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LiB.RAKYOFco:.tii:^:ss' 
 
 THE DUTY OF NATIVE AMERICANS IN THE 
 PRESENT CRISIS. 
 
 Brothers of the Amen'rcin Order: 
 
 In our progress through the years of 
 our nation's life, we have arrived at one 
 of those crises, when tlie most ardent 
 patriotism, the most self-sacrificing love of 
 country, the clearest wisdom and soundest 
 discretion are necessary, if we would 
 escape that social and national ruin which 
 the opponents of Free Governments have 
 so often predicted, as the certain termi- 
 nation of our Democratic experiments. 
 The whole nation is fearfully excited, 
 the south against the north, the north 
 against the south. Already one of those 
 symptoms of disunion, described so graph- 
 ically, and denounced so solemnly by 
 the Father of his country, has appeared, 
 viz : the formation of a sectional, geograpih- 
 ical party in the North, soon to be fol- 
 lowed, — who can doubt it ? — by the for- 
 mation of an antagonistic partj- in the 
 South. 
 
 • We stand on the eve of another Prcsi- 
 dential election. Party feeling has never 
 been so intensified as now, and never be- 
 fore has our entire nation been so pro- 
 foundly interested in the issues and re- 
 sults of any similar campaign. Men of 
 all parties feel that these results, what- 
 ever they are, will exercise a mighty 
 influence over the whole future of our 
 countrj'. 
 
 It is well for us, then, — members of 
 the American Party, — to pause here, and 
 consider seriously and calmly, what obli- 
 gations and duties our professions of 
 Americanism impose upon us ; what course 
 of policy they would urge us to pursue ; 
 what candidates to support for ofiiee. Let 
 us refresh our memories a little, by a 
 momentary glance at the manner in which 
 our membership in this party was con- 
 summated, ami we cannot fail to see, 
 without any obscurity, the way of our 
 duty made plain before us. 
 
 T\'hen we joined the American Party, 
 did we not pledge our sacred honors, — 
 nay, did we not solemnly swear — 
 
 1st. That we would not aid or assist 
 to place in oiEce any Roman Catholic or 
 Foreigner ? 
 
 2d. That we would ever hold sacred 
 the Constitution of the I'nitcd States, 
 and uphold, at all risks, our Federal 
 Union ? 
 
 3d. That we would submit to the will 
 of the majority, when fairly expressed, 
 and use every honest endeavor to elect 
 to office those candidates who have been 
 regularly nominated, b}' conventions of 
 the Party, regularly called ? 
 
 Kow in the light of those obTigations, 
 is it not clear as noon-day, what should 
 be the course of our political action ? Are 
 we not bound by our oaths, to vote for 
 the candidates of our Part}' ? And who 
 are these Candidates '? 
 
 At a Convention of Americans, held in 
 Philadelphia, on the 22d of February last, 
 the spontaneous and unanimous choice of 
 the Delega-tes fell on Millard Fillmore, 
 of New York, as their candidate for the 
 Presidency, and A. J. DoxEr.soN of Ten- 
 nessee, as their candidate for the Vice 
 Presidency. This Convention was regu- 
 larly called. No one has ever disputed 
 its legality. The whole country was rep- 
 resented there. Delegates from all the 
 states excepting ^'crraont and Maine, 
 participated in its deliberations. Its 
 acts are therefore binding on the entire 
 party. The National Convention re- 
 affirmed its American principles, and de- 
 nounced in indignant terms the repeal of 
 the Missouri Compromise, and all the 
 iniquities in Kanzas which followed. 
 
 Millard Filliiork, in accepting the 
 nomination, accepts our platform of prin- 
 ciples, and endorses all of our American 
 doctrines. He is an American and a 
 Protestant, has long been a member of 
 our party, — and an active and earnest 
 philanthropist. 
 
 n/ 
 
( 2 ) 
 
 Now, under these civcumstanccs, is 
 there au American, who can conscien- 
 tiously, — without au utter loss of honor, 
 — ay, more, is there one who can without 
 laying on his soul the unspeakably, ter- 
 rible sin of peijury, repudiate Mr. Fill- 
 more, and suf)port the candidate of a 
 party, which is directly hostile to the 
 American, — which has no sympathy with 
 it, and which is doing all that lays in its 
 power to seduce to its side the foreign 
 x'Ote i 
 
 There can be but one answer to these 
 questions. No American can repudiate 
 Mr. Fillmore, and support Mr. Fremont 
 and the liepublicans, without breaking 
 every oath he has taken, violating every 
 pledge, and ignoring every principle of 
 Americanism ! ! All of us, Americans, 
 are bound to vote for Millai-d Fillmore ; 
 
 First, Because he is the candidate of 
 our party. 
 
 Second, Because he represents our 
 American doctrines. 
 
 Third, Because he has been tried, and 
 is proved to be loyal to the Constitution, 
 and to Freedom, impartially just and in- 
 flexibly honest. 
 
 On the other hand, we cannot vote for 
 Mr. Fremont, 
 
 1st. Because he is not the candidate of 
 our Party, but of another which is di- 
 rectly hostile to us. 
 
 2d. He is not an American, and open- 
 ly avows that he has no sympathy with 
 the ,'Vmerican Party. 
 
 3d. His Protestantism is extremely 
 doubtful. If he is not now a Catholic, 
 all the evidence, — and there is enough 
 collected to hang a man on any capital 
 charge, — ^which has been produced re-' 
 garding his religion, proves beyond a 
 doubt, that up to a very recent period 
 he ever professed to be a Romanist. If 
 any American has any doubts on this 
 point, we refer him to the following 
 PROOFS of J. C. Fremont's Ilomanism ! 
 
