A<^ <^ • . . . V- ' ' * V >*. " " " At I'D' • ^<^^ ^-. c°^:^^^'^°o ,//^^.\, o°^^^%''°o . <-^Q^ "oV ^ o^ *.-o* .0 ^ ''^ .V^ ^gy upon the master, "I have not seen so great faith in Is- rael"- — do you believe that Jesus suffered that man to live on in sin be- cause he deprecated the consequences of preaching abolitionism ? When Paul stood upon Mars' hill, surrounded by ten thousand times as many slaveholders as there were idols in the city, do you believe he kept hack any part of the requirements of the Grospel because he was afraid of a tu- mult among the people ? We ask these abolition philosopht^rs whether, as a matter of fact, idolatry and the vices connected with it were not even more intimately interwoven with the social and civil life of the Roman empire than slavery was ? Did the Apostles abstain from preaching against idolatry ? Nay, who does not know that by denouncing this sin they brought down upon themselves the whole power of the Roman empire ? Nero covered the bodies of the Christian martyrs with pitch and lighted up the city with their burning bodies, just because they would not withhold or compromise the truth in regard to the worship of idols. In the light of that fierce persecution it is a profane trifling for Dr. Way- land or any other man to tell us that Jesus or Paul held back their honest opinions of slavery for fear of " a servile war, in which the very name of the Christian religion would have been forgotten." The name of the Christian religion is not so easily forgotten ; nor are God's great purposes of redemption capable of being defeated by an honest declaration of His truth everywhere aiid at all times. And yet this philosophy, so dishonor- ing to Christ and his Apostles, is moulding the character of our young men and women. It comes into our schools and mingles with the very life-blood of future generations the sentiment that Christ and his Apostles held back the truth, and suffered sin to go unrebuked for fear of the wrath of man. And all this to maintain, at all hazards, and in the face of the Saviour's example to the contrary, the unscriptural dogma that slavohold- ing is sin. But it must be observed in this connection that the Apostles went much further than to abstain from preaching against slaveholding. They admitt(Hl slaveholders to the communion of the church. In our text, masters are acknowledged as "brethren, faithful and beloved, par- takers of the benefit." If the New Testament is to be received as a faith- ful history, no man was ever rcvjected by the apostolic church upon the ground that he owned slaves. If he abiised his power as a master, if he availed himself of the authority eonfen-ed by the Roman law to commit adultery, or murder, or cruelty, he was reject<^d for these crimes, just as 11 he would be rejected now for similar crimes from any Christian church in our Southern States. If parents abused or neglected their children they were censured, not for having children, but for not treating them proper- ly. And so with the slaveholder. It was not the owning of slaves, but the manner in which he fulfilled the duties of his station that made him a subject for church discipline. The mere fact that he was a slaveholder no more subjected him to censure than the mere fact that he was a father or a husband. It is upon the recognized lawfulness of the relation that all the precepts regulating the reciprocal duties of that relation are based. These precepts are scattered all through the inspired epistles. There is not one command or exhortation to emancipate the slave. The Apostle well knew that for the present emancipation would be no real blessing to him. But the master is exhorted to be kind and considerate, and the slave to be obedient, that so they might preserve the unity of that church in which there is no distinction between Greek or Jew, male or female,, bond or free. Oh, if ministers of the Gospel in this land or age had but followed Paul as he followed Christ, and, instead of hurling anathemas and exciting wrath against slaveholders, had sought only to bring both master and slave to the fountain of Emanuel's blood ; if tho agencies of the blessed Gospel had only been suftered to work their way tjuietly, as the light and dew of the morning, into the structure of society, both North and South, how different would have been the position of our coun- try this day before God ! How different would have been the privileges enjoyed by the poor black man's soul, which, in this bitter contest, has been too much neglected and despised. Then there would have been no need to have converted our churches into military barracks for collecting firearms to carry on war upon a distant frontier. No need for a sovereign State to execute the fearful penalty of the law upon the invader for doing no more than honestly to carry out the teaching of abolition preachers, who bind heavy burdens, and grievous to be borne, and lay them on men's shoulders, while they touch them not with one of their fingers. No need for the widow and the orphan to weep in anguish of heart over those cold graves, for whose dishonor