched, with the artillery and ordnance stores. On the 1st of November, an attack was made on this body, by a squadron of the enemy's small vessels. Their fire was, however, returned with so much spirit, by a battery of three eighteen pounders, erected by Captain McPherson, that they drew off. The attack was renewed on the next day, with no better success ; and, on the 3d, the rear of the army, with the commanding general, joined the advance. Every thing being now in readiness, the whole flotilla got under way on the 5th, and proceeded down the river. On the succeeding day, it advanced to within three miles of a fort on the enemy's bank at Prescott. Here, the ammunition, and the greater part of the AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 307 men were landed, and directed to march, under cover of the night, to a bay, about two miles below Prescott, where it was to be joined by the flotilla. A heavy fog arising in the evening, an attempt was made to pass the batteries : but, a fire being opened by the enemy, the flotilla was halted until the night had further advanced, when the passage was finally effected, without any injury to the boats : and they arrived at the place of rendezvous at ten o'clock on the suc- ceeding day. Orders were sent from this place to General Hampton, to advance with his division, to form a junction with the main body. It began now to be perceived that the descent of the St. Law- rence could not be eifected with the ease anticipated. At every narrow pass of the river, bodies of musketeers and of artillery were stationed; and intelligence was soon received, that the enemy, re- lieved of his fears for the safety of Kingston, had despatched a force of about fifteen hundred men, and a squadron of armed vessels, to harass the rear. To remove the obstructions in front. Colonel Macomb was landed, with the elite corps of twelve hundred men, on the 7th; and suc- ceeded in routing a party at a block-house, about two miles below. On the next day, the advance was reinforced by the brigade of Gene- ral Brown, together with some light artillery and cavalry, and placed under the command of that officer. A long and dangerous rapid was now approached: and orders were given to Generals Brown and Boyd, the latter of whom commanded the rear guard on the Canada shore, to take the necessary precautions to prevent an attack from the enemy while in this situation. General Brown, accordingly, marched on the morning of the 10th, and was soon engaged with a party of the enemy in front, while an attack was made on the rear of the flotilla by a number of gunboats. Unable to resist the fire of these vessels with his slender boats. General Wilkinson ordered a battery of eighteen pounders to be erected, which soon obliged the enemy to retire. On the 11th, information was received from Gene- ral Brown, that he had repulsed the force opposed to him, and had taken a position at the foot of the rapid. It was determined, there- fore, to attempt the passage of the rapid, and orders were given to General Boyd, to commence his march with the rear detachment. At this moment, a fire was opened from the gunboats, and intelli- gence was received from General Boyd, that the enemy was advanc- ing to assail him. He was immediately directed to anticipate the attack, by moving against the enemy with the whole of his detach- ment and endeavouring to outflank him. The action accordingly commenced by a charge upon a party of the enemy posted in a 308 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, wood, who, after a short skirmish, were driven out on their main body. The latter was advantageously posted behind the deep ravines which intersected the plain. General Covington now ad- vanced upon the right of the enemy with his brigade, while Colonel Ripley assailed his left flank, with the twenty-first regiment, after having driven back with the bayonet a superior number opposed to him. The contest now became general throughout the line; but the unfortunate fall of General Covington, who was killed while gallantly leading his brigade to the charge, and the want of ammunition, caused that part of the American army to retire. The artillery also, having expended its ammunition, was compelled to fall back ; and, in its retreat, one piece was captured by the enemy, in consequence of the difficulty of the ground over which it had to pass. After a contest of two hours, with alternate success on either side, the whole of the Americans engaged, retired, and reoccupied the ground from which the enemy had been originally driven, while the latter drew off to his camp. Soon afterward, the American infantry were em- barked on board the flotilla, while the dragoons and light artillery proceeded by land to the foot of the rapid. On the following day, the flotilla again sailed, and having passed the rapid without loss, arrived, in the course of the morning, at a place called Barnhart's, near St. Regis, where it joined the advance under General Brown. At this latter place, it was expected that the troops under General Hampton would have been found, in con- formity to the orders despatched by General Wilkinson on the 6th. To the surprise and regret, however, of the army, a messenger was met here from General Hampton, conveying information, that in con- sequence of the state of the roads and the scantiness of his pro- visions, he was unable to attempt the expected movement. A council of war was immediately called, composed of the chief officers of the army, who gave it as their unanimous opinion that it would be unad- visable to make any attempt upon Montreal during that season. The army accordingly evacuated the Canadian territory, and soon after- ward went into winter quarters at French Mills, a post on the Salmon river, in the vicinity of St. Regis. In the mean time, the Northern army, under General Hampton, had not been idle, although its operations were attended with little more success than those of General Wilkinson. It was, as we have seen, part of the plan of the campaign, that a demonstration should be made toward Montreal by that division, during the movements on the Ontario frontier. Accordingly, in the month of September, General Hampton moved from Plattsburg toward the lines of Canada, AND OF MEMBFRS OF THE CABINETS. 809 which he crossed on the 21st of October. The enemy, however, anticipating the movement, had taken every precaution against his advance, by felling timber across the roads, destroying the bridges, and devastating the country. The route of the army lay down the banks of theChateaugay river; and, on the 22d, it succeeded in pass- ing through the woody, and reaching the open, country. Beyond this, at the distance of seven miles, the enemy was intrenched, in force, behind a succession of wooden breastworks, having the Indians and light corps in front. From this post, it was deemed necessary to dislodge him. Colonel Purdy was therefore detached on tlie 25th, with the first brigade, to fall on his rear, while the remainder of the army attacked him in front. Owing to the ignorance of the guides, however, who accompanied the first brigade, it was not able to reach the point of attack, and being assailed by a party of the enemy, it effected its retreat, with considerable loss, to the main body. The second brigade, under General Izard, had, in the mean time, driven the enemy's advanced line behind its intrenchments ; but, finding that Colonel Purdy's command was not able to co-operate, it also retired. The endeavour to force the enemy's line of defence having thus failed, and no advices being received of the situation of the Ontario division, it was determined by a council to be advisable to return to Chateaugay, in order to secure the communication with the United States. The army accordingly fell back on the 27th, to the Four Corners, a post within the American lines. The contest for superiority on Lake Ontario, during the fall of this year, was, as heretofore, calculated more to exhibit the skill and seamanship than the valour of the officers. The prudent caution of the British commodore induced him to avoid a general action, the result of which might have been so disadvantageous to the interests of his country, while the eiForts of Commodore Chauncey to bring on an engagement were generally crippled by the inferior sailing of his small vessels. On the 5th of October, however, after a fruitless chase of the British squadron, he succeeded in capturing five of the enemy's transport vessels, containing about three hundred officers and privates of the regular army. After the departure of Generals Wilkinson and Boyd, from Fort George, the command of that post devolved upon Brigadier-general McClure, of the New York militia. His force, at the time, con- sisted almost entirely of militia, whose term of service expired in the early part of December ; and, on the 10th of that month, only one hundred men were left to defend the fort : it was accordingly re- solved, by the chief officers, that it was necessary to abandon the 310 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, place, it being no longer tenable. If the American officer had con- fined himself to the destruction of the fort and the public property of the enemy, his acts would have received the approbation of the community in general. He unfortunately, however, considered him- self under the necessity of committing to the flames the peaceful and flourishing village of Newark, adjoining to the fort, and thus involv- ing in ruin many innocent families. On the 19th of December, at four in the morning, the enemy crossed the river in great force, and surprised the garrison of Fort Niagara. The troops, to the number of about three hundred, con- sisting chiefly of invalids, were massacred almost without resistance. The few who escaped the sword of the enemy, retired to a block- house, where they were soon afterward compelled to surrender. On the same day, the enemy, accompanied by a considerable force of Indians, attacked and defeated a body of militia, stationed on the heights of Lewistown ; burnt the village of that name, together with that of Manchester, Youngstown, and the Indian settlement of Tus- caroras ; and, having put many of the unoflfending inhabitants to the sword, returned to Canada. This scene of ruin and devastation did not, it appears, satisfy the British commander. On the 30th of the same month, a party of regulars, militia, and Indians, to the number of about seven hundred, landed at Black Rock, and proceeded to the town of Buffalo, to de- fend which, a body of militia, amounting to upward of twenty-five hundred, were drawn up. To the lasting disgrace of these men, how- ever, they all, except a very small number, fled on the approach of the enemy, without firing a musket. The village was in consequence soon taken, and reduced to ashes. At sea, the Americans continued successful during the year 1813, suffering but two defeats, while they gained a considerable number of brilliant victories. On the 29th of February, the United States ship Hornet, Captain James Lawrence, fell in with and captured the British sloop-of-war Peacock, Captain Peake. The action lasted but fifteen minutes. The Peacock sank soon after the action, carrying down thirteen of her own crew, and three of the Hornet's. Captain Lawrence was now transferred to the command of the frigate Chesa- peake, then lying in Boston harbour. On the 1st of June, Captain Broke, of the British frigate Shannon, sent a challenge to Captain Lawrence. The Chesapeake was not prepared for battle, but the gallant Lawrence, considered himself bound in honour to accept the challenge. A furious