 The following comes in from Sandusky, Ohio. 
 Jlr. Wood is now on one of the lake propel- 
 lers. Everybody on the line of the lake knows 
 ■Tustice Patterson, and the sea-furing men know 
 Wood and have full confidence in him: 
 The State of Onio, ) John James Wood, of 
 Erie County, ss. ) lawful age, first being du- 
 ly swoni, deposeth and saith. I belonged to 
 
 Frigate Congress, Com. Stockton, and went to 
 California in 1S44, and returned in 1849, was de- 
 tailed by Commodore Stockton in 1846 I think, to 
 take care of Col. Fremont, now the Kepublican 
 nominee for the Presidency, during a fit of sick- 
 ness, and during that time Col. Fremont was 
 quite sick and sent for a Catholic Priest, who ad- 
 ministered to him (Col. Fremont) the Sacrament, 
 and burnt over him incense. This ceremony was 
 performed every morning until Col. Fremont got 
 better. That Col. Fremont was Oien a Roman 
 Catholic I have no doubt, whether he is now a 
 CathoUc or not I am not able to say. 
 
 John James Wood. 
 
 Sworn to anrl subscribed before me by tlie 
 above-named John James Wood, this 18th day of 
 September, A. D. ISuG. 
 
 Geo. S. PATTERS0^•, J. P. 
 
 It is a maxim of the law that " a dying man is 
 an honest man." Hence the rule, that the dying 
 declarations of a party are admissible in his own 
 case, and are received in common law courts as 
 the highest species of evidence. Here -we h.ave 
 Col. Fremont in extremis vwrtuls, declaring by 
 (lets which speak louder than words, that his faith 
 i-; in the rites of that church and believes in the 
 saving grace of the "incense that burns over 
 him." 
 
 The next witness is Mr. Kufus Hersey, lately of 
 Hinghara, JIassachnsetts, who knew Fremont in 
 California, and who says that he with his wife 
 used to attend the Roman Catholic Church thei'e 
 on Sundays. 
 
 Afain, Mr. James G. Swan, now in lledford, 
 Mass., says th.at he knew Fremont in CaUfonua, 
 and knew him as a Roman Catholic. 
 
 Again, Mr. Heni-y Teschemacher, formerly of 
 East Boston, and lately returned from California, 
 knew Fremont in Los Angelos, to^be a frequent 
 attendant on the Roman Catholic Chui-ch. 
 
 Then we have the following testimony from Mr. 
 Jesse Jlorrill, formerly from Charlestown, Mass., 
 where he was for a long time in the employment 
 of the Fitchburg Railroad Company, and a man in 
 whom entire reliance may be placed: 
 
 Sacramento, Cal., Aug. 19, ISoC. 
 J. E. Farwell, Esq., 
 
 Z>enr Sh; — I see by some of the Eastern papers, 
 there is some doubt about the religious opinions of 
 Col. Fremont. As for that, I think I can put you 
 right. 
 
 In November, 1849, learning that Col. Fremont 
 was in attendance at the Roman Catholic chui-ch, 
 and having a desire, from curiosity, to see him, I 
 followed. I SAW HIM GO TO THE HOLY 
 WATER, DIP HIS FINGER IN, AND CROSS 
 HIMSELF, AND THEN GO TOWARDS THE 
 ALTAR AND GET DOWN ON HIS KNEES. 
 
^^ 
 
 A-' 
 
 'S^ 
 
 t)^ 
 
 ( 3) 
 
 DUrJXG SERVICE I SAW IIIJI CROSS HIM- 
 SELF SEVERAL TIMES!! I have since, on 
 one occasion, SEEN HIJI PARTAKE OF THE 
 SACRAMENT IN THAT CHCRCH. 
 
 « 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 I am yours, &c., J. MoRniLi,. 
 
 Robert D. Hart, Esq., Secretary of the Astor 
 Fire Insurance Company, in New York, who early 
 ■went out to San Francisco, California, who was ii 
 member of the Order of United Americans, and 
 introduced that Order into California, founding 
 there Eureka Chapter No. 1, states that wheu 
 Fremont was first up for U. S. Senator in Califor- 
 nia, the Americans and some others took issue 
 against him, and opposed him upon the distinct 
 ground that be was a Roman Catholic. 
 
 One of the Editors of the New Jersey Union, 
 corroborates tlie same statement, from his own 
 knowledge. 
 
 We would also refer to Bishop Allemany, of 
 California. 
 
 The Boston Pilot, a leading Roman Catholic 
 organ in this country, speaking of Col. Fremont 
 before his nomination, said: — 
 
 If Fremont is nominateil, we shall see the 
 strange sight of this Anti-Catholic, dark-lantern, 
 oath-bound party, tiominntin^/ a Cn(hciUc,aii(l a son 
 of a foreigner, for the highest ortice in the gift of 
 the people ! For a Catholic to be put into the Pres- 
 idential chair, by the parttj irhftse only creed is hatred 
 and persecutioyi of Oitholicifii, will be in the 
 world's hi.story like Ei.Rhind, restoring Pope Pius 
 VII. to Rome, a proof that governments and par- 
 ties are unwilling instruments in God's hands to 
 use as he will. 
 
 Again a correspondent of the same Pilot, writ- 
 ing from New Yoi-k, in June last, asserts the fact 
 that Fremont is a Catholic. 
 
 Mr. Henry Blancliard, of Wilmington, Mass., 
 well known as a man of probity and honor, says 
 that prior to Fremont's nomination he was in New- 
 York, and was introduced to a lady Avho assured 
 him th.it she knew Col. Fremont, and had attend- 
 ed the Catholic Church with him, and that in 
 conversation with him regarding his being nomi- 
 nated by any of the coming Conventions, he said 
 he did not see how the Americans could nominate 
 him as he was a Roman Catholic. 
 