and desolation God will hold the real authors responsible. No occasion or pretext for slaveholding States to pass such stringent laws for the punishment of the secret incendiary and the pre- vention of servile war. ' I shall not attempt to show what will be the condition of the African race in this country when the Gospel shall have brought all classes under 12 to compl* dominion. What civil and social relation. »- j;^'™;'"™ in the times of miUenial glory, I do not know. I cor raU, -^ - *« cnrrent opinion of our chnrch that slavery is permitted and '^''l-''"^^ "J ZtZ law under hoth the Jewish and Christian ^'^P-"^^^^^ the final destiny of the enslaved, but as an important and necessary pro tss t tlS transition from heathenism to Christianity-a wheel tn the Tea maeh nery of Providence, hy which the «nal redempfon ts to he a.- S:;- hed. H^owever this may he, one thin. I --^Z ^ t::i and the free, Ld where slaves are better fed ^^^-^;:, ..ucted, and have a better ^^^^^^^^ t^of llitL- l-rS^^t;; r;e\l'::eJ; "ears past, .^.^.^ of such Tmi" 2u Z tenfold as great. Fanatic.m at the North . one c ».umbling block in the way of the <^^;P; ^ f^^^ ,hriS brlrel at grievance that presses to-day upon tie hearts ot om l.n L south. This, in a mcasu. -PUms why su.r^.^^^as^r^i^^ ::ra :!":::. "/:-"!„ any sta. or stati„^i.. rdZSed; ;%be constant ^.-ions of ab.ti»^^^^^^^^^^^^^ tional councils, and the incessant turmoil excited by the p dogma, that slaveholding is sin. o nv AROTTTTONISM HAVE BEEN PROPAGATED CHIEFLY II. THE PRINCIPLES Or ABOLITIONlMa BY MISREPRESENTATION AND ABUSE. Having no foundation in Scripture, it does not carry »" ''» -'*!; ^ -^-^:;r:r.tJr:i^^rtr;::!e^^;-^ guage IS lull ot w.ath ana n ^^„^ „„,e ,s a r "^rn'th to tile boim n cale. and whose memory is their con- tower of stuaigtu to ine aoo . j ii„„ „„ words ; tinual boast. In a work pubhshed >n ^^f ■""'*; '^.^i^ J t„ le .. Tlw. ..bolltionists have done wrong, I believe , noi is tJieir wroi j, :°Sl;l!;C-gi,twith gooLlesigns! They havefalleninto the com- 13 mon error of enthusiasts, that of exaggerating their object, of feeling as if no evil existed but that which they opposed, and as if no guilt could be compared with that of countenancing and upholding it. The tone of their newspapers, so far as I have seen them, has often been fierce, bitter and abusive. They have sent forth their orators, some of them trans- ported with fiery zeal, to sound the alarm against slavery through the land,' to gather together young and old, pupils from schools, females hardly arrived at the years of discretion, the ignorant, the exciteable, the impetuous, and to organize these into associations for the battle against oppression. Very unhappily they preached their doctrine to the colored people, and collected them into societies. To this mixed and excitable multitude, minute heart-rending descriptions of slavery were giving in piercing tones of passion ; and slaveholders were held up as monsters of cruelty and crime. The abolitionist, indeed, proposed to convert slave- holders ; and for tliis end he approached them with vituperation and ex- hausted on them the vocabulary of abuse. And he has reaped as he sowed." Such is the testimony of Dr. Channing, given in the year 1836. What would he have thought and said if he had lived until the year 1860, and seen this little stream, over whos;; infant violence he lamented, swelling into a torrent and flooding the land V Abolitionism is abusive in its per- sistent misrepresentation of the legal principles involved in the relation be- tween master and slave. They reiterate in a thousand exciting forms the assertion that the idea of property in man blots out his manhood and de- grades him to the level of a brute or a stone. " Domestic slavery," says Dr. Wayland, in his work on Moral Science, " supposes at best that the relation between master and slave is not that which exists between man and man, but is a modification at least of that which exists between man and the brutes." Do not these abolitionist philosophers know that accor- ding to the laws of every civilized country on earth a man has property in his children, and a woman has property in her husband? The statutes of the State of New York and of every other Northern State recognize and protect this property, and our courts of justice have repeatedly assessed its value. If a man is killed on a railroad, his wife may bring suit and re- cover damages for the pecuniary loss he has suifered. If one man en- tice away the daughter of another, and marry her while she is still under age, the father may bring a civil suit for damages for the loss of that child's services, and the pecuniary compensation is the only redress the 14 law provides. Thus the common law of Christendom and the statutes of our own State recognize property in man. In what does that property consist? Simply in such services as a man or child may properly be re- quired to render. This is all that the Levitical law, or any other law, means when it says, " Your bondmen shall be your possession or prop- erty and an inheritance for your children." The