engagement followed, but it was short. Cap- tain Lawrence was mortally wounded, and nearly every officer on AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 311 board the Chesapeake "was either killed or disabled. The British themselves pulled down her colours, as Lawrence to the last ex- claimed, "Don't give up the ship!" The loss of the Americans in this action was seventy killed and sixty-three wounded ; that of the British, twenty-four killed, and fifty-six wounded. The fate of the heroic Lawrence caused a deep sensation of grief in the United States, and he was buried at Halifax by the British with every mark of honourable distinction. Another naval disaster soon followed the loss of the Chesapeake. On the 14th of August, the United States sloop-of-war Argus, Captain William Allen, which had inflicted ex- tensive depredations upon British commerce, was captured in St. George's Channel, by the British sloop-of-war Pelican, Captain Ma- ples. On the 4th of September, the United States brig Enterprise, Lieutenant Burrows, fell in with the British brig Boxer, Captain Blythe. In the fierce engagement which ensued, both commanders were mortally wounded. Lieutenant McCall, of the Enterprise, com- pelled the enemy to strike their colours. The bodies of both com- manders were buried, with the honours of war, at Portland. The cruisers and privateers of the United States inflicted an immense amount of damage upon the British commerce. In the summer of this year, a sanguinary Indian war broke out upon the frontiers of Tennessee and Georgia. Fired by the elo- quence of Tecumseh, the Creeks, a powerful tribe, concerted a general plan of hostilities, under the lead of a brave and talented chief named Weatherford. On the last day of August, that chief surprised Fort Minims, on the frontier of Georgia, and massacred every person found there. The governments of" Tennessee and Georgia immediately adopted measures for a vigourous campaign against the Creeks. General Jackson was accordingly ordered to draft and assemble at Fayetteville two thousand of the militia and volunteers of his division, and Colonel Coff"ee was directed to proceed, with five hundred mounted men, to the frontier of the State. The former, having collected a part of his force, moved on immediately, and joined Colonel Cofi"ee, on the 12th of October, at Ditto's landing, on the Tennessee. From this place they marched to the Ten Islands, on the Coosa, after sufi'ering severely from the want of provisions, arising from the ill-management of the contractors. A few days afterward. General Cofibe was detached, with nine hundred men, to attack and disperse a body of the enemy posted at Tallushatchee, about thirteen miles distant. Early on the succeeding morning, he arrived within a short distance of the town, and, dividing his force into two columns, completely surrounded it. The Indians, perceiving 312 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, the approach of a company of spies, sent to draw them into the field, made a furious charge, and drove them upon the main body. The latter, in their turn, compelled the enemy to fall back, and take refuge in their town, where they maintained, for a long time, a des- perate conflict, neither asking nor receiving quarter, until nearly every warrior perished. The wounded survivors, and a number of women and children, were taken prisoners. One hundred and eighty-six of the enemy were killed, among whom were unfortunately some women and children, who are represented to have lost their lives in consequence of being mingled with the warriors. Of General Coff"ee's force, five were killed, and forty wounded. The detach- ment rejoined the main body on the evening of the same day. Having received information, soon after this event, that the enemy had invested a fort of the friendly Indians, at Talladega, about thirty miles distant. General Jackson determined to proceed with his whole army to its relief. His force now consisted of twelve hun- dred infantry, and eight hundred mounted cavalry and gun men; and, leaving behind the sick, the wounded, and the baggage, under a sufficient guard, he commenced his march at midnight of the 7th of December, the day on which he received the information. Such was the ardour of the troops, and the skill and resolution of their commander, that, notwithstanding a detention of many hours in crossing the river, and their fatigue and want of sleep, they arrived by the evening within six miles of the enemy. At five the next morning, the march was resumed, and at seven, the army having arrived at the distance of a mile from the Indians, General Jackson made his dispositions for the attack. The advance, under General Carroll, was directed to commence the action, and, having drawn the enemy out of their post, to fall back upon the main body. The mounted men were posted on the right and left, so as to be able to surround the enemy, while a corps of reserve, of two hundred and fifty cavalry, were posted in the rear of the centre. This plan would have fully succeeded, had it not been for the defection of a part of the infantry, who fled on the first approach of the enemy. The reserve, however, having been brought up, a sharp conflict ensued, which ended in the total overthrow of the enemy. The greater part of them escaped, in consequence of the investment not being complete. Three hundred warriors were left dead on the field, and many more were killed in the pursuit. Their whole force was supposed to have exceeded one thousand. Fifteen of the Americans were killed, and eighty wounded. The friendly Indians were thus relieved from their anxiety, and the opportunity might have been AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 313 taken to follow up the blow, but for the want of provisions, and the situation of the posts in the rear. The American commander ac- cordingly commenced his return, on the succeeding day ; but, on his arrival at Fort Strother, at the Ten Islands, where a fort had been erected, he found, to his great mortification, that none of the expected supplies had arrived. In this situation, the army was soon reduced to great inconvenience : and the discontent arising there- from broke out into an open mutiny, which it required all the firm- ness and decision of their commander to suppress. Their dissatisfac- tion, and desire to return home, were, however, too deeply fixed to be shaken, although no means were left untried to induce them to remain at their posts. The drafted militia and the volunteers, formed each a brigade. To the officers of these corps, General Jackson earnestly remonstrated against the proposed return to the settlements; and promised that, if supplies did not arrive in two days, the whole force should be allowed to return. The volunteers were, notwithstanding, inflexible : and a great part of them were accordingly marched back to Fort Deposit. The militia, on the con- trary, were induced to remain ; but the two days having elapsed, that body also set out for Fort Deposit. On the road, however, the supplies were met, advancing to Fort Strother ; and the troops were ordered to return. Another mutiny again ensued, which was quelled by the general at the risk of his life, and they once more returned to their duty. Hardly had this body reached Fort Strother, before difficulties again arose on the part of the volunteers. Having mis- conceived the meaning of the act of Congress, under which they were received into the service of the United States, they claimed to be discharged on the 10th of December. To this. General Jackson opposed argument, remonstrance, and, at last was obliged to resort to force, as the only means of compelling them to the performance of their duty. Finding, however, that the discontent of this body was not to be altogether removed, he finally ordered them to be marched back to Nashville, to await the orders of the president. While this able commander was thus contending with the turbu- lence of these misguided men, the Indians were suffering, in another quarter, a full measure of retribution. General Cocke, who com- manded the detached militia of East Tennessee, had despatched General White, with a part of his force, against the towns of the Hillabee tribe. This unfortunate race, who had been the principal sufferers at the battle of Talladega, had applied to General Jackson for peace, offering to receive it on such terms as he should dictate. Ignorant of this proposal, General White proceeded to fulfil his in- 314 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, structions ; and, having destroyed their town, and killed sixty of the warriors, he returned with about two hundred and fifty prisoners. About the same time, too, the Georgia militia, under General Floyd, obtained a signal victory over a body of the enemy, at the Autossee towns, on the Tallapoosa river. The Indians fought with a degree of bravery bordering upon desperation. The superior tactics of civilization, however, triumphed ; and, after a contest of three hours' duration, the enemy fled, with the loss of about two hundred killed, among whom two of their kings were included. Eleven of the Georgians were killed, and fifty wounded. The discontent^ and insubordination of General Jackson's army were not diminished by the discharge of the volunteers. Every accession of force appears to have been animated with the same spirit, or to have caught the baneful contagion. Many of the superior officers, regardless of their stations and characters, are represented to have given countenance to, or not sufficiently restrained, the riotous conduct of their men. The term of service of the militia, too, having now expired. General Jackson was soon afterward aban- doned by all but a small number, who had volunteered to remain. A reinforcement of about one thousand mounted volunteers, however, soon after arrived, who were engaged for sixty days only. They were placed under the command of General Coffee ; and General Jackson resolved to lead them immediately against the enemy. They accordingly marched on the 15th of January, and at Talladega were joined by about two hundred friendly Indians. At this place, General Jackson received advices from General Floyd, of a con- templated movement of his force, and determined to advance further into the Indian country, for the purpose of making a diversion in his favour. A considerable body of the enemy being posted at a bend of the Tallapoosa, near the mouth of a creek, called Emuckfaw, he resolved to proceed thither immediately. After a difficult march, he arrived, on the evening of the 21st, in the vicinity of the enemy, and en- camped in a hollow square. Hearing from his spies that the In- dians were apprized of his approach, and appeared meditating an attack, every preparation was made to receive them. At dawn the next morning, they commenced a furious onset on his left flank ; and, after a warm action of half an hour, were repulsed, and driven back about two miles. General Jackson now ordered General Coffee, with four hundred men, to reconnoitre the enemy's encampment, and to attack it, if he thought it advisable. That officer, however, finding the post too strong, returned to the AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 315 American encampment ; and, shortly afterward, a part of the enemy made a feint upon the right of the army, while the main body com- menced a furious assault upon the left. In the mean time, General Coffee was detached to turn their left flank. His force, which had been considerable at the outset, was reduced by the desertion of his men to about fifty, with whom, nevertheless, he succeeded