 Father Olivetti, a Jesuit Priest at Whitehall, 
 New I'^ork, asserted that he knew John C. Fremont 
 to be a Catholic, and that he said so is substan- 
 tiated by the statement of C. D. Culver, Esq., and 
 the affidavits of Charles B. Guy and J. R. Gandal, 
 as follows, (from the Albany Statesman): 
 
 STATEMENT OF C. D. CULVER, ESQ. 
 
 Saxdt Hill, Sept. 2, 1856. 
 Editor of Albany Statesman : 
 
 Dear Sir: — My relations with Rev. Mr. Olivetti, 
 having always been of the most friendly character 
 
 personally, and being averse to newspaper contro- 
 versies, or heated political discussions, I have 
 endeavored to avoid any in this case. 
 
 Having, however, been shown an aflid.avit in 
 
 a stateni.'Mt in;i.|.' Iiv Mr. Olivrtli, |nt I'm-t Kd- 
 
 viird . 
 ■it 1 u 
 
 M .il'Au-u-t i 
 id is to be 11 
 
 
 : luiblic, I deem it 
 piitiiciv |ir. per to state, that I was present on the 
 '"■'■i-i'M iilliiilcd to, and can only repeat here, 
 wliiit I liavf -airl before, when questioned in re- 
 gard to the matter — that the Rev. Mr. Olivetti did 
 say, without reserve, that Me. Fkemont was 
 A Catholic, and that he siioult> vote for 
 HIM this fall, a gentleman who was with 
 him, and who also appeared to be a Catholic 
 priest, said to Mr. Olivetti, " You have never 
 voted." "I know it, but I shall vote for Mr. 
 Fremont this fall," was Mr. Olivetti's answer. 
 Very respectfully, yours, 
 
 C. D. CULVER. 
 
 C. D. Culver, Esq., is known to every one of 
 our readers in tliis locality, and to nearly every 
 one in the State. But for 'the benefit of those in 
 other States, we would state that he is an eminent 
 lawyer, a gentleman of unblemished character, 
 and high moral worth, a man of property, and an 
 oxci'lleiit ami popular citizen. 
 
 I hi- i' s,i:,,t;,,,tiat.'d by the sworn affidavits of 
 •1. (I. i;.i!id:ill. I.M|. of Fort Edward, for years a 
 Shrnir :it Wasliihgton Countv, N. Y., and of 
 ClKirles i;. (iuy, Esq. of KingsLury, in the simie 
 County, well known citizens and men of high 
 character and integrity. 
 
 The New Y'ork Citizen, a weekly American Irish 
 journal, and a Catholic paper, speaking of Fre- 
 mont's Romanism, savs: — 
 
 "It seems stran^'p'tlint while the question of 
 Mr. Fiviimnr- rrli-I.,,i is ;i-ii:iiii,.^ the whole 
 Union, \,r -iirlnk- iVoni i,v,,uiL, liis religious 
 principles. It i- tmr that ruliuinn lias nothiiig to 
 do with political questions which are to be tried 
 in his person. But what his professed religion is 
 now, has something to do with his character, and 
 therefore with his tltness for office. That he was 
 a Catholic seems to be beyoud the shadow of a 
 doubt. 
 
 But the matter is finallv put entirelv at rest by 
 the followiiiu autlKiritative statmn nt 'rniin Arch- 
 bishop Illli;iir-,,wiipa|.r,: — ■■ 11:. .\,:r Y..,l; Free- 
 
 mun'sJuunKil „,„/ CulLolic /,\ ,./.s;, ,■, //„ „iliu,dur- 
 yunof the most JUcertnd ArdMsUp," hi its issue 
 of Sept. 13, 1855: 
 
 The party known as Choctaws, North Ameri- 
 cans, or Anti-Slavery Know Nothings, offered Mr. 
 Fremont their nomination, and he formally ac- 
 cepted it, having avowed his sympathy with'most 
 of their principles, and his purpose to carry them 
 out, if he could be elected. According to the 
 New York Times, n Fremont paper, this Conven- 
 tion whicli thus nominated Mr. Fremont was com- 
 posed of those " who bolted from the American 
 (K. N.) National Council and Nominating Conven- 
 tion in Philadelphia, by reason of the admission 
 therein of delegates representing a Roman Catholic 
 constituency — thus taking the most decided posi- 
 tion as Anti-Roman Catholics, and still maintain- 
 ing that position.'' Yet, as if to illustrate how 
 utterly profligate in principle Know Nothingism 
 fs, and how necessarily self-stultifying, theytake 
 AS their candidate a man sltposkd to be a 
 Catholic. 
 
 Having selected such an one for their candidate, 
 the next curious step is the attempt to make out. 
 
( 4) 
 
 — not tliat Sir. Fremont had given up being a 
 Ciithulie — not that lie was now a Protestant, or of 
 reli);ion — a thing |)ossil)le in itself, plausible 
 
 iilvli; 
 
 moreover, and whicli iie cert 
 right to do withont beiiifr ]'"liti 
 about it— iH( rtn( he neri-rJufl l-<-,-; 
 hadsoproftsst^dldin^cif. 'I'm i^ 
 
 KANT IMPOSITION Ul'li.N Till- ' 1 i 
 
 American rEoi'Ln that iia> i \ 
 Hail the appeal been made to thi 
 ])rinciple that a man's religion is not a matter on 
 which he ought to submit to questioning — however 
 ntradictoiy this midit be to the inqnisitorial 
 
 the political 
 ly rpiestioned 
 ('niii.'ljf, never 
 
 j\<',T FLAO- 
 
 I I I 1 OF THE 
 
 II I.X TRIED. 
 
 enl American 
 
 dicta of the Know-N" 
 would have found -sniiu- 
 ATTEMI'T TO MAKi; 
 LOW SO AllsriJH A 
 FREMHXT 1)11) Ml I 
 HIMsr.LF A hn.MAN 
 
 iuconsistencv 
 . |i;inlM„ it. BUT THE 
 I 111. riTiUC SWAL- 
 Tiil;V AS Tll.VT MU. 
 