pi-operty consists not in the right to treat the slave like a brute, but simply in a legal claim for such services as a man in that position may properly be required to render. And yet abolitionists, in the face of the divine law, persist in denouncing the very relation between master and slave, "as a modification, at least, of that which exists between man and the brutes." This, however, is not the worst or most prevalent form which their abusiA^e spirit assumes. — Their mode of arguing the question of slaveholding, by a pretended appeal to facts, is a tissue of misrepresentation from beginning to end. Let me illustrate my meaning by a parallel case. Suppose I undertake to prove the wickedness of marriage as it exists in the city of New York. In this discussion suppose the Bible is excluded, or at least that it is not recog- nized as having exclusive jurisdiction in the decision of the question. — My first appeal is to the statute law of the State. I show there enactments which nullify the law of God and make divorce a marketable and cheap commodity. I collect the advertisements of your daily papers, in which lawyers offer to procure the legal separation of man and wife for a stipulated price, to say nothing in this sacred place of oth- er advertisements which decency forbids me to quote. Then I turn to the records of our criminal courts, and find that every day some cruel hus- band beats his wife, or some unnatm-al parent murders his child, or some discontented wife or husband seeks the dissolution of the marriage bond. In the next place, I turn to the orphan asylums and hospitals, and show there the miserable wrecks of domestic tyranny in wives deserted and chil- dren maimed by drunken parents. In the last place, I go through our streets and into our tenement houses, and count the thousands of ragged children, who, amid ignorance and filth, are training for the prison and gallows. Summing all these facts together, I put them forth as the fruits of marriage in the city of New York, and a proof that the relation itself is sinful. If I were a novelist, and had written a book to illustrate this same doctrine, I would call this array of facts a " Key." In this key I say nothing about the sweet charities and aff"ections that flourish in ten thousand homes, not a word about the multitude of loving kindnesses that 15 characterize the daily life of honest people, about the instruction and dis- cipline that are training children at ten thousand firesides for usefulness here and glory hereafter ; all this I ignore, and quote only the statute book, the newspapers, the records of criminal courts and the miseries of the a- bodes of poverty. Now, what have I done? I have not mis-stated or exaggerated a single fact. And yet am I not a falsifier and slanderer of the deepest die ? Is tliere a virtuous woman or an honest man in this city whose cheeks would not burn with indignation at my one-sided and injuri- ous statements ? Now, this is just what abolitionism has done in regard to slaveholding. It has undertaken to illustrate its cardinal doctrine in works of fiction, and then, to sustain the creation of its fancy, has attempted to underpin it with an accumulation of facts. These facts are collected in precisely the way I have described. The statute books of slaveholding States are searched, and every wrong enactment collated, newspaper re- ports of cruelty and crime on the part of wicked masters are treasured up and classified, all the outrages that have been perpetrated " by lewd fel- lows of the baser sort," of whom there are plenty, both North and South, are eagerly seized and recorded, and this mass of vileness and filth, from the kennels and sewers of society is put forth as a faithful exhibition of slaveholding. Senators in the forum and ministers in the pulpit, distil this raw material into the more refined slander ' ' that Southern society is essentially barbarous, and that slaveholding had its origin in hell." Legis- lative bodies enact and re-enact statutes which declare that slaveholding is such an enormous crime that if a Southern man, under the broad shield of the Constitution, and with the decisions of the Supreme Court of the coun- try in his hand, shall come within their jurisdiction, and set up a claim to a fugitive slave, he shall be punished with a fine of ^2,000 and fifteen years imprisonment. This method of argument has continued until multi- tudes of honest Christian people in this and other lands believe that slave- holding is the sin of sins, the sum of all villanies. Let me illustrate this by an incident in my own experience. A few years since I took from the centre table of a Christian family in Scotland, by whom I had been most kindly, entertained, a book entitled " Life and Manners in America." On the blank leaf was an inscription, stating that the book had been bestowed upon''one of the children of the family as a reward of diligence in an in- stitution of learning. The frontispiece was a picture of a man of fierce countenance beating a naked woman. The contents of the book were pro- fessedly compiled