in driving the enemy opposed to him into the marshes of the creek. In this situation, covered with reeds, they were secured from danger. Ge- neral Coffee, therefore, retired with the hope of drawing them out. In this design, he completely succeeded : the enemy advanced from their place of retreat, and a sharp contest ensued, which continued about an hour, when a reinforcement arriving from the main body of the Americans, the Indians fled with precipitation, pursued by the victors, and perished, it is supposed, to a man. In the mean time, the conflict on the right of the main body, had also eventuated in the success of the American arms. The enemy, posted behind logs and trees, had maintained a warm fire for some time, which was sustained by the Americans with great gallantry. A general charge was, however, soon ordered, which the Indians were unable to resist. They betook themselves to flight, and reached their fortified post with great loss. This well-fought battle was not gained without considerable loss to the victors. The wounded required care and attention, which they could not receive in that quarter : and the provisions began to grow scarce ; nor was there any prospect of a speedy supply. Influenced by these considerations. General Jackson determined to retrace his steps to the Ten Islands. Accordingly, on the succeeding morning, he commenced his march, and continued it without interruption, until evening, when he encamped on the south side of Enotichopco Creek. This stream being deep, and its banks rugged, and covered with reeds, there being also a narrow defile near the usual crossing-place, General Jackson, apprehensive of an attack in so unfavourable a situation, resolved to cross at a different ford. Having, by means of his pioneers, selected a suitable place, he moved the army in that direction, on the succeeding morning. The Indians, who had lain in the defile in great force, finding the route of the army changed, hastened to the new crossing, and arrived in time to make an attack upon a part of the rear guard, the advance and wounded having reached the opposite bank. Orders had previously been given by the commanding general for the rear guard, in case of an attack, to face about, and act as the advance, while the right and left columns should be so disposed as to cross the stream above and below, and 316 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, thus encircle the enemy. Had these orders been obeyed in the same spirit in Avhich they were conceived, the complete destruction of the savages would have been inevitable. The rear guard, however, to the surprise and mortification of the general, precipitately fled into the creek, at the first fire, thus obstructing the passage by which the front division was to have recrossed. Not more than twenty remained to oppose the assault of the enemy ; by these, however, and by the gallant conduct of a company of artillery, the conflict was still main- tained. The latter hastily drew their piece of cannon to an eminence, from which they fired grape-shot with such effect, that after many ineffectual attempts to obtain possession of it, the Indians, who were now on the point of being assailed by a part of the main body, retired in confusion, and were pursued a considerable distance. Their loss, during the pursuit, was very great, while that of the Americans is represented to have been comparatively trifling. To the great ex- ertions of the company of artillery, the success of the Americans was mainly owing. The activity and energy of General Jackson, and the exertions of General Coftee, who, though suffering under the wounds he had received in the battle of the 22d, took an active part in the engagement, were eminently conspicuous. Captain Quarles, Lieutenant Armstrong, and several others of the company of artillery, were killed or wounded in this engagement. The repulse received by the enemy prevented any further molestation of the army, which reached Fort Strother on the 27th. In the mean time. General Floyd had been pursuing with success his separate plan of operations. On the 27th of January, before dawn, his camp was assailed with great violence by the enemy. A "warm and general action ensued, which ended in the flight of the savages, with the loss of thirty-seven killed, while that of the Ame- ricans was also considerable. Soon after the return of General Jackson to Fort Strother, the term of service of the volunteers expired, and they were discharged with honourable testimonies by their commander. To supply their places, a draft of twenty-five hundred militia was now made, for a tour of three months, and a regiment of regular infantry, six hundred strong, arrived at Fort Strother, on the 6th of February. The un- fortunate want of provisions, which had heretofore crippled the ope- rations of the army, still existed, and prevented the expected junction of the militia, at Fort Strother. Discontent again threatened to disgrace the army, and paralyze its energies; by the firmness and decision, however, of General Jackson, order was once more restored. By great exertions, he succeeded in obtaining the necessary supplies ; AND OF MEMBERS OF TPIE CABINETS. 317 and, on the 14th of March, commenced another expedition against the enemy, which ended in the total overthrow and subjugation of this unfortunate nation. Having established a fort at Cedar Creek, he set out with the intention of attacking the encampment on the Tallapoosa, near New Youcka. This post, which it had been deemed most prudent to leave untouched on the former expeditions, was subsequently selected and fortified, with a degree of knowledge and skill uncommon among an uncivilized people. Surrounded almost entirely by the river, the only passage by which it was accessible was over a narrow neck of land, which had been fortified with the greatest care. A breastwork, from five to eight feet in height, formed of trunks of trees and timbers placed horizontally on each other, with only one place of entrance, and a double row of port-holes, served as the means by which this brave but deluded race hoped to resist the torrent which now threatened to overwhelm them. The force which General Jackson brought with him to this en- counter, was greater than any he had heretofore commanded. Although reduced by the detachments left behind for garrisons, it amounted to little less than three thousand men. At ten in the morning of the 27th of March, he reached the vicinity of Tohopeka. The enemy, aware of his approach, made every preparation in their power to receive him ; and arrayed their force, which was supposed to amount to about one thousand men, in the best manner for defence. General Jackson soon arranged his plan of attack. Having- despatched General Coffee, at the head of the mounted infantry and friendly Indians, with directions to gain the southern bank, and encircle the bend, he drew up the remainder of his forces in front of the breastwork. The cannon, directed by Major Bradford, were posted on an eminence, about two hundred yards from the enemy's line, while the musketry was placed nearer, to take advantage of the appearance of the enemy from their works. In this situation, the army lay for some minutes. At last, the signal being made that General Coffee had reached the opposite side of the river, the troops moved forward to the charge. They advanced to the breastwork with the utmost gallantry, and were received with equal coolness. For some moments, a most destructive contest was maintained at the port-holes ; at length, Major Montgomery, of the regulars, springing to the wall, called to his men to follow him. He was immediately killed ; but the ardour of the troops was not restrained by his fall. They scaled the ramparts with impetuosity, and in a short time drove their opponents into the brush, with which the peninsula was covered. From this they were again forced, and retreated to the southern 318 LIVES OF THE PEESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, bank, where they found General Coflfee's command on the opposite shore. Driven now to desperation, by finding their retreat cut off, those who survived endeavoured to take refuge behind the lofty and precipitous bank of the river, from which they occasionally fired upon their conquerors. General Jackson, who saw that the victory was completely gained, sent a flag, with an interpreter, to summon them to a surrender. Either misunderstanding the nature of the proposal, or being determined to refuse quarter, they fired upon and wounded one of the party. The destruction which they appeared to seek, was now therefore accorded them. The trees and brush, in which they had concealed themselves, were set on fire, by means of torches, and they were thus exposed to the views of their assailants, by whom their numbers were soon materially thinned. This work of slaughter and misery continued until night. The few wretched survivors. were enabled, by the darkness, to make their escape. In the mean time. General Coffee's detachment, by making an attack upon the village, and diverting the attention of the enemy, had con- tributed materially to the success of the action. This victory, which in its consequences was final and decisive, gave a death-blow to the power and hopes of the Creeks. After this engagement, General Jackson returned with his victorious army to Fort Williams ; but, determined to give his enemy no oppor- tunity of retrieving the misfortune that had befallen him, he recom- menced operations immediately afterward. On the 7th of April, he again set out for Tallapoosa, with the view of forming a junction with the Georgia troops, under Colonel Milton, and completing the subjugation of the country. On the 14th of that month, the union of the two armies was effected, and both bodies moved to a place called the Hickory Ground, where it was expected, the last final stand would be made by the Indians, or terms of submission would be agreed on. The principal chiefs of the different tribes had assembled here, and, on the approach of the army, sent a deputation to treat for peace. Among them was Weatherford, celebrated equally for his talents and cruelty, who had directed the massacre at Fort Mimms. It had been the intention of General Jackson to inflict a signal punishment upon him, if ever in his power. Struck, however, with the bold and nervous eloquence of this fearless savage, and per- suaded of the sincerity of his wishes for peace, he dismissed him without injury. He shortly afterward became the instrument of re- storing peace, which was concluded by the total submission of the Indians. They agreed to retire in the rear of the army, and occupy the country to the east of the Coosa, while a line of American posts AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 319 "was established from Tennessee and Georgia, to the Alabama, and the power and resources of these tribes were thus eifectuallj de- stroyed. Important political movements occurred in 1813. The Czar of Russia having oflFered his mediation between the United States and Great Britain, the president appointed Messrs. John Quincy Adams, Albert Gallatin, James A. Bayard, Henry Clay, and Jonathan Rus- sell, commissioners to negotiate. They proceeded to Ghent, where they were met by the British commissioners, Lord Gambler, Henry Goulbourn, and William Adams. On account of the critical state of the country, an extra session of Congress had been called, and the members assembled on the 24th of May, 1813. Their chief object was to replenish the trea- sury. A system of internal duties was agreed upon, and a loan of $7,500,000 was authorized. Bounties were