IHHHBT ifflliKfP HSHilllli _itfufnl Hffll Bi IHHH II • ! ' ■ :>• Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from The Library of Congress http://www.archive.org/details/cubaherpeopleoftOOforb CUBA AND HEK PEOPLE OF TO-DAY Uniform with This Volome Panama'and the Canal • * . $3.00 By Forbes Lindsay Cuba and Her People of To-day * . 3.00 By Forbes Lindsay Brazil and Her People of To-day . . 3.00 By Nevin O. Winter Guatemala and Her People of To-day . 3.00 By Nevin O. Winter Mexico and Her People of To-day . 3.00 By Nevin O. Winter Argentina and Her People of To-day . 3.00 By Nevin O. Winter Bohemia and the Cechs . . . . 3.00 By Will S. Monroe In Viking Land. Norway : Its Peoples, Its Fjords and Its Fjelds . . . 3.00 By Will S. Monroe Turkey and the Turks ♦ . . 3.00 By Will S. Monroe Sicily, the Garden of the Mediterranean . 3.00 By Will S. Monroe In Wildest Africa 3.00 By Peter MacQueen L. C. PAGE & COMPANY 53 Beacon Street, Boston, Mass. A CTJBAJf COURTSHIP. (See parte 92.) m m m CUBA AND HER PEOPLE OF TO-DAY AN ACCOUNT OF THE HISTORY AND PROGRESS OF THE ISLAND PREVIOUS TO ITS INDEPENDENCE; A DE- SCRIPTION OF ITS PHYSICAL FEATURES: A STUDY OF ITS PEOPLE; AND, IN PAR- TICULAR, AN EXAMINATION OF ITS PRES- ENT POLITICAL CONDITIONS, ITS INDUS- TRIES, NATURAL RESOURCES, AND PROS- PECTS; TOGETHER WITH INFORMATION AND SUGGESTIONS DESIGNED TO AID THE PROSPECTIVE INVESTOR OR SETTLER JU*- gj .^ . 7 W^-^t: cxa^hby | k FORBES LINDSAY sj 3j Author of " Panama and the Canal," etc. ILLUSTRATED FROM ORIGINAL AND SELECTED PHOTOGRAPHS BY THE AUTHOR >M BOSTON §«* 5» L. C. PAGE AND COMPANY £•» MDCCCCXI Ft 7 Li ■F Copyright, 1911 By L. C. Page & Company (INCOBPOBATED) All rights reserved First Impression, November, 1911 //- 30055 ElectrotypedandPrintedby THE COLONIAL PRESS C. H. Simonds & Co., Boston, U.S.A. ©CLA30O695 -^ Ibenrg dR, fflagler, Esquire, WHOSE INDOMITABLE ENERGY AND SPLENDID ENTERPRISE WILL SHORTLY BRING CUBA INTO RAILROAD COMMUNICATION WITH THE UNITED STATES, THIS VOLUME IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED, AS A SLIGHT TOKEN OF THE ADMIRATION OF THE AUTHOR. PREFACE So many volumes have been devoted to ac- counts of the history and descriptions of the physical features of Cuba, that an adequate excuse could hardly be found for an addition to them. On the other hand, the more impor- tant considerations of the Island's natural re- sources, industrial development and present condition of its people, have had but scanty attention at the hands of writers. During the past decade there has been a great increase in American emigration to Cuba and in the investment of American money there, with the result that the interest of our people in the country, which was formerly of an abstract character, has become practical and specific. There exists in the United States a wide-spread desire for information regard- ing the progress, prospects and present-day conditions of Cuba, which it has been my chief design to supply. Vlll Preface In the following pages the history and geog- raphy of the country have been sketched with special reference to their essential influence upon its development. Aside from this neces- sary introduction to an understanding of Cuban affairs, I have given my attention mainly to the established and prospective in- dustries of the Island and to the fields offered by them to American capital and American settlers. Foebes Lindsay. Santiago de Cuba, August, 1911. CONTENTS ♦ CHAPTER PAGE Preface . . . vii I. The Island of Cuba ...... 1 II. The History of Cuba 22 III. The History of Cuba (Continued) ... 43 IV. Cuba in Transition 63 V. The People of the Country 83 VI. The People of the Country (Continued) . . 102 VII. The Condition of Cuba 120 VIII. The Future of Cuba 147 IX. Cuba's Sugar Industry 166 X. Cuba's Tobacco Industry 185 XI. Cuba's Mineral Resources 200 XII. Latent Agricultural Wealth .... 216 XIII. Future Farming in Cuba 231 XIV. The Capital of Cuba . . . . . . 249 XV. The Provinces of Cuba 263 Appendices • . 279 Index 325 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE A Cuban Courtship (See page 92) . . Frontispiece Map of Cuba 1 River Scene, Isle of Pikes 2 The Famous Palms of Camaguey 7 '• A Street in Santiago de Cuba . . . .10 " Over thirty species of palm are found in the Island" 12 President's Palace, Habana 18 Bayamo 28 The Prado, Habana 36 The Water - front, Habana 46 ^ Mountain Road in the Province of Oriente . . 52 View of Baire, near Bayamo, from the Cuban Trenches . . .66 Street Scene, Santiago de Cuba 75 Morro Castle from Central Park, Habana . . .83 Country Homes of Wealthy Cubans . . . . 89 *-' " Her world is contained in the town of which she is resident " 96 Young Cane - field, with Banana Grove in the Dis- tance 100 A Narrow Street, Habana 109 ' A Cuban Milkman 114 Sugar - cane ready for Cutting 122 *" An Ideal Road for the Motorist 124 An Avenue of Palms 128 v xi xii List of Illustrations PAGE Street Scene, Habana 143 A Guajiro's Shack 150 *\ General View of Jiguani 158 Harvesting the Cane . 166 Central Providencia 170 Transferring Cane and Automatically Weighing It 176 Grinding Sugar - cane 183 Well - developed Tobacco Plants 186 Hundreds of Acres of Tobacco under Cover . . . 194 ' A Tobacco Field after Harvesting 198 Santiago de Cuba 208 A Street in Jiguani 214 ^ Gathering Cocoanuts 224 Pineapple Field '. . 226 Breadfruit 229 Hemp Field above Matanzas 230 Orange Tree . . 234 v " A sugar plantation of fifteen hundred acres will need about three hundred oxen " . . . 237 Hotel Camaguey 240 A Road in the Province of Oriente .... 246 Map of the City of Habana 249 La Fuerza, Habana 250 Obispo Street, Habana 255 ' The Cathedral, Habana 259 Fort San Severino, Matanzas 268 Parlor, Hotel Camaguey 271 Manzanillo 273 The Docks and Warehouses of Antilla . . . 275 .. X5 BAHAMA ISLANDS v^ F f MEXICO KCTwfcsf t T $ S T R * l ELBOW KEY BANK O ^AMCUIUISUMOI PflMJKEY ^ A T L A N ■ iC oi-* s CHANNEL v C C^ S *^— ft „ » 6 *. 3* " j^~ s / ^ iV \"| HMJfc/Y* •""«"«■ P3AMBIWOH00 r\^ O '«*' <7 I *4-^ r '(KABif.,,,, fWNIABON pcamwsf USCMJO 1 1 • 1 1 ■. : • QUEMADO .SMTA CEBTRubl JUNCO 1, ( «* ■•^ C .4 /? £■ ^ TV 5 £ y| >J p •UNA ^AlTD CZDRO , ymtfr ^w *i .1*4. °°e. c 0a. Fold-out Placeholde This fold-out is being digitized, and will be future date. CUBA AND HER PEOPLE OF TO-DAY CHAPTER I THE ISLAND OP CUBA If a line were drawn directly south from Pittsburg it would almost pass through the middle of Cuba. The Island, which is the larg- est of the Antillean group, lies about fifty miles distant from Santo Domingo and somewhat more than eighty miles from Jamaica. Its western end nuzzles into the opening between the peninsulas of Florida and Yucatan, Key West being ninety miles from, and the nearest point of Campeche within one hundred and thirty miles of Cape San Antonio. This situa- tion gives to Cuba a commanding position in relation to the Gulf of Mexico, the only pas- sages to that body of water lying on either side of the Island. The strategic advantage of the location is highly important, but of less consid- 1 2 Cuba and Her People of To-day eration than the commercial advantage. Cuba lies directly in the line of the trade routes con- verging upon the Tehuantepec Eailroad and the Panama Canal. The Island is a narrow strip of land, little more than one hundred miles across in its broadest portion and only about twenty miles at its narrowest. From Cape Maisi to Cape San Antonio the length of the outer coast line is seven hundred and thirty miles. In the ab- sence of a precise survey, figures are uncertain, and estimates vary, but it is probable that the territory of the Republic, which includes the Isle of Pines and a number of outlying cayos, is somewhat less than forty-five thousand square miles in extent ; an area slightly greater than that of the State of Pennsylvania. The upper side of the Island forms a broad converse curve, with a northerly trend. It is broken by few marked irregularities. The southern coast takes a corresponding curve and in general parallels the other shore. It differs, however, in having several pronounced inden- tations, the largest of which are the Golfo de Buena Esperanza and the Golfo de la Broa. Along this periphery are found four or five of those peculiar pouch-like harbors which, to- The Island of Cuba gether with numerous coral reefs and islands of varying dimensions that fringe the shore line, are the most notable features of the Cuban coast. These cayos, or keys, fall into four dis- tinct groups and number about one thousand three hundred. The principal line of these low lying islands extends from the Ensenado de Cardenas to the vicinity of Nuevitas, and in- cludes Cayo Romano, seventy-four miles in length. The second line runs from Bahia Honda to Cape San Antonio. The third, which is the most numerous, forms a scattered group between the Isle of Pines and the mainland. The fourth, known as Cayos de las Doce Le- guas, lies off the coast of Camaguey. The Isle of Pines is distant sixty miles from Batabano, which is the point of communication with the mainland. Its area is about twelve hundred square miles. The northern shores of Cuba are generally characterized by rocky bluffs, which frequently rise to a height of sev- eral hundred feet. The littoral of the western bend is low, and this feature prevails along the south to Cape Cruz, with the exception of a rugged stretch of about fifty miles to the east of Cienfuegos. Save for this strip, the shore from Cape San Antonio to the mouth of the 4 Cuba and Her People of To-day Cauto is lined with marsh of varying depth. The protuberant piece of land between the bight of the Broa and Bahia de Gochinos is entirely occupied by the great Zapata swamp, which has an area of more than two hundred square miles. It is an almost impenetrable tropical jungle of the densest vegetation, teem- ing with animal life. This wilderness has often afforded a safe refuge to defeated and harassed bands of insurrectos. Along the eastern butt of the island the coast is mountainous. Topographically, the territory of Cuba com- prises five distinct divisions, three of them dis- tinctly mountainous, and two in which the sur- face is low, or of moderate relief. The eastern- most of these divisions coincides closely to the boundaries of the Province of Oriente and is for the greater part mountainous. The second, corresponding approximately with the Prov- ince of Camaguey, is made up of plains or open rolling country, relieved by occasional hills. The third division includes the mountainous and hilly sections of Santa Clara. The fourth consists of a long stretch of flat or undulating country, accentuated here and there by eleva- tions of several hundred feet; it includes the western portion of Santa Clara Province and The Island of Cuba the whole of the Provinces of Matanzas and Habana, as well as about one-fourth of the Province of Pinar del Eio at its eastern end. The fifth division takes in the greater part of the last-named Province, and is characterized by a well defined mountain range, with numer- ous detached hills and mesas. A clearer con- ception of the surface conformation of Cuba may be gained by a more detailed survey of its mountains and plains, without regard to the natural topographic divisions described. The Province of Oriente contains a greater mountainous area than is to be found in all the rest of the Island. The system consists of sev- eral groups having diverse constructures, but more or less closely connected with one another. Here many peaks exceed five thousand feet and one, Pico Turquino, rises to an altitude of over eight thousand feet. The principal range is the Sierra Maestra, extending from Cape Cruz to Guantanamo Bay. Along its western end, this chain rises abruptly out of the seas, but as it approaches Santiago, recedes somewhat from the shore, leaving a narrow coastal plain. East of Guantanamo there is a range, much less un- broken and uniform than the Sierra Madre, which continues to Cape Maisi and thence along 6 Cuba and Her People of To-day the north coast until it meets the rugged Cu- chillas at Baraeoa. Extending westward from this mountain mass are strings of high plateaus and mesas, forming the northern wall of the great amphitheatre which drains into Guanta- namo Bay. In this northern section the most prominent feature of the system is the range comprising the Sierras Cristal and Nipe, whose general trend is east and west. To the south is a country having the character of a deeply dissected plateau. The broad, flat topped sum- mits of so many elevations in the eastern part of Cuba lead to the belief that all the mountains in this section have been carved from a huge lofty plateau. Considered as a whole, there- fore, the mountains of Oriente form two mar- ginal ranges which merge at the east end of the Province and diverge toward the west. Be- tween these divergent ranges lies the broad, undulating expanse famous as the valley of the Cauto, which widens as it stretches westward and ultimately merges with the more extensive plains of Camaguey. The central mountainous region of Cuba is situated in the Province of Santa Clara. This system consists of four groups having a gen- eral direction toward north and south and at THE FAMOUS PALMS OF CAMAGUEY. The Island of Cuba points reaching both coasts. In the area be- tween Cienfuegos, Trinidad and Sancti Spiri- tus is an extensive cluster of rounded hills, dominated by Potrerillo, nearly three thousand feet high, and interspersed with the most beau- tiful and fertile valleys. The Cordillera de los Organos, or Organ Mountains, run almost along the middle line of the Province of Pinar del Eio, paralleling the northern coast. The range commences about twenty miles to the west of the boundary of Habana Province and extends to the estuary of the Colorado, thus traversing three-fourths of Pinar del Rio. The greater part of the Province of Cama- guey is free from hills. The principal eleva- tions are found in the north-eastern portion, where the Sierra de Cubitas is situated. Aside from the mountains and hills de- scribed, the general surface of Cuba is a low, gently undulating plain. The elevations of some of the principal interior cities are as fol- lows: Pinar del Rio, one hundred and three feet above sea level; Cuevitas, ninety-eight feet ; Camaguey, three hundred and twenty- four feet; Santa Clara, three hundred and forty feet. 8 Cuba and Her People of To-day Except in the southeast corner of Oriente, the streams of Cuba all follow a normal course to the coast. Owing to the shape of the Island, therefore, none of them has any considerable length or volume, nor are any navigable with the exception of the Cauto, which permits of the passage of light draft boats to a distance of fifty miles from its mouth. Cuba is noted for its spacious land-locked harbors. Their extraordinary lake-like forma- tion has been the subject of many more or less fanciful explanations. The following state- ment of Dr. C. W. Hayes, of the U. S. Geolog- ical Survey, seems to fully account for the phenomenon : " The depressions occupied by the water forming these harbors appear to be due to ero- sion by streams flowing into the sea during a recent geologic period when the land stood somewhat higher than now. In other words, drowned drainage basins. Their peculiar shape, a narrow seaward channel and a broad landward expansion, is due to the relation of hard and soft rocks which generally prevail along the coast. Wherever the conditions are favorable for the growth of corals, a fringing reef is built upon whatever rocks happen to be The Island of Cuba 9 at sea level, and as the land rises or sinks this rock reef forms a veneer of varying thickness upon the seaward land surface. The rocks on which this veneer rests are generally lime- stones and marls, much softer and more easily eroded than coral rock. Hence several small streams, instead of each flowing directly to the sea by its own channel, are diverted to a single narrow channel through the hard coral rock, while they excavate a basin of greater or less extent in the softer rocks back from the coast. " The fact that the land has recently stood at a sufficiently higher level to enable the streams to excavate such basins is proven by the sandfilled channel in the Habana harbor entrance and by borings made near the mouth of the Rio San Juan at Santiago, showing that the present rock floor lies below the level of the sea. Doubtless similar filled channels would be discovered in the other harbors of this class if they were properly sounded. "It is interesting to note that along the Cuban coast precisely similar basins are now being excavated which would form pouch- shaped harbors if the land should be slightly depressed. Several such basins were observed eastward from Santiago. If the coast at Ma- io Cuba and Her People of To-day tanzas were to sink thirty feet or more, a por- tion of the Yumuri valley would be flooded, forming a broad basin connected with the sea by a narrow entrance, the present Yumuri Gorge. ' ' The chief harbors of the type in question are those of Habana, Cienfuegos, and Santiago de Cuba. Other important harbors, more or less of the same formation, are Bahia Honda, Nue- vitas, Gibara, Nipe Bay and Baracoa. Matan- zas and Cardenas are exceptions. By far the greater number of good harbors are on the north coast. On the south, aside from those which have already been mentioned, Guanta- namo Bay is the only one of consequence. Other harbors on this side of the Island, such as Manzanillo and Batabano are merely open roadsteads, generally lacking in depth, and se- curing more or less shelter from outlying keys and reefs. Cuba was reclaimed from the sea by a great mountain-making movement in late tertiary time. During the Pliocene and Pleistocene epochs the Island underwent a series of sub- sidences and elevations which affected the coastal borders, and the margin of elevated rock-reef which borders the coast in parts, as A STREET IN SANTIAGO DE CUBA. The Island of Cuba n in the vicinities of Habana and Baracoa. So far as its geologic history is known, the Island was never connected with the American main- land, although the contrary assertion has fre- quently been made. No thorough geological survey of Cuba has ever been made, but there is every evidence of its containing rich deposits of minerals, inclu- ding gold, silver, copper, iron, manganese, and asphalt. Traces of minerals are found exten- sively throughout the Island. Oriente Province is the first in mineral wealth, followed by Cama- guey. In Santa Clara, indications of copper are seen on every hand. The ore is commonly turned up by the plow upon the hillsides. As- phalt is found in widely scattered localities all over the Island. The northern coast of the Province of Matanzas appears to be entirely underlaid with it, and the Bay of Cardenas is bottomed by a deposit which used to be worked by vessels anchored over it. The Cuban as- phalt is of a high grade, a considerable propor- tion of it containing as much as seventy per cent, bitumen. Grahamite, a mineral of the same species as asphalt, but classed as pure bitumen, is found in Habana Province and other parts of the Island. The only mineral 12 Cu ba and Her People of To-day resource that is at all adequately exploited is iron. The mines of Oriente, which are famous, will be referred to more extensively in a later portion of the book. Vegetation is superlatively abundant in Cuba. The flora includes three thousand three hundred and fifty native plants, not to mention the considerable number that have been natu- ralized. The trees embrace a variety of hard- woods. Over thirty species of palm are found in the Island, and the pine of the temperate zone grows in proximity to the mahogany of the tropics. The forest has been recklessly ex- ploited or destroyed, but it is estimated that thirteen million acres of it remain. Practically all the fruits and vegetables of the tropics flourish in the Island and many of those characteristic of the temperate regions. Various kinds of fodder grasses grow through- out the valley lands. The only distinctive animal of Cuba is the jutia, a black animal having the appearance of a large rat. It grows to a length of eighteen inches, including the tail. The country people eat this creature, as they do all other animals and reptiles that come in their way. Deer and rabbits are abundant wherever The Island of Cuba 13 cover exists. Swine, dogs and cats have be- come wild and are numerous in that condition. There is a variety of game birds, some migra- tory, bnt most permanent denizens of the Island. The principal kinds are wild fowl of different species, pheasants, quail, snipe, tur- key, perdis, tijasas, rabiches, and quanaros. The native birds include many of the most beautiful plumage, but songsters are rare among them. In swampy localities crocodiles and alliga- tors are found. Diminutive silurians, such as chameleons and small lizards, swarm every- where, and occasionally iguanas and the larger lizards are seen. It is frequently claimed that no poisonous reptiles or insects exist in Cuba, but this statement admits of some qualifica- tions. There is no doubt that certain scorpions and spiders, as well probably as a few other insects, are venomous. The snakes, of which there are but few varieties, appear to be harm- less to mankind. One of these, the maja, which grows to about twelve feet, is almost tame and frequents small villages and farmhouses, its favorite dwelling place being the palm-thatch roofs of abandoned buildings. The climate of Cuba is chiefly characterized by great humidity, u Cuba and Her People of To-day abundant rainfall, and comparative uniformity of temperature. The range between the mean of the hottest month and that of the coolest is from 82 degrees to 71 degrees Fahrenheit. While this statement applies precisely to Habana it is approximately true of other parts of the Island. It is a little warmer along the south coast than upon the north, which is swept by the trade winds throughout the year. The mean humidity is 75 degrees and is nearly uni- form throughout the year. This makes the cli- mate enervating, especially to foreigners. There is no great difference between the " summer " and the " winter " seasons, but during the latter, which embraces the six months following the first of November, the weather is delightful and the heat seldom op- pressive. The mean annual rainfall upon the northern coast is fifty-two inches. Inland and through the southern portion of the Island it is somewhat less. About two-thirds of the pre- cipitation occurs between May and October. During this season intermittent showers fall from about ten o 'clock until sunset. The nights are usually cool and clear at all times of the year. In strict meteorological sense Cuba is not The Island of Cuba 15 within the hurricane zone, which lies somewhat to the east of it. Nevertheless, the Island has been not infrequently visited by such storms and some of them have occasioned great dam- age. The worst visitation of this sort happened in 1846, when more than one-fourth of the city of Habana was destroyed and upwards of one thousand persons killed or severely injured. Although in a region subject to severe earth- quakes, and itself not infrequently visited by shocks of alarming violence, the Island has never been seriously damaged by seismic dis- turbances. In winter, when the trades take a southerly sweep, ' ' northers, ' ' bred in the great storms of the United States, are apt to strike the Island, sometimes lowering the temperature suddenly to 50 degrees, or thereabouts. The result is keen, if brief, suffering, for the people make little provision in their clothing or sur- roundings for such low temperature. Immense improvement has been made in the health of the cities since the beginning of the American occupation. Yellow fever, at one time endemic, has been eradicated and can never occur again, except in the form of a sporadic outbreak due to importation of the virus. Malaria has been measurably reduced, 16 Cuba and Her People of To-day but much more might be done toward stamping it out, or minimizing it. The mortality in Habana is 18.80 per thou- sand, and that of the Island in general, 12.69. The former is considerably lower than the prevalent rates of the large cities of the United States. Of all the countries of the world, Aus- tralia is the only one whose death rate (12.60) is lower than that of Cuba. It may be of inter- est to add the figures of some of the other lead- ing nations; Uruguay 13.40; United States 15.00; Belgium 15.20; Norway and Sweden 15.85; Denmark 16.40; England 17.70; Ger- many 17.80; Switzerland 18.20; France 20.60; Austria 24.40; Japan 28.80; Italy 29.20; Spain 29.70. The population of Cuba is a trifle in excess of two millions, giving about forty-five inhabit- ants to the square mile, a density much greater than that enjoyed by any other Latin- American country. Even though the population should remain chiefly agrarian, as at present, the ex- tent and resources of the country are ample to support three times the existing number of in- habitants in comfort and prosperity. If manu- facturing centres of magnitude should grow up in response to conditions favorable to their The Island of Cuba 17 development, Cuba will easily afford homes and occupation to ten millions of people. Seventy per cent, of the population live in the country or in centres of fewer than eight thousand inhabitants. The sexes are almost equally divided and, according to the census, the colored race represents no more than one- third of the whole. The national government of the Eepublic of Cuba is patterned on that of the United States, as is the case in most coun- tries of Latin- America. It is divided into three coordinate branches, the legislative, the execu- tive and judicial. The legislative power is vested in the Congress, consisting of two branches, the House of Representatives and the Senate. The former consists of sixty-four members — one for every twenty-five thousand inhabitants, or fractions thereof — who are elected for four years. The latter is composed of four senators from each province, elected for a period of four years by a board of electors, chosen by popular vote. The Congress has two regular sessions annually, one convening on the first Monday of April and the other on the first Monday of November. The executive power is vested in the Presi- dent, who is elected by electors and may not 18 Cuba and Her People of To-day- serve more than two consecutive terms. The Chief Executive is assisted by a cabinet, con- sisting of six members, who are known as the secretaries of the following departments: State; Justice; Public Instruction; Agricul- ture; Industry and Commerce; and Public Works. These positions are subject to appoint- ment by the President. There is also a Vice- President elected in the same manner and for a like period as the President. The judicial power is exercised by a supreme court; six superior courts, one for each prov- ince ; seven courts of the first instance, devoted to civil cases; six courts of instruction, pre- sided over by criminal judges; twenty-six judges of the first instance and instruction; who have a combined jurisdiction; six correc- tional courts, in which minor civil suits and misdemeanors are tried. There is in each province a governor and a provisional council, elected by direct suffrage. The provinces are divided into municipal districts, each presided over by a mayor, assisted by a council. The commercial code in force is that of Spain, with some modifications that were ef- fected by the provisional government during the intervention of the United States. The The Island of Cuba 19 laws concerning contracts, debts, and other matters of general business, are full and ex- plicit, and give all necessary protection to for- eigners dealing with natives of the country. Those relating to land, titles, and taxes, will be more fully noticed elsewhere in this volume. The regular army of Cuba, known as the " Ejercito Permanente," consists of three thousand two hundred enlisted men and one hundred and seventy-two commissioned officers. This force comprises infantry, coast artillery, field artillery, and a machine gun corps. Its general headquarters is at Camp Columbia, near Habana. The maintenance of law and order in the country districts, and safety on the public high- ways, is entrusted to an exceptionally fine body of mounted police, called the " Eural Guard," numbering five thousand two hundred and ninety-five men and officers. These men con- stantly patrol their respective districts and render excellent service. The so-called Cuban " Navy " consists of a few vessels of revenue cutter type. It must be many years before the Eepublic can afford even the smallest fleet of war-ships. Without such protection it is difficult to see the value of 20 Cuba and Her People of To-day her army, unless it be in the suppression of revolution and, perhaps, the repression of pop- ular will. The mail system of the Island is fairly good, the distribution being effected by railroad, coastwise steamers, automobiles and, in remote districts, by horses. In Habana, motor cars are employed in making collections. Deliveries are made by carriers in the same manner as in the cities of the United States. Cuba has postal conventions with the United States, Mexico, the Panama Canal Zone, Hawaii, and the Phil- ippines. . The letter rate between Cuba and any one of these countries is two cents and package postage the same as in the States. The Eepub- lic has parcel-post treaties with France and Germany only, but it extends to the United States the privileges enjoyed by those countries under their formal agreements. The Government maintains and operates the telegraph system, which extends throughout its territory. The rates are twenty cents for all messages of ten words or less which trav- erse no more than three provinces, and two cents for each additional word, the address and signature being charged for. If four provinces are touched in the transmission, the rate is The Island of Cuba 21 thirty cents, and three cents for each additional word; if five provinces, it is forty cents, and fonr cents for excess words; and if the tele- gram is sent from one end of the Island to the other, or enters the limits of the six provinces, the rate is fifty cents, and five cents for each additional word. CHAPTER II THE HISTOEY OF CUBA Strangely enough, in view of the number of books that have been written about Cuba, there is no adequate history of the Island in the Eng- lish language — none that may be justly deemed comprehensive and trustworthy. Many important events in the life of the country have never been properly recorded and much that is of great interest still reposes undisturbed in scattered documents. A candid account could hardly be expected of a Spaniard or a Cuban, but it might be supposed that an American would treat the subject with impartial fairness. None however has done so, thus far. A recent effort by a prominent educator is typical of the books on Cuba which are designed for the use of students in our schools and elsewhere. By the author in question the Spaniards are un- stintingly condemned and the Americans un- qualifiedly praised. The Cubans are portrayed as heroic embodiments of all the virtues. Our 22 c" The History of Cuba 23 successes in the Spanish American War are described as brilliant victories. In short, the most distorted impression of the facts is con- veyed. This condition is regrettable because a true understanding of any people and their country must be based upon intelligent knowledge of their history, and this is peculiarly so in the case of Cuba and the Cubans. Even though he had the ability to remedy the defect, the limits and design of the present volume would preclude the writer from making the attempt in its pages. The brief historical sketch given here, must be made entirely sec- ondary to the main purpose of presenting a picture of the Island and its inhabitants as they are to-day, and of taking a survey of the eco- nomic conditions affecting them. The follow- ing account is restricted mainly to such phases of the country's history as have had permanent influence on the character, customs and welfare of the people. Upon discovering the Island of Cuba, Colum- bus named it Juana, in honor of Prince Juan, the son of Ferdinand and Isabella. On the death of Ferdinand, Velasquez substituted the name Ferdinandina. The Island was subse- 24 Cuba and Her People of To-day quently called Santiago, after the patron saint of Spain, and still later, Ave Maria. Through all these changes of official style the natives re- tained the name Cuba, by which their country had been known before the advent of white men, and the Indian appellation was soon adopted by the aliens. The Indians whom Columbus found upon the Island were of gentle disposition and peaceful by inclination and practice. The nine divisions of the country were governed without friction by as many caciques, independent of one an- other and equal in rank. The people rendered them unquestioned obedience and were accus- tomed to an autocratic rule. Hospitality was an universal trait and the invaders were made free of the land without the slightest opposi- tion. Furthermore, these Indians accepted baptism and the doctrines of Christianity more readily than any others with whom the Span- iards came into contact. But for one condition, the factors were pres- ent for the peaceful subjugation and govern- ment of the aborigines. The obstructive