from the testimony of Americans upon the subject of sla- 1« very. I dare not quote in this place the extracts which I made in my memorandum. It will be sufficient to say that the book asserts as undoubt- ed facts that the banks of the Mississippi ai-e studded with iron gallows for the punishment of slaves — that in the city of Charleston, the bloody block on which masters cut off the hands of disobedient servants may be seen in the public squares, and that sins against chastity are common and unre- buked in professedly Christian famiUes. Now in my heart I did not feel angry at the author of that book, nor at the school teacher who bestowed it upon his scholar, for in Christian charity I gave them credit for honesty in the case ; but standing there a stranger among the martyr memories of that glorious land to which my heart had so often made its pilgrimage, I did feel that you and I, and every man in America was wronged by the revilers of their native land, who teach foreigners that hanging and cutting off hands, and beating women, are the characteristics of our life and manners. But we need not go to foreign lands for proof that abolitionism has car- ried on its warfare by the language of abuse. The annual meeting of the American anti-Slavery Society brings the evidence to our 'doors. "We have been accustomed to laugh at these venal exhibitions of fanaticism, not thinking perhaps that what was fun for us was working death to our brethren whose property and reputation we are bound to protect. The fact is, we have suffered a fire to be built in our midst, whose sparks have been scattered far and wide ; and now, when the smoke of the conflagra- tion comes back to blind our eyes, and the heat of it begins to scorch our industrial and commercial interests, it will not do for us to say that the utterances of that society are the ravings of a fanatical and insignificant few ; for the men who compose it are honored in our midst with titles and offices. Its President is a Chief Justice of the State of New Jersey. The min- isters who have thrown over its doings the sanction of our holy religion, are quoted and magnified all over the land as the representative men of the age ; and the man who stood up in its deliberations, in the year 1852, and exhausted the vocabulary of abuse upon the compromise measures, and the great statesmen who framed them, is now a Judge in our courts, and the guardian of our lives and our property. It will doubtless be said that the misrepresentation and abuse have not been confined, in the progress of this unhappy contest, to the abolitionists of the North ; that demagogues and self seeking men at the South have 17 been violent and abusive, and that newspapers professedly in tbe interests the South, with a spirit which can be characterized as little less than dia- bolical, have circulated every scandal in the most aggravated and irritating form. But suppose all this to be granted — what then? Can Christian men justify or palliate the wrath and evil speaking which are at their own doors, by pointing to the retaliation which it has provoked from their neighbors ? If I were preaching to-day to a Southern audience it would be my duty, and I trust God would give me grace to perform it, to tell them of their sins in this matter ; and especially would it be my privilege as a minister of the Gospel of peace — a privilege from which no false views of manhood should prevent me — to exhort and beseech them as brethren. I would assui-e them that there are multitudes here who still cherish the memory of the battle fields and council chambers where our fathers cement- ed this Union of States, and who still stand by the compact of the consti- tution to the utmost extremity. I would tell the thousands of Christian ministers, among whom are some of the brightest ornaments of the American pulpit, and the tens of thou- sands of Christian men and women, towards whom, while the love of Christ burns in me, my heart never can grow cold, that if they will only be patient and hope to the end, all wrongs may yet be righted. There- fore I would beseech them not to put a great gulf between us and cut oflF the very opportunity for reconciliation upon an honorable basis, by a revo- lution whose end no human eye can see. But, then, I am not preaching at the South. I stand here, at one of the main fountain heads of the a- buse we have complained of. I stand here to rebuke this sii>, and exhort the guilty parties to repent and forsake it. It is magnanimous and Christ-like for those from whom the first provocation came to make the first concessions. The legislative enactments which are in open and acknowledged viola- tion of the Constitution, and whose chief design is to put a stigma upon slaveholding, must and will be repealed. Truth and justice will ultimately prevail; and God's blessing and the blessings of generations yet unborn, will rest upon that party, in this unhappy contest, who first stand forth to utter the language of conciliation and proffer the olive branch of peace. The great fear is that the retraction will come too late ; but