offered for recruits to the army ; but little addition was made to the naval force. After the desolation of the Niagara frontier, in 1813, there appeared to be nothing for the parties to contend for in that quar- ter. No object could be obtained by a victory on either side, but the temporary occupation of a vacant territory ; yet both parties seemed to have selected this as the principal theatre on which to dis- play their military prowess in the year 1814. Lieutenant-general Drummond, governor of Upper Canada, concentrated the forces of that province at fort George, and retained the possession of Niagara. The American Generals Smyth, Hampton, Dearborn, and Wilkinson, under whose auspices the campaigns of 1812 and 1813, on the Ca- nada border, were conducted, had retired from that field; and General Brown was appointed major-general, and, with the assist- ance of Brigadiers Scott and Ripley, designated to the command of the Niagara frontier. He left Sackett's Harbour in May, with a large portion of the American troops, in consequence of which the important depots at that place and its vicinity were exposed to attacks from Kingston. On his arrival at Buffalo, calculating upon the co-operation of the Ontario fleet, he determined on an attempt to expel the British from the Niagara peninsula. With this view he crossed the river on the 3d of July, published a declaration addressed to the inhabitants of Upper Canada, stating that all whom he found engaged in the service of the enemy would be treated as foes ; those that remained at home, peaceably following their private occupations, would be treated as friends ; public property of every description would be seized and held at the disposal of the commanding general ; 320 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, that private property would be held sacred, and any plunderer who should be found violating his orders in this respect should suffer death. On the same day he invested Fort Erie, and summoned it to sur- render, allowing the commandant two hours to answer the summons. At five in the afternoon, the fort surrendered, and the prisoners, amounting to one hundred and thirty-seven, were removed to Buffalo. On the morning of the 4th, General Scott advanced with his brigade and corps of artillery, and took a position on the Chippewa plain, half a mile in front of the village, his right resting on the river, and his front protected by a ravine. The British were en- camped in force at the village. In the evening. General Brown joined him with the reserve under General Ripley, and the artillery commanded by Major Hindman. General Porter arrived the next morning, with the New York and Pennsylvania volunteers, and a number of Indians of the Six Nations. Early in the morning of the 5th, the British commenced a firing on the pickets. Captain Trott, who commanded one of them, hastily retreated, leaving one of his men wounded on the ground. General Brown instantly ordered him to retire from the army, and directed Captain Biddle to assume the command of the picket, lead it back to the ground, and bring off the wounded man ; which he accomplished without loss. At four in the afternoon, General Porter advanced, taking the woods in order to conceal his approach, and in the hope of bringing their pickets and scouting parties between his line of march and the American camp. In half an hour his advance met the light parties of the British in the woods on the left. These were driven in, and Porter, advancing near Chippewa, met the whole British force ap- proaching in order of battle. General Scott, with his brigade and Towser's artillery, met them on the plain, in front of the American encampment, and was directly engaged in close action with the main body. General Porter's command gave way, and fled in every direction, by which Scott's left flank was entirely uncovered. Cap- tain Harris, with his dragoons, was ordered to stop the fugitives, at the ravine, and form them in front of the camp. The reserve were now ordered up, and General Ripley passed to the woods in left of the line to gain the rear of the enemy ; but, before this was effected, General Scott had compelled the British to retire. Their whole line now fell back, and were eagerly pursued by the Americans. As soon as they reached the sloping ground descending AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 321 toward the village, their lines broke, and they regained their works in disorder. The American troops pursued until within reach of the guns from the works ; when they desisted, and returned to their camp. The British left two hundred dead on the ground, ninety- four wounded, besides those in the early part of the action, who were removed back to the camp, and fourteen prisoners. The American loss was sixty killed, and two hundred and sixty-eight wounded and missing. After the battle of Chippewa, the British retired to Fort G.eorge ; and General Brown took post at Queenstown, where he remained some time, expecting reinforcements and aid from Sackett's Harbour, and calculating that with them he should be able to dislodge the British, and obtain possession of the peninsula. On the 20th, General Brown advanced with his army toward Fort George, drove in the outposts, and encamped near the fort, in the expectation that the British would come out and give him battle. On the 22d, he returned to his former position at Queenstown ; here he received a letter from General Gaines, informing him that the heavy guns and the rifle regiment, which he had ordered from Sackett's Harbour, together with the whole fleet, were blockaded in that port, and no assistance was to be expected from them. On the 24th, he fell back to Chippewa, and, on the 25th, received intelligence that the enemy, having received large reinforcements from Kingston, were advancing upon him. The first brigade, under General Scott, Towser's artillery, and all the dragoons and mounted men, were im- mediately put in motion on the Queenstown road. Late in the afternoon. General Scott found himself in the presence of the whole British army drawn across Lundy's Lane, in the vicinity of the great cataract of Niagara. Undismayed, he commenced the attack with vigour, but sent information of his position to General Brown. The conflict raged with great fury. Brown arrived with reinforcements, and long after nightfall was the bloody struggle maintained. At length. Colonel Miller, under the orders of General Ripley, stormed a battery on an eminence, which was the key of the enemy's position. The battle then raged fiercely, but victory inclined to the side of the Americans, and at midnight the British retired from the conflict. On the morning of the 26th, Generals Ripley and Porter recon- noitered the battle ground, and found there parties of the British on the same errand. Neither Americans nor British appeared dis- posed to renew the bloody scenes of the preceding night. In their 21 322 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, official reports, both claimed the victory. But considering the num- ber and nature of American troops compared with the British, the honours of the day unquestionably belong to the former; the latter were the first to leave the field. From the reinforcements which they had recently received from Kingston, their army after the battle was evidently superior to the American ; and the latter under the command of General Ripley, on the 26th, fell back to Fort Erie. General Brown retired to Buffalo, and General Scott to Batavia, to recover from their wounds. As the Americans retired to Fort Erie, the British advanced and invested the fort, taking a position two miles distant in front, and separated from it by a wood. On the 12th of August, General Gaines detached Major Morgan with his corps, to cut off a working party of the British, engaged in clearing the woods and opening an avenue to the fort. Major Morgan was killed at the head of his detachment, and the party returned without effecting the object. The enemy succeeded in establishing their works within four hundred yards of the fort. On the evening of the 12th, they boarded and captured two schooners ; and on, the morning of the 13th, commenced, and continued during the whole of that and the next day, a brisk can- nonade, which was returned from the American batteries, but with- out any considerable effect on either side. The British, having received considerable reinforcements, were preparing for an assault. At sunset on the 14th, one of their shells lodged in a small magazine, which blew up, but without any injurious effects. It occasioned a momentary cessation of firing, and was immediately followed by a loud shout from the British troops, which was instantly answered by the Americans ; and Captain Williams, amid the smoke of the ex- plosion, renewed the contest by an animated discharge of the heavy artillery. General Gaines, expecting an assault in the course of the night, kept his men constantly at their posts. The night was dark, and the early part of it rainy; at two o'clock in the morning, the British columns, enveloped in darkness, were distinctly heard approaching the American lines. The infantry under Major Wood, and Captain Towson's artillery opened a brisk fire upon them. The sheet of fire from this corps enabled General Gaines to discover this column of the British, fifteen hundred strong, approaching the American left. The infantry were protected by a line of loose brush representing an abattis bordering on the river. The British, in attempting to pass round this, plunged into the water breast high. The commanding- general was about to order a detachment of riflemen to support AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 323 Major Wood, but was assured by bim tbat be could maintain bis position witbout a reinforcement. Tbe British columns were twice repulsed, and soon afterward fled in confusion. On tbe rigbt, tbe lines were ligbted by a brilliant discbarge of musketry and cannon, wbicb announced tbe approacb of tbe centre and left columns of tbe enemy. Tbe latter met tbe veteran nintb regiment, and Burton's and Harding's companies of volunteers, aided by a six-pounder, and were repulsed. Tbe centre column, under Colonel Drummond, ap- proacbed at tbe same time tbe most assailable points of tbe fort, and witb scaling-ladders ascended tbe parapet, but were driven back with great carnage. Tbe assault was twice repeated, and as often check- ed. This column, concealed by the darkness of tbe night, and the clouds of smoke which rolled from tbe cannon and musketry, then passed round the ditch, repeated their charge, reascended their ladders, and with their pikes, bayonets, and spears, fell upon tbe artillerists. Most of the officers, and many of tbe men, received deadly wounds. Lieutenant McDonough, being severely wounded, and in the power of the enemy, surrendered and demanded quarter; Colonel Drummond, refusing it, drew a pistol and shot bim dead. In a moment afterward, as be was repeating tbe order to give no quarters, Colonel Drummond was shot through the heart. Tbe bas- tion was now in the possession of the British. The battle raged with increased fury on the right ; reinforcements were ordered and promptly furnished from Major Wood's corps on tbe left. Captain Fanning kept up a spirited and destructive fire from bis artillery on tbe enemy as they were approaching tbe fort. Majors Hindman and Trimble, failing to drive the British from tbe bastion, with the re- maining artillerists, and infantry, and Captain Birdsall's detachment of riflemen, rushed in through tbe gateway, to the assistance of tbe rigbt wing, and made a resolute charge. A detachment, under Major Hall, was introduced over the interior of the bastion, for the purpose of charging the British who still held possession, but the narrowness of the passage, admitting only two or three abreast, prevented its accomplishment, and they were obliged to retire. At this moment, every operation was arrested by the explosion of the principal maga- zine, containing a large quantity of catridges and powder, in the end of a stone building adjoining the contested bastion. Whether this was tbe efiect of accident or design, was not known. The explosion was tremendous, and its eflects decisive. Tbe British in possession of tbe bastion were destroyed in a moment. As soon as tbe tumult occasioned by tbat event had subsided. Captain Biddle posted a field piece so as to enfilade the exterior plan and the salient glacis. 