ele- ment was found in the constitutional aversion of the natives to physical exertion in any un- necessary degree. Their soil responded gen- The History of Cuba 25 erously to the slightest appeal in the form of casual cultivation, and the materials for their scanty clothing might be gathered without trouble. They had never experienced any need to work and their climate was conducive to careless indolence. No doubt their habit of life had produced weakness and lack of stamina. Thus disinclination grew into disability. Flac- cid muscles and unused limbs caused appar- ently strong and robust men to faint and fall under tasks which we would consider an ordi- nary day's labor. The Spanish adventurers, who found the na- tives in possession of nuggets of gold and rude ornaments fashioned from the precious metal, set them the onerous task of mining. They perceived the aversion of the Indians to labor, but could not comprehend their inability. El execrable sed d'ore prompted them to the commission of pitiless barbarities in the effort to force the slaves to increased exer- tion. Under this treatment the natives died in great numbers. A few feeble attempts at armed resistance hastened the end. In an in- credibly short time, if we are to accept the most reliable estimates of the number of the aborig- 26 Cuba and Her People of To-day inal population, the male Indians were com- pletely exterminated. It is impossible to say with any degree of precision how many inhabitants the Island of Cuba contained at the time of its discovery. Las Casas and Peter Martyr are led into exag- geration by their righteous indignation at the cruelties of their countrymen. Their figures are highly improbable. If the native popula- tion at the time the Spaniards first settled in the country is estimated at half a million there is little likelihood of undershooting the mark. Oviado declares that in 1535 — less than fifty years after the discovery — there were fewer than five hundred Indians left within the bor- ders of the Island. Among this remnant fe- males were largely in predominence. They had not been subjected to the same extremes of hardships and cruelty as had the males, and many of the Spaniards had taken native women under their protection as concubines. This con- dition led to the perpetuation of the Indian blood after the last of the pure bred aborigines had disappeared. To-day, one meets, on rare occasions, a Cuban peasant whose appearance suggests Indian ancestry, but the strain practi- The History of Cuba 27 cally died out long ago, and has left no impres- sion on the Cuban character or customs. Cases in which the aboriginal stock is sug- gested are more frequently encountered at the eastern end of the Island than elsewhere, and a plausible explanation might be found in the fact that its wild mountainous recesses would have afforded safe retreat to such of the In- dians who may have fled there from the perse- cutions of the whites. In this way it is possible that a small number of the natives may have survived for a considerable period after official knowledge of their existence had ceased. Some years ago, at Holguin, a youth was pointed out to me, who exhibited in features, skull formation, and complexion, marked re- semblance to an Indian type. The padre, who had drawn my attention to the young man, scoffed at my suggestion of accident, and de- clared his conviction that it was a pronounced case of atavism. The first permanent settlement of the Span- iards upon the Island of Cuba was made at Baracoa, in 1512. At its head was Captain Diego Velasquez, who, until his death in 1524, continued to rule Cuba, as Adelantado, under direct responsibility to the Governor and An- 28 Cuba and Her People of To-day dencia of Hispaniola, or Santo Domingo. He had five successors in this office. The first governor, appointed by and immediately an- swerable to the Crown, was Hernando de Soto. The line of captains-general began with Don Gabriel de Lujan, who assumed the post in 1581. In 1514, Velasquez founded the towns of Trinidad and Santiago, for the purpose of facilitating communication with Jamaica, and established settlements at Remedios, Bayamo, Puerto Principe, Sancti-Spiritus, and San Cristobal de la Habana, the last named being located where the town of Batabano now stands. Five years later, the name of Habana was transferred to a small settlement on the spot where the capital now stands. Baracoa was the first bishopric and seat of government. In 1522 Santiago became the centre of both civil and ecclesiastical jurisdic- tion, and in 1552 the capital was established at Habana. The settlement of Cuba proceeded slowly. During the hundred years following its discov- ery, only two towns were founded in addition to those which have been mentioned, namely, Guanabacoa and El Cobre. In the seventeenth century but two more of any importance came r^. The History of Cuba 29 into existence, these being Matanzas and Santa Clara. Nine more were created in the course of the next century. At the close of this period the Island contained about two hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants, while the develop- ment of its natural resources can scarcely be said to have begun. The backwardness of the colony was not due to lack of energy on the part of the Spaniards, who in the days of the conquistador es displayed that quality in a remarkable degree. A combi- nation of conditions, some of them entirely be- yond the control of the settlers, retarded the development of the Island. A large proportion of the first comers were transients, staying for a while, but responding ultimately to the greater allurements of the mainland. Their object was gold, and in this respect Cuba proved disappointing. After a while the large landed proprietors, who had received royal grants, began to raise cattle and to breed horses. For some time large quantities of meat and mounts for the troops were shipped to Terra Firma. But this source of profit ex- pired toward the close of the sixteenth century, when the continental settlements became able to supply their own needs in these respects. At 30 Cuba and Her People of To-day this period the cultivation of tobacco and sugar- cane was introduced. At the outset these in- dustries suffered from a paucity of labor, and a royal license was obtained for the importation of negroes from Africa. The shipment of the blacks in large numbers to the Island continued until, toward the middle of the nineteenth cen- tury, their proportional place in the population became a source of grave anxiety to the author- ities. The successful revolt of their race in Haiti and the abolitionary agitation throughout the civilized world created unrest among the slaves in Cuba. Although there was no organ- ized uprising, frequent mutinies occurred in different parts of the Island. The most cruel measures of repression were put into force, with the result of cowing the negroes for a while. It is probable however, that only the growth of the revolutionary movement pre- vented a general uprising of the blacks in Cuba before their emancipation, which was officially decreed in 1887. The population of the Island in 1846 was about nine hundred thousand. More than half of the number were negroes, three-fourths of them slaves. According to the latest official figures, less than thirty per cent, of the present The History of Cuba 31 population are colored. How has the propor- tion sunk so greatly in sixty-five years ? Where have the negroes gone? What has become of their children? A writer in a volume on " Cuba," issued by the United States Bureau of the Census, states : " The diminution of the proportion of colored inhabitants during the last half century is doubtless but another illustration of the inabil- ity of the colored race to hold its own in com- petition with the whites, a truth which is being demonstrated on a much larger scale in the United States." This is not at all convincing. The negroes have not been to any appreciable degree sub- jected to competition in Cuba. The climate and latter-day conditions are altogether favor- able to their survival and increase. Two official reports indicate that they held their own under the more arduous life of slavery. We must look for an explanation elsewhere, and the most plausible seems to be that there is a much greater distribution of negro blood in Cuba than the statistics indicate. The enu- merators who took the census under our mili- tary occupation acknowledged the difficulty of distinguishing among a people whose prevail- 32 Cuba and Her People of To-day ing physical characteristics are dark skin and black hair, and expressed their suspicion that a large number of those who returned them- selves as " whites " had negro blood in their veins. Those who have lived long and travelled extensively in Cuba, generally entertain the opinion that the proportion of pure whites in population is considerably less than seventy per cent. The unqualified terms of condemnation in which most of our writers refer to the Spanish rule of Cuba, can only be accounted for on the assumption of ignorance of the history of the Island and the general conditions of the times. Spain had an admirable code of laws for the government of her colonies. This code, called Las Leyes de Indias, was formulated during the reign of Philip the second. It was designed to insure the humane and equitable treatment of the native subjects and, considering the times, was a highly enlightened measure. The laws were frequently violated by colonial governors, but it was hardly in the power of the home gov- ernment to prevent such abuses. In those days of long distances and slow communication, it was necessary that viceroys should be invested with practically unlimited powers and undi- The History of Cuba 33 vided authority. The only alternative would have been the adoption of some form of popu- lar government, which no nation had at that period dreamed of applying to its distant pos- sessions. As a matter of fact, a liberal policy prevailed in Cuba during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Public assemblies of citizens were held to elect the members of mu- nicipal corporations; no taxation was per- mitted without the sanction of these bodies ; * charges were freely lodged and sustained against governors. During the same period, the British colonies in the West Indies were not so well governed as was Cuba and some of their governors were more flagrantly tyrannical and dishonest than the worst of Cuba's cap- tains-general. Spain's chief fault and the cause of her downfall as a colonial power, lay in failure to respond to the growth of sentiment in favor of popular rights. She became more autocratic as other nations became more liberal. In truth, she had ineptitude for colonial gov- ernment, but her sovereigns generally evinced 1 It was not until the administration of Villanueva ('18) as in- tendant, an office which at that time eclipsed that of captain- general and dominated all public bodies, that taxes were for the first time imposed without the consent of those to be affected by them. 34 Cuba and Her People of To-day a sincere concern for the welfare of their for- eign subjects. Cuba entered upon an era of development and prosperity following the restoration of the Island to Spain by the British in 1763. For eighty years following the event it was gov- erned by a line of captains-general, almost all of whom were able and well-intentioned. The first of these, Count O'Keilly, devoted his five- year term of office to the organization of a militia force and the execution of other much needed military measures. Don Antonio Bu- carely paid special attention to the administra- tion of justice throughout the Island and re- dressed many popular grievances. Of him was recorded the unparalleled fact that during his administration not a single complaint against him had reached the Court of Madrid. His suc- cessor, the Marques de la Torre, gained the affection and esteem of all classes. The benign and talented Las Casas arrived in 1790, and the period of his governorship is recognized by all Spanish writers as one of the most brilliant in the history of the Island. He effected many public improvements and introduced means for the increase of the industrial and commercial prosperity of Cuba. He it was, who founded The History of Cuba 35 the institution of Sociedad Patriotica, which became so important an agency in the promo- tion of agriculture, trade, education, literature, and the fine arts. The recognition of the pop- ular principle in this institution, and the pro- motion of liberal ideas by it, have been highly influential factors in the development of the people and their country. To Las Casas, also, the Island is indebted for the establishment of the Casa de Beneficen- cia, for its first public library, and its first newspaper. It is frequently stated that under the rule of Spain education among the natives was dis- couraged. Such was not the case. The facili- ties of the masses in the country districts for acquiring such education as their classes usu- ally enjoyed at the same period in Europe was, at least, equally as great. The priests main- tained parish schools throughout the Island, and received pupils free without the distinction of classes or color. In the capital the oppor- tunities for learning were unusually good. The Jesuits, Dominicans, and other orders, pro- vided thorough classical education and instruc- tion in foreign languages. Almost every re- ligious institution had some sort of college or 36 Cuba and Her People of To-day- seminary attached to it. The University of Habana was established in 1721. It became the object of special favor by Las Casas. He in- creased the endowment and extended the scope of its utility by creating several new profes- sorial chairs, notably one of medicine. He also lent aid and encouragement to the Jesuits, in improving their colleges. Following Las Casas came several other benevolent governors, of whom the Conde de Santa Clara, the Marques de Someruelos, and the Espeletas, especially left records of wise and useful administration. The chief features of the history of the Island previous to the opening of the eighteenth cen- tury, were the settlements created by the first governor, the usual repartimientos, or dis- tribution of the territory and its inhabitants among the Spanish adventurers who led the early expeditions of the Indians, the introduc- tion of negro slaves, the attacks by buccaneers, and the capture of Habana by the English. The century closed with a notable advance in commerce and industry, and a period of excel- lent government. This, though essentially des- potic, was benevolent and well adapted to the conditions of the time. Under it the Cubans The History of Cuba 37 enjoyed a fair degree of prosperity, despite the short-sighted commercial policy to which they were subjected. That they were generally con- tented, and well affected towards the mother country can not be questioned. The French and American revolutions impressed them greatly, but did not shake their loyalty. When the news of the abduction of the royal family of Spain by Napoleon reached Habana, the colonial government declared war against France, and the populace approved the act with enthusiasm. The revolt of the colonies on the mainland, and their disseverance from Spain, left Cuba still attached to the Crown with a constancy that gained for her the sobriquet, " ever faithful." The political changes which took place in Spain in the first quarter of the nineteenth century were productive of similar changes in Cuba. What was called a constitutional gov- ernment was given to the Island. The sudden introduction of a democratic system of rule to a population composed of the most discordant elements, and accustomed to autocracy, could not fail of producing something like the dis- quieting conditions that followed the premature establishment of ultra-free institutions in the 38 Cuba and Her People of To-day countries which had formerly been dependen- cies of Spain in America. The masonic socie- ties came into vogue in Cuba, as they did in the peninsula. From the discussion of religious and political matters, these associations soon proceeded to the advocacy of revolution. The radical doctrines which were thus disseminated, readily took root in the minds of the educated, among whom translations of the works of Vol- taire, Rousseau, and their Italian disciples, were widely distributed at this time. In 1823 a conspiracy, which extended throughout the Island, was set on foot by a secret society named " the Sotes de Bolivar." The drastic measures that were adopted for its suppres- sion created deep and widespread resentment against the government. Upon the restoration of Ferdinand the Sev- enth, another sudden swing of the pendulum brought the Cubans again under autocratic rule. Extreme means were resorted to with a view to stamping out the growing revolution- ary spirit and reducing the people to their former state of ready submission to authority. None of these measures was so ill-judged, or so lasting in its evil effects, as the Royal Order of 1825. This conferred on the captains-gen- The History of Cuba 39 eral " the whole extent of power which by the royal ordinance is granted to the governors of besieged towns . . . most amply and unre- strictedly authorizes Your Excellency not only to remove from the Island such persons, hold- ing offices from government or not, whatever their rank, class, occupation, or situation in life may be, whose residence there you may deem prejudicial, or whose private or public conduct may appear suspicious to you, employ- ing in their stead faithful servants of His Majesty, who shall fully deserve Your Excel- lency 's confidence ; but also to suspend the exe- cution of whatever royal orders or general de- crees in all the different branches of the admin- istration, or in any part of them, as Your Excellency may think conducive to the royal service ; it being in any case required that these measures be temporary, and that Your Excel- lency make report of them for His Majesty's sovereign approval." This order was intended to be observed under the most strict responsibility, " le mas estrecta responsibilidad," and to be only temporarily in effect. It remained in force, however, and its terrible powers later became the scourge of the land, although they were not immediately felt. 40 Cuba and Her People of To-day The Captain-General upon whom they were first conferred, General Vives, refrained from exercising them, and under the judicious ad- ministration of Count Villanueva, as Intendant, the people had no cause to remember the fear- ful instrument for oppression which their ru- lers had at command. The term of General Tacon (1834-1838) ushered in the era of tyranny, spoliation and incapacity that marked the government of Cuba in the remaining period of Spanish dom- ination, during which the revolutionary spark that was ignited earlier in the century grew into an inextinguishable flame. Long before this period the Spaniards and Cubans had drifted apart. There was nothing essential in common between the latter and the official class or the soldiers, unless we allow for some degree of common origin. The natives had gradually learned to entertain hatred for the Spaniards, who, in their turn, felt the greatest contempt for the Cubans. Neither side took the least pain to dissemble their feelings, except that in Habana friendly relations were, as a rule, maintained between the two classes, and this even during revolutionary periods. The relations and sentiments of the governing The History of Cuba 41 class and the people to one another were nmch like those which existed between Norman and Saxon in the century following the Con- quest. The first Spanish immigration to Cuba com- menced early in the sixteenth century, and con- sisted mainly of adventurers who accompanied the early expeditions, and who settled perma- nently in the country, after returning to Spain and transplanting their families. These first settlers were mostly of Castilian or Andalu- sian origin and their descendants furnished the best native blood of the Island. Shortly after, emigrants from the Basque Provinces and from Catalonia began to come in. These belonged to the peasant class, and from them the gua- jiro, or poor white, of the country dis- tricts has sprung. After the abolition of slavery a number of Galegos came over to seek employment in the houses of the wealthy. Aside from a handful of French refugees, the white population of the Island was almost ex- clusively composed of Spaniards or people of Spanish descent until a late day. Under such circumstances of racial, religious and polit- ical affinity, a practical government might 42 Cuba and Her People of To-day- have maintained peace continuously but for conditions which gradually moulded the Cu- bans into absolute antagonism to the Span- iards. CHAPTER III THE HISTOKY OF CUBA (CONTINUED) Feom the outset the two chief conditions that militated against the development of Cuba and the prosperity of her people were trade restric- tion and the appropriation of land. In the early days of the colony large tracts of land were granted by the Crown to Castil- ians of noble family. These never made per- manent residence on the Island, but entrusted their affairs to an agent. The wealthy land owner often had a palace on the Cerro, and oc- casionally paid a brief winter visit to the capi- tal, and made a still briefer excursion to his hacienda, where his appearance in all the dig- nity and state of aristocratic wealth had an ir- ritating effect upon his poor neighbors. The money produced by his sugar plantation or his cattle ranch he dissipated in the fashionable pleasures of Madrid and Paris. This system of absentee landlordism acted like a blight upon the country until the aboli- 48 M Cuba and Her People of To-day tion of slavery necessitated the cutting up of large estates, or their transfer to corporations, possessed of the means of paying for the labor necessary to work them. Not a few of the large properties were in the hands of Cubans, but in these cases the tenure was not so harmful to the country, nor as odi- ous to the common people. The Cuban plant- ers, most of whom were ruined during the pro- tracted period of insurrection, invariably made their homes on the haciendas, where one gener- ation followed another in possession. The sons usually remained with the father, each taking some particular share in the manage- ment of the estate. Thus several families were often found living under one roof and generally in perfect amity, for the Cubans are distinctly domestic people, affectionate in disposition and clannish in habit. There were comparatively few holdings in the hands of peasant proprietors, or small farmers, and this absence of a home and land owning population was an obviously weak element in the foundation of the govern- ment. The greater part of the productive soil was in the hands of a few grandees, and the wealth The History of Cuba 45 extracted from it was withheld from general circulation, which had, among other harmful consequences, that of retarding the extension of agriculture and general industrial advance- ment. Judged by our present conceptions of justice and policy, the commercial regulations imposed upon Cuba by Spain appear to have been ex- tremely foolish and iniquitous, but we must bear in mind that they were quite consistent with the prevailing idea at that time that the interests of colonies should be made subservi- ent to those of the parent country. In other words, the commercial and industrial restric- tions which were imposed on Cuba, while they had the effect of exploiting the Island for the benefit of Spain, originated not so much from disregard of the colony's welfare as from the peculiar views of political economy generally entertained in that age. Great Britain's Amer- ican possessions were subjected to similar treatment. Spain's fatal error lay in the tenac- ity with which she clung to her misguided pol- icy. A little judicious reform at the beginning of the last century, when other powers were granting to their colonies a measurable degree of freedom in trade and self-government, would 46 Cuba and Her People of To-day probably have sufficed to keep Cuba under the flag of Spain. The restrictions on the commerce of the Island began with the royal decree of 1497, which granted to the port of Seville the conclu- sive privilege of trade with the colonies, these being prohibited from any commercial inter- course with any foreign countries. In 1707 this monopoly was transferred from Seville to the port of Cadiz. "While it was the capital of the Island, Santiago was the sole port of entry, and after Habana became the capital, all shipments passed through it. This restricted traffic be- tween Spain and its insular colony was jeal- ously guarded. Trading vessels were required to assemble in flotas, or fleets, and to make the double voyage under the escort of war-ships. This arrangement was designed hardly as much for protection as for the prevention of illicit dealings with the intermediate countries. Dur- ing certain periods trade with foreigners was prohibited under the most severe penalties, and it was never permissible except by special au- thorization. Commercial intercourse between the colonies was even forbidden. With the ex- ception of a brief term, during which the Eng- lish occupied the Island, these hampering con- The History of Cuba 47 ditions obtained until 1778, when Habana was opened to free trade. The decree authorized traffic between several ports of Cuba. Others were included in this privilege, from time to time, until, in 1803, practically all the ports of the Island enjoyed it. For two hundred years or more, such action upon the part of the sovereign government was looked upon by all nations as good policy. In 1714 Spain and the Dutch Confederation ef- fected a convention by the terms of which each party was bound to refrain from every form of trade with the American possessions of the other. A similar agreement was reached be- tween England and Spain about fifty years later. Towards the close of the eighteenth cen- tury, however, these treaties were abrogated and a royal cedilla set forth that no foreign ship should be allowed to enter a Cuban port under any conditions. The peninsular war reduced the trade of Cuba to such an extent that the Ayuntamiento and the Consulado of Habana seriously debated the expediency of throwing the port entirely open and admitting foreign goods on a parity with those of the home country. In considera- tion of the emergency the restraints on trade 48 Cuba and Her People of To-day were substantially released during the first decade of the nineteenth century. Shortly af- terwards, the Government sought to reestablish them, but was induced to refrain by the pro- testations of Captain-General Marques de Someruelos, who made a forcible representa- tion of the economic necessities of the colony and the impossibility of their being met under the restricting policy. The least concession was wrung from the Council of the Indies with the utmost difficulty. They remained convinced that the limitations of the commerce of the colonies to the mother country was the best course for the latter, at least, and secured a virtual resumption of the condition by indirect means. By excessive duties, discriminating tariffs, and the heavy port dues, foreign trade was placed at such a great disadvantage that the Cubans, although ostensibly free in the matter, found themselves again restricted for the most part to commerce with Spain. The first tariff of Cuba, enforced in 1818, imposed a duty of forty-three per cent, ad valo- rem on all foreign merchandise, except agricul- tural implements and machinery, which were taxed twenty-six and one-half per cent. These The History of Cuba 49 rates were somewhat reduced a few years later. Similar importations from Spain were granted a preferential reduction of one-third from these rates. But, as Spain produced a very small proportion of the articles that comprised Cuba's imports, her merchants secured them from various foreign sources, and, of course, the consumers were compelled to pay higher prices than if they had been allowed to deal di- rectly with the producers under an impartial system of duties. In 1828 an export tariff was imposed on sugar and coffee, which, by this time, had be- come important products. Four-fifths of a cent per pound was levied on the former, and two- fifths on the latter. A form of shipping bounty added to the weight of these exactions. In case the exports were carried in foreign bot- toms the duty on sugar was doubled and that on coffee increased to one cent a pound. This tariff was maintained without material change until a reciprocal commercial agreement was effected by the United States and Spain in 1891. For the first time in its history, Cuba found itself in a position to trade on favorable terms with its nearest and best market. As a result the trade of the Island was soon trans- 50 Cuba and Her People of To-day ferred, almost in its entirety, to the United States, and its people enjoyed a term of pros- perity transcending anything in their former experience. The change was, however, short lived. In 1894 the termination of the agree- ment and the reestablishment of the old regu- lations forced compulsory traffic with Spain upon the Cubans. But the burdens entailed upon the people by trade restrictions were by no means all that they were called on to bear. A system of heavy and vexatious taxation prevailed during the en- tire period of Spain's dominance over the Island. Taxes were levied on all kinds of prop- erty and on every form of industry. Every profession and occupation was taxed. Legal papers, petitions and business documents were required to be stamped. There was a ' ' consumption tax ' ' on the kill- ing of cattle which, of course, increased the price of meat to the consumer. There was an impost of twenty ducats, called the derecho de averia, collected upon every person who arrived on the Island. This was established in the earliest years of the colony and maintained un- til near the close of the eighteenth century. During the last hundred years of its enforce- The History of Cuba 51 ment, the amount was increased from sixteen dollars to twenty-two dollars. It is needless to say that this tax seriously impeded immigra- tion of the peasant class most needed by the country. . There was a lottery tax, and a " cedilla," or head tax. The latter proved very burdensome to the poorest of the people who, when in ar- rears of it, were debarred from the exercise of most rights and privileges involving civil and ecclesiastical authorization. Thus, they could not make contracts, enter into marriages, or secure baptism for their children until the over- due tax had been paid. Obviously such a system of taxation worked the utmost discouragement to the acquisition of property and the pursuit of industries. Had the design of the Peninsular Government been to ruin the Island and to suppress all develop- ment, no more effective measures for the pur- pose could have been devised. None but a coun- try superlatively rich in natural resources could have carried such a burden. Like the other American colonies of Spain, Cuba re- ceived contributions, or situados, from Mexico. During the forty years following 1766, these amounted to 108,150,504 pesos fuertes. The 52 Cuba and Her People of To-day worst of it was that the large revenue derived from these heavy impositions upon the people and the trade of Cuba was either absorbed in the excessive cost of administering the Island, or diverted to the royal treasury. Compara- tively little of it was spent on local public im- provements, unless we should include works of a military nature. Aside from the calsada, or military highway, road-making was neglected. Harbors lacked improvements and cities were deficient in water supply, sewers and paving. In the country districts, public buildings and schoolhouses were far short of the necessities of the population. Even in late years the an- nual appropriation for educational purposes was no more than two hundred and fifty thou- sand dollars. Aside from the riots resulting from the en- forcement of the tobacco monopoly, during the term of Captain-General Roja, there was no active opposition to the Government previous to 1823. In that year an abortive insurrection followed the attempt to abrogate the liberal constitution of 1812, and reestablish the old- time absolutism. Political agitation and revo- lutionary outbreaks continued from that time, stimulated by the secret societies, whose The History of Cuba 53 branches were scattered all over the country. Under these circumstances the veiled antipathy, which had been growing between the Cubans and Spaniards, rapidly assumed the nature of a wide breach. On the one side were ranged the official class, the clerics, the beneficiaries of monopolies, and persons who derived profit in various ways from connection with the admin- istration. On the other, were the native whites who sought independence, or at least autonomy. The latter had the sympathy and support of practically all the blacks, and of a large propor- tion of the colored population. In 1836 the constitution of 1812 was reestab- lished in Spain, but Cuba was deprived of the most important privileges that should have been secured to her by the change. The depu- ties who were sent to the constitutional conven- tion