sooner or later it will come. Abolitionism ought to and one day will change the mode of its warfare, and adopt a new vocabulary. I believe in the lib- erty of the press and in freedom of speech ; but I do not believe that any man has a right before God, or in the eye of civilized law, to speak and publish what he pleases without regard to the consequences. With the 2 18 conscientious convictions of our fellow-citizens, neither we nor the law hais any right to interfere ; but the law ought to protect all men from the utterance of libellous words, whose only effect is to create division and strife. I trust and pray, and call upon you to unite with me in the supplica- tion, that God would give abolitionists repentance and a better mind, so that in time to come, they may at least propagate their principles, in de- cent and respectful language. m. ABOLITIONISM LEADS IN MULTITUDES OF CASES, AKD BY A LOGICAL PROCESS, TO UTTER INFIDELITY. On this point I would not and will not be misunderstood. I do not say that abolitionism is infidelity. I speak only of the tendencies of the system as indicated in its avowed principles, and demonstrated in its practical fruits. It does not try slavery by the Bible, but, as one of its leading advo- cates has recently declared, it tries the Bible by the principles of freedom. It insists that the word of God must be made to support certain human opinions or forfeit all claims upon our faith. That I may not be suspec- ted of exaggeration on this point, let me quote fi'om the recent work of Mr. Barnes a passage which may well arrest the attention of all thinking men : " There are great principles in our nature, as God has made us, which can never be set aside by any authority of a professed revelation. If a book claiming to be a revelation from God, by any fair interpretation de- fended slavery, or placed it on the same basis as the relation of husband and wife, parent and child, guardian and ward, such a book would not and could not be received by the mass of mankind as a Divine revelation.'' This assumption that men are capable of judging beforehand what is to be expected in a Divine revelation, is the cockatrice's egg from which in all ages heresies have been hatched. This is the spider's web which men have spun out of their own brains, and clinging to which they have attempted to swing over the yawning abyss of infidelity. Alas, how many have fall- en in and been dashed to pieces ! When a man sets up the great princi- ples of our nature (by which he always means his own preconceived opin- ions) as the supreme tribunal before which even the law of God must be tried — when a man says, "the Bible must teach abolitionism or I will not receive it," he has already cut loose from the sheet anchor of faith. True belief says, " Speak, Lord, thy servant waits to hear." Abolitionism says, 19 " Speak, Lord, but speak in accordance with the principles of human na- ture, or they cannot be received by the great mass of mankind as a Divine revelation." The fruit of such principles is just what we might expect. Wherever the seed of abolitionism has been sown broadcast, a plentiful crop of infidelity has sprung up. In the communities where anti-slavery ex- citement has been most prevalent, the power of the Grospel has invariably declined ; and when the tide of fanaticism begins to subside, the wrecks of church order and of Christian character have been scattered on the shore I mean no disrespect to New England — to the good men who there stand by the ancient landmarks and contend earnestly for the truth — nor to the illustrious dead whose praise is in all the churches; but who does not know that the Statea in which abolitionism has achieved its most signal triumphs are at the same time the great strongholds of infidelity in the land ? I have often thought that if some of those old pilgrim fathers could come back, in the spirit and pov. er of Elias, to attend a grand cele- bration at Plymouth rock, they might well preach on this text: "If ye were Abraham's children ye would do the works of Abraham." The effect of abolitionism upon individuals is no less striking and mournful than its influence upon communities. It is a remarkable and instructive fact, and one at which Christian men would do well to pause and consider, that in this country all the prominent leaders of abolitionism, outside of the min- istry, have become avowed infidels ; and that all our notorious abolition preachers have renounced the great doctrines of grace as they are taught in the standards of the reformed churches — have resorted to the most vio- lent processes of interpretation to avoid the obvious meaning of plain Scrip- tural texts, and ascribed to the apostles of Christ principles from which piety and moral courage instmctively revolt. They make that to be sin which the Bible does not declare to be sin. They denounce, in language such as the sternest prophets of the Law never employed, a relation which Jesus and his apostles recognized and regulated. They seek to mstitute terms and texts of Christian communion utterly at variance with the or- ganic law of the church as founded by its Divine Head ; and, attempting to justify this usurpation of Divine prerogatives, by an appeal from God's law to the dictates of fallen human nature, they would set up a spiritual tyranny more odious and insufferable, because more arbitrary and uncer- tain in its decisions, than Popery itself. And as the tree is so have its fruits been. It is not a theory, but a demonstrated fact, that abolitionism leads to infidelity. Such men as Garrison, and Giddings, and Gerrit Smith, have yielded to the current of their own principles and thrown the Bible overboard, Thousands of humbler men who listen to abolition preachers 20 will go and do likewise. And whether it be the restraints of official posi- tion, or the preventing grace of God, that enables such preachers to row up the stream and regard the authority of Scripture in other matters, their influence upon this one subject is all the more pernicious because they prophesy in the name of Christ. In this sincere and plain utterance of my deep convictions, I am only discharging my conscience toward the flock over which I am set. When the shepherd seeth the wolf coming he is bound to give warning. IV. ABOLITIONISM IS TUE CHIEF CAUSE OF THE STRIFE THAT AGITATES AND THE DANGER THAT THREATENS OUR COUNTRY. Here, as upon the preceding point, I will not be misunderstood. I am uot here as the advocate or opponent of any political party ; and it is no more than simple justice for me to say plainly, that I do uot consider Re- publican and abolitionist as necessarily synonymous terms. There are tens of thousands of Christian men who voted with the successful party in the late election, who do not sympathize with the principles or aims of abolitionism. Among these are some beloved members of my own flock, who will not hesitate a moment to put the seal of their approbation upon the doctrine of this discourse. And what is still more to the point, there seems to be sufficient evidence that the man who has just been chos(;n to be the head of this nation, is among the more conservative and Bible- loving men of his party. We have no fears that if the new administra- tion could be quietly inaugurated, it would or could abolitionize the gov- ernment. There are honest people enough in the Northern States to pre- vent such a result. But, then, while this is admitted as a simple matter of truth and justice, it cannot be denied, on the other hand, that aboli- tionism did enter, with all its characteristic bitterness, into the recent con- test ; that the result never could have been accomplished without its as- sistance, and that it now appropriates the victory in words of ridicule and scorn that sting like a serpent. Let me give you, as a single specimen of the spirit in which abolitionism has carried on its political warfare, an ex- tract from a journal which claims to have a larger circulation than any other religious paper in the land. I quote from the New York Indepen- dent, of September, 1856 : " The people will not levy war nor inaugurate a revolution, even to re- lieve Kansas, until they have first tried what they can do by voting. If this peaceful remedy should fail to be applied this year, then the people will count the cost wisely, and decide for themselves boldly and firmly 21 which is the better way to rise in arms and throw ofiF a government worse than that of old King George, or endure it another four years and then vote again." Such is the spirit — such the love to the Constitution and Union of the these States with which this religious element has entered into and seeks to control our party politics. But we deceive ourselves if we suppose that our present dangers are of a birth so recent as 1856. As the questions now before the country rise in their magnitude above all party interests and ought at once to blot out all party lines, so their origin is found far back of all party organizations as they now exist. An article published twenty yeai-s ago in the Princeton Revitw, contains this remarkable language : "The opinion that slaveholding is itself a crime must operate to produce the disunion of the States and the division of all ecclesiastical societies in this country. Just so far ! •" " WORLD, -75 '• " " " TRIBUNE, 15 " PHILADEL. LEDGER, 50 INQUIRER, 75 FORNEY'S PRESS, 75 ALL THE WEEKLY PAPERS OF ANY NOTE, BOTH HOME AND FOREIGN. ALL THE MAGAZINES OF THE DAY, 10 per year. 9 " " 9 " " 9 " " 6 " " 9 " " 9 " " IN CLDD ING Blackwood's Magazine, Westminster Review, North British Review, Edinbdrgh Review, For. Quar. Review. 'EACH $3— ALL FIVE OF THESE ONE Y'EAR, $10. Any MAGAZINE or NEWSPAPER published, will be sent regularly by mail, or delivered in any part of the city, on the day of publication. NOW IS THE TIME TO SUBSCRIBE. A new year and new vol- umes just commencing. Send your orders with the money, or call on SUN IRON BUILDING, BALTIMORE, MD. S. SANDS MILLS, S TE .A-ISd: BOOK AND JOB PRINTER, PUBLICATION OFFICK "RURAL RKGISTF.R," No. 122 BALTIMORE STREET, BALTIMORE. > c^yj^.^o. .**\-.iJ^.V r.O*..l'^-,'\ >^ •" <5>^ •• ^<^^ ^> 'o,,* A <^ ♦'TV.* 5V ^ o i :