324 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS. Fanning's battery at the same time opened on the British who were now returning. In a few minutes they were all driven from the works, leaving two hundred and twenty-two killed, one hundred and seventy-four wounded on the field, and one hundred and eighty-six prisoners. To these losses are to be added those killed on the left flank by Major Wood's infantry and Towson's artillery, and floated down the Niagara, estimated in the official reports at two hundred. The American loss during the bombardment of the 13th and 14th, was nine killed, and thirty-six wounded, and in the assault of the night of the 14th, seventeen killed, fifty-six wounded, and eleven missing. On the 2d of September, General Brown had so far recovered of his wounds as to be able to resume the- command; and General Gaines was removed to Philadelphia to take charge of the defence of the Delaware, as commanding-general of the fourth military dis- trict. General Drummond's main body was encamped in a cleared field, surrounded with woods, two miles in front of Fort Erie. This position was taken in order that that part of his force which was not on duty might be out of the reach of the guns of the fort, and of the artillery at Black Rock. His infantry was formed into three brigades of twelve hundred men each ; his works were advanced within four hundred yards of the right of the American lines. One of the brigades, with a detachment of artillery, was stationed at this ad- vance, and relieved by one of the other brigades each day, and the two at the encampment were held in constant readiness to support the advance, in case of an attack. The British had completed two batteries at this position, and nearly finished a third, which threat- ened the fort with destruction. On the 17th, Generals Porter and Miller led the forces that issued from the fort. There was but a brief struggle. In a few hours the British were deprived of the fruit of forty-seven days' labour, of a great quantity of artillery and ammunition, and of one thousand men, which was the number of their killed, wounded, and prisoners. Of the Americans, eighty-three were killed, two hundred and sixteen wounded, and about as many missing. General Drummond now broke up his camp, and retired behind Chippewa. Soon afterward, General Brown, having received reinforcements, was in a condition to resume offensive operations. On the 20th of October, Colonel Bissell, with a detachment of one thousand men, encountered a superior force of the enemy, under the Marquis of Tweedale, near Chippewa, and compelled them to retire, with loss. During the summer of this year, Commodore Sinclair and Major AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 325 Croghan macle an attempt to recover the post of Mackinac, but -were repulsed, with loss. They, however, destroyed the British establish- ment at St. Joseph's and the Sault St. Marie. On the 22d of Oc- tober, General McArthur destroyed a large quantity of British stores, in the vicinity of Detroit, and captured one hundred and fifty of the enemy, without losing any of his own party. Great Britain prepared to open the campaign of 1814 upon an extended scale. Her arrangements were, to send the flower of Lord Wellington's army against the United States ; to invade the country from Montreal by the way of Plattsburgh and Lake Champlain, and penetrate as far as Albany ; to increase her naval force at Kingston, so as to command Lake Ontario ; to send a powerful reinforcement to the Niagara frontier ; to augment her fleets on the American coast, so as to command the navigation, and destroy every thing American that should be found afloat ; and with their navy, aided by a powerful land force, attack the most important and assailable points on the seaboard. These objects being accomplished, she could then require of the Americans, as the price of peace, an aban- donment of their maritime claims, and a sacrifice of a large portion of their Western territory to her Indian allies. The British naval force was intrusted to Sir George Cochrane, vice-admiral of the red, assisted by Admirals Cockburn and Covington. Major-general Ross commanded the land forces destined to co-operate with the navy on the coast. On the 3d of August, the whole of the Bourdeaux, and about half the Mediterranean armament, with an additional squadron then at Bermuda, composing a fleet of sixty sail, under Admiral Cochrane, ■with a land force of six thousand, commanded by Major General Ross, sailed from Bermuda for the Chesapeake, and entered the bay on the 10th of August. The other division of the Mediterranean armament proceeded to join Sir George Prevost in Canada. The fleet proceeded up the bay to the mouth of the Potomac, when a squadron under Commodore Gordon entered that river, and advanced toward Alexandria. The principal part of the fleet, with the land forces, continued their course to the mouth of the Patuxent, and entered the river on the 18th. Commodore Barney's flotilla of gunboats had previously entered that river, and retired as far up as the depth of the water would admit. The British fleet proceeded up the river, and, on the 19th, commenced landing on the left bank of the Patuxent, at Bene- dict, forty miles from Washington. On the 20th, the troops com- menced their march up the river; on the 21st, reached Nottingham ; 326 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, and on the 22d, Upper Marlborough. Commodore Barney's flotilla had reached Pig Point, two miles above Marlborough, where, finding it impossible to save his gunboats, or prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy, he blew them up, and proceeded to join General Winder. The invading army at Upper Marlborough, on the 23d, did not exceed four thousand five hundred efi'ective men, without cavalry, baggage, wagons, or means of transportation, and with but three pieces of light artillery, drawn by men. The British remained at Upper Marlborough until the afternoon of the 23d, when they com- menced their march toward Washington by the way of Bladensburg. Colonel Scott and Major Peters, with light detachments, were sent out to meet and harass the enemy, and General Stansbury was ordered to proceed with the troops under his command, on the route direct to Upper Marlborough. Colonel Scott, with his detachment, met the British about six miles in advance of the main body, and after some skirmishing retreated. The American army at the bat- talion old fields, were placed in a favourable attitude of defence ; they remained in their position until evening, when, apprehending the approach of the enemy, they were ordered to march to Washing- ton. The British encamped that evening three miles in front of the position which the Americans had left. The retreat of the American troops toward the city was precipitate and disorderly, believing the enemy to be in close pursuit. The secretary of state, passing through Bladensburg at twelve o'clock at night, advised General Stansbury immediately to fall upon the British rear, as he understood they were in full march to Washington. The general having been ordered by the commander-in-chief to take post at Bladensburg, and a part of his brigade having but just then arrived, was not in a situ- ation to comply with the wishes of the secretary ; and the British remaining quietly in their encampment during the night, such a movement would have been fruitless. The retreating army halted and bivouacked for the night at the eastern branch bridge. Here General Winder, on the morning of the 24th, established his head-quarters with the main body, consist- ing of three thousand five hundred men, General Stansbury four miles in front, at Bladensburg, with twenty-five hundred ; Colonel Minor with seven hundred in the city of Washington, endeavouring to get across to the arsenal; and General Young's brigade of five hundred, twelves miles below, on the left bank of the Potomac; making an aggregate of seven thousand two hundred men. Various reports were brought to head-quarters of the movements and inten- AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 327 tions of the British. The president and heads of department as- sembled at General Winder's head-quarters in the morning of the 24th. The secretary of state, upon hearing a report that the British were marching upon the city by the way of Bladensburg, proceeded to join General Stansbury, to aid him in forming a line of battle. That general, on the approach of the enemy, retired from his position in advance of Bladensburg, and occupied the ground west of the village, on the right bank of the eastern branch. Here it was at last resolved to meet the enemy, and fight the battle that was to decide the fate of the capital. Before the second line was completely formed, the battle com- menced. The Baltimore artillery fired upon and dispersed the British light troops advancing along the streets of the village. They immediately took shelter behind the buildings and trees, and pre- sented only single objects for the artillery. The British now com- menced throwing rockets, and began to concentrate their light troops at the bridge, which the American general had not taken the precau- tion to destroy. The riflemen and artillery now poured in a destruc- tive fire upon this body, and cut them down in great numbers as they advanced. The British at length gained the bridge, rapidly passed it, formed, and passed steadily on, flanking to the left, and compelled the riflemen and artillery to give way. Major Pinckney was severely wounded. He exerted himself to rally his men, and succeeded in forming them at a small distance in the rear of his first position, and united with the fifth Baltimore regiment. General Stansbury continued about four hundred yards in the rear of the battery; and left this division to contend with the whole force of the enemy, until it was compelled to retire. The British then occupied the ground they had left, and continued to advance. Colonel Ster- rett, with the 5th Baltimore regiment, and Captain Birch with his artillery, were ordered to advance to support the first line. The British soon took advantage of the orchard which had just been occupied by the retreating troops, and kept up a galling fire on the American line. Captain Birch now opened a cross fire with some effect. Colonel Sterrett made a prompt movement in advance, but was ordered to halt. At this time the enemy's rockets assumed a more horizontal direction, and passing near the heads of Colonel Shultz and Pragan's regiments, caused the right wing to give way ; which was immediately followed by a general flight of the two regiments. Birch's artillery and the 5th regiment remained, and continued their fire Avith effect. The British light troops were for a short