at Madrid from Cuba were arbitrarily ex- cluded. It was announced that the Island should be governed by special laws, but these were never published and, if definitely framed at all, must have been communicated to the of- ficials in a semi-confidential manner. This totally unjust and fatally unwise action on the part of the Crown stirred the existing discontent to boiling point and thereafter the 54 Cuba and Her People of To-day revolutionary movement assumed a muck more menacing aspect. During the succeeding dec- ade a number of uprisings occurred in such widely separated parts of the country as to clearly indicate that the entire Island was dis- affected. The lack of connection between these outbreaks and their quick subsidence also showed an absence of organization or con- certed plan. In 1847, however, a more serious revolutionary conspiracy, and one which was destined to have far-reaching effect, was set on foot by Narcisco Lopez. The movement was intelligently planned and contemplated the an- nexation of Cuba to the United States. The conspiracy was betrayed to the Spanish authorities — no uncommon occurrence in the early revolutionary period — and Lopez, with the chief figures in the affair, fled to America. In 1850 Lopez with six hundred men landed at Cardenas and captured the fortress. Failing, however, to receive expected support, he im- mediately sailed to Key "West. The following year Lopez landed another expedition in Cuba near Bahia Honda. This occasion was memo- rable on account of the fact that the force in- cluded one hundred and fifty men under Colo- nel Crittenden of Kentucky. The History of Cuba 55 Disaster quickly overtook this attempt. The mistake was made of immediately dividing the force after landing. Lopez with one body of men advanced on Las Pozas, leaving Colonel Crittenden, with the remainder, in El Morilla. A detachment of Spanish troops overtook and defeated Lopez, after a gallant fight. The leader was captured, carried to Habana, and promptly garroted. Crittenden and his men attempted to escape by sea but were surrounded and forced to surrender. All were subse- quently shot at the Castle of Atares. This incident aroused among the people of the United States an interest in Cuban affairs, out of which there grew a sympathy for the insurgents that never abated. Several futile efforts followed the Lopez af- fair, and then came the revolution of 1868, which had its inception at Yara, in the Prov- ince of Camaguey. It is generally referred to by the Cubans as the " Ten Years War," al- though no battles were fought. There were, however, many deaths from disease, especially among the Spanish troops, and the cost of the contest was three hundred million dollars, which amount was charged to the Cuban debt. In February, 1878, the treaty of Zanjon was 56 Cuba and Her People of To-day entered into by the representatives of Spain and those of the independent government which the insurgents had created on paper and had affected to maintain in the field. Under this convention the Crown agreed to substantial civil and political concessions in favor of the people of Cuba. These undertakings, the Cu- bans declare, were never fulfilled. Spanish officials, on the other hand, maintain that the mother country actually granted more than her obligation demanded of her. The truth will be found in the fact that while laws were promul- gated in accordance with the promises given at Zanjon, they were not carried out. Thus al- though documentary evidence might be adduced to show that the Cubans enjoyed a liberal gov- ernment after 1878, their condition, in reality, remained virtually unchanged. The hopes that had been inspired by the treaty of Zanjon quickly waned and the spirit of discontent revived. This was greatly in- creased by the economic troubles resulting from the depression of the sugar trade, which began in 1884, and the total abolition of slavery in 1887. Meanwhile Spain continued to regulate the financial affairs of the Island with the old-time The History of Cuba 57 reckless mismanagement. From 1893 to 1898 the revenues of Cuba derived from excessive taxation, heavy duties and the Habana lottery, averaged about $25,000,000 per annum. Of this amount, $10,500,000 was appropriated to the payment of the Cuban debt, which by 1897 had swelled to the enormous aggregate of $400,- 000,000, or $283.54 per capita, a ratio more than three times as great as the per capita debt of Spain. For the support of the army, navy, administration and church in Cuba, $12,000,000 was allotted. The remaining $2,500,000 was allowed for public works, education and general improvements in Cuba, independent of munic- ipal expenditures. It may be added that when, as in better times, the revenues had been very much larger, the demands of the home Govern- ment were proportionally increased. At the close of the eighties, the price of sugar rose to an abnormal height and Cuba entered upon a brief period of prosperity. Political agitation abated and the Island sank into a more peaceful condition than it had known for many years. It was, however, but the lull be- fore the storm. The repeal of the Blaine reci- procity agreement dealt a deadly blow to the Cuban sugar industry. At once conditions 58 Cuba and Her People of To-day- changed. Quiescence gave place to agitation. The revolutionary spirit awoke with greater determination than ever, fanned by the thought that Cuba, independent or annexed to the United States could always rely upon a favor- able market for her principal product. Plot and conspiracy soon became rife and received the support of a number of influential men, who had hitherto held aloof, but who now despaired of permanent prosperity for the Island under Spanish rule. Men who had taken part in the Ten Years War began to organize in secret, and several of their former leaders, Gomez, Garcia, Maceo, and others, returned to Cuba from their voluntary exile. In 1895 was launched the insurrection which culminated in the freedom of Cuba. The lead- ers of the movement entered upon it with the deliberate design of involving the United States and their success in doing so brought about a result which they could not have attained other- wise. A friendly feeling for Cuba not unmixed with interest considerations, had existed in the United States for many years. Annexation had been discussed during the presidency of John Quincy Adams, and President Polk made The History of Cuba 59 a proposition to the Spanish Government for the purchase of the Island. In 1854, the search of several American merchant ships by Span- ish cruisers led to the issuance of the " Ostend Manifesto," a protest on the part of the United States. In this document it was declared that " the possession of Cuba by a foreign power was a menace to the peace of the United States, and that Spain be offered the alternative of ac- cepting $200,000,000 for her sovereignty over the Island, or having it taken from her by force." During the Ten Years "War President Grant expressed to the Spanish Government his belief that only independence and emanci- pation could settle the Cuban question, and that intervention might be necessary to end the war. He repeatedly proffered the good offices of the United States in reestablishing peace. Meanwhile the capture of the Virginius, in 1873, and the summary execution of fifty-three of her passengers and crew, by order of the Spanish authorities, came very near to involv- ing the countries in war. From the outbreak of the rebellion of 1895, the people of the United States evinced a strong sympathy for the Cubans. This was reflected by the action of Congress in directing President 60 Cuba and Her People of To-day Cleveland to proffer the good offices of the United States to Spain with a view to ending the war and securing the independence of the Island. In 1896 both Bepublican and Democra- tic national conventions passed resolutions of sympathy for the Cubans and demanded that the Government should take action. At the close of the same year, the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations reported a resolution recognizing the republic of Cuba, but it was never taken from the calendar. Mean- while reports of outrages and indignities to American citizens in Cuba led to official protest and the appointment of Judge William R. Day to investigate conditions. Popular indignation in the United States was further aroused by the press reports of the dreadful effects of General Weyler's plan of reconcentration. In May, 1897, Congress voted $50,000 for the purchase of supplies to relieve the needs of the reconcentrados , on the ground that many of them were reported to be American citizens. Shortly afterwards, the United States re- quested the Spanish Government to put an end to the reconcentration system and to recall Cap- tain General Weyler. Spain received the re- quests with professed favor, but, after months The History of Cuba 61 had elapsed, without any action being taken, the battleship Maine was sent to Habana for the protection of American citizens. On the night of February 15th, the Maine was blown up and two hundred and sixty-six of her complement lost their lives. President McKinley appointed a board of naval officers to investigate the circumstances. The resultant report, which was submitted to Congress, de- clared that the ship had been destroyed by an external explosion. The condition of affairs aroused serious ap- prehensions on the part of the Spanish Govern- ment and at the same time exhilarated the in- surgent leaders. Both parties realized that the intervention of the United States was immi- nent. The former proposed a suspension of hostilities, pending an agreement upon terms of peace, and offered to appropriate $600,000 for the benefit of the reconcentrados. These over- tures were promptly rejected by the insurgent leaders. Early in April, the President sent a message to Congress requesting authority to end the war and to secure in Cuba the establishment of a stable government, capable of fulfilling its international obligations and maintaining 62 Cuba and Her People of To-day- peace. This was, in effect, a request to enter upon war with Spain. A few days later, Congress passed joint reso- lutions demanding the withdrawal of Spain from Cuba and empowering the President to use the naval and military forces of the United States to carry the resolutions into effect. This was virtually a declaration of war. CHAPTEE IV CUBA IN TRANSITION A circumstantial account of the war of lib- eration would make anything but pleasant read- ing. Aside from the fact that on one side was a down-trodden people struggling to throw off the yoke of the oppressor, there was little in the conflict to excite admiration, or even inter- est. Barbarities of the worst kind were prac- tised by the insurgents as well as by the Span- iards, and it would be profitless to enquire where the balance of blame lay when both were so deeply guilty. From the technical point of view the protracted hostilities hardly deserved to be termed war. Until the participation of the United States there was not an engagement which might be justly described as a battle. Neither side displayed any extraordinary mili- tary capacity, but the plans and movements of the rebels were characterized by greater intel- ligence and purpose than those of their oppo- nents. During the entire war one manoeuvre 63 64 Cuba and Her People of To-day alone was of a high order of strategy. That was the brilliant operation in which Antonio Maceo, the mulatto, swept from end to end of the Island, and lighted the flame of rebellion throughout its length. One of the most impor- tant features of the war was the prominent part taken in it by the black and colored ele- ments of the population. They formed the backbone of the insurgent army, and furnished several of its most able leaders. As a result the " race of color " has secured a standing and influence in Cuba which it does not enjoy in any other country where the Caucasian is dominant. On one of the closing days of 1895, the con- stitutional guarantees were suspended in Cuba by proclamation. The Government had sud- denly awakened to the fact that a mine had been quietly laid beneath its feet. For months a wide-spread conspiracy, having its fountain- head in the United States, had been in exist- ence. The Cuban Junta in New York had, during this time, energetically collected money and arms for the purpose of promoting a re- bellion with greater determination and upon better organized lines than ever before. With some of the leaders the object entertained was Cuba in Transition 65 autonomy; with, others, complete independ- ence; and with, a third element, annexation to the United States. All were united, however, in a burning desire to terminate the rule of Spain over their native land. For some time previous to the proclamation of the Governor-General, arms and ammuni- tion had been shipped to Cuba from various American ports and were secreted in different parts of the Island. Several local outbreaks had presaged the approaching storm, which burst in March. Before the close of April, the brothers Maceo, Jose Marti, and Maximo Gomez had returned to Cuba and resumed their respective places at the head of the rebel ranks. Close upon their heels arrived Martinez Cam- pos, who had effected the peace at Zanjon, to take the part of Governor- General. Without delay, the insurgent generals set about carrying out the shrewd design of spreading the rebellion over every part of the Island. Their object was not only to increase the difficulties of the Spaniards, but also to give the uprising as formidable an aspect as possi- ble, in the hope of securing the recognition, if not the intervention, of the United States. General Campos entered upon his task with 66 Cuba and Her People of To-day the hope of bringing about a cessation of the insurrection by means of conciliatory measures. One of his first acts was to issue a manifesto to the rebels, offering pardon to all such as should lay down their arms and resume their allegiance to the Crown of Spain. In his proc- lamation of martial law he enjoined upon his troops the observance of the recognized prin- ciples of humane warfare. Within a week of his arrival, General Campos took command of the troops in the field. A period of desultory fighting ensued and, at length, in the middle of July, the first serious action of the war took place. The Spaniards in force met a body of insurgents near Bayamo. Probably there were about three thousand on either side. The insurgents had the better of the engagement, which was hotly contested, and General Campos narrowly escaped the loss of his life. Followed months of skirmishing, in which the rebels attacked isolated garrisons with con- siderable success, but avoided encounters with large bodies of troops. Meanwhile, numerous filibustering expeditions disembarked with re- cruits and munitions of war, greatly strength- ening the revolutionary movement. By the end Cuba in Transition 67 of the summer, eighty thousand Spanish regu- lars, besides a number of volunteers and guer- rillas, were in the field. The insurgent forces did not exceed twenty thousand men, a consid- erable proportion of whom were armed only with machetes. But the Spaniards shortly learned to dread this weapon more than the rifle. Before the close of the year dynamite and the torch were brought into play. The revolution- ists began, at first with discrimination, to burn plantations and to blow up bridges. On the other side the Spaniards commenced to execute insurgent chiefs who were captured. In December the march to the west was vig- orously pushed by Gomez and Maceo, whilst Campos employed all his resources in the ef- fort to intercept it. The result was a series of technical movements in which the Spanish troops, although led by generals of experience, were usually worsted. Detached bodies of in- surgents harassed the royalist commands, and diverted their attention, while Maceo steadily pushed westward, gathering recruits in his progress and leaving a train of active rebellion in his wake. The trochas, or trenches, strung with fortlets, to which the Spaniards resorted 68 Cuba and Her People of To-day as a means of stemming the tide, proved of little efficacy. The insurgents, in large bodies, crossed them time and again. With one hun- dred thousand troops at his command, Campos found it impossible to check or circumscribe the rebel movements. As time went on the insurgents became more and more unrestrained in the destruction of property. Cane-fields, sugar mills, residences, were given to the flames wherever they could be reached. This was done in pursuance of a definite policy which Gomez had repeatedly an- nounced in his proclamations. He declared that the readiest means of inducing the Span- iards to leave the Island was to make it worth- less to them. If this theory was somewhat far- fetched, there could be no question of the prac- tical effect of the destruction of the sugar crop in curtailing the resources of the admin- istration. Early in 1896, the insurgents had penetrated within a few miles of Habana and the procla- mation of martial law was extended to embrace the whole Island. The Governor-General re- turned to the capital, which was in a state of turmoil and panic. Gomez, however, did not for an instant enter- Cuba in Transition 69 tain the idea of so rash an enterprise as an attack npon the City. His purpose was to make a spectacular demonstration for the sake of its moral effect and to concentrate the attention of the Spanish commanders upon himself in order that Maceo might push on to Pinar del Rio with less opposition. In both respects he was eminently successful. Maceo traversed the entire length of Pinar del Rio, and that Province, in which rebellion had never before reared its head, was soon in open revolt from end to end. During January and February, Maceo ranged through Pinar del Rio and the southern portion of Habana, con- stantly engaged with one or another of the many detachments that were sent against him. For a brief space he transferred his operations to Matanzas, but returned to Pinar del Rio and for eight months withstood the numerous strong bodies of troops which General Weyler threw against him. Toward the close of the year 1896, Maceo began a march eastward and was killed in a chance encounter with a small force of Spanish soldiers. In the execution of the plan for the invasion of the western portion of Cuba, which was con- ceived by Gomez, Antonio Maceo performed a 70 Cuba and Her People of To-day splendid service for the insurgent cause. Al- though inferior in intellect to his chief and some other rebel leaders, Maceo was the most capable captain of them all, and his prestige among friends and foes was greater than that of any of his associates. When General Campos returned to Habana, at the close of the year 1895, it was to find pop- ular discontent and political conspiracy di- rected against him. Already discouraged by the failure of his military campaign, and of his effort to break up the insurrection by concilia- tion, the disaffection at the capital completely disheartened the old soldier, who had conscien- tiously endeavored to do his duty according to his lights. He tendered his resignation, and the home Government appointed General Wey- ler, Marquis of Tenerife, to succeed him. This man, who amply earned his sobriquet of " Butcher," was the unwitting instrument of Cuba's freedom. His atrocious barbarities, rather than the destruction of the Maine, were the cause of the United States declaring war against Spain. Although, at the outset, it ap- peared as though his succession to Campos was a dire blow to the insurgents, the event proved it to be a blessing in disguise. The retiring Cuba in Transition 71 General believed that Spain should grant to the Cubans the most liberal administrative and political reforms, even to the extent of auton- omy. It is possible that he might have brought the authorities at Madrid to his way of think- ing and, in that case, quite probable that the rebellion would have been brought to a peaceful termination. Weyler lost no time in instituting his concen- tration system. It was a measure in which he and Canovas, the premier of Spain, had great faith as a means of subduing the insurrection but it utterly failed in its object and had a re- sult of which its originators little dreamed. They excused it on the ground of military necessity, but it contravened the principles of civilized warfare in important particulars. It involved making prisoners of peaceful noncom- batants, and went farther in neglecting to af- ford them the treatment which the least humane nation concedes to military captives. Indeed its brutality was such as savages would rarely be guilty of. The people of the country districts, men, women, and children, were segregated within certain restricted bounds, sometimes denned by stockades, or trenches, and always guarded by 72 Cuba and Her People of To-day- troops. Sometimes they were permitted to enter neighboring towns, but, even in such eases, their movements were limited by military circumspection. If this measure had gone no farther it might have been condoned. The British, in the Boer War, resorted to such an expedient, but they made their detention camps as comfortable as possible, they fed and clothed the inmates suf- ficiently, and afforded them medical attention. Weyler's wretched reconcentrados were simply herded together and left to their own resources. They were reduced to begging of a people only one degree less impoverished than themselves. The townsman who gave a tortilla to a starving pacifico was usually depriving his own family. Disease, unchecked, ran riot in the concentra- tion camps. The mortality was fearful and those who survived were unfitted for years, the men to work, the women to bear healthy children. Cuba has not yet passed from the effects of Weyler's barbaric measure. After General Weyler's arrival, Spain con- tinued to send steady reinforcements to Cuba to fill the ranks thinned by disease. He never had fewer than one hundred thousand men Cuba in Transition 73 under his command. With these he entered upon vigorous military operations, at first con- centrating his forces upon Pinar del Rio with the object of crushing Maceo. He endeavored to isolate the leader at the western end of the Island by constructing a trocha, from coast to coast, across its narrowest part. The measure failed in its purpose. Maceo crossed the bar- rier and met his death near Habana in an other- wise trivial skirmish. Weyler now directed his efforts against Gomez and Garcia, but his task was even a more difficult one than that of Campos had been. After spreading the rebellion over the entire Island, Gomez changed his tactics. It now became the practice of the insurgents to move stealthily about in the manigua, burning and destroying wherever they could find any- thing upon which to lay their hands, but avoid- ing contact with the Spanish troops. Thus Weyler 's soldiers were kept constantly chasing back and forth in endless and futile pursuit of an intangible enemy. By his orders such prop- erty as had escaped destruction by the rebels was ruined by the royalists. By the middle of 1897, the Island was a mass of blackened ruins, an expanse of homeless 74 Cuba and Her People of To-day waste. And the flood of insurrection had not been stayed in the slightest degree. Weyler had failed more utterly than Campos. But he had done more; he had aroused in the public mind of America a realization of the stubborn opposition of the Cubans to Spanish rule and the hopelessness of Spain's effort to reassert it, combined with indignation at her methods. At length, but all too late, Spain awoke to the futility of longer attempting repression, and the necessity of conceding to the Cubans a lib- eral measure of justice and independence. Weyler was recalled, and General Blanco came to Cuba, bearing in his hand the olive branch of autonomy. He arrived in November and im- mediately set about reversing the policy of his predecessor. Amnesty was offered to all revo- lutionists; harsh decrees were annulled or suspended; political prisoners were released; the rigors of reconcentration were relaxed ; the officials appointed by Weyler throughout the Island were removed and Cubans invited to take their places; a cabinet was actually in- stalled at Habana and the machinery of home rule put in motion. It was all of no avail. The insurgent leaders in the field positively refused to accept any STREET SCEXE, SAXTIAGO DE CUBA. Cuba in Transition 75 terms short of independence. In this attitude they were encouraged by the Junta in New York who, by the beginning of 1898, felt confi- dent of the early active interposition of the United States. Such a consummation was ren- dered more probable by the movement, started at the close of the previous year on the part of the Cuban sugar planters, to secretly apprise the United States of their desire for its inter- vention. The first overt act in the war with Spain was the President's call for volunteers, issued April 23rd, 1898. Four days later, Admiral Dewey left Hongkong for Manila, where, on the first day of May, he captured or destroyed the Spanish fleet stationed there. June 14th, the first detachment of American troops left for Cuba under General Shafter, and landed in the vicinity of Santiago de Cuba. On the first and second days of July the Spaniards were de- feated in the engagement of San Juan, and on the third, Admiral Cervera's ships were totally destroyed by the American fleet under the com- mand of Captain Sampson. August 12th, a protocol provided for a cessa- tion of hostilities, and on December 10th, a treaty of peace between the United States and 76 Cuba and Her People of To-day Spain was signed at Paris, securing to Cuba absolute freedom on the single condition of es- tablishing " a stable government capable of maintaining order and observing international obligations. ' ' Thus closed the final war of independence, which cost Cuba at least twelve per cent, of her population and two-thirds of her wealth. She emerged from it weak and impoverished, with political and economic structures shaken to their bases, and helpless but for the supporting hand of the United States. Under the military government instituted by the United States pending the creation of such conditions as would be favorable to the assump- tion of full civil rights by the Cubans, many beneficial works were carried out aside from the laying of a political foundation for the fu- ture administration of the country. The most extensive reformative measures were vigor- ously applied to the affairs of the Island. The most thorough sanitation was planned and, to a great extent, carried out; a public school system was instituted ; many miles of highway were improved or constructed ; agriculture and commerce were resuscitated. A period of pros- perity resulted, which was proof alike of the Cuba in Transition 77 effectiveness of the American administration and of the wonderful recuperative power of the country. In its relation to the United States, Cuba was in a position different from that of any other Latin-American republic. This unique condi- tion was due to the fact that the Cubans had adopted as a part of their constitution a law enacted by the Congress of the United States and known as the Piatt Amendment, which had later been incorporated in a permanent treaty between the countries. This constitution re- quirement and treaty obligation bound the Ee- public of Cuba not to enter into any compact with any foreign power which might tend to impair the independence of the Eepublic: nor to contract any public debt to the service of which it could not properly attend; to lease coaling stations to the United States; and to execute and extend plans for the sanitation of the cities of the Island. It expressed the con- sent of Cuba to the exercise by the United States of the right to intervene for the preser- vation of Cuban independence and mainte- nance of a government capable of protecting life, property and individual liberty, and of discharging such obligations imposed by the 78 Cuba and Her People of To-day Treaty of Paris on the United States as were now to be assumed and undertaken by the Gov- ernment of Cuba. Under its first President, Dr. Estrada Palma, the young republic progressed in a manner gratifying to its sponsors, but as the presiden- tial term grew to a close political dissensions arose and, in the middle of 1906, an open revolt against the Government broke out, and upri- sings occurred all over the country. The osten- sible cause of the disaffection was undue inter- ference with the national elections by adminis- trative officials, but there is no doubt that the majority of the insurrectos were moved by no higher sentiment than a love of disturbance and the hope of loot. The Government was quite unprepared to cope with the situation. It had no army, very little artillery, and an entirely inadequate force of rural constabulary. Efforts to organize militia met with such poor success that they were soon abandoned. President Palma appealed to the United States to exercise its right and obligation of intervention, and announced his intention of resigning in order to save the country from anarchy. President Eoosevelt desired, and Cuba in Transition 79 hoped, that the difficulty might be overcome without a resort to extreme measures. He begged the Cuban Chief Executive to retain his post, and despatched Mr. Taft, Secretary of War, and Mr. Bacon, Assistant Secretary of State, to Habana in the capacity of special en- voys to render all possible aid in securing an amicable entente between the administrative party and the insurgents. The commissioners entered upon this ex- tremely difficult task in the middle of Septem- ber, 1906. They decided that the use of force or even a show of it, would be calculated to pre- cipitate guerrilla warfare, and wisely deter- mined to rely upon diplomacy. Prominent citi- zens, irrespective of party affiliations, were in- vited to meet the Commission and to express their views of the situation freely. Many con- ferences were held with the leaders of the dif- ferent political parties, and their suggestions for a settlement of the differences were given careful and impartial consideration. A compromise arrangement, which contem- plated the resignation of all the administrative officials, except the President, and the holding of a fresh election, was formulated and pre- sented to the leaders of the three parties, but 80 Cuba and Her People of To-day- it failed to meet with the necessary unanimous acceptance. The Liberal party assented to the proposition without reserve. The Independent Nationalists approved of the general plan, but stipulated for certain modifications. The party in power, the Moderates, were irreconcilably opposed to the conditions. President Palma called a special session of Congress, in order to tender to it his resigna- tion, which was accompanied by that of the Vice President. The Congress accepted the resigna- tions and immediately adjourned without ta- king further action in the matter, so that the principal executive offices of the Eepublic were left vacant, and the country was without a gov- ernment. At this juncture Secretary Taft issued the following proclamation, establishing the Pro- visional Government in Cuba: " To the people of Cuba: " The failure of Congress to act on the irrev- ocable resignation of the President of Cuba, or to elect a successor, leaves this country with- out a government at a time when great disorder prevails, and requires that, pursuant to a re- quest of President Palma, the necessary steps Cuba in Transition 81 be taken in the name and by the authority of the President of the United States, to restore order, protect life and property in the Island of Cuba and Islands and Keys adjacent thereto, and for this purpose to establish therein a pro- visional government. " The provisional government hereby estab- lished by direction and in the name of the Presi- dent of the United States will be retained only long enough to restore order and peace and public confidence, and then to hold such elec- tions as may be necessary to determine those persons upon whom the permanent government of the Republic should be devolved. "In so far as is consistent with the nature of a provisional government established under the authority of the United States, this will be a Cuban government conforming as far as pos- sible to the Constitution of Cuba. " I ask all citizens and residents of Cuba to assist in the work of restoring order, tranquil- lity and public confidence. ,, The attitude of the Peace Commission met with general public approval. Although the in- 82 Cuba and Her People of To-day surgents had thousands of men under arms, and the only American force landed was a squad of marines to protect the Treasury, the Provi- sional Government was installed without the faintest show of opposition. A general am- nesty was proclaimed, and the disarmament of the insurgents and newly raised militia was carried through without difficulty. Hon. Charles E. Magoon was appointed Pro- visional Governor, and officers of the United States army were detailed as advisers to the acting secretaries of the Cuban executive de- partments. A new electoral law, recommended by the Provisional Governor, was adopted, and under it a general election was held in November, 1908, without the least disturbance, although it had been preceded