 Ill: ■! i:ai;s riiOFESs 
 
 .MIIiil.lU— AND XO- 
 
 pe 
 
 THlNd liTf A |;0.\1A.\ UAIUOLIC — HAS 
 AtrrUALIA' SOMETHING IN IT HARDLY 
 ONE STEP FE0.M THE SUBLIME. 
 
 The following letter from Mr. McMasters, iu the 
 Cohmibus (Ohio) Capital City Fact, of Sept. 2a, 
 is sulhcieiitly explicit, whatever may be said of its 
 temper : 
 
 OJice of (III: N. i'. Freeman's .Join-nal, ) 
 Sept. 6th, ISDO. j 
 
 Slit: — No such article as you refer to has ap- 
 j.j.ired in the Freeman's Journal — nor would I 
 admit it — even to injure the prospects of the can- 
 didate of so Dad a party as the Black Republicans, 
 because the rei.uiion of Mr. Fremont, if he has 
 any left, has nothing to do with his claims for 
 office, or should have nothing to do with them at 
 least. 
 
 What is more to the purpose, is the PERSONAL 
 VERACITY of Mr. Fremont. If you can get any 
 one to get him to say over his own sip^nntiire, what 
 
 ho seems to authorize his fri !- tn -:iy i'nr him, 
 
 viz: that IIK has never ri;oi i >,i.i. n> be a 
 c.vrHOLic. THEN I Wll.l. HIIAND IIIM PUB- 
 LICLY AS A l.lAi:. n, I kiiiiw tlir wh.ile story 
 ofhislifpiii W.^l, :i -"ii.iiii'l i.ur:v Til \r DAILY 
 AND FOR 'ii;\l;>. Hi: rKiin>M;|i TO BE 
 
 A CATiiiii.ic. iii\i iii; n:iin>si;D to 
 
 BE srcll WHEN IIK \VA,> M \l;l;ilTi. THAT 
 HE A\ uWTTi !IIM>rT.F SI (II In HIS BRO- 
 THER UFFlcKKS IN ITIi; AIIMV. AND TO 
 MEN IN Civil. I.IFE — Til rRnTESTANTS 
 AND CATHOLICS, WHOM I KNOW AND 
 COULD CITE AS I'RoiiF. BUT .1. C. FRE- 
 MONT DARE NOT OVKI; Ills OWN NAME, 
 DENY A FACT I CAN IIWI, SWo|>N TO 
 BY TWENTY DISIIM I \l I 1 1 1 A \ 1 1 S OF 
 HIGHLY RESPECl Al'.l.i; riolid:. MEN AND 
 
 WOMEN, im;h>i-' ami i.w. < mholic 
 
 AND PRO 11. SI \NI'. \:/:^tli;it io|; YEARS 
 HE l'ROFI,>Si;|i IIIM>l.l.r A lAllloLlc, 
 AND DEN11;D llAVINt; AW OTHEI; BELIEF 
 IN ANY OTHER RELIGI.ON. 
 
 A man who will LIE about a serious fact in his 
 own history, ought to be denoimcefl, if he jiretends 
 tarnn for "Presi<lent, even of so mean a coalition 
 as Black Republicans and Chocktaw K. N,'s. IF 
 COL. FREMONT WILL ASSERT TH.\T HE 
 HAS NEVER GIVEN Hl.MSELF OUT AS A 
 CAT'HOEIC, I WILL CLAP THE HOT IRON 
 ON HIM tJlTCK AND SURE. 
 
 At the same time allow me to say that if yon are 
 a Democrat, I am ushamcil of you, seeking to hurt 
 even Fremont, bad na he is, on a religious question. 
 
 But if you are a Hindoo, it is perfectly in keeping 
 with the rest of your principles. Y'oiirs, 
 
 J. A. .McMASTER, 
 Editor and Proprietor of I'reeman's Journal. 
 Such is the simple detail of facts. Such is the 
 record. And without hesitation we affirm that it 
 is a matter of utter and absolute impossibility to 
 find such a record against any man that is not a 
 Romanist. 
 
 4lh. Mr. Fremont's course on the 
 question of Slavery is not satisfactory. 
 For proof of this, we refer you to the 
 Congressional records during the 2 1 days 
 ho was a member of the U. S. Senate. 
 Every vote he cast tiiekb is eecokded 
 
 BY THE side OF THE VOTES OF THE BuTLKHS, 
 TUB AtCIIISONS, AND OTHER EXTREME PrO- 
 SlAVERY MEN OF THE SoTITII. EVERY VOTE 
 HE GAVE WAS AGAINST THE AnTI-Sl.WERY 
 
 Party ! ! ! 
 
 5th. Wc, as Americans, cannot sup- 
 port Mr. Fremont, because he is the Can- 
 didate of a Party which is geographical' 
 and sectional, dangerous to the peace of 
 the Union and the integrity of the nation. 
 By its own admission it is not a j^arty of 
 positive principles, but simply a negation ! 
 It exists only by virtue of hostility to one 
 section of the Country. — by opposition to 
 the Administration of (ien. Pierce. It is 
 composed of the discontented, the restless, 
 the radicals, the come-outers from all 
 parties. The no-government men, no- 
 church men, the no-law men, belong to 
 this party. Unquestionablj' its aim is to 
 intensify the northern sentiment as it is 
 called, — deepen the feeling, already too 
 profound, of hostility to the South, and 
 thus dissolve the I'nion ! ! 
 