time driven back, but immediately rallied and gained the right flank of 328 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, the fifth. This regiment, with the artillery, were then ordered to fall back and form a small distance in the rear. But, instead of re- treating in order, the fifth followed the example of the other two regiments, and fled in confusion. The Avhole of the first line was now completely routed. Various attempts were made to rally, but without success. No movements were made by the cavalry to cover the retreat, though the open and scattered manner in which the pur- suit was conducted afforded a fine opportunity for a charge by the cavalry. This line retreated upon a road which in a short distance forked into three branches, one leading to Montgomery court-house, on the Potomac, fifteen miles above Washington, one to Georgetown, and the other to the capital. General Winder endeavoured to direct the retreating forces to the city, but without success ; when they came to the three branches, the greater number took the road to Montgomery court-house, as the place of the greatest safety. This exposed the artillery of Barney and Miller to the whole British force, who soon gained their rear. Both these officers were severely wounded. Commodore Barney ordered a retreat, but the British being in his rear, he was made prisoner. As he lay wounded by the side of the fence, he beckoned to a British soldier, and directed him to call an officer. General Ross immediately rode up, and, on being informed of his character and situation, ordered his wounds to be dressed and paroled him. The second line was not entirely connected, but posted in advantageous positions in connection with, and supporting each other. The command of General Smith, including the George- town and city militia, and the regulars under Colonel Scott, and some other corps, still remained unbroken. The British light troops, in the mean time advancing on the left of the road, had gained a line parallel with Smith's command, and were endeavouring to turn his flank. Colonel Brent was placed in a situation calculated to prevent this movement. The British con- tinued their march and came within long shot of Magruder's com- mand, who opened a partial fire upon them. At this moment the whole of the troops were ordered to fall back : after retreating about one hundred rods, they were halted and formed by their officers, when they were again ordered to retreat and form on the heights west of the turnpike-gate, and half a mile in front of the Capitol. Here Colonel Minor, with his regiment of Virginia militia, having spent the day in the city, endeavouring to get access to the arsenal for supplies for his troops, came up and joined General Smith. While in the act of forming upon these heights, General Winder arrived, and ordered the troops to retire to the Capitol in expectation AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 329 of there uniting with the first line ; but these troops, excepting one company of Colonel Laval's cavalry, were not to be found on Capitol Hill. A conference was immediately held between General Winder and the secretaries of state and war, that it would be impossible in the existing state of things to make effectual resistance against the in- vasion of the city, or defend the Capitol ; the whole force was then ordered to quit the city, and retreat through Georgetown, to a place of safety. On receiving this order, the troops then remaining mani- fested the deepest regret. In the mean time, the British advanced from Bladensburg without further opposition ; and at eight o'clock in the evening, General Ross entered the city at the head of eight hundred men ; having arrived on Capitol Hill, he offered terms of capitulation, which were, that the city might be ransomed for a sum of money nearly equal to the value of the public and private property it contained ; and that on receiving it, the troops should retire to their ships unmolested. There being neither civil nor military authorities in the city, to whom the propositions could be made, the work of conflagration commenced. The Capitol, the president's house, the offices of the treasury, war, and navy departments, and their furniture, with several private buildings, were destroyed. The party sent to burn the president's house entered it and found in readiness the entertain- ment which had been ordered for the American oflScers. In the dining-hall the table was spread for forty guests, the sideboard fur- nished with the richest liquors, and in the kitchen the dishes all prepared. These uninvited guests devoured the feast with little ceremony, ungratefully set fire to the building where they had been so liberally fed, and returned to their comrades. One house from which General Ross apprehended himself to have been shot at, was burned, and all the people found in it slain. The most important public papers had been previously removed. The navy-yard, with its contents and apparatus, one frigate of the largest class on the stocks, and nearly ready to launch, and several smaller vessels, were destroyed by Commodore Tingey, under the direction of the secre- tary of the navy, after the capture of the city. The British having accomplished the object of their visit, left the city on the 25th, and passed through Bladensburg at midnight, on the route to Benedict. They left their dead unburied ; such of their wounded as could ride were placed on horseback ; others in carts and wagons, and upward of ninety left behind. The wounded British prisoners were intrusted to the humanity of Commodore 330 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, Barney, who provided every thing for their comfort ; and such as recovered were exchanged, and returned to the British. Two hun- dred pieces of artillery, at the arsenal and navy yard, fell into their hands, which they were unable to remove ; these they spiked, knocked off the trunions, and left. Their retreat, though unmolested, was precipitate, and conducted under evident apprehensions of an attack. They reached Benedict on the 29th, and embarked on the 30th. On Admiral Cochrane's arrival in the Chesapeake, he was joined by Admiral Cockburn's squadron of three ships of the line, several frigates and smaller ships of war, which had been pursuing the same system of plunder and rapine for several months on the counties bordering on the bay, which they had practised the preceding season. The whole fleet now consisted of sixty sail. After the successes at Washington and Alexandria, the next and most inviting object for British cupidity was the city of Baltimore. General Ross, elated with his recent success, boasted that he would make that city his winter quarters, and that with the force under his command he could march where he pleased in Maryland. On the 10th of September, the British forces appeared ascending the bay, in a direction toward Baltimore. On the 11th, fifty sail, consisting of several ships of the line, frigates, and transports, with six thousand men, entered the mouth of the Patapsco ; and, early in the morning of the 12th, commenced landing at North Point, fourteen miles below the city. The defence was intrusted to Major-general Smith, of the Mary- land militia, assisted by General Winder and all the United States troops which had been recently engaged at Washington, and sup- ported by all the militia of Baltimore and the neighbouring country, the whole composing a force of fifteen thousand. Every citizen of Baltimore capable of bearing arms appeared in the ranks, ready to sacrifice his life in defence of the city. The point selected by General Smith, where the ultimate defence was to be made, was upon the heights three miles in advance of the city, toward the mouth of the Patapsco. Here the citizens with great labour had, under the direction of their gene- ral, erected strong fortifications. The general, with the main body, took post at this point with a heavy park of artillery. General Strieker, with the city volunteers and militia, to the number of three thousand five hundred, was posted four miles in advance, at the head of Long Log Lane, his right on the head of a branch of Bear Creek, his left on a marsh, and the artillery posted at the head of the lane. The rifle corps were stationed in low thick pines, in advance. General AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINET. 331 Strieker was ordered, in case of an attack by a superior force, to fall back on the main body. In tliis position the Americans waited the approach of the enemy. The whole population of the city came out to witness the event on which their safety depended, and, on the neighbouring heights, animated their brethren in arms. The British, having completed the debarkation by seven o'clock in the morning, took up their line of march for the city. The 41st regiment in ad- vance, followed by eight pieces of artillery, next the second brigade, then the sailors, and last the third brigade. The march of the main body was preceded by blank patroles, and reconnoitring parties. In this order they approached the American lines. General Ross, with a small reconnoitring party, half a mile in advance of the main body, was shot through the breast by a rifleman, fell into the arms of his aid-de-camp, and died in a few minutes. By this event, the command devolved on Colonel Brook, of the 44th; who, after the troops had recovered from the shock occasioned by the loss of their leader, led them on in order of battle. The advance of General Strieker, consisting of cavalry and riflemen, under Major Heath, was first met by the enemy, and after some skirmishing, fell back on the line. The main body of the British were but a short distance in rear of their advance ; and, as they came up, the action imme- diately became general. The attack commenced by a discharge of rockets from the British, and was soon succeeded by grape, canister, and small arms from both sides. General Strieker maintained his position against a great superiority of numbers for an hour and a half, when the regiment on his left giving way, he was obliged to retire to a position in the rear, where he had stationed one regiment as a reserve. Here the troops were formed, with the reserve, and without further molestation from the British, fell back to Worthing- ton Mills on the left, and half a mile in advance of the main body. On the night of the 12th, the British bivouacked in advance of the battle-ground; and, on the morning of the 13th, commenced their march toward the city. At ten o'clock, they appeared in front of the American lines, distant two miles on the Philadelphia road. Here they halted, pushing their advance within a mile of the works ; where they had a full view of the position and defence of the Americans. They remained on this ground, reconnoitring the works, and waiting the result of the attack on Fort McHenry, until one o'clock in the morning of the 14th, when they commenced a retreat to their shipping, began their embarkation the succeeding evening, and completed it the next day. The entrance from the Patapsco into Baltimore basin, or harbour. 