by a vigorous political campaign. The Liberal candidates, General Jose Miguel Gomez, for President, and Senor Alfredo Zayas, for Vice-President, were re- turned by a substantial majority and inaugu- rated January 28th, 1909. CHAPTER V THE PEOPLE OF THE COUNTRY Notwithstanding the intimacy of our rela- tions with the Cubans for many years past, our people entertain the most hazy and confused ideas about them. It is difficult to make an American understand that there is any essen- tial difference between a Cuban and a Spaniard. He generally imagines that the distinction is nominal, or, if actual, that it rests entirely upon political status. Of the Americans who go to Cuba only a small proportion travel farther from Habana than the caves of Bellamar, and they imagine that they see the typical native in the men and women of the city. In this conclu- sion they fall very short of the mark. The Ha- banero is not the best and truest representative of his country. He must be sought in the rural districts and will most readily be found in Camaguey, where the percentage of pure whites is even greater than in the capital. The Cuban is fond of calling himself a Camagueyeno, and 83 84 Cuba and Her People of To-day this because the purest native blood of the Island has been found in that Province since the old days when it was a famous cattle-raising country. The Cuban is a Spaniard to the same extent as the American is English, and no more. Al- though the compositive mixture is greater in one type than in the other, they exhibit equal divergence from the parent stock, both in the matter of physical and mental characteristics. This, without reference to the native who is tinged with negro blood — the mulatto. He may conform closely to the traits and appear- ance of the creole, but then, again, he may dif- fer from him in the widest degree. The Spaniard, and especially the peasant of the provinces, from whom the Cuban is most often descended, is usually round-headed, broad-chested, and stocky. The Cuban is lanky, lean and slack limbed. His drooping shoulders, languid air, and listless gait, give the impres- sion of weak physique and lack of energy, an impression which is confirmed by a study of his habits. It might be supposed that, with the ad- vantage of acclimatization, he would be able to hold his own against the foreign settler, but such is very far from being the case. The People of the Country 85 Immigrants of any race, but particularly those from Spain, appear to have no difficulty in competing successfully with the Cuban upon his native heath. This can not be altogether due to physical weakness and want of energy, and certainly not to deficiency of intelligence. Perhaps the chief reason of the Cuban's back- wardness is to be found in a constitutional ab- sence of ambition. For generations he has had no incentive to effort and the laissez faire state of mind has gradually become ingrained. Whether, with improved opportunity, his char- acter will undergo a change in this respect is beyond the range of safe prediction. The op- portunity has not yet been extended to him, despite superficial appearances. Critics of the Cubans are prone to speak of them contemptuously for the lack of certain qualities which we prize and the possession of certain defects which we despise. The charges are generally true, but the condemnation un- just, nevertheless. No people were ever more handicapped in their formative development. Numerous conditions, over which they had lit- tle, if any, control, have affected the Cubans physically, morally, politically, and economic- ally, — and the influences have, in the major- 86 Cuba and Her People of To-day ity of instances and in the most respects, been maleficent. Only since yesterday have the Cubans been free agents, and even to-day their freedom is qualified, the conduct of their Gov- ernment subject to a critical supervision, and their independence liable to sudden interrup- tion. They have had no more control of their making than a child has of its. They have al- ways been treated as irresponsible and incap- able beings. They have never had fair scope for initiative, nor a free field for endeavor. There has always been a pressure from above, crushing growth, independence, enterprise, and hope. Under the circumstances is it to be wondered at that the Cuban is deficient in backbone ; that he is vacillating and morally wobbly; that his somewhat effeminate, often handsome, and never coarse features bear a stamp of weakness which the most fiery pair of eyes will not suf- fice to counteract? "Would it not be surprising if he displayed any marked capacity for hard work, or facility for business? Pleasure loving, inclined to frivolity, cheery, and apparently philosophical, the Cuban yields to difficulties and sinks under reverses. It is his habit, fostered by temperament and envi- The People of the Country 87 ronment, to follow the lines of least resistance, and the way leads him ultimately into a cul de sac, — a slough of stagnation. He has a quick intelligence and a lively imagination. He can plan shrewdly and with nice calculation, but he has neither the force nor the executive ability to carry out his designs. For a full century he has conspired to throw off the galling yoke of Spain, and he would never have done it but for the intervention of the United States. As a young man he is apt to be foppish, libidinous and indolent, in striking contrast to the sturdy little Spanish apprentice, of Habana. Cuban children are too often spoilt by fond and over indulgent parents. The effect upon the girls is modified by the restricted home life to which they are subjected. In the boys it shows in selfwilfulness, lack of principle and utter absence of respect for things that the Anglo Saxon is apt to reverence. The Cuban usually marries early, and he makes a good father, if, often, a questionable husband. Despite the fact that he can depend upon the continence of his wife, or, perhaps because of it, he is frequently guilty of infidel- ity to her. This, if she discovers it, she is likely to treat with a complacency that an American 88 Cuba and Her People of To-day- woman could not understand. It is a common boast of Cubans that no Cuban woman ever became a public prostitute. Whether or not this is true, there is a marked difference in the standard of marital virtue maintained by the sexes among them. In this, and other respects, the less said about the Cuban of Habana, the better. It is not on short acquaintance that a true gauge of the Cuban's character may be made. His surface air is one of self-respect and geni- ality, that hides the underlying egotistic selfish- ness and flaccidity. If educated, he has a cour- teous manner and polished address, while the poorest peasant displays a certain refinement and decided intelligence. I never remember to have seen a dull or stupid looking Cuban, but, perhaps, that is due less to mental quality than to the universal endowment of remarkably fine eyes. At first sight, you will like the Cuban, and you may continue to do so after you have learned to know him for a weak-minded brother, without any stable qualities in his composition. He has a subtle attractiveness which you will find it difficult to analyze. Perhaps it is his natural bonhomie and genuine affectionateness The People of the Country 89 that draws you, and the undercurrent of naive childishness that blinds you to his faults. Un- like his arrogant cousin, the Spaniard, he is pathetically conscious of his shortcomings. Often a comic assertiveness will thinly cloak an uneasy realization of inferiority. And withal you will conclude that he is not a bad fellow at the bottom; that with half a chance he might have developed into a very different man. This idea will be strengthened when you come to know the guajiro. Mean- while you can not fail to speculate with mis- giving on the future of the country if its Gov- ernment is to remain in the hands of the white and parti-colored Cubans. You may base some hope on the recollection that the soil of this Island has bred not a few men of noble charac- ter and great talent, — but we will consider the subject more fully later on. The younger generation of the present upper class of Cubans is a source of hope and may perhaps prove to be the seed-bed of a different race. Their fathers were born to riches and enjoyed lives of ease and pleasure. Reckless extravagance and loss due to war, and the con- sequent commercial depressions, have reduced most of the wealthy families to ruin, or com- 90 Cuba and Her People of To-day parative poverty. It is as much as they can do to afford their sons good educations. After leaving college they are compelled to earn their livelihood. The result of this changed condi- tion is already apparent in the display of more manly qualities and better principles. Of the many Cuban youths in our educational institu- tions, a large proportion give promise of lead- ing useful lives. What the Cuban seems to need more than anything else is to develop virility and hard common sense. If he should do this in combi- nation with the better application of some of his natural talents, he will present himself to the world as a very admirable man. Mean- while, it is always to be remembered that he was freed from his swaddling clothes but yes- terday. He never before had a fair chance to grow, to stretch his limbs, to think and act for himself. We do not know what he can do or what he may become until he has been tested through two generations, at least. The foregoing is written, in the main, with the Cubans of the cities and towns in mind — : the men of what are commonly called the ' ' bet- ter class." The guajiro, the white Cuban peas- ant of the rural districts, is in several respects The People of the Country 91 a different fellow. But, before we proceed to a description of him, let us take a view of la hija del pais, the daughter of the country. From the time that she first begins to walk, until she is handed over, too often against her inclination, to a husband, the Cuban girl is under surveillance. Whether this close guard- ianship is prompted by fear of the evil de- signs of the young men of her acquaintance, by anxiety about her own tendencies to go astray, or both, is not clear. Perhaps the old Spanish custom is unnecessary and is maintained merely because it is an established practice. Be that as it may, the Cuban girl is not allowed any kind of intercourse with the other sex, ex- cept for the members of her own family, until she leaves her father's house for that of her husband, unless it be under supervision. Occa- sionally lovers contrive to exchange a few words privately through the bars of a ground floor window, but the proceeding is not counte- nanced by the maiden 's mother, and may entail a penance in expiation of the bold defiance of the laws of etiquette and modesty. The little Cubana is escorted to school and thence home again. Her little brother goes to a separate institution. It would not be at all 92 Cuba and Her People of To-day proper for boys and girls to read their primers upon the same benches, or even in the same room. Later on, when she has grown to be a big girl and of an age at which an American miss is supposed to take care of herself, the Cuban is still treated as if it were not safe to leave her alone for a moment. She goes to the theatre or plaza with her mother, and young men of her acquaintance cast languishing glances at her from the foyer, or the benches along the walk. One of them may be particularly favored by her parents and he may be permitted to call upon her, but he will never be permitted to see her, except in the presence of a sister, or a less sympathetic cluena. Their courtship is carried on without any of the sweet tete-a-tetes that are as essential to Anglo Saxon love-making as mustard is to ham. I presume, although I have made no precise enquiry on the subject, that most Cuban girls of good families do not kiss the men to whom they are married until after the priestly benediction has been pronounced upon the union. No nation can boast women more comely than the daughters of Cuba. Often their features are strikingly attractive and sometimes ex- tremely beautiful, despite the disfiguring cas- The People of the Country 93 carilla, or powdered egg-shell, which is plas- tered on the, face with ghastly effect. If the Cub ana had vivacity, or even expression, she would be irresistibly charming. But her coun- tenance, though not lacking in intelligence, is apt to be placid to the point of dulness. This is the more remarkable because her Spanish grandmother was probably a woman of verve and sparkle, with flashing, big black eyes, which in her descendant are just as big and black, but languid and unresponsive. Though blondes are not extremely rare among the Cuban women, the prevailing type is dark, with blue-black hair in abundant quantity. The cubana matures early and fades correspond- ingly soon. A fully developed woman at thir- teen, she is often married at that age, or shortly after, and is probably the mother of several children before she has passed out of her teens. Her good looks wane and her figure becomes embonpoint, if not corpulent, at an age when the Anglo-Saxon woman still presents the appearance of youth. One who had only known la senorita might be disposed to think that Cuban women have little character or individuality. It is as mothers that they display their best traits. 94 Cuba and Her People of To-day From the day of her marriage, La Cub ana de- votes her life to her home and family. She is a willing slave to her husband and children, often with bad effect upon him and them. A little more independence, a little less self-sacri- fice, on her part, would be better for all parties concerned. But every Cuban girl is taught that her sole mission in life is to fulfill her duty as wife and mother to the best of her ability. She has been schooled to consider herself the abso- lute property of her husband and to render him unquestioned obedience. She is prone to jealousy but slow to resent neglect and unfaithfulness. Sad to say, this devoted creature too often loses the love of her husband with the decline of her beauty. She seldom has the strength of character or the intellectual attractions necessary to hold him when the physical charm has lost its force. Religion is the only other interest of the Cuban lady, and she has a monopoly of it, for the men of her class are almost universally ir- religious. During the revolutionary period, when free-thought doctrines were rife in Eu- rope and America, the Cubans of the cities be- came addicted to reading the works of Voltaire, Rousseau, and their Italian disciples. The re- The People of the Country 95 suit was a deterioration of religious belief, from which the Cubans have never recovered. Although they are sometimes apparently zeal- ous in the observance of the rites and ceremo- nies of the Church, it is probably more from a love of music and of pageantry than from devo- tional motives. The most regular attendant of mass is apt to speak lightly of his faith and its representatives and to laugh at the scurrilous cartoons, caricaturing the Church and its min- isters, which frequently appear in the newspa- pers and the shop-windows. No doubt the con- duct of some of the clergy in Cuba, as in other Latin-American countries, has done much toward destroying respect for the cloth and devotion to the faith. Then again the fact that the Church was allied with the official oppress- ors, although many priests sympathized with the natives, had its effect for alienation. Were it not for its female adherents, the Church in Cuba would cease to be a national institution to-morrow. La cubana, however, is a fervent devotee, constant in her attendance at mass and confession. The Cuban woman is the most conservative of beings and a stickler for the proprieties. She is very matter of fact, very serious, and utterly 96 Cuba and Her People of To-day destitute of humor. Her life is passed in a narrow groove, with little but birth, marriage, and death, to vary it. Her world is contained in the town of which she is resident, and per- haps within a few squares of it. What hap- pens outside these boundaries is nothing to her. She seldom cares for reading, her sole accom- plishments are embroidering and piano-play- ing, her chief diversion, gossiping with her neighbors. She is never taught to take an in- terest in household work and knows nothing about cooking. But withal she is womanly, warm-hearted, hospitable, and often extremely charming. The Cubans are the most democratic of peo- ple. The ragged peasant maintains a digni- fied attitude toward all men, which conveys the impression of a nicely balanced respect for him- self and for his fellow. His landlord, or his employer, meets him upon his own ground and the relations between them are frequently char- acterized by friendly familiarity. The revolu- tionary period, with its levelling processes and its common interests, tended to make this con- dition more pronounced. It also had the effect of almost obliterating the color-line, which had previously been but faint. The right of the The People of the Country 97 black and mulatto to call themselves " cuba- nos " could hardly be disputed in a country which owes its freedom in so great a degree to their efforts. The lowest Cuban of the country will wel- come you with dignified self-possession to the hut in which his naked children are tumbling about among the pigs and the chickens. You will have no difficulty in realizing that you may not pity nor patronize him, however miserable his condition may appear to be. He will be glad to do you a service for pay, and will over- charge you if you permit, but you can not offer him a gratuity without risk of offence. His air of independence is not without a basis of fact for its justification. His simple needs are sup- plied with little labor. He works when he wants to, and loafs when he pleases. The guajiro, or white peasant of Cuba, is first cousin to the gibaro of Puerto Rico, whom I have described in a former volume. 1 They are much alike in character and in manner of liv- ing, but the former is the better man. He has not had to contend against the hookworm, which has played havoc with the Puerto Rican cam- 1 America's Insular Possessions, Philadelphia, 1906, vol. 1, pp. 98-101. 98 Cuba and Her People of To-day pesino, and he has gained something in fibre and backbone from his hard experience as com- batant or reconcentrado in the rebellions of late years. The ancestors of the guajiro came mainly from Catalonia and Andalusia, and were a good, hardy stock. Time was when he occa- sionally owned slaves and a fair extent of land, but nowadays he is more often than not a squat- ter in a little corner of that no-man's-land which seems to be so extensive in the central and eastern portions of the Island. In com- paratively few instances he has title to a few acres, lives in a passably comfortable cabana, possesses a yoke of oxen, a good horse, half a dozen pigs, and plenty of poultry. Much more often he lives in a ramshackle bohio, the one apartment of which affords indifferent shelter to a large family and is fairly shared by a lean hog and a few scrawny chickens. There is nothing deserving the name of furniture in the house, and the clothing of the family is of the scantiest. A nag of some sort, usually a sorry specimen of its kind, is almost always owned by the guajiro, who loves a horse and rides like the gaucho of the Argentine pampas. The guajiros are handsome, manly fellows. The People of the Country 99 While they have frequently become tinged with African blood, a majority probably have main- tained the purity of their origin, and this is conspicuously the case with the peasantry about Cienfuegos. They speak a patois which is a mixture of Spanish and negro dialect, picked up from the blacks, with whom their inter- course has always been more or less close, and with whom they live on the best of terms. The guajiro is totally lacking ambition and his chief desire is to be left alone to live his life in his own way. If he is frugal, it is from necessity. Of thrift he has no understanding. "What he earns to-day he carelessly spends to- morrow. Indeed he knows no reason for earn- ing except to spend. It would be strange if his characteristics were otherwise. He has never had any opportunity to improve his condition, nor any incentive to accumulate property. He has become accustomed to living from hand to mouth with indifferent regard to the future. He works when he must and ceases as soon as he may. In that respect he is merely giving full play to an inclination that is strong in all of us. The guajiro lives chiefly on bananas and other fruit. Aside from an occasional iguana, loo Cuba and Her People of To-day or jutea, pork is the only meat he eats. This, contrary to our idea of the fitness of things in the tropics, is a frequent and favorite dish with all classes of Cubans. He sometimes varies his bill of fare with a fish or a bull-frog. The one trait of his Spanish forefathers which the guajiro retains in undiminished strength, is love of gambling. He is supported through a week of loathsome labor by the pros- pect of wagering his wages at the cock-pit or bull-ring on Sunday. He enjoys music and dancing with the whole-hearted delight of a child. As most of the observances of the Church have something of a gala character they attract him, and he finds a pious excuse for attending them. Weddings, christenings, funerals, are so many holidays in which it is a religious duty to take part. Of course all the fiestas are holy days and if he worked on all the days which are in no manner signalized by the Church, he would hardly labor half the time. The guajira does all the chores about the place, except for looking after the cattle. If these and the cooking leave any surplus time it is occupied in attending to the numerous brood of guajiritos, who are to be seen tumbling The People of the Country 101 about every cabin of the Island in a state of unhampered nature. The guajira is the work- ing member of the family, but she gets her full share of the holidays, for her husband usually takes all his dependents with him when he goes to town to attend mass and patronize the cock- fight. Females are debarred from that delec- table entertainment and while it is in progress the guajira will foregather with others of her kind outside the village fonda and gossip over a glass of tamarind water. There used to be more saints ' days than Sun- days in the calendar, but the number is not so generally observed as formerly. In fact, the country population seems to be beginning to take a more serious view of life and to regard work as a somewhat essential part of it, rather than a necessary evil of intermittent character. As he has come into closer touch with civiliza- tion in latter days, the guajiro has become sen- sibly discontented with his simple lot and de- sirous of many things of which he formerly knew nothing or toward which he was indif- ferent. CHAPTEE VI THE PEOPLE OF THE COUNTRY (CONTINUED) Among those best acquainted with Cuba and the Cubans, opinion differs widely as to the negroes. There are those who go so far as to believe that they will be a retarding factor in the development of the country, while others consider them the most promising element of the laboring population. Both these views are extreme, and, as a matter of fact, any predic- tion as to the future of the Cuban negro must include a great degree of pure surmise. What he has been is not a safe basis for inference of what he will be under entirely different condi- tions. Mr. Charles M. Pepper, who has had excep- tional opportunities for judging, declares that " the negro of Cuba is not an idler, nor a clog on the industrial progress. He will do his part toward rebuilding the industries of the Island, and no capitalist need fear to engage in enter- 102 The People of the Country 103 prises because of an indefinite fear regarding negro labor. In the country, for a time, the black laborers may be in a majority. On its political side the black population of Cuba has its definite status. Social equality does not ex- ist, but there is no color line. Social tolerance prevails. . . . The part taken in the insurrec- tion by the blacks has undoubtedly strength- ened their future influence. . . . The race has far more than its proportion of criminals. Some tendencies toward retrogression have to be watched. . . . With common-school educa- tion the negro will do better. At present he is doing very well." As to this dictum, the Cuban negro may eventually do his fair share toward the indus- trial development of the Island, but it can only be as a result of a considerable change in his habits and a greatly increased degree of effi- ciency. At present, extensive employers of labor pronounce him inefficient, unreliable, and difficult of control. It is not to his credit that they should import labor at great trouble and expense in preference to employing him. If capitalists have ceased to be apprehensive re- garding the negro of Cuba, which is by no means certain, — it is not because he has sud- 104 Cuba and Her People of To-day denly ceased to have a desire for disturbance, with its attendant opportunities for loot, but because they have greater confidence in the abil- ity and inclination of the authorities to sup- press outbreaks with promptness, born of the ever-present fear of American intervention, or a demand on the part of foreign property inter- ests for some share in the administration of' affairs. Though individuality is not one of the negro characteristics, the perpetuation of racial traits and temperament are pronouncedly characteristic wherever they may be found and under whatever conditions. The negro may be three centuries removed from his transplanted ancestor, he may have more than one strain of white blood in his composition, he may have adopted the most approved customs of the country in which he lives, and may be to all outward appearances the most highly civilized of beings, but for all that African nature is strong in him. Moreover its promptings are not repressed from principle, but from motives of self-interest. Given the opportunity to in- dulge them without fear of consequences, and he will follow his inclinations unrestrainedly. For that reason one-third of Cuba's population The People of the Country 105 must be as great a source of anxiety as is the colored element of our southern States. This is not to say that there are any good grounds for the sometimes expressed fear that Cuba may become a second Haiti, controlled by the blacks, but is intended to convey the belief, that in the negroes of the Island there is a con- stantly present source of possible trouble. The majority of Cuban negroes are descend- ants of slaves imported during the past cen- tury, but a large number, like the maroons of Jamaica, come from a stock which accompanied the earliest Spanish adventurers and shared their hardships and dangers in a companion- ship that often approached a condition of friendship and equality. Such a one was Estavan, the negro who, with Cabeza de Vaca, crossed the continent of North America, from the Gulf of Mexico to California, in the years between 1528 and 1536. From this stock sprang the free mulattoes of the Antonio Maceo type, a class superior to any that our colored population contains. Although emancipated at a later date, the Cuban negroes are in general more manly and independent than those of the United States. This is due to the social and the political recog- 106 Cuba and Her People of To-day nition accorded them, but also to the previous conditions of their servitude. Before the abo- lition of slavery they were granted freedom of marriage, the right of acquiring property, the privilege of purchasing their release by labor, and license to seek a new master at their option. The negro of Cuba is much more happy and content than his brother in America. The bur- dens of life do not press so heavily on him. He has greater opportunity of enjoyment of the three conditions most desirable to the man of African descent, warmth, indolence, and a full stomach. The climate and the physical nature of the country are entirely to his liking. He thrives in Cuba and is more robust than the white native, as well as more prolific, which is saying a great deal. He and his women and children withstood the stress and strain of the reconcentration better than did the guajiro class. I am fully aware that these statements seem to be contradicted by the census returns, which show a marked diminution of the colored popu- lation during the past half century. In the last United States report this is accounted for by " the inability of the colored race to hold its own in competition with the whites." This The People of the Country 107 does not seem to be sufficient explanation, espe- cially as there has been no competition to speak of between the whites and the blacks in Cuba. Without pretending to any precise knowledge on the subject, I will hazard the suggestion that the apparent discrepancy may be due to the defects in the censuses under Spain, which were notoriously inaccurate, to the latter day tend- ency of mulattoes to return themselves as ' ' whites, ' ' and to the fact that the colored por- tion of the population has borne more than its proportional share of the brunt of the later revolutions. Be that as it may, it will be diffi- cult for any one who is familiar with the lives and conditions of the natives of Cuba to believe that ' ' the man of color " is in any but a favor- able and congenial environment. The dance is the favorite amusement of the rural population. As the whites practise it, it is a monotonous movement to monotonous music, entirely lacking the grace and variety of the Spanish dances. The negroes merely writhe and wriggle to the slow beat of a drum. There is always a suggestion of obscenity pres- ent, and sometimes religious frenzy transforms the performance from the ludicrous to the weird. On such occasions the dancers and the 108 Cuba and Her People of To-day- onlookers chant invocations to the saints in an African dialect. Certain religio-social societies, called cabildos, appear to have no other purpose than the con- duct of these ceremonies. The cabildos are supposed to be the only survival of the nanigo clans, which the authorities claim to have sup- pressed, although it is very doubtful whether the organizations have been broken up. The nanigos practised all manner of sinister mys- teries, witchcraft, voodooism, and the rest, be- sides active participation in underground pol- itics. No longer ago than the time of the Pro- visional Administration some of their members were convicted of killing and cutting up two white children in the performance of their secret rites. Roman Catholicism and African demon-worship have become grotesquely mixed in the ceremonies of the negro secret societies. Goats and fowls are sacrificed to the saints of the Church ; the Holy Mother is invoked in bar- baric terms, accompanied by a symbolism that originated in the wilds of Africa. Until comparatively recently the sixth of January was observed as " All King's Day," when the negroes held high carnival all over the Island. They took possession of Habana The People of the Country 109 and thronged the streets, dancing, gesticulating, shouting, and beating drums, dressed in fantas- tic costumes made up of the gaudiest colors, and carrying a variety of transparencies on long poles. The shops were closed, and the whites remained within doors, for not infre- quently rival clans came to blows and serious conflicts occurred in the public streets. After the War most of the, Spaniards left Cuba, filled with resentment against Ameri- cans. When order and liberal government had been established they began to come back, still filled with resentment against the people who had interfered with their ruinous exploitation of the Island. This feeling has rapidly died down. The Spaniard, who has as keen and critical appreciation as any man of commercial conditions, soon realized that he and his gov- ernment were distinct gainers by the loss of the Philippines and Cuba. He was no longer called upon to support costly armies in those coun- tries, nor to do his share of service in them. But what impressed him most was that Cuba had become a much more desirable place, on every account, in which to do business than it had ever been before. As a consequence, na- tives of Spain have been immigrating to the no Cuba and Her People of To-day Island in constantly increasing numbers dur- ing recent years, and making more money, whether as merchants, shop-keepers or labor- ers, than they possibly could make at home in the same employments. They are good citizens and capable in their several callings, but most of them are what the Cubans call intransigent es — transients. The bodeguero and the field- hand alike view the country as a field for money-making solely and have no thought of permanently settling in it, much less of becom- ing naturalized. The shop-keeper looks for- ward to retiring as soon as he shall have ac- cumulated enough to enable him to live com- fortably in some rural district in Spain, and the laborer often goes back between harvests, with his season's earnings, to his native prov- ince, where he has left his family. Of course the proper remedy for this condition is the oc- cupation by Cubans of the positions filled by the Spaniards, but so far the former have dis- played neither inclination nor capacity to com- pete with the foreigners. Under such circum- stances the Spanish immigration may be looked upon as a desirable factor in the development of the Island. The commercial instinct and the qualities The People of the Country ill that make for success in business are unusually strong in the Spaniard. This fact is not gener- ally realized in America. There must be two hundred thousand Spaniards in Cuba, practi- cally all of whom are steadily engaged in prof- itable pursuits. It is doubtful if an equal num- ber of native whites are earning money day in and day out through the year, or any definite period of it. Spaniards own large interests in the sugar and tobacco businesses. Throughout the country they control the mercantile lines, wholesale and retail. They are money-lenders in the small districts and furnish the farmers, at exorbitant rates of interest, with the means of raising and marketing their crops. It is not at all surprising that the Cuban can not compete with his cousin from the mother- country. I am very doubtful whether Amer- icans would be successful in the attempt. The Spanish business man is as keen and shrewd a trader as you may find anywhere, and, more- over, he is as precise in discharging his obli- gations as a Chinaman. He possesses tremen- dous energy and pertinacity of purpose. Americans cherish a threadbare and somewhat senseless joke which hinges on the word manana. It is entirely misapplied when aimed 112 Cuba and Her People of To-day at the Spaniard in Cuba. If he leaves anything of importance until to-morrow it is because to- day is too full of performance to admit of addi- tion. He is the first to rise and the last to close his shutters in the community. Meanwhile* he keeps as closely on the trail of the elusive dol- lar as any New Yorker. But there is this dif- ference ; he does his business without needless fuss and friction. In the city stores, the old-time system of ap- prenticeship is maintained. The proprietors probably started in the position of the little office boy, with the bloom of Catalonia fresh upon his cheeks, who sweeps out the place when most folks are turning over for a final nap, and spends an hour or more in straightening up after every one else has knocked off for the day. He is a strong, cheerful little chap, content with his lot, and doubtless encouraged by dreams of directing the establishment at some future day. And this is no idle fantasy but a matter well within the bounds of calculable attainment. The system is one of regular ad- vancement. When a partner retires, which he is apt to do at a comparatively early age, the senior clerk takes his place and each of the others moves up a step. As soon as an em- The People of the Country 113 ploye is in a position to save something from his salary, he is permitted to invest it in the business. A sort of family relationship is maintained in the establishment. The heads of it take the greatest interest in the business education and general welfare of their employes, who are generally sons of friends at home. All eat at the same table and all sleep under the same roof. The juniors have to account for their time even after closing hours. Only with per- mission may they leave the premises. Then they will probably spend their evenings at one or other of the numerous societies which have their headquarters in Habana and branches in other large cities. These societies are social and beneficial in their functions. They maintain night-schools, pay sick benefits, and provide burial expenses. Some of them have a very large membership and extremely handsome clubhouses. Every Spaniard on landing at Habana joins the soci- ety which is composed of natives of his prov- ince. At every cross-roads in Cuba and on every corner in the country towns there is a bodega. It is always a grocery, often a general store. 114 Cuba and Her People of To-day- Mne times in ten the proprietor is a Spaniard. His place may be a dingy, dilapidated shack. His stock may consist of little more than a barrel of the inevitable bacalao, — salt cod, — a few strings of onions, and a dozen bottles of aguadiente. Bnt it is safe to wager that he is making money at a handsome rate of interest on his little investment. Why is the Chinaman, who is the most inof- fensive of beings, disliked more universally than any other? It may be because he is snch an unsociable, self-contained, enigmatical fel- low. In Cuba, as in the States, he lives in the midst of the community and far apart from it, restricting his intercourse with the natives to the necessities of business. He may have been born in the country, and intend to die in it, but, unless his mother was a native, he will never be anything else than a Chinaman, even though he adopt a frock coat and a silk hat. He works hard, lives frugally, and accumulates money by fair and square methods. His sole indulgences are fan tan and the opium pipe. He figures but seldom in the police records, and then, as likely as not, through the fault of someone else. In the early part of the last century a number of Chinese were imported under contract as The People of the Country 115 laborers in the cane-fields. Each one had a metal tag strung round his neck, with a num- ber and the expiry date of the contract on it. Once received on the sugar-estate, the coolie was reduced to a state of slavery, measurably worse than that in which the negroes were held. He had no privileges whatever, was miserably housed, insufficiently fed, and received less con- sideration than the cattle and horses. When the legal date of his release approached, his identification check was frequently changed to make him appear to be another man with a con- siderable period of service in prospect. This condition of things went on for many years, until at length knowledge of it reached the Chinese Government. A commission was sent from China to investigate the matter, with the result that exportation of laborers from the Celestial Kingdom to Cuba was stopped. Nowadays, there is an insular statute against the importation, but they come in, nevertheless, and find their way to the sugar-houses of the interior, apparently without enquiry or inter- ference. There are more than ten thousand Chinamen in Cuba at present. A considerable number are engaged as merchants and shop-keepers in 116 Cuba and Her People of To-day Habana, and many work truck-farms in the suburbs with much profit. Perhaps the most remarkable of the many- remarkable things about a Chinaman is his adaptability. Any one seeing him ironing shirts in the States might suppose that he was exercising an inherited talent. But he never saw an iron before coming to America and took to the calling because there was an evident un- filled demand for the work. He is not a laun- dryman in Cuba, because when he arrived the field was already occupied by the negroes. On the other hand, there was a distinctly felt want of market gardeners, and John jumped into the opening without hesitation. He would have acted with the same prompt decision had the need been for burglars or balloonists. He takes up one line of work as readily as another and whatever he attempts he does well. It mat- ters not whether the hole be round or square, his plastic personality will fit in it snugly. When he went to Calcutta, he found that there was no one to make shoes and paint portraits in manner satisfactory to the Englishman. He calmly and confidently undertook to do both. It is quite unnecessary to state that he suc- ceeded. But when you consider the essential The People of the Country 117 differences between European and Chinese art, both in conception and execution, as well as the fact that the Chinese emigrant is not usually deeply versed in either, the result was simply miraculous. Three favorite occupations of John China- man in Cuba are cooking, peddling sweetmeats, and keeping a fruit-stand. In each of these fields he has had to meet native competition, and in his quiet, forceful way he soon over- came it, although in the second he had serious difficulties to master. In short time he had learned to make better dulces than the Cubans had been accustomed to, but when it came to advertising his wares, he found himself hope- lessly handicapped by a naturally weak voice when pitted against the Cuban hawker, who has no superior in the world as a street crier. However, with the Chinaman, the next thing to being confronted with an obstacle is to over- come it. John mounted a long red box upon his head and on this drummed continuously with a hardwood stick. In the course of time the Cuban women and children forsook the man who bawled frantically for the silent man who beat a box. The acclimated, it would be altogether incor- 118 Cuba and Her People of To-day rect to say the naturalized, Chinaman in Cuba has been shorn of his pigtail, wears the same free shirt, and pantaloons as the native, and is called Jose, or Miguel, but if you should go into the back room of his store, you would find a vase of joss sticks burning before the shrine of his repulsive looking deity. There are very few Chinese women in the country and John is usually a celibate, but oc- casionally he marries a negress or mulatto. The children are generally bright, and often good-looking. The Chinaman is an excellent husband and father in such cases. Probably all these sallow- skinned taciturn Celestials yearn for their mother-country while they patiently plod through life in an uncon- genial environment. At least they have the satisfaction of knowing that when they die their bones will be shipped back to be buried in the land of their fathers. Meanwhile their num- bers are increasing in Cuba and it is easily con- ceivable that the country may have a Chinese problem to grapple with some day. Numerically the Americans are not an im- portant element in the foreign population but they represent more wealth and greater busi- ness than any other. There are about seven The People of the Country 119 thousand white citizens of the United States, more or less permanently resident on the Island. A large proportion of the sugar and tobacco estates, as well as extensive railroad and mining properties, are in American hands. A few Americans are engaged in wholesale business and a considerable number in fruit culture. I shall have more to say about these in a later portion of the volume. The first American occupation was the signal for a number of swindlers, loafers, and topers from the United States to take up residence in Habana. They caused endless trouble to the American officials and created a bad impres- sion among the natives. By degrees this class has been almost entirely eradicated and the Cubans long since learned that they were in no sense representative of their countrymen. The American in Cuba to-day is either a responsible business man, or an industrious farmer, whom the people of the country look upon with re- spect, and with whom they are generally upon the most friendly footing. CHAPTEE VII THE CONDITION OF CUBA Here is a country, small in extent, it is true, but as rich proportionally in natural resources as any in the world. It exports over $100,000,- 000 worth of the products of its soil annually. Yet less than half of its productive area is turned to account, and of its cultivated tracts only a small proportion is subjected to inten- sive treatment. Bad government and ill-judged commercial policy have retarded the develop- ment of the country which, under favorable conditions, might to-day be producing five times its output and supporting a population five times as great as that which it has. It is importing large quantities of foodstuff that ought to be raised upon its lands and paying substantial sums for foreign labor that should be supplied by its own people. The economic condition of Cuba is as un- favorable as possible to the welfare of its popu- 120 The Condition of Cuba 121 lation. Foreigners own practically everything in the country. The Island is exploited for the benefit of everyone but the natives. Additional capital is constantly coming in. New enterprises are continually being floated. In a way these are beneficial to the community at large, but, with the exception of the official class, they work little good to the natives. In fact, they decrease the Cuban's chances of ever doing anything for himself. Capital and cor- porations create wealth, but precious little of it finds its way into the pockets of the guajiro, or the negro. What the country needs, if ever its people are to become prosperous, is a greater diversity of industries with opportu- nities for the little man, and an increase in the small land-owners. There is a bare possibility of the former condition coming about ; the lat- ter is beyond the bounds of hope. There is no public domain for disposal to homesteaders. Practically all the land in the Island is occu- pied or held for sale at high figures. A very small proportion of the peasant class own their holdings. Many of them are merely squatters and others maintain possession on defective titles. The country that produces one great staple 122 Cuba and Her People of To-day by the agency of slave labor lays itself under a curse that will be felt long after the condi- tions are changed. For well-nigh a century sugar-cane has been the one chief source of Cuba's wealth and it has cast a blight upon everything else. The sugar industry has exer- cised a detrimental influence upon the material welfare, morals, and health, and the independ- ence of the people in general. But for it, blacks would never have been introduced into the Island in numbers sufficient to affect seriously the general population. But for it, the larger estates, growing out of the system of reparti- miento, would long since have been carved into small holdings, the homesteads of peasant pro- prietors with some ambition and some oppor- tunity to lead a life of manly self-support. The Island might not have been so wealthy, it might not have afforded such rich pasture for the professional politician to browse in, nor have yielded such comfortable profits to American and British stock-holders, but its people would have been happier and in the way of enjoying greater and more stable prosperity than the present prospect holds for them. But this is an idle speculation. Foreigners own ninety per cent, of all the land in Cuba The Condition of Cuba 123 that is worth working, and, since this is the case, the more foreign capital that comes in, the better for the country. In other words, the only outlook for the Cuban is to serve as a hired man. If he had any bent toward the mechan- ical industries and could command a little cap- ital, he might make innumerable openings in new directions for independent enterprises on a small scale. Cuba should support a variety of manufac- turing industries. It has the necessary mate- rials, — wood, fibres, metal, hides, etc. It im- ports many commodities that are made from raw material exported by it. In many of these cases it would be more profitable for the coun- try to produce the finished article. Before long, no doubt, the many opportunities long latent will attract enterprise, and industrial development along this line will take place. But even so, the Cuban can not hope to play a very prominent or profitable part in the move- ment. The extension of education and manual training may better fit him for mechanical pur- suits but lack of capital will prevent his aspir- ing to any higher position than that of work- man. There is little doubt about the future pros- 124 Cuba and Her People of To-day perity of the Island along the present lines of exploitation. There is good reason for believ- ing that cane sugar will come into its own again, and that before long. Germany is likely to tire soon of coddling the beet cultivators in the face of foreign discrimination against them. Im- provements in the cultivation of cane and in the selection of the plant are to be looked for. Labor-saving devices will be introduced into the fields. The invention of a satisfactory cane harvester would revolutionize that branch of industry. The great future development of the Island will take place at the eastern end. Oriente is the most promising, and probably the richest, section of Cuba. Several large corporations have heavy investments in the Province. Its mineral wealth has hardly been touched. It is an especially favorable region for the cultiva- tion of citrus fruits and coffee. These indus- tries will be extensively prosecuted by Amer- icans, of whom there are already a number located in colonies and individual planta- tions. Cuba is growing constantly in favor with Americans as a health resort and, with the ex- tension of roads fit for motoring, pleasure The Condition of Cuba 125 seekers from the United States will travel on the Island in increasing numbers. There is a tendency among well-to-do Americans to make winter homes in Cuba and to build residences in the capital and suburbs. All this will lead to a better knowledge of the country and a great interest in its industries with consequent additional investment of capital. There ap- pears to be little room for doubting that ulti- mately American money and American man- agement will dominate the industrial and com- mercial affairs of the Island. Only one retarding factor mars the prospect of progress — that is the deficiency of labor supply. Doubtless a large part will be for years to come imported from southern Europe, and this of necessity. If these, or a consider- able proportion of them, could be induced to settle in the country they would form a desir- able addition to the population. At present, few of them display an inclination to remain, but, on the contrary, make Cuba the means of furnishing them with sufficient money to set up in a small way of business at home. The most easily available source of supply is the Jamaican negro, but he is not a valuable acquisition. His efficiency is calculated by em- 126 Cuba and Her People of To-day ployers as less than half that of the Spaniard, or native of the Canary Islands. Negroes from the United States might seek employment in the Island, but the kind who would be of the most use can always find work at home at as good a rate of wages as they would receive in Cuba. It is not to be assumed that the native will never supply the greatest part of the labor em- ployed in his country. He would be available to-day to a greater extent and with greater efficiency if American managers understood him better and accorded him more judicious treatment. Dr. V. S. Clark, in a government report, makes such an excellent and comprehensive statement regarding the Cuban laborer, that an extensive quotation is justified. Some of the opinions of Cuban workingmen are given in the following quotations from the remarks by American and English employers of broad experience. It is not possible to have perfect agreement in judgments of this sort, and naturally no attempt has been made to do so. But those sweeping denunciations of Cuba and everything Cuban that come from tactless adventurers and from men who have left their The Condition of Cuba 127 own country because they are chronically out of sorts with the world have been omitted : A railway manager : " A Cuban seldom has a real conception of what is meant by special qualifications. On railways a man might oc- cupy in succession a dozen different posts, each requiring a special kind of training. "We have an instance where the same man has been sta- tion agent, telegraph superintendent, and su- perintendent of locomotive power within a few months' time." A contracting foreman : "In the mechanic trades men are constantly presenting them- selves as applicants for any positions to be had, assuring us with the greatest apparent candor that they unite all the qualifications of expert masons, carpenters, painters, plumbers, and gas-fitters. We don't employ such men any more. A modest range of acquirements is one of the best credentials a mechanic can offer us. ' ' A government engineer : ' ' The labor cost of all kinds of construction is half as much again as in the United States. But with time and patience intelligent Cuban mechanics can be trained to keep pretty well up with Americans on the same job. They will not do this, how- ever, unless they are paid for it." 128 Cuba and Her People of To-day An English railway manager : ' ' After many years of experience in railway managing in Brazil and other South American conntries, I must say that the Cuban labor is the dearest labor I have ever had under my charge." A factory superintendent : ' ' We employ only Spaniards. They equal in industry and endur- ance the American workingman and are more steady and regular in their habits. I have had more than twenty years ' experience in Cuba as factory and plantation manager, and have sel- dom found Cubans efficient in occupations re- quiring physical endurance or manual skill. But they make neat and fairly accurate clerks. ' ' An army officer in charge of twelve hun- dred men in road construction: " The Cuban lahorer is not as strong physically nor as in- telligent as the unskilled laborer in the United States. He accomplishes about half as much work in a day as the latter. We bought a num- ber of the iron wheelbarrows commonly used by American contractors for our work here, but the men were not strong enough to handle them successfully, and I had to substitute wooden ones in their stead." An electric railway manager : ' ' You can not manage the Cubans with a club. The amount *» '.'■ V. ^^v ^ sslN^-iS £ JI Iff.'' f*- 4fir >** ft***- ?r I ■ The Condition of Cuba 129 of work you get out of them depends upon the way in which you handle them. We find our men unusually distrustful because they have been so often cheated by their past employers. If their paymaster is a little late they jump at the conclusion that their money is not coming to them. It has taken time to win their confi- dence in the company. They do not understand how to take care of their own interests. Our unclaimed wage book shows that during the last two years many hundred men have not ap- plied for all the pay due to them. Probably ten per cent, of the whole number of common laborers employed thus fail to collect their full wages. On our fortnightly pay-clays fifty or sixty men fail to claim amounts ranging from one or two days' pay to as high as $20 or $30 silver ($14 or $21 American). Of course such men are often imposed on, and a man who knows or thinks he is being cheated by his em- ployer isn't going to overexert himself in his service. An intelligent Cuban makes a good mechanic. He learns more rapidly than an American. It has taken me less time here to break in motormen than in the United States. In the last year or two we have trained most of our force of mechanics, repair men, and our 130 Cuba and Her People of To-day- armature winders. They are about as efficient as Americans." The head of an electrical supply house: " Labor conditions in Cuba have not changed materially since 1890. Cubans make efficient mechanics in our line of business. We also- employ them in contracting work, such as bridge construction, so that our monthly pay roll is sometimes over $6,000. They are slower than Americans, but are less independent and work longer hours. In electric fitting we get about as much service for the same wages as in New York. A man who has had long experience with the working people here, and who knows their language and how to treat them, will not have much trouble with his em- ployees, and will find them fairly efficient." A railway superintendent: " Spaniards are the future laborers of Cuba. But they will work mostly under the direction of Cubans. The amount you get out of men depends upon how well you pay and feed them. It is worth the money it costs an employer to provide and compel his common laborers to eat a substan- tial meal before going to work in the morning." The variety of opinions here expressed illus- trates the fact that the man in practical touch The Condition of Cuba 131 with the labor question in Cuba usually has some aspect of the situation in mind which ap- peals to him from his own experience. As to labor efficiency, all agree that for manual labor the Spaniard excels the native Cuban. This is true of factory as well as field occupations. Cane-cutting must be excepted from the latter, for here the negro is the best workman ; and in the machine shops, and some mechanic trades, where a certain dexterity of mind as well as hand is required, the more nervous and intel- lectual Cuban is at an advantage. There is practical unanimity in the opinion that the cost of labor is high, the only exceptions being in some trades requiring much skill and intelli- gence and where the men work under the direct control of their employer. The emphasis laid upon the fact that the amount to be obtained from employes depends largely upon the way they are treated and the wages they are paid is significant, and it ac- cords fully with the other testimony and with observation in different parts of the Island. At one place a gang of laborers was just comple- ting what appeared even to the casual observer a rather scanty day's work. The foreman looked up with a half -vexed smile and said: 132 Cuba and Her People of To-day " Their wages have been lowered 30 per cent., and no driving will get more than two-thirds of the former amount of work out of them. They simply shrug their shoulders and say: ' Poco diner o, poco trabajo.' Little money, little work." Beneath a most unimposing exterior a Cuban laborer generally manages to cherish a consid- erable sense of personal dignity and he resents deeply, however unperturbed he may appear, the rough way of handling that has come to mean so little to his fellow-laborer in the United States. Perhaps the unexpressed contempt with which he is tolerated by some Americans is resented still more deeply. In any case, the very efforts put forth by employers and repre- sentatives to increase the amount of work done by employes often have the reverse effect to that intended. Tactful management is often one of the most expensive assets a foreign en- terprise has to acquire in Cuba. Cuba is one of the most democratic countries in the world. Nowhere else does the least considered member of a community aspire to social equality with its most exalted personage. The language, with its conventional phrases of courtesy shared by all classes, the familiar family life The Condition of Cuba 133 of proprietor and servant, master and appren- tice, a certain simplicity and universality of manners inherited from pioneer days, and a gentleness of temperament that may be both racial and climatic, which shrinks from giving offence by assuming superiority of rank with others, have all contributed to render class as- sumptions externally less obvious in Cuba than in other countries where equal differences of race, culture, and fortune exist. The Cuban is naturally self-possessed. It is difficult to fancy him having stage fright. He is so imaginative and Tarasconese that he frequently confounds ideals with realities, and as his ideal of himself is usually an exalted one this disposition does not incline him to diffidence or humility. He is therefore apt to assume an artlessly familiar air with his employer, and to try to put their business relations, so far as their social aspect is concerned, as nearly upon a partnership basis as possible. With his manual services he bestows the gifts of his own discretion and judgment as gratuity, and he is thus enabled to amplify or modify any instructions he may receive to guide him in his work. These per- sonal advances and well intended departures from what are called orders, principally as a 134 Cuba and Her People of To-day- matter of courtesy in Cuba, are received quite differently by an American and Cuban em- ployer. The former resents them brusquely, often profanely, and thus sows the first seeds of misunderstanding that result in much con- cealed resentment and hostility, and unless he master the situation by great force of will and character, may occasion more serious damage to his interests. The Cuban or Spanish em- ployer, understanding his man, contrives to se- cure his ends more diplomatically; but he never has a really disciplined force of employes. Organization and discipline are two of the most seriously lacking things in Cuban life; and they are lacking because of a certain timid- ity, a lack of self-assertiveness on the part of the officers of industry toward their men. The Cuban is capable of discipline; but so long as nothing else is required, he naturally prefers discussing politics and local news or comparing notes about their children with his foreman to performing more commonplace duties. His friendliness toward his employer is usually well-meaning, even if unwisely manifested. It is something akin to the easy, inquisitive, but sympathetic familiarity one finds in a New England village. Occasionally it can be turned The Condition of Cuba 135 to good account in securing the loyalty of the men. Two American retail merchants were in- terviewed in Habana. One was evidently re- served toward his working people. He re- ported that among several employed he had never had a Cuban he was not obliged to dis- charge for stealing. Another, who was con- ducting a larger business, and who had many Cubans in his employ, but who stood on terms of greater intimacy with them, reported that he had no difficulty whatever of this kind. Whether the difference in the experience of the two merchants was due to the reason suggested or not, it is certain that the Cuban is peculiarly susceptible to appeals to ideal motives, whether made directly or only by implication, and that success or failure in dealing with the workmen of the Island often hinges upon an understand- ing of this trait of character. One desirable outcome of the aspiration toward social equality on the part of Cubans is their aversion to tips. Employes, who had made some money sacrifice by leaving piece- work to act as guides about a factory, refused, evidently with considerable embarrassment, the offer of gratuity. A poor countryman who had left his field labor for several hours to show a 136 Cuba and Her People of To-day- trail through a tract of forest would only accept compensation under protest — and when it was turned into a gift for the children. These same men would have made as shrewd a bargain as possible and would have haggled for hours over centavos in a matter of trade, but for a service of courtesy money was no compensation for their sense of wounded dignity in accepting a gratuity. With reference to the personal honesty of the Cuban, no unqualified statement is likely to be just. All people possessing great love of approbation and an excessive desire to please are apt to be more or less insincere in social intercourse. Extend the ethics of an afternoon tea to all statements of fact in business rela- tions, and one has an atmosphere of reliability or the reverse about equivalent to that in Cuba. Men tell you things they think you will like to hear. It appears to strike a Cuban as some- thing akin to discourtesy to bring a painful fact to your attention, even though a knowledge of it be quite essential to your business welfare. To save himself the embarrassment of refusing a request, he will often make a promise that he can not keep, and to save you from being disquieted by uncertainty he will give you an The Condition of Cuba 137 assurance as unqualified that ought to be de- cidedly conditional. His business statements are like his currency, subject to fluctuating dis- count. As in case of money, this is undoubt- edly an inconvenience in conducting a transac- tion. But, as there is sound money in Cuba, so there are men to be found whose word in busi- ness is as good as their bond. The upper commercial classes of the Island preserve a conservative integrity in their deal- ings and their methods of conducting business as high as prevails in any country. There are few failures. The representatives of large American houses report that their losses from bad debts are less in Cuba in proportion to the amount of business done than in the United States. In purchasing at retail one has to guard against overcharging. But this is sim- ply a feature of a very ancient and still very common way of doing business. There are no settled prices, and each individual sale is a separate transaction to be settled by independ- ent agreement, and is not prejudiced in the least by the precedent of previous transactions of a similar character. Americans, with little experience outside their own country, fre- quently bring up this practice as a main argu- 138 Cuba and Her People of To-day ment to prove the universal dishonesty of the Cuban. But it is like many other ingenuous arguments of the same sort — "It is not our way, ergo, it is wrong ' ' — that would result in making virtue a decidedly local thing in this world if they were universally applied. It is sometimes stated that while the Cuban, especially of the middle or lower class, is often lax about keeping his word, he shows quite the opposite disposition with regard to trifles be- longing to other persons. The experience of foreigners on the Island doubtless varies in this respect. It is hardly probable that the Cuban has abnormally high regard for the rights of property. But here is the result of a single personal experience covering nearly two years, and divided between Cuba and Porto Rico, where the general moral standards may be as- sumed to be about the same. Though the per- son in question travelled most of this time, stopping at boarding-houses and hotels, and a guest in native families where only native serv- ants were employed, though he allowed small articles of personal property to lie about un- cared for, with the same freedom as in the United States, and habitually left satchels and other hand-bags unlocked, during these two The Condition of Cuba 139 years not a single thing was stolen. In Cuba umbrellas and unlocked baggage were fre- quently left unchecked in baggage and waiting rooms at railway stations, wharves, at ware- houses, and at hotel offices, and nothing was ever lost in this way. Articles accidentally left behind in travelling, or when making purchases, were returned when opportunity offered. At no time during the two years was any attempt made to pass bad money or incorrect change. He travelled sometimes all night over rough trails and in the remotest parts of the Island, with only native companions, with considerable sums of money upon his person and unarmed, and was never molested. Large contractors in Cuba report no unusual loss of tools through the peculations of their workingmen. The owners of retail stores, where there is such a multitude of petty sales that no record of such transactions can be kept, entrust practically their whole business to their clerks. Judging from actual experience with people and their way of doing business, there is nothing to indicate but that a fair de- gree of private and commercial honesty pre- vails. As a rule, the Cuban has not a passion for acquisition for its own sake. The question 140 Cuba and Her People of To-day of money is an ever present and insistent one with the middle and working classes in Cuba as elsewhere; but when current demands are met, and they are not excessive, the Cuban is usually satisfied. He is not ambitious to ac- cumulate. Men in political life, with uncertain tenure of office, expensive ambitions, and the worst kind of precedents to influence them, are said not to be trustworthy, but Cuba should not be judged by its politicians. Considering only the industrial classes, there is no reason to re- proach Cuba with a particularly low standard of commercial and personal integrity. One will not find there conditions equalling those in countries where greater intelligence and social discipline have long prevailed, and where reasonably good government has been habitual ; but the moral standards of the people in the respects mentioned are not such as to present a serious bar to the industrial development of the country. One of the most common and perhaps the most popular charge made against Cuban work- men by Americans is that they are indolent. Disinclination to hard physical labor is a widely disseminated peculiarity of the human race. That is perhaps the reason why it is so confi- The Condition of Cuba 141 dently brought up as a defect of one's neigh- bors. Foreign immigrants to the United States say that the American likes to do all the boss- ing and none of the hard work. German and Swiss peasants along the Ehine consider the Frenchman's great weakness his desire to have clean hands and fine clothes, and that the Ital- ian is a " lazy beggar." And the Italian bor- derer will assure you that the Germans and Swiss want to " eat and sleep all the time." Therefore, in forming a judgment about the working people in Cuba, one has to allow for this national equation. The climate of the Island does not encourage long-continued phys- ical labor apart from all question of race. The American, the Spaniard, the native, and the negro are all subjected to this influence. But a moderate amount of any kind of work can be done by any of these under the right conditions. The immigrant from the North brings with him a fund of physical stamina superior to that of the native, which runs for life and is not be- queathed to his successors born on the Island. No statement that can be made is less likely to be controverted than the oft repeated one that the Spaniard is superior to the Cuban, even of the first generation as a laborer. But 142 Cuba and Her People of To-day the climate which withdraws physical vigor frequently compensates by giving mental alert- ness. The man of the second and third genera- tion on the Island is often quicker to compre- hend any complex matter than his Spanish an- cestor. This gives him a penchant toward the professions or the higher mechanic arts. It is not indolence so much as a combination of qual- ities of temperament that turns him away from manual occupations. He does not lack industry in his new career. This charge of indolence against the Cuban workman is sometimes justified by the slow- ness with which they perform their tasks. They are not nearly so expeditious as Amer- icans. But this is due in part to the system of industrial administration. The Cuban brick- layer lays as many bricks as the Englishman in the same trade. Recently in building the new Westinghouse electric plant at Manchester, American supervision raised the average num- ber of brick laid a day by the British bricklay- ers from less than 400 to 1,800, with a maxi- mum of 2,500 for the plainest work. This illus- trates how large a part organization and super- vision play in creating industrial efficiency. Employing the same men, the English con- The Condition of Cuba 143 tractor got only about twenty per cent, as much work out of them as did the American superin- tendents. In Cuba a change to American methods and implements, and from oxen to mules as draft animals, has reduced the cost of plowing from $97.50 and $76.50 a caballeria (33 1-3 acres), in two specific instances, to $39.16 and $24 respectively. There is reason to believe that in all industries this factor of supervision and administration counts for as much in Cuba as it does elsewhere. If so, a large part of the relative inefficiency of the Cuban must be charged off to poor manage- ment and a wasteful industrial system. When regularly employed the Cuban works long hours. A chart of the street-railway traf- fic of Habana shows that during the shorter days of the year the registered number of pas- sengers carried per hour in the whole city is nearly one-half the maximum by 6 a. m., and that it reaches its maximum at just 6 p. m. Considering only those lines running into the city from suburbs occupied by the working classes, the traffic before 6 a. m. is nearly or quite two-thirds the maximum. For most of these men, therefore, twelve hours, with the noon rest deducted, is the usual term of daily 144 Cu ba and Her People of To-day labor. On the plantations the eleven-hour day is still the rule. In riding through the country at earliest dawn one sees workers already in the fields. The independent country laborer usually protracts his noon-day rest until the heat of the day is over, and some of the appar- ent idleness of Cuba is due to the fact that the hours of work are divided by this interval of repose. In some trades the men work slowly or short hours in order to limit production. Where payment is by piece-work, as in the cigar fac- tories, they do so at their own expense. But this is usually during the slack season, and the motive is to keep as many men as possible em- ployed. One weakness of the working people of Cuba may be charged in part to indolence, but it is equally due to their love of pleasure and excite- ment, and to a feeling of irresponsibility as to the future so characteristic of tropical nations. Unless pressed by necessity, tjie Cuban takes frequent vacations. This is his form of dissi- pation, his way of going on a spree. The ex- citement of strong drink does not appeal to him as much as the gentler attractions of more pro- tracted recreations. He is often a gambler, he The Condition of Cuba 145 delights in music and dances and in the little festivals of his neighborhood ; he regards scru- pulously all the observances of the Church that give promises of sufficient entertainment, espe- cially those of a gala-day character. Weddings and christenings and funerals are important events in his calendar. By dint of a close and constant study of the situation he can usually find a valid excuse for indulging in the relaxa- tions of leisure whenever it is not absolutely necessary for him to labor for his support. The Cuban is therefore neither thrifty nor frugal. As a workman he responds only to the incentive of necessity. The Spanish laborer in Cuba usually works with the aim of accumula- ting a competency ; not so the Cuban. The one produces and consumes little; the other pro- duces only what he may consume. The Span- ish laborer has few and simple ideals, but they are fixed and permanent; the Cuban stores a new fancy in his head every few days, and for- gets it. He becomes impassioned over a carni- val mask or a polka-dot tie; a month later it has passed out of his remembrance. This is one principal reason why employers so greatly prefer the Spaniards in their serv- ice ; they are not necessarily more honest, more 146 Cuba and Her People of To-day active, or more intelligent, but they can be de- pended upon. The Cubans are not criminally inclined. Under Spanish rule there were four times as many Spaniards as native whites in the pris- ons of Cuba in proportion to the total number of inhabitants of each nation in the Island. The Chinese and Spaniards both showed a larger percentage of criminals than the native Cubans of either race. Among the higher class Cubans, especially in the remoter towns, there are many evidences of physical degeneracy due to close intermarriage. Little scrawny men with big bony hands and almost no head at all, are char- acteristic of this class. But this type is not usually found among the rural or laboring population. CHAPTER VIII THE FUTURE OP CUBA If the economic development of Cuba holds little promise for the people of the country, they have even less to look for in the political prospect. The period of self-government fol- lowing freedom from the Spanish yoke has been marked by utter failure to meet the demands and the responsibilities of the situation. The Palma administration, ushered in with the high- est hopes and the utmost encouragement, was tainted with corruption and cut short by revo- lution. The present regime can not boast even that weak element of honesty and ability that its predecessor possessed. To quote La Lucha, of Habana, which was the official organ of the Gomez party, the present condition is charac- terized by " intranquillity in the country, un- easiness in the towns and cities, hatreds, fears, and absolute lack of confidence in the future. . . . Our rulers refuse to be convinced that they 147 148 Cuba and Her People of To-day- are not the owners, but simply the administra- tors of the public wealth." Insurrection has been staved off on several occasions by means of the strong arm or the greased palm. As the year 1911 approaches its close, the rumblings of revolution are heard in many different parts of the Island at the same time. These are not to be taken as popular indications of resent- ment against bad government, — the Cubans are used to that. They are the organized prep- arations of the " outs " to unseat the " ins." Such disturbances are natural incidents of a situation which is controlled by professional politicians. There are in Cuba no political parties based on principle. Instead there are a number of cliques, each headed by a leader who holds his followers by promises of patronage in case of success. Experience has taught that the bullet is more effective than the ballot in Cuban politics. A few shots fired at the moon displaced the Palma government. To quote again from La Lucha: ll In Cuba nothing can resist the slightest armed movement, because the first subversive cry raised in our fields is, and ever will be, the death knell of our political state." The Administration can not place de- pendence upon the military forces. The keen- The Future of Cuba 149 est rivalry and the bitterest feeling exist be- tween the rural guard and the regular army. In case of a civil war, these bodies would surely take opposite sides, and neither has any senti- ment of loyalty to the flag, or allegiance to the government. The chief influence to which they would be amenable is the will of their respect- ive commanders, who are politicians and aim to employ the forces under them as political in- struments. The most effective defence of the President is found in placating his enemies by substantial concessions, but this method has naturally created fresh opponents with an ap- petite for sops, and the Chief Executive finds himself well-nigh at the end of his resources. A country may be greatly prosperous and the mass of its people be miserable in the extreme. Mexico is an example in point. Cuba is an- other. Throughout the hardships and hazards of the war of independence the insurrectos were sup- ported by the belief that American enlistment in their cause, upon which they counted for success, would be followed by an era of perma- nent prosperity for the masses. The man who bore the brunt of the fighting, buoyed by these high hopes, realizes now that he was exploited 150 Cuba and Her People of To-day by a handful of his own countrymen and de- serted by his expected saviour. The desertion was repeated after the need for protection had been emphasized and the exploitation continues in an aggravated form. On the guajiro falls most heavily the burden of supporting the most expensive and extrava- gant government in the world. This because that government dare not bear too hardly with taxation upon the great corporations and wealthy property owners. An important part of the game of finesse which is necessary to the life of any administration in Cuba consists in keeping in the good graces of the money inter- ests, for it is in the power of these to stop the fat grazing in the political pastures by forcing American reoccupation, and even perhaps an- nexation. So we have one of the most striking of the many anomalies in the Cuban system of admin- istration, — the customs duties. Here, in a country with no industries to protect, the tariff exaction is at the rate of $12 per head. In the United States it is no more than $3.50, while in other countries it is considerably less. At first hand the importer pays this tax, but, of course, it ultimately falls upon the consumer. And, as The Future of Cuba 151 more than half the importations of the Island are foodstuffs or articles of clothing, it neces- sarily follows that the masses discharge the great bulk of the customs duties. At the same time large tracts of land that are held by their "wealthy owners at high figures are exempted from taxation entirely. Is it any wonder that the peasant groans under the load? It is true that he works in- termittently and loafs unnecessarily, but that is no good reason why his last dollar should be squeezed out of him, and, if he earned more, he would probably invite heavier taxation. He has no encouragement to exert himself beyond the needs of the present hour. He is probably occupying land that he may be required to va- cate to-morrow. He can find no better market for his produce than the precarious one of the adjacent village. Enterprise is an invitation to the spoilers of the capital and the petty officials of his locality. If you should ask his candid opinion, it would be that conditions are no bet- ter than they were under Spain, and perhaps not quite as good. You may attempt to relieve his depression by a reminder of his splendid independence. He will not understand what you are talking about, although he is far from 152 Cuba and Her People of To-day being a dullard. He fought in the wars of in- dependence because he was assured that suc- cess would mean a full stomach and perchance the ownership of a scrap of land. It resulted in neither and, unless restrained by scepticism, he would fight again, under any banner, for the same promise. Independence per se is of no more value to him than a cocoanut husk. He can not eat it and it will not buy calico for his woman. The only class of Cubans that is waxing fat and living in contentment is that composed of the office-holders, — the professional politi- cians. They toil not, but they reap with pro- digious assiduity. They fill easy jobs on ex- travagant salaries and try to persuade the country that they are performing extremely difficult and important tasks. Their sole inter- est and concern is to fill their pockets with as little exertion as need be. The welfare of the people is a matter of no consideration to them. The only fly in their ointment is the fact that they can not all be in office at the same time, and so the " ins " are disturbed by the uncom- fortable knowledge that the " outs " are con- stantly scheming to oust them. The peasant has entirely lost whatever faith The Future of Cuba 153 lie may have had in the politician. The man who pulled the chestnuts out of the fire is grow- ing impatient of supporting a lot of unneces- sary office-holders. The peasant is supine to a shameful degree, but there is a limit to his forbearance, and it has almost been reached. He is ripe to serve the purposes of any agita- tors — any one who will offer a fair prospect of changed conditions. But, be it well understood, this unrest and dissatisfaction are the outcome of basic causes. They can only be remedied by radical reforma- tion of the economic and political state of the country. And such reformation is not to be expected from any native source. Cuba's sal- vation depends upon guidance and aid from without, or, if not that, from the foreign ele- ment within her borders. This fact has become so obvious that even the organs of the politi- cians admit it. All classes, save the numeric- ally smallest, are weary and disgusted with the condition of things. They can find no rem- edy at the polls. If the present administration is ejected, it is sure to be followed by another as bad, or worse. When it comes to a consideration of the best means to relieve Cuba's distress, the factors 154 Cuba and Her People of To-day in the matter are found to be so complex, and the opinions on the subject so diverse, that it is extremely difficult to arrive at any definite con- clusion. One point, at least, almost all students of the situation are agreed upon, and that is that the United States fell very short of afford- ing the Cubans the assistance in rehabilitating themselves that they had a right to expect, and that the hasty manner in which they were left to their own resources is mainly responsible for the confusion that has existed ever since. If the Cuban has not an actual ineptitude for exercising the functions of government, he must be disqualified by utter inexperience. The brief period of autonomy is hardly worth con- sidering in this respect. Before the present century only a very small proportion of the population had ever exercised the elementary political function of voting. Under Spain the affairs of the country were regulated to the smallest detail by the national authority, which extended its paternal supervision to matters affecting the private life of the individual. For instance, regulations for the conduct of the bull- ring and the cock-pit emanated from the cap- tain-general, and under his instructions the petty officers were constituted censors of the The Future of Cuba 155 morals of private citizens, with power to punish offenders. Another equally serious disqualification is to be found in the large proportion of illiterates in Cuba. These comprise more than half the total population. The great majority of them are campesinos, rustics. Nevertheless, it is to the country districts that we must look for the best thought and the greatest influence in fu- ture political movements. City dwellers are prone to act and think in mass, to be led by the crowd and to be unduly influenced by the press. The guajiro, who owns a little patch of ground, but is utterly lacking in education, is a safer and more valuable political unit than the average citizen of Habana. Order was established and a workable form of government framed in Cuba by the United States, but its action in leaving this machinery entirely under the control of an inexperienced and immature people was like placing a razor in the hands of a child. The needs of the Island were sacrificed to the political exigencies of its protector. This is a fact that will hardly ad- mit of dispute. The leading Cuban papers and the most representative citizens of the country declared unequivocally that the people were not 156 Cuba and Her People of To-day- prepared nor qualified to assume the responsi- bility of self-government. Governor Magoon, in a report which was suppressed, made similar representations to his superiors in Washington. Nevertheless, thirteen months after the trans- fer of the Island from Spain to the United States, President Roosevelt ordered that with- drawal should take place one year later and " under no circumstances and for no reason " should our occupancy be extended beyond the date set, which happened to be just before the assembling of the presidential conventions. We committed our first injustice to the country and made our first mistake in the treatment of it by that hasty and premature abandonment. We have already paid a heavy price for the blunder and Cuba has suffered severely from the effects of it. But our responsibility still exists and the task remains to be performed. There is no possibility of avoidance. Sooner or later we must take the work of Cuba's re- generation in hand seriously and carry it out thoroughly. How this shall be done is difficult of conjecture. A small number of men in this country, whose opinions on any subject command re- spect, believe that the best course will be found The Future of Cuba 157 in leaving Cuba to work out her own difficulties without interference. The advocates of this laissez faire policy point to Mexico, the Argen- tine, and other Latin-American republics as shining examples of peoples who have inde- pendently worked out similar problems and have brought their countries through long periods of misery and disturbance to peaceful prosperity. But there are two strong objec- tions to this policy. In the first place, the United States is pledged to the Cubans and the world at large to maintain order in the Island. No one who is familiar with conditions can be- lieve that the Cubans are capable of carrying on a government for a period of five years with- out revolutionary eruptions. Is it conceivable that the people of the United States would al- low their government to step in periodically to suppress disturbances and to step out promptly as soon as peace should be restored? It is safe to say, that the next occupation of Cuba by the United States, which can not be delayed many years, will last for a considerably longer period than did either of the preceding occupations. Then again, the situation in Cuba contains a very important element which destroys the ap- plicability to it of the examples cited. During 158 Cuba and Her People of To-day their formative stages Mexico, Argentina, and the other Latin-American countries contem- plated were undeveloped and comparatively little foreign capital was invested in them. Cuba, on the contrary, is the scene of an ad- vanced economic development. Almost the en- tire country belongs to aliens, who have billions of their money sunk in it. Is it at all probable that these persons and corporations would sub- mit to the loss or deterioration of their prop- erty that would assuredly be involved in an in- dependent government of Cuba by the Cubans ? The monied interests form at present the most determined of the classes that look for a radical change in conditions. They know that trouble is constantly in the air and may take definite form at any moment. What is the prospect of the Cubans working out an orderly and efficient government un- aided? Up to the present, notwithstanding ample opportunity, there is not even the nu- cleus of a stable and rational political party in the country. The best men stand aloof, or find themselves hopelessly excluded from participa- tion in public affairs. They complain, but their plaints are vague and indeterminate. All classes of Cubans, but one, are clamoring for a The Future of Cuba 159 change, but no class has put its hopes and wishes into definite utterance. The press is hardly more explicit in its demands and denun- ciations. The following quotation from the Union Espanola, of Habana, affords a typical illustration : " Political anarchy, by which the country is at present confronted, is daily growing greater. It would seem as though all the political ele- ments had made an agreement to perturb, or rather to dissolve, the nation, for the tendency on all sides is to dissolution. It is time the true patriots sounded the alarm, and that politicians pause in their work of destruction, curbing bits, that the Cuban people may continue the minis- tering of its destinies and in the possession of self-government. It would be shameful, worse than shameful, criminal, that Cubans, drunk with sordid ambition and in petty strife for self-aggrandisement, should again wreck the republic, turning over this island to the covet- ous stranger to exploit it and lord over it." It is hardly possible to avoid the conviction that Cuba's ultimate fate will be annexation to the United States, or some very similar state. The United States has on five different occa- sions emphatically and distinctly declared its 160 Cuba and Her People of To-day intention to preserve the independence of Cuba. These formal and public announcements would make it difficult for any administration to coun- tenance, and much more to take the initiative in, any movement tending to annexation. But several contingencies are conceivable which might make it possible for the United States to take Cuba into the federation with a good grace. The result may be brought about by one of several causes, or by combination of them. It is highly probable that abuse of political power, or revolution, will make American inter- vention again necessary before long. If the next occupation is not permanent, the one suc- ceeding it is likely to be so. The people of America will tire of the trouble and expense of periodical correction of conditions in Cuba. The property owning class in Cuba, native as well as foreign, is almost unanimously in favor of the annexation of the Island to the United States, and a majority of the resident Span- iards entertain the same sentiment. If this class should unite in action it would be irre- sistible. Should it form a political party, with annexation as its chief platform, it could over- come the professional politicians and control. The Future of Cuba 161 Congress. A majority of the peasantry would undoubtedly support such a party. The Island might thus pass in a legal manner by vote of the people. The same result might be brought about by the monied interests deciding to buy the Con- gressional vote without going to the trouble and expense of creating a genuine majority in the Legislature. If none of the suggested contingencies should come about, it is highly probable that Cuba will eventually come into the Union by a process somewhat similar to that which brought Hawaii under the flag. American interests and Amer- ican citizens are constantly increasing in the Island. It is not difficult to imagine a coup d'etat, resulting in a government in the hands of Americans. If the desire of a majority of the Cubans were all that was necessary to bring about an- nexation, the matter might be accomplished without serious difficulty. There are, however, many obstacles in the way when the question is viewed from the standpoint of the other party to the transaction. The United States would derive important advantages from the pos- session of Cuba, but in several respects the 162 Cuba and Her People of To-day American people would suffer by the arrange- ment. At the outset a difficulty would arise as to the terms of admission. The most enthusiastic advocates of annexation among intelligent Cubans would not be willing to come under the American flag with anything less than the status and rights of a state. This attitude is easy to appreciate. Cuba's population, wealth, resources, commerce, industries, and strategic position would fully justify her aspirations to the highest rank among America's possessions. She would not be content with a territorial position, and the proposition, which has been advanced, that she should accept the indefinite status of Puerto Eico and the Philippines, is not worth a moment's consideration. Despite official figures to the contrary, it is the conviction of many who have had the best possible opportunities for judging, that a large majority of the native population of Cuba have negro blood in their veins. Practically one hundred per cent, of the people profess the Roman Catholic faith and Spanish is the mother tongue of the same proportion. "Would the American nation agree to the construction of a sister state out of such material? The Future of Cuba 163 The admission to the United States of Cuba's products free of duty would constitute a seri- ous menace to Louisiana's chief industry and to the growing beet sugar industry of our northwestern territory. The fruit growers of California and Florida would suffer from com- petition with products raised by cheaper labor, and to a less extent the tobacco growers of Vir- ginia and Kentucky would feel the same pres- sure. As to the advantages that Cuba would enjoy from annexation, there can be no question. The most obvious and pronounced would be the assurance of good government, perpetual peace within her borders, an incalculably better ad- ministration than the present at one-third of its cost, free trade with the United States, and a market there for all her products and pur- chases. Perhaps Cuba might approximate closely to the enjoyment of these benefits under an ar- rangement which could be effected with much less difficulty than annexation. A permanent protectorate, if introduced with the usual meth- ods of soothing and placating the protected, would probably solve Cuba's difficulties more effectually than any other plan at present prac- 164 Cuba and Her People of To-day ticable. Out of such a state, Cuba might at some future date become a member of the Union by a gradual process of evolution. There is, of course, the objection to such an arrange- ment that it would impair the independence which we have promised to maintain, but when both parties to an agreement are willing to waive its terms there should be no obstruction to cancelling it. Furthermore, if such a pro- tectorate should be established it will no doubt grow out of a presumptively temporary occu- pation. The process would be something like that which has resulted in England's estab- lished control over Egypt. When the British occupation of that country occurred the admin- istration under Gladstone declared positively that Great Britain would retire as soon as her work should be done. She has now, however, no thought of ever doing so. Her control of the country is undoubtedly a great benefit to the people, and the world at large would regret her relinquishment of it. Our Government is acting in a similar manner in its treatment of the Filipinos. No statesman in the country now contemplates the independence of those people as within the bounds of probability. Under a protectorate it would be possible for The Future of Cuba 165 the United States to insure to the Cubans a considerable measure of the benefits that would accrue to them from annexation, without entail- ing upon this country the disadvantages which would follow the latter measure. CHAPTER IX CUBA'S SUGAK INDUSTRY The one and a half billion inhabitants of the earth consume 32,000,000,000 pounds of sugar yearly. The distribution of this enormous quantity is, however, far from even, some coun- tries accounting for next to none of it, while in several others the average consumption exceeds fifty pounds for every inhabitant. Strangely enough, some of the oldest peoples, to whom the knowledge of manufactured sugar is a matter of immemorial possession, are only now beginning to develop a sweet tooth. This may be said of the Chinese and the various races of the Philippine Archipelago. The rapid growth in the world's population naturally accounts for a constant increase in consumption, but it is also greatly enhanced by the increase in individual use. In the United States, for example, the per capita consump- tion has risen eight pounds in the past few 166 Cuba's Sugar Industry 167 years. We now dispose of eighty pounds of sugar annually for every soul in our popula- tion, while twenty years ago the average was little more than fifty pounds. This consump- tion takes no account of the large quantity of confections, especially chocolate, imported into the country in a manufactured condition. Only in Great Britain are the figures higher than with us. There they rise to one hundred pounds. Denmark comes next with seventy- five pounds, then Switzerland, with sixty. Thrifty Germany, which produces the largest beet crop in the world, and in fact controls the world's sugar market, uses very little of the commodity itself. Its per capita consump- tion is only forty-two pounds, being about the same as that of Holland. Italy, Rumania, Bul- garia, and Servia, each consumes less than ten pounds of sugar per head of its population, the poverty of their peoples doubtless accounting in the main for the small figures. Sugar in some form has been used by the inhabitants of the globe from the earliest times. Until the fifteenth century before Christ, the chief source of supply was honey. It was at about that time that the value of cultivating the wild sugar cane was discovered in India, 168 Cuba and Her People of To-day and it is probable that the first manufacture of sugar in any manner should be credited to that country. For many centuries, only the raw juice was expressed, until about 700 b. c. the employment of fire in concentrating it came into use. From India the art spread rapidly among the ancient nations, but did not reach Western Europe until several centuries later. Columbus carried sugar cane from the Canary Islands to the West Indies, whence it extended to the mainland, and thus, in a progress of three thousand years, encircled the earth. The production of sugar in the New World became so great within a century after its introduction, that the importers of Europe turned to it for the supply which they had formerly received from the Orient. Spain, Italy, and Egypt, large producers of sugar at that time, could not meet the competition with the American output, and soon ceased to culti- vate cane commercially. Free land and slave labor enabled the planters of the West Indies to sell sugar at lower figures, with larger profit, than could the growers of any other part of the world. To-day sugar is produced under the most diversified conditions and in the most scattered Cuba's Sugar Industry 169 regions. In many countries, such as India, Ma- laysia, and the Philippines, cane is raised and sugar manufactured by the crudest processes, with the cheapest labor. The product is low grade and the extraction small. In other coun- tries, such as Hawaii and Cuba, the most im- proved methods are employed, and skilled labor engaged at high wages. The competition between cane-producing countries is so great that a moderate advantage gained by one will sometimes destroy the in- dustry of another. Such was the case when our reciprocal tariff arrangement with Cuba resulted in closing the mills of Jamaica. In recent years the keenest rivalry has existed between cane and beet sugar. At first the lat- ter had great difficulty in forcing a place for itself in the world's markets, but with govern- ment subsidies, improvement in cultivation, and economies in manufacture, it gradually became an irresistible competitor of cane. Dur- ing the past fifteen years beet sugar has come to the front with great strides, and now it di- vides the world's consumption with the cane product. Cuba produces considerably more than one- fourth of the entire cane sugar of the world, 170 Cuba and Her People of To-day devoting two million acres to the crop. More than four-fifths of this area is in the provinces of Santa Clara, Matanzas and Oriente. The Island's output in recent years has been about 11,500,000 tons a year, yielding somewhat more than 1,000,000 tons of refined sugar. Enor- mous as is this production, it falls far short of the quantity that could be produced if larger areas of the available suitable land were put under cultivation and if such scientific and in- tensive methods as prevail in some other coun- tries were employed. Sugar cane was probably first grown in Cuba some time about the middle of the sixteenth century, under the encouragement of a royal bounty. The industry made but slow progress during the next two and a half centuries. In 1850, the sugar production of the Island had reached approximately 300,000 tons. Since then it has steadily increased, the million mark having been attained in 1894. During the lat- ter half of the nineteenth century a tendency to centralization set in. Previous to that period the crop had been raised on a large number of small plantations, each working entirely in- dependently. In 1880 began the movement toward the establishment of " centrals " for Cuba's Sugar Industry m the performance of the extractive operations. There are now nearly two hundred of these buildings in the Island. At the same time the combination of small plantations resulted in a decrease in numbers with an increase in aver- age size. The million ton mark gained in 1894 was upheld in the following year, but in 1896 the war was in full blast, and the year's output was barely more than 225,000 tons. During the last war of independence the sugar plantations throughout Cuba were either utterly ruined, or severely damaged. Since the war, the industry has been resuscitated by the investment of vast amounts of money, the erec- tion of modern buildings, and the installation of the latest types of machinery. As a con- siderable proportion of this investment was American money, American methods have been extensively introduced. The result of all this is a complete reformation of the industry in all its branches. There is, nevertheless, room for further improvement, especially in the field. A better quality of cane might be secured by in- telligent selection, and the invention of a har- vester would result in a great economy. The latter-day sugar plantation is a very 172 Cuba and Her People of To-day- extensive establishment and costs from five hundred thousand dollars to several millions. One of the largest and most complete in Cuba is that called the Central Preston, belonging to the Nipe Bay Company, and situated on Nipe Bay. The factory, according to the latest method, is erected close to the wharves at Punta Tabaco. Thence the cane lands extend inland and along the shore for twenty-five miles. The present grinding capacity of three thou- sand eight hundred tons of cane a day is shortly to be increased to five thousand tons, when the factory will be the largest in the world. The main building, entirely of steel construc- tion, has a frontage of 312 feet and a depth of 234 feet on one side and 330 feet on the other. Separate buildings are devoted to carpenter shops, machine shops, foundry, refrigerating and ice plants. Besides the usual full equipment of pumps, juice heaters, clarifiers, filter presses, etc., the factory installation includes ten 600 horse- power vertical water tube boilers with bagasse burning furnaces, automatically fed by bagasse carriers and the latest improved type of fur- Cuba's Sugar Industry 173 nace feeders ; two tandems of 36 inch x 84 inch nine-roll mills, with crushers, each tandem of mills being driven by one 32 inch x 60 inch Cor- liss engine and each crusher by one 20 inch x 42 inch Corliss engine. Two Lillie Quadruple Effects, each of a capacity to evaporate 600,000 gallons, reversible both as to vapor and liquor. Four 14 inch steel vacuum pans, each equipped with its own vacuum pump and condenser. For the injection water, three-stage direct con- nected centrifugal pumps are used, one of which is a reserve, throwing 3,500 gallons of water per minute. Twenty-two crystallizers, with an aggregate capacity of 37,400 cubic feet ; thirty 40 inch Weston centrifugal machines and the most improved installation of convey- ors, and other auxiliary and automatic machin- ery of practical design for the handling of the finished product. Three molasses storage tanks, of 425,000 gallons capacity each, accom- modate the final molasses thrown off by the factory. These are situated near the wharf, and from them shipment in bulk is made di- rectly into deep draught tank steamers. The company's railroad is thirty-five miles in length, of standard gauge, laid in 60-pound rails, and furnished with cars completely made 174 Cuba and Her People of To-day of steel and having each a capacity of twenty tons. When it is considered that the entire tonnage of many thousand acres must be transported within a certain period to a central point, and that the supply of cane to the factory must be equal and continuous to avoid the losses that result from retardation or stoppage of the mill, the great importance of the transportation sys- tem on a plantation may be appreciated. The modern method of the large central with its immense sphere of influence, necessitates that the railroad be thoroughly equipped and efficiently managed. The old practice of carry- ing the cane from field to factory in an ox cart has passed into disuse along with the small mill, and has been superseded by the present railroad, with standard gauge roadbeds, heavy rails, steel cars, powerful locomotives, and schedule running, the whole being under the direction of a practical railroad man, as train despatcher. Although the standard gauge is often used, the narrow gauge is generally em- ployed. On estates which are a considerable distance from any trunk line or public road, the latter is preferable on account of the lower cost with correspondingly smaller car capacity; Cuba's Sugar Industry 175 while on large estates, where the cars have a capacity of twenty tons or over, it is necessary to lay the standard gauge road for the greater efficiency and smaller cost of maintenance. Opinions vary as to the most convenient and economical size of car to be used on small and large plantations. It is, however, beginning to be generally admitted that the larger the car, having in mind the weight of the rail, the better the results. Experienced constructors are now recommending a steel frame car, mounted on strong trucks, with automatic couplers and air brake attachments. A steel car has been found by carefully observed experience to have a longer life than a wooden one, since it is in the field the year round, and if it is well painted the deterioration is much less than with the other style. Recently, plantation operators have learned that it is a mistake to use light locomotives with heavy loads. The result is an abnormal deterioration, while when a locomotive of suffi- cient power and weight is used, less trouble is experienced in hauling the train and the wear and tear is minimized. Up-to-date plantations are furnished with an adequate round-house, where the engines can be under the eye of an 176 Cuba and Her People of To-day experienced mechanic, and where repairs can conveniently be made. Closely connected with the railroad is the telephone system, which is of great service to the train despatcher, in many instances avoid- ing serious delays at the mill. The telephone is also, of course, in constant use by all branches of the operation. The method of discharging cane from the cars is very different from the old slow process, which was akin to that of unloading a hay wagon with pitchforks. Nowadays an electric overhead travelling crane lifts the cane from the car, weighs it automatically in suspension, and then drops it into the cane hopper and elevator. The tendency of late years has been towards the construction of large centrals, either by the consolidation of a number of the smaller and older ones, or by the erection of new sugar houses, thus effecting vast economies in field transportation and factory labor, and bringing the cost of maintenance and manufacture to a minimum. Large centrals necessarily employ a large number of laborers during the crop season, as well as in the dead season, and in order to make Cuba's Sugar Industry 177 them contented and break their former habit of moving from one locality to another at the prompting of a whim, it has been found advan- tageous to provide them with comfortable homes and sanitary surroundings. This latter- day development is well exemplified in the vil- lage of Preston, attached to the plantation under consideration. The streets are wide and regular, and each is lined with model dwelling- houses. The sanitary arrangements are in charge of a specially organized corps of expe- rienced men. A large and well-equipped school is maintained ; there are two churches of dif- ferent denominations, besides a well-stocked store, where goods are sold at cost. The com- pany operates a modern hotel in the village, where meals are dispensed at small cost to those who prefer not to cook in their houses. As each succeeding generation receives edu- cational advantages, it follows that there is a constantly increasing desire to live on a better plane and under improved conditions. There- fore the provision of proper accommodations becomes an economic necessity upon large cen- trals, where the supply of labor must be de- pendable, and can be best made so by encour- aging it to become permanently resident. This 178 Cuba and Her People of To-day system will go a long way toward tending to solve the labor problem for large corporations, and deserves the serious attention of all em- ployers of labor in considerable numbers. The present method of sugar production dis- tinctly separates the operations of cane grow- ing and sugar manufacture. The latter in- volves by far the greater expense and yields proportionally greater profit. Much the greater proportion of the skill called into play by the industry is also applied to the factory operations. It is still the case that some large estates control and work entire plantations, but there are more centrals that have nothing to do with the cane until it is cut and delivered to their cars. In such cases, a number of plan- tations, large and small, the average size being about 1500 acres, lie in the vicinity of the cen- tral and furnish its material under contract. The usual arrangement is to give the cane planter five per cent, of the sugar produced from his supply. The workings, costs, and returns, of a mod- erate-sized mill are shown in the following statement which was recently formulated by a thoroughly practical and experienced sugar manufacturer of Cuba. Cuba's Sugar Industry 179 A mill designed to handle 100,000 bags of sugar in a crop season will require about $1,000,000 investment, including $150,000 for running expenses. The area of cane necessary to supply such a mill is 6,000 acres. This, if owned and worked by the mill, would call for an additional $500,000 investment. As has been said, however, the tendency is to secure the supply from independent growers, under contract, in the same way as the beet- sugar mills of our western country deal with the neighboring farmers. In this case, the planters receive five per cent, of the cane in sugar, or its equivalent in money. Sugar cane in Cuba con- tains from ten to twelve per cent, of sugar, of which the mill retains five or seven per cent. Plantation and mill management are generally separated, in few cases combined. Price of sugar at mill per 325-pound bag $10.27 Railroad freight .56 Wharf expense .025 Ocean freight .39 Landing " .055 Duty per pound 1.36 cents " 4.42 Expense per bag $15.72 The calculation of returns is based on the very conservative rates of ten per cent, extrac- tion and a price of 2.75 cents per pound. The 180 Cuba and Her People of To-day price of sugar is subject to great and frequent fluctuations, but there are mills in Cuba that produce a twelve per cent, average constantly. The 6,000 acres (180 caballerias) presup- posed will produce 325,000,000 pounds of cane, and from this will be extracted 32,500,000 pounds of sugar, or the equivalent of 100,000 bags of 325 pounds each. 32,500,000 pounds of sugar at 2.75 cents $893,750 Due the planters, 5% of total 446,875 CHARGEABLE TO THE PLANTERS Expenses per year about $110,000 5% interest on $500,000 25,000 Cutting and hauling 185,000 Loss on transportation, etc. 6,375 Profit for plantation 120,000 $446,375 CHARGEABLE TO MILL 20% expense of yield $180,000 5% interest on $1,000,000 50,000 Net profit 216,875 $446,875 The beet-sugar competition of late years, and particularly that of the German product which is supported by a bounty, has had a very depressing effect upon the Cuban industry. This was considerably relieved by the counter- vailing duty placed upon bounty sugar by the Dingley Bill of 1894. The effect of this was Cuba's Sugar Industry 181 to place the latter products on exactly the same footing, so far as the United States market is concerned, as though they did not enjoy the advantage of a bounty. The competition is still severe, however, on account of the vast quan- tity of Germany's production and the lower cost of it. This is due, not to cheaper labor, but to more scientific and intensive methods. In fact, the future value of Cuban sugar is dependent not upon the cost of producing it so much, as upon the cost of production in Ger- many, and the extent to which the commodity may be admitted duty free into the United States from Hawaii, the Philippines and Puerto Eico. On this subject, Mr. E. F. Atkins is quoted as follows in Industrial Cuba: li With new capital and skill the average cost of production in Cuba can be reduced, and with either free sugars or a uniform rate of duty in the United States, assessed upon all sugar (a countervailing duty to offset foreign boun- ties being always maintained), she can hold her own and recover her prestige as a sugar-pro- ducing country, but the margin of profit in sugar manufacture is so small, and the world's capacity for production so great, that Cuba 182 Cuba and Her People of To-day cannot recover her prosperity in the face of any advantage to be given to sugars from other countries entering the United States. At cur- rent prices in Cuba, cane is worth to the planter the equivalent of $2 to $2.50 per ton net, out of which price he must pay for his planting and cultivation, cutting and delivery to the nearest factory or railroad point. As the cost of cane production consists almost entirely of labor, and wages in Cuba, for some years previous to the insurrection, ranged about the same in Spanish gold as similar work commanded in the United States, the profits in this branch of the business have not been great, and have been dependent upon skill in manage- ment, quality of lands, and proximity to the factories. ' ' The supply of labor and rates of wages in the future are now most serious questions to the sugar producer in Cuba, and present the greatest obstacle to reduction of cost. For supplies of cane the manufacturer must depend either upon his own resources, or upon large planters. Factories to be operated at a profit must be kept running day and night, and cane, owing to its nature, must be ground immedi- ately it is cut. The grinding season in Cuba GRIXDIXG SUGAR - CANE. Cuba's Sugar Industry 183 is limited to about one hundred and twenty working days, and small farmers, while they can generally find a market for their cane, can- not be depended on for a constant regular sup- ply. Had Cuba the power to dictate her own prices, she could maintain sufficient margin to overcome local difficulties, but that power has long since passed and future profits must be dependent upon her economies. The price of cane to her planters is dependent upon the price at which her manufacturers can sell their sugar, and this price in turn is dependent upon the price at which other sugar-producing coun- tries, especially Germany, the great factor in the world's sugar trade, can place her goods, duty paid, in New York. If Cuba in the future should have to compete to any extent, in the United States, with free sugar from other countries, while a duty was exacted from Cuban sugar, her case would seem to be hope- less.'' So great is Cuba's reliance upon her sugar industry that a rise or falling off in it means depression or elation in every part of the Island. In 1906, the United States paid to Cuba $72,650,000 for 1,092,180 tons of sugar, and the prices ranged from 3y 2 cents to 5^ 184 Cuba and Her People of To-day cents per pound. The result was general pros- perity and contentment. Since then the prices have risen and fallen through frequent changes and a wide range, and they are once more high enough to make the planter and manufacturer happy. But the average price and profit for any series of recent years have not been such as to encourage investment in the industry, and those engaged in it are only too conscious of the fact that their prosperity rests upon a very unstable basis. There are those who look for relief of Cuba's difficulties in the cessation of the European bounties, and a complete solu- tion of them in annexation to the United States, but either contingency is a slender dependence. CHAPTER X Cuba's tobacco industry Cuba's tobacco has a great advantage over her sugar in the facts that it can always com- mand a good price and is beyond the reach of competition in the matter of quality. Every likely soil and climate in the world has been tried in the effort to produce a leaf similar to that grown in the fields of the celebrated Vu- elta Abajo. Even though seeds from the best Cuban plants have been used, the results have never approached the object sought. What is commonly known as " Havana " tobacco stands alone without a rival or any satisfactory substitute. One of the peculiarities of the tobacco plant is that a very slight change in the conditions under which it is grown will effect a consid- erable change in the character of the leaf pro- duced. Plants raised in soils composed of pre- cisely the same chemical ingredients will yield quite different tobacco when those ingredients happen to be present in varying proportions. 186 186 Cuba and Her People of To-day In Cuba, as elsewhere, it is no uncommon thing to find tobacco of the highest grade upon a piece of land within a stone's throw of another field where only the poorest quality of leaf can be produced. This is a fact that should be remembered by prospective purchasers of ad- vertised Cuban lands. Promotion companies and agents frequently offer tobacco acreage at high prices, which they justify by statements of the production of adjacent vegas. Often the purchaser finds himself in possession of a worthless tract lying alongside of one which is yielding handsome profits to its owner. There is very little land in the tobacco districts of Pinar del Bio which has not been tried out and it is not safe to buy anything unless it is actually in cultivation. In Oriente there is plenty of good tobacco land available, but up to the present it has not been made to produce a grade of leaf equal to what is termed par- tidos. Tobacco is raised in the most widely sep- arated parts of the earth and in the most di- versified climates. The world's annual crop of the leaf approximates 2,000,000,000 pounds with a value in the raw state of about $225,- 000,000. Of this volume, Cuba produces no Cuba's Tobacco Industry 187 more than 60,000,000 pounds in a good year, bnt receives for it abont $20,000,000. These figures clearly indicate the comparatively high price which the Cuban leaf commands. Fully three-fourths of the total crop comes from Pinar del Rio, the remainder mainly from Habana and Santa Clara. Oriente is fast com- ing to the fore as a tobacco producing province. A very small proportion of the product of Pinar del Rio, and probably none of the out- put of other parts of the Island, is true " Cu- ban tobacco." After the Ten Years' War, foreign seeds, chiefly that of Mexican tobacco, were used extensively to revive the ruined vegas. These exotic varieties throve and al- most entirely usurped the place of the original plant. Greatly improved by the Cuban envi- ronment, the greater part of the Island's out- put is, nevertheless, Mexican tobacco. It is often claimed that the Cuban tobacco grower possesses some peculiar or mystical skill, but the truth doubtless is that his success is mainly due to the combination of soil, water, and air, that his plants enjoy. If it were otherwise the superiority in product which the Vuelta Abajo has maintained for three cen- turies would have been contested by other sec- 188 Cuba and Her People of To-day tions. The famous " Lower Valley " lies in the shadow of the Organ Mountains, to the southwest of Habana. The district is about one hundred miles in length by ten in width. The earliest plantations of the Spaniards were set out in the Vuelta Abajo at the close of the sixteenth century. It is the flavor only of the leaf from this district that creates the extraor- dinary demand for it. The partidos varieties, as the best leaf from other parts of the Island is called, is larger and has a better texture. An average year's output of Vuelta Abajo leaf will be about 260,000 bales, or 28,600,000 pounds. Somewhat more than half of this is converted into first-class cigars and cigarettes by the manufacturers of Habana, and the re- mainder is exported to the United States and Europe. The Province of Habana produces about one-fourth as much as Pinar del Rio, say 65,000 bales. This is called partido leaf. About 15,000 bales of it are consumed in the Cuban factories and the rest shipped to Key West, New York, and Europe. Of the 125,000 bales of what is called Remedios leaf, which Santa Clara produces annually, one-fifth is used locally and the balance sent to the United States. Oriente has a production somewhat Cuba's Tobacco Industry 189 less than that of Santa Clara, and consumes about the same proportion locally. This to- bacco is generally termed Mayari. It is a coarse leaf, too low-grade for the American market, but acceptable at a low price to the smokers of Spain, Italy, and Austria, whither it is shipped. The Provinces of Matanzas and Puerto Principe do not produce enough to- bacco to make an effect upon the market. Tobacco factories are operated in most of the cities and large towns of Cuba. They give employment to a large number of men and women. A considerable proportion of this labor is skilled and high-priced. Many work- men receive five dollars or more as the daily wage. The best paid employes are those called " selectors," who have the faculty of correctly grading tobacco leaves by a quick touch and rapid glance. In other branches of the manu- facture, such as wrapping and sorting, experts will earn as much by piece work. The finished product of the factories amounts to upwards of 200,000,000 cigars and nearly 15,000,000 packages of cigarettes yearly. Some of the finest buildings in Habana are devoted to the manufacture of tobacco. The factories are numerous and include many in 190 Cuba and Her People of To-day which no more than twenty hands are engaged, but the bulk of the business is centred in a few companies that each employ thousands of workmen. There has been considerable reor- ganization among the large manufacturing con- cerns in recent years, involving the introduc- tion of a large amount of additional capital and the extension of American interests. More than 25,000 persons gain a livelihood in the tobacco business in Habana alone. Not less than ninety-five per cent, of the exports of man- ufactured tobacco are from Habana. A large proportion of the factory output of interior towns is accounted for by domestic consump- tion. The Cuban veguero possesses a skill in to- bacco growing which is the result of the accu- mulated experience and practice of genera- tions. In his hands the cultivation of the nar- cotic plant is a highly developed art, but it has not been reduced to a science. The most successful Cuban planter can not tell you defi- nitely how he produces his results, nor why certain processes insure desired consequences. He has no fixed formulas, and some of his most cherished practices are based on sheer super- stition. As a rule, he is working ground that Cuba's Tobacco Industry 191 his father and grandfather worked before him. Through their experience and his own he has gained an intimate knowledge of its needs, capacity, and peculiarities. He can produce results from it that Europeans and Americans have never succeeded in equalling without his aid. Nevertheless, it is doubtful if the Cuban is securing from his tobacco land the utmost yield in quality or quantity of which it is capa- ble. In the cultivation he clings to many crudi- ties; his irrigation is haphazard and often misjudged; he does not avail himself of the mechanical appliances at his command. Where the best leaf is grown, traditional methods are most firmly entrenched. There have, however, been introduced great improvements in the treatment of lands controlled by large corpora- tions. The chief and most effective of these is the cultivation of the leaf under cover. In order to encourage this development of the industry, the duty on cheese cloth, which ranged from fifteen to fifty cents per kilogram, was repealed in 1902. Since then the area under cover has steadily increased and the results achieved justify the belief that Cuba will soon rival Sumatra in the production of fine wrappers. 192 Cuba and Her People of To-day- Tobacco seed is sown in carefully prepared beds during the month of September. About sixty days later the young plants are set out in the field with eighteen inches of space be- tween each. Constant pruning and weeding are necessary in order to insure a healthy and vigorous growth. At the same time the tobacco worm and leaf slug must be picked off as fast as they appear on the plant. In January the plants are cut and the leaves hung to dry. When thoroughly dried, the leaves are petuned, or sprinkled with a solution of tobacco water until fermentation has taken place. The leaves are then roughly sorted with regard to size and quality, assembled in bunches, or hands, and packed in bales, each weighing about 125 pounds. It is estimated that over one hundred thou- sand persons in Cuba are engaged in the to- bacco industry, and that eighty thousand of these are employed in the commercial cultiva- tion of the leaf. One man is generally able to properly look after two acres, which will con- tain 15,000 plants. The cost of cultivation varies considerably in different parts of the Island and under dif- ferent conditions. In the Province of Pinar Cuba's Tobacco Industry 193 del Bio the cost of preparing the ground, fer- tilizing, planting, care, rent, and general serv- ices, will approximate $8,000 for one caballeria, or 3314 acres. The yield.from such a tract will average 211 tercios, or bales, with a value of $50 each; 54 arrobas (1,350 pounds) of seed, worth $216; and about $20 worth of stems. So that the output would fetch approxi- mately $10,800, leaving $2,800 profit to the grower. Mr. Gustavo Bock, an owner and manufac- turer of the greatest experience, puts the mat- ter in a different form. His statement, as quoted in Industrial Cuba, follows : " To produce 100 bales of tobacco, of 50 kilos each, a farmer would rent one caballeria of land, one half of which he would employ for tobacco cultivation and the remainder for vegetables. Rent of land per year $ 300 250,000 plants at $1.50 per thousand 375 6,250 pounds of Peruvian fertilizer 250 Hiring of oxen 102 Wages and maintenance of 12 men at $25 per month each 3,000 Yaguas, Majaguas, and expenses 300 Taxes, physician's bills and medicines, and living expenses of the planter and his family 400 Total . $4,727 194 Cuba and Her People of To-day " So that a planter would have to sell each 50 kilos of tobacco at $47.27 to cover the cost of production. The foregoing figures show clearly that the production of tobacco in the Island of Cuba is more expensive than that in any other part of the world, especial attention being necessary to its raising from the day it is planted to the cutting of the leaf, besides the subsequent treatment necessary in order to ob- tain good leaf; which goes on day and night if a good quality is desired." The use of cover, of course, entails addi- tional expenses, but it also produces greater results and larger profits. The cloth awning, which is stretched over the field at a height of six or eight feet, has the effect of tempering the strength of the sun's rays, moderating the force of the wind and diminishing its detri- mental action on the leaves,' keeping the soil moist, and excluding the insects that prey upon the plant. Thus, aside from the improve- ment in the product produced by the use of cover, there is a substantial saving in labor secured. According to an official statement relating to cultivation under cover in Pinar del Rio, 212 hectares (a hectare is 2.47 acres), in which Cuba's Tobacco Industry 195 6,776,000 seedlings were set, gave plants, ac- cording as they were budded or not, varying in height from 1.78 to 2.10 meters, with 14 to 18 leaves on each plant, with a yield of 14 per cent, for plants weighing 40 pounds and 60 per cent, of first-class wrapper leaves. The aver- age cost per hectare in the Province was $736.44. On the other hand, two well-known and ex- perienced planters of that Province state that tobacco grown under cover will yield 330 bales to the caballeria, instead of 150 produced by the ordinary method, giving leaves from 28 to 32 inches long by 14 to 16 inches wide in the proportion of 7 per cent. This is an enormous increase in yield over that ordinarily obtained, but it may not be accepted as representative of the results generally secured. The average annual exports of Cuban to- bacco are valued at about $27,000,000. This sum is less than half the value of the average sugar output. The relative importance of the two industries must not be gauged by these figures. Although tobacco culture and manu- facture are mainly carried on in a compara- tively small section of the Island, their bene- ficial influence upon the community is wide- 196 Cuba and Her People of To-day spread and greater than the Cubans in general suspect it to be. The prospects for the devel- opment of the tobacco industry and the possi- bilities of its economic improvement are much better than in the case of sugar. The former entails fewer hazards and larger profits than the latter. There is greatly less possibility of concentrated control in the production of to- bacco than there is in the growing of sugar- cane. More than in all this, however, the bene- ficial character of the tobacco industry lies in its especial availability to the small capitalist and the individual planter; its demand for skilled and intelligent labor ; and its extensive employment of artisans. The vegueros of Cuba and the employes of the Habana cigar factories are the most intelligent and best paid classes among the working people of the Island. At the close of the last war of independence the Cuban tobacco industry was practically destroyed. In this insurrection fighting was carried on, for the first time, in the Province of Pinar del Rio. Most of the plantations were wiped out and the cattle, upon which they de- pended for draft animals, were either killed or carried off. Worse still, the population of the Cuba's Tobacco Industry 197 Province was reduced from thirty-six thousand to barely one-sixth of that number. The first crop after the restoration of peace yielded no more than one-tenth of the former average production. The outlook of the industry was extremely black when an American syndicate supplied the capital necessary to give it a fresh start. Since then the process of resus- citation has progressed steadily. There is, however, room for a much greater develop- ment. Increase in the labor supply will permit of extension of the area of cultivation, and improvement in methods will result in greater yield and better quality. It is certain that under the stimulus of foreign capital and for- eign management tobacco cultivation in Cuba will soon far surpass the production of its palmiest days. The prospect for the manufacturing branch of the industry, which has never been con- ducted to its best advantage, is equally good. The introduction of extensive American inter- ests has put new life into the business, and the amalgamation of several large independent fac- tories has been followed by excellent results to the corporations immediately concerned, as well as to the business at large. 198 Cuba and Her People of To-day The import tariff imposed on Cuban cigars by the McKinley Act was a great blow to the manufacturers of Cuba. Many of them moved their factories to the United States, where, be- ing able to import the raw material on favor- able terms, they found themselves in a position to make and sell cigars of Cuban tobacco at a profit. The effect of this movement was to greatly decrease the exportation of manufac- tured tobacco from Cuba and to increase pro- portionally the shipment of leaf. At the same time the production of cigars in the United States expanded greatly and reached the enormous quantity of 5,000,000,000 per an- num. As a remedy to this condition of affairs, the Cuban Government removed the export duty on cigars and cigarettes, whilst maintaining that on leaf tobacco and increasing it on the higher grades. The justice and wisdom of this step are illustrated by the following statement by Mr. Bock : " To manufacture in the United States 1,000 cigars, weighing 12 pounds, sold in Habana, unstemmed, 25 pounds of filler, and 5 pounds of wrapper, we should arrive at the following results : Cuba's Tobacco Industry 199 For export duty on the leaf in Cuba, 30 pounds of leaf at $12 per 100 kilos $ 3.60 Import duty in the United States on 25 pounds of filler at 35 cents each 8.75 Import duty in the United States on 5 pounds of wrapper at $2 each 10.00 Total $22.35 The same 1,000 cigars imported from Cuba, weighing 12 pounds at $4.50 per pound $54.00 Export duty, 25%, ad valorem, valued at $60 per thousand 15.00 Total $69.00 making a difference of $46.65 against the Cu- ban product. ' ' The tobacco interests, like the sugar planters and manufacturers, are hoping for a turn of the political wheel that will bring about free trade or complete reciprocity between the United States and Cuba. The need of relief is not so great, however, with the former as with the latter. Cuba's tobacco industry is in a fair way, with every likelihood of improve- ment in its favor. CHAPTER XI Cuba's mineral resources The possession of gold ornaments by the natives of Cuba at the time of Columbus' dis- covery of the Island gave it a reputation for mineral wealth which was maintained for cen- turies on a somewhat slender basis. The pre- cious metals have never been found in consid- erable quantities, and it was only in compara- tively recent years that any serious mining enterprises were established. The Spanish Government, for some incomprehensible rea- son, discouraged the exploitation and even the investigation of the mineral resources of Cuba, and practically nothing was definitely known about them until the United States Geological Survey made a geological reconnaissance shortly after the Spanish-American War. With the exception of asphalt, which is pro- duced on a commercial scale in the provinces of Habana, Matanzas, Santa Clara, and Puerto 200 Cuba's Mineral Resources 201 Principe, the mineral development, and per- haps the mineral resources of Cuba are re- stricted to the mountainous region at the east- ern end of the Island, occupied mainly by the Province of Oriente. There is no doubt but that this region is extremely rich in many val- uable minerals. The present development is insignificant as compared with the future pos- sibilities. Lack of labor is a bar to the exten- sion of mining, and several deposits of ascer- tained value are not worked on account of the absence of transportation facilities. With im- provement in these conditions it is certain that the mineral output of the Island will take an important place in its commerce. To the east and west of Santiago de Cuba are many deposits of iron ore, most of them denounced, but none of them developed. Among these is a group of mines, chief of which is the Camaroncids, fifty-six miles from Santiago de Cuba, the ore of which is said to average sixty-eight per cent. iron. In part, it is widely believed that iron ore of the finest quality abounds throughout the Sierra Maestra region. A mining engineer of experience is responsible for the statement that, in the vicinity of Mayari, near Nipe Bay, de- 202 Cuba and Her People of To-day posits of high grade ore have been discovered " of sufficient extent to supply the demands of the whole world for the next century." Iron is the chief mineral product of Cuba. The first " denouncement " of an iron mine in the Island was made in the year 1861, but it was not until 1883 that the investment of cap- ital made the exploitation of the deposits of the Sierra Maestra possible. In the following year, the Juragua Iron Company, an American concern, made the first shipment of iron ore from the Island. At this time the Spanish authorities granted a number of concessions favorable to foreign corporations engaged in mining. Under this encouragement the pioneer company extended its operations and a few years later the Spanish-American Iron Com- pany, organized in the United States, entered the field. The Sigua Iron Company and the Cuban Steel Ore Company followed. The op- erations of all these concerns were carried on in the vicinity of Santiago de Cuba until a few years ago, when the Spanish-American Iron Company established a large plant at Felton, in the Nipe Bay district. The most important recent development in the industry is the acquisition by the Bethle- Cuba's Mineral Resources 203 hem Steel Company of an iron ore deposit occupying an area of about 900 acres, lying twelve miles to the east of Santiago. This is regarded by experts as one of the most im- portant mineral discoveries ever made in Cuba. Measurements by mining engineers give the contents of the ore-beds as 75,000,000 tons. The ore obtained from the Sierra Maestra is both hematite and magnetite, rich in iron and low in phosphorus and sulphur. It is espe- cially adapted to the Bessemer process of man- ufacture. An average analysis shows more than sixty-two per cent, metallic iron. These properties are not mines in the strict sense of the word. The ore is found in small irregular bodies, near the tops of the hills, and it is extracted by quarrying, so that the work- ings are entirely exposed to view. Explosives and steam shovels are used in taking out the ore, which is unusually hard. As it does not lie in seams, with definite walls, one of the chief difficulties of operation consists in sorting it from the ordinary rock. The first shipment of iron ore from Cuba, made by the Juragua Iron Company in 1884, amounted to somewhat more than 25,000 tons. 204 Cuba and Her People of To-day Since that time there has been an almost steady increase in the output of Oriente. The annual production is now in excess of a million tons, approximating $5,000,000 in value. It is prob- able that the American investments in iron mines in Cuba amount to at least $20,000,000. The large operating companies, with one ex- ception, originated in Philadelphia, and have now affiliated interests. The labor problem has been a constant dif- ficulty with the mining companies. They find the native whites quite unequal to the arduous work of the mines, and the blacks are not sat- isfactory on account of their irregularity and difficulty of control. Despite the cost, the greater part of the labor employed is imported from the provinces of Spain. These men are strong, steady workers, and orderly. The com- panies take great pains to secure their comfort and health, with the result that there are prac- tically no desertions and little difficulty in re- cruiting the force. In this connection it will be of interest to describe the measures by which the Spanish- American Mining Company has almost ban- ished malaria from its settlement at Daiquiri, especially as their experience should be sig- Cuba's Mineral Resources 205 nificant and suggestive to every corporation largely employing labor in Cuba. An outbreak of yellow fever in 1908 led to the thorough sanitation of Daiquiri by the United States Army Medical Corps. The Com- pany fully appreciated the condition in which the camps were left, and decided to maintain it. A sanitary department was organized and has been since kept up at a monthly expense of a thousand or more dollars. A corps of ex- perienced men make frequent inspections of the dwellings, see that they are kept clean and that all water barrels are covered with netting. A determined and systematic campaign has been waged against the anopheles, or malaria mos- quito. As a result, malaria, which Cubans look upon as a necessary evil, has been reduced to a negligible quantity, and the general efficiency of the force has been greatly increased. The total number of malaria cases in the year 1909 were 234. For the last five months of the year the number was only 48, and on December 31, there was not a single case in the hospi- tal. The improvement has been maintained. The following table shows how the present condition compares with that of former years : 206 Cuba and Her People of To-day Year Average number Total cases of Percentage of labor force sick with on pay roll malaria malaria at some time of the year 1901 920 1,131 123 1902 1,312 1,362 104 1903 1,348 1,116 83 1904 858 394 46 1905 941 436 46 1906 1,309 746 57 1907 1,315 689 52 1908 1,292 632 49 1909 1,391 234 17 In 1909, with 1,391 men on the pay roll, the average number of patients in the hospital daily was fourteen. In other words, there was only one per cent, of the force on the sick list. The men themselves, who at first looked upon the sanitary campaign as a combination of joke and nuisance, now fully appreciate the effects of it, and lend their hearty aid to the sanitary corps in their efforts. The work of the sanitary force consists of the daily collection and burning of all house- hold rubbish, the care and cleaning of the bar- racks, a house to house inspection of sanitary conditions, care of water tanks and water bar- rels in the mine cuts, petrolization of standing water, general cleaning of the villages and camps, and constant war on the mosquitoes. The villages, camps, and settlements under the Company's control are free from mosquitoes, and the diseases which they transmit have no Cuba's Mineral Resources 207 chance of propagation. Care is taken to in- spect all newcomers and any found to be mala- rial are sent away. The cost of the sanitary work for a year is about $12,000, but the full value of it can not be estimated in figures. Its chief benefits are contingent, and appear in general cleanliness, health, cheerfulness, and efficiency. Whilst these results would warrant the expenditure, if there were no financial return for it what- ever, the fact is that the outlay is fully justified if measured solely on the basis of dollars and cents. Under present conditions there are at least ten men fewer in hospital each day than there were formerly. Instead of being a charge on the work, these ten men produce during the year 8,000 to 9,000 tons of ore, which far more than repay the expense of sanitation. Manganese, a material essential to the manu- facture of Bessemer steel, is found in large quantities in the mountain range running be- tween Santiago de Cuba and Manzanillo. At- tention was first called to the deposits shortly before the Spanish- American War, and several companies were formed to exploit them. One of these, the Ponupo Mining and Transporta- tion Company, is responsible for by far the 208 Cuba and Her People of To-day- greater part of the operations in this mineral. It has its headquarters in Santiago de Cuba, but is controlled by American capital. The equipment of this company includes a sixteen- mile railroad, enabling it to ship its product to Santiago. The output of the Ponupo Com- pany's mines averages forty-seven per cent, metallic manganese. Several other companies are in possession of good yielding properties and are well equipped for operation, but the development of the busi- ness seems to have been checked. The reason for this is not apparent. Conditions appear to be favorable to profitable operation. The de- mand in the United States is constant at prices that should be satisfactory to the miners. To quote Mr. Kobert P. Porter: " Whatever con- ditions of taxation, duties, and other expenses on the production of manganese existed previ- ously have been changed by the war, and en- tirely new conditions are presented now for the continuance of the work. It is believed that the mines are practically inexhaustible, and that the metal, while varying considerably in quantity, is in the main high grade and can be mined and shipped at prices that will extend the industry until the United States steel manu- Cuba's Mineral Resources 209 facturers will get their entire manganese sup- ply from this nearest known manganese dis- trict." On the other hand, the report of the geolog- ical survey, referred to above, presents an en- tirely different view of the matter. From this report it is gathered that the manganese de- posits of Cuba usually occur in limestone and sandstone, associated with a secondary silica, called jasper. The ore is not in large bodies, but in small pockets, irregularly scattered, de- posits varying in size from a pebble to masses that weigh several hundred tons. Manganese is also found in the form of wash dirt, which is the result of decomposition of the original ore- bearing rock. Most of the Cuban ore is in this form. " The concensus of opinion of various ex- perts who have looked into the matter seems to be that the Cuban deposits of manganese ore are not likely to be very valuable, as they are too scattered, too irregular, too small, and too inaccessible to be profitably worked. The fact that there is undoubtedly a considerable quan- tity of manganese in the Province of Santiago de Cuba seems to be more than offset by the peculiarities of its occurrence. If, however, the 210 Cuba and Her People of To-day world's supply of manganese should run short, these deposits would undoubtedly be thought considerable and important. With the new facilities for concentration that have recently been installed in the plants already in opera- tion, some of the deposits may, indeed, be very profitably worked.'' The first mines worked in the Island of Cuba were at the place now called El Cobre, situated about twelve miles west of the City of Santiago de Cuba, and celebrated for its shrine and miracle-working image of the Virgin. These mines were opened in the year 1530, and were worked as Crown property for more than two centuries, and then abandoned. Following a century of disuse, the mines were re-opened by a British corporation, exactly five hundred years after work was first started in them. The venture proved highly successful. The official records show that between fifty and sixty million dollars' worth of ore was taken from El Cobre between the years 1830 and 1868. About the close of this period the mine-owners encountered various difficulties. They became involved in a long and costly lawsuit, which they lost, with the railroad upon which they were dependent for the transportation of their Cuba's Mineral Resources 211 product. This was followed by a fall in the price of copper, and unsettled political condi- tions. As a result, the mines were shut down, and in the succeeding wars the plant was des- troyed and the workings flooded to such an extent that it was not even possible to inspect them. After the last war, an American company, styled the San Jose Copper Mining Company, took over the property and revived it. This concern and a few others are now actively at work in the El Cobre district, with good pros- pects of success. Previous to the year 1830, the only copper properties in Cuba that were developed were those at El Cobre. But about that time, depos- its were discovered in numerous parts of the Provinces of Puerto Principe, Santa Clara, and Matanzas. The most notable of these that were worked in days past are near the town of Las Minas, which is about twenty-seven miles east of the City of Puerto Principe, on the Puerto Principe and Nuevitas Railroad. Some of the many old shafts at this place show signs of considerable productiveness at one time. About ten years ago these properties were taken in hand by an American corporation, 212 Cuba and Her People of To-day called the Cuban Copper Company, which in 1909 exported 59,430 tons of copper. It seems to be the general opinion of experts, who have investigated the conditions, that Cuba will never produce gold in large quanti- ties, although her silver mines may be profit- ably developed to a considerable extent. Nev- ertheless, gold mining enterprises are started every few years in the Island. The sole basis for these appears to be the traditions and ques- tionable records of the past production of the old mine at Holguin, in the Province of Ori- ente. The group of workings at this point are said to have been known since the discovery of the Island. They were operated by a native in 1856, and it is claimed that one shaft pro- duced ore bearing sixty-seven ounces of gold and twenty-three ounces of silver per ton of 2,000 pounds, making a value of $1,407 a ton at the time. In the same district, a native is said to have discovered a pocket that yielded $15,000 in fifteen days, the ore being worth one thousand dollars for every hundred pounds of mineral. Samples taken from the same place, and expertly assayed, showed a maximum of thirty-two ounces of gold to the ton of 2,240 pounds, and four ounces of silver. Cuba's Mineral Resources 213 Frequent rumors of rich finds in Cuba reach New York and London, but at present there is not a gold or silver mine in profitable operation in the Island. Bituminous deposits are found in every province of Cuba. They vary from a clear translucent oil resembling petroleum to hard grahamite and substances that closely resemble lignite coal. The report of the Geological Sur- vey's reconnaissance says: "Every sugar planter claims to have an asphalt property on his estate, and every other man knows where there is one in which is a fortune for his friend. Many of these deposits have been worked, more or less extensively, in past years. Oil has been found in Cuba which has been successfully refined in the island and used as a luminant, also as a fuel; asphalt is mined there which is being employed as an enricher in the manu- facture of gas, and is also doing duty as a material for roofing and street paving; gra- hamite and pitch are found there, which sell in this country and abroad to manufacturers of varnish and paint ; and on at least one planta- tion a substance is being mined which performs the functions of coal in the kitchen brasero, although experts have frequently declared that 214 Cuba and Her People of To-day there is no coal in Cuba. Whatever the exact and proper titles for these various forms of bitumen, their uses would seem to be suffi- ciently varied and the deposits extensive enough to be of some commercial interest. There is, however, only a limited demand for the kind of bitumens most frequently found in Cuba, the class which is most suitable for var- nishes; and, on the other hand, no convincing evidence has been offered that great supplies exist of the asphalt suitable for roofing and paving, the uses to which the largest quantities of asphalt are applied. By large supplies we mean supplies similar to those of the asphalt lake in Trinidad. It should be remembered, however, that the asphalt deposits of Cuba have not yet been scientifically exploited, and it is impossible for anyone to say definitely that the supply is not sufficient to be commer- cially important." One of the greatest needs of Cuba's indus- trial development is a domestic fuel supply. The discovery of a coal mine might be more profitable than that of a gold mine. This fact has led to extensive prospecting and to fre- quent declarations of the presence of coal, which turned out to be lignite or grahamite. Cuba's Mineral Resources 215 The British Consul at Santiago de Cuba, in 1895, reported the discovery of a coal deposit within fifty miles of that City. The analyses claimed for samples seemed to indicate com- mercial possibilities, but no operation of the deposit has followed. The extent and richness of the deposits of iron ore in Cuba are beyond question, and, although their operation has become an impor- tant industry, development in that direction has hardly more than commenced. As to other mineral resources, there is a decided probabil- ity of their proving great in the future. At present little is definitely known about the mat- ter. With the exception of the geological re- connaissance to which reference has been made, and which was necessarily somewhat cursory, no scientific investigation of the Island's min- eral wealth has ever been made. The Govern- ment might profitably devote some of the money which it is wasting on needless consu- lates abroad to such a useful purpose. CHAPTER XII LATENT AGEICULTURAL WEALTH Cuba is, first and last, an agricultural coun- try. The climate, soil, and proximity to favor- able markets, create unusually favorable con- ditions. The recent extensions of the railroad system, and the additions to the calsadas, or government highways, of which one thou- sand miles were built in the last year, have greatly improved the facilities for interior transportation. The Government has estab- lished experiment stations, and in other ways encouraged farming and stock raising; rail- road and development companies have ex- tended generous aid in the same direction. Millions have been sunk, during late years, in organized efforts to promote agricultural in- dustries in different parts of the Island, aside from the investments in sugar and tobacco. But, notwithstanding, agriculture has not ad- vanced in Cuba at anything like the rate that should have been experienced. 216 Latent Agricultural Wealth 217 Before the last war there were upwards of one hundred thousand plantations, ranches, and farms in the country, of which the value was not less than $200,000,000. Very few of these properties were made to yield adequately. Among the sugar and tobacco estates, good management was the exception, rather than the rule. Despite the natural advantages that he enjoyed, or perhaps because of them, the Cuban farmer hardly ever made the most of his opportunities, nor displayed a respectable degree of enterprise. It is true that he labored under heavy handicaps in the political and economic conditions, but since these drawbacks have been removed he has not shown any marked improvement. Nor has any great ad- vance in agricultural development followed the introduction of American capital and Amer- ican settlers, save in the sugar and tobacco industries. The former has often been mis- applied, and the latter do not appear to have gained a grasp of the situation. That something is radically wrong in the state of Cuban agriculture is made glaringly apparent by the fact that the country imports annually $25,000,000 worth of foodstuffs that it might produce. Not only that, but several 218 Cu ba and Her People of To-day of the items that make up this aggregate rep- resent products that might be raised in Cuba to an extent sufficient to supply the domestic demand and leave a considerable surplus for exportation. It is not to be supposed, however, that under present conditions any such results are possible. The Cubans might do much more than they are doing to make their country pro- ductive, but until the population is greatly increased no approximation to the utmost agri- cultural possibilities can be attained. Esti- mates differ widely as to the extent of the area under cultivation, but it is certainly a very small proportion of that adapted to agricul- ture. Although the soil is distinctly suitable to such treatment, intensive cultivation and sci- entific methods are practised only in a few places, and by foreigners, the usual proceeding is to plant over an extended tract, burning the fields in the dry season and leaving the ashes on the ground. When the rains have suffi- ciently moistened the earth, holes are made in it with a pointed stick, called a jan, and into the holes are dropped the seed or root from which the crop is to be derived. This method continuously robs the soil of the elements in Latent Agricultural Wealth 219 which its fertility consists and at length it be- comes " tired," as the natives say. It is then necessary to fertilize the ground, or to aban- don its cultivation. The farmer usually adopts the latter alternative and, moving into the for- est, clears another tract and starts a fresh finca, to be treated by the same process. This is what the scientific agriculturalist Liebeg termed " a system of cultivation by expolia- tion." The great difficulty in Cuba is that, in pro- portion to the land available, there is little labor, and less capital. The most complete and effective remedy will, of course, be found in an increase of the population, but in the meanwhile conditions would be greatly improved if the Cubans could be taught to handle their lands more intelligently and with greater energy. There is no man on earth more susceptible to an object lesson than the Cuban. Abstruse theories are slow to penetrate his mind, but he readily grasps the significance of a visible exposition. For this reason it is believed that the experiment stations, of which there are now half a dozen or more in the Island, will not be without effect in promoting better farm- ing. 220 Cuba and Her People of To-day Nearly all the crops of northern latitudes may be raised satisfactorily upon the uplands of Cuba. It is questionable, however, whether wheat, barley, and oats, would be as profitable crops as some others to which the ground might be devoted. Corn of an indifferent quality is widely grown and fed to stock. There seems to be no reason why the very best varieties of this grain should not be produced on Cuban soil, and efforts are being made to induce farm- ers to use selected seed and better methods in the cultivation. Two crops a year are secured and, unfortunately, the ground is often sown continuously in corn for long periods. Rota- tion is something that the Cuban farmer has yet to appreciate. On the lands about the coast, a great deal of rice is raised, but the domestic consumption of this cereal is very large and there is no surplus for export. This is, how- ever, one of the crops which might be in- creased without any extraordinary effort, and the United States market would be open to the importation of all the excess product. Another instance of neglected opportunity is found in the potato. The Cuban tuber, which has only recently been introduced to the United States, is of excellent quality and might be Latent Agricultural Wealth 221 made a serious rival of the famous Bermuda potato. Two crops a year, with an enormous yield to the acre, are harvested, but the output is far from reaching the quantity that could be profitably marketed. At the present time the United States is sending yearly to Cuba potatoes to more than twice the value of all the vegetables received from the Island, and the quality of the imported article is far from as good as that of the domestic product. Cuba also buys beans annually to the value of more than two hundred thousand dollars, despite the fact that every variety of this vegetable grows abundantly in almost any part of the Island, and with little cultivation. The natives con- sume large quantities of beans, and should not only grow all that they eat, but also ship con- siderable amounts to the ready markets which are open for them. An excellent quality of sweet potato will grow almost anywhere in the Island, with a large yield to the acre. The yam, a large variety of sweet potato, abounds everywhere, and with a little cultivation the quality could be improved to the point of cre- ating an export demand. There is very little cultivation of beets, but where they are raised the quality is so unusu- 222 Cuba and Her People of To-day ally good and the yield so great, that it is be- lieved beet culture might with ordinary effort be made one of the leading agricultural indus- tries of the Island. In fact, the question of beet- sugar production has been raised more than once, but naturally enough it has not met with encouragement in a country where the beet is anathema. It has been demonstrated that two crops a year of the highest grade of peanuts can be raised in Cuba. It is claimed that the largest recorded production to the acre of the nut has been secured by a Cuban planter. There are great possibilities in this industry, but it does not appear to be systematically carried on any- where in the Island, and the peanut has no place in the statistics of exports. Mention has been made elsewhere of Cuba's great need of comparatively small manufacturing enter- prises and the benefits that might be expected to accrue from them. The peanut affords an opportunity in this direction. It is practically certain that several factories for the extrac- tion of the oil and the manufacture of the but- ter could be run in the Island with profit, espe- cially if the factories maintained their own plantations for the supply of the raw material. Latent Agricultural Wealth 223 None of the vegetables are cultivated to the extent which they might be with profit. Cuba should export fresh vegetables in large quan- tities to the New York market, where the win- ter and spring demands are insatiable. Cu- cumbers, radishes, onions, lettuce, and other table delicacies grow all the year round in the Island. And instead of producing and shipping them, as she should, Cuba is even importing cabbage. The Chinese truck-gardeners are the only people in the Island who appear to have any understanding of intensive and careful cul- tivation, if we except a few foreigners who have not yet had sufficient experience to pro- duce the results which they are aiming at, and which they will doubtless achieve in time. All classes of Cubans eat quantities of plan- tain. The vegetable is rarely absent from the table, where it appears in all manner of forms, — dried and fried, baked and boiled. The ba- nana is also consumed in large quantities and in various forms. There are a great number of varieties of the fruit, the best known being the " Manzano " and the " Johnson.'' The latter is the variety that is cultivated most extensively for export. The banana industry is an important factor in Cuba's commerce, 224 Cuba and Her People of To-day but its development is due entirely to the fact of the cultivation having been taken in hand by foreign capital and conducted under foreign direction. The demand for bananas might have continued until Doomsday without the Cubans having taken advantage of the obvious opportunity afforded by it. The United States takes one million dollars' worth or more of bananas from Cuba every year. Commercial fruit culture in Cuba was only commenced in late years and, if the banana business be left out of consideration, is still in a backward state of development. The several colony enterprises of American and Canadian land companies have had for their principal objects the sale and cultivation of fruit lands. On the whole these projects have been unsuc- cessful viewed from the standpoint of the set- tler. This has been due to a variety of causes which will be considered in the following chap- ter. Although various marketable fruits have grown wild in Cuba for centuries the natives made little or no effort to turn them to com- mercial account. In the past few years pineapples have been systematically raised with profit. 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