 It is true the Republican Party claims 
 the suffrages of all the benevolent on the 
 ground of its anti-slavery professions. 
 But where is the record of its anti-sla- 
 very deeds . It exists only in its loud pro- 
 fessions of Philanthropy, — its noisy dec- 
 lamations in favor of Freedom ; and the 
 flaming rhetoric of its orators ! When 
 and where in Congress, or in the States 
 has it done a thing of the least practical 
 benefit to the African race '? We look in 
 vain for the first act. They attempt to 
 influence the passions of the people against 
 j\lr. Fillmore, by denouncing the Fugitive 
 Slave Laws; and yet, iiicoi-porate that 
 same law in llieir oicn hill, for the settle- 
 ment of the Kauzas difficulties ! ! The 
 
( 5 ) 
 
 Ecpublicans, speak with seeming indig- 
 nation of tlie existing pro-slavery laws of 
 Kanzas, stigmatizing tliem as infamous, 
 barbarous, and Liraconian, and yet 
 twice, — let this be remembered, — and yet 
 TWICE RKFUSKD to concur with the bills 
 that had passed the Senate by large ma- 
 jorities, and which abrogated those ini- 
 quitous laws every one I 
 
 And, again, when Mr. Haven, of New 
 York, oft'ered another amendment which 
 all good men who desired to settle the 
 troubles in Kanzas ought to have sup- 
 ported, — it was killed by the previous 
 question ordered by the Eepublican ma- 
 jority of the House ! 
 
 -4nd even now what is the policy of 
 this party in regard to Kanzas ? Is it a 
 policy that is likely to secure that terri- 
 tory to i'recdom '! By no means. The 
 Free State men acting under the advice 
 of the Republican leaders to refuse to 
 exorcise their rights as citizens, and thus 
 voluntarily give the territory up to a 
 small minority of Pro-slavery men; the 
 result of which must be to perpetuate 
 slavery there, when they have it in their 
 jwMcr by calm and judicious management 
 to.make Kanzas free when it shall become 
 a State. Wo to that party whose only 
 political capital is discord, and commo- 
 tion, riots and blood ! 
 
 6th. Americans cannot vote for Mr. 
 Fremont without an utter abandonment 
 of all the principles of their political 
 creed. 
 
 The Eepublican is pre-eminently a 
 foreign party. It bids high for the for- 
 eign ami Eoman Catholic vote. Its plan 
 is to rise to power through the aid of the 
 foreign population and the abolitionists. 
 How can Americans who have sworn to 
 restrain of repress the influence of for- 
 eigners in our government, engage in a 
 political enterprise, ^^hich, if successful, 
 will increase that influence a hundred 
 fold, and make it the paramount power to 
 which all else must yield '! 
 
 That this compact does exist between 
 Eepublicans and foreigners, is proved by 
 one significant fact. When a committee 
 from a self constituted Convention in Xew 
 York, composed of a small faction of 
 Americans, desired admission to the Ee- 
 
 publica-n Convention, then in session in 
 Pliiladelphia, for purposes of conference, 
 they were refused, and treated with in- 
 sult and scorn. And why '! Because, 
 said Mr. Giddings, of Ohio, "if we re- 
 ceive these Americans, with their obnox- 
 ious principles tve shall lose the foreign 
 votes." Then howin the name of consisten- 
 C3'.'i 1 honor can we Americans give our 
 suSrages to place in office the candidate 
 of a part3',which insultingly tells us. that 
 it despises our principles, and prefers a 
 political partnership with foreigners and 
 Eomanists, to any aifiliation with us? 
 
 7th. We cannot support- j\[r. Fre- 
 mont and the Eepublican party, because 
 by so doing we iibdicate our manhood, 
 outrage our dignity, and become the tools 
 of political leaders who desire to use us 
 to their own advant;ige. 
 
 Compared with the great American 
 party of the Union, the Eepublican party 
 is an insignificant body, and in the Nor- 
 thern States alone, the proportion of Ec- 
 publicans to Americans is not more than 
 one to forty/ And yet this party, so in- 
 significant, has the presumption to call 
 on us to abandon our jtrineiples, to aban- 
 don our candidates, and turn our backs 
 upon all of our cherished opinions. It is 
 humiliating to think that any considera- 
 ble number of Americans have been so 
 fascinated, deceived and blinded, as to 
 listen to this call, and allow themselves 
 to be ivhipped into the Fremont ranks. 
 
 Suppose JMr. Fremont should be elected 
 and by your votes, — for he cannot be 
 elected without them — it would not be 
 an American, but a Eepublican victory ; 
 for the Eepublicans claim him exclusive- 
 ly as their candidate, and will allow of no 
 division of the spoils ! 
 
 Shall we then so sink our m.anhood, 
 
 ' as to become willing slaves to a I'arty 
 
 without principle — a party openly and 
 
 avowedly hostile to us — become hewers 
 
 j of wood and drawers of water to our cnc- 
 
 j mies, — beasts of burden harnessed to their 
 
 chariots, to enable them to ride into the 
 
 ; high places of power and emolument '? 
 
 In the State of New York, the North 
 ' Americans who, for a time, supported 
 i Fremont, saw their humiliating position 
 I and inconsistency ; and their self-respect 
 
( 6 ) 
 
 compelled tbem to repudiate that mon- \ 
 strous coalition, and give tlicir hearty , 
 and cheerful support to JJr. Fillmore, i 
 "Will not those Americans of New England, 
 Tvho have unfortunately been touched by 
 this strange fascination, — upon whom the 
 dark shadow of soi-dfsatit liepublioanism 
 has fallen like an infernal spell, — cast oif 
 this fatal delusion, and follow the noble | 
 example of their brethren of the Empire | 
 State ? I 
 
 It is painful to contemplate even the 
 possibility that a great party like the 
 American, which numbers its millions, 
 should lose its indivduality, and sink 
 itself out of sight in a party like the 
 Eepublican, which numbers only its thou- 
 sands ! That the aim of the Republicans 
 has been, and is, to break up and destroy, 
 and at last swallow up the American 
 Party, is too obvious to need any further 
 proofs. -It is for this we have been invited 
 to this unnatural coalition. But Ameri- 
 cans will not stultify themselves to this 
 extent. They will shake off this Fremont 
 fascination, and when it is past will won- 
 der they could be so deluded ! The 
 Eepublicans will not swallow the Ameri- 
 cans until the Gadfly swallows the Lion ! 
 When Hull shall annex all the cities of 
 this Continent, and command their alle- 
 giance, then may the Republicans be able 
 to annex the American Party to their own 
 Insignificance ! 
 