332 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, is by a narrow strait, the passage of which is defended by Fort McHenry, two miles below the city. The command of this post was intrusted to Major Armistead, of the United States artillery. The garrison, before the appearance of the enemy in the Patapsco, amounted to one hundred men ; on their approach, it was increased to a thousand. Two batteries to the right of the fort were erected on the river, to prevent the enemy's landing during the night, in rear of the town ; the one called the City Battery, was manned by Lieu- tenant Webster, with a detachment of the flotilla ; the other, denomi- nated Fort Covington, by a company of sailors, under Lieutenant Newcomb. The British designed a simultaneous attack by land and water, and, while the transports were landing the troops at North Point, the ships of war proceeded toward Fort McHenry. On the 12th, sixteen ships, including five bomb-vessels, drew up in line of battle, within two and a half miles of the fort ; and on the 13th at sunrise, the attack commenced from the bomb-ships at two miles distance. The regular artillerists under Captain Evans, and the volunteers under Captain Nicholson, manned the batteries in the Star Fort. Captains Banbury's, Addison's, Rodman's, Perry's, and Pennington's commands were stationed in the lower works ; and the infantry under Colonel Stewart, and Major Lane, were in the outer ditch to meet the enemy at his landing, should he attempt one. The guns from the fort were unable to reach the British ships, and left the garrison exposed to a constant shower of shot and shells, without being able to do the enemy any injury. At ten o'clock, three of the bomb-ships took a nearer position, on which a brisk fire opened upon them, and compelled them to resume their former station. At one o'clock in the morning gf the 14th, the British threw a consi- derable force above the main works, on the right near Fort Coving- ton, and commenced throwing rockets. Twelve hundred picked men were detached with scaling-ladders, to attempt the taking of the fort by storm. As they were approaching the shore, a fire opened upon them from Fort Covington, and a six-gun battery. The fire was directed by the blaze of their rockets and the flashes of their guns. This fire continued about two hours ; the landing was prevented, one of the barges sunk, and the others compelled to return. The bomb- ardment continued with very little intermission, from sunrise on the 13th to seven o'clock on the 14th, when the squadron got under weigh, and stood down the river. Four hundred shells fell within the fort; four men were killed, and twenty-four wounded. The officers and men of the garrison did their duty ; and, by their brave AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 333 and judicious conduct, the British were repulsed, and the city saved from pillage. In the battle of the 12th, the American loss was twenty-four killed, one hundred and thirty-nine wounded, and fifty taken prisoners. The British acknowledge a loss in the same battle of thirty-five killed, and two hundred and fifty-one wounded. Their whole loss in killed, wounded, and missing in the battle, and at the attack on the fort, was estimated by the American general at six hundred. The defeat of the British in their attempt on Baltimore, was highly honourable to General Smith, who planned and conducted the operations, and to the officers and men engaged in the defence. About the 1st of August, the powerful reinforcements which had been ordered from the armies in Spain, to Governor Prevost's aid, arrived at Quebec, and were immediately pushed up to Montreal. Large detachments passed on to Kingston and the Niagara frontiers. These demonstrations induced the order for General Izard to proceed to join General Brown with the main body. While the army were making this movement the only opportunities for their active service were lost. Their brethren at Plattsburg and Niagara were gather- ing laurels at the expense of much blood, while they were performing this circuitous march. Plattsburg was the principal military and naval depot for the army of the north and the flotilla on Lake Cham- plain, and at this period contained a large quantity of military and naval stores. The defence of this post, after the departure of Gene- ral Izard, devolved on General Macomb, with fifteen hundred regu- lars, and the neighbouring militia to be occasionally called on, as circumstances might render necessary. The force under General Prevost, at Montreal, within five days' march of Plattsburg, at the time General Izard left that post for the Niagara frontier, was fifteen thousand men, most of them veterans of the armies of Spain. This state of things did not escape the observation of the British general. Immediately after the departure of Izard, Prevost came out with his whole force from Montreal, and took the road to Plattsburg. On the 1st of September, he established his head-quarters at Champlain, within the United States, and fifteen miles distant from the Ameri- can lines. Here he issued a proclamation in the usual style of in- vading generals, promising peace and protection to the unoffending inhabitants who remained at home, directing the civil magistrates to continue in the discharge of their duties; and declaring that those only who were found in arms should be treated as enemies. His in- structions directed him to penetrate the United States by the way of Plattsburg; with the assistance of the fleet, which it was calcu- 334 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, lated by this time would have gained the command of the lake, pro- ceed to Ticonderoga, and from thence to Albany, or as far on the route as was compatible with the safety of his army. In pursuance of these instructions, he advanced with slow and cautious marches toward Plattsburg. General Macomb made every exertion to impede his progress, and prepare for the threatened attack. The militia of Washington, Warren, Clinton, and Essex counties, were ordered out en masse. The militia and volunteers from the counties in Vermont bordering on the lake came in great numbers. The bridges on the route which the British must take, were broken up, the road abatted, and every possible impediment thrown in the way of their passage. On the 6th of September, the British advance was met at Batemantown, six miles from Plattsburg by a corps of seven hundred militia under General Mooers. After some slight skirmishing, the militia discovered the New York State dragoons, a very handsome corps in red uniforms, reconnoitring on the heights in their rear ; supposing them to be British troops who were endeavouring to cut them off, they broke and fled in every direction; and, on the same day, the British advanced into Platts- burg; the right column led by Major-general Powers, supported by General Robinson, and the left by General Brisbane. The whole under command of Sir George Prevost. The American troops re- tired to the south side of the Saranac, took up the bridges, and made breastworks of them on the south bank, and guarded the fordways. The village of Plattsburg is pleasantly situated on the western shore of Lake Champlain, on the margin of a bay formed by the projection of Cumberland point into the lake. At the end of this point, is a high bluff, called Cumberland Head. The Saranac river comes in from the west, passes through the village, and empties into the bay. Several bridges were erected over this river near the village ; and three miles from its mouth the river was fordable. Scouting and reconnoitring parties were constantly kept out on the British flanks to harass their march and watch their motions. The American troops were posted in their works on the high grounds on the south bank of the Saranac. General Macomb employed his men constantly in strengthening these works ; in order to excite emula- tion among them, he parcelled out different parts of the works to different corps, assuring them that the defence of that particular portion of the works on which each corps laboured should be in- trusted to them. The American fleet, under Commodore McDonough, lay at anchor in Burlington Bay, on the right flank of the American lines, and two AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 335 miles distant. Great exertions had been made by both parties to produce a superior naval force on this lake; the Americans at Otter Creek, and the British at the Isle aux Noix. On comparing their relative strength on the 11th of September, the American fleet con- sisted of the Saratoga, flag-ship, mounting twenty-six guns ; Eagle, twenty guns ; Ticonderoga, seventeen guns ; Preble, seven guns ; six galleys, of two guns each, twelve guns; four of one, four guns; making in the whole, eighty-six guns ; and eight hundred and twenty men. The British fleet consisted of the frigate Confiance, flag-ship, mounting thirty-nine guns; Linnet, sixteen guns; Cherub, eleven guns ; Finch, eleven guns ; five galleys, of two guns each, ten guns ; eight, of one, eight guns, making in the whole ninety-five guns ; and one thousand and twenty men. The British land forces employed themselves from the 7th to the 11th in bringing up their heavy artillery, and strengthening their works on the north bank of the Saranac. Their fortified encamp- ment was on a ridge a little to the west of the town, their right near the river, and their left resting on the lake, one mile in the rear of the village. Having determined on a simultaneous attack by land and water, they lay in this position on the morning of the 11th waiting the approach of their fleet. At eight o'clock, the wished-for ships appeared under easy sail, moving round Cumberland Head, and were hailed with joyous acclamations. At nine, they anchored within three hundred yards of the American squadron in line of battle ; the Confiance opposed to the Saratoga, the Linnet to the Eagle ; thirteen British galleys to the Ticonderoga, Preble, and a division of the American galleys. The Cherub assisting the Confiance and Linnet, and the Finch aiding the galleys. In this position, the weather being perfectly clear and calm, and the bay smooth, the whole force on both sides became at once engaged. At an hour and a half after the commencement of the action, the starboard guns of the Saratoga were nearly all dismantled. The commandant ordered a stern anchor to be dropped, and the bower cable cut, by means of which the ship rounded to, and presented a fresh broadside to her enemy. The Confiance attempted the same operation and failed. This was attended with such powerful effects that she was obliged to surrender in a few minutes. The whole broadside of the Saratoffa was then brought to bear on the Linnet, and in fifteen minutes she followed the example of her flag-ship. One of the British sloops struck to the Eagle ; three galleys were sunk, and the rest made off"; no ship in the fleet being in a condition to follow them, they escaped down the lake. There was no mast standing in either S3(3 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, squadron, at the close of the action, to which a sail could be attached. The Saratoga received fifty-five round shot in her hull, and the Con- fiance one hundred and five. The action lasted without any cessation, on a smooth sea, at close quarters, two hours and twenty minutes. In the American squadron fifty-two were killed, and fifty-eight wounded. In the British, eighty-four were killed, and one hundred and ten wounded. Among the slain was the British commandant, Commodore Downie. This engagement was in full view of both armies, and of numerous spectators collected on the heights border- ing on the bay, to witness the scene. It was viewed by the inhabit- ants with trembling anxiety, as success on the part of the British would have opened to them an easy passage into the heart of the country, and exposed a numerous population on the borders of the lake to British ravages. When the flag of the Confiance was struck, the shores resounded with the acclamations of the American troops and citizens. The British, when they saw their fleet completely conquered, were dispirited and confounded. At the moment of the commencement of the naval action the British, from their works on shore, opened a heavy fire of shot, shells, and rockets, upon the American lines. This was continued with little interruption until sunset, and returned with spirit and efiect. At six o'clock the firing on the part of the British ceased, every battery having been silenced by the American artillery. At the commencement of the bombardment, and while the ships were engaged, three desperate efforts were made by the British to pass the Saranac for the purpose of carrying the American lines by assault. With this view, scaling ladders, fascines, and every im- plement necessary for the purpose, were prepared. One attempt was made to cross at the village bridge, one at the upper bridge, and one at the fordway, three miles above the works. At each point they were met at the bank by the American troops and repulsed. At the bridges the American regulars immediately drove them back. The ford was guarded by the volunteers and militia. Here a con- siderable body of British eff"ected a passage, and the militia retired into the neighbouring woods, where their operations would be more effectual. A whole company of the seventy-sixth regiment was here de- stroyed, three lieutenants, and twenty-seven men taken, and the captain and the rest of the company killed. The residue of the British were obliged to recross the river with precipitation and considerable loss. At dusk the British withdrew their cannon from the batteries ; at nine, sent off" all the artillery and baggage for which they could procure transports ; and at two the following morning, the whole AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 337 army precipitately retreated, leaving their sick and wounded behind. Great quantities of provisions, tents, intrenching tools, and amuni- tion were also left. Much was found concealed in the ponds and creeks, and buried in the ground. Their retreat was so sudden, rapid, and unexpected, that they arrived at Chazy, a distance of eight miles, before their departure was known to the American general. The light troops and militia were immediately ordered out in pursuit, but were unable to make many prisoners. Upward of three hundred deserters came in within two or three days after the action, who confirmed the account of Prevost's precipitate flight, and assisted in discovering the property they had concealed and left be- hind. The American loss on land, during the day, was thirty-seven killed, and eighty-two -wounded and missing. General Macomb's official report estimates the British loss in land and naval forces, since their leaving Montreal, in killed, wounded, prisoners, deserters, and missing, at twenty-five hundred. The naval operations of 1814 were, in every respect, honourable to the skill and gallantry of the Americans, although they met with considerable losses. On the 10th of April, the sloop-of-war Peacock sailed from St. Mary's on a cruise in the Gulf of Mexico ; and, on the 29th, fell in with and captured the British brig Epervier, after an action of forty-five minutes. The vessels were of equal force, each mounting eighteen guns. The Epervier had eight men killed and fifteen wounded; she had on board 120,000 dollars in specie to reward the valour of her captors. None were killed on board the Peacock, and but two wounded. She and her prize arrived safe at Savannah on the 4th of May. After a short stay in port, the Peacock proceeded to a second cruise. This was directed to the Irish Channel, and on the coast of Scotland, to intercept and break up the intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland. On this ground she captured and destroyed fourteen vessels with their cargoes, estimated at seven hundred thousand dollars. After a cruise of five months, she made the harbour of New York on the 20th of October. The effects of this cruise, aided by the enterprise of the American privateers in the Irish Channel, were such, that the insurance on the coasting trade was raised from one to thirteen per cent. On the 10th of April, the sloop-of-war Wasp, Captain Blakely, sailed from Portsmouth, New Hampshire, on a cruise to the English Channel. On the 28th of June, she fell in with the British sloop-of- war Reindeer ; an action commenced at twenty minutes after three, at close quarters ; the Reindeer twice attempted to board, but was 22 803 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, repulsed. At forty minutes past three, orders were given to board the Reindeer, which were promptly executed, and all resistance ceased. The British loss was twenty-three killed, including their commander, Captain Manners, and forty-two wounded ; the-Ame- ricans, five killed and twenty-one wounded. The Reindeer mounted eighteen guns, the Wasp twenty-two. After taking out the prisoners, their baggage, and such stores as would be received on board the Wasp, the Reindeer was blown up. Captain Blakely then put into L'Orient, for the purpose of repairing his ship, and obtaining sup- plies. Between the 1st of May and the 6th of July, he took and destroyed eight sail. On the 1st of September, he fell in with the British brig Avon ; an action commenced at half-past nine in the evening, and at twelve minutes past ten the Avon surrendered. Before Captain Blakely had taken possession, another sail appeared close on board, when orders were given for immediate action. At this moment two more sail appeared standing for the Wasp, one on the lee quarter, and one astern. Orders were then given to make sail from the enemy, and the Wasp effected her escape. After leav- ing L'Orient, Captain Blakely made six prizes ; five of which he sunk, and sent one into port. From that time the Wasp has never been heard of; she doubtless foundered at sea, and her brave crew perished. On the 26th of September, the American privateer brig General Armstrong, Captain Reid, came to anchor in the port of Fayal, one of the Azores, a Portuguese island in the Atlantic. The same day, the Plantagenet seventy- four, and the Rota and Carnation, British ships of war, suddenly appeared in the Roads. At dark, Captain Reid warped his ship in under the guns of the fort for protection ; at eight o'clock he observed four boats from the ships filled with armed men approaching him ; after warning them to keep oif, he fired into the boats, killed seven men, and compelled them to return. At midnight twelve large boats armed with swivels, carronades, and muskets, attacked the brig, and after a severe action of forty minutes, the contest ended in a total defeat of the party, a partial destruction of the boats, and a severe loss of men. Among the killed were the first lieutenant of the Plantagenet, the commandant of the party, and two lieutenants and one midshipman of the Rota. It was esti- mated by the spectators on shore, that the boats contained four hun- dred men, and that more than half of them were killed or wounded. Several boats were destroyed, two remained alongside of the Arm- Btrong, loaded with their dead and dying ; only seventeen from these two boats reached the shore. The British acknowledged a loss of AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 339 one hundred and twenty killed. The sloops Thais and Calypso were loaded with the wounded and sent to England. Immediately after the first attack, Mr. Dohney, the American consul, applied to the go- vernor of Fayal, to enforce the privileges of a neutral port in favour of the American ship. The governor expressed his indignation at what had passed, but was unable with his means to resist such a force. His remonstrances to the British commander were answered by an insulting refusal. On the morning of the 27th, one of the ships took a station near the shore, and commenced a heavy cannonade on the brig. Captain Reid, finding further resistance unavailing, partially destroyed the brig, and went on shore with his crew ; the British then set her on fire. In this attack, not only the privileges of neu- trality, but the safety of the town was wholly disregarded. Several of the inhabitants were dangerously wounded, and a number of houses destroyed. On the 14th of January, Commodore Decatur, in the frigate Presi- dent, attempted to get out of the harbour of New York. Owing to some mistake, his ship grounded, and continued beating in that situation for two hours. She sustained so much injury that the commodore would have put back for repairs, but a strong westerly wind prevented. At ten o'clock in the evening, she cleared the bar, and proceeded a distance of fifty miles along the south shore of Long Island, and then bore away for the Brazils. At five o'clock in the morning of the 15th, three ships were discovered ahead ; the commodore immediately hauled his wind, and passed to the north of them. At daylight four ships were discovered in chase, one on each quarter, and two astern ; the leading ship appeared to be a razee. At noon the wind became light and bafiiing ; the razee fell astern, but the next ship in pursuit had gained considerably on the President. Commodore Decatur then lightened the ship of every thing not necessary for immediate defence, kept his canvas constantly wet, and crowded every sail to escape. At three in the afternoon, the Endymion fifty-gun ship, being favoured by a good breeze, came within shot, and commenced firing her bow guns. At five she ob- tained a position at half point-blank shot on the President's starboard quarter. In this situation the Endymion was cutting up the Pre- sident's sails and rigging without exposing herself to any injury. The commodore then shifted his course to the south for the purpose of bringing the Endymion abeam. The ships continued a southerly course, and closely engaged for two hours and a half, when the EnMts, AND SKETCHES OF THEIR ADMINISTRATIONS. TOGETHER WITH §i09rii|yts ai % iit^|r£siknts an^ patbm ai Hit €M\\dL ANDREW JACKSON. No man occupies a more conspicuous place in the annals of the great American republic than General Andrew Jackson. He stamped an impression upon the civil and military affairs of the country, which, whether good or evil, cannot be effaced. He was born on the 15th of March, 1767, at the Waxhaw settlement, in South Carolina. His parents were natives of the North of Ireland, who had emigrated to America two years previous to the birth of the subject of this memoir. At an early age, Andrew lost his father, and the task of bringing him up devolved upon his mother, a woman of energy and intelligence. Intending him, it is said, to become a clergyman, she resolved, though restricted in her pecuniary circum- stances, to give him a liberal education. For this purpose, she placed him at an academy, where he continued until his studies were interrupted by the advance of the British troops into the neighbour- hood, during the Revolutionary war. Young as he was, (scarcely fourteen years of age,) in company with an elder brother he joined the American army. Before long they were made prisoners by a party of British dragoons, by whom they were badly treated. The character of the conqueror Caesar was seen in his youthful defiance of Sylla and of the pirates. The character of Jackson was no less nobly displayed in his captivity. He was directed to clean the boots of one of the British officers ; but, fearless of consequences, he refused. Enraged, the officer struck him a blow on the head with his sword, the mark of which young Jackson carried with him to his grave, as a continual memento of British tyranny. His brother Robert was so badly treated that he died from his injuries, soon after they were both exchanged. *^ Ate 416 '^