 Sth. Americans cannot give any 
 countenance to the Itepiihlican Party, 
 because its very nature tends to disunion. 
 It strikes, at one blow, fifteen stars from 
 our national banner ! • It is arrayed in 
 direct hostility to the South. It calls 
 itself a Northern Party ; and virtually, 
 says that so long as slavery exists the 
 South shall not participate in the govern- 
 ment of the nation ; and it hopes to con- 
 tinue its existence by making more deep 
 and intense the sentiment of hatred be- 
 tween the two sections of the country. 
 It objects to our Candidate for the Vice 
 Presidency, Andrew J. Donelson, because 
 he resides in the South, and is the owner 
 of slaves ! It would therefore ostracise, 
 were they living, Washington, Patrick 
 Henry, Jefferson, Madison, Munroe, Jack- 
 son and Taylor ! 
 
 True, there are individual members of 
 the I'Vcmont Party, who deny that they 
 are disunionists. But a party is to be 
 judged, not by the opinions of a few indi- 
 viduals, but by the general tone and 
 spirit which pervade it. And throughout 
 the Republican party there is discoverable 
 a feeling of intense hatred to the South. 
 The speeches of its orators, the articles 
 of its newspapers, and the conversation 
 of its members, are all redolent of dis- 
 union, and of treason to the Constitution 
 of the country. 
 
 'J'lie true 'Americnn, a black republican orgau in 
 Erie couuty, Penusylvania, in commenting upon a 
 spi>ecli delivered at a democratic meeting, says: — 
 
 " 'I'his twaddle about the ' Unum' and its ^pre- 
 semilion ' is too silly and sickening for any good 
 efl'ect. He think that the Ubertij of a single slave is 
 worth more than all the Usiox God's usivekse 
 
 CAN hold! " 
 
 Mr. Giddings has said: — 
 
 " I look forward to the day when there shall lie 
 a servile insurrection in the south ; when the 
 black man, armed with British bayonets, and led 
 on by British officers, shall assert his freedom, and 
 wage a war of extermination against his master; 
 when the toixhof the incendiary shall light up the 
 towns and cities of the south, and blot out the last 
 Te=tage of slavery. And though I may not mock 
 attheircalamity,'nor laugh when tlieirfear cometh 
 yet I will hold it as the dawn of a political millen- 
 iiium." 
 
 Hear Rnfus P. Spaulding, a member of the,re- 
 publican convention at Philadelphia: — 
 
 " lu the case of the alternative being presented 
 
 of the continuance of slavery or a dissolution of 
 
 1 the Union, I am for dissolution, aud 1 care not how 
 
 soon it comes." 
 I Hear Erastus Hopkins, auother member of the 
 
 same convention : — 
 1 " If peaceful means fail us, and we are di-iven to 
 ; the last extremity, where bollots are useless, then 
 we'll make bullets efiective." (Tremendous ap- 
 plause.) 
 j Hear H. M. Addison, of the American Adverti- 
 j ser, a republican print : — 
 
 I " I detest slavery, and say unhesitatingly that I 
 , am in favor of its" abolition by some means, if it 
 send all the party organizations in the Union, and 
 I the Union itself, to the devil." 
 
 Hear "J. S. P.," the Washington correspondent 
 of the New York Tribune, the leadi»g repubhcan 
 paper : — 
 
 " I have no doubt but that the free and slave 
 states ought to separate." 
 
 Hear a republican clergyman of Poughkeepsie: 
 I " I pr.ay daily that this accursed Union may be 
 ; dissolved, even if blood have to be spilt." 
 j Hear a republican petition to congress, circula- 
 ted some months since: — 
 I " We earnestly request congress, at its session, 
 I to take such initiatory measures for the speedy, 
 I peaceful and equitable dissolution of the existing 
 ! Union, es the exigencies of the case may require." 
 Hoar Horace Grcelev. the most proniinet repub- 
 
 lica 
 
 edito 
 
 1 the ( 
 
 " The Union is not worth supporting in connec- 
 tion with the south." 
 
( 7 ) 
 
 Hear Thomas Ford, a member of tlie freesoil 
 know nothing convention at New York, and a sup- 
 porter of Fremont: — 
 
 " The time has come when we must declare we 
 love freedom better than tlie Union." 
 
 Hear Linus B. Comins, a republican member of 
 the U .S. House of Eepresentatives from Jlassachu- 
 setts : — 
 
 "I am in favor (in certain continsencies) of draw- 
 ing blacls lines around tlie constitution, aud wri- 
 ting the word ej'piinfierf across its face." 
 
 Can any voter who loves his country lie induced 
 to give strength to such treasonable sentiments, 
 by voting for the candidate of that party? We 
 shall see how far the haters of the constitution 
 and o{>posers of the union will succeed. 
 
 And can Americans who have sworn 
 before the flag of their country, and in 
 the dread j_ presence of the Master of 
 Nations, that they will defend that Union, 
 and oppose to the last all attempts to 
 dissolve it, coalesce with a Tarty, the 
 leaders of which speak of such a dissolu- 
 tion, as probable, and even desirable ? 
 No true American, certainly, can do this ; 
 no one who loves his country, and reve- 
 rences the memory of his country's 
 Father. From his grave, thcglmmortal 
 Washington, in tones of solemn earnest- 
 ness, rebukes that Party to day. AVould 
 that all might have grace enough to listen 
 to his affectionate warning. 
 
 It is of infinite moment that you should properly 
 estimate the isimkxse value of your National 
 Union to your collective and individual happiness ; 
 that vou should cherish a cordial, habitual and im- 
 rrun'olle attachvient to it, accustominti yourselves to 
 think and to sPE.iK of it ns the pnimiUum of your 
 political safety and prosperity ; trnfchii/r/for ifs pre- 
 setmation loith jealous anxiety; discuuntennutiuff 
 whatever may suggest even a s/is/uitoa that it can 
 in ANY EVENT be abandoned ; and inditjanthj f -own- 
 ing upon the first attempt to alienate any /ttjrtivn of 
 the country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred 
 ties which Hotv link togcUier the various pai-ts." 
 
 For the foregoing reasons, then, to say 
 nothing of others, too numerous to bo 
 mentioned here, we, Americans, cannot 
 support Mr. Fremont and the Eepublican 
 Tarty. 
 
 Millard Fillmore, is our candidate, 
 and as a Patriot, a I'nion man, and a rep- 
 resentative of Northern sentiment, he is 
 all we can desire. Nay, if we are to sup- 
 port a man on account of his anti-slavery 
 tendencies, then Mr. Fillmore must be 
 the candidate of our election, for while 
 the public record of Mr. Fremont, is all 
 black with pro-slavery deeds, that of 
 Millard Fillmore, glows with the gener- 
 ous light of an enlightened philanthropy. 
 Look for a moment at the public acts of 
 
 the two candidates, and then let anti- 
 slavery men choose between them. 
 
 J. C. Fremont's Record. 
 
 On Wednesday, Sept. 11, 1850, the day after 
 Mr. Fremont took his seat as a senator, Jlr. Under- 
 wood called up the bill for the relief of the Amer- 
 ican Colonization Society, stating that the claim 
 had been favorably reported on two years before. 
 
 Mr. Turuey asked for the reading of the report. 
 
 The rriKirf M'ts Inrth tli.ir a liberal construction 
 of the lilt Ml Ciii-T I' Maii-h 3, 1819, would re- 
 quire tliat till- iTiivriiini.-iit -hiuild provide for the 
 support ui' thu.-'C iccaptiu't-'d Africans for a reason- 
 ble time after they had been landed iu Lib^ia, 
 and that it is beneath the dignity of the Govern- 
 ment to devolve this duty upon the Society. The 
 petition of the executive committee of the Society, 
 which the committee incorporated in their report, 
 states that on the 16tli of December, 1845, the 
 United States ship Vorktown, Commodore Bell, 
 landed at Manoviii, in Liberia from the slaver 
 Pons, seven hundred aud fifty recaptured Afri- 
 cans, " in charge of the agent of the United States 
 for recaptured Africans, in a naked, starving, and 
 dying condition," all of them except twenty-one; 
 being under the age of twenty-one. 
 
 The United States made no provision for their 
 support, after they were landed. By the con- 
 struction given to the act of 1819 by President 
 Monroe, the United States were bound to support 
 these recaptives, but by a narrower constniction 
 given to the act, subsequently a contrary course 
 was pursued, and the Government was considered 
 to have disehai-ged its duties under the act on 
 landing them iu Liberia. In the support, educa- 
 tion, &c., of the seven hundred and fifty persons, 
 a large expense w'as devolved upon the Society, 
 which they ask shall uow be refunded to them. 
 ***** 
 
 These services were not required to be perform- 
 ed by the Society, under their constitution, but 
 the alternative was for these recaptured Africans 
 to starve and die, and the Society therefore cheer- 
 fully took charge of them, relying upon the Gov- 
 ernment of the United States to refund the cost to 
 them. 
 
 After some discussion and amendment the ques- 
 tion was taken on the engrossment of the bill for a 
 third reading, and resulted — yeas 29, nays 16. — 
 Vide Congressional Globe, vol. 24, part 2, page 
 1805. 
 
 Among the navs were Messrs. Atchison, Butler 
 and FREMOXT." 
 
 Sept. 12. The Senate baviug under considera- 
 tion the bill for the suppression of the slave trade 
 in the District of Columbia, Mr. Seward offered a 
 substitute doing awav with slavery forever in the 
 District of Columbia," and appropriatinrr S290,000 
 to pav the daiiiaMr, Im cwn.-r-, |iruvidi'd the people 
 of the District at an .-le.-tiMii to l.e h'Min for that 
 purpose, should accept the bill; if not, the bill to 
 be null and void. 
 
 The substitute was lost by a large majority, and 
 among the nays were Messrs. Atchison, Butler 
 and Fremont. — Congressional Globe, vol. 1, part 2, 
 p.age 1810. 
 
 September 18. The bill punishing persons for 
 enticing slaves from the District of Columbia, 
 having been read a second time, and considered as 
 iu committee of the whole, Mr. Hale moved that 
 the bill be committed to the District of Columbia, 
 with instructions to amend it so as to abolish 
 slavery in the District of Columbia. Lost by a 
 large majority; among the nays, Atchisou, Butler 
 
f 8 ) 
 
 iiiil FliE.MOXT. — See Cont/ressinjuil Ghbe, vol. 
 ■11, part 2, piige 1850. 
 
 The abo\e votes of Mr. Fremont, show 
 that all his sympathies were with the \ 
 South, anu that he repudiated entirely 
 all auii-slavery sentiments. 
 
 Xow turn to 
 
 illLLAKD PiLLMORe's EeCORD. 
 
 ^Ir. Fillmore was willing that C.iLr-. -Ii- iiM 
 '.•ccivcpetitions to abolisli slavery ;ii n,' I' i > !«[ 
 1 i.lumbia, anil in the Territorie?. mi i i ;. - ' '■ 
 )i.i other slave state might ever be aiiuuituJ iuiu 
 the"Unioii. | 
 
 He vi-as not willin"; that resohitions condemna- 
 torv of those principles should be oftered. ] 
 
 He has expressed the opinions that Congress 
 has power to abolish slavery in the District of 
 t'nlumbia, and that it m.ay prohibit the removal of 
 >.1li\ r. iVr.m nne slave state to another 
 
 llr VMtrd tJKit tiie agitation of slavery, with the 
 Piirih.^r (,r ;ili(.i;tion m the States, is not against 
 [he i on^titiitioi, : nnt an infringement of the right 
 of the States ; and ml a breach of confederate 
 
 He voted that Congress may discrimmate be- 
 tween the institutions of the different States, -n-ith 
 a view to abolish those of some States, and to 
 promote those of others. 
 
 To declare slaves free, wbo had gone to sea with 
 the consent of their masters, and to protect them 
 in their freedom. . . 
 
 To repeal all laws and constitutional provisions 
 V,v , I i. !: tl, ■ ■.' :, ii' J ivernment is bound to pro- 
 
 tr'.,', ; .■■ii: ,. : . :' -;:ivery. 
 
 \ , 1 , :, ; >f any new State into the 
 
 Viiii'i \', ; .'-• .■ 111-! iiii!i<in tolerates slavery. 
 
 A '.liiitt the aiiia-xation of Texas, solely on the 
 ground that slavery e.visted in that country. 
 
 To abolish slavery in the district of Columbia. 
 
 To prohiWt the bnvin? and foWrnz of =Iaves m 
 the District and other T.-rnti.ri.- 'ii'tli" 1 imiii. 
 
 He suiiporteil bv his vnl.- intitiiHi, in ( "n.^n-s 
 to repeal the act of the Tenitnry nf Flnrida, tu 
 prevent migration office iiesroes to the Territor)-. 
 
 He rcmit'ted the fines and discharged the recog- 
 nizance of certain abolitionists who had kidnapped 
 seventy-three slaves at one time from the District 
 of Columbia. 
 
 lie lins exm-essed the opinion tliat the Missouri 
 r.shi.ii.;, J,.,,M never lace been nj.eoh.l.^ Jlis 
 f) II .'ii',< iy/ ' '<'i:'/ressh(ive voted for tit, r< sf"r'''hvi of 
 *//;i>-. / c .-/,M '''"s. lie i$ hmiml I'lj /i/.. onix "ioid 
 
 w I ' I, ii'.'i ■!-■ i.|-,,,|.-i-<-.y.'r In ,ipin-or,'nN,/., „<hlNi;.,„ol 
 „„,/ ,,„., ' .. .. 77-..IW-/II.,., 'I '.< wss-c,|(,,/ 
 
 „<„;■,„, , . - MlI.LAlll. I'llLMiil:!-: 'rill,/ 
 
 ,;,,/,,/ J'r.rr'<:'-.''.r'-"" II"- '■'/""' if llie KoiL-MS 
 
 Notwithstanding all these facts, there 
 are some professed Americans who still 
 persist in supporting J. C. Fremont. 
 Their reasons, for so doing, are peculiar, 
 and reveal a singular state of political 
 morality. "We love," say tbey — "the 
 American Party ; we revere its princi- 
 ples ; we respect Jiillard Fillmore, and 
 lielieve he is the best man to fill the high 
 
 office of President ; but iJiere is no chance 
 for him, and therefore we will support 
 Mr. Fremont 1 We du not ivish to be 
 iderdijied with a losing Partij ! ! " _ Has 
 it then come to this ? Is public virtue 
 dead? Has all political morality van- 
 ished from our world? brethren, we 
 must tell you, there is something in this 
 universe greater than Success! More 
 valuable than the spoils of office I — IMorc 
 delightful than the intoxication of vic- 
 tory ! And that is rnixciPLB ! Duty ! 
 TuuTH ! FiDixiTY ! ! Fetter, yes, better 
 a thousand times be defeated with honor, 
 and enjoy the sweet consciousness of be- 
 ing faithful to duty ; than wear upon our 
 heads the laurel crown of victory, while 
 our hearts within us are crushed under 
 the awful weight of violated pledges, 
 broken vows, and dreadful perjurers ! 
 
 But you are deceived, infatuated, blind- 
 ed. Heaven grant that the gods may 
 not have smitten you with that madness 
 which is the presage of destruction. 
 
 The chances oi' success are not with 
 Fremont. Clear sighted politicians hes- 
 itate not to say that Mr. Fillmore has 
 two chances to his one. Fremont is al- 
 ready defeated. The late election in 
 Pennsylvania has sealed his fate and that 
 ' of the licpublican party. Mr. Buchanan 
 will carry that State beyond a doubt ; 
 but Mr. Fillmore is certain of New York 
 '. an^ some other states ; enough to defeat 
 I both Fremont and Buchanan, and throw 
 i the election into the House of Eeprcscu- 
 I tatives. As it looks now, the probabili- 
 ties are that the nest President will be 
 Millard Fillmore! 
 It is true in Maine, New Hampshire, 
 Vermont, and some other New England 
 states we cannot expect to get the electoral 
 vote for Mr. Fillmore. But we can raise 
 the banner of our party, and show the 
 ' world that wc are not simply a negation 
 like the Fremont party, but that we have 
 principles ; and in victory or defeat are 
 I ready to stand by those principles. 
 I Americans of New England awake from 
 ' your slumbers, rally to the support of 
 "Fill:hore and Donelson the regular can- 
 ! didates of your party, and you will dis- 
 ! charge the duty you owe to you conscience, 
 i to your party-^to your country. 
 I Americans. 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS