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 ESTABLISHMENT^ 
 
 WHOLESALE AND RETAIL, 
 Nos. 826 and 828 CHESTNUT STREET, 
 
 (UNDER THE CONTINENTAL HOTEL,) 
 
 PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 Wholesale Dealers will find it greatly to their advantage to purchase 
 at this establishment, as our facilities enable us to sell our goods at the 
 lowest possible prices. We keep a large line of WOOL HATS, in con- 
 nection with fine goods at all prices. Occupying two stores, we have 
 ample room for our extensive wholesale business. 
 
 Ilolitcncsii nub |iiir ^tnling 
 
CAN GET 
 
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A BOOK WORTH ITS WEIGHT IN GOLD ! 
 
 NEARLY READY, 
 
 FRAUDS IN TRADE. 
 
 BY TWENTY-SEVEN AUTHORS. 
 
 500 8i;o. 2->iiOcs. Price $2.00. 
 
 Showing the Frauds in every branch of Merchandise — Frauds in 
 Liquors, Frauds in Wines, Frauds in Bread, Frauds in Flour, 
 Frauds in Dry-Goods, Frauds in What we Eat, Frauds in Drugs 
 and Medicines, Frauds in Weights and Measures, Frauds in Silk 
 Goods, Frauds in Butter, Frauds in Vinegar, Frauds in Spices, 
 Frauds in Pepper, Frauds in Candies, Frauds in Patent Medi- 
 cines, Frauds in Sugar, Frauds in Coffee, Frauds in Teas, Frauds 
 in Mustard, Frauds in Chemicals — and hoic to defect them. 
 
 In fact, there is adulteration in almost every article of consumption 
 V7e use. 
 
 The articles are all written by competent persons, fully and well 
 acquainted with the subject. 
 
 The articles on " Adulterated Liquors," and " Adulterated 
 Food," both by first-class chemists, are alone icorth ten times tJic j^rice 
 of the hook. 
 
 SENT ANYWHERE BY MAIL, ON RECEIPT OF THE TRICE. 
 
 Address 
 
 J. T. LLOYD, 
 
 Publisher, Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
l-.-t 
 
 Site |!0i3{5trps fl! §u loliii |raiiMiti 
 
 TRACED IN THE ARCTIC OCEAN. 
 
 Ucing a narrative of the voyage made by the screw steamer " Fox," 
 in search of Sir John Franklin and his companions. Ey Captain 
 iVIcClintock, Commander of tlie Expedition. 8000 copies sutfgcribed 
 for in England in advance of publication, at S-t per copy. J^mericaii 
 Edition ouJij $1. 1 vol. 12mo. 440 pages, with a preface 'by,Sir 
 Ilodcrick Murchison, F. R. S. Sixteen Illustrations and a Map 
 of the Arctic Ocean, showing the track of Sir John Franklin and 
 his companions, after abandoning their ships, in their dreary, march 
 towards " Great Fish River," as they dropped dead one by ono 
 from starvation and cold — their bleached bones a warning to all 
 future Arctic explorers. 
 
 A Record found written by Captain Franklin, giving 
 
 PARTICULARS OF THEIR SUFFERINGS UP TO THE TIME OF HIS DEATH 
 
 IN 1847 ; also the record kept by Captain Crozicr, six years after 
 FranJclin' s death. Skeletons of many of the doomed Arctic explorers 
 discovered bleached by the Arctic snows, forming 
 
 THE MOST INTERESTING, TRUTHFUL, AND MELANCHOLY NARRA- 
 TIVE OF ARCTIC GLOOM AND ADVENTURE EVER PENNED. 
 
 This work is published from advance sheets of the English Edition, 
 verbatim et literatim, which sells at S4 in London. The American 
 Edition selling at only SI, Library style, bound strongly in cloth. 
 
 To those who have sympathized with the lost Arctic Explorer and 
 his noble wife in her great efforts to unravel the mystery concerning 
 the fate of Sir John Franklin, this volume will be a rich treasure. 
 Few can read this simple narrative without shedding tears at the 
 recital of their dreary and hopeless march over the wide fields of 
 Arctic ice and snow in hopes of reaching Great Fish River ere their 
 hust morsel should be consumed ; how they perished one by one in 
 their tracks — their heart-rending record handed from one to the other, 
 to be filled with the history of their sufferings, in hopes that eventu- 
 ally their friends in England might know of their sad end. 
 
 This Book closes the Arctic Explorations for ever. 
 Agents wanted in every district in America for this work. 
 Any intelligent man or woman can make S5 a day. Sent by mail, 
 free of postage, on receipt of price '^iend for circulars of three n*<w 
 books, now ready. Addres.' 
 
 J. T. LLOYD. 
 Publisher, Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 In Paper Covers, only 50 ct$. ! 
 
LIFE AND ADVENTURES OP DE SOTO. 399 
 
 To lUe United States Senate and House of RepresentatUes of 
 tUe United States of America. 
 
 Your petitioxbr respectfully shows, thjit ho is tho Publisher and Tro. 
 prietor of a new work recently issued in Philadelphia, and London, England, 
 entitled, "The Life, Travels, and Adve.vtuues of Ferdinand Dk Soto, 
 THK Discoverer of the Mississippi Hiver," 1 vol. 8vo., 536 pages, 6 tteel 
 plates by Joun Sartain, Philadelphia, and S9 fine wood engravings, by J. ^V. 
 OiiR New York. That it is eminently a y<ttional Work, deserving of a wide 
 circulation in the United States, and should be placed in every State and 
 Public Library in tho country. That it is the first authentic account of the 
 discovery of the mighty Mississippi, whose waters wash nearly one-half of 
 tho States of this great Republic, and whose commerce contnbutes niilliona 
 annually toward tho support of this government. That tho work tnicos ont 
 J)e Soto's whole route, from tho landing at Tampa Bay, Florida, through the 
 entire southern country, to the banks of the Mississippi, wkich he took pos- 
 session of in an imposing manner, in the name of the King of Spain. Ilia 
 battles with the many ferocious Indian tribes inhabiting at that time tho 
 whole South, are graphically described. Their customs, religion, and belief 
 aro fully narrated by the author, who has spent many years of his lifo^in 
 soarehing the monasteries of Spain for authentic accounts of "Do Soto's" 
 explorati'ons in this country, and many facts in regard to the extreme cruelty 
 of the early Spanish explorers to the poor Indians are for the first time given 
 to the light of day in this volume. That " Do Soto," as is shown, was basely 
 poisoned" by his comrades, in order that they might return to their native 
 country, and escape from a laud which had cost them so many trials, hard- 
 ships, and extreme sufferings. That the discoverer of the xMississippi was 
 Becretly and silently, at the dead of night, taken to the middle of the great 
 river which had cost him his life, and sunk to the bottom. That hn com- 
 rades attempted to escape by descending the Mississippi in rudo boats, but 
 were pursued by myriads of savages in canoes, and nearly all were slaugh- 
 tered. 
 
 Tour petitioner further says : That there t« no account of this intcrciting Jiit- 
 tory of the " Dincovei-y of the Jlissigaippi," to be found in any Libray in Ame- 
 rica That Congress, to commemorate tho "Discovery of the Mississippi," 
 very wisely purchased a painting of the same, at a cost of $10,000, and placed 
 it in the Rotunda of the Capitol. But how much more important to the peo- 
 pie is this faithful history of tho Life of De Soto, the discoverer of that groat 
 river, than a painting. 
 
 Therefore, your petitioner prays that you will pass a Bill for the purchase 
 of ten thousand (10,000) copies of the Life of De Soto, for general distributiou 
 among tho various State Libraries. That your petitioner, thinkinq morb 
 
 OF GIvrNO this work a I.ARGR CIRCULATION THAN MAKI^NG MONET ON IT, PRO. 
 
 P0SK8 TO SELL THE BOOK TO CONGRESS AT COST, to wit, $1.50 per Copy; $2.50 
 being tho retail price, many members of both Houses having purchased the 
 book at that price. 
 
 By passing this Bill, you will confer a benefit on your constituenta, and 
 your potitioucr will ever pray, etc. 
 
 J. T. liliOTD. 
 
 PaiLADKLPHIA, StH JANUARY, 1359. 
 
 \ 
 
^-"THE CHEAPEST BOOK IN THE WORLD. ,,^1 
 
 The finest Illustrated Work ever issued from the American Press, ana 
 one of the most interesting and attractive books in the English language. 
 
 COST THE PUBLISHER $12,000. 
 
 THE LIFE, TRAVELS, AND ADVENTURES OF 
 
 FERDIHAND DE SOTO, 
 
 DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 By LAMBERT A. WILMER. 
 
 Five Hundred and Fifty octavo pages, Seventy-nine admirable E»- 
 gravings on Wood, and Six superb Steel Plates. All of 
 tbese embellishments were executed by the most cele- 
 brated artists in the United States. 
 
 This book is a complete biography of the renowned adventurer, 
 containing the incidents of his birth and early life ; his ambitious 
 love, and the great dangers to which he was thereby exposed; hia 
 efforts to gain the object of his attachment by seeking wealth and 
 celebrity in America; his many daring and chivalrio deeds; his 
 perilous enterprises and important discoveries ; his crimes and 
 misfortunes ; his singular and mysterious death ; and his burial 
 under the waters of the Mississippi. 
 
 Wilmer's Life of Ferdinand de Soto is the only book ever pub- 
 lished which gives a true and faithful account of the operations of 
 the Spaniards in America. It exposes the errors and misrepre- 
 sentations of the historians in general ; and proves concluiively 
 that a majority of the "mighty conquerors" were freebooters and 
 villains of the most detestable and infamous character. It contains 
 many thrilling accounts of 
 
 SPANISH BARBARITIES 
 
 AND 
 
 DEEDS OF THE MOST THRILLING ATROCITY, 
 
 It gives the only genuine narrative of the " CONQUEST OF PERU" 
 which has ever yet appeared in the English language, and proves 
 that the "illustrious hero, Francisco Pizarro," was in reality an 
 odious and contemptible cut-throat and cowardly robber, who 
 deserved to expiate his crimes on the gibbet. 
 
 (395) 
 
896 LIFE AND ADVENTUEES OF DE BOTO. 
 
 Among other items of the most absorbing interest in tldfl work 
 It a correct account of tbe 
 
 CAPTURE AND BURNING OF THE PERUVIAN INCA, 
 
 AND THE MASSACRE OF THOUSANDS OF HIS SUBJECTS. We 
 can declare most conscientiously that no American history ever 
 published gives a true account of tliese transactions, and the other 
 tyrannical deeds of Pizarro and his confederates. The narrative 
 of these events in the " Life of De Soto" is taken principally from 
 euppressed manuscripts in the Spanish libraries, which the kings 
 of Spain would not allow to be published. The murder of the Inca 
 is one of the most astounding and revolting deeds ever recorded 
 in the history of the world. 
 
 This great work also gives a complete and truthful account of 
 De Soto's discoveries and adventures on that part of the American 
 continent now forming the States of Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, 
 North Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, Louisiana, and the 
 Indian Territory. Some of these veritable details are far more won- 
 derful than the wildest inventions of the novelist. 
 
 The futile but persevering search of the Spaniards after the im- 
 aginary FOUNTAIN OF YOUTH, and a Gold Region supposed to exist 
 :n some part of North America, is graphically related. The horri- 
 ving cruelties of the Spaniards are faithfully detailed. 
 
 Tlxe whole of De Soto's route in North America is described as 
 Almost one continuovis conflict with the natives. Several of his 
 battles with the North American Indians, in sanguinary horror, 
 surpass all similar events in the records of Indian warfare. His 
 great battle fought at Mauvilla (the site of which is near Mobile, 
 in the State of Alabama) occasioned a greater loss of human life 
 than any other engagement which ever took place between the 
 white race and tlie aboriginal tribes of America. The fearful suf- 
 ferings of the Spaniards after this battle are described. All their 
 baggage, clothes, camp equipments, plunder (including pearls and 
 gold of great value}, fell into the hands of the Indians. The sub- 
 sequent adventures of De Soto are full of peril and hardship : 
 many of his followers were frozen to death ; many others were 
 massacred by the Indians ; a large number perished in a conflagra- 
 iion of the Spanish camp, and the survivors were left in the midst 
 •f a severe winter without clothes or shelter. In all these disas- 
 ters, the indomitable resolution of De Soto excites the admiration 
 of the reader. He sets all danger at defiance, overcomes every ob- 
 stacle, and fights his way to the Mississippi. He builds boats, 
 crosses that mighty stream in spite of the opposition of the natives, 
 who assemble in great numbers along the banks of the river and 
 harass the Spaniards with a continued attack. De Soto's progress 
 through the wilderness to the foot of the Ozark Mountains is next 
 given. His terrible conflicts with the original Camanches are de- 
 scribed. This tribe proves to be unconquerable. De Soto returns 
 to the Mississippi. His grief, disappointment and remorse. He is 
 attacked with a severe disease. His biographer suspects that he 
 was poisoned. Proofs adduced. He dies. A friendly chief offers 
 
Ln-E AND ADVENTURES OF DE SOTO. 39T 
 
 to saojifice liis beautiful daughter on De Soto's tomb, and presents 
 her to Louis de Moscoso for that purpose. 
 
 The work abounds with incidents of the most startling, extraor- 
 dinary and romantic description, all of which are certified by re- 
 ferences to authentic history. It comprises twelve episodes of In- 
 dian cliaracter and life. The work contains Six superb Steel Plate 
 Engravings, one of which is a Photograph of the $10,000 Painting or- 
 clnred bif Congress, now adorning the Rotunda of the Capitol. The 
 book is printed on the finest paper, and bound in good style. It is 
 a work indispensable to everij Library. The Steel Engraving of the Burial 
 of De Soto in the Mississippi is pronounced the finest work of art ever done 
 in this country. 
 
 Unhoiighl Opinions of the Press, 
 
 From WashUigtnn Union. 
 
 Mr. Wilraer has produced a work which will obt;iiu for him alaBtinff fame. Withoat 
 any overstrained rhetoric, he tells the romantic Btory of Do Soto's adveuturea in such 
 a fasoinatinfr style, that the, interest of the reader never flags till he has finished the 
 volume. Ditfeiing from Prescott and Irvint?, the autlior of this work, while he apolo- 
 gi/.es for " De Soto," does not fall into the common error of eulo?ium. 
 
 We cannot help remarking the difference, in this particular, between the treatment 
 of our author's subject and that which Mr. Abbott saw fit to bestow upon Napoleon ; 
 bad the latter observed the same judiciousness in his history, it would have been in- 
 valuable, and would have done the juKtice to a great man which the folsomenesa of 
 the eulogist, like the hatred of his detractors, has defeated. 
 
 The history of Do Soto is presented to the public in a very attractive form; It con- 
 tains over five hundred pag<^s of clear, handsome print, and it is embellished by steel 
 engravings from the skillful hands of the Sartains, and woodcuts by Orr & Tolfor. 
 The portraits of De Soto and Donna Isabella, are fine specimens of the art. 
 
 The book is one of the best that the American press has produced during the year, 
 tnd we have no doubt it will become a standard work, and will well reward the 
 scholarship of the author, and the enterprise of the publishers. 
 
 Prom. Cinmnnati Time^. 
 "The Life and Adventures of Ferdinand De Soto." This is the title of a new and 
 very interesting volume, just issued by J. T. Lloyd, Philadelphia. The author. L. A. 
 Wiimer, has faithfully performed his task, and given us a work well worth taking its 
 place in any library in the land, as authentic and reliable. To the city of the Great 
 West, the history of the discovery of the Mississippi cannot fail to possess unbounded 
 interest, and to be read with avidity wherever it is introduced. Tile volume is haad- 
 Eomely bound, and profu.sely illustrated. 
 
 From Memphui Eagle and Enquirer. 
 
 " The Life, Travels, and Adventures of Ferdinand De Soto, Discoverer of the Missis- 
 jippi — by L. Wiimer — Philadelphia, J. T. Lloyd 
 
 This interesting and splendidly illustrated work will have an immense sale; it is 
 one of the popular works of the ilay. Embracing a period of forty-three years, from 
 tlie birth to the death of De Soto. What marvels of adventures are here recorded. Tha 
 work, in thrilling interest, surpasses any thing published in twenty years. 
 
 From. N. 0. Piraynne. 
 " Lif9 of De Soto — J. T. Lloyd, Publisher, Philadelphia." It is a work for every 
 library in the land. De Soto, the discoverer ef the Mississippi, and Pizarro's brother- 
 conqueror of Pern. The wo..d and steel engravings are handsomely executed by J. W. 
 Orr & K. Telfer, N. Y. It will have immense sale in the Mississippi Valley. 
 
 Prom N. 0. Delta. 
 " Life, Travels, and Adventures of De Soto, Discoverer of the Mississippi." Of all 
 those neroic adventurers who came to North and South America, with the sword, the 
 cr.,6s, and the flag of Spain, De Soto is to us the most interesting. His life is a romance 
 fall of hair-breadth adventures, chivalrous deeds and unequaled daring — his sword 
 flashed from tho waters of Tampa Bay to the banks of the Mississippi. 
 
 From Prank Leslie's Illiudrai.'il 2^.iicspapf.r. 
 " The Life, Travels, and Adventures of Ferdinand Dp Solo, Discoverer of the Missis- 
 sippi, bv L. A. Wiimer— J. T. Lloyd. Piiblisher. PhiUdelphiii." This valuable addi- 
 
398 LIFE AND ADVENTURES O? DE SOTO. 
 
 Hon to th* literature of America wn hail with plcasnre. Brinifinsr ont ths work In sack 
 ole^-aat style reflects credit, in everr n^spcct. upon the tasle and liberality nf the pub- 
 lisher. It is written in s ffraceful, lioent Myle ; indeed, so full of interest in the wort, 
 that we found it difficult to lay it aside after we had once commenced its periual. It 
 Is illustrated with numerous fine steel and wood en^rarinjrs. 
 From St. Loi^ig RepubHcan. 
 " The Life of Ferdinand De Soto, Discoverer of the MisHinsippi," by L. A. Wilmof, 
 and published by J. T. Lloyd, Philadelphia. Perhaps there 1b no name, connected 
 with history ro 6Ui;ijcstive of daring,' adventure, of pnrilous enterprise, and romantic 
 interest, as that of De Solo, the Discoverer of the Mis.sissippi. There is something so 
 Rltractive in this Life of De Soto, that we are reminded of readiux Robinson Crusoe in 
 our youthful days. The pages flow with the daring deeds of the hero, the splendor of 
 his achievements, the celerity of his movements, and his fortitude, where disease a id 
 famine, and myriads of savage foes wore all assailing him in a remote wildernos* 
 nover trodden by white man before. The work .Mr. Wilmer has given to the public 
 is a good one. He has drawn freely from the many sources at his command. His 
 «tyle is clear and vigorous. The typographical iippearauce of the book i» splendid, 
 and the engraviugs giriking and excellent. 
 
 FYom Willvi's Home Journal. 
 
 "Life of Do Soto, Discoverer of the Mississippi," by L. A. Wilmer, and bearing the 
 Imprint of J. T. Lloyd, Philadelphia. This is the most interesting work it has ever 
 been our privilege to read. The author possesses tragic power of a high order. The 
 account Mr. Wilmer gives of the capture and burning of the Peruvian luca. and tho 
 massacre of thousands of his subjects, makes one's blood run cold. The volume has 
 650 pages, and profusely illustrated on steel and wood. 
 From Chicago 2Yibune. 
 
 " Life and Adventures of Ferdinand De Soto, Discoverer of the Mississippi," by L 
 A. Wilmer — J. T. Lloyd, Publisher, Philadelphia. From a cursory glauce at this 
 work, we are satisfied that it is a book of rare interest. It is handsomely printed and 
 highly illustrated. Mr. Bamford, the agent here, has nearly sixteen hundred gs'o- 
 Bcribers waiting for the work. 
 
 Frnm N. T. Courier and Emyutrer. 
 "Life of Do Snto, DiscDverer of the Mississippi," by L. A. Wilmer — Philadelphia, J. 
 T. Lloyd. As De Soto was among those Spaniards who arrived ou this continent at 
 an o.irly period — as he was a companion of Pizarro in the conquest of Peru — always 
 taking the leac} in all the battles — and as he Wf-vs afterward an adveuturer in our owu 
 country, better materials from which a life could be written no author could wish. 
 There are many parts of the volume from which we might take extracts ; we might 
 tell of De .Soto's attachment to Donna Isabella, daughter of Governor De AviU — liow 
 he was repul.sed by the haughty father, on account of his poverty — how he detor. 
 mined to seek wealth, and embarked in the Peruvian wars — his inimeuse success In 
 making millions of dollars by burning the Peruvian Inca — his returning to Spain ^nd 
 marrying the beautiful Isabella — his adventures in this country — his battles and hard- 
 ships — his discovery of tho Miasissipi'i, and hU burial under its turbulout waters. 11 
 is a work worth having. 
 
 ^-TEN THOUSAND AGENTS WANTED— To whom we will 
 supply this book at the wholesale price of ^ per copy, and givti 
 each Agent a certain district exclusively. Single copies will be 
 sent by Mail, free of postage, on receipt of $ By ordering one 
 
 hundred copies at a time, the work will be pnt at ^ per copr. 
 
 ^-THIS BOOK IS SOLD ONLY by OUR AUTHORIZED AGENTS. 
 Po.sTMASTERS are requested to act as our Agents ; and if they can- 
 not spare tho time to do so, they will oblige us by handing this 
 Circular to some energetic young man of their acquaintance. 
 
 ^^ Enclose your money in a letter if there ia no Express office 
 convenient, and direct it plainly, taking care to write the name of 
 your Post Office County and State. Registered letters are always 
 at our risk. Aadress, 
 
 J. T. LLOYD, Publisher, Pa. 
 
 N. B. — As we allow Agents *uch large profits, it will not paij us to send 
 Sample Books on time: the. ca.-ih inti.^ urronipani/ even/ order. Agents arc 
 furnished Circulars and fine Hlustrated Showbills, to assist thoin 
 '"n K'-'tting .^ul'.-<:ribers. 
 
DB. KANE AND WM. C. GODFEEY, IN DENMARK. 
 
 A Danish Naval OfBcor has just published an account of the Kane Exploring Ex- 
 pedition, from the dictation of Carl Petersen, who was Dr. Kane's Esquimaux Inter- 
 preter. In this work, Dr. Kane is charged with bad management, and particularly 
 wiih great cruelty to his men, in his Arctic voyage, in which the author accompanied 
 him. To such readers as are familiar with the artless narrative of Wm. C. Godfrey, 
 one of the crew of Dr. Kane's vessel, this statement will bring no surprise. What 
 was shown by Godfrey, against his countryman and commander. Dr. Kane, appears 
 Well confirmed by Mr. Petersen, who is a Dane, and who was engaged as Interpreter 
 by Dr. Kano, at the Danish settlement of Upernavik, on the coast of Greenland* 
 while that commander was on his way to the more northern seas. The testimony 
 of these two survivors of that most vaunted expedition, though springing from 
 widely distant points of the earth, and not having a ccmmon nationality of origin, 
 or even a common language of communication, so well concurs, that it gives us pain 
 to see the fact of Dr. Kane's rigid despotism, and his still more clearly marked 
 cruelty, so well established, as both appear to be. — Buffalo Express. 
 
 AN INTERESTING "WORK— AN APPEAL TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 
 
 In reading the adveotures of Dr. Kane, in the Arctic regions, as set forth in his 
 Dook, we thought that, in the treatment of a certain member of his crew, his con- 
 duct did not agree with that chivalrous and Christian character which his general 
 career through life had established for him. We allude to his treatment of the man 
 Godfrey, a cbaracttT bold, adventurous, and intrepid, and who, though perhaps a 
 little insubordinate, possessed those two characteristics, courage and generosity, 
 which, in whomever possess them, preclude the possibility of a bad character. 
 Godfrey had been of eminent service to the expedition ; by his courage and energy 
 he had obtained food for the explorers at several times when their necessities were 
 of the most harassing character; in one instance he travelled ninety-five miles on 
 foot, in the coldest and darkest part of the Arctic winter, to procure nourishment for 
 his starving companions; Dr. Kane has acknowledged his services; and yet at a 
 time when a portion of Dr. Kane's party was permitted to separate themselves from 
 the expedition, because this man Godfrey wished also to leave and join the Esqui- 
 maux, the Doctor attempted to take his life by shooting at him, and in his book has 
 grievously injured his reputation. Godfrey, however, with that determination which 
 characterized his previous career in the expedition, did leave, notwithstanding the 
 Doctor's opposition and rifle-balls; and, true to the generous impulse of his naturcj 
 he subsequently, by stealth, supplied with provisions the man who had attempted to 
 take his life. Dr. Kane's conduct toward Godfrey is the only stain upon his bright 
 career, and it would have been well for his fair fame had he never mentioned bim in 
 his book. The American people were so dazzled by the brilliancy of his perform- 
 ances in the Arctic regions, that they were unable to see this blot; and it was not 
 until a writer in the North British Review called the attention of the world to it, 
 that the Americans perceived the stain upon the escutcheon of their favorite. — U. & 
 Gazette, 
 
•'■Wlijr did Dr. E. K. Kane try to kill Godfrey l"—LoDdoQ Times 
 
 Appeal of an Arctic Explorer, WK. C. GODFREY, to the 
 American Public. 
 
 Vei.i.ow C1TIZHN8 — I am tho niaii whom Pr. Kane, in his puhlished volume, hat 
 sliproatizcd as a mutineer and deserter, and whose moral character be ban blackened 
 with many reproachful epithets and insinuations, without giving the least proof that 
 I ever committed any offence against the laws of my country, or ever was guilty "f 
 one dishonorable action. These unfounded and libellous charges against an nnotfcnd- 
 Ing citizen of the United States have been circulated all over the civilized world ; and 
 istraugo to say) the only man who has raised a voice in my defence is an Englishman, 
 the editoT of the North British Review, who has shown, by Dr. Kane's own statcmeutK, 
 that he has done me grievous and undeserved wrong. I have prepared a faithful ao- 
 cuuut of my adventures in the Polar regions, showing to what injurious treatment I 
 was subjected while on board the exploring brig Advance. In this forthcoming 
 volume, I have related facts which I defy Dr. Kane's friends and flatterers to disprove. 
 1 have shown that 1 placed my life in the greatest peril by traveling on foot 9.'> miles, 
 in the darkest and coldest part of tho Arctic winter, to procure food for my dying 
 comjianions. I have shown that I saved Dr. Kane's life at the risk of my own, and 
 that he afterward attempted to shoot me, wiiliout ?.ny just cause or provocation. The 
 book containing an account of my hMrdship.<;, sufferings, and wrongs in the Arctic 
 regions, will bo published within a few days, by ilr. Llotu, of Phihuleljihia. Snch 
 has been the influence of the stigma cast npon my character by Dr. Kane's publica- 
 tions, that I have found it almost impossible to obtain empbiyment in the United 
 States; the reader, therefore, will not lie surprised when I say that I have been com- 
 pelled to drive an nmnibrtg in Philadelphin, the past year, for a living. This Vindi- 
 cation would have appeared sooner, but I was unable to meet the expense of publica- 
 tion, until Mr. Lm>yi) agreed to publish my book at his owu risk. This geutlemau 
 hA» enabled a poor and unfortunate man to bring liis cause before the American public, 
 from whom he asks no more than a fair and impartial hearing, and a just dccisioQ, 
 according to the true and obvious merits of tho case. 
 
 "WM. C. GODFREY. 
 
 Philadelphia, June \st, 1857. ■ 
 
 D^'Sow Ready tlte most thrilling Book of the Agc^^ 
 
 GODFREY'S THRILLING NARRATIVE 
 
 OF THE LAST GRINNELL 
 
 ARCTIC EXPLORiNC EXPEDITION, 
 
 IN SEARCH OE SIR JOHN FRANKLIN. 
 By "WILIjIAM C. GODFHEY, one of the Survivors. 
 
 Three hundred pages, and eighty engravings. Price, iu paper, 60 cents; cloth 
 binding, $1.00. 
 
 KuoM THE NoBTH BRITISH KuviKW. — "This attempt to take the life of Wm. G. God- 
 frey, which no law, human or divine, can justify, wjis, fortunately for Dr. Kane, over- 
 ruled. When in a former Arctic expedition, its leader shot a ferocious Indian of his 
 parly, the world viewed it as an act of stern necessity and personal safety ; but God- 
 frey was neither a iiiadnian nor an enemy ; he had marched M miles aUnw., iu the most 
 dreary and coldest part of the Arctic Ocean, to bring fresh provisions to his dying com- 
 rades, without which, Pr. Kane admits, they would have all perished." 
 
 JSvery man, tvonian, and child should read this thrilling nar» 
 ratlve of Godfrey's 8ufl°c-rings. 
 
 J. T. I..L.OYD, PnblUher, Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 N B.— Tf von ranuot act as Agent, baud this Ciicular to sonio energotic young man. 
 
From thb North British Rrvirw.— "TIiib nttenipt to tnko the IITo of Wra. C. God- 
 frey, which no law, humaa or divine, can justify, wiir, foilunalnly for Dr. Kane, ovor- 
 rnl«J. When in a former Arctic expedition, its loader shot a ferocious Indian of his 
 party, the world viewed it as an act of stern necessity and personal Rafely ; but God- 
 frey was neitliera madman nor an enemy ; he liad marched 90 iniUs aJone, in tho most 
 dreary and coldest part of the Arctic Ocean, to liriufT fresli provisions to his dyiag com- 
 rades, without which, Ih-. Kane admits, they would have all perished." 
 
 GODFREY'S THRILLING NARRATIVE 
 
 OF THE LAST 
 
 Grinnell Arctic Exploring Expedition 
 
 WM. O. OODFBET, (FROM A PHOTOOEAPH.) 
 
 IN SEARCH OF S!R JOHN FRANKLIN 
 
 By WM. C. GODFREY, One of the Survivors. 
 Tlirre hiindrcxl p.ij,'cs au<l SO Eugravin^fs. Price in Clotli Binding, |$1 
 
 .1. T. LLOYD, Publisher, J»h«lnd'a. 
 
MATRIMOinAL BaOKERAQE. 403 
 
 THE GREAT SENSATION BOOK, 
 
 JUST ISSUED, 
 
 MATRIMOMAL BROKERAGE l.\ TUE METROPOLIS. 
 
 The most astounding Tolume issued in many jears. 200 pp. mas' 
 tratod on Steel and "Wood. Portraits of 
 
 A Fifth Avenue Belle, who answered a ?50,000 Advertisement for a 
 " Pretty Wife." 
 
 Portrait of Sire. AVlllls, the Matrimonial Broker ) lilst of VlOi 
 tlms, Merchants, Ijawyers, Southern Planters, and Fast 
 Toung Men i all Introduced to beautiful but thoughtless 
 Olrls. A bushel of liove I^etters and Daguerreotypes cap- 
 tured by the Police ftrom Dr. Lyons, before he sailed for Kn- 
 rope. Over 3000 Matches made at Mrs. Willis' Office annu- 
 ally. Johfi Dean and Miss Boker. Breach of Promise Cases, 
 arising from Matrimonial Brokerage Offices, one for 910,000} 
 another for 96,000 { and for 911,000. Names of many of the 
 Victims— Men -»Tell kno^vn. 
 
 Hear what the New York Evening Post sar/s, ( Wm. C. Bryant, Editor.) 
 Matbimonial. — The snbject was novel, and the writer of tho 
 articles is the first who has given it a thorough investigation. His 
 inquiries have been long and laborious, and not always pleasant; 
 but the results, as he has given them, are in every essential re- 
 spect authentic. Some doubt has been expressed, by correspond- 
 ents and others, as to the truth of his descriptions of the several 
 interviews held in a recent instance, but we are assured, on the 
 best of evidence, that they are nothing more nor less than a faith- 
 ful report of wliat took place and was said. If we had not been 
 convinced of this, the articles would not have been printed in this 
 paper. The author, moreover, has many letters and documents 
 that have fallen into his hands, and which we have seen, confirma- 
 tory of the stories he has narrated. 
 
 Many breach of promise cases arise from acquaintances formed 
 In matrimonial offices, and by means of advertisements ; a fact 
 which is illustrated by the history of Mr. Gillette, in another num- 
 ber. In short, it may be taken for granted, in nearly every case, 
 that tliese proceedings are designed to decoy unthinking, inexpe- 
 rienced, and heedless persons into some trap, either to wheedle 
 them out of their money, or to put tliem in a position in which 
 they will be completely in the power of tlie sharpers. 
 
 We believe that the writer who makes these exposures has ran- 
 iered a service to the public, and the book which he proposes to 
 form from his contributions will contain much valuable informa- 
 tion. 
 
 200 Pages, Octavo. Price 50 Cents. 
 
 Address J. T. LLOYD, Publisher, Philada., Pa 
 
H E L P E R'S 
 
 IMPENDING CRISIS 
 
 DISSECTED, 
 
 SAML. M. WOLFE, 
 
 VIRGINIA. 
 
 ■,v>tti^y ^• 
 
 V 
 
 
 On all sides, from innumerable tongues, 
 A dismtil, universal hiss, the sound 
 
 Of public SCORN." 
 
 MlUoii'a Paradise Lost. 
 
 ' PIIILADELPIIIA: '- 
 
 J. T- Xi 11. O "^ST D , A^ 
 
 1860. 
 

 Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1S60, by 
 
 J . T. LLOYD, 
 
 In the Clerk's Office of tlie District Court of the United States, In and for the 
 Eastern District of Pennsylvania. 
 
DEDICATION 
 
 IIon's THOS. S. BOCOCK and R. M. T. HUNTER, 
 
 OP Virginia, 
 
 Hox. JOHN COCHRANE, of New York, 
 Hon. JOHN D. ASHMORE, op South Carolina, 
 Hon. CHARLES H. LARRABEE, of Wisconsin, 
 Hon. JABEZ L. M. CURRY, of Alabama, 
 Hon. STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS, of Illinois, 
 Hon. John B. CLARK, of Missouri, 
 Hon. PHILIP B. FOUKE, of Illinois, 
 Hon. JOHN McRAE, of Mississipi'i, 
 
 TO ALL PATRIOTS NORTH AND SOUTH, 
 
 IN THEIR ENDEAVORS TO ENSURE THE SUCCESSFUL DEFEAT OP 
 
 HELPERJ5if AND SHERMAN/^J/, 
 
 And who love truth better than falsehood, who desire to see the 
 
 Constitution of our fathers preserved inviolate of the spirit of 
 
 Harmony that brought it into being, and who desire to see 
 
 the hellish doctrines of Republicanism crushed to pieces, 
 
 THIS WORK IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED, 
 
 BY THEIR 
 
 FEIEND AND FELLOW-CITIZEN, 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 (iii) 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 After the first appearance of Helper's " Impend- 
 ing Crisis of the South," the Author of this work 
 intended to have answered it immediately; but on 
 considering it, he thought that it was too contempt- 
 ible to notice, and he determined to pay no attention 
 to it whatsoever, and would have adhered to his 
 resolution had the work not had so much importance 
 given to it by Members of Congress during the late 
 contest for Speakership of the House of Represent- 
 atives. But as the work has been brought to the 
 attention of the publjc by Members of Congress, we 
 think some notice may be taken of the 7nany lies con- 
 tained in the work of this vile A^Tetch (Helper). 
 And in refuting his would-be arguments, and by 
 correcting his Statistics, and calling the attention of 
 the public to the incendiary portions of his infamous 
 work, we will not allow ourselves, like Helper, to 
 descend so much beneath the dignity of humanity, 
 
 (1) 
 
Z PREFACE. 
 
 much less of a gentleman, be that humanity ever 
 so corrupt, as to notice some of the obscure and 
 disgusting insinuations, leading these, as we do, for 
 the public to consider them as the effusions of a 
 diseased brain, — as Mr. Helper's must have been, or 
 he never would have stooped so low as to make the 
 dirty allusions to those who honestly differed with 
 him And it appears worse M'hen we consider that not 
 more than three years ago, this very same man held 
 the opinion that Slavery ivas riglit and ought to be 
 extended, as we show on Page 67 of our work ; but 
 who seeing he could make nothing further out of the 
 South, went to the North and turned against us, and 
 now {not honestly we believe) denounces what he 
 once considered right as being wrong. We leave it 
 to the public to judge what confidence can be placed 
 in such a man. We have not followed Helper in a 
 regular manner in considering liis Statistics, but 
 have met them all at one time. BclicAing, as we 
 do, that we here discharge a high duty not only 
 to truth, but to our country, we put fortli the fol- 
 lowhig pages for the consideration of the citizens 
 of the United States. 
 
 March 1st, I860. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAUB 
 
 The Black Reptililican Party a Disunion Party — The Unanswer- 
 able Proofs— Their Open Hostility to the South — The Fanat- 
 ics of the North urging on a " Crisis" that will rebound on 
 the heads of the Freemen of the North, and bring down 
 Labor in the North to Starvation Prices!— The Ball set in 
 motion— Strike of Six Thousand Mechanics in Massachusetts 
 — First Fruits of Republicanism 7 
 
 CHAPTER ir. 
 
 Statistical Fallacies of Helper's Book — The True State of the 
 Case — Large Balance in favor of the South — The boasted 
 Free Labor of the North overshadowed by the Productions 
 of the South — Report of the Secretary of the United States' 
 Treasury — The Republican Party trying to Dissolve the 
 Union of the States— The South in favor of Perpetuating 
 the Union of these States as long as their rights are respected 
 — Republican Party a Sectional Party — The Proofs from 
 Northern Men 33 
 
 CHAPTER in. 
 
 Helper's Slanders on the Non-Slaveholding people of the South 
 refuted — Better chance in the South for a poor man than in the 
 North — The proofs — Names of prominent Statesmen of the 
 
 (3) 
 
ft CONTENT?. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 South who have risen fiom poverty to the highest eminence 
 — The Nogro well treated in the South — Richly repaid for his 
 Lahor — Comparisons between the poor Whites of the North 
 and tlie Negro of the South — The Strike of the poor Whites 
 in Massachusetts — They admit that tliey are worse off than 
 the Slavec in the South 57 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Tins Ziyj^ocr'sy of Helper— In favor of Slavery in his work 
 issAca 18i5 — Driven from the South for stealing three 
 liuuclr«>d dt'llars — Writes "Helper's Impending Crisis of the 
 South" — Helper denounces free negroes in his " Land of 
 Gold" — ■'^a^uable statistical information in regard to the 
 power and wealth of the South — Seaports of the South 
 — Shore lins of States on the Atlantic Ocean in favor of 
 the South, of eighteen thousand miles more than the North 
 — The power of the South to establish and maintain a 
 separate an 1 independent government against the United 
 North combuied — The military strength of the South esti- 
 mated at six million whites — Her immense resources in case 
 of war , 6G 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 Helper's ignorance of the feelings of the uon-slaveholding 
 populaion of the South to their country — The negroes of 
 the South trae to their masters — The proofs given at Har- 
 per's Ferry — Not a slave attempted to run away — The South 
 have no fears of the uprising of the negroes — How the ne- 
 groes aided their masters to repel the British under Lord 
 Cornwallis, and at New Orleans — Report of the Virginia 
 Legislature on the Harper's Ferry outrage 1G 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 Helper's Book Ruining the Trade of the North — Trade Crushed 
 — The Bankruptcy of the entire North predicted — Helper's 
 
CONTENTS. 5 
 
 PAOB 
 
 Advioo to tlio North adopt^id by the entire South — Republi- 
 can Party responsible for the Withdrawal of the Southern 
 Trade — "The Shoe commences to Pinch" — Ilulper'a Statis- 
 tics of the Prices of Land in the Soutli demolished 12G 
 
 CHAPTER Vir. 
 
 The Declaration of Independence quoted to prove the Negro 
 was not Born, " Created Free and Equal," with the White Man 
 — Judge Taney's Decision in the Dred Scott Case quoted to 
 prove the Author's assertions 153 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Northern Testimony in regard to the Aggressions of the Re- 
 publican Party against the South — Extracts from the Speeches 
 of the Hon. J. A. Logan and Stephen A. Douglas — The Dam- 
 age inflicted upon the Northern Mercliants and Manufacturers 
 by the Republican Party — The Proofs — The South in favor of 
 Disunion in certain Contingencies — Eloquent Defense of the 
 South, by Hon. Horatio G. Seymour of New York, and Col. 
 J. W. Wall of New Jersey 1G2 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Speech of the Hon. L. Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi, on the 
 Excitement of the times— His noble defense of Slavery— Civil 
 War in the United States predicted years ago by Commodore 
 Decatur, of the United States Navy — Slavery proven to have 
 existed in the Hebrew Nation — Lord Macaulay, the author, 
 quoted to show the vast ruin it would entail upon thou- 
 sands of the whites in England, were Slavery abolished in 
 the United States — The great blessings of the Cotton Crop.. 179 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Helper's Quotations from the Bible annihilated — Slavery not 
 denounced by the Bible — The Proofs of Slavery as it existed 
 
6 CONTEXTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 before Christ — Southern Slavery Beneficial both to the Slave 
 and his Master — 1 he Bible endorses Slavery : hence the cry of 
 the Republicans, " We must have an Anti-slavery Bible, an 
 Anti-slavery Constitution, and an Anti-slaver_^- God !" 204 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 Our Views on Slavery — The Negro as he is, incompetent to do 
 for Himself— The Proofs— Conclusion 213 
 
HELPEirS IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Black Republican Party a Disunion Party — T?ie Unanswerable 
 Proofs— Their Open Hostility to the South— The Fanatics of the 
 North urging on a "Crisis" that will rebound on the heads of the 
 Freemen of the North, and bring down Labor in the North to 
 Starvation Prices! — The Ball set in motion — Strike of Six Thou- 
 sand Mechanics in Massachusetts— First Fruits of Republicanism. 
 
 "Judge me not ungentle, 
 Of manner rude, and insolent of speech, 
 If, when the public safety is in question, 
 My zeal flows warm and eager from my tongue." 
 
 In 1859, a man destitute of principle, driven from a 
 State of which he chiims to be a native on account of 
 his rascality, published a book at the instance of the 
 " Publishing Committee" of the Black Republican Party, 
 to be used as a campaign document, entitled " The Im- 
 pending Crisis of the South; by Ilinton Rowan Helper, 
 of North Carolina." 
 
 This book, advocating treason, rebellion, civil "war, in- 
 surrection, murder, arson, rapine and bloodshed, received 
 the signatures of the following Members of Congress, re- 
 commending its circulation, etc. : — - 
 
 (7) 
 
HELPER S IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 Schujler Colfax, 
 Anson Burlingarae, 
 Owen Lovejoy, 
 Amos P. Granger, 
 Edwin B. Morgan, 
 Galusba A. Grow, 
 Joshua R. GiddingSj^ 
 Edward Wade, • 
 Calvin C. Chaffee, 
 Abraham B. Olin, 
 Emory B. Pottel, 
 T. Davis (Mass.), 
 R. E. Fenton, 
 Charles Case, 
 Homer E. lloyce, 
 Robert B. Hall, 
 David Kilgore, 
 John M. \Vood, 
 Charles J. Gilman, 
 J. W. Sherman, 
 0. B. Matteson, 
 E. P. Walton, 
 Francis E. Spinner, 
 W^ra. H. Kelsey, 
 Wm. A. Howard, 
 Henry Wahlron, 
 John Sherman, (u./ >' 
 George W. Palmer, 
 Daniel W. Gooch, ^ 
 Henry L. DaAves, 
 Justin S. Morrill, 
 Israel Vrashburne, Jr. 
 Sidney Dean, 
 De Witt C. Leach, 
 
 J. F. Farnsworth, 
 Pliileman Bliss, 
 T. Davis (Iowa), 
 Isaiah D. Clawson, 
 Valentine B. Hortony 
 William Stewart, 
 John M. Parker, 
 Chas. B. Hoard, 
 Wm, D. Brayton, 
 Richard Mott, 
 James Wilson, 
 Silas i\I. Burroughs, 
 J. A. Bingham, 
 Wm. Kellocror 
 
 E. B. Wasliburne, 
 Benjamin Stanton, 
 Edward Dodd, 
 
 C. B. Tompkins, 
 John Covode, 
 Cad.C. Washburne, 
 P. G. Adams, 
 N. B. Durfee, 
 John F. Potter, 
 C. L. Knapp, 
 ]Mason W. Tappan, 
 James Pike, 
 A. S. Murray, 
 
 F. 11. Morse, 
 Samuel K. Curtis, 
 Stephen C. Foster, 
 John Thompson, 
 Jas. BufTington, 
 Geo. B. Robbins, 
 S. A. Purviance. 
 
helper's impexding crisis dissected. 9 
 
 Hear also what AVin. TI. Seward, the great leader of the 
 " Irrepressible Conflict" Black Republican Faction says 
 about it : "I have read the 'Impending Crisis of the 
 South' with deep attention. It seems to me a work of 
 great merit, rich, yet accurate, in statistical information, 
 and logical in analysis." 
 
 Mr. Si'ward recommends tliis book of Helper's as being 
 ** accurate." Now we propose to show that, instead of 
 "accurate," it is far from being so. On the 8th page, at 
 the top, the author says, "At the time of the adoption of 
 the Constitution, in 1789, we commenced an even race 
 with the North. All things considered, if cither the North 
 or the South had the advantage, it was the latter." Then 
 the author goes on to prove, by comparing New York and 
 Virginia together, and says: "In 1790, when the first 
 Census was taken, New York contained 840,120 inhabit- 
 ants ; at the same time, the population of Virginia was 
 748,308, being more than twice the number of New York." 
 
 Now it is clearly proved by the published Compendium 
 of the Census of 1850 by Congress, that the real excess 
 of her population, in 17i*0, was owing to the large amount 
 of her colored population. 
 
 On page 45 of " Census Compendium," it will be seen 
 
 that, in 1790, Virginia had the fi^llowing population: — 
 
 Whites 442.045 
 
 Page 63, 
 
 Free Negroes 12,766 
 
 Page 82, 
 
 Slaves 293,427 
 
10 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 MakiiiiT tlie whole amount of 
 
 Whites 442,045 
 
 Negroes (Free and Slave) 3j6,193 
 
 Total majority of Whites 135,852 
 
 New York had, in 1700, 
 
 Whites 314,142 
 
 Free Colored 4, G54 
 
 Slaves 21,324 
 
 Making the whole amount of 
 
 Whites 314,142 
 
 Kegroes (Free and Slave) 26,078 
 
 Total majority of Whites 8,064 ' 2 S i^ i^' 
 
 Now we intend to show tiiat, in 1790, the following 
 States were not in the Union, viz, : — Alabama, Arkansas, 
 Florida, Illinois, Indiana, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, 
 Ohio, Texas, nor the District of Columbia (of which part 
 belonged to Virginia, and the other Maryland). Indiana, 
 Illinois and Ohio were a part of Virginia ; and when ceded 
 to the United States, necessarily took with them a part of 
 the population of Virginia. In 1800, Indiana was ceded 
 to the United States by Virginia, with the following popu- 
 lation : — 
 
 Whites 2,574 
 
 Free Colored 163 
 
 Slaves 135 
 
 Total 2,872 
 
 Ohio was ceded also, in 1800, with the following popu- 
 lation : — 
 
 Whites 24,433 
 
 Free Colored » 337 
 
 Total -. 24,770 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 11 
 
 There were no slaves in this State until 1880, and they 
 amounted to six in number. 
 
 Illinois was ceded, in 1810, uith the following popula* 
 
 tion : — 
 
 Whites G,3S0 
 
 Free Colored C13 
 
 Slaves 1G8 
 
 Total 7,161 
 
 Thus taking away quite a large amount of her population. 
 
 But, before considering Mr. Helper and the "Impending 
 Crisis of the South," we will consider the Black Republican 
 party, as it is for this party's benefit that Mr. Helper's 
 book was published, and under their direction. 
 
 We intend to show that a dissolution of the Union is 
 the object of the Abolition " Republican" party ; and, in 
 doing so, it would be a very easy thing to show, by testi- 
 mony on record, enough to satisfy every patriotic and 
 Constitutional Union man in the country, that this is their 
 aim and object by their attacks on the South and her in- 
 stitutions. 
 
 The ablest of the anti-slavery agitators belong to the 
 "Anti-Slavery Republican Party." Tliis title for their 
 "Party" may be very distasteful to them, but, neverthe- 
 less, it is the true name for their organization. The " Re- 
 publican party could not exist another day, were it not for 
 that prominent section of their platform avowing, its hos- 
 tility to the Institution of Slavery. The head-quarters for 
 carrying on their operations are England and Massachu- 
 
1% helper's I.MPKNDrXG CRI.= IS DISSECTED. 
 
 Betts, and thev Jo not attempt to conceal It. A number 
 of tlie London Tele(/rap?i of 1856, one of their British 
 organs, says : 
 
 " There are now over three millions of human beings 
 licld in cruel bondage in the United States. If, therefore, 
 the United States Government deny, and is resolved to 
 question, the riglit of Great Britain to her Central Amer- 
 ican possessions, we, the people of the British Empire, are 
 resolved to strike off the shackles from the feet of her 
 three millions of slaves. And there are those among us 
 who will sanctify such a glorious cause." The London 
 News^ speaking of a probability of a war between' Great 
 Britain and tlie L^nitcd States, says : '■'' The Abolitionists 
 would be with us to a man. The best of them are so now." 
 Conservative people of the North, look at this, — the 
 ^^Rejnihlican' Party are willing to sell your country into 
 the hands of our enemy (England), for two pieces of silver, 
 instead of thirty, as Judas did his Lord. 
 
 In each number of one of the leading newspapers of 
 this so-called '"'■ Republican ' Party, published at Boston, 
 there appeared at the head of its columns, during the 
 campaign of 1856. when John C. Fremont was their 
 standard-bearer, the following motto, in prominent char- 
 acters : — " A'b Union with Slaveholders! The United 
 States Constitution is a covenant with Death, and an 
 agreement ivith Hell!" And this, together with several 
 other papers published in that section, constantly, openly 
 and boldly advocated an immediate dissolution of the 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 13 
 
 Union. At the twcntj-third annual meeting of the Mas- 
 sachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, which convened at Boston 
 on the 24th day of January, 1856, it was 
 
 '''' Resolved, That the one great issue before the Country 
 is the dissolution of the Union, in cou^iparison with which 
 all other issues with the Slave-power are as dust in the 
 balance. Therefore, we will give ourselves to the work of 
 annulling this covenant with death," as essential to our own 
 innocency and the speedy and everlasting overthrow of the 
 slave system." 
 
 On that occasion, Wendell Phillips commenced his speech 
 in favor of disunion thus : — " I entirely accord with the 
 sentiment of that last resolution. I think all we have to 
 do is to 2)rej)are the public mind, by the daily and hourly 
 presentation of the doctrine of disunion. Events which, 
 fortunately for us, the GovQi^nment itself, and other par- 
 tics, are producing with unexampled rapidity, are our best 
 aid. 
 
 And this speech, continued in this spirit, was applauded 
 throughout by the audience there assembled. 
 
 On the 18th day of December, 1855, Mr. Giddings, in 
 the House of Representatives, made a speech on the or- 
 ganization of the House, in which, after heaping upon the 
 South the most insulting epithets, — and thereby, so far as 
 in him lay, weakening the bonds of the Union, — in alluding 
 to a remark that the aggressions of the Black Republicans, 
 if continued, would lead to a destruction of the Govern- 
 ment, he turned to the Southern members, and, in a tone 
 
14 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 of bravado, remarked: "You shall not dissolve the 
 Union. With unwavering determination, we say to those 
 traitors. You shall not dissolve it!" The Boston Libera- 
 tor, of the 11th of January last, thus gently reproves the 
 insincerity of his friend: "Mr. Giddings says truly that 
 the dissolution of the Union has long been held up as a 
 scarecrow by the South ; but when he adds that the 
 friends of liberty have never demanded it, his statement 
 is untrue, unless he means to confine it to his political as- 
 sociates, who are but compromisers at best. We demand 
 nothing short of a dissolution, absolute and immediate. 
 The Union, which has been founded by our fathers, was 
 cemented by the blood of the slave, and efFected through 
 his immolation." 
 
 On the national anniversary, the 4th of Julj'-, 1856, 
 when the whole American pcTJ^lc should have sent up one 
 united heart to the throne of God in gratitude for the 
 countless blessings showered upon us, a mass meetinof was 
 held at Framingham, in Massachusetts, at Avhich several 
 disunion speeches were made, and received with applause. 
 Our space will not allow us to give extracts from but two. 
 Wm. Lloyd Garrison said : — 
 
 " Let us then, to-day, rejecting as wild and chimerical 
 all suggestions and contrivances and propositions for 
 restraining slavery in its present limits, while extending 
 constitutional protection to it in fifteen of the thirty-one 
 States, register our pledge anew before Heaven and the 
 world, that we will do what in us lies to effect the eternal 
 
helper's impendixg crisis dissected. 15 
 
 oveytJirow of tJiis hlood-stained Union, that thus our en- 
 slaved countryraeii may find a sure deliverance, and ^ve 
 may no longer be answerable for their blood." J. B. 
 Swassey, Esq., who addressed the meeting at the same 
 time, said : " In the old times, I was called an Anti- 
 Slavery Whig. But, Mr. President, it has come to my 
 mind like a conviction, that it is utterly in vain to hope 
 that we can live under such a Government as this ■with our 
 professions, and with our pretended love of freedom and 
 right. Why, the thing is impossible. There cannot, in 
 the nature of things, be an}' union between the principles 
 of liberty and slavery. Tiiere never has been any union, 
 except by the subjugation of the principles of liberty to 
 those of despotism. For one, sir, I believe that the duty 
 of every true man is now to take the ground of secession.'^ 
 A writer in the National Anti- Slavery Standard, writing 
 from Newburg, on the Hudson River, under date of May 
 28th, 1856, said : " But I waste words. In this fearful 
 crisis one hope is left us, — the hope that the people of the 
 North will see the jeopardy in which they stand, and will 
 look disunion calmly in the face. Let those of us who 
 feel this wrong throw away these miserable party divi- 
 sions, and, lifting up our eyes to that Heaven where 
 Liberty, the daughter of God, stands forever by her 
 Father's throne, STRIKE in her name, and but one 
 blow !" 
 
 We know it will be said that these are the sentiments 
 of the ultra Abolitionists, and that those virtuous gentle- 
 
16 llEM'LU's IMPENDING CRISIS Dr.SSECTKD. 
 
 men, Seward, Greeley, Glidings, Fremont, Banks, Came- 
 ron, Wilson, Wade, and Company, do not intend to go 
 quite so far. We implore you, fellovr-citizens of the 
 North, if you love your country, to hug no such delusive 
 hope to your bosoms. Those whose sentiments we have 
 quoted see the inevitable tendency of this Anti-Slavery 
 agitation, and frankly avow their objects. But those 
 last-named are endeavoring to conceal their real purposes, 
 and, by exciting and misleading the masses, make them 
 instruments for their own destruction. The Garrison 
 school and the Seward school are identical in their objects, 
 instruments, and results. They trim their sails to the 
 same winds, and will arrive at precisely the same port. 
 They sing the same song of " Slave aggression," " Slave 
 oligarchy," "Bleeding Kansas," and "Slave democracy," 
 and they sing it to precisely the same tune. 
 
 Horace Greeley, the pilot of the disunion craft, on 
 which Seward is captain, and Giddings, Sherman, Banks, 
 Cameron, Wilson, Wade, Chase, Fremont, Bissell, Went- 
 worth, Lovejoy and Company have taken passage, just be- 
 fore the passage of the Kansas Act, gave his command for 
 agitation in these words: "We urge, therefore, uabending 
 determination on the part of the Northern members hos- 
 tile to this intolerable outrage, and demand of them, in 
 behalf of peace, in behalf of freedom, in behalf of justice 
 and humanity, resistance to the last. Better that confu- 
 sion should ensue — better that discord should reign in the 
 national councils — better that Congress should break up 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 17 
 
 in wild disorder — nay, better that the Capitol itself should 
 blase by the torch of the incendiary, or fall and bury all 
 its inmates beneath its crumbliny ruins — than that this 
 perfidy and wrong shouM be finally accomplished !" 
 
 Seward, who is the very life and soul of this party, as 
 far back as 1848, in a speech made at Cleveland, six years 
 before the passage of the JCa?i^as Nebraska Act, gave the 
 world a very clear intimation of the plan of operations 
 which they are now carrying out. He says : " Correct 
 your own error — that slavery has any constitutional guar- 
 antee which may not be released, and ought not to be re- 
 linquished. Say to Slavery, when it shows its bond (that 
 is, the Constitution) and demands its pound of flesh, that, 
 if it draws one drop of blood, its life shall pay the for- 
 feit." * * * * " Do all this, and inculcate all this 
 in the spirit of moderation and benevolence, and not of 
 retaliation and fanaticism, and t/ou tvill soon bring the 
 parties of the country into an effective aggression upon 
 Slavery' ' 
 
 Senator "Wilson of Massachusetts, another active le;>dcr, 
 in a lecture delivered at Tremont Temple, Boston, last 
 Spri^ says : " Send it abroad on the wings of the wind, 
 that I am committed, fully committed, committed to the 
 fullest extent, in favor of immediate and unconditional 
 abolition of Slavery wherever it exists under the authority 
 of the Constitution of the United States." 
 
 And again, in a letter dated June 20th, 1855, to 
 
 Wendell Phillips, an extract from one of whose disunion 
 9* 
 
18 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 speeches vre have given above, "Wilson says : " I hope, my 
 dear sir, that we shall all strive to unite and combine all 
 the friends of freedom, that we shall forget each other's 
 faults and short-comings in the past, and all labor to 
 secure that co-operation, by which alone the slave is to he 
 emancipated, and the dominion of his master broken. 
 Let us remember that more than three millions of bond- 
 men, groaning under nameless woes, demand that we shall 
 cease to reproach each other, and that we labor for their 
 deliverance." 
 
 We will now, without comment, give a few additional 
 extracts from speeches and writings of the leaders of the 
 ^ZacA: " Republican Party," and which are so numerous, 
 and becoming more so every day, that we shall, for the 
 want of space, be able to quote only a few. 
 
 " The Union is not worth supj^ortinr/ in connection with 
 the South." — IIoiiACE Greely. 
 
 " I look forward to the day when there shall be a 
 servile insurrection in the South ; when the black man 
 armed with British bayonets, and led on by British officers, 
 shall assert his freedom, and wage a war of extermination 
 against his master ; wlien the torch of the incendiarf^shall 
 light lip the tow7is and cities of the South, and blot out 
 the last vestige of slavery ; and though I may not laugh 
 at their calamity, nor mock when their fear cometh, yet I 
 shall hail it as the dawn of a political millenmum." — 
 
 GiDDINGS. 
 
 "I am willing, in a certain state of circumstances, to 
 
helper's IMrENDIXG CRISIS DISSECTED. 19 
 
 let the Union slide." — N. P. Banks, once Speaker of the 
 U. S. House of Representatives, now Governor of Massa- 
 chusetts. 
 
 "In the case of the alternative being presented, of the 
 continuance of slavery or a dissolution of the Union, I 
 am for dissolution, and I care not how soon it coiiies." — 
 RuFus B. Spauldixg. 
 
 " I detest slavery, and say unhesitatingly, that I am 
 for its abolition by some means, if it should send all the 
 lyarty organizations in the Union, or the Union itself, to 
 the devil." — II. M. Addison, of the American Advertiser. 
 
 "Better disunion, better a civil or a servile war, better 
 any thing that God in his providence shall send, than an 
 extension of the bonds of slavery." — Horace Mann. 
 
 "If peaceful means fail us, and we are dri/en to the 
 last extremity, where ballots are useless, then we'll make 
 bullets effective." — Hon. Erastus Hopkins, of Massa- 
 chusetts. 
 
 " On the action of this Convention depends the fate of 
 the country; if the 'Republicans' fail at the ballot- 
 box, we will be forced to drive back the slaveocracy 
 WITH FIRE AND THE SWORD." — Genl. Watson 
 Webb, in a speech in the Convention that nominated 
 FREMONT, and which was received with "TREMEN- 
 DOUS APPLAUSE." 
 
 " The remedy is to go to the polls, and through the 
 ballot-box repudiate the infamous j)latforra put forth at 
 Cincinnati, and over which the black flag of slavery 
 
20 HELPEIl'S IMPEXDIXa CIIISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 waves Avith characteristic impudence ; and failing in this, 
 do as our fathers did before us — stand by cur inalienable 
 rights, and drive back, with arms, those who dare to 
 tramjjle upon our inheritance." — From Genl. Webb's 
 editorial in his paper. 
 
 "I sincerely hope a civil war may burst upon the 
 country. I want to see American slavery abolished in 
 my day. It is a legacy I have no wish to leave my 
 children. Then my most fervent prayer is, that England, 
 France, and Spain may speedily take this slavery-accursed 
 nation into their special consideration, and when the time 
 arrives for the streets of the cities of this 'land of the 
 free and home of the brave' to run with blood to the 
 horses bridles, if the writer of this be living, there will 
 be one heart to rejoice at the retributive justice of 
 Heaven." — W. 0. Duvall, "one of the leading Republi- 
 cans of New York." 
 
 " It is the duty of the North, in case they fail in elect- 
 ing a President and Congress that will restore freedom in 
 Kansas, to revolutionize the government." — Resolution of 
 a "Black" Republican meeting in Wisconsin. 
 
 " By all her regard for the generations of the future, 
 by her reverence for God and man, the North is bound to 
 dissolve her present union with kidnappers and murderers, 
 and form a Northern Republic on the basis of "No union 
 with slaveholders." — Henry C. Wright, writing from 
 Waukegan, Illinois, under date of June Oth, 185G, to one 
 of the Northern papers. 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 21 
 
 "Resolved, that the slavery advocates may prate to 
 their heart's content about the ' Glorious Union,' the 
 mighty advantages resulting therefrom, the dangers to 
 which it is exposed, arising from the agitation of the 
 slavery question, and the incalculable evils consequent 
 upon its dissolution. "We, as friends of human freedom, 
 know no political union, and acknowledge none but that 
 based on the equality and brotherhood of man. Every 
 other union is a shadow without substance. We, more- 
 over, in all sincerity declare, that, if the Union of these 
 United States is built upon slavery, it is not worth 
 preserving. YEA, LET IT BE DASHED INTO X 
 THOUSAND FRAGMENTS, rather than serve as a 
 perpetuation of wholesale robbery." — Resolution passed 
 at a Black Repnhlican meeting at Farlovis Grove, 
 3fercer County, Illinois. 
 
 "I tell you, fellow-citizens, the Harper's Ferry out- 
 break was the legitimate consequence of the teachings of 
 the Republican party." — Senator Wilson, of Massachu- 
 setts, in a speech delivered at Syracuse, New York, on 
 the 28th October, 1859. 
 
 After this exhibit, and the recollection of the fact that 
 the most of these men have been continued for years in 
 high positions, it will not perhaps surprise the public to 
 hear that the people of Ohio have just elected Mr. Denni- 
 son, governor, who, during the canvass, is- reported to have 
 made the following declaration in one of his public 
 speeches 
 
22 helper's impending ciiisis dissected. 
 
 " If I am elected governor of Oliio — and I expect to 
 he — I Mill not let any fugitive be returned to Kentucky, 
 or any other slave State; and if I cannot prevent it in 
 any other way, as commander-in-chief of the military of 
 the State, I will employ the bayonet — so help me God!" 
 
 When such doctrines as these are announced from men 
 high in office, and high in the confidence of a political 
 party which threatens to get possession of the Govern- 
 ment, shall we express surprise and astonishment that 
 there should be found men like Brown and his associates 
 ready and willing to do in practice what Seward, AYilson, 
 Sumner, Giddings, and Dennison, tell them is right, just, 
 and holy ? Brown was caught in the act, and suffered 
 with his associates the penalty of the law. They deserved 
 their fate ; and no honest patriot has a tear to shed over 
 their graves. T3ut what shall we say of the master spirits 
 who have stimulated, by their maddening appeals and 
 treasonable teachings, these deluded men to rebellion and 
 bloodshed ? They are politicians who ask for public confi- 
 dence, and would have the people intrust to their hands 
 the administration of this great Government, with all its 
 cares, interests, and responsibilities. In advance, they 
 notify the country what may be expected from thera if 
 the power is given to them. It certainly requires no gift 
 of foreknowledge to read the future of this country if, in 
 an evil hour, the people should place in power the men 
 and party who, we have shown, are justly responsible 
 before God and man for these acts of violence and blood- 
 
lUai'EK S I.MPKXDIXG CUISIS DISSECTED. L'-S 
 
 shed. It is time that the subcr-miivled and patriotic men 
 ot" the Nortli shouhl look to these things. The issue ia 
 precipitated upon us, and cannot be longer postponed. 
 We must meet it, and save the country, or be prepared 
 to sufier in the general ruin which these reckless men are 
 rapidly bringing upon the country. 
 
 Now, we do charge the llcpublicans with complicity in 
 the Harper's Ferry outrage, although some of their jour- 
 nals try to deny the fact. We give a few honest senti- 
 ments by a Republican paper. The Winsfead (Ct.) Herald 
 is a Republican paper, and has fought manfully for that 
 party. The editor is an Abolitionist, and has no conceal- 
 ment to make of Ids views in regard to old John Brown. 
 The following is from the Winstead Herald, October 27 : 
 
 " And here we may as wtdl say, we have no admiration 
 for that class of Republican newspapers which are so eager 
 to disclaim and disavow all fellowship and sympathy for 
 Old John Brown. Did they stop here, Ave could be patient 
 Avith'them ; but when they go further, and pelt him with 
 tlie titles of madman, crazy, muddled, and insane, we say 
 out upon them for hypocrites and traitors — 'little villains,' 
 unworthy to lick or feel the foot of Old John Brown. His 
 plans may have been INJUDICIOUS — we are not at present 
 able to judge of them ; but it is plainly evident his friends 
 did not stick by him in the hour of trial as men stood hy each 
 other eighty years ago. The fault may not be his but ours. 
 When men pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their 
 sacred honor eighty years ago, they meant what they said, 
 
24 helper's impexdtxg crisis dissected. 
 
 and performed wliat they promiserl. We are sorrowfullj 
 suspicious that in Old I'rown's case men did diflferently. 
 At all event?., he is unsuccessful, and so Republican presses, 
 the country over, fearful that their party would somehow 
 lose a vote and themselves an office, fall to mouthinir Old 
 Brown as heartily as twelve months since they praised, 
 and vied with each other in denouncing and abusing him. 
 For shame ! Old Brown had more nobleness in his soul, 
 more honesty in his heart, more principle in his action, 
 more courage in a single finger, than all such politicians 
 from Maine to Oregon. lie dared to undertake what you 
 in the security of your sanctums only are bold to preach. 
 He failed ; had he succeeded, fifty coming years would 
 have sanctified his grave with the holiness of a second 
 Mount Vernon, granite and marble columns would rise to 
 his memory, and the nation would add another to her 
 jubilee days, whereon her orators would utter their noblest 
 sentences in eulogy of Old John Brown. Alas ! it was 
 not so to be — the slave toils on in an unloosened chain, the 
 hero gasps in a dungeon, and the Republican press cannot 
 find room enough for their renunciations and denunciations 
 of demented Old John Brown. 
 
 " For one, we confess we love him — tve honor him, we ap- 
 plaud hi?n. lie is honest in his principles, courageous in 
 their defense, and we have yet to be taught, reading from 
 that Book of Inspiration we all acknowledge, how and 
 wherein Old John Brown is a transfjressor. Do with him 
 as we will, his ashes will some day be gathered to a hero's 
 
hp:lpkrs' impend IX a ciu?is di<sp:cted. 25 
 
 tomb, his name -will bo written Avitli tbc Winklereids, and 
 Tells, and AVashingtons of history, and the Amcricon 
 school-boy shall yet be taught to listen with moistening 
 eye and beating heart to the story of Old John Brown." 
 
 It must be evident to every fair-minded and honorable 
 man, that if John Brown had succeeded In his aims and 
 objects, that the Republican Party would, ;is we quote 
 above from an editorial of the " Winstead (Ct.) Herald," 
 celebrate his death (that is, a natural death) as true Amer- 
 ican people now do the birthdny of " the Father of his 
 Country." " Granite and marble columns would rise to 
 his memory, and the nation would add another to her jubi- 
 lee days." 
 
 No later than the 20th of March, Mr. Blake, of Ohio, 
 offered the following resolution in the House of Represen- 
 tatives, to stir up a dissolution of the Union. 
 
 Mr. Blaice, of Ohio, offered the followinj:^ resolution in the 
 House of lleitreseiitntives, on ^Moiubiy, tlie 2Gth March, ISGO : 
 
 Whereas the chattelizing of humanity and the holding of 
 persons as property is contrary to luilural justice and the funda- 
 mental principles of our political system, and is notoriously a 
 reproach to our country througliout tlie civilized world, and a 
 serious hindrance to the progress of republican liberty among 
 the nations of the earth : Therefore, 
 
 Jiesolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be, and the 
 same are hereby, instructed to inquire into the expediency of 
 reporting a bill giving freedom to every human being, and in- 
 terdicting slavery wherever Congress has the constitutional 
 power to legislate on the subject. 
 
 Mr. Smith, of Virginia, and others, objected. rCries from 
 the Democratic benches of " Don't object !"] 
 
26 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 Several Members. Let the resolution be read again. 
 
 Tlic rcsoliitiou was again read. 
 
 Mr. Blake. I trust that, as the resolution is one of refer- 
 ence only, there will be no objection. 
 
 Mr. Barksdale. I withdraw my objection. 
 
 The Speaker. Is there objection to the introduction of the 
 resolution ? [Cries of "Don't object !"] The Chair hears no 
 objection. 
 
 Mr. Branch. I object to the preamble. [Cries of "It is 
 
 too late !"] 
 
 Mr. lIiNDMAN. I hope that there will be no objection to 
 the introduction of the resolution. Let it come in, aud let us 
 have the yeas and nays upon it. Let us make \i\) the record. 
 
 Mr. Singleton. I hope that all objection will be with- 
 drawn. I want, upon the vote by yeas and nays, to let the 
 country see how many Representatives upon tliis floor will vote 
 for such a resolution. 
 
 Mr. Branch. At the rccpiest of friends all round me, I 
 withdraw my objection to the preamble. 
 
 Mr. Singleton. I demand the yeas and nays on the adop- 
 tion of the resolution. 
 
 The yeas and nays were ordered. 
 
 The question was taken on the adoption of the resolution ; 
 and it was decided in the negative — yeas GO, nays 109 ; as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 Yeai^ — Messrs. Charles F. Adams, Aldrich, Alley, Bingham, 
 Blair, Blake, Brayton, Buffington, Burlingame, Burrouglis, 
 Buttorlield, Carey, Carter, Colfax, Conkling, Curtis, Delano, 
 Duell, Edgerton, Edwards, Eliot, Ely, Farusworth, Foster, 
 Frank, Gooch, Grow, Gurley, Hale, Ilelinlck, Hoard, Hum- 
 phrey, Ilutchins, Francis W. Kollog, DcWitt C. Leach, Lee, 
 Lovejoy, McKean, Morrill, Olin, Palmer, Potter, Pottle, Rice, 
 Sedgwick, Sherman, Somes, Spauiding, Spinner, William Stew- 
 art, Tappan, Tompkins, Train, Vandever, Waldron, Walton, 
 
IIELPKR'S IMPENDINa CRISIS DISSECTED. 27 
 
 Cadwaladcr C. Y\'aslibiirn, Elihu B. "Wasliburne, Wells, and 
 Wiiidom— 60. 
 
 Kai/.s — Messrs. Allen, Thomas L. Anderson, Ashraore, 
 Aver}', Barksdale, B^rr, Barrett, Bocock, Boteler, Boyco, 
 Branch, Briggs, Bristow, Burch, Burnett, Campbell, John 
 
 B. Clark, Clopton, Cobb, John Cochrane, Cooper, Cox, 
 James Craig, Burton Craige, Crawford, Curry, II. Winter 
 Davis, John G. Davis, Reuben Davis, De Jarnette, Dunn, Ed- 
 muiidson, Etheridge, Florence, Fouke, French, Garnett, Gar- 
 trell, Gilmer, Hamilton, Hardeman, J. Morrison Harris, John 
 T. Harris, Ilatton, Hickman, Hill, Hindman, Holraan, Hous- 
 ton, Hughes, Jackson, Jenkins, Jones, Keitt, Kenyon, Kunkel, 
 Lamar, Landrnm, James M. Leach, Leake, Logan, Love, 
 Mallory, Charles D. Martin, Elbert S. Martin, McKnight, 
 McPherson, McQueen, Mcllae, Miles, Millson, Milhvard, 
 Montgomery, Laban, T. Moore, Sydenham Moore, Ed- 
 ward Joy Morris, Isaac X. Morris, Niblack, Nixon, Noell, 
 Phelps, Porter, Prior, Pugh, Quarles, Reagan, Riggs, James 
 
 C. Robinson, RuQin, Schwartz, Scott, Scranton, Sirams, Sin- 
 gleton, William Smith, Stallvvorth, Stevenson, James A. Stew- 
 art, Stokes, Taylor, Thayer, Thomas, Trimble, Underwood, 
 Yalandigham, Whiteley, Winslow, Woodson, and Wright — 
 109. 
 
 So the resolution was rejected. 
 
 Pending the above call, 
 
 Mr. Dunn said : I move that the resolution be laid upon the 
 take. 
 
 Mr. Phelps. That motion is not in order. The Clerk has 
 proceeded with the call of the roll, and there has been a re- 
 sponse; and pending the call of the roll, no other business is 
 in order. The roll-call must be proceeded with. 
 
 Mr. Dunn. I made my motion in time. 
 
 Mr. Phelps, The call of the roll was proceeded with, and 
 the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Adams] answered in 
 the affirmative. 
 
28 iiklpek's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 Mr. HiNDMAN. And I heard his respoiiso. 
 
 The Speaker. The Clerk has recorded the name of ihe 
 gentleman from Massachusetts in the affirmative. 
 
 Mr. Phelps. Then the motion to lay upon the table is not 
 in order, and cannot be received. 
 
 The Speaker. Such is the decision of the Chair. The mo- 
 tion of the g-entleraau from Indiana, [Mr. Dunn,] that the reso- 
 lution be laid ujjou the table, was not made until the call of the 
 roll was commenced and there was a response, and it is of 
 course out of order, and cannot be entertained. 
 
 Mr. Barr, when his name was called, said : I desire to say 
 a word in reference to ray vote. I am opposed to all this agi- 
 tation of the slavery question in every sense. ["Order I" 
 "Order!"] I vote " no." 
 
 Mr. BouLiGNY. I am paired ofi" with Mr. Ashley, of Ohio. 
 If I were to vote I should vote "no." 
 
 Mr. Frank stated that Mr. Burnham was paired off with 
 Mr. Sickles. 
 
 Mr. Davidson, ^[y colleague on the ConimiUce on En- 
 rolled Bills [Mr. Theaker] is detained from the House, and I 
 cannot vote while he is absent. If I could vote, I should vote 
 "no." 
 
 Mr. Dawes. Last week I paired off upon all questions of 
 this character with ]Mr. Webster, of Maryland ; otherwise I 
 should vote in the aftirmative. 
 
 Mr. Frank stated that Mr. Ferry was paired oG" with ]\Ir. 
 Maclay. 
 
 Mr. KiLGORE. I desire to give the reasons 
 
 Mr. Burnett. I object to all debate. 
 
 The Speaker. All del)ate is out of order. 
 
 Mr. KiLGORE. Will the gentleman allow me to give the 
 reasons for ray vote ? 
 
 Mr. Burnett. No, sir; vote "aye," or "no," without ex- 
 planation. 
 
 Mr. Martin, of Virginia, when his narae was called, said : 
 
helper's IMPENDrXa CRISIS DISSECTED, 20 
 
 I a:;k tlic gentleman from lUiiioip, [Mr. Kilgore,] to give his 
 ntteiilion a moment. I believe he paired mc uli' with iMr. Case, 
 until twelve o'clock to-day. 
 
 Mr. KiLGORE. That is so ; and I wonld be glad, as IMr. 
 Case is not here, if the genlleiuaii would extend his pair until 
 Wednesday. 
 
 Mr. Martin, of Virginia. As I liave a right to vote, I vote 
 "no." I would disgrace my district should I make an exi)lana- 
 tion. 
 
 Mr. Stokes stated that Mr. Maynard was paired off with 
 Mr. Stratton. 
 
 Mr. Logan stated that his colleague, Mr, McClernand, was 
 paired off with Mr. Kellogg, of Illinois, for the day. 
 
 Mr, Moore, of Kentucky. I desire to announce the pair of 
 my colleague, Mr. Peyton, (who has been called home by the 
 sickness of his daughter,) with Mr. Wood, from the 24:th of 
 March, for twenty days. 
 
 It was stated that Mr. Fenton was detained in his room by 
 illness, 
 
 Mr. McKnight stated that Mr, Morehead was paired off 
 with Mr, Lamar on all questions on which there might be an 
 antagonism between them. 
 
 Mr. Brabson stated that Mr, Nelson was paired off with ^Mr, 
 Killinger, 
 
 Mr. Clark, of Missouri. I desire to have the forty-second 
 rule read, requiring all members present to vote, I want it read 
 now during the call of the roll, as I notice that ssveral mem- 
 bers have declined to vote. I want every man iu the House to 
 vote on this resolution. 
 
 Mr. Stewart, of Pennsylvania, I object. 
 
 The Spiaker. Objection being made, the rule cannot be 
 read now. 
 
 Mr. Sickles. I have paired off with Mr. Burnham, of Con- 
 necticut, upon this and kindred questions ; otherwise I would 
 have been glad to extinguish this tirebrand by voting "no." 
 
30 helper's imi>i:xdtxg ciu.<is dissected. 
 
 Mr. Stevens, of rennsylvania. I wus paired off with Mr. 
 Clemens until to-iiay ; but as he is not here, I decline to vote. 
 
 Mr. Gilmer stated that Mr. Vance was paired off with Mr. 
 Covode. 
 
 Mr. McKxiGHT stated that Mr. Yerree was paired off. 
 
 Mr. English. I was not within the bar of the House when 
 my name was called ; had I been present, I should have voted 
 "no." 
 
 Mr. KiLLiXGER stated that he was paired off with Mr. Nel- 
 son. 
 
 Mr. French. I did not answer when my name was called, 
 because I was not certain of the purport of the resolution. I 
 have examined it, and regard it as ill-advised and ill-considered. 
 
 Mr. Howard stated that he had paired off with Mr. Case. 
 
 Mr. BONHAM. I merely desire to say that perhaps I ought 
 to be paired with the gentleman from Ohio, the cliairman of 
 the Committee on Military Affairs, [Mr. Staunton.] A friend 
 of his called on the honorable gentleman from Virginia and 
 myself to-day, and spoke abont procuring a pair with Mr. Stan- 
 ton. I would have paired with him with great pleasure, and 
 will pair with him now, although I do not know that I have a 
 right to say that he would like to pair off with me on this ques- 
 tion. If his friends on that side of the House are agreed, I am 
 willing to take that course, and that it shall be regarded as a 
 pair from the beginning. I should have paired with him if 
 he could have got no one else. I have only to say, in addition, 
 that I would have voted against the resolution. 
 
 Mr. Brabson. Then I say, that, if I had been entitled to 
 vote, I would have recorded my vote in the negative. 
 
 Mr. DiMMiCK. If I had been within the bar, I would have 
 voted "no." 
 
 In giving the votes to the public, on this firebrand reso- 
 lution of Mr. Blake, copied from the Congressional Globe, 
 we do so to substantiate assertions made bv us: that the 
 
helper's IxMPendiis'g crisis dissected. 31 
 
 ulterior purpose of the Republican party is the abolition 
 of slavery. 
 
 To the mind of an unprejudiced spectator of this com- 
 bat between constitutionality and anarchy, the fact that 
 sixty members of the House of Representatives voted for it, 
 is a significant and unmistakable sign. Too truly might 
 we repeat, with melancholy fitness of application, the pro- 
 phetic curse of Catiline. There is, there can be, no 
 reason assigned why, when such things become common, 
 
 " Massacre" should not 
 Seal our "eternal destiny in blood." 
 It is too true, that although 
 
 " A thousand years scarce serves to form a State : 
 An hour may lay it in the dust." 
 Now we proclaim, secondly, that disunion w^ould be the 
 
 inevitable result of the success of the Black Republican 
 
 party. 
 
 We should not, fellow-citizens of the North, be dealing 
 with you with that candor which you have a right to ex- 
 pect, if we were to assert that the great mass of the peo- 
 ple, Avhose minds have been lashed into this storm of fury 
 and fanaticism, were at heart the enemies of their country, 
 or desire its destruction. Indeed, I know that such is not 
 the case. But the danger to the Republic is, therefore, 
 none the less. No free government has ever yet been de- 
 stroyed by foreign enemies, as long as the people under- 
 stood their true interests. 
 
 It is only where demagogues have been able to take ad- 
 vantage of the honest impulses of the masses, and deceive 
 
32 helper's impending crisis DISSECTiD. 
 
 and mislead them, tluit republics have ever fallen Lcfore 
 the assaults of their enr-mies. In tl-.is v.ay have fondest 
 hopes of mankind, time and again, been blasted; and it is 
 in this way that the fairest fabric of human government 
 ever vouchsafed to man, is now in danger of being de- 
 stroyed. 
 
 AVhat is the American Union ? Of what does it consist ? 
 And on wliat is it based ? It is not the parchment on 
 which the Constitution is written. It is not made up of 
 any particular formula of words, and it cannot be pre- 
 served by the power of the sword. The very life of the 
 Uriion is in the hearts of the American jyeople. It is made 
 up of mutual forbearance and mutual concession — of hon- 
 est, heartfelt love and affection for a common country, and 
 every portion thereof. And this affection cannot be main- 
 tained without equal and exact justice to the whole coun- 
 try, and to every citizen. Our brethren of the North 
 must learn to attend to their own business, and refrain 
 from crimination, and this ceaseless, insulting, maddening 
 opprobrium, heaped upon the institutions, customs, habits, 
 and prejudices of their neighbors, their brothers, and equal 
 heirs to the blessings of our matchless government. 
 
 Professions of devotion to the Union amount to no- 
 thing when you show by your conduct that you are culti- 
 vating feelings and principles which must lead to its de- 
 struction. The "Republican" Convention, by a kind of 
 solemn mockery, proclaim their devotion to the Union, 
 whilst one of the most able leaders of that party, judging 
 
HKLPKR'S impending crisis DlSbECTilD. 33 
 
 of others by liis own feelings, decliires that " there is 
 really no union between the North and the South ; and he 
 believed no two nations upon the earth entertained feel- 
 ings of more bitter rancor toward each other, than these 
 two sections of the Kepublic." 
 
 Mr. Giddings, while in the House, reviled the institu- 
 tions of fifteen States of this Union, trampled upon our 
 habits, customs and prejudices, and insulted our people, 
 and then turneil to our representatives there, and exclaim- 
 ed, " You shall not dissolve this Union I" and threatened 
 as with a halter if we attempted to withdraw. 
 
 Senator AVilson, in the United States Senate, denounced 
 the South, but nt the snme time, asserted that there is no 
 •Janger of secession ; that the South could not be kicked 
 <)ut of the Union. The same Senator, in a speech he made 
 in the covention which nominated Fremont, proclaimed, as 
 the motto of the party — " Freemen of the North have a 
 right to govern the country." 
 
 Twelve of the thirteen original States of the Union were 
 elave States, or recognized the existence of slavery among 
 them. ^Vhile the free States were in the minority, all was 
 peace, concord and harmony, as fjir as this question was 
 concerned. There was no complaint then of aggression on 
 the one part or the other. 
 
 We of the South have never attempted, in any way, to 
 intrude our institutions upon the people of the North ; but, 
 on the contrary, our statesmen had commenced, in good 
 faith, considering as to the best method of loosening the 
 
34 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 fetters of the slave, and of finally effecting his emancipa- 
 tion. But it Avas found impracticable to do so, for various 
 reasons ■which y\e Avill speak of hereafter. 
 
 The fact is, no sooner had the North obtained the ma- 
 jority in the Confederacy, than the senseless and unholy 
 agitation was commenced, -fthich has fastened the bonds of 
 the slave so that, we will venture the assertion, they never 
 will be loosened by peaceful means. 
 
 You have agitated this vexed question to such an extent, 
 that we tell you, candidly and honestly, you have brought 
 our country to the very brink of ruin. You have nearly 
 majority in both branches of Congress, the most of whom are 
 the representatives of a sectional faction, standing on a 
 sectional platform antagonistic to the institutions of the 
 South. Having eighteen millions of citizens, while wo 
 have but six millions of whites, with your prosperity and 
 numbers, — for which you owe gratitude to the South, — you 
 have, instead of being grateful, now become arrogant, over- 
 bearing, and insulting. It is not the desire of the South 
 to withdraw from the Union, if she can remain in it con- 
 sistent with her own sense of right, justice, and diginity, 
 and so long as the Union can be preserved inviolate of the 
 spirit of harmony that brought it into being. But when 
 she is to be deprived of her just rights, and her equality in 
 the Union, then she is in favor of disunion. 
 
 The monstrous doctrine is promulgated, that fifteen 
 States of the Union are to be Avholly disregarded, and that 
 the " freemen of the North have a right to govern this 
 
iielpi:r*s impendixg ci!I;^is dissected. 35 
 
 country." Govern it, liow ? By cultivating sentiments 
 of affection for every portion of our country ? Bv equal 
 and just laws, and the rccoirnition of the perfect equality 
 of all the States of the Union? Not at all! On the 
 contrary, they propose to govern it by usurpation, and the 
 power of numbers and the sword. 
 
 Thoy propose, under the plausible cry of No more Slave 
 States, to shut us out from those magnificent Territories 
 acquired by the blood of our fathers, brothers, sires and kin- 
 dred as well as by those of the North, unless we will abandon 
 property which has descended to us, and institutions under 
 which our fathers and we have lived and prospered. Now, 
 we charge that the Republican party propose to seize 
 upon the Federal Governuient, and reduce us to subjec- 
 tion under their lash. They propose to maintain this 
 Union just as the union between England and Ireland is 
 maintained — just as Great Britain attempted to maintain 
 the union between the Mother Country and her American 
 Colonies. 
 
 Conservative people of the North, we implore you to 
 pause, and ask yourselves whether our government can be 
 preserved in any such way. The Republican party says 
 it can ; hence their cr}^ " The Federal Union, it must and 
 shall be preserved." "Be preserved" for their own bene- 
 fit, and not for the benefit of the whole country. We, of 
 the South, love this Union, bought at so great a sacrifice, 
 and we would deplore a severance of it as a great public 
 calamity ; for in the language of President Buchanan, on 
 
36 helper's impexdixg ciiisis dissected. 
 
 t 
 
 the 22nd of February, 18G0, at the Inrm^uration of the 
 Statue of "Wjishington, at Washington, D. C, "it -will 
 teach the generations to come that man is inciipablo of 
 self-government." But no matter how much wc would de- 
 plore so great a disaster, we will never submit to repeated 
 wrongs and injustice, and the drawing of so odious a dis- 
 tinction between us and our brethren of the North. We 
 will never submit to degradation. If 3'ou think so, tr}' the 
 experiment; but if you do, it will be at your own hazard. 
 
 A distinguished Northern man once said, " Let us not 
 be deceived by the cry that the South is weak, and will 
 not, therefore, risk a separation? Our fathers were less 
 than three millions, and were apparently without resources. 
 In the South are six millions of as gallant, high-spirited 
 freemen as ever trod the green sod of our mother earth, 
 vlth all the elements of a great nation. The North, it is 
 true, ?J united in a war of aggression, is greatly her supe- 
 rior in numbers and wealth. But if we are so lost to all 
 sense of honor as to attempt it, we never could reduce the 
 South to subjection to a government where she could not 
 obtain justice. We might possibly stir up a servile war, 
 desolate her now happy homes, and cause her cities to run 
 rivers of blood. It might be possible for us to sweep her 
 whole population from the earth ; but as long as one man 
 was found alive, his arm would be raised to strike the in- 
 vader, and an enlightened worhl would applaud the act." 
 
 But if we could do so with perfect safety, will we ask 
 our brethren to submit to any such degr;!.dation ? On every 
 
ITELPEll's IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 87 
 
 battle-field of our country the men of the North and the 
 men of the South have marched side by side, as brothers, 
 to victory and glory. " They have poured their blood into 
 one common stream, and locked in each others arms, they 
 filled one common grave." And shall -sve now say to 
 them, " We are holier than they ? Shall we stand up 
 in the market-places, and thank God that we are not as 
 these publicans and sinners? Are we purer than Wash- 
 ington and Jefferson, Madison and Jackson, Calhou.i and 
 Clay, all of whom were slaveholders, and lived in slave 
 States ? And will we refuse to live under a government 
 which recognizes them and their children as our equals ? 
 Do we wish them to occupy toward us a position similar 
 to that occupied by Ireland toward England ? I know 
 your hearts too well to have any doubts as to the answer. 
 
 Having treated at some length the Republican party, 
 we now propose to consider the most prominent parts, as 
 well as the fallacies of Helper's " Impending Crisis of the 
 South." 
 
 4 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 statistical Fallacies of Helper's Book— The True State of tlie Case 
 — Large Balance in favor of tlie South— The boasted Free Labor 
 of the North ovorsliadowe.i by the Productions of the South- 
 Report of the Secretary of tlie United States' Treasury — The Re- 
 publican Party trying to Dissolve the Union of the States— The 
 South in favor of Perpetuating tlie Union of these States as long 
 as their rights are respected— R. ■publican Party a Sectional Party 
 — The Proofs from Xortliern Men. 
 
 We will now consider some of the statistical fallacies of 
 Helper's book. Not only does this incendiary work 
 abound with incentives to treason, massacre, and bloody 
 revolution, but the statistics are fallacious, and evidently 
 prepared for the purpose of deceiving the ignorant and 
 fanatical portion of the community. The attentive and 
 intelligent reader, who will take the trouble of exam- 
 ining them closely, will easily detect their fallacy. By 
 ■way of showing the superior productiveness of the free 
 States over the slave States, he compares the value of their 
 respective cereals, and gives at page 22 of the Compen- 
 dium the following results : 
 (38) 
 
helper's impexdixg crisis dissected. 30 
 
 CEKEALS. 
 
 Free States $351,709,703 
 
 Slave States SOU, 927,067 
 
 In favor of the free States $44,782,036 
 
 At page 37 the value of the other agricultural products 
 of the North and South arc compared as follows : 
 
 OTIIEK AGraCC'LTUKAI. rKODUCTS. 
 
 Free States $214,422,523 
 
 Slave States 155,223,415 
 
 In favor of the free States $59,199,108 
 
 The aggregate difference between all the agricultural 
 products -of the South and North thus appear to be : 
 
 TOTAL PKODUCTS. 
 
 Free States -. $566,132,226 
 
 Slave States ...462,150,482 
 
 In favor of the free States $103,981,744 
 
 Kow, the fallacy of this deduction will be made cleixr 
 by turning to a table at page 71 of the Compendium, in 
 ■which the population of the free and slave States is com- 
 pared : 
 
 Knrthern population 13,434,922 
 
 Soiathern population 9,612,979 
 
 It will be thus seen that the Northern population is one 
 and a half that of the Southern, and yet it docs not pro- 
 duce one-fifth more. Accordinsr to the forcfroin": figures 
 
40 helper's IMl'KXDI>:ii CRISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 the North ought to yield, in order to make its productions 
 equal to the South, $645,682,722, as any school-boy can 
 calculate by the rule of simple proportion thus: 
 
 Soiithem Northern 
 
 Population. Population. Answer. 
 
 9,G12,979 : 13,434,022 : : $4G2,150,4S2 : $645,684,722 
 
 The true state of the case, therefore, is: 
 
 What they ought to produce $645,685,722 
 
 What the free States do produce 566,132,226 
 
 Against the free States and in favor of slave $39,452,596 
 
 Again, if we take the proportion of population to the 
 square mile, the figures will be still more in favor of the 
 South. According to one of the tables quoted in Helper's 
 Compendium, (at page 71,) the population of the South is 
 only 11.29 the square mile, whereas the population of the 
 North is 21.91. By the rule of proportion, the result on 
 this basis ought to be : 
 
 Pop. Sq. M. Fop. Sq. JA Ansirer. 
 
 11.29 : 21.91 : : $462,150,482 : $898,469,181 
 
 Now let us subtract what the North actually produces 
 from what it ought to produce on this basis, as follows : 
 
 What it ought to produce $898,469,182 
 
 What it actually produc-il 566,132,226 
 
 Against the free States $332,336,956 
 
 It will be thus seen, according to Helper's own figures, 
 that there is a balance of §oo2, 336,956 against the free 
 
IIi;i,Pi;u'.S IMl'KXDLMl CRISIS DISSECT KD. 41 
 
 States, and in favor of the slave, instead of $103,981,744 
 to the eredit of the Northern States, as the dishonest 
 writer pretends. If we add these two amounts togetiier, 
 tiie result will show that he lies for abolition to the trifling 
 sum of $430,318,700 — four hundred and thirty-six mil- 
 lions, three hundred and eighteen thousand, seven hundred 
 doUai'S ? 
 
 Such is a specimen of his statistics, on which as little 
 reliance is to be placed as on his other facts and arguments 
 against the South. The book is a tissue of falsehoods 
 worthy of the bad cause for which it is written, and its 
 endorsement is a disgrace to all who have given it the 
 sanction of their names. 
 
 The ingenuity of man never devised a more effectual or 
 plausible mode of deceiving and misleading the Imman un- 
 derstanding, than a shrewd arrangement of figures. By 
 this device, Helper has, by an assumed fairness in forming 
 statistical tables, been able to render his book plausible to 
 many persons who are too apt, in most matters, to take 
 whatever is presented to their understanding in the shape of 
 figures, as so ; — believing it to be a work of too much labor 
 for figures to lie. 
 
 The analysis, however, of Helper's figures, shows a 
 
 studied and wanton misrepresentation of important facts. 
 
 In one table he arranges the respective products of the 
 
 North and South, and very clearly, as he asserts, showa 
 
 that white labor is much more productive than slave labor. 
 
 It is due to the superior ingenuity and skill of the white 
 4* V 
 
42 helper's impexding crisis dissected. 
 
 man over the dull and torpid African to admit that fact ; 
 but we deny that Helper has honestly shown it ; upon the 
 contrary we show that, by a fair comparison of the num- 
 ber of inhabitants to the square mile, the South produces 
 much more than the North. 
 
 We are aware that prejudice has much to do with warp- 
 incr a man's iudfrment, and blinding; his understandino; ; 
 but we cannot reconcile it with a true spirit of patriotism, 
 or high-toned sense of honor, when the emanations of that 
 prejudice are attempted to be palmed off upon the public 
 as historical facts. We will not allow the bias of our pre- 
 judices to claim (notwithstanding the facts would warrant 
 us in doing so) that slave labor is more productive than 
 white, but we claim that it is better adapted to the corn, 
 cotton, sugar and rice fields than white labor, for the 
 reason that the system of management suits better, and 
 their peculiar nature is better suited to the climate where 
 those products are most abundantly grown. 
 
 No man but a bigot would deny but there are some men 
 nmong the large number of producers at the South who 
 calculate and investigate as to the most expeditious and 
 eifectual mode of accumulating wealth, — they experiment, 
 and institute a rigid comparison of the respective produc- 
 tiveness of slave and white labor, and, doubtless, if their 
 practice had proven that the latter was the most remuner- 
 ative, they would have adhered to it. 
 
 With such manifest unfairness, as the analysis of the 
 statistics which wo have here given shows, it would war- 
 
helper's impending cpjsis dissected. 43 
 
 rant the suspicion and belief that tliis '•Helper Book," 
 like most of the arL:;uineuts of the leading "E\ack Repub- 
 licans," is a mere cunningly devised compilation of spirited 
 extracts from sundry speeches, messages, etc., of prominent 
 men, and forced statistics, gotten up designedly to inflame 
 jvnd mislead the Northern masses. 
 
 The exportable products of the fifteen Slave States 
 amount annually to $270,000,000 exclusive of gold and 
 foreign merchandise re-exported; and their annual demand 
 for the productions of other countries is about $225, 
 000,000. There are 80,000 cotton plantations in the 
 South, and the aggregate value of their annual products 
 is $128,000,000. There are 10,000 tobacco plantations, 
 and their annual products amount to $15,000,000. There 
 are 2,600 sugar plantations, the products of which average 
 annually $13,000,000. There are 700 rice plantations, 
 •which yield annually a revenue of $0,000,000. Bread- 
 Ptuffs and provisions yield $78,000,000 ; the products of 
 the forest amount to $10,7000,000; manufactures yield 
 $31,000,000; and the products of the sea yield $3,356,000; 
 exclusive of 830,000,000 we send to the North ! 
 
 These facts and figures rest mostly upon the authority 
 of the Sonthern Cultivator, De Boio's Eeview, and the 
 speeches in Congress of Senator Hammond, and Hon. L. 
 M. Keitt, M.C. of South Carolina. But avc are happy to 
 find them sustained by the Secretary of the Treasury, in 
 a late Report ; and laid before Congress by " His Ex- 
 cellency President Buchanan," and by him endorsed. 
 
44 helper's IMPEXDfNG CRISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 The Secretary of the Treasury, in a late Report, sets 
 do^v^ the exportation of domestic produce, exclusive of 
 specie, at $266,438,051. Of this amount, cotton, which 
 is exclusively from the South, furnishes $128,382,351 ; to- 
 bacco gives $12,221,843, and rice yields $2,390,233,— 
 both of which, also, are exclusively Southern ; breadstuffs 
 and provisions are estimated at $77,686,455 ; products of 
 the forest at $10,694,184; ^f manuflictures at $30,970,992 ; 
 of the sea at $3,356,797. Now take $128,382,351 for the 
 value of cotton, and $12,221,843 for tobacco, and $2, 
 390,233 for rice, which are exclusively Southern staples, 
 and we have tlie sura of $142,90-1,427, which the South 
 contributes to the cxportations of the country, in these 
 staple products, Avhich, in the Union, are only raised within 
 her limits. But her contribution does not stop here. Of 
 the $77,686,455 furnislied by breadstuffs and provisions, 
 she contributed at least $25,000,000; of the products of 
 the forest, in the shape of luml)cr, etc., she contributed 
 about $5,000,000, or one-half of the exportation. Then 
 $30,000,000, added to the $142,994,427, which we have 
 j.lready shown was furnished by cotton, tobacco and rice, 
 make up $172,994,427, out of the $266,438,051, to which 
 tlie whole domestic exportation amounts. This would leave 
 $93,443,051 for the domestic exportation from all the free 
 States. But this is more than they are entitled to. Of 
 the 30,970,992 contributed by domestic manufactures, at 
 least $10,000,000 is the value of the raw material not 
 grown at the North. This leaves only $83,442,624 as the 
 
helper's impending cnisis dissected. 45 
 
 contribution of the free States, against §172,994,427, as 
 the contribution of the Southern or slave States, to the 
 domestic exportation of the coiintry. 
 
 Where is Mr. Helper, and his boasted free labor of the 
 North? Eclio answers, — -Where? Seeing this, well may 
 the South exclaim, " QutB regie interiis nostri non plena 
 laboris." 
 
 The following we quote from The Constitution, Dec. 7, 
 which speaks for itself: 
 
 " V\''e Know of no subject of greater interest to the public, 
 and especially to the statesman, than the information that 
 will soon be laid before the country by the proper depart- 
 .ment of the Government, embracing the imports and 
 exports for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1859. At all 
 times important, it is doubly so at the present, on account 
 of the commercial revulsion through which we have passed, 
 besides the reliable facts presented in connection with our 
 modified tariff laws which went into operation July 1st, 
 1857. Our trade, as exhibited by the imports and exports, 
 has been highly satisfactory to all interests, and added 
 another demonstration of the wisdom of that time-honored 
 democratic policy Avhich inculcates the least possible 
 burdens of taxation consistent w.tih an economical adminis- 
 tration of the General Government. But it is not in 
 reference to this branch of the subject that we propose at 
 this time to dilate. AVe have another object, and one 
 which we trust will be appreciated by all imbued with the 
 spirit of- that Constitution which was ordained and estab- 
 
46 HELPER S IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 lished ' in order to form a more perfect Union, establish 
 justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the 
 common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure 
 the blessings of liberty' to its framers and their posterity. 
 All those appeals whicli have heretofore admonished us — 
 the patriots of the Revolution, the common suffering of 
 our ancestors, our common toils and dangers, our common 
 blessings and victories, the tombs of our statesm.en and 
 ■warriors, Mount Vernon, the Hermitage, and Ashland — 
 all seem to have lost their power, and v,e arc drifting to 
 some unknown catastrophe, pregnant with every thing but 
 safety. 
 
 "In view of these considerations, we have thought it 
 not inappropriate to give the exports for the last fiscal 
 year, as furnished by the different sections of the Re- 
 public, in the hope that our common interest, so signally 
 displayed by these figures, will arrest that aggressive spirit 
 which is hastening all to one undistins-uished ruin. 
 
 " The exports of the last fiscal year, embracing specie 
 and American produce, amounted to $335,894,385; in 
 addition to which we also exporteil sometliing over twenty 
 millions of foreign produce, making all of our exports 
 above $356,000,000, and exceeding our imports for tlie 
 same period a fraction over $18,000,000. 
 
 The specie and American produce exported wore $335,894,385 
 
 Specie 57,502,305 
 
 The amount of produce consequently exported was ... 278,392 080 
 "We propose to classify the amoimt furnished by each 
 
IIELPEPw'S IMPENDING CP.ISIS DISSECTED. 47 
 
 section :is far as possible, by giving the amount furnished 
 exclusively by the free States, the amount furnished by 
 both the free and slave States, (it is impossible to separate 
 and designate the respective amount furnished by each.) 
 and the amount furnished exclusively by the slave States. 
 
 Free States exclusively — 
 Fisheries — embracing spermaceti and wliale oils, dried 
 
 and salt fish 84,462,974 
 
 Coal 653,536 
 
 Ice 164,581 
 
 Total free States $5,281,091 
 
 Free and slave States — 
 
 Products of the forest — embracing staves and Lead- 
 ings, shingles, boards, plank, and scantling, hewu 
 timber, other timber, oak bark and other dye, al 
 manufactures of wood, ashes, ginseng, skins, ant 
 
 furs 12,09y,967 
 
 Product of agriculture — 
 
 Of animals — beef tallow, liides, horned cattle, butter, 
 cheese, pork, liams and bacon, lard, wool, hogs, 
 
 horses, mules, and sheep 15,549,817 
 
 Vegetable food — 
 
 Wheat, flour, Indian corn, Indian meal, rye meal, rye, 
 oats, and other small grain, and pulse, biscuit or 
 
 shop bread, potatoes, apples, aud onions 22,437,578 
 
 Manufactures — 
 
 Refined sugar, wax, chocolate, spirits from grain, do. 
 molasses, do. other materials, vinegar, beer, ale, 
 porter and cider in casks and bottles, linseed oil, 
 household furniture, carriages and parts, railroad 
 cars and parts, hats of furs and silk, do. palm leaf, 
 saddlery, trunks and valises, adamantine and other 
 candles, soap, snuff, tobacco manufactured, gun- 
 powder, leather, boots and shoes, cables and Cordage, 
 salt, lead, iron, pig, bai", nails, castings, and all 
 manufactures of, copper, brass, and manufactures of, 
 drugs anvl ii\edicines, cotton piece goods, jiriiited or 
 
48 iiELPEu'ri i.mpx::n"dix(i cuisl? dissected. 
 
 colored, white otlier than cluck, duck aud all manu- 
 factures of, lienip, thread, bags, cloth, and otlier 
 manufactures of, wearing apparel, earthen and stone 
 ware, combs and buttons, brooms and brushes of 
 all kinds, billiard tabbjs and apparatus, umbrellas, 
 parasols and sunshades, morocco and other leather 
 not sold by the pound, fire-engines, printing presses 
 and type, musical instruments, books and maps, 
 paper and stationery, paints aud varnish, jewelry, 
 other manufactures of gold and silver, glass, tin, 
 pewter, and lead, marble and stone, bricks, lime, 
 and cement, India-rubber shoes and manufactures, 
 
 lard oils, oil cake, artiiicial flowers $30,197,274 
 
 Articles not enuineiated, manuf.ictured 2,274,(552 
 
 Raw produce 1, SIS, 205 
 
 Total, free and slave States $84,417,493 
 
 Slave States, exclusively — 
 
 Cotton 161,434,923 
 
 Tobacco 21,074.038 
 
 Kosin and turpentine 3,554,416 
 
 Rice 2,207,148 
 
 Tar and pitch ; 141,058 
 
 Brown sugar 190,935 
 
 Molasses 75,699 
 
 Hemp 9,279 
 
 Total, slave States $1SS, 693,496 
 
 KECArrrrLATiox. 
 
 Free States, exclusively 5,281,091 
 
 Free and slave States 84,417,493 
 
 Slave States, exclusively 188,693,496 
 
 Total $278,392,080 
 
 "If any one will take tlie trouble to analyze the articles 
 embraced in the amount of $84,417,493, belonging alike 
 to the labor of the free and slave States, he will find that 
 at least one-third is as justly the products of slave labor. 
 
lIKLrF.n'S IMPKXDINa CRISIS DISSECTED. 49 
 
 We have, therefore, the fact that out of $278,892,080 of 
 exports of domestic industry, over $200,000,000 of iWiSi 
 sum is furnished by those States known as slave States."; '^ 
 
 We will now point out the folly of a comparip.on made 
 by Helper between the northern hay and 'the southern 
 cotton crops — of course disparaging to the latter. We 
 ■^vill show that he grossly misrepresents the Census state- 
 rnent of 1850 ; and also show, that, even had his quota- 
 tions been correct^ the inferences he drew from the facts 
 •were perfectly ri^Uculous. Helper tells the public that the 
 h:iy crop -of 1850 was worth sixty-four millions of dollars 
 more than the cotton crop of that year, or about twice the 
 value of tUe latter. Now, Helper did not consider that 
 the South, after supporting itself, sent away a large part 
 ■of its cotton, for which the country — North as largely as 
 the South — received a handsome return in desirable for- 
 ■eign products. He did not — of course he could not — show 
 any export of hay to foreign ports. So that, one of three 
 things, as regards the uses of this hay crop, is true : either 
 the hay \va,a coijisumed at home, toward the support of 
 Northerners:; or was shipped to the South ; or was converted 
 into beef and cattl(^ for shipment to the South or to for 
 eign countries. 
 
 If consumed at home, it cannot be allowed to make a 
 figure in such a statement, for the Northerners, while con- 
 suming it, were doing no more than the Southerners 
 "n'hile consuming their own products. When consumed, 
 that was an end of it, just in the way an end was put to 
 
50 helper's IMl'EXDING ClIISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 the hog and lioniiny raised and consumed on the planta- 
 tions of the South. If sent to the South, whether in the 
 shape of hay or beef, the fact may be easily offset by the 
 shipments to the Nortli of cotton, rice and tobacco. If 
 shipped abroad, the comparison is a just one. It is per- 
 fectly fair to compare the value of the hay shipped abroad 
 Avith the cotton shipped abroad, because that is comparing 
 surpluses with surpluses, or what each section has to spare 
 after subsisting itself. Well, in 1852, the South sent 
 away of cotton $112,000,000; the same year the North 
 and South sent away $0,000,000 worth of " provisions," 
 including as well the hug product as the cattle product. 
 In 1859, the South sent away in cotton $101,000,000 ; 
 while the North and the South sent away fifteen millions 
 of "provisions." This is the correct way of making the 
 comparison. If one desired to show the comparative 
 thriftiness of two merchants, he would compare their net 
 earnings at the" end of the year. He would not compare 
 their gross earnings ; since though it might be true th;it 
 the gross earnings of one of them were much larger than 
 those of the other, it might be true also that the expenses 
 of the business, and of supporting its conductor had en- 
 tirely absorbed those larger earnings, while the smaller 
 could show a handsome balance after deducting all ex- 
 penses. 
 
 We now proceed to another batch of Helper's statistics. 
 His assumption is, that the average value of land in the 
 Sfliith now is 155.34 pev acre, "Emancipate yoi}r slaveg 
 
IIKLPKIl'S LMrEXDING CRISIS DISSECTED, 51 
 
 on "Wednesday mornin^j, and on Thursday following tbo 
 value of lands will have increased to an average of $28.07 
 per acre." Here is the table: 
 
 Estimated value of slavpholders' lands, after slavery 
 
 shall have been abolished $4,85G,7S3,GSO 
 
 Present value of slaveholders' lands 023,248,100 
 
 Probable aggregate enhancement of value $3,933,535,520 
 
 Having thus figured out or " maiked up" the value of 
 Southern lands, he presents another of his precious tables 
 as follows : 
 
 Net increase o( value wliich it is estimated Trill ac- 
 crue to slaveholders in consequence of the aboli- 
 tion of slavery $3,933,535,520 
 
 Putative value of slaves 1, GOO, 000, 000 
 
 Slareholders' estimated net landed profits of emanci- 
 pation $2,333,535,520 
 
 Yes, set the slaves free on "Wednesday niglit, and you 
 •will suddenly find yourselves next morning, at daylight, 
 about five times richer than you were when you went to 
 bed the night before. We need say nothing to expose the 
 folly and stupidity of sucb a representation. It is a gross 
 caricature of the whole learning of statistics. 
 
 Possibly, after sharing the experience of Jamaica, lands 
 might rise in one hundred years, or say the lifetime of 
 three generations, to the value he fixes on them. The 
 present slaveholders or their descendants would not feel 
 the rise, we may be pretty sure. But this consideration 
 aside, let us see how the account would really stand, allow- 
 
52 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 ing free swing to Helper's emancipation scheme. Here 
 lire our statistics, ami \\c think they are quite good 
 enough fur the occasion : 
 
 Is'ct value of land (100 years hencej presuming 
 
 Helper's rise $2,333,535,220 
 
 Exports of cotton this year, say $200,000,000, would 
 
 give for 100 years 20,000,000,000 
 
 Dead loss to the South $17,666,464,780 
 
 Now look at Ilelfjcr's figures, and then at ours. Is not 
 the contrast an awful one for a nervous man's contempla- 
 tion ? Over seventeen billions of hard dollars lost in con- 
 sequence of heeding Helper ! Nor is this the whole loss, 
 for we have made no account of the rice, tobacco and na- 
 val stores exported from the South. But perhaps some 
 Uelperite, with due gravity, will object that we do not 
 allow the South to export any thing after emancipation. 
 The above calculation does not ; and probably the Soutli 
 would have but little to export for a long while after such 
 a catastrophe. But supposing the South in her altered 
 state to export the same amount the North now does, wo 
 may take off one-third of the seventeen billions, and then 
 be liberal to the other side. That deducted, the dead loss 
 of the South would be 07ili/ about twelve billions. We by 
 no means desire to have it understood that we present our 
 table as a specimen of the way in which statistics ouglit 
 to be used. But as showing up the Helperian style of 
 reaching results, and as a fair offset to his arithmetic, they 
 answer our present purpose. 
 
HELPER S IMPENDING CKISIS DISSECTED. 53 
 
 We have exposed the worthlessness of this publication m 
 reference to the chaim set up for it bj its friends, that it 
 is statistically valuable. Even Mr. Seward could brine 
 himself to pronounce such a judgment uj)()n it. 
 
 'We might prolong our review Avith many reflections 
 which these facts awaken. Vv^e miglit point to other facts 
 connected with the subject to show the interested depend- 
 ence of one section upon another, apart from the produce 
 which each sends abroad. We might at some length and 
 with some feeling portray the folly of continuing our dis- 
 sensions and discords, as sections of this great Republic. 
 But we forbear. We submit these figures and facts for 
 those who think and are governed by reason, no matter 
 where their lot has been cast, whether North or South, 
 East or West. 
 
 Says Helper on the 16th page of the Compendium : — 
 
 " Too long have we yielded a submissive obedience to the 
 tyrannical domination of an inflated oligarchy; too lon<T 
 have we tolerated their arrogance and self-conceit ; too 
 long have we submitted to their unjust and savage exac- 
 tions. Let us now wrest from them the sceptre of power, 
 establish liberty and equal rights throughout the land, and 
 henceforth and forever guard our legislative halls from the 
 pollutions and usurpations of pro-slavery demagogues." 
 
 Will any true-hearted American own sympath}'- with 
 
 such sentiments, or countenance, encourage and support 
 
 the designs here avowed? Will not honest Kepublicans 
 
 pause and reflect upon the fearful tendency of this spirit 
 
 5* 
 
rA IIELI'IIR'S IMPENDING CllISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 of sectionalism, and their duty as patriots and Christians, 
 to aid in arresting it ere it be too late — ere the Union is 
 overthrown, and the light of xVmerican liberty is extin- 
 iruislied in blood and carnno-e, with the torch of civil war 
 as our only beacon upon the dark sea of anarchy and 
 ruin ? 
 
 But, alas ! we fear we are deceived as to the honesty of 
 Republicans: their rainds have become inflated against us, 
 wrought so by the treasonable teachings of their " leader's." 
 
 Can the North point out a single tyrannical act that the 
 South has ever been guilty of? If you can, we are will- 
 ing to acknowledge and confess it. Mr. Helper makes 
 the assertion, but does not state how we have been " tyran- 
 nical 
 
 Republican factions at the North (for we have good 
 reason to thank God that they do not exist South,) say 
 that the "Democratic party" is a ''slave-democracy." If 
 it be a " slave-democracy" because it is a national and con- 
 servative party, recognizing the South as having as many 
 rights in the Union as the North, then the Northern peo- 
 ple are to blame themselves, if they have " yielded a sub- 
 missive obedience to the tyrannical domination of an 
 inflated oligarchy," because they have by their votes sus- 
 tained it. By Mr. Helper's own argument he shows that 
 the Republican party is sectional. We know that the 
 Democratic party is charged by the Republicans as being 
 Bectional. Now we will see which is the sectional and 
 which is the national party ; and, in doing so, wc cannot do 
 
in:LPEll S IMPKNDINU CRISIS DISSECTKD. i>0 
 
 better than quote an extract from a speech of the lion. 
 Horatio G. Seymore of New York, delivered on the 24th 
 day of August, 1850, at St, Paul's, Minnesota, a man ^vho 
 has always distinguished himself by his patriotism, kc. 
 
 Said Mr. Seymore — "You have seen the great men of 
 this llepublican party go up to their National Conventions. 
 When the roll of the States was called, there was no man 
 to answer for the State where Jackson's ashes lie — there 
 ■Nvas no man to respond when the land of Sumpter and Ma- 
 rion was called. (Applause.) But how will it be when our 
 next Democratic Convention is held ? Y"ou Avill see there 
 no such spectacle as this. "When v,e call the roll of States 
 ■which compose this confederacy, every commonwealth, 
 from Maine down to young Minnesota, and still younger 
 Oregon, will attest the nationality of our party by the 
 presence of its representatives." (Cheers.) 
 
 Now, if the Democratic party have had to undergo some 
 defeats, it is not because it was " sectional," but it has been 
 in consequence of some mere local issue or fanaticism ; for, 
 when it triumphed over the llepublican party in 1856, 
 •when that party made its first issue before the country, 
 the Democratic party triumphed over its opponents and do- 
 mestic traitors (Republicans) on sound constitutional prin- 
 ciples. 
 
 Democracy possesses a vitality, a spirit of coherence 
 which nothing can destroy. Stricken down in one place, 
 it rises in another, and gathers, from the very circum- 
 stances of its defeat, new elements of vigor and success. 
 
66 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 The reason of this is, it is a national constitutional party, 
 and its members always think more of principles than of 
 men. 
 
 Founded on the Constitution, it enters the contest with 
 doctrines and principles the essence of truth, and Avhich 
 never fail to commend themselves in the end to the accept- 
 ance and approval of the people. 
 
CHAPTER III, 
 
 re- 
 
 Helper's Slanders on the Non-Slaveholding people of the South 
 fated— Better chance in the South for a poor man than in the 
 North — The proofs— Names of prominent Statesmen of the South 
 •R-ho have risen from poverty to the highest eminence— the Ne- 
 gro well treated in the South — Richly repaid for his Labor — Com- 
 parisons between the poor Whites of the North and the Negro of 
 the South — The Strike of the poor Whites in Massachusetts — 
 They admit that they are worse off than the Slaves in the South. 
 
 "In the South, unfortunately, no kind of Lahor is either 
 free or respectable. Every white man who is under the 
 necessity of earning his bread by the sweat of his brow, 
 or by manual labor in any capacity, no matter how un- 
 assuming in deportment or exemplary in morals, is treated 
 as if he were a loathsome beast, and shunned with disdain. 
 His soul may be the very seat of honor and integrity; 
 yet, without slaves, — himself a slave, — he is accounted as 
 nobody, and would be deemed intolerably presumptuous 
 if he dared to open his mouth, even so wide as to give 
 faint utterance to a three-lettered monosyllable, like yea 
 or nay, in the presence of an august knight of the whip 
 and the lash." — Page 23. 
 
 There probably was never so gross a compilation of 
 
 falsehoods so wantonly forced together as the foregoing 
 
 extract embraces. It is these miserable exaggerations 
 
 (57) 
 
CS HELPKU'rf I.Ml'K.NDI.NG C'KISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 and misrepresentations of the S(icial relations of the Anglo- 
 Saxons of the South whicli canker the minds and feelings 
 of the Northern n\asses. There is no place on earth w hero 
 the industrious, entcrpi-ising, and upright poor man — no 
 matter what his calling — is more cordially aided and abet- 
 ted in all his honorable undertakings than in the South, 
 or slave-holding States. Why, it is honestly — •when not 
 suppressed by party prejudices — a Northern ])roverb, and 
 a standing instruction to the poor, but enterprising young 
 Northerner, " Go you to the sunny South, and there, 
 amongst the generous nnd warm-hearted Southerners, 
 work your Avay to fortune and fame." The liberal aid 
 which has been so frerjuently, freely, and unsuspectingly 
 extended to the numberless hordes of Northern peda- 
 gogues, tin pedlers, pill vendors, etc., and which has often 
 resulted in begetting them opulence and fame, has been 
 most ungratefully received, and the success of their re- 
 cipients attributed to the superior energy, talents, and en- 
 terprise of the Northerner over the Southerner. It is 
 most lamentably true that the South thus, in many instan- 
 ces, warms in its genial bosom the malignant viper that 
 strikes its poisonous sting to her vitals. The demagogue 
 or the villain always taxes his ingenuit}' in manufacturing 
 that species of specious argument which he thinks best 
 calculated to induce those whom he designs to operate 
 upon to think, feel, and act as he does. Such is the base 
 resort of the abolitionist, and the meaner jealous opponent 
 of African slavery. They attempt to fire the feelings of 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 59 
 
 the laboring class by appeals to their pride and personal 
 independence ; ignoring that natural sequence, that tlio 
 ordinary mutations of life furnish in every location and 
 latitude of this free country, daily evidences of the rich 
 man becoming poor, and the poor man becoming rich; of 
 the humble man mounting the ladder of fame, and he that 
 ■was up, by the process of natural law passing down. 
 Fame and fortune, intelligence and ignorance, are not 
 governed in the slightest degree by the institution of Af- 
 rican slavery : they seem to be the handiwork of another 
 and superior power ; or, if controlled solely by human 
 agency, can be accounted for on quite different hypotheses. 
 A comparative statement would show quite as many men of 
 wealth, quite as many, too, going up and down the scale of 
 fortune, quite as many enjoying fame, and they, too, passing 
 up and down the elevator of circumstances, which contribute 
 to put men in and out of power and place, at the South as 
 there are at the North, and these mutations are not confined 
 to any class or condition in life. The man of tvill works 
 out his own position, and would no more, though poor, stand 
 the lash of the arrogant Southerner, than he would the lock 
 and key of the manufacturing nabob of the North. 
 
 The Northern tyrant, as he lords it over the poor 
 white laborer, tasks him to the utmost of his physical 
 capacity, requiring him to march to the task indicated for 
 him with the precision of time ; shrewdly names his im- 
 perious exactions " DISCIPLINE ;" while the Southern 
 disciplinarian is uncharitably denounced as being an arro- 
 
CO helper's impending culsis di.ssectkd. 
 
 gant, dogmatical, exacting " knight of the vhip and the 
 lash." Those invidious misnomers are the offspring of 
 malignant minds, seeking to stir up strife and discord, 
 creating imaginary distinctions; and, by the envy it in- 
 spires, produces serious breaches in otherwise more united 
 communities. 
 
 There are many distinguished instances of the poor 
 man, the mechanic, men of various vocations in life, •\vho 
 "earned their bread by the sweat of their brow" at the 
 South, Avho have acquired wealth, high respectabilit3% and 
 wide-spread fame, as liberal and enlightened statesmen. 
 We will take the liberty of givins the names of some of 
 these living instances : — Ilonorables Messrs. Johnson, 
 " Jimmie Jones," G. Yi. Jones, and Staunton of Tennes- 
 see, Staunton of Kentucky, Governors Letcher and 
 McMullin of Virginia, Orr and Ashmore of South Caro- 
 lina, Stephens, and Brown Governor of Georgia. The 
 first of this galaxy of great and talented men in the 
 South who have risen from the humble to the higher 
 walks of life, and who is as much respected as any gentle- 
 man in our land, was in early life a tailor by trade, (his 
 sign still hangs over his old shop door in the town where 
 he lives, in Tennessee,) and, withal, the people of that 
 Southern State respect him enough to honor him with a 
 Beat in the United States Senate. "Jimmie Jones" was a 
 blacksmith, and his stalwart blows were honored with high 
 State and National positions. Geo. AV. Jones is a saddler 
 by trade; the Stauntons are bricklayers; Letcher a house 
 
jiklpek's impending crisis dissected. 61 
 
 carpenter ; McMiiIlcn was a wagoner ; Stephens was physi- 
 cally incapable of labor, but was poor, and had to work his 
 way to position as best he could. The present Governor 
 of Georgia was of very obscure origin. Orr was poor, and 
 Ashmore was unlearned and penniless, until by the dint 
 of his own labor he acquired means and education. The 
 commanding talents and honored positions of the gentle- 
 men above named are well known to every intelligent 
 reader in the United States ; and they are native South- 
 erners, poor boys, laboring men, yet honored ! Is this 
 truth or fiction, Mr. Helper? How do those living facts 
 comport with your malicious slanders, " that no kind of 
 labor is either free or respected at the South" ? 
 
 The traitor is generally hired to perform his treason, 
 consequently but little respect is ever paid to his acts, 
 and they are never based upon sound principle. Helper's 
 statistics are shown to be false, and his reasoning, — and 
 that also of his entire abolition cohorts, — is fallacious ; 
 they first assert that the poor man, the laboring man, the 
 mechanic, at the South, is not respected, is not allowed 
 the privilege of expressing a monosyllable in the presence 
 of one of the "knights of the lash and the whip." Per 
 contrary, they assert that slavery begets arrogance, indo- 
 lence, degeneracy, and want of enterprise upon the part 
 of the slaveholder, and he consequently loses his wealth 
 and self-respect,' and that the enterprising laboring man 
 soon supplants him. Now, the truth is, these assertions 
 are all manufactured for hellish purposes — to array class 
 
I 
 
 62 helper's IMPEXDIXG CRISIS DISSrCTr.D, 
 
 against class at the South, and, at the North, to excite a 
 false and uncalled for sympathy for the lahoring -whites at 
 the South, and to engender hatred towards the slave own 
 era. We shall never degrade the white man, by any parity 
 of reasoning, to social or political equality with the negro, 
 • — but there are practical questions which involve the 
 means of temporal existence and happiness, where we think 
 a comparison of the condition of the races may be intro- 
 duced happily, to quiet the nervous anxiety of many about 
 the condition of the poor negro. At the South, the negro 
 is richly rewarded for his labor, by being most abundantly 
 provided for with clothing, food, nursing when sick, for him 
 self and family, — this, too, without racking care and cease ■ 
 less anxiety ; as evidenced by the poor white man, whose 
 daily and even nightly labors frequently are inadequate 
 to secure honestly the necessaries of life for himself and 
 family ; in proof of which, Ave submit the ackno^^ledgment 
 of the Lynn strikers. 
 
 THE STRIKE AT LYNN. 
 
 From the Bost.ni Trmelcr, Feb. 23. 
 
 Most of the company, during the time intervening be- 
 tween the hour at v.-hich they began to assemble and that 
 at which they were to co-operate in a demonstration, di- 
 vided up in little knots, and engaged in conversation with 
 each other, instead of occupying themselves with more ir- 
 regular proceedings. Some of these conversations merged 
 into discussions, and oftentimes became quite exciting, at- 
 
helper's impending ckisis dissectkd. G3 
 
 tracting the attention of such outsiders as couhl not help 
 overhearing them. 
 
 Among the crowd I noticed two intelligent shoemakers, 
 who were deep in argument, pro and con, on a question 
 relating to the merits of the case, and had attracted several 
 hundred people to hear their discussion. 
 
 "What is the use," said one of them, who seemed to 
 take an interest in politics, " of our making such a fuss 
 about the slaves of the Soutii ? I tell you, we are almost 
 as much oppressed as they are. In fact, in one sense wo 
 are worse oppressed, for they don't work so many hours 
 in a week as we do, and the}'- get a living, while most of 
 US couliln't live, with our families, if we couldn't get trust- 
 ed for necessaries cf life, which we never expect to be able 
 to pay for at this rate." 
 
 Ilis opponent seemed to hesitate, and a bystander put 
 in, " We are worse treated than the slaves of the South, 
 in every sense, so far as I can see." 
 
 " Yes," said the first speaker, "I don't know but v.'e 
 are." 
 
 The second party to the controversy now spoke up with 
 Some earnestness: — "You know, gentlemen, we are not a, 
 quarter as bad off as the slaves of the South, though we 
 
 are, by our foolishness, ten times as bad off as we 
 
 ought to be. They can't vote, nor complain, and we can. 
 And, then, just think of it. The slaves can't hold mass 
 meetings, nor 'strike,' and we hav'n't lost that privile^fc 
 yet, thank the Ijoi-'I !" (Loud cheers.) 
 
64 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 First Speahcr. — That's so ; but v/hat']l those privileges 
 amount to, if thc}^ come to nothing? You see, gentlemen, 
 the only superiority of our condition over that of Southern 
 slaves is, Ave have got to manufacture ourselves out of this 
 strike. (Cheers.) Shall v<q fail, or shall we assert our 
 superiority over Southern niggers? (Prolonged cheers — 
 cries of "We'll never fail — We'll starve to death first." ) 
 
 Another conversation between a "boss" and two of his 
 employees, among the strikers, was more laconic and less 
 respectful — 
 
 Boss — " Good morning, gentlemen." 
 
 First Jour. — " Good morning, sir. I guess you begin 
 to think we are in earnest?" 
 
 Second Jour. — " How are ye ? Wall, don't you think 
 the bosses '11 have to knock under (excitedly), and use us 
 decent?" 
 
 Boss — " Hav'n't I always used you decent ?" 
 
 First Jour. — " Do you think $250 enough for a man 
 with a family to live on ?" 
 
 Second Jour. — " No, you know you hav'n't used us de- 
 cent, and we'll show you how to do it, too !" 
 
 Boss — "I have always paid all I could afford to." 
 
 Second Jour. — "You hav'n't." 
 
 5o.<?s—" I have." 
 
 Second Jour. — " You lie, and you know it.' 
 
 Boss — It's no use trying to argue with a fool !" (Exit.) 
 
 Second Jour, (somewhat maliciously) — "We'll show you 
 
helper's IJirENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 65 
 
 wliose's a fool and wlio ain't, before vre get through ^Yith 
 it." 
 
 Would it be proper or right, would it be in good taste 
 or generous sentiment, for the people of the South to ad- 
 vise this conflict of action between the labor and capitai 
 of the North ? Would it be philanthropic or Christian-like 
 in them to stimulate the wliite employees to plunder and 
 murder their employers ? 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The Hypocrisy of Helper — In favor of Slavery in Lis work issued 
 1855— Driven from the South for stealing three hundred dollars 
 — Writes " Helper's Impending Crisis of the South" — Helper 
 denouuces free negroes in his "Land of Gold" — Valuable statis- 
 tical information in regard to the power and wealth of the South 
 — Seaports of the South — Shore line of States on the Atlantic 
 Ocean in favor of the South, of eighteen thousand miles more 
 than the North — Tlie power of the South to establish and main- 
 tain a separate and independent government against the United 
 North combined — The military strength of the South estimated 
 at six million whites — Her immense resources in case of war. 
 
 " Two hundred and thirty-nine vears have the neffroes 
 in America been held in inhuman bondage. During the 
 ■whole of this long period they have toiled unceasingly, 
 from the gray of dawn till the dusk of eve, for their 
 cruel taskmasters, who have rewarded them with scanty 
 allowances of the most inferior qualities of victuals and 
 clothes, with heartless separations of the tcnderest ties of 
 kindred, with epithets, with scoldings, with execrations, 
 and with the lash — and, not unfrequently, with the fatal 
 bludgeon or the more deadly weapon." (Page 87, Comp.) 
 
 It is very strange indeed, that after the lapse of only 
 
 six years, Mr. Helper's mind should take so great a 
 
 change. We intend to show that Mr, Helper, when 
 
 making use of the above language, contradicts what he 
 
 (06) 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. G7 
 
 said in a book published in 1855. It is very strange tli;it 
 Mr. Helper would make use of the follo\ving, Avhich ho 
 published in a book entitled "The Land of Gold," pub- 
 lished, as I have before stated, in the year 1855, at 
 Baltimore, " by Henry Taylor, Sun Iron Building." 
 
 On pages 275-6-7-8-9, about the middle of page 275, 
 near the top of the page, the writer says thus : — " There 
 are comparatively few negroes in this pew State (Cali- 
 fornia). Most of those who are found here, have emigrated 
 _from the Northern and Eastern States in the capacity of 
 cooks and stewards of vessels. They are in the same 
 situation as their brethren in New York and Massachu- 
 setts, slaves to no single individual, hit to the entire com- 
 onunity. Like free negroes everywhere else, they in- 
 habit the worst parts of the towns in California, and live 
 commonly in characteristic filth and degradation. There 
 are a few blacks from the South, and these have been 
 brought out here as slaves. It is true that on their arrival 
 here, they have the power of claiming their freedom; hut 
 such is their attachment to their masters^ that this is rarely 
 done. Instances have occurred in which they have been 
 enticed away by meddling abolitionists ; but, disgusted 
 •with a freedom which was of no value to them, they have 
 been eager to return again to their masters. Several 
 cases of this kind have come under my own observation. 
 
 " I was personally acquainted with a New Orleans sea- 
 captain and shipowner, who had a very likely negro man 
 named Joe. This slave had acted as his special servant 
 
G8 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 for many years, and had made two or three voyages with 
 him between Shanghai and San Francisco. Ilis conduct 
 Avas entirely unohjectionable, and his duties were always 
 promptly and efficiently discharged. Indeed, the captain 
 informed me that, though he had reared Joe, he never had 
 occasion to whip him for any offense. Others had ob- 
 served the admirable traits of the negro, and several 
 persons had attempted to bu}' him, offering extraordinary 
 prices; but his master, having the highest appreciation of 
 his qualities and a strong personal attachment for him^ 
 positively refused to part with him on any terms. At 
 hist, however, Joe deserted the vessel. An abolitionist 
 had persuaded him to leave his master ; and a short while 
 thereafter he married a Mexican woman — a sort of half- 
 breed — and went off to the mines, near Campo Seco. But 
 he found his freedom unprofitable and troublesome. While 
 in his legitimate station he had always had an easy time, 
 plenty of food and an abundance of clothing. He had 
 also accumulated two or three hundred dollars, which had 
 been given him by his master and others for extra ser- 
 vices. Not long after his marriage with the Mexican 
 ■woman, his money disappeared ; he became penniless, 
 ragged, dejected, and, as a last resort, determined to 
 return to San Fransisco, beg his master's pardon, and, if 
 possible, reinstate himself in the favor of one who had 
 always been his friend. He did return, presented him- 
 self as a suppliant before his master, told him that he had 
 been persuaded to leave, that he was sorry for having 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 69 
 
 done so, and now wislied to enter his service ngain, pro- 
 mising unwavering faithfulness in the future. The master 
 regarded him with a steady gaze until he had finijjhcd his 
 story, and then, in a distinct and dispassionate tone, said 
 to him: 'You had no cause for leaving me; I had 
 always treated you well ; now you may go, I don't want 
 you any longer.' At the conclusion of these words, the 
 negro dropped in despair at his master's feet, and wept 
 like a child. Moved hy the sincerity of the negro's 
 repentance, and having duly considered the extenuating 
 circumstances of the case, the master overlooked his 
 estrangement, set him to work and never had the least 
 difficulty with him afterward. Of his Dulcina, whom it 
 seems he had married in a Laguna dance-house, I know 
 nothing, except the information I gained from Joe him- 
 self, that she left him as soon as his money was gone. 
 
 " One more instance, and I have done with the negroes. 
 A gentleman, and three of his slaves, from the western 
 part of North Carolina, had been mining about two years, 
 near Quartzburg, in Mariposa County. Their efforts 
 having been crowned with success, the master concluded 
 to return home, and, speaking to his slaves of his inten- 
 tion, he told them that they were at liberty to remain in 
 California, where their freedom vrould not be disturbed, 
 and where they would be entitled to the entire proceeds 
 of their labor. To this they replied that the abolitionists 
 had told them that long before, and, after detailing several 
 attempts to decoy them from their owner, and signifying 
 
/ 
 
 70 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 their unwillingness to remain in California, they concluded 
 by requesting their master to take them with him. He 
 consented, paid their passage, and they all returned l;ome 
 in the same vessel. 
 
 " The applicability of slave labor to the soil of Southern 
 California is now becoming a theme of discussion in that 
 region, and it is probuble that the experiment will one day 
 be tried. Indeed, the propriety of dividing the State into 
 Northern and Southern California has already occupied 
 the attention of the legislature ; and, while it is generally 
 admitted that the people are about equally divided upon 
 the measure, it is universally conceded that, in case of its 
 adoption, the Southern portion will establish the laws and 
 institutions of Virginia and Louisiana." 
 
 The writer also says, on page 221 of the same book, in 
 relation to Nicaragua, and its future, as follows: — • 
 
 "Nicaragua can never fulfill its destiny until it intro- 
 duces negro slavery. Nothing but slave labor can ever 
 subdue its forests or cultivate its untimbered lands. White 
 men may live upon its soil, with an umbrella in one hand 
 and a fan in the other ; hut they can never unfold or de- 
 velop its resources. May we not safely conclude that negro 
 slavery will be introduced into this country before the 
 lapse of many years ? We think so. The tendency of 
 events fully warrants this inference." Page 221 Land 
 
 of Gold. 
 
 "Oh, Consistency, thou art a jewel!" 
 
 The question has often been asked, What are the capa- 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 71 
 
 bilities of the South? Upon this point wc ask to bo heard 
 with attention. We have, ah'eady, an immense line of 
 railroad, and an equally extensive line of steamboats in 
 successful operation, and thousands of miles more pro- 
 jected. Wo have capacious ports and harbors strung 
 along the Atlantic coast from the Gulf of iMexico to the 
 Chesapeake and Delaware Bays, including sounds and 
 rivers to head of tide, amounting to 23,803 miles, and 
 more than doubling those of the North, of which Helper 
 now delights to boast ! Our inland water communications 
 are unequalled. Look at the following tables, and tell us, 
 does the South lack facilities for commercial intercourse ? 
 And any person who has witnessed the proceedings of the 
 various legislatures of the Southern States, will see that 
 they have passed bills for their improvement, and are es- 
 tablishins; lines of steamboaLs between them and foreign 
 ports. 
 
 Tables sJiowing the shore line of States on the Atlantic coast and Gulf 
 of Mexico, 
 
 NORTHERN STATES. .zt a-r^l 
 
 ; S S ?> -a s ?> ■« - '^ 
 
 7T. ^ 
 
 O) i cS OS 
 
 3Iili-s. Miles. Miles. Miles. Miles. 
 
 Maino 427 1,599 427 2,026 2,453 
 
 New Hampshire 13 37 24 50 74 
 
 Massachusetts 2t)9 8G5 832 1,074 1,90S 
 
 Rhode Island 55 153 232 208 440 
 
 Connecticut 14 239 1,074 253 1,327 
 
 New York 114 886 1,057 1,000 2,057 
 
 New Jersey 118 702 151 820 971 
 
 Pennsylvania 106 106 
 
 Total Northern, Miles 9,334 
 
72 
 
 HELPER S IMPENDTNCx CRISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 00 _ K ^ Co 
 
 C '^ %' • >'S 
 
 SOUTHERN STATES. I"? I ^"3 =| 
 
 r- f ?- rz => F 2 
 
 1^ I ?" 1^ 
 
 Miles. Miles. Miles. 
 
 Delaware 29 136 506 
 
 Maryland 44 1,008 3,401 
 
 Virginia 148 735 l,{;itO 
 
 North Carolina 299 1,549 932 
 
 South Carolina 192 356 708 
 
 Georgia 76 410 468 
 
 Florida 1,020 3,005 860 
 
 Alabama 33 284 313 
 
 Mississippi 42 206 137 
 
 Louisiana 616 1,595 936 
 
 Texas 353 1,284 432 
 
 Total Southern, Miles 
 
 li^s ii 5 5 
 f si 
 
 a 
 MilM. 
 
 1G5 
 1,052 
 
 883 
 1,848 
 
 548 
 
 486 
 4,025 
 
 317 
 
 248 
 2,211 
 1,637 
 
 Up' 
 
 671 
 4,453 
 2,573 
 2,780 
 1,256 
 
 954 
 4,885 
 
 630 
 
 3S5 
 3.147 
 2,069 
 
 .23,803 
 
 Number of harbors in the different States on the coast, and the principal onei 
 
 on rivers to the head of tide. (^Incomplete ) 
 
 Number of harbors iiiot 
 STATES. (NORTriER.X.) iucludiug all iipou rivers). 
 
 Maine 52 
 
 New Hampshire 3 
 
 Massachusetts 51 
 
 Rhode Island 7 
 
 Connecticut 32 
 
 New York 27 
 
 New Jersey 14 
 
 Penusvlvania 3 
 
 Total 189 
 
 Number of liarbors ("not 
 ST.\TES. (SOUTHERN.) incUuliu- ;il| upou river:*). 
 
 Delaware ,„ , 3 
 
 Maryland 11 
 
 Virginia 22 
 
 North Carolina ,. 52 
 
 South Carolina , 21 
 
 Georgia 15 
 
 Florida (^^j 
 
 Alabama 4 
 
 Mississippi 10 
 
 Louisiana 33 
 
 Texas,,,.. 12 
 
 Total 249 
 
HELPERS IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. la 
 
 The table of harbors is incomplete, but the full table 
 "will only increase the number of those of the South, and 
 show her still greater relative superiority. With railroads 
 and rivers traversing every portion of her territory, — witii 
 safe and ample harbors indenting her coasts, and with 
 thousands of miles of her shores -washed by the ocean, 
 ■what does the South lack in the way of facilities for trans- 
 portation ? Nothing, literally. If, then, the South shall 
 be forced to establish a separate and independent govern- 
 ment, by the continual aggressions of the North, would her 
 geographical position shut her out from intercourse with 
 the world ? No ! verily, she is throughout her whole ex- 
 tent, by the act of God, in contract with the commercial 
 world. 
 
 Our coal and iron, copper, lead, zinc, and other valuable 
 minerals, are exhaustless; and the produce of an empire 
 can now most readily be entered at any port in the South, 
 
 But with us, in the South, "Cotton is King;" and, in 
 the language of Prof. De Boav, " It is the cotton-bale that 
 makes the treaties of the world, and binds over the nations 
 to keep the peace." 
 
 Behind the cotton-bale, in time of war, our armies take 
 shelter, while in time of peace our cotton-bales employ the 
 shipping of at least half the American commerce, feed the 
 looms and spindles of the entire North, adding to all the 
 •wealth and opulence enjoyed by their great marts. And 
 while we enjoy the right of Ilamatic servitude guarantied 
 to us hy the ffojjsfitidion of our country, and by the Di- 
 7 
 
74 helper's impexding crlsis dissected. 
 
 vine laws of God, with our superior soil and genial climate, 
 no conipetitiun on earth will be able to stand before us. 
 
 And these rights we intend to enjoj'-, or to a man we 
 ■will die, strunn; alon<2; Mason & Dixon's line, with our faces 
 looking North. Leave us in the peaceable possession of 
 our slaves, and our Northern neighbors may have all the 
 paupers and convicts that pour in upon us from European 
 prisons, the getters up of " hunger meetings" at the North, 
 and the propagators of the most irreligious and impious 
 "isms" of the da3^ The productive wealth of the South, 
 'her agricultural and mineral resources, her population and 
 extent of territory, are greatly underrated by the politi- 
 cians of tlie North, and the reckless agitators of the slavery 
 question, such as Seward, Chase, Giddings & Co. Tiiere 
 are nine hundred and twenty-nine thousand square miles 
 in the South, — an area as large as that covered by Great 
 Britain, France, Austria, Prussia, and Spain. The North, 
 even after the admission of the two large territories of 
 Kansas and Minnesota, will fall more than one hundred 
 thousand square miles short of the South. This does 
 not include the territory west of the Rocky Mountains, 
 •which will never come in antagonism with the South. 
 There arc 12,000,000 of inhabitants in the slaveholding 
 States of this Unioji, and of this number 4,000,000 arc 
 slaves ; and their aggregate value, at present prices, will 
 amount to $170,000,000. This item of Southern wealth 
 Helper left out of his calculations, or willfully lied. This 
 gives us an aggregate population larger tlian that of Great 
 
IIELPEll S IMPENDTNO CRISIS DISSECTED. 75 
 
 Britain wlien slic struggled against Napoleon and the com- 
 bined armies of Europe. 
 
 The population of the slaveholding States of this Con- 
 federacy is five times that of the united Continental Colo- 
 nies. It is three times that of Sweden and Norway, and 
 greater than that of Belgium, Portugal, Holland, Den- 
 mark, Switzerland, and Greece combined. We have a 
 population five times as large as that which conquered our 
 independence, and a thousand-fold as strong. We have 
 1,000,000 of men upon our muster-rolls. At any time, 
 upon short notice, the South can raise, equip, and maintain 
 in the field, a larger force than any power on earth can 
 send against her ; men, too, brought up on horseback and 
 in active life, with guns in their hands, — men who will not 
 desert their colors, as some of the Northern men have done 
 in Mexico and elsewhere ! 
 
 Note. — Helper stole three liunrlred dollars from his employer, a 
 bookseller at Raleigh, North Carolina, and lied from the South. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 Helper's iguorance of the feelings of tlie iion-slaveliolding popula- 
 tion of the South to their country — The negroes of the South 
 true to their masters — The proofs given at Harper's Ferry — Not 
 a slave attempted to run away — The South have no fears of the 
 uprising of the negroes — How the negroes aided their masters 
 to repel the British under Lord Cornwallis, and at New Orleans — 
 Report of the Virginia Legislature on tlie Harper's Ferry outrage. 
 
 " Hexcefoiitii, sirs, v/e arc demandants, jiot suppliants. 
 We demand our rights, notliing more, nothing less. It is 
 for you to decide whether we are to have justice peaceably 
 or by violence, for whatever consequences may follow, we 
 are determined to have it one way or the other. Do you 
 aspire to become the victims of white ??o/i-slaveholding ven- 
 geance by day, and of barbarous massacre by the negroes 
 at night? Would you be instrumental in bringing upon 
 yourselves, your wives, and your children, a fate too 
 horrible to contemplate ? Shall history cease to cite as 
 an instance of unexampled cruelty, the massacre of St. 
 Bartholomew, because the world — the South — shall have 
 furnished a more direful scene of atrocity and carnage?" 
 — Helper s Book, page 128. 
 
 Such are the incendiary words put forth by this miser- 
 able seawp — Helper — and cTidorsed by sixty-eight mem- 
 
 (Tr.) 
 
helper's impexdixg cni.sis dissected. 77 
 
 bcrs of Congress. We think that Mr. Helper must h.ivo 
 intended to put a part of the above in another work he 
 was writing in defense of the South, and advocating slave 
 extension as he did in his^^ Land of (roZt?;" * but who 
 being detected in stealing, was cut short in writing it by 
 having to leave the State or go to prison. Mr. Helper 
 professes to be a native of the South ; but we are of 
 opinion that Southern soil never gave birth to so great a 
 liar and rascal. And yet he says (pretending to have a 
 great deal of knowledge of the South) that we will 
 " become the victims of white ?io?i-slaveholding vengeance 
 by day, and of barbarous massacre by the negroes at 
 night." On page 148 of his work, Helper fixes the 
 number of slaveholders at 186,551, and the non-slave- 
 holders at 824 603, leaving a majority in favor of the 
 non-slaveholders, thus giving them the power to control 
 us. In their hands lie the perpetuity of slavery, and if 
 the non-slaveholders at the South were to close their 
 hands on us, the institution of slavery would be eternally 
 crushed out. But we have never heard that portion of 
 our community complain of the institution of slavery as a 
 curse, never have they complained of the loss of a single 
 right ; but, on the contrary, they are the warmest sup- 
 porters that the institution of slavery has. 
 
 We can assure Mr. Helper and his followers (the 
 "Black" Republicans) that- wo have no fear for our safety 
 
 * Mr. Helper wrote a work in 1855, entitled, " Tlie Land of 
 Gold," that advocated the extension of slavery. 
 
78 lIELPELl'S IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 from the so-callc>l " vengeance of the non-shivehohlors hy 
 day, and of barbarous massacre by the negroes at night." 
 We have no such fears. But we are of opinion that this 
 man Helper has very much overrated himself and laid the 
 above (as we believe he thinks) ^'■fiattering unction to his 
 soul," which will never be fulfilled, for "John Brown" 
 attempted to carry out a part of the platform as laid 
 down in the book of this traitor, thief, and liar, viz. : 
 "What our noble sires of the Revolution left unfinished, 
 it is our duty to complete," page 95. "John Brown" 
 labored under the same blind and fatal belief that the 
 non-slaveholding whites and the free negroes, together 
 with the slaves, would rise on a moment's warning, and 
 murder, rob, and burn all in the name of Freedom. 
 
 But alas ! this poor, miserable, deluded wretch was 
 doomed to meet a sad end. lie found that the non- 
 slaveholders and the free negroes, together with the 
 slaves, would not rise in rebellion, and murder their 
 masters. But John Brown, when he found this out it 
 was too late to make amends, fought the harder to effect 
 his escape ; but failed, was tried, found guilty after 
 a full and fair trial, and hung together with his confeder- 
 ates. 
 
 For the history of the manner in which the slave popu- 
 lation behaved during the excitement at Harper's Ferry 
 at a time, if they chose, they could have obtained their 
 freedom^ we would refer the reader to the following 
 extracts from the " Report of the Joint Committee of the 
 
helper's IMPENDIXa CRISIS DISSECTED. 79 
 
 General Asserablj of Virginia on the Ilaf-pcr's Ferry 
 Outrage, January 2(3th, 1800, Doc. No. XXXI., which 
 also contains some useful as 'well as valuable information 
 on the slavery question, and we offer it without comment. 
 It speaks for itself : — 
 
 "During the first night of the attack, and before the 
 citizens of the town Avere apprized of the danger, a band 
 of the conspirators, among whom were Cook and Ilazlitt, 
 were sent to the rendezvous in Maryland, with wagons and 
 teams, and several slaves whom they had pressed into ser- 
 vice, to bring off the rifles, pistols, and pikes which had 
 been collected at that point. But when they received in- 
 formation of the condition of their confederates at Harper's 
 Ferry, they abandoned their purpose and fled to the moun- 
 tains, and made their escape. The slaves availed them- 
 selves of the first opportunity to return to their masters, 
 and a body of troops, sent for that purpose, visited the 
 rendezvous and brought off the wagons and arms. 
 
 " But, in the opinion of your committee, this is but a 
 single and comparatively unimportant chapter in the his- 
 tory of this outrage. They would cheerfully have under- 
 taken the task of investigating the subject, in all its rela- 
 tions and ramifications, if they had possessed the power to 
 compel the attendance of witnesses who reside beyond tlie 
 limits of the Commonwealth; but having no such power, 
 they are constrained to leave that branch of the investiga- 
 tion in the hands of the committee of the Senate of the 
 United States. Your committee have no hesitation, how- 
 
80 helper's impendinq ckisis dissected. 
 
 ever, in expressing tlie opinion, from tlic eviilence before 
 them, that many others hesides the parties directly engaged 
 in the raid at Harper's Fcrr}', are deeply implicated, as 
 aiders and abettors, and accessories before the fact, v.'itli 
 full knowledge of the guilty purposes of their confederates. 
 Some of these, like Gerrit Smith of New York, Dr. S. G. 
 
 Howe of Boston, Sanborn, and Thaddeus Hyatt of 
 
 New York, and probably others, are represented to have 
 held respectable positions in society; but whatever may 
 have been their social standing heretofore, they must 
 henceforth, in the esteem of all good men, be branded as 
 the guilty confederates of thieves, murderers and traitors. 
 
 " The evidence before your committee is sufficient to 
 show the existence, in a number of Northern States, of a 
 wide-spread conspiracy, not merely against Virginia, but 
 against the peace and security of all the Southern States. 
 But the careful erasure of names and dates from many of 
 the papers found in Brown's possession, renders it difficult 
 to procure legal evidence of the guilt of the parties im- 
 plicated. The conviction of the existence of such a con- 
 spiracy is deepened by the sympathy with the culprits 
 which has been manifested by large numbers of persons in 
 the Northern States, and by the disposition which your 
 committee are satisfied did exist, to rescue them from the 
 custody of the law. 
 
 "Near five hundred letters, addressed to Governor "Wise, 
 after the arrest of Brown and his confederates, have been 
 inspected by your committee. Many of these were anony- 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 81 
 
 mous, and evidently ■written in bad faith ; but the greater 
 number were genuine letters, apparently from respectable 
 sources. In some instances, the authors professed to state 
 from their own knowdedge ; and in others, from informa- 
 tion which they credited, that there were organizations on 
 foot, in various States and neighborhoods, to effect the 
 rescue of Brown and his associates; and they therefore 
 urged the Governor to concentrate a sufficient military 
 force about Charlestown (the county seat of Jeficrson) to 
 frustrate all such purposes. Sev£ral ministers of the gos- 
 pel, and other citizens, wdio valued the peace and harmony 
 of the country, appealed to Governor Wise, as a measure 
 of humanity, and to save the effusion of blood, to assemble 
 such a body of troops around the prison as would intimi- 
 date the sympathizers from attempting a rescue. They 
 justly foresaw that even an abortive attempt, attended 
 with l(jss of life, would, in all probability, be followed by 
 disastrous consequences to the peace of the country. 
 
 " Pending tlie trials, and after the conviction of the pri- 
 soners, a great many letters were received by the Gover- 
 nor from citizens of Northern States, urging him to pardon 
 the offenders, or to commute their punishment. Some of 
 them were written in a spirit of menace, threatening his 
 life, and that of members of his family, if he should fail 
 to comply with their demands. Others gave notice of the 
 purpose of resolute bands of desperadoes to fire the prin- 
 cipal towns and cities of Virginia, and thus obtain revenge 
 by destroying the property and lives of our citizens. 
 
82 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 Others appealed to his clernency, to his magnaninjitj, and 
 to his hopes of future political promotion, as presenting 
 motives for his intervention in behalf of the convicted 
 felons. Another class (and among these Avere letters from 
 men of national reputation) besought him to pardon them 
 on the ground of public policy. The writers professed to 
 be thoroughly informed as to the condition of public senti- 
 ment in the North, and represented it as so favorable to 
 the pardon or commutation of punishment of the prison- 
 ers, as to render it highly expedient, if not neccssarj'-, to 
 interpose the Executive prerogative of mercy, to conciliate 
 this morbid popular opinion in the Nortli. 
 
 "This invasion of a sovereign State by citizens of other 
 States, confederated "O'ith subjects of a foreign govern- 
 ment, presents matter for grave consideration. It is an 
 event without a parallel in the history of our country. 
 And when we remember that the incursion was marked by 
 distinct geographical features — that it was made by citi- 
 zens of Northern States on a Southern Stnte — that all the 
 countenance and encouragement which it received, and all 
 the material aid which was extended to it, were by citizens 
 of Northern States, and that its avowed object was to 
 make war upon and overthrow an institution intimately 
 interwoven with all the interests of the Southern States, 
 and constituting an essential element of their social and 
 political systems — an institution which has existed in Vir- 
 ginia for more than two centuries, and which is recognized 
 and guaranteed by the mutual covenants between tlie 
 
iiELPKii's i.mpl:ndixo ciirsis dissected. 83 
 
 Nortli and the Soutli, embodied in the Constitution of tlie 
 United States — every thouglitful mind must be filled with 
 deep concern and anxiety for the future peace and secu- 
 rity of the country. 
 
 " The subject of slavery has, from time to time, consti- 
 tuted a disturbing element in our political sj^stcm, from 
 the foundation of our confederated republic. At the date 
 of the declaration of our national independence, slavery 
 existed in every colony of the confederation. It had been 
 introduced by the mother country, against the wishes and 
 remonstrances of the colonies. It is true that in the more 
 Northern members of the confederation the number of 
 slaves was small ; but the institution was recognized and 
 protected by the laws of all the colonies. If, then, there 
 be any thing in the institution of slavery at war Avith the 
 laws of God or the rights of humanity, (which we deny,) 
 the sin attaches to Great Britain as its founder, and to all 
 the original thirteen States of the confederacy, as havinn- 
 given to it their sanction and support. 
 
 " Shortly after the Declaration of Independence, the 
 Northern States adopted prospective measures to relieve 
 themselves of the African population. But it is a great 
 mistake to suppose that their policy, in this particular, was 
 prompted by any spirit of philanthropy or tender regard 
 for the welfare of the negro race. On the contrary, it 
 was dictated by an enlightened self-interest, yielding obe- 
 dience to overruling laws of social economy. Experience 
 had shown that the African race were not adapted to high 
 
84 helper's IMrENDiXG CRISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 Nortliern latitudes, and that slave labor could not compete 
 successfully with free white labor in those pursuits to v.liich 
 the industry of the Isorth was directed. This discovery 
 having been made, the people of the North, at an early 
 day, began to dispose of their slaves by sale to citizens of 
 the Southern States, whose soil, climate, and productions 
 were better adapted to their habits and capacities; and the 
 legislation of the Northern States, following the course of 
 public opinion, was directed not to emancipation, but to 
 the removal of the slave population beyond their limits. 
 To elTect this object, they adopted a system of laws which 
 provided, prospectively, that all children born of female 
 slaves, within their jurisdiction, after certain specified 
 dates, should be held free when they attained a given age. 
 No law can be found on the statute book of any Northern 
 State, which conferred the boon of freedom on a single 
 slave in being. All who were slaves remained slaves. 
 Freedom was secured only to the children of slaves, born 
 after the days designated in the laws ; and it was secured 
 t^ them only in the contingency that the owner of the 
 female slave should retain her within the jurisdiction of 
 the State until after the child was born. To secure free- 
 dom to the afterborn child, therefore, it was necessary 
 that the consent of the master, indicated by his permitting 
 the mother to remain in the State, should be superadded 
 to the provisions of the law. "Without such consent the 
 law would have been inoperative, because the mother, be- 
 fore the birth of the child, might, at the will of the master, 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 85 
 
 be removed beyond the jurisdiction of the law. There was 
 no legal prohibition of such removal, for such a prohibition 
 would have been at war with the policy of the law, v.hich 
 v/us obviously removal and not emancipation. The effect 
 of this legislation was, as might have readily been fore- 
 seen, to induce the owners of female slaves to sell them to 
 the planters of the South before the time arrived when the 
 forfeiture of the offspring would accrue. Ey these laws a 
 wholesale slave trade was inaugurated, under which a large 
 proportion of the slaves of the Northern States were sold 
 to persons residing south of Pennsylvania ; and it is an 
 unquestionable fact, that a largfe number of the slaves of 
 the Southern States are the descendants of those sold by 
 Northern men to citizens of the South, with covenants of 
 general warranty of title to them and their increase. 
 
 "As early as 1778, Virginia, foreseeing the influx of 
 slaves from the North, under the operation of natural 
 causes and of anticipated legislation, sought to guard her- 
 self against its effects by stringent prohibitory enactments. 
 With this view, in that year, she passed a law forbidding 
 the importation of slaves into Virginia by land or sea, 
 under penalty of ^£1,000 for each slave so imported, and 
 the forfeiture of the right to the slave. The only excep- 
 tions made by the law, were in favor of hona fide immi- 
 grants bringing their slaves with them, and persons ac- 
 quiring title to slaves in other States by descent, devise, 
 or marriage. See 9 Hen. Stat. 471-2. This law remained 
 
86 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 in force until the revisal of 1819, -^vlien it was dropped 
 from the Code as unnecessary. 
 
 " In the more Northern States, slavery ceased to exist 
 shortly after the Revolution. As early as 177-1, it was 
 provided by law in Rhode Island that all the offspring of 
 female slaves born after 178-1 should be free. Under the 
 influence of natural civises, it also became practically ex- 
 tinct, about the date of the Revolution, in Vermont, New 
 Hampshire, and Massachusetts. A few slaves, however, 
 lingered in those States until after the adoption of their 
 respective constitutions, when, under the operation of 
 their declarations of rights, those who thought proper to 
 assert a claim to freedom obtained it. The judicial deci- 
 sion of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, by which sla- 
 very in that State became extinct, was pronounced in the 
 case of Littleton v. Tuttle, in lli'6. Chief Justice Par- 
 sons, in delivering the opinion of the Court in Winchedou 
 V. Hatfield, 4 Mass. 11. 127, says, ' Slavery was introduced 
 into this country soon after its first settlement, and was 
 tolerated until the ratification of the present Constitution, 
 (2d March, 1780.) The slave was the property of his 
 master, subject to his orders, to reasonable correction for 
 misbehavior, was transferable like a chattel by gift or 
 sale, and was assets in the hands of his executor or ad- 
 ministrator. If the master was guilty of a cruel or un- 
 reasonable castigation of his slave, he was liable to be 
 punished for a breach of the peace, and I believe the 
 slave was allowed to demand sureties of the peace from a 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 87 
 
 violent and barbarous master, — which generally caused 
 a sale to another master. And the issue of the female 
 slave, according to the maxim of the civil lav>^, was the 
 property of her master. Under these regulations, the 
 treatment of slaves Avas in general mild and humane, and 
 they suffered hardships not greater than hired servants.' " 
 
 Notwithstanding the Massachusetts Declaration of 
 Rights in 1780, slavery seems to have continued for some 
 years in that State. The following brief report of the 
 case of Littleton v. Tuttle is appended to Judge Parsons' 
 opinion in the case of Winchedon v. Hatfield : — 
 
 " ' This was an action of assumpsit for money expended 
 by the plaintiffs for the support and maintenance of Jacob, 
 alias Cato, a negro and a pauper. Upon the general issue 
 pleaded, the following facts were proved to the jury : Cato's 
 father, named Scipio, was reputed a negro slave when Cato 
 was born, and, according to the then general usage and 
 opinion, was the property of Nathan Chase, an inhabitant 
 of Littleton. Cato's mother, named Violet, was a negro 
 in the same reputed condition, and the property of Joseph 
 ILarwood. Scipio and Violet were lawfully married and 
 had issue, Cato, who was born in Littleton, January 1,8th, 
 1773, and was there, in the general opinion, a slave, the 
 property of the said Ilarwood, as the owner of his mother. 
 Harwood, on the 17th February, 1771?, sold him to the 
 defendant (Tuttle), who retained him in his service until 
 he was 21 years old. lie being then a cripple and unable 
 to labor, the defendant delivered him to the overseers of 
 
88 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 the poor of Littleton, and left Lim T\'ith them, refusin:r tc 
 make any provision for him ; whereupon the overseers 
 expended the money in his maintenance for which this 
 action was brought. 
 
 " ' The court stopped the defendant's counsel from re- 
 plying, and the chief justice charged the jury, as the 
 unanimous opinion of th* court, that Cato, being born in 
 this country, was born free, and that the defendant was 
 not chargeable for his support after he was 21 years of 
 age.' 
 
 " It thus appears that slavery ceased to exist in Massa- 
 chusetts, not by legislative action, but by the operation 
 of a judicial decision rendered in 179G, by w^hich a con- 
 struction was placed on certain provisions of her Declara- 
 tion of Rights, which is very different from the interpreta- 
 tion which similar provisions have received in other parts 
 of the confederacy. The clause referred to is in these 
 words : ' All men are born free and equal, and have cer- 
 tain natural, essential and unalienable rights ; among 
 which may be reckoned the right of enjoying and defend- 
 ing their lives and liberties ; and that of acquiring, pos- 
 sessing and protecting property ; in fine, that of seeking 
 and obtaining their safety and happiness.' It is obvious, 
 also, that this provision of the Declaration of Rights could 
 not have been regarded as necessarily conferring the right 
 to freedom on the slave population ; for if such had been 
 the opinion generally entertained, it would not have re- 
 mained inoperative for sixteen years. 
 
helper's impending crisls dissected. 89 
 
 " Pennsylvfinia passed her first act for the removal of 
 shivery 1st March, 1780 — New Jersey in 178-1 — Connecti- 
 cut in 1784, and New York in 1788 ; but these hiws were 
 very gradual in their operation, for the Census tables dis- 
 close the fact that in 1790 there were 158 slaves in Nev/ 
 Hampshire and 17 in Vermont, and much larger numbers 
 in the other States. As late as 1830 there were slaves in 
 every New England State except Vermont. 
 
 " It thus appears that each State has claimed and exer- 
 cised the right to regulate its own domestic institutions, 
 according to its own pleasure, without let or hindrance 
 from the other States. 
 
 "At the time the federal Constitution was adopted, the 
 whole number of slaves, in all the States north of Dela- 
 ware, was 40,370, of whom three-fourths were found in 
 New York and New Jersey, and it was well known to every 
 one, that in a few years the institution would cease to ex- 
 ist in all the Northern States. 
 
 "At this date, the African slave trade existed in full 
 vigor, and the importation of slaves into some of the States 
 was tolerated, whilst in others it was strictly prohibited 
 under heavy penalties. 
 
 " When, in pursuance of the invitation given by Vir- 
 ginia to her sister States, to send delegates to a conven- 
 tion, to form a more perfect Union, that body assembled, 
 these diversities in the institutions and interests of the 
 Northern and Southern States, which it was foreseen would 
 tend progressively to increase, naturally attracted atten- 
 8* 
 
90 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 tion, and were the subject of grave and anxious delibera- 
 tion. 
 
 The first form in which the slavery question presented 
 itself to the framers of the Constitution, was in regard 
 to the relation of the slave population to taxation and 
 representation. This question was adjusted witliout 
 much debate, to the satisfaction of all parties, in con- 
 formity with the rule previously established in the 
 Continental Congress, by a compromise, which stipu- 
 lated that three-fifths of the slave-population should 
 be counted in establishing the ratio of representation, and 
 in the imposition of direct taxes. The vote by States on 
 this proposition stood: Ayes — Massachusetts, Connecti- 
 cut, New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North 
 Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia — 9. Nays — New 
 Jersey and Delaware — 2. Elliott's Debates, vol. 1, p. 203. 
 
 " The next aspect in which the subject arose was in re- 
 gard to the suppression of the African slave trade ; and 
 here again the subject of difference was settled in a wise 
 spirit of conciliation and mutual concession. 
 
 " The proposition originally reported to the convention 
 w^as in these words : ' The migration or importation of such 
 persons as the several States now existing shall think pro- 
 per to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Legislature 
 prior to the year 1800, but a tax or duty may be imposed 
 on such migration or importation at a rate not exceeding 
 the average of the duties levied on imports.' Elliott's 
 Debates, vol. 1, p. 292. On the 25th of August, 1787, it 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected, 01 
 
 vras moved to amend the report, by striking out the wordg 
 ' the year eighteen hundred,' and inserting the words, ' the 
 year eighteen hundred and ciglit,' ■which passed in the 
 affirmative : Yeas — New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Con 
 necticut, Maryhind, North Carolina, South Carolina and 
 Georgia — 7. Nays — New Jersey, I'cnnsylvania, Dela- 
 ware and Virginia — 4. Rhode Island and New York did 
 not vote on the question. Thus it appears that New 
 Hampshire, Massachusetts and Connecticut voted to pro- 
 long the period during Avhich the slave trade should be 
 allowed. 
 
 " On the question to agree to the first part of the report 
 as amended, viz : ' The migration or importation of such 
 persons as the several States now existing shall think pro- 
 per to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Legislature 
 prior to the year 1808,' it passed in the affirmative: Yeas 
 — New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland, 
 North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia — 7. Nays — 
 New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Virginia — 4. 
 Elliott's Debates, vol. 1, pp. 295-6. 
 
 " The course of Virginia on this subject, it is well known, 
 ■was dictated by no friendly feeling to the African slave 
 trade. She had prohibited it by her own laws as early as 
 1778, and George Mason, one of her delegates to the fed- 
 eral convention, refused to give his sanction to the Consti- 
 tution, among other reasons, because it failed to place an 
 immediate interdict on the African trade. 
 
 " The third and last form in which the subject of slavery 
 
92 helper's impeinPIXg cnisis dissected. 
 
 was consiilercd Ly tlie convention, was in reference to the 
 sui'render of fugitive slaves. The provision on this sub- 
 ject came up for consiJei-ation on the 29th of August, 
 1787. It was in these words: 'If an^' person be bound 
 to service or labor in anj part of the United States, and 
 shall escape into another State, he or she shall not be dis- 
 charged from such service or labor, in consequence of any 
 regulation subsisting in the State to which they shall 
 escape, but shall be delivered up to the person justly claim- 
 ing their service or labor.' 
 
 "The propriety and justice of this provision were so 
 obvious, that it was adopted by the unanimous vote of the 
 convention. Elliott's Debates, vol. 1, p. 303. 
 
 " Your committee have thus reviewed the history of all 
 the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, 
 which have a direct bearing on the subject of slavery, and 
 it will be seen that on every point they are of the mo^t 
 diritinct and imperative character. They are in the nature 
 of formal covenants. These covenants constituted the 
 consideration for which the Southern States agreed to 
 make concessions on their part, intended for the public 
 good. Without these covenants oiv the part of the 
 Northern States, the Constitution could not have been 
 formed or adopted. A wise and patriotic conciliation 
 pervaded the councils of the convention, Avhich secured 
 harmony in all their deliberations, and a unanimous vote 
 in favor of the Constitution. 
 
 " When their work was accomplished, by order of the 
 
helper's impending CllISlS DISSECTED. 93 
 
 convention it was submitted to the Continental Congress, 
 accompanied by a letter from George Washington, which 
 is so replete with just and patriotic sentiments, and so 
 instructive as to the motives by which the convention was 
 guided, that your committee cannot forbear to make some 
 extracts from it. Tliis letter, addressed to his excellency, 
 the President of Congress, was approved September 17, 
 1787, by unanimous order of the convention. 
 
 "'It is obviously impracticable,' writes this wisest and 
 most pati-iotic of statesmen, 'in the federal government 
 of these States, to secure all rights of independent sove- 
 reignty to each, and yet provide for the interest and safety 
 of all. Individuals entering into r:ociety must give up a 
 share of liberty to preserve the rest. The magnitude of 
 the sacrifice must depend as well on situation and circum- 
 stances as on the object to be obtained. It is at all times 
 difficult to draw, with precision, the line betv.-een those 
 rights which must be surrendered and those which may be 
 reserved; and on the present occasion, this difficulty was 
 increased by a difference among the several States as to 
 their situation, extent, habits, and particular interests. 
 
 "'In all our deliberations on this subject, we kept 
 steadily in our viov that which appears to us the greatest 
 interest of every true American — the consolidation of our 
 Union — in which is involved our property, felicity, safety, 
 perhaps our national existence. This important considera- 
 tion, seriously and deeply impressed on our minds, led 
 each State in the convention to be less rigid on points of 
 
94. helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 inferior magnitude than might have been otherwise 
 expected ; and thus the Constitution which we now present 
 is the result of a spirit of amity, and of that mutual 
 deference and concession which the peculiarity of our 
 political situation rendered indispensable. 
 
 '"That it will meet the full and entire approbation of 
 every State, is not, perhaps to be expected ; but each Avill 
 doubtless consider that, had her interest been alone con- 
 sulted, the consequences might have been particularly dis- 
 agreeable or injurious to others ; that it is liable to as few 
 exceptions as could reasonably have been expected, we 
 hope and believe ; that it may promote the lasting welfare 
 of that country so dear to us all, and secure her freedom 
 and happiness, is our most ardent wish.' 
 
 " It is doubtless true, that the Constitution was not, in 
 all its details, acceptable to a single State represented in 
 the convention. But it embodied the results of their 
 joint counsels, governed by a spirit of concord and amity, 
 in obedience to which each State agreed to make some 
 concessions for the common good. 
 
 "The first Census was taken in the year 1790, and from 
 that time to the present, the constitutional covenant in 
 regard to the computation of three-fifths of the slave 
 population, in ascertaining the ratio of representation, 
 has been faithfully and honestly observed. 
 
 "In 1807, a law was passed by Congress, in conformity 
 with the provisions of the Constitution, prohibiting the 
 slave trade after the 1st of January, 1808. No attempt 
 
helper's impending CIIISIS DISSHCTEt). 05 
 
 was made to pass such a law before the day indicated by 
 the Constitution, and therefore that covenant was also 
 performed with scrupulous fidelity. 
 
 " In 1793, Congress, in obedience to the mandate of 
 the Constitution, enacted a law providing for the rendition 
 of fugitives from labor. This act was defective in many 
 of its provisions, but in consequence of the spirit of fra- 
 ternity and justice Avhich pervaded the minds of the people 
 of all portions of the Union, in the earlier and better 
 days of the republic, no practical inconvenience resulted 
 from the imperfections in the law. As a striking illus- 
 tration of the just sentiments which prevailed shortly after 
 the government of the United States went into practical 
 operation, your committee take pleasure in referring to 
 the patriotic action of the State of Vermont. In 1786, 
 that State had passed a penal law to prevent the sale and 
 transportation of negroes and raulattoes out of the State. 
 See Ilaswell, cd. 117. But immediately upon her admis- 
 sion into the Union she repealed it, because it was sup- 
 posed to be in conflict with the section of the Constitution 
 of the United States in regard to the surrender of fugi- 
 tives from labor. 
 
 In 1802, the subject of the duty of the States under 
 the federal Constitution was referred to in the Supreme 
 Court of Vermont, and the judges availed themselves of 
 the occasion to give expression to sentiments which deserve 
 to be deeply impressed on the hearts of the people of all 
 sections. Judge Tyler remarked, ' With respect to what 
 
06 helper's IMPEXDIXa CllISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 has been observed on the Constitution and laws of the 
 Union, I will observe that whoever views attentively the 
 Constitution of the United States, wliile he admires the 
 wisdom which framed it, will perceive that in order to 
 unite the interests of a numerous people, inhabiting a 
 broad extent of territory, and possessing, from education 
 and habits, different modes of thinking on important 
 subjects, it was necessary to make numerous provisions in 
 favor of local prejudices, and so to construct the Consti- 
 tution, and so to enact the laws made under it, that the 
 rights or supposed rights of all should be secured througli- 
 out the whole national domain. In compliance with the 
 spirit of this Constitution, upon our admission into the 
 federal Union, the statute laws of this State were revised, 
 and a penal act, which was supposed to mihtate against 
 the third member of the second section of the 4th article 
 of the Constitution of the United States, was repealed ; 
 and if cases shall happen in which our local sentiments 
 and feelings may be violated, yet I trust that the goo<l 
 people of Vermont will, on all such occasions, submit with 
 cheerfulness to the national Constitution and laws, which, 
 if we may v.ish, in some particular, more congenial to our 
 modes of thinking, yet we must be sensible are productive 
 of numerous and rich blessings to us as individuals, and 
 to the State as an integral part of the Union.' 
 
 " Chief Justice Jonathan Robinson, spoke as follows : 
 ' I concur fully in opinion with the Assistant Judge. I 
 shall always respect the Constitution and laws of the 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 97 
 
 Union ; and though it may sometimes be a reluctant, yet 
 I shall always render a prompt obedience to them, fully 
 sensible that ivhile I reverence a Constitution and laws 
 ■which favor the opinions and prejudices of the citizens of 
 other sections of the Union, the same Constitution- and 
 laws contain also provisions which are favorable to our 
 peculiar opinions and prejudices, and which may possibly 
 be ef^ually irreconcilable with the sentiments of the 
 inhabitants of other States, as the very idea of slavery is 
 to us.' See 2 Tyler's Rop. 109, 200. ^ 
 
 "As lon'T as the States continued to be governed in 
 their relations to the federal government and to each other 
 by the wise and patriotic spirit which dictated these opin- 
 ions, none but the most amicable feelings could exist be- 
 tween them. Up to this period, therefore, no disposition 
 was manifested in any quarter to repudiate the guarantees 
 of the Constitution. 
 
 "The acquisition of Louisiana and Florida, embracing 
 a large extent of territory adapted to slave labor, gave 
 rise to some uneasiness in the Northern mind in regard to 
 the future ascendancy of the slave States in the national 
 councils. This uneasiness continued to increase until 1820, 
 when it developed itself practically by an attempt to im- 
 pose restrictions on the State of Missouri, as conditions 
 precedent to her admission into the Union. It is but just, 
 however, to state, that the struggle on this question was 
 marked not so much by hostility to slavery as by jealousy 
 of the growing political power of the Southern States. 
 
98 helper's imtexdixg crisis dissected. 
 
 The contest in regard to the terms on Avhich Missouri 
 should be admitted created deep feeling throughout the 
 Union. It yvas the first occasion on which parties were 
 arrayed according to geographical divisions, and it was at 
 once perceived that a contest of that character was fraught 
 with danger to the harmony and permanency of the Union. 
 Fortunately, the restrictions on the State of Missouri were 
 defeated. A line of partition was subsequently drawn 
 through the unoccupied territory of the United States, 
 along the parallel of 36° 30' to our westei'n frontier, with 
 an enactment that slavery was to be prohibited in all the 
 territory north of that line, and permitted, if desired by 
 the people, in all south of it. By this arrangement the 
 two systems of civilization and labor were left to progress 
 westward, side by side. 
 
 "Under this compromise it was supposed that all causes 
 of controvei'sy, arising out of the irritating subject of 
 slavery, would be banished from the halls of federal legis- 
 lation. But, in a few years, an inconsiderable band of, 
 fanatics, instigated by a mischievous spirit, besieged the 
 two Houses of Congress with petitions to abolish shivery 
 in the District of Columbia, and to prohibit the slave trade 
 between the States. The effect of these petitions was to 
 create much irritation and ill feeling between different 
 parts of the Union. 
 
 " Such was the aspect of the slavery question in 1843-4, 
 when Texas, which had recently established her indepen- 
 dence after a gallant struggle with Mexico, sought adrais- 
 
IIELPEU'S IMPKXDIXG CIlISIS DISSECTED. 99 
 
 sion into our Union. There was great diversity of opinion 
 among the people of the United States, both in tho 
 Northern and Southern States, as to the policy of receiving 
 lier into our confederacy. Animated discussions ensued 
 in all parts of the country on this great question ; and 
 finally, so ao.-orbing was tho interest which was felt in it, 
 that the question of admission or non-admission bccamo 
 an important clement in the presidential election of ISi-t. 
 James K. Polk was tho representative of those favorable 
 to admission, and Henry Chiy of those opposed to it. On 
 this great issue the parties went before tho country, and 
 the verdict of public opinion was in favor of the admission 
 of Texas as a slave State, and with a stipulation in the 
 form of an irrevocable compact, that, at a future d:iy, four 
 more slave States might be carved out of her vast terii- 
 tory, as the convenience of her advancing population 
 mi'^ht require. The Northern or non-slaveholding States 
 wdiich voted for Mr. Polk were Maine, New Hampshire, 
 New York, Pennsylvania, Indiana, Illinois and Michigan, 
 giving 103 electoral votes. The slave States voting with 
 them were Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, 
 Mississippi, Louisiana, Missouri and Arkansas — 67 elec- 
 toral votes. 
 
 This vast addition to the slave territory of the United 
 States was therefore approved by the concurrent votes of 
 the slaveholding and non-slaveholding States ; and what- 
 ever responsibility belongs to the act, in a moral, social or 
 
100 helper's lmtendixg crisis dissected. 
 
 political aspect, necessarily attaches itself to them 'n 
 common. 
 
 "The admission of Texas was soon followed bv the war 
 with Mexico, which, after a series of brilliant victories, re- 
 sulted in the subjugation of her capital, and the ratifica- 
 tion of the treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo, by which she 
 ceded to the United States, Upper California, New Mexico, 
 and other territory west of our ancient frontier. The status 
 of these territories, in regard to slaver}', was unsettled, 
 and immediately after the ratification of the treaty of 
 peace, an animated struggle on this question arose in the 
 two branches of Congress. 
 
 "The South promptly proposed a compromise, by which 
 the line of partition along the parallel of 30° 30' should 
 be extended to the Pacific ocean, and that the covenants 
 of the Missouri compromise should be extended to all the 
 newly acquired territory. This proposition was rejected 
 by the North, and an angry contest ensued, which seriously 
 endangered the peace and tran(|uillity of the Union. Peace- 
 ful counsels, however, prevailed. The most eminent men 
 of both political parties, and of all parts of the confede- 
 racy, labored together to effect an adjustment; and finall}^ 
 in September, 1850, under the auspices of Cla}', and Cass, 
 and Webster, and Dickenson, and Douglas, and Foote, and 
 other distinguished men, a series of measures were matured, 
 sanctioned by both branches of Congress, and approved by 
 the President. 
 
 "Under this system of compromise, California, in con- 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. ICl 
 
 formity with her wishes, expressed througli her State con- 
 vention, which, though irregularly convened, was supposed 
 to represent the sentiments of her people, was to be ad- 
 mitted as a free State, and the status of the residue of the 
 territory ceded by Mexico was to be determined by the 
 people of the territories when they sought admission into 
 the Union. The s^^stem of adjustment also embraced two 
 other important features, one of which was adopted in 
 deference to the wishes of the North, and the other for ilic 
 benefit of the South. The first was the abolition of the 
 slave trade in the District of Columbia, and the second was 
 the passage of a more efficient law for the rendition of 
 fugitives from labor, to supply the defects of the act of 
 1793. 
 
 "This series of measures, though passed in the form of 
 separate bills, constituted substantially one system of paci- 
 fication. The passage of one act was the consideration 
 for the passage of the others. Neither could have passed 
 without the assurance of the passage of the others. The 
 provisions embraced by them were in the nature of mu- 
 tually dependent covenants; and, if it be possible to in- 
 crease the sanctity and validity of a law b^'- superadding 
 the obligations of a compact and of plighted faith, no ex- 
 ample can be found on our statute books better calculated 
 to illustrate the principle than the fugitive slave law of 
 1850. All the covenants entered into by the South were 
 of a nature which required that they should be performed 
 9* 
 
102 helper's impexdixg crisis dissected. 
 
 without delaj, ■while the compensating agreements of the 
 North ■were to be executed in future. 
 
 The South acquiesced in the admission of California as 
 a free State — permitted Texas to be dismembered of a 
 portion of her territoiy, in which, by her compact with her 
 sister States, slavery was to exist — and allowed the slave 
 trade to be prohibited in the District of Columbia. The 
 price which the North agreed to pay for these concessions 
 was nominal, being the recognition of the right of New 
 Mexico and the other newly acquired territory to introduce 
 or exclude slavery, as they might think proper, and the 
 passage of a law which would faithfully fulfill all the con- 
 stitutional requirements in regard to the surrender of fu- 
 gitive slaves. 
 
 "Under this compromise, tlie South has performed every 
 thing that was incumbent on her. California has been 
 admitted as a free State, Texas has been dismembered, 
 and the slave trade in the District of Columbia has been 
 abolished. 
 
 "The South now asks the fulfillment of the compensating 
 covenants on the part of the North. It is true that the 
 fugitive slave law has passed through all the forms of 
 legislation, and now has a place among the Acts of Con- 
 gress. But it is a fact, notorious to the world, that the 
 law is a dead letter : that while it keeps the promise to 
 the ear, it hath broken it to the hope. From the time of 
 its passage to the present hour, the people, the legislative 
 assemblies, and the judicial tribunals of the Northern 
 
 4 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 103 
 
 States, have manifested tlie most determined purpose to 
 set it at naught. Although it has been adjudged by the 
 highest court of the United States to be in conformity 
 with the Constitution, and therefore to be a part of the 
 supreme hiw of the land, the legislatures of almost all the 
 Northern States have passed acts to nullify or evade its 
 practical execution. Many of their courts have interposed 
 every obstacle in their power to its enforcement, and mobs 
 have risen in most of the Northern cities to resist the law, 
 and to rescue the fugitives from labor by force of arms; 
 and several Southern citizens have been murdered whilst 
 engaged in attempts to arrest their slaves. 
 
 " From the compendium of the Census of 1850, it appears 
 that the number of slaves who escaped from their masters 
 in the year 1849-50 was 1,011, whose aggregate value was 
 near one million of dollars. 
 
 " This condition of things furnishes a striking evidence 
 of the growth of a spirit unfriendly to the guarantees of 
 the Constitution, and at war with all the obligations of 
 national faith, which is in painful contrast with the patri- 
 otic conduct of Vermont in the better days of the repub- 
 lic, which has already been adverted to. 
 
 " Tiie compromise measures of 1850 were by no means 
 acceptable, in all their features, either to the North or to the 
 South. But patriotic men of both sections were willing to 
 sacrifice their opinions and wishes for the public good; and 
 in 1852 both the great political parties which then divided 
 the country, and contended for the power to guide its 
 
104 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 policy, through their respective National Conventions, de- 
 clared their purpose to abide by the compromises of 1850, 
 and to discountenance the furtlier agitation of the slavery 
 question in or out of Congress. President Pierce having 
 been elected on this platform, availed himself of the earli- 
 est appropriate occasion, in his first annual message to 
 Congress in December, 1853, to announce his purpose to 
 conform to the pledges given in his behalf by those who 
 elected him. 
 
 " In 1854, a bill was introduced into Congress, under 
 the auspices of a distinguished senator from Illinois, for 
 the organization of territorial governments in Kansas and 
 Nebraska. As originally reported, the bill was silent in 
 regard to slavery. Subsequently, the bill was modified so 
 as to embrace a clause which declared the law of 1820 — 
 commonly known as the Missouri Compromise Act — in- 
 operative and void ; and in this form it became a law. 
 The avowed object of the mover and friends of the bill 
 was to remove the slavery agitation from the halls of Con- 
 gress, and to localize it, by confining it to the territories 
 as they should respectively be in a condition to establish 
 their own municipal institutions. The bill declared on its 
 face that its true intent and meaning was ' not to legislate 
 slavery into any territory or State, nor to exclude it there- 
 from, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form 
 and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, 
 subject only to the Constitution of the United States.' 
 
 " The passage of this law furnished the pretext for the 
 
helper's IMrENDING CKIPIS DISSECTED. 105 
 
 revival, with increased bittcrnecis, of all the sectional feuds 
 Avhicii had been temporarily allayed by the measures of 
 1850. Throughout the Northern States, old party lines 
 ■were almost obliterated, and a new Northern political or- 
 ganization sprang into existence, under the designation of 
 the Republican Party. This organization was distinctly 
 sectional in its character, and it soon acquired the ascend- 
 ancy in almost every Northern State. The ostensible ob- 
 ject of this party was to organize public opinion in oppo- 
 sition to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and to 
 the extension of slavery into new territories. But it soon 
 became evident, from the sectional character of the party, 
 the doctrines wiiich it inculcated, and the policy which it 
 pursued, that its real purpose was to make war upon the 
 institution of slavery itself. Your committee have no 
 doubt that the ulterior designs of the leaders of the party 
 were carefully concealed from the great body of those who 
 enlisted under its banner, and who would have then re- 
 coiled from the idea of invading the acknowledged rights 
 of the Southern States, and trampling under foot the 
 solemn compacts of the Constitution. The object was to 
 obtain the co-operation of the Northern people, by the 
 specious pretenses of opposition to the repeal of the Mis- 
 souri Compromise and to the extension of slavery, and 
 then, by the force of party affinities and discipline, to 
 lead or drive them into open warfare on the institution 
 itself. 
 
 " The first evidence of the true design of the Hepubli- 
 
lOG helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 can party, is to be found in their failure to seek the assist- 
 ance and co-operation of those citizens of the Southern 
 States who were equally opposed with themselves to the 
 repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and the whole policy 
 of the Government in regard to Kansas and Nebraska. If 
 their purposes had been such as they represented them to 
 be at the outset, they would naturally have sought the al- 
 liance of all who concurred with them in sentiment, with- 
 out reference to geographical divisions. This they declined 
 to do, and for the first time in the history of our country, 
 the spectacle was exhibited of a party organized on a 
 strictly sectional basis. The dangers likely to result from 
 the formation of such parties were foreseen by the Father 
 of his country, and constituted the subject of one of his 
 most solemn admonitions to his countrymen in his Fare- 
 well Address. Tiiese are his impressive words : 
 
 " ' In contemplating the causes which may disturb our 
 Union, it occurs as a matter of serious concern, that any 
 ground should have been furnished for characterizing par- 
 ties by geographical discriminations, Northern and South- 
 ern, Atlantic and Western, whence designing men may 
 endeavor to incite a belief that there is a real difference 
 of local interests and views. One of the expedients of 
 party to acquire influence with particular districts is to 
 misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You 
 cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies 
 and heart-burnings which spring from these misrepresenta- 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 107 
 
 tions. Tlioy tend to rcnilcr alien to each otlier those who 
 ought to be bound togetlier by fraternal affection.' 
 
 "The purposes of the party -uerc still further disclosed, 
 ■when they assembled in their National Convention, to give 
 formal and authentic expression to their political creed, 
 and to select their candidate for the Presidency. In one 
 of the resolutions adopted by tliat body, they avow the 
 opinion that slaverj^ stands on the same level with poly- 
 gamy, and denounce both as 'twin relics of barbarism.' 
 By this declaration they seek to place all the Southern 
 States outside of the pale of civilization, and to cover 
 with obloquy and reproach the memory of ^Yashington, 
 Jefferson, Henry, Madison, Marshall, Clay, Calhoun, 
 Lowndes, and the whole host of Southern patriots, whose 
 illustrious names constitute the brightest jewels in the 
 treasury of our national fame. 
 
 "When it was supposed that public opinion was suffi- 
 ciently prepared for the announcement, we find the doc- 
 trine openly proclaimed in various parts of the North, by 
 the representative men of the Republican party, that there 
 exists an irrepressible conflict between the social systems 
 of the North and the South, which must progress until 
 one or the other is exterminated. 
 
 " Such is the organization, and such are the cardinal 
 doctrines of the Republican party, as derived from the le- 
 gitimate exponents of their faith and policy. 
 
 " If we turn to the legislative action of the Northern 
 States, in which that party has obtained the ascendancy, 
 
108 helper's i.mpexdixg crisis dissected. 
 
 \ce find that it is in strlc^ conformity with their mischiev- 
 ous dogmas. Their statute bouks are filled uith enact- 
 ments conceived in a spirit of hostility to the institutions 
 of the South, at war with the true intent and meaning of 
 the Federal compact, and adopted for the avowed purpose 
 of rendering nugatory some of the express covenants of 
 the Constitution of the United States. 
 
 "It would extend this report to an unreasonable length, 
 if your committee should attempt to review this unfriendly 
 legislation in detail. They will, therefore, content them- 
 selves with a brief reference to some of the most prominent 
 features of these laws. 
 
 ''3Iaine. 
 
 "By the laws of this State it is provided, that if a fuori- 
 tive slave shall be arrested, he shall be defended by the 
 Attorney for the Commonwealth, and all expenses of such 
 defense paid out of the public treasury. The use of all 
 State and county jails, and of all buildings belonging to 
 the State, are forbidden the reception or securing fugitive 
 slaves ; and all officers are forbidden, under heavy penal- 
 ties, from arresting or aiding in the arrest of such fu<i-i- 
 tives. If a slaveholder, or other person, shall unlawfully 
 seize or confine a fugitive slave, he shall bo liable to be 
 imprisoned for not more than five years, or fined not 
 exceeding ^1,000. If a slaveholder take a slave into the 
 State, the slave is thereby made free ; and if the master 
 undertake to exercise any control over him, he is subjected 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 109 
 
 to imprisonment for not less than one year, or fined not 
 exceeding $1,000. 
 
 " The Dred Scott decision of the Supreme Court has 
 been declared unconstitutional, and many offensive and 
 inflammatory resolutions have been passed by the Legis- 
 lature. 
 
 ^^ New Hampshire. 
 
 "Your committee have not had access to a complete 
 series of the laws of this State. But a general index, 
 which has been consulted, shows that a law exists by which 
 all slaves entering the State, either with or without the 
 consent of their masters, are declared free ; and any at- 
 tempt to capture or hold them is declared to be a felony. 
 
 " Vermont. 
 
 " This State seems to have entirely forgotten the con- 
 servative and law-abiding sentiment which governed its 
 action in the earlier period of her history. 
 
 " Her law now forbids all citizens and oflicers of the 
 State from executing or assisting to execute the fugitive 
 slave law, or to arrest a fugitive slave, under penalty oi 
 imprisonment for not less than one year, or a fine not ex- 
 ceeding $1,000. It also forbids the use of all public jails 
 and buildings, for the purpose of securing such slaves. 
 The Attorneys for the State are directed, at public ex 
 pense, to defend, and procure to be discharged, every per- 
 son arrested as a fugitive slave. The habeas corpus act 
 also provides that fugitive slaves shall be tried by jury, 
 
110 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 and interposes other obstacles to the execution of the fugi- 
 tive slave law. 
 
 " The law further provides, that all persons unlawfully 
 capturing, seizing or confining a person as a fugitive slave, 
 shall be confined in the State prison not more than ten 
 years, and fined not exceeding $1,000. Every person held 
 as a slave, who shall be brought into the State, is declared 
 free ; and all persons who shall hold or attempt to hold as 
 a slave any person so brought into the State, in any form, 
 or for any time, however short, shall be confined in the 
 State prison not less than one nor more than fifteen years, 
 and fined not exceeding $2,000. The Legislature has also 
 passed sundry offensive resolutions. 
 
 " 3IassacJiusetts. 
 
 "The laws of this State forbid, under licavy penalties, 
 her citizens, and State and county officers, from executino' 
 the fugitive slave law, or from arresting a fugitive slave, 
 or from aiding in either; and denies the use of her jails 
 and public buildings for such purposes. 
 
 The Governor is required to appoint commissioners in 
 every county to aid fugitive slaves in recovering their free- 
 dom, when proceeded against as fugitive slaves, and all 
 costs attending such proceedings are directed to be paid 
 by the State. 
 
 "Any person who shall remove, or attempt to remove, 
 or come into the State with the intention to remove or 
 assist in removing any person who is not a fugitive slave, 
 
helper's impendincj crisis DT?SECTEJ). Ill 
 
 within the meaning of the Constitution, is liublc to punish- 
 ment by fine not less than $1,000 nor more than $5,000, 
 and imprisonment not less than one nor more than five 
 years. 
 
 " Their habeas corpus act gives trial by jury to fugitive 
 slaves, and interposes other unlawful impediments to the 
 execution of the fugitive slave law. Iler Legislature has 
 also passed violent and offensive resolutions. 
 
 " Connecticut. 
 
 " This State, which as late as 1840 tolerated slavery 
 ■within her own borders, as appears by the Census of that 
 year, prohibits, under severe penalties, all her officers from 
 aiding in executing the fugitive slave law, and vacates all 
 official acts which may be done by them in attempting to 
 execute that law. 
 
 "By the Act of 1854, Sec. 1, it is provided, that every 
 person who shall falsely and maliciously declare, represent, 
 or pretend that any person entitled to freedom is a slave, 
 or owes service or labor to any person or persons, with 
 intent to procure or to aid or assist in procuring the forci- 
 ble removal of such free person from this State as a slave, 
 shall pay a fine of §5,000, and shall be imprisoned five 
 years in the State prison. 
 
 " ' Sec. 2. In all cases arising under this act, the truth 
 of any declaration, representation or pretense that any per- 
 son being or having been in this State, is or was a slave, 
 or owes or did owe service or labor to any other person or 
 
112 UELPEll'S IMPENDING Clll.SrS DISSECTED. 
 
 persons, shall not be deemed proved, except by the testi- 
 mony of at least two credible witnesses testifying to facts 
 directly tending to the truth of such declaration, pretense 
 or representation, or by legal evidence equivalent thereto.' 
 
 " Sec. 3 subjects to a fine of $5,000 and imprisonment 
 in the State prison for. five years, all who shall seize any 
 person entitled to freedom, with intent to have such person 
 held in slavery. 
 
 " Sec. 4 prohibits the admission of depositions in all cases 
 under this act, and provides that if any witness testifies 
 falsely in belialf of the party accused and prosecuted un- 
 der this act, he shall be fined $5,000 and imprisoned for 
 five years in the State prison. This law is, in the opinion 
 of your committee, but little short of an invitation to per- 
 jury, by imposing no penalties for false swearing agaiii!<t 
 the party accused. 
 
 "The resolutions of the Legislature are oiTensive and 
 disorganizing. 
 
 '^ Rliode Island. 
 
 " The statutes of Rhode Island provide that any one 
 who transports, or causes to be transported by land or 
 water, any person lawfully inhabiting therein, to any place 
 without the limits of the State, except by due course of 
 law, shall be imprisoned not less than one nor more than 
 ten years. They also prohibit all ofiicers from aiding in 
 executing the fugitive slave law, or arresting a fugitive 
 slave, and deny the use of her jails and public buildings 
 for securing any such fugitive. 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 113 
 
 ''New York. 
 
 "This State has enacted that every person Avho shall, 
 without hx^Yful authority, remove or attempt to remove from 
 this State any fugitive slave, shall forfeit to the party at^- 
 grieved, five hundred dollars, and be imprisoned not 
 exceeding ten years in the State prison ; and all accessories 
 after the fact are also liable to imprisonment. 
 
 " The habeas corpus act provides that fugitive slaves shall 
 be entitled to trial by jury, and makes it the duty of all 
 Commonwealth's Attorneys to defend fugitive slaves at the 
 expense of the State. 
 
 " New York has a fugitive law of her own, which is of no 
 practical use, and has forbidden her judicial officers from 
 proceeding under any other law. 
 
 " Prior to 1841, persons not inhabitants of the State were 
 allowed to take their slaves with them, and to keep them 
 in the State for a limited time ; but the law has been re- 
 pealed. 
 
 " New Jersey. 
 
 " Her law provides that if any person shall forcibly take 
 away from this State any man, woman or child, bond or 
 free, into another State, he shall be fined not exceeding 
 $1,000 or by imprisonment at bard labor not exceeding 
 five years, or both. 
 
 " The habeas corpus act gives a trial by jury to fugitive 
 slaves, and all judicial officers are prohibited from acting 
 under any other than the lav,^ of New Jersey. 
 10* 
 
114 uelper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 " PennsTjlvania. 
 
 " Prior to 1847, non-resi dent owners of slaves were 
 allowed to retain them in Pennsylvania not exceeding six 
 months. In 1847, this privilege was revoked. Slaves 
 are also allowed to testify in all cases in the courts of Penn- 
 sylvania. It is further provided by law, that any person 
 * who violently and tumultuously seizes upon any negro 
 or mulatto, and carries such negro away to any place, 
 either with or without the intention of taking such negro 
 before a district or circuit judge, shall be fined not exceed- 
 ing §1,000, and imprisoned in the county jail not exceed- 
 ing three months. The law also punishes, with heavy fine 
 and imprisonment in the penitentiary, any person who may 
 forcibly carry away, or attempt to carry away, any free 
 negro or mulatto from the States. The sale of fugitive 
 slaves is prohibited under heavy penalties, and a trial by 
 jury is secured to fugitive slaves, in violation of the laws 
 of the United States. 
 
 ^^ Illinois. 
 
 "Illinois has prohibited, under pain of imprisonment 
 of not less than one nor more than seven years, any per- 
 son from stealing or arresting any slave, with the design 
 of takino; such slave out of the State, without first havinsr 
 established his claim thereto, according to the laws of the 
 United States. These penalties will be incurred by the 
 master who pursues his slave across the border, and appre- 
 
helper's impending CIIISIS DISSECTED. 115 
 
 hends him without waiting for the action of commissioner 
 or courts. 
 
 " Indiana. 
 
 " Some of the laws of this State are favorable to the 
 recovery of fugitives from labor. But the law as to kid- 
 napping is similar to that of Illinois, as above noted, 
 except that the penalties are greater. The fine is not less 
 than $100 nor more than $5,000, and the term of impri- 
 sonment not less than two nor more than fourteen years. 
 
 " Ohio. 
 
 " In 1858, the most offensive parts of the laws of this 
 State were repealed. It is understood, however, that 
 measures are in contemplation, if they have not been already 
 initiated, to re-enact them. 
 
 " 3IicMgan. 
 
 " The laAvs of this State are peculiarly obnoxious to criti- 
 cism. They not only deny the use of the jails and public 
 buildings to secure fugitive slaves, and require the Attor- 
 neys for the Commonwealth to defend them at the expense 
 of the State, but the law of Connecticut in relation to the 
 punishment of persons falsely alleging others to be slaves, 
 is adopted, with the addition that any person who carries 
 a slave into this State, claiming him as such, shall be pun- 
 ished by imprisonment in the State prison for a period not 
 exceeding ten years, or by a fine not exceeding $1,000. 
 
116 HELrER's IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 " The Itahcas corpus act provides for trial by jury of 
 claims to fugitive slaves. 
 
 " Resolutions have also been adopted by tlie Legislature, 
 urging the repeal of the fugitive slave law, and the prohi- 
 bition of slavery in the District of Columbia and the terri- 
 tories. 
 
 " Wiseonshi. 
 
 " Following the example of her sister States of the North, 
 in parts of their hostile legislation, this State has, in some 
 particulars, gone beyond all the rest. She has directed 
 her District Attorneys, in all cases of fugitive slaves, to 
 appear for and defend them at the expense of the State. 
 She has required the issue of the writ of habeas corpus, on 
 the mere statement of the District Attorney that a person 
 in custody is detained as a fugitive slave, and directs all her 
 judicial and executive ofScers who have reason to believe 
 that a person is about to be arrested or claimed on such 
 ground, to give notice to the District Attorney of the 
 county where the person resides. If a judge, in vacation, 
 fails to discharge the arrested fugitive slave on habeas cor- 
 pus, an appeal is allowed to the next circuit Court. Trial 
 by jury is to be granted at the election of either party, 
 and all costs of trial, which would otherwise fall on the 
 fugitive, are assumed by the State. A law has also been 
 enacted, similar to that of Connecticut, for the punishment 
 of one who shall falsely and maliciously declare a person 
 to be a fugitive slave, with intent to aid in procuring the 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 117 
 
 forcible removal of such person from the State as a slave. 
 A section is added to the provisions of this Connecticut 
 law, for the punisliment, by imprisonment in the State 
 prison, of any person who shall obstruct the execution of 
 a warrant issued under it, or aid in the escape of the per- 
 son accused. Another section forbids the enforcement of 
 a judgment recovered for violation of the 'fugitive slave 
 act,' by the sale of any real or personal property in the 
 State, and makes its provisions applicable to judgments 
 theretofore rendered. 
 
 "The law relative to kidnapping punishes the forcible 
 seizure, without lawful authority, of any person of color, 
 with intent to cause him to be sent out of the State or 
 sold as a slave, or in any manner to transfer his service or 
 labor, or the actual selling or transferring the service of 
 such person, by imprisonment in the State prison from 
 one to two years, or by fine from five hundred to one 
 thousand dollars. The CQnsent of the person seized, sold 
 or transferred, not to be a defense, unless it appear to the 
 'jury that it was not obtained by fraud, nor extorted by 
 duress or by threats. 
 
 ^^ Iowa. 
 
 " The law of this State is similar to that of Indiana, 
 except that here there seems to be no direct provision 
 favoring the recovery of fugitive slaves. Like that of 
 Indiana and Illinois, the laAv as to kidnapping may be so 
 construed as greatly to obstruct the arrest of such fugi- 
 tives. The maximum of punishment is, however, some- 
 
118 helper's impe:nDixo crisis dissected. 
 
 thing less, being five years in the State prison, and a fine 
 of .$1,000. 
 
 " Offensive resolutions have also been adopted by its 
 Legislature. 
 
 " 3Iinnesota. 
 
 "What is to be objected to the legislation of this State 
 is, that there is no sufficient recognition of the right of 
 the master to recover his fugitive slave ; and consequently, 
 even if such Avas not the design of the omission, the way 
 is left open for the perversion of the law relative to the 
 writ of habeas corpus, to the injury of slave owners. 
 
 " Such are some of the evidences derived from official 
 sources, of the rapid growth of unkind feelings among the 
 people of the North to their brethren of the South. But 
 there are others, which are too significant to be entirely 
 overlooked. 
 
 " The recent debates in the Congress of the United 
 States have disclosed the remarkable fact, that sixty-eight 
 Republican members of Congress have united in a written 
 endorsement and recommendation to public favor, of an 
 atrocious libel on Southern institutions, prepared by a 
 man who was openly denounced, on the floor of the Senate 
 of the United States, by a Senator from his own State, 
 as unworthy of trust and confidence. This infamous 
 publication, thus commended to public approval by the 
 regularly accredited representatives of near six millions 
 of Northern people, abounds in the most insidious appeals 
 to the non-slaveholders of tho Southern States, and seeks 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 119 
 
 to inflame the mimlg of the shives of the South, and to 
 incite tliem to rise in rehelliou against the autlioritv of 
 their masters ; to murder tlieui and their families, and to 
 ravage the country -with fire and sword. Yet, with a full 
 knowledge of all these facts, one of the endorsers of this 
 libel on fifteen States of the confederacy, has been nomi- 
 nated and persistently pressed by the members of the 
 Republican party, for election to the Speakership of the 
 House of Representatives of the United States ; and not 
 one of the members of that party has been restrained, 
 by reason of that endorsement, from giving him a cordial 
 support. 
 
 " Thus, under a Constitution formed to ' establish 
 justice, ensure domestic tranquillity^, provide for the 
 common' defense, promote the general welfare, and secure 
 the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity,' 
 we behold a large number of tli^ representatives of the 
 people, who had sworn to support that Constitution, 
 lending all their influence, personal and official, to defeat 
 the great objects for which it was formed, to array section 
 against section, and to fill the country with all the horrors 
 of servile insurrection and intestine strife. • 
 
 "Your committee might also refer to the off'ensive tone 
 of a portion of the Northern press and pulpit, and to the 
 libellous resolutions of numerous popular assemblies in 
 the Northern States, as evi<lence3 of the decline of that 
 spirit of fraternity and unity which animated our fathers 
 in the days of our revolutionary struggle. These are the 
 
120 HELPEll'S IMPENDINQ CRISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 ordinary channels through wliich public opinion makes 
 itself heard and felt. But it would probably be uncharit- 
 able to the Northern people to hold them responsible for 
 all the ravings of fanatical agitators ; and we therefore 
 prefer to rely on those authentic manifestations of un- 
 friendly feeling proceeding from the official representatives 
 of the people, and for which the constituent body is justly 
 responsible. 
 
 " Your committee cheerfully acquit a large number of 
 the Northern people of any positive and active participa- 
 tion in these aggressions on Southern rights and interests. 
 The recent demonstrations of popular feeling made in 
 some of the Northern cities, are accepted in the spirit in 
 which they were ofiered. But abstract resolutions in 
 favor of the guarantees of the Constitution are of no 
 avail, unless they are followed by corresponding action. 
 As long as the conservative people of the North remain 
 passive, and permit agitators and fanatics and enemies of 
 the South to fill positions of public trust, and to speak 
 and to act on behalf of their respective States, they 
 cannot escape the responsibility which attaches to their 
 declarations and acts. Those who have it in their power 
 to prevent the perpetration of a wrong, and fail to exer- 
 cise that power, must to a great extent be responsible for 
 the wrong itself. 
 
 " Thus the conservative men of the North are respon- 
 sible for the organization and action of the Republican 
 party. It was their duty to have prevented it, and they 
 
helper's niPENDIXG CRISIS DISSECTED. 121 
 
 had the power to fulfill thr^t duty. They preferred, how- 
 ever, to remain inactive, and thus permitted the Ilcpub- 
 lican party to obtain the ascendency in the State and 
 national councils. They could not have been ignorant of 
 the fact that such an organization must necessarily prove 
 dangerous to the Union. They must have foreseen that a 
 party organized on the basis of hostility to slavery ex- 
 tension, would very soon become a party opposed to 
 slavery itself. The whole argument against the extension 
 of slavery is soon, by a very slight deflection, made to 
 bear against the existence of slavery, and thus the anti- 
 extension idea is merged in that of abolition. Accord- 
 ingly we find, notwithstanding the denial by the Repub- 
 lican party of any purpose to interfere with slavery Avhere 
 it exists, that the tendency of its policy is to its extermi- 
 nation everywhere. 
 
 " The logical consequences of their teachings have been 
 exhibited in the recent raid at Harper's Ferry; and so 
 long as that party maintains its present sectional organiza- 
 tion, and inculcates its present doctrines, the South can 
 expect nothing less than a succession of such traitorous 
 attempts to subvert its institutions and to incite its slaves 
 to rapine and murder. The crimes of John Brown were 
 neither more nor less than practical illustrations of the 
 doctrines of the leaders of the Republican party. The 
 very existence of such a party is an oft'cnse to the whole 
 South. 
 
 Whether the recent outrages perpetrated upon the soil 
 11 
 
122 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 and citizens of Virginia will have the efTect of awakening 
 the conservative sentiment of the North into efficient 
 action, remains to be seen. Your committee cannot relin- 
 quish the hope that such will be its effect, and that thus 
 good may come out of evil. Your committee have no 
 appeals or remonstrances to address to their fellow-citizens 
 of the North. They doubtless comprehend their obliga- 
 tions under the Constitution to the people of the South. 
 If they shall in future show a readiness to fulfill those ob- 
 ligations, Virginia and the other Southern States are pre- 
 pared to bury the past in oblivion, and to respond with 
 cordiality to every manifestation of a returning spirit of 
 fraternity. As Virginia was among the foremost in the 
 struggle for national independence, and contributed as 
 much as any other State to the formation of the constitu- 
 tional Union, she would be among the last to abandon it, 
 provided its obligations be faithfully observed. Her sons 
 having been educated to cherish 'a cordial, habitual and 
 immovable attachment to our national Union — accustomed 
 to think and speak of it as the palladium of their political 
 safety and prosperity', Avatching for its preservation with 
 jealous anxiety, discountenancing whatever may suggest 
 even a suspicion that it may in any event be abandoned, 
 and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every 
 attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the 
 rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together 
 ■ the various parts.' 
 
 " But the Union which they have been taught to love 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 123 
 
 and revere is the Union contemplated bj the Constitution — 
 a Union of conununitics liaving equal rights — a Union regu- 
 lated and governed by the principles of the Constitution — 
 a Union of sovereign States, entitled to regulate their do- 
 mestic affairs in their own way, and bound to fulfill their 
 obligations to each other with scrupulous fidelity. When 
 it shall cease to be such a Union, it will have forfeited all 
 claims to their respect and affection. Virginia feels that 
 she has discharged her whole duty to her sister States, and 
 she asks nothing from them that is not guaranteed to her 
 by the plain terms of the federal compact. She has not 
 sought officiously to intermeddle with the domestic concerns 
 of other States, and she demands that they shall refrain 
 from all interference with hers. 
 
 "But it is clear, from the review of the condition of the 
 public sentiment of the Northern States for the last five 
 years, as indicated by their legislation, and in other au- 
 thentic forms, that many of their people have ceased to 
 iTspect the rights of the Southern States, to recognize the 
 obligations of the federal compact, or to cherish for us 
 those friendly sentiments which gave birth to the CofTsti- 
 tution of the United States. A proper sense of self-respect 
 and the instinct of self-preservation, therefore, require 
 that we should adopt such measures as may be necessary 
 to secure ourselves against future aggression, and to meet 
 every emergency which may hereafter jirise. We desire 
 nothing but friendly relations with our sister States of the 
 North. We ask of them nothing to which they have not 
 
124 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 solemnly bound themselves by the compact of the Consti- 
 tution. But we understand our rights, and "vve are reso- 
 lutely determined to maintain them. Vve disclaim all 
 aggressive purposes. But when Ave are threatened with 
 the knife of the assassin and torch of the incendiary, we 
 cannot fold our arms in blind security. We have no desire 
 to rupture the political, commercial or social ties ■which 
 bind us to the North, so long as our rights are respected; 
 but, admonished by the past, it is our duty to prepare for 
 the future by placing ourselves in an attitude of defense, 
 and by adopting such measures as may be necessary fur 
 our security and welfire. 
 
 "Your committee, therefore, recommend to the General 
 Assembly, the following resolutions for adoption: 
 
 "1. Resolved^ That the appropriate standing committees 
 of the two Houses of the General Assembly be instructed 
 to prepare and report such bills as in their judgment may 
 be necessary to organize, arm and equip the militia of the 
 State for active and efficient service 
 
 "2. Resolved, That the committees on finance be in- 
 structed to prepare and report such bills as in their judg- 
 ment may be most effectual (without violating the provi- 
 sions of the Constitution of the United States) in encour- 
 aging the domestic manufactures of our own State, pro- 
 moting direct trade with foreign countries, and establishing, 
 as far as may be practicable, our commercial independence. 
 
 "3. Resolved, That we earnestly invite the co-operation 
 
helper's IMPENDIXa CRISIS DISSECTED. 125 
 
 (if our sister States of the South in carrjin^ out the policy 
 indicated in the foregoing resolutions. 
 
 "4. Resolved, That the committees for courts of justice 
 he instructed to report such bills as may be necessary to 
 secure the more prompt and effectual punishment of all 
 foreign emissaries and others, who may be found guilty of 
 conspiring against the peace of our community, or seeking 
 to incite our slaves to insurrection. 
 
 "5. Resolved, That the course of the late Governor, in 
 regard to the Harper's Ferry affair, is amply vindicated 
 by the evidence before the committee, and entitles him to 
 the emphatic commendation of the country." 
 
 Note. — When the British were overrunning the Southern Statea 
 under Lord Cornwallis and Cockburn, they scattered proclamations 
 broadcast, offering freedom and gold to the slaves if they would de- 
 sert their masters. Yet, notwithstanding these offers of the British, 
 very few negroes deserted their masters in the hour of their 
 need ; but on the contrary fought hard for the protection of their 
 masters and mistresses ; and such would prove to bo the case 
 again, should war commence between the South and her enemies. 
 At New Orleans, when the British under Lord Packenham marched 
 against the city, inciting the blacks to turn against their masters 
 and receive their freedom, they were answered with a volley of 
 musketry, and no men fought harder at the Battle of New Orleans 
 than the Negroes. What does this show but affection for the master ? 
 
 In regard to the few slaves whom the British induced to desert 
 their masters, the following will show how they were afterward 
 treated. 
 
 " Cockburn, the Commander of the British, returned to his barges 
 with a valuable booty, and a number of slaves, whom he had 
 induced to leave their masters under a promise of freedom, which, 
 he afterward redeemed bii selling them in the West Indies." — Page 
 137, "Breckenridge's History of the Late War." Such is the phi- 
 lanthropic feeling that inspired the British (whom Helper, Seward & 
 Co. are following in the footsteps of) during the late War. 
 
 11* 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Helper's Book Ruining the Trade of the North— Trade Crushed— 
 The Bankruptcy of the entire North predicted— Helper's Advice 
 to the North adopted by the entire South — Republican Party Re- 
 sponsible for the Withdrawal of the Southern Trade—" The Shoe 
 commences to Piuch"— Helper's Statistics of the Prices of Land 
 in the South demolished. 
 
 " Inscribed on the banner -uhich we llere^Yith unfurl 
 to the world, ^Yith the full and fixed determination to stand 
 by it or die b}-- it, unless one of more virtuous efficacj shall 
 be presented, are the mottoes which, in substance, embody 
 the principles, as we conceive, that should govern us in 
 our patriotic warfare against the most subtle and insidious 
 foe that ever menaced the inalienable rights and liberties 
 and dearest interests of America ! 
 
 1st. Thorough Organization and Independent Political 
 Action on the part of the Non-slaveholding Whites of the 
 South. 
 
 2nd. Ineligibility of Slaveholders — Never another Vote 
 to the Trafficker in Human Flesh. 
 
 Srd. No Co-operation with Slaveholders in Politics — No 
 Fellowship with them in Religion — No Affiliation with 
 them in Society. 
 (120) 
 
IliaPER'S IMPENDING ClllHlS DISSECTED. 127 
 
 4th. No Patronage to Slavcholdir.g Merchants— No 
 Gnestships in Slave-waiting Hotels — No Fees to Slave- 
 holding Lawyers — No Employment of Slavcholding Phy- 
 sicians — No Audience to Slavcholding Parsons. 
 
 5th. No Recognition of Pro-slavery men, except as 
 Ruffians, Outlaws and Criminals. 
 
 Gth. Abrupt Discontinuance of Subscription to Pro- 
 slavery Newspapers. 
 
 7th. The greatest possible Encouragement to Free 
 White Labor. 
 
 8th. No more Hiring of Slaves by Non-slaveholders. 
 
 9th. Immediate Death to Slavery ; or, if not immediate, 
 Unqualified Proscription of its Advocates during the Pe- 
 riod of its Existence. 
 
 10th. A Tax of Sixty Dollars on every Slaveholder for 
 each and every Negro in his possession at the present 
 time, or at any intermediate time between now and the 
 4th of July, 1863 ; said money to be applied to the 
 transportation of the Blacks to Liberia, to their coloniza- 
 tion in Central or South America, or to their comfortable 
 settlement within the boundaries of the United States. 
 
 11th. An additional Tax of Forty Dollars per annum, 
 to be levied annually, on every Slaveholder for each and 
 every Negro found in his possession after the 4th of July, 
 1863 ; said money to be paid into the hands of the Ne- 
 groes so held in slavery ; or, in cases of death, to their 
 next of kin, and to be used by them at their own option." 
 Pp. 155-6. 
 
128 helper's impending cuisis dissected. 
 
 Such is the platform as laid down bj Helper, and 
 adopted by sixty-ci<^ht Members of Congress of tho 
 "Black Republican Partj." Ys'e shall taivc this, then, as 
 the platform of the lle[)ublican party, as it uas under the 
 direction of the ^'■Publisldng Committee,'' of that party, that 
 Helper's incendiary -VNork Avas published, the proceeds of 
 ■which are to be used in buying up the votes o^ free negroes 
 and poor, miserable outcasts as well as disaffected persons, 
 for the support of their nominee, and to make war on one 
 part of our confederacy with. Conservative people of the 
 North ! ! will you submit to the party adopting such a 
 platform ever assuming the reins of power of this gov- 
 ernment ? 
 
 Now, let us see how this platform will woyV. The 
 South, having in view her safety as well as danger, has, to 
 a certain extent, (and will soon fully) adopted the first 
 sentence of the fourth section of Helper's platform, (^, e., 
 Republican,) with the following modification : "No Patron- 
 age to NortlLern (Sectional) Merchants." Lot us consider 
 the result that has followed the adoption of the above, — 
 without further comment, as it speaks for itself. And, in 
 doing so, we would present to the consideration of the 
 reader the present state of affairs in New England, tho 
 whole of which is attributable to the interference of tho 
 North with Southern rights and Southern institutions. 
 
 MANUFACTORIKS IN THE SOUTH, AS COPIED FROM THE CORRES- 
 rONDENT OF THE NEW YORK UERAED. 
 
 Columbus, Ga., Feb. 3, 18G0. 
 In these noii-iutcrcoursc and disunion times, a sketch of the 
 
helper's IMPENDINa CRISIS DISSECTED. 129 
 
 principal cotton and woolen mills in this State may not prove 
 uninteresting to your readers. Tho.t Georgia is a great manu- 
 facturing as well as producing State I think there can be no 
 doubt. For years past, all the coarse plantation goods con- 
 sumed within tlie borders of the State have been manufactured, 
 not in New England, but at home. Besides some thirty cotton 
 and woolen mills now in successful operation, there are numer- 
 ous machine shops, foundries, and paper mills, established in 
 all the leading towns where there is water power, while flour 
 mills and distilleries are common in every village. With the 
 natural advantages afforded the people, in the shape of water 
 power and a long navigable river, it is no wonder that they 
 should have made the attempt to compete with Northern 
 manufacturers. That thoy have succeeded in making coarse 
 goods as cheap as they can be made in New England, is pretty 
 evident. Let non-intercourse be established, and how easy 
 will it be for -Georgia to supply half of the Southern States 
 with plantation goods such as she now manufactures. Even 
 to-day, her fabrics find their way into Alabama and Missis- 
 sippi, and so pressing is the demand upon manufacturers la 
 this city, that they find it difficult to supply the numerous 
 orders sent to them daily. The mills are all doing a thriving 
 business, and are increasing in size and number every year. 
 By-and-by, fine goods will be manufactured here, and the mil- 
 lions annually spent at the North for prints, muslins, etc., will 
 be expended here at home among our own manufacturers. 
 How will Massachusetts feel then ? 
 
 Columbus, at the head of steam navigation on the Chatta- 
 hookee river, is destined to become one of the largest manu- 
 facturing places in the South. The fall of the river at this 
 point is fourteen feet, and with the present dam it is calculated 
 there is sufficient power to drive 194,8'7'7 spindles, and consume 
 48,000 bales of cotton annually. There are five mills now in 
 operation, each doing a thriving business. The Eagle Manu- 
 
130 helper's impexdixg crisis dissected. 
 
 facturing Company's mills rank first perhaps in point of im- 
 portance. They are carried on under the superintendence of 
 J. llliodes Brown, and hare been in operation since 1850. 
 About 300,000 pounds of wool and 1,600 bales of cotton are 
 annually consumed, producing about $225,000 worth of goods. 
 The building is a very massive one, the walls being thirty-four 
 inches thick at the base. It is four stories and basement high. 
 Each floor is supported by girders 12 by 14 inches thick, and 
 three rows of substantial columns. The flooring is four inches 
 in thickness, and constructed of two layers of planking. The 
 basement is occupied as a picking-room, where there are three 
 machines attended by six hands. The wool carding-room is 
 also on this floor. There are seven sets of cards, employing 
 twelve persons. The first floor is used for carding cotton. On 
 this floor there are forty-eight carding machines, with the ne- 
 cessary drawing machines and speeders, employing twenty 
 hands, mostly boys. The weaving room is on th(*second floor. 
 Here there are 136 looms in operation, giving employment to 
 some seventy girls, two overseers, and a few small boys. Each 
 loom is capable of manufacturing from thirty-five to forty yards 
 of osnaburgs and kerseys a day. The most skillful of the girls 
 receive one dollar a day, but there are many who get only fifty 
 cents. On tlie third floor the spinning is carried on. There 
 are thirty spinning frames and five thousand spindles in o]icra- 
 tion, giving employment to seventy children. On this floor 
 there are also spoolers and warpers necessary to prepare yarn 
 for the dressing and sizing frames; also a rope machine capable 
 of turning out one hundred thousand pounds of rope annually, 
 and machinery for the manufacture of cotton yarn and sewing 
 thread. On the fourth floor are twelve hundred and forty 
 woolen spindles, warping mills, dressing and sizing frames and 
 beaming machines, employing about twenty hands. Connected 
 with the mill is a dyeing establishment, and the office of the 
 agent. About 225 operatives in all are employed in this estab- 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 131 
 
 lislinient. Tlie Eagle Mills do a flourishing business. Last 
 year a dividend of ten per cent, was declared ; this year it will 
 be increased to twelve per cent. Nothing but o^naburgs, ker- 
 seys and jeans are manufactured. 
 
 The Howard Mills, in the same neighborhood, employ some 
 200 hands, and manufacture nothing but cotton goods. 5,0U0 
 spindles are in o])eration. 
 
 The Grant Mills employ about 100 hands in the manufacture 
 of osnaburgs and kerseys. 
 
 The Columbus Factory, situated about three miles above the 
 city, manufactures osnaburgs and kerseys. There is a boot and 
 shoe factory, a tan-yard and flour mill attached. Some 200 
 hands are employed in this establishment. 
 
 The Cowetta Falls Factory, established in 1844, employs 
 some seventy-flve operatives. 2,*r00 spindles are in operation. 
 
 The Macon Manufacturing Company, at Macon, manufac- 
 ture a superior article of sheeting and shirtings, employing 
 some 180 hands. 
 
 At Seven Islands, on the Ocmulgee river, is the Planter's 
 Factory, — spindles 3,200, employing 75 hands. 
 
 The Milledgeville Manufacturing Company, at Milledgcville, 
 employ about 120 operatives, and run 3,136 spindles, princi- 
 pally in the manufacture of osnaburgs and sheetings. 
 
 Sweet Water Cotton factory, situated on Sweet Water 
 creek, in Campbell county, is designed for 6,000 spindles and 
 90 looms. 
 
 Bowen's factory, on Snake creek, Carroll county, employs 
 some 50 hands. 
 
 Athens Manufacturing Company, in Clark county, — 2,500 
 spindles. Nnml)er of operatives, 90. 
 
 Princeton Manufacturing Cora}>any, on the Oconee river, two 
 miles below Athens. Cotton spindles, 2,184, wool do., 240. 
 
 Mars Hill factory, on Barber's creek, seven miles below 
 Athens. Spindles, 350. Looms, 12. 
 
132 iielpek's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 White's Georgia factory, also on Barber's creek. Spindles, 
 1,704. Looms, 20. 
 
 Schley's cotton mills, about 10 miles from Augusta, employ 
 a large numljer of hands. 
 
 Roswell Manufacturing Company, on Yickery's creek, Cobb 
 county, — two mills, 10,000 spindles, employing about 350 per- 
 sons. Heavy cotton goods only manufactured. 
 
 Augusta Manufacturing Company, near Augusta ; spindles, 
 10,000 ; looms, 200, each capable of turning out from forty 
 to forty-five yards per day. Number of operatives employed, 
 400. 
 
 On Broad river, four miles above its junction with Savannah, 
 there is a cotton factory which employs nearly 100 hands. 
 5,000 spindles are in operation. 
 
 Long Shoals factory in Greene County, and Skull Shoals, in 
 the same neighborhood, manufacture a large quantity of cotton 
 goods. 
 
 In Henry County, near McDonough, there is a large factory 
 in operation. 
 
 High Shoals factory, on the Appalacbee river, makes domes- 
 tics and yarns. 
 
 Eaton Manufacturing Company, on Little river, runs 1,836 
 spindles and thirty-six looms, 
 
 Richmond factory, on Spirit creek, near Augusta, runs 
 1,500 spindles and forty looms. Number of operatives 
 seventy. 
 
 Troup factory, near Lagrange, runs 1,600 spindles, and 
 employs sixty-five operatives in the manufacture of osnaburgs. 
 Franklin factory, on Tobler's creek, Upson County, runs 
 1,320 spindles. 
 
 Wayman's factory, on the same stream, runs 1,664 spindles 
 and twenty-six looms. 
 
 Flint River factory, runs 1,560 spindles and twenty-six 
 looms. 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 133 
 
 Thomaston factory, on Potato creek, TJpson County, rnns 
 1,260 spindles, and employs fifty bands. 
 
 Rock Mills factory, on the Ogeecbee river, Warren County, 
 runs 600 spindles, employing forty bands. 
 
 Brothers' factory, in the same neighborhood, runs 1,000 
 spindles and employs thirty hands. 
 
 Joy Mill, on Yickery creek, manufactures colored stuffs for 
 pantaloons, and employs some fifty hands. 
 
 The operatives in all these factories are white people, chiefly 
 girls and boys from twelve to twenty years of age. On an 
 average, they are better paid and worked easier than is usually 
 the case in the North. Country girls from tlie pine forests, as 
 green and awkward as it is possible to find them, soon become 
 skillful operatives, and ere they have been in the mills a year, 
 they are able to earn from four to six dollars a week. They 
 are only required to work ten hours a day. Particular atten- 
 tion is paid to the character of the operatives ; and in some 
 mills, none are received but those having testimonials of good 
 moral chai-acter and industrious habits. Churches and Sunday- 
 schools are also attached to several of the manufactories, so 
 that the religious training of the operatives may be properly 
 attended to. 
 
 LOUISIANA. 
 
 New Orleans, Jan. 25, 1860. 
 The State of Louisiana was never in a more prosperous 
 condition than now. The new Governor, Thomas 0. Moore, 
 has just been sworn into office, and begins his administration 
 under the most auspicious circumstances. There is a surplus 
 of $130,000 in the State treasury. The critical condition of 
 national affairs, precipitated by the champions of the " irre- 
 pressible conflict," seems to overshadow all differences of local 
 polities, and it is the universal sentiment that the Soulli must 
 brace itself to meet the "impending crisis." Virginia and 
 12 
 
134 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 the border States will not be left to sustain, unaided, the brunt 
 of the battle with Abolitionism. Already a bill has been in- 
 troduced into the State Legislature, appropriating $25,000 as 
 Louisiana's quota toward a fund to be contributed by the 
 Southern States, to repay to Virginia the outlay she has in- 
 curred in hanging the Brown gang. The bill will pass, beyond 
 a doubt. Yery active measures have also been taken to arm 
 and organize the militia. It is now settled that our heavy 
 houses will import direct from Europe fur the future. Indeed, 
 the only wo)ider is that they have not taken this step long ago. 
 The leading wholesale dry goods dealers are prominent in ihc 
 movement. A cotton factory on a very extensive scale is soon 
 to go into operation. A vessel freighted with all the requisite 
 machinery arrived on Saturday, and is now dischargiug. 
 Every expedient is being adopted to render this section, as far 
 as may be, independent of the North ; and there is even a 
 project on foot among some of our wealthy and spirited capi- 
 talists to start a large publishing house in this city — a branch 
 of enterprise in which our i)eople have, until now, been sadly 
 inert. There can be no doubt that such a business, once es- 
 tablished, would he liberally sustained. Commercially speaking, 
 the last week has been the most active ever known here. The 
 sales of cotton amounted to 97,500 bales. That number has 
 uever been equalled here, and but twice, I believe, in Liver- 
 pool. A larger proportion than ever, of cotton, is this year 
 shipped to France. In a few years, Havre will rival Liverpool 
 in its cotton imports. The direct cotton trade with St. Peters- 
 burg is also rapidly on the increase. On a single day last 
 week, no less than three ships, freighted with bales, cleared for 
 Cronstadt. It was believed that about the middle of the 
 present month the receipts of cotton would begin to slacken 
 off; but there are, as yet, uo signs of a decrease. Shippers 
 are consequently busy, and freights continue stiff. 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 135 
 
 IOWA. 
 
 Iowa City, Jan. 27, 18G0. 
 
 The excitement attending the John Brown foray is fast dying 
 out in the Northwest, and in no State faster Uian in Iowa. 
 True, the same spirit that gave rise to tlie outburst of puhh'c 
 feeling upon the occasion of Brown's execution, is still here, 
 but it requires some sudden bhist to fan it to a flame. For tlie 
 time being, lleljier's boolv served to feed the morbid abolition 
 appetite of the Brownites of Iowa, and the deeds of the heroic 
 martyr are seemingly forgotten. 
 
 Next to Michigan, Iowa is the most completely and thor- 
 oughly abolitionized State in the Northwest; it is, therefore, 
 not surprising that Brown here found practical exponents of 
 Sevvardism, or that Helper finds champions in the deliberative 
 councils of the rulers of the State. Whatever dodges the 
 Republican party elsewhere may resort to, to cover their par- 
 ticipation, directly or indirectly, with Brown's attack on 
 Harper's Ferry, or shield themselves from complicity with the 
 circulation of Helper's book, the Republicans of Iowa feel 
 themselves strong enough to throw off the mask and boldly 
 avow their sympathy with the one and their approval of the 
 other. A Republican county convention, held at Muscatine 
 a short time since, passed a resolution endorsing Helper's book 
 and recommending its circulation. This is the first public 
 endorsement of the book that I have yet heard of; but I have 
 yet to meet the first Republican, here or elsewhere, who has 
 read the book, who does not endorse it and recommend its 
 circulation. John Sherman may prove an exception, and 
 entertain opinions in regard to the book contrary td those of 
 the Republican party generally, but he is sustained from day 
 to day by men whose constituents I know openly avow their 
 approval of the " Impending Crisis," and who recommend its 
 circulation. Large numbers of the book are being sold 
 
136 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 throughont the Northwest, and if the work possesses any merit, 
 its influence must be powerful 
 
 MISSOURI. 
 
 St. Louis, Mo., Feb. 1, 1860. 
 
 Politics and politicians in Missouri are considerably mixed 
 just now, and withal somewhat disturbed, arising chiefly from 
 local matters. John Brown is dead, and his memory has scarce 
 an abiding place in this State, while "Helper's Impending 
 Crisis" flourishes not at all. The absence of two such power- 
 ful incentives to inflame the public mind in the border States 
 necessarily gives the sober second thought ample scope for the 
 undisturbed exercise of its true functions ; and, as a sequence, 
 the public mind in Missouri is unusually quiet upon matters of 
 general interest. 
 
 The excitement attending the raid upon Harper's Ferry sub- 
 sided with the death of John Brown, and little is now thought 
 or said concerning the matter; and, although a border State, 
 and exposed upon all sides to the forays of fanatics and aboli- 
 tion outlaws, the people repose implicit confidence in their 
 ability to repel invasion or suppress insurrection, and pursue 
 the "even tenor of their way," and pay little heed to the howl 
 of disunion that rises upon every side. 
 
 A majority of the people of Missouri are undoubtedly in 
 favor of perpetuating the "peculiar institution," not from any 
 deep-seated love for the institution itself, but chiefly because it 
 is profitable ; and, so long as it continues to be so, it will never 
 be abolished. In fact, it is now steadily increasing. The last 
 report of the Secretary of State shows an increase of about 
 1,200 in the slave population of the State during the past 
 year. In 1840 the slave population of Missouri numbered 
 58,240, and in 1850, 87,422. It now amounts to about 110,000. 
 In 1840 the number of free blacks in the State was 1,574, and 
 in 1850 they numbered 2,618. They now number about 3,500. 
 10* 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 137 
 
 The total colored population of the State is therefore less than 
 115,000, while the total white population cannot fall much, if 
 any, below a million. 
 
 The only fruit of the Harper's Ferry emeule visible in Mis- 
 souri, is the act to abolish free blacks, which passed the Legis- 
 lature, but was vetoed by the Governor. The peojjle are de- 
 termined, however, that the act shall become a law in spite of 
 the veto, and the next Legislature will doubtless pass the bill 
 over the Governor's head. 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 Peterboro, N. H., Feb. 1, 1860. 
 
 This is a part of the Granite State in which the manufactu- 
 rers of woolen goods have little to say. Some of them went 
 down to Boston a few weeks since, and purchased a large amount 
 of the raw material at a great wool gathering there had, and 
 returned to Peterboro pretty well satisfied with their bargains. 
 Mr. Joseph Noone, a prominent gentleman in this part of New 
 Hampshire, so far as the manufacture of woolen goods and a 
 gentle slice of politics are concerned, is among the prominent 
 and influential citizens of the place. Peterboro is also the 
 residence of ex-Gov. John H. Steele, who, whenever he speaks, 
 means something. He has probably one of the strongest minds, 
 even in his advanced age, that exists in New Hampshire. He 
 keeps the run of politics nationally, and was never known to 
 falter in the true national line. With such men it is a pleasure 
 to talk. Every word they utter is a word of wisdom, and 
 should be treasured as such by the rising men of this genera- 
 tion. Suppose we put a question to him. 
 
 Ques. What do the Republicans in your locality say about 
 the John Brown aflair ? 
 
 Ans. (And we give the venerable old gentreraan's words in 
 full.) They now say that Brown was a monomaniac, demented, 
 insane, crazy ; but when the news first came that Brown had 
 12* 
 
138 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 invaded Virginia, captured the United States arsenal, armory, 
 &c., the joy of many of them was illy concealed. Not a word 
 was heard from any of them condemning, or even censuring 
 hira or his motives. On the contrary, there was not a little 
 crowing and even exultation over the presumed cowardice of 
 the Virginians. But as the facts became more and more 
 known, and the motives better understood, those of the honest 
 rank and iile began to censure Brown, and now and then one 
 expressed the opinion that Brown deserved the fate which 
 evidently awaited liim. 
 
 Q. But what did the leaders of the Black Republicans do ? 
 
 A. The leaders, or would-be leaders, were constantly invent- 
 ing or propagating fallacious excuses for Brown's conduct ; and 
 now and then one dared Virginia to enforce her laws — openly 
 boasting that if she did, there would be increased converts to 
 abolitionism. 
 
 Q. What did the Democrats do, then ? 
 
 A. The Democrats accused them of being accessory, either 
 before or after the invasion, and of aiding and abetting treason, 
 murder, arson and servile war. 
 
 Q. What was their answer ? 
 
 A. They in a measure shrank from the gulf which they had 
 for years been so industriously and recklessly digging. It was 
 tlien, and not till then, that we heard the stereotype pica of 
 insanity. Not one word of hearty condemnation of tlie deed, 
 l)ut a manifest feverish desire to smooth the matter over, to 
 hush it up. 
 
 Q. W^hat do the Pv,epublicans now say ? 
 
 A. Now they are the most open-mouthed brawlers for State 
 rights ; for not meddling with slavery in the Slates where it 
 exists. Oh, no ! they arc for living up to the requirements of 
 the Constitution — all except the stealing of negroes, and the 
 rendition of slaves. 
 
HELPER S IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 139 
 
 Q. Do you tliiiik that the Republicans are sincere in con- 
 demning Brown and his acts ? 
 
 A. I am satisfied that many, not all, of the Republicans 
 regret that JJrown did not succeed ; and that every word of 
 condemnation wiiich we occasionally hear from such men is 
 only from the lips outward. 
 
 Q. In youi- opinion, what will be the effect of the John 
 Brown foray ? 
 
 A. But one of two things may be safely predicted, namely, 
 that the Southern people possess much more of the genuine 
 principles of religion than do their calumniators and persecutors, 
 thereby prompting thera to forgive their enemies, and to do 
 good to those who si)itefully use them, or they will, as far as 
 possible, cease to trade or buy from those who lose no ojjportu- 
 uity to abuse thera, and even steal their property. 
 
 Q. Suppose that course should widen the breach which now 
 exists between the North and the South ? 
 
 A. For one I should be loth to countenance, much less to 
 recommend, a course by the South which would widen the 
 breach that now so needlessly and unjustifiably exists between 
 the North and the South. But is it reasonable even to hopo 
 that the state of things now existing should much longer exist, 
 without the South entering into combinations to prevent all 
 trade, and even intercourse, between the South and North ? 
 
 Beporfe?' — The Northern pco))le consider themselves so 
 powerful that the idea of a Southern confederacy is deemed 
 preposterous by them. 
 
 Gov. Steele — I am well aware that so infatuated, so self- 
 sufficient, has a large portion of the Northern people become, 
 that they think and often express their belief that the South 
 are much, if not entirely, dependent on the North even for a 
 living. Nothing could be further from the facts ; for while no 
 reasonable man can doubt the fact that while there is a just 
 
140 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 and manly intercourse between tlie North and South, they are 
 mutually beneliclal to each other, let me ask, what is it that 
 the South receives from the North which they cannot procure 
 elsewhere ? Nothing, literally nothing. There is nothing I 
 can now think of which the South receives from the North that 
 cannot, and that, too, without much inconvenience, be obtained 
 elsewhere ; while, on the contrary, what does the North receive 
 from the South, which she can well do without? It is need- 
 less to name more than one single article — cottou. Ask our 
 numerous cotton manufacturers where they would procure their 
 cotton, if not from the South ? 
 
 Q. But suppose cotton should be raised elsewhere ? 
 
 A. If the North should ask that question, the answer is 
 readily at hand. Where is it or can it be had without slave 
 labor so cheaply and in such quantities, and with such facili- 
 ties, as from the South ? One of the main fabrics that com- 
 prises the major part of the material which serves as garments 
 for man, woman, child, and creatures of lesser dignity — which 
 enters into almost every description of domestic cloth for 
 domestic use — is more or less composed of cotton. Abolish 
 free trade in cotton, and you will abolish our Northern cotton 
 manufactories. 
 
 Q. Are there no other enterprises in which the North are 
 interested that would be injured by a separation of the North 
 and the South ? 
 
 A. Yes. Turn to our shipowners. Ask them where they 
 are to obtain their outward-bound freight for Europe, if they 
 cannot get the cotton, rice, tobacco, &c., of the South ? In 
 short, the article of cotton is of equal, if not of more, impor- 
 tance to the North than to the South. By its use thousands 
 of our population are fed and clothed, and through its agency 
 the Northern commerce is not only sustained, but an advan- 
 tage gained which enables our shipping interest to compete 
 with the world. 
 
helper's impending crisis DISSfeCTED. 141 
 
 The above are some of the views of the clear-headed Gover- 
 nor Steele in regard to some of the questions now pending — 
 nationally. They are as well worthy of consideration as those 
 of the lamented Silas Wright, of your State. 
 
 The people here feel that the national men will make largo 
 gains in the March election. The democrats are quite confi- 
 dent. One indication of a change iu the sentiment of the 
 jieople is that some of them have stopped the New York Tri- 
 bune and are now taking the New York Herald and other 
 liberal and intelligent papers, not excepting the democratic 
 journals of the State. 
 
 Another word from a friend in this goodly town : — Straws 
 show which way the wind blows. Every thing is working well. 
 John Brown's illustration of Black Republicanism is not accep- 
 table to some of the party here. He was their last and best 
 trump, and the only man amongst them who had the courage to 
 })lay their black disunion game — and he played it out for them. 
 If it had not been for John Brown and the Helper atrocity, we 
 should have had the abolitionist Sherman, Speaker of the House 
 before this. 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 
 Savannah, Jan. 31, 1860. 
 Yesterday I *paid a visit to the rice plantation of Mr. S., 
 ^n the Savannah river, a few miles above the city, and had the 
 pleasure of being " toted " all over the place, and seeing a little 
 negro life in Georgia. This part of the country is noted for 
 the number and fertility of its rice plantations, tire river hero 
 affording the planters excellent irrigation, besides being so 
 convenient for transporting the crop to market. Mr. S. had 
 about 250 acres under cultivation, which yield him a crop of 
 about 7,000 bushels annually. "When I arrived at the place a 
 number of the negroes were engaged in burning the brush on 
 
142 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 some unimproved lands near by, preparatory to planting, ana 
 what now appears to be a good for nothing looking waste, will, 
 in the course of a few short months, be converted into a valu- 
 able estate. The workmen all appeared happy and contented, 
 and were as comfortably clothed as you would wish to see 
 them. 
 
 A short walk brought us to the "settlement," or habitations 
 of the slaves, which were constructed in the usual manner, of 
 pine boards neatly whitewashed, and elevated on piles some 
 three or four feet above the surface of the ground. Xear by 
 was the overseer's house, the barn, workshop, and a number of 
 outhouses, all forming quite a little village. Upon inquiring 
 how much food it took to bring the negroes to such a state of 
 perfection, Mr. S. informed me that the allowance per head 
 was 3i lbs. of bacon a week, and as much bread and vegetables 
 as they could eat. Occasionally a little molasses was added to 
 the regular fare, and in the snmmcrtimc they were freely sup- 
 plied with milk. The fatter the bacon the more the negroes 
 enjoyed it, and this was the case especially when there was 
 much hard work to be done. It was the overseer's business to 
 see that the cooking was properly done, and that the kitchen 
 utensils were kept clean. The negroes were furnished with 
 three suits of clothing every year, but frequently the children 
 were obliged to have fonr. Each family was supplied with 
 comfortable beds and bedding, and every inducement was held 
 out to Sambo to abandon a weakness he has for sleeping on the 
 bare floor. " It is a most difficult thing," said Mr. S., "to 
 teach the negro the value and comfort of a good bed. Give 
 liim the bare floor and a wood fire to half toast his head, and 
 he prefers it to the softest conch." 
 
 I noticed that there were no gardens attached to the cabins, 
 and on asking the reason for their absenee, Mr. S. replied that 
 he was opposed to the system a<lopted on most [ilantations of 
 
helper's impending cnisis dissected. 143 
 
 giving the negroes little patches to ciiltivute, on the ground 
 that it tended to bring the slaves in connection wilh traders, 
 who would supply thcra with liquor, and entice them to commit 
 petty thefts and do all manner of wickedness. He preferred 
 giving them a present of five or ten dollars each at Christmas 
 rather than put up with the annoyance. 
 
 He had little trouble, he said, with the negroes, as far as 
 sickness was concerned, the health of the entire sc'ttlemcnt 
 being excellent from one end of the year to the other. As for 
 whipping, he seldom resorted to that mode of correction. The 
 greatest punishment he could inflict upon an offender was to 
 threaten him with New Orleans. The sugar plantations of 
 Louisiana were terrible places in the estimation of his negroes^ 
 and the slightest threat to send any of them thither was far 
 more effectual in securing obedience and respect than treating 
 them to the lash. At noon he allows all his negroes to rest 
 from half an hour to three hours, according to the season of 
 the year. In spring time, for instance, when there is generally 
 a good deal of heavy work to be performed, they were allowed 
 only sufficient time to eat their dinners ; but as the days grew 
 longer, and the heat of the sun began to be oppressive, the 
 resting spell was was extended. In midsummer, when the 
 heat is intense, the slaves were allowed three hours to rest, 
 and an opportunity was afforded them to take a nap, which is 
 found to be very refreshing and beneficial to the laborers, 
 especially where the work is heavy. Wiiile engaged in the 
 field they are supplied with fresh drinking water by one or two 
 children appointed for that purpose, and on extra occasions 
 they are treated to milk. When the day's work is done, some 
 one in the gang strikes up a lively song, and they all proceed 
 to their homes apparently as fresh and hearty as when they 
 arose in the morning. Two or three times a month they get up a 
 dance, and go through a cotillon and a reel as correctly as the 
 
l-i-i helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 white folks at the North. There are always two or three 
 musicians in the settlement, whose powers on the violin and 
 banjo give them quite a position, and next to the preacher, 
 perhaps they are the most respected and admired among their 
 fellow workmen. 
 
 The viodns operandi of converting wild swamp lands into 
 fertile rice fields is certainly an interesting one, and deserves a 
 brief notice at the hands of your correspondent. The work of 
 digging canals, throwing up embankments and removing 
 stumps having been performed, the negroes commence "chop- 
 ping" or digging the soil. After "chopping" they proceed to 
 "mashing" or levelling the clods of earth, and that work 
 done, the rice is sown in rows about thirteen inches apart. 
 Planting commences from the 20th of March to the 1st of 
 April. The seed is covered over with a thin coat of earth, and 
 at the next flood tide the water is admitted through the trunk, 
 as it is called, and the field is slowly submerged. The floating 
 weeds, etc., are then raked from the surface, and being placed 
 on the embankment are there dried and burned. The water is 
 allowed to remain on the field until the seed begins to shoot, 
 generally from four to five days, and is then drained ofl". This 
 is called the "sprout flow." After the plants appear above the 
 ground about an inch or so, the water is let on again and 
 allowed to remain on for from tliree to seven days. The plants 
 by this time attain a height of three or four inches, and then the 
 water is drained off. This is called the "point flow." The 
 field is then allowed to remain dry until the ])lants are strong 
 enough to bear hoeing, and the first and second hoeings having 
 been gone through with, the field is again flooded. This. is 
 called tlie "long flow." Mr. S. says he allows the water at 
 this stage to rise high above the rice, so as to prevent the 
 floating weeds from entangling in the plants. The weeds 
 having been all brought ashore, the water is gradually lowered 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 145 
 
 tintil the tops of the plants appear above the surface. The 
 water is kept stationary at this point from ten to twenty days, 
 according to the quality of the soil, and is then drawn off. 
 The field is then allowed to dry, and then follows the third and 
 fourth hociugs, care being taken to remove the weeds and vol- 
 unteer rice. The water is then let on for the fourth time, and 
 allowed to remain on until the rice is headed and the blossoms 
 fall. 
 
 The harvest generally commences about the first week in 
 September. When the reaping is determined upon, the water 
 is all drawn off, and the following day the negroes enter the 
 field with sickles, and in one day the crop is reaped and placed in 
 little heaps upon the stubble. The next day the rice is tied up 
 in sheaves and removed to the barn. The usual modiC of trans- 
 porting it from the field to the barn is upon the heads of the 
 negroes ; but in some plantations it is conveyed along the em- 
 bankments in trucks contrived for the purpose. The harvest- 
 ing of rice is excessively hard labor ; even the negroes some- 
 times sink under it. As for white men performing the task, it 
 is out of the question ; the thing is physically impossible. The 
 work of threshing is pursued at leisure, but harvesting is the 
 work of forty-eight hours, and must be completed within that 
 time, no matter how intense may be the heat of the sun or sul- 
 try the weather. The yield varies according to the quality of 
 the soil from 800 to 1,500 pounds of rice to the acre. The 
 land is held very high, some plantations being worth as much as 
 $200 an acre. The rice raised in this section of the country is 
 acknowledged to be a very superior article, and commands the 
 highest price in the market. 
 
 Planting in the open trench is a plan extensively pursued of 
 late years, and the system has been found to work very well in 
 some localities. The difference between planting in the open 
 trench and planting in the manner previously described, consists 
 in "claying" the seed and merging the "sprout" and the "point" 
 13 
 
146 helper's IMPENDIXa CRISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 flows into one. Water thickened with clay is poured upon the 
 seed until each grain receives a coating sufficient to prevent it 
 from floating when the field is flooded. " Claying" answers all 
 the purpose of covering the seed over with earth, and when the 
 grain is sown in that way all the negroes have to do is to let on 
 the water, and in ten or thirty days thereafter the seed begins to 
 sprout. The water is kept on until the plants are one and a 
 half to two inches high. The suljsequent treatment is precise- 
 ly similar to the other mode. Tbe open trench plan has its 
 advantages and disadvantages — its advantages in the saving of 
 labor, protecting the rice from the depredations of birds and 
 the injurious elTects of freshets; and its disadvantages in 
 promoting the growth of water grass, injuring the ditches, and 
 washing away the embankments. The greatest enemies to 
 the rice planter are the " freshes" and the " salts." In the one 
 case from the great height of water in the river the planter is 
 unable to drain his field properly, and in the other, from the 
 stream being too low, the water from the ocean, which is 
 poisonous to the cereal, finds its way up to the plantations, and 
 thus suspends all flooding operations. Either of these disas- 
 ters happening at a critical period, causes great loss and 
 anxiety of mind to the planter. 
 
 Rice plantations are proverbial for their unhealthiness in the 
 summer season. The owners seldom, if ever, reside upon them, 
 but leave them in charge of overseers, who being acclimated to 
 the soil, are alone able to withstand the deadly effects of the 
 miasma. To be caught upon a rice plantation after nightfall 
 is almost certain death to the unacclimated white man, but the 
 negro passes through the ordeal unscathed. It seems as though 
 Divine power had created the African especially to withstand 
 the deadly atmosphere so peculiar to rice and cotton plantations, 
 for without the physical qualifications afforded us in the negro, 
 it would be impossible to successfully cultivate either of these 
 great staples. Can it be reasonably sujiposcd that the most 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 147 
 
 fertile and valuable soil in the Southern States was never inten- 
 ded for cultivation? Certainly not; these productive but 
 pestilential lands, so eminently adapted for the growth of cotton 
 and rice, were evidently intended by the Creator for the very 
 purpose for which they are now used ; and the white man 
 could never have developed the boundless resources of those 
 regions if by a dispensation of Providence he had not been 
 blessed with negro slaves. 
 
 In my next letter I will give you an idea of how the slavery 
 system works in the cities, and the condition of the negro in 
 hotels, dwelling-houses and manufactories. 
 
 In most of the Southern cities, the negro men have a singu- 
 lar fancy for marrying wenches older than themselves. Cooks 
 and washerwomen, old enough to be their mothers, are in their 
 eyes the most suitable kind of wives, and are eagerly sought 
 after. Negresses never despair of getting married in this 
 country until after they have become aged enough to be grand- 
 mothers, so great and growing is the demand for old wives. 
 Then there is an aristocracy in every city, and "sets" as nume- 
 rous as among white people. The negroes of the millionaire 
 seldom, if ever, associate or intermarry with the negroes of a 
 man in humble circumstances, and if there is a party to be 
 given, the poor white man's niggers are sure not to receive an 
 invitation, so extremely select do they desire to keep the circle. 
 Some of these parties, I am assured, are brilliant affairs, and 
 incredible sums are spent in dress, jewelry, and the purchase 
 of refreshments and delicacies of all kinds. 
 
 Negro churches and benevolent societies are common in 
 every town. In Macon, there is a Baptist church which is 
 attended regularly every Sunday by a congregation of over 
 1,500 persons. The preacher was formerly a slave, but his 
 congregation purchased his freedom, bought him a house and 
 gave him a salary of $800 per annum, all of which he now 
 enjoys. The reverend gentleman is represented as a very in- 
 
148 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 lelligent person, and is held in high estimation by the white 
 residents of the city. A capital anecdote is told of old 
 Barnc}', a negro servant belonging to the estate of Geo. liar- 
 graves, in this city. Barney, it appears, accompanied his 
 master to London and Paris on one occasion, in the capacity 
 of body servant. Mr. Hargraves was an invalid, and having 
 had one of his legs amputated, was obliged to take Barney 
 with him everywhere he went. During their stay at London, 
 a number of abolitionists hearing that Barney was a slave, 
 took occasion to impress upon the mind of the negro the 
 absurdity of his accompanying Mr. Hargraves back to the 
 United States. 
 
 "Well, what will you do for me," inquires Barney, "if I 
 stay with you ?" 
 
 ""Why, we will get you employment at a shilling a day, and 
 you will have your liberty. Think of that !" 
 
 "No," said Barney, with a shake of the head. "I guess it 
 wouldn't pay. You see, I am just as well off as my master. 
 I eat as good food as he eats, dress about as well, and have 
 plenty of money ; and what do you think I do for all that ? 
 Why, black one boot." 
 
 The abolitionists found they could not make a convert of 
 Barney, and left him in disgust. Barney is still alive, and 
 enjoys a handsome annuity left him by his old master. 
 
 The free negroes in this State number about 4,000. As 
 a general thing, they are a steady, sober, and industrious 
 people, and strong advocates of the slavery system. One of 
 them, a fellow named Joe Clark, residing in this city, is him- 
 self the owner of some ten or twelve slaves, whom he employs 
 upon a cotton plantation. Another, named Isham Cooper, 
 keeper of a bar-room, is estimated to be worth over $30,000 ; 
 and I heard of a third one who now supports the family of 
 his former master, lie was manumitted several years ago, it 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 149 
 
 appears, and mado qnite a competence by bridge building. 
 Since then, his former master has been several times indoljtcd 
 to him for various amounts, exceeding in tlie aggregate, pro- 
 bably, some three or four thousand dollars. And even nov/, 
 as I said before, he is the main contributor to the support of 
 a white man's family. These negroes are highly respected by 
 the white population, and any injury or wrong practiced upon 
 them, would entail as sure and speedy punishment to the 
 offender, as though the most respectable slaveholders were the 
 aggrieved parties. 
 
 Yesterday, I saw two of the Africans who were brought 
 over in the yacht Wanderer, and fine, intelligent-looking fel- 
 lows they are, too. One of them is named Mingo, and the 
 other, George. They are employed in a livery stable in Ogle- 
 thorpe street, and make good hostlers. George has charge of 
 twelve horses, and promises to be a smart and capable slave. 
 They talk tolerably good English, and display wonderful cute- 
 ness for boys of 16 years of age. They are similar in appear- 
 ance to the other negroes about the place, and display none, of 
 those savage traits of character that one might be led to 
 expect, considering they were so recently imported. I under- 
 stand there are a number of other Africans, brought over by 
 the same vessel, on a plantation not iiir from this city, and 
 that their owner calculates on making them excellent field 
 hands. Certainly, the specimens I saw yesterday were very 
 promising youths. 
 
 From the correspondence of the N. Y. Herald it -will 
 be perceived that the free laborers in the North are not a 
 bit better off than the slaves in the South, $4 per week 
 being the average wages earned by the Northern mechanics. 
 
 We now return to Mr. Helper again. He says : — 
 13* 
 
150 helper's impending crisis dissected. . 
 
 "In this cxtraorrlinary crisis of aiTairs, no man can be a 
 true patriot without fust becoming an Abolitionist. (A Free- 
 soiler is only a tadpole in an advanced state of transforma- 
 tion ; an Abolitionist is the full and perfectly developed 
 frog.)" P. 110. 
 
 Mr. Helper only states above what we have asserted in 
 the beginning of this work, that the "Black Republicans" 
 have passed the stage of " transformation,'" and are now 
 Abolitionists in full communion ; for the Republican mem- 
 bers of Congress endorsed the above when they endorsed 
 the book. And they have never since repudiated it, and 
 still stand by it, as will be seen by the following letter: — 
 
 "Washington City, Feb. 5, 1860. 
 " To the Editor of the Ashtabula Sentinel: 
 
 " Our friends at home should be slow to censure their 
 representatives for deserting Mr. Sherman. They did so 
 for the purpose of electing a speaker, and defeating a party 
 that has long wielded the federal power to the support of 
 slavery. They felt the humiliation of discarding a candidate 
 because he had endorsed the doctrine of Helper's book, 
 every sentence of which finds a response in the hearts of 
 all true Ilepublicans. JosiiUA R. Giddings." 
 
 There — let it no longer be said " that Republicans rcpu- 
 pudiate Helper." The prophet has spoken. 
 
 Mr. Helper also goes on to show the high price that 
 Northern lands sell, and the low price Southern lands sell 
 for, and ascribes the low prices of Southern lands to tho 
 " institution" of slavery. 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 151 
 
 A writer in the Soutliern Cultivator makes the follow- 
 ing references to this important subject. 
 
 " There are four causes of exhaustion to our soils, and, 
 consequently, of lessening their value, viz. : 
 
 1st. Our long, hot summers. 
 
 2nd. Our heavy, washing rains of winter. 
 
 ^rd. The things cultivated. 
 
 4ith. The mode of cultivation. 
 
 The first three of these causes are governed by the laws 
 of nature : consequently, the institution of " African 
 slavery" cannot change them. As to the fourth, our ob- 
 servation has shown us that, in the thinly or newly settled 
 free States, the mode of cultivation is as impoverishing, — 
 in Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, etc. — as it is in the slave States. 
 It is population that gives value to land ; and our popula- 
 tion has received its great augmentation from foreign im- 
 migration, which has mostly landed on New England or 
 free State shores, and have taken their bias and direction 
 from those whom they first came in contact with : conse- 
 quently, the majority of this great influx of population, — 
 having left a land of tyranny and oppression, — are easily 
 prejudiced against the Southern States, which are repre- 
 sented as being a land of slavery, — which is inimical to 
 their interest ; therefore they settle down in the Northern 
 or non-slaveholding States, thus swelling population, which 
 increases the demand for land, and that, as a reasonable 
 cause, increases its value. Lands adjacent to the cities 
 of Baltimore, Md., and St. Louis, Mo., and New Orleans, 
 
152 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 La., all of which have slaves, sell for us high prices, in 
 proportion to their population, as the land near Boston, 
 New York, Philadelphia or Cincinnati ; conclusively show- 
 ing that it is population, and not the peculiar institution 
 of slavery, that governs the prices of land. 
 
 That population increases more rapidly at the North 
 and in the non-slaveholding States, is a fact which we do 
 not pretend to deny ; yet, we claim that undue advantages 
 are taken, and misrepresentations made, to produce it. 
 
 Aid Immigrant Agencies have been vigilant at the 
 North, for the double purpose of extorting money from 
 the foreign emigrant, and, also, to inoculate them with 
 abolitionism, and prejudice them against the South and 
 her institutions. This is the true cause why the South has 
 not increased more rapidly in her population ; and, as a 
 consequence, the low price of her lands, — if, indeed, there 
 really does exist any very great disparity in the price of 
 land North and South, when you come to a general com 
 parison of valuation. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The Declaration of Independence quoted to prove the Negro was 
 not Born, " Created Free and Equal," with the White Man — Judge 
 Taney's Decision in the Dred Scott Case quoted to pi'ove the 
 Author's assertions. 
 
 Mr. Helper quotes the " Declaration of Independence" 
 to substantiate liis assertion that the nego was " free and 
 equal" with the white man. In reply to this, we will only 
 quote what Chief Justice Taney says, in his opinion on 
 the " Dred Scott Decision," to be found on pages 15, IG 
 and 17 of the printed opinions by Congress. Says Judge 
 Taney : 
 
 The language of the Declaration of Independence is conclu- 
 sive. 
 
 It begins by declaring that, " when in the course of human 
 events it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the po- 
 litical bands wliich have connected them with another, and to 
 assume among the powers of the earth the separate and eqnal 
 station to which the laws of nature and nature's God entitle them, 
 a decent respect for the opinions of mankind requires that they 
 should declare the causes which impel them to the separation." 
 
 It then proceeds to say : " We hold these truths to be self- 
 evident : that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed 
 by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among 
 them is life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that to se- 
 
 (153) 
 
154: IIELPEll's IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 cure tliese rights, governraents are instituted, deriving their 
 just puwers from the consent of the governed." 
 
 The general words above quoted would seem to embrace the 
 wliole human family, and if they were used in a similar instru- 
 ment at this day, would be so understood. But it is too clear 
 for dispute, that the enslaved African race were not intended 
 to be included, and formed no part of the people who framed 
 and adopted this declaration ; for if the language, as understood 
 in that day, would embrace them, the conduct of tlie distin- 
 guished men who framed the Declaration of Independence 
 would have beeu utterly and flagrantly inconsistent with the 
 principles they asserted ; and instead of the sympathy of man- 
 kind, to which they so confidently appealed, they would have 
 deserved and received universal rebuke and reprobation. 
 
 Yet the men who framed this declaration were great men — 
 high in literary acquirements — high in their sense of honor, 
 and incapable of asserting principles inconsistent with those on 
 which they were acting. They perfectly understood the mean- 
 ing of the language they used, and how it would be understood 
 by others ; and they knew that it would not in any part of the 
 civilized world be supposed to embrace the negro race, which, 
 by common consent, had been excluded from civilized govern- 
 ments and the family of nations, and doomed to slavery. 
 They sj)oke and acted according to the then established doc- 
 trines and principles, and in the ordinary language of the day, 
 and no one misunderstood them. The unhappy black race 
 were separated from the white by indellible marks and laws 
 long before established, and were never thought of or spoken 
 of except as property, and when the claims of the owner or the 
 profit of the trader were supposed to need protection. 
 
 This state of public opinion had undergone no change when 
 the Constitution was adopted, as is equally evident from its 
 provisions and language. 
 
 The brief preamble sets forth by whom it was formed, for 
 
HELPERS IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 1/35 
 
 wlijit i)iirposcs, and for whose benefit and protection. It dc- 
 clai-Lvs tliat it is formed by the j^'-ople of the United States; 
 that is to say, by tliose who were meml)ers of tlie diflerent po- 
 lilical communities in the several States ; and its great olycct 
 is declared to be to secure the blessings of liberty to them- 
 selves and their posterity. It speaks in general terms of the 
 jx-.ople of the United States, and of citizens of the several 
 States, when it is pi'oviding for the exercise of the powers 
 granted or the privileges secured to the citizen. It does not 
 delinc what description of persons are intended to be included 
 under these terms, or who shall be regarded as a citizen and one 
 of the people. It uses them as terms so well understood, that 
 no further description or definition was necessary. 
 
 But there are two clauses in the Constitution which point 
 directly and specifically to the negro race as a separate class 
 of persons, and show clearly that they were not regarded as a 
 portion of the people or citizens of the Government then 
 formed. 
 
 One of these clauses reserves to each of the thirteen States 
 the right to import slaves until the year 1808, if it thinks 
 proper. And the importation which it thus sanctions was un- 
 questionably of persons of the race of which we are speaking, 
 as the traffic in slaves in the United States had always been 
 confined to them. And by the other provision the States 
 pledge themselves to each other to maintain the right of prop- 
 erty of the master, by delivering up to him any slave who may 
 have escaped from his service, and be found within their respec- 
 tive territories. By the first above-mentioned clause, there- 
 fore, the right to purchase and hold this property is directly 
 sanctioned and authorized for twenty years by the people who 
 framed the Constitution. And by the second, they pledge 
 themselves to maintain and uphold the right of the master in 
 the manner specified, as long as the Government they then 
 formed should endure. And these two provisions show, con- 
 
156 helper's impending crisis dissected, 
 
 clusively, that neither the description of persons therein referred 
 to, nor their descendants, were embraced in any of the other 
 provisions of the Constitution ; for certainly these two clauses 
 were not intended to confer on them or their posterity the bless- 
 ings of liberty, or any of the personal rights so carefully provid- 
 ed for -the citizen. 
 
 No one of that race had ever migrated to the United States 
 voluntarily ; all of them had been brought here as articles of 
 merchandise. The number that had been emancipated at that 
 time were but few in comparison with those held in slavery; 
 and they were identified in the public mind with the race to 
 which they belonged, and regarded as a part of the slave popu- 
 lation rather than the free. It is obvious that they were not 
 even in the minds of the framers of the Constitution when they 
 were conferring special rights and privileges upon the citizens 
 of a State in every other part of the Union. 
 
 Indeed, when we look to the condition of this race in the 
 several States at the time, it is impossible to believe that these 
 rights and privileges were intended to be extended to them. 
 
 It is very true, that in that portion of the Union where the 
 labor of the negro race was found to be unsuited to the climate 
 and unprofitable to the master, but few slaves were held at the 
 time of the Declaration of Independence ; and when the Con- 
 stitution was adopted, it had entirely worn out in one of them, 
 and measures had been taken for its gradual abolition in several 
 others. But this change had not been produced by any change 
 of opinion in relation to this race ; but because it was dis- 
 covered, from experience, that slave labor was unsuited to the 
 climate and productions of these States ; for some of the States, 
 where it had ceased or nearly ceased to exist, were actively 
 engaged in the slave trade, procuring cargoes on the coast of 
 Africa, and transporting them for sale to those parts of the 
 Union where their labor was found to be profitable, and suited 
 to the climate and productions. And this traffic was openly 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 157 
 
 carried on, and fortunes acciunulated by it, without reproach 
 from tlie people of the States where tliey resided. And it 
 can hardly be supposed that, in the States where it was 
 tlicn countenanced in its worst form — that is, in the seizure 
 and transportation — the people could have regarded those wlio 
 were emancipated as entitled to equal rights with them- 
 selves. 
 
 And we may here again refer, in support of this proposition, 
 to the plain and unequivocal language of the laws of the several 
 States, some passed after the Declaration of Independence and 
 before the Constitution was adopted, and some since the Gov- 
 ernment went into operation. 
 
 We need not refer, on this point, particularly to the laws of 
 the present slaveholding States. Their statute books are full 
 of provisions in relation to this class, in the same spirit with 
 the Maryland law which we have before quoted. They have 
 continued to treat them as an inferior class, and to subject 
 them to strict police regulations, drawing a broad line of dis- 
 tinction between the citizen and the slave races, and legislating 
 in relation to them upon the same principle which prevailed at 
 the time of the Declaration of Independence. As relates to 
 these States, it is too plain for argument, that they have never 
 been regarded as a part of the people or citizens of the State, 
 nor supposed to possess any political rights which the domi- 
 nant race might not withhold or grant at iheir pleasure. And 
 as long ago as 1822, the Court of Appeals of Kentucky decided 
 that free negroes and mulattoes were not citizens within the 
 meaning of the Constitution of the United States ; and the 
 correctness of this decision is recognized, and the same doc- 
 trine affirmed, in 1 Meigs's Tenn. Reports, 331. 
 
 And if we turn to the legislation of the States where slavery 
 had worn out, or measures taken for its speedy abolition, we 
 shall find the same opinions and principles equally fi.xcd and 
 equally acted upon. 
 14 
 
158 UELPER S IMPENDINQ CRISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 Thus, Massacluisetts, in 1186, passed a law similar to the 
 colonial one of which we have s[)oken. The law of 1786, like 
 the law of 1705, forbids the marriage of any white person with 
 any negro, Indian, or mnlatto, and inflicts a penalty of fifty 
 pounds upon any one who shall join them in marriage ; and 
 declares all such marriages absolutely null and void, and 
 degrades thus the unhappy issue of the marriage by fixing upon 
 it the stain of bastardy. And this mark of degradation was 
 renewed, and again impressed upon the race, in the careful and 
 deliberate preparation of their revised code published in 1836. 
 This code forbids any person from joining in marriage any 
 white person with any Indian, negro, or mulatto, and subjects 
 the party who shall offend in this respect, to imprisonment, not 
 exceeding six months, in the common jail, or to hard laljor, and 
 to a fine of not less than fifty nor more than two hundred dol- 
 lars; and, like the law of 1786, it declares the marriage to be 
 absolutely null and void. It will be seen that the punishment 
 is increased by the code upon the person who shall marry 
 them, by adding imprisonment to a pecuniary penalty. 
 
 So, too, in Connecticut. We refer more particularly to the 
 legislation of this State, because it was not only among the 
 first to put an end to slavery within its own territory, but was 
 the first to fix a mark of reprobation upon the African slave 
 trade. The law last mentioned was passed in October, 1788, 
 about nine months after the State had ratified and adopted the 
 present Constitution of the United States ; and by that law 
 it prohibited its own citizens, under severe penalties, from 
 engaging in the trade, and declared all policies of insurance ou 
 the vessel or cargo made in the State to be null and void. But, 
 up to the time of the adoption of the Constitution, there is 
 nothing in the legislation of the State indicating any change 
 of opinion as to the relative riglits and ])Osition of the white 
 and black races in this country, or indicating that it meant to 
 place the latter, when free, upon a level with its citizens. Aud 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 159 
 
 certainly nothing which would have led the slaveholding States 
 to suppose that Connecticut designed to claim for thcin, under 
 the new Constitution, the equal rights and privileges and rank 
 of citizens in every otlier State. 
 
 The first step taken by Connecticut upon this sulyect was 
 as early as 177-t, when it passed an act forbidding the further 
 importation of slaves into the State. 13ut the section contain- 
 ing the prohibition is introduced by the following preamble : 
 
 "And whereas the increase of slaves in this State is injuri- 
 ous to the poor, and inconvenient." 
 
 This recital would appear to have been carefully introduced, 
 in order to prevent any misunderstanding of the motives which 
 induced the Legislature to pass the law, and places it distinctly 
 upon the interest and convenience of the white population — 
 excluding the inference that it might have been intended in any 
 degree for the benefit of the other. 
 
 And in the act of 1'784, by which the issue of slaves, born 
 after the time therein mentioned, were to be free at a certain 
 age, the section is again introduced by a preamble assigning a 
 similar motive for the act. It is in these words : 
 
 " Whereas sound policy requires that the abolition of slavery 
 should be effected as soon as may be consistent with the rights 
 of individuals, and the public safety and welfare" — showing 
 that the right of property in the master was to be protected, 
 and that the measure was one of policy, and to prevent the 
 injury and inconvenience, to the whites, of a slave population 
 in the State. 
 
 And still further pursuing its legislation, we find that in the 
 same statute passed in 1714, which prohibited the further im- 
 portation of slaves into the State, there is also a provision by 
 w'hioh any negro, Indian, or mulatto servant, who was found 
 wandering out of the town 0/ place to which he belonged, with- 
 out a written pass such as therein dcscriljcd, was made liable 
 to be seized by any one, and taken before the next authority to 
 
160 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 be examined and delivered np to his master— who was required 
 to pay the charge which had accrued thereby. And a subse- 
 quent section of the same law provides, that if any free negro 
 shall travel without such pass, and shall be stopped, seized, or 
 taken up, he shall pay all charges arising thereby. And this 
 law was in full operation when the Constitution of the United 
 States was adopted, and was not repealed till 1197. So that 
 up to that time free negroes and raulattoes, were associated 
 with servants and slaves in the police regulations established by 
 the laws of the State. 
 
 And again, in 1833, Connecticut passed another law, which 
 made it penal to set up or establish any school in that State 
 for the instruction of persons of the African race not inhabit- 
 ants of the State, or to instruct or teach in any such school or 
 institution, or board or harbor for that purpose, any such per- 
 son, without the previous consent in writing of the civil au- 
 thority of the town in which such school or institution might be. 
 The legislation of the States therefore shows, in a manner 
 not to be mistaken, the inferior and subject condition of that 
 race at the time the Constitution was adopted, and long after- 
 ward, throughout the thirteen States, by which that instrument 
 was framed : and it is hardly consistent with the respect due to 
 these States, to suppose that they regarded at that time, as 
 fellow-citizens and members of the sovereignty, a class of beings 
 whom they had thus stigmatized ; whom, as we are bound, out 
 of respect to the State sovereignties, to assume they had 
 deemed it just and necessary thus to stigmatize, and upon whom 
 they had impressed such deep and enduring marks of inferiority 
 and degradation ; or, that when they met in convention to form 
 the Constitution, they looked upon them as a portion of their 
 constituents, or designed to include thera in the provisions so 
 carefully inserted for the security and protection of the liberties 
 and rights of their citizens. It cannot be supposed that they 
 intended to secure to them rights and privileges, and rank, in 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 161 
 
 llie new political body, throagliout the Union, which every one 
 of thftm denied within the limits of its own dominion. jNIorc 
 e.sj)ccially, it cannot be believed that the large slavchokling 
 Slates regarded them as included in the word citizens, or would 
 have consented to a Constitution which might compel them to 
 receive them in that character from another State. For if thoy 
 were so received, and entitled to the privileges and immunities 
 of citizens, it would exempt them from the operation of the 
 special laws and from the police regulations which they 
 considered to be necessary for their own safety. It would give 
 to persons of the negro race, who were recognized as citizens in 
 anyone State of the Union, the right to enter every other 
 State, whenever they jtleased, singly or in companies, without 
 l>ass or passport, and without obstruction, to sojourn there as 
 long as they pleased, to go where they pleased at every hour of 
 the day or night without molestation, unless they committed 
 some violation of the law for which a white man would be 
 punished ; and it would give them the full liberty of speech in 
 public and iu private upon all subjects upon which its own citi- 
 zens might speak ; to hold public meetings upon political 
 affairs, and to keep and carry arms wherever they went. And 
 all of this would be done in the face of the subject race of the 
 same color, both free and slaves, and inevitably producing 
 discontent and insubordination among them, and endangering 
 the peace and safety of the State. 
 
 It is impossible, it would seem, to believe that the great men 
 of the slaveholding States, who took so large a share in 
 framing the Constitution of the United States, and exercised so 
 much influence in procuring its adoption, could have been so 
 forgetful or regardless of their own safety and the safety of 
 those who trusted and confided iu them. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Northern Testimony in regard to tlie Aggressions of the Eepuhlican 
 Party against the South — Extracts from the Speeches of the Hon. 
 J. A. Logan and Stephen A. Douglas — The Damage inflicted upon 
 the Northern Merchants and Manufacturers by the Republican 
 Party — The Proofs — The South in favor of Disunion in certain 
 Contingencies — Eloquent Defence of the South, by Hon. Horatio 
 G. Seymour, of New York, and Col. J. W. Wall, of New Jersey. 
 
 We take tlie following extract from a speech of Hon. 
 J. A. Logan, of Illinois, delivered in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, December 9, 1859. 
 
 "Look upon both sides of this hall, and what do we behold? 
 On tlie right, seats occupied by Republicans, representing 
 purely a Nortliern and sectional party ; when the list of mem- 
 bers is called, you hear not the voice of a Republican answering 
 from the land of Washington, wlio led our armies through the 
 Revolution to victory, giving us free institutions, peace, pros- 
 perity, and happiness as a great nation. No voice from the 
 land of Jefferson, who penned the Declaration of Independence. 
 No voice from the land of Madison, who drafted the Constitu- 
 tion now attempted to be destroyed by their prejudices and 
 fanaticism. No voice from the land of Jackson, who restored 
 the glory of the American arms after tlicy had been disgraced 
 at the North!" 
 (162) 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 163 
 
 "\Vc also quote an extract from a speech of lion. Stephen 
 A. Doughis, delivered in the Senate of the United States, 
 January 23, ISGO :— 
 
 "I have always noted that those men \vl)o were so far off 
 from the slave Slates that they did not know any thing about 
 them, are most anxious for the fate of the i)oor slave. Those 
 men who are so far off that they do not know what a negro is, 
 are distressed to death about tlio eonditiun of the poor negro. 
 But, sir, go into the border Slates, where we associate across 
 the line, where the civilities of society are constantly inter- 
 changed, where we trade witli each oilier, and have social and 
 commercial intercourse, and there you will find them standing 
 by each other like a baud of brothers. Take Southern Illinois, 
 Southern Indiana, Sonthern Oliio, and that part of rennsyj- 
 vania bordering on ^Maryland, and there you will find social 
 intercourse, commercial intercourse, good feeling, — because 
 those people know the condition of the slave on the opposite 
 side of the line ; but just in proportion as you recede from the 
 slave States, just in proportion as the people are ignorant of 
 the facts, — just in that proportion, — party leaders can impose 
 on their sympathies and honest prejudices." 
 
 Again, says this distinguished Senator : — 
 
 " Slavery may be very essential in one climate, and totally 
 useless in another. If I were a citizen of Louisiana, I would 
 vote for retaining and maintaining slavery, because I believe 
 the good of that people would require it. As a citizen of Illi- 
 nois, I ara utterly opposed to it, because our interests would 
 not be promoted by it. I should like to see the Abolitionist 
 who would go and live in a Southern coinitry, that would not 
 get over his scruples very soon, and have a plantation as 
 quickly as he could get the money to buy it. 
 
 I have said, and repeat, that this question of slavery is one 
 of climate, of political economy, of self-interest, — not a ques- 
 
164: helper's imtexdixg crisis dissected. 
 
 tion of legislation. Wliercver the climate, the soil, the healtli 
 of the country are such that it cannot be cultivated by white 
 lal)or, you will have African labor, and compulsory labor at 
 that. Wherever while labor can be employed cheapest and 
 most profitably, there African labor will retire and white labor 
 will take its place." 
 
 The Pldladelphia Atlas of January 29, 1860, say?, on 
 the threatened non-intercourse between the South and 
 North :— 
 
 "We are not at all surprised that, under the influence of the 
 present excitement, the South should seriously consider the 
 propriety of doing its own exportation and importation. The 
 concentration of so large a portion of the material wealth of 
 this country in the Northern States, — their more rajjid progress 
 ill the arts, — is not entirely attributable to the superiority of 
 free over slave labor. The criminal negligence of our Southern 
 friends in extending their commerce, and building up their 
 manufactures, and their lavish expenditures of money for the 
 sole profit of the Northern merchant and manufacturer, will 
 largely account for the disparity between the two sections in 
 wealth and power. 
 
 AVe not only export their cotton, rice, sugar and tobacco, 
 and realize a very handsome profit thereon, but we import 
 nearly all their costly goods, and supply them with the pro- 
 ducts of our factories at such prices as we please to charge 
 them. Our literary and scientific institutions are mainly sup- 
 jjorted by Southern patrons. Our watering places and moun- 
 tain retreats are crowded in the hot summer months with the 
 gay mothers and daughters of the sunny South. 
 
 Now suppose that our brothers south of Mason and Dixon's 
 should discontinue this profitalile intercourse, what then ? Why 
 the New England fanatics would pale with terror, and the 
 North would appreciate the folly, not to say the criminality, of 
 intermeddling with other people's business. 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 165 
 
 This is no impossible thing. Indeed, we think it much more 
 probable than a dissolution of the Union. For we can well 
 conceive the vast benefit of the one, and the disastrous conse- 
 quences of the other movement to the South. Tiiere would be 
 a heroism in this, a madness and ruin in that. This would be 
 worthy of a brave, indignant, patriotic, and independent i)eo- 
 ple, — that would be the act of rashness and folly. 
 
 Why should not New Orleans, ^Mobile, Charleston, Xorfolk 
 and Baltimore become rivals of Bostun, New York and Bhila- 
 delphia, if the Southern patronage should be transferred thither? 
 We would have no right to complain at this. Our people have 
 wantonly provoked the South. We tolerate men in our midst 
 who are ever warring on the South, stealing negroes, and coun- 
 seling insurrection. A squeamish sentimentalisni about slavery 
 is the prevailing type of Northern idiosyncracy. Many of our 
 people disregard the Constitution, and are ready to trample it 
 in the dust, rather than that the negro should remain in that 
 condition, in which he appears to thrive very well, for a single 
 day. No allowance is made for the difficulties in which the 
 question of emancipation is involved. And these people to- 
 tally forget that they have no right to interfere with the ques- 
 tion, unless they are prepared to pay for the negro's freedom, 
 and his master is willing to sell hira. They foolishly e.xpect to 
 coerce the Southern people to adopt their views of slavery, and 
 under the promptings of an awakened conscience, to uproot 
 their social fabric, and forever impoverish themselves and their 
 posterity. 
 
 So long as these views are freely expressed in private and 
 public by the press, and from our pulpits, is it strange that the 
 South should be e.xcited, or that her peo]de should determine 
 to deal elsewhere, and depend more upon their own resources? 
 
 Instead of passing personal liberty bills, and obstructing the 
 execution of the federal laws ; instead of organizing a party 
 to exclude, by Congressional enactments, our Southern brothers 
 
166 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 from the common territories of the Union, we were to provide 
 means for punishing treason, and maintaining tlie laws, we 
 would be acting wisely and patriotically, and would restore 
 that fraternal feeling which characterized the early days of the 
 Republic. 
 
 Let our business men look at this question, and unite in 
 bringing about a healthy reaction in the North. After all that 
 has been said in Congress and out of it, the difficulty may be. 
 resolved into a queslion of dollars and cents. The Northern 
 manufacturer wants to obtain possession of the Government in 
 order to prostitute its power for his special protection. The 
 tariff, although supposed to be a bygone issue, is yet at the 
 bottom of this contest. The negro is made the hobby of both 
 sections, because he represents that species of labor which does 
 not come in competition with foreign labor, and because he is 
 the object of special regard and sympathy by a large class of 
 diseased philanthropists." 
 
 The chief organ of Seward in the 'North charges the 
 Democracy of the South with being a disunion party, — a 
 charge which has been often made of hite, and reiterated 
 usque ad nauseam. This charge is, to a certain extent, 
 undoubtedly true, and ought to be admitted. It is true 
 conditionally — true in a certain contingency, which may 
 or may not happen. The universal sentiment, not only 
 of the Democracy of the South, but of the whole South, 
 is, that in the event of the anti-slavery parties of the 
 North gaining the ascendant in the Federal Government, 
 the wisest policy of the Southern communities is to secede 
 peaceably from the Union, before a tyrant majority in 
 Congress proceeds to reduce them to a base subjection, 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 167 
 
 ■which would place them in the position of conquered pro- 
 vinces, instead of independent sovereign States. This 
 has been proclaimed bj the leading men of the South in 
 both houses of Congress, declared in their State Legisla- 
 tures and by the Governors of States, enunciated by the 
 people in their mass meetings, and by their presses, from 
 Delaware to Texas. 
 
 Now this is an alarming condition of things, tending di- 
 rectly to the breaking up of the Union ; and the question 
 is. What cause has produced tliese dire effects ? We an- 
 swer, that thirty years of anli-slavcry agitation at the North 
 has at last culminated in a crisis which has driven the 
 South to the wall, and compels it to stand at bay. A 
 moral war has been waged against its institutions, Avhich 
 are guaranteed by the Constitution, protected by the Con- 
 stitution, and incorporated into the very framework of 
 the Constitution. Garrison and Phillips are undoubtedly 
 right, and honest as they are right, when they pronounce 
 the Constitution "pro-slavery." It is pro-slavery, and 
 therefore they curse it, and curse the Union of which it is 
 the bond. The moral war against the institutions of the 
 South has proceeded step by step till at length it has be- 
 come a physical war, — a war^of saltpetre and brimstone, 
 and rifles and pikes, — of which the saint and martyr John 
 Brown is the pioneer, and of which Helper's Compendium, 
 endorsed by all the leading men of the Republican party, 
 is the law and gospel. William 11. Seward, who has given 
 this book a special endorsement, is the prophet of the 
 
1G8 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 party, who, like Mahomet, with the Koran in one hand 
 and a sword in the other, issues his declaration of war 
 against the South, threatening to subject its institutions to 
 a higher law, (a new book of Mormon ;) and his disciple, 
 Mr. Hickman, of Pennsylvania, follows up the menace of 
 the "irrepressible conflict," of which there was a foretaste 
 at Harper's Ferry, by another menace that the higher 
 law will be forced upon the South by eighteen millions of 
 bayonets; and the man who is at the head of tliis party, 
 William H. Seward, is its candidate for the Chief Magis- 
 tracy, which would place at his disposal, and at their dis- 
 posal, the Federal army and navy, and the militia of the 
 several States. 
 
 Has not the South, then, reason to fear the worst in the 
 event of the triumph of the anti-slavery party, and the 
 election of William H. Seward ? And is it not natural 
 that the South should meditate and threaten secession 
 from a Union which would no longer ejcist but on parch- 
 ment, and which would be henceforth only the union of 
 the shark Avith his prey ? The Harper's Ferry invasion 
 may be explained away, but the South will regard the 
 election of Mr. Seward as the palpable, incontrovertible, 
 overt act of the whole North, foreshadowing the other 
 overt acts in his programme. It will regard his election 
 by a Northern majority and a sectional issue as the first 
 act of disunion committed by the combined Northern 
 States, and it will consider itself as absolved before God 
 and man from all future allegiance to the Union. Judging 
 
helper's impending cpjsis dissected. 1G9 
 
 from the best information we have received from every 
 State in the South, our solemn conviction is tliat, if jMr. 
 Seward sliould bo elected, or any other man who adopts 
 the programme of his "irrepressible conflict," he will 
 never be inaugurated at the Capitol in Washington. 
 
 The causes which are precipitating this terrible catastro- 
 phe are the same which have led to similar results in all 
 other countries. Take, for instance, the case of England 
 and her North American colonies. What produced their 
 revolt ? It was the oppression of the mother country, 
 which attempted by a high hand to interfere with the 
 legislation of the colonial Assemblies and to ignore the 
 rights of the people. They remonstrated in vain, and at 
 last threatened. The leaders who gave expression to their 
 menaces were then called disunionists, traitors, and rebels. 
 Undoubtedly they were disloyal, and disloyalty at last be- 
 came patriotism, and success justified and sanctified the 
 Kevolution. What produced the disunion, disloyalty, and 
 Revolution? The tyranny of the British Government, 
 which, because it had the power, oppressed its weak colo- 
 nies, and broke the political compact. In the same way, 
 the anti-slavery party have become a majority in the 
 North, and control its elections and resources ; and they 
 abuse their power by nullifying the Constitution of tlie 
 United States, and breaking the compact — the solemn 
 league and covenant into which all the States entered at 
 the time of the Union ; and the Northern States repudiate 
 
 their obligations, and say they will not restore fugitive 
 15 
 
170 helper's impexdixg crisis dissected. 
 
 slaves, though commanded by the Constitution and the 
 laws of Congress, and that they Avill not permit any more 
 slave States, whicli is in direct violation of the letter and 
 spirit of the Constitution, and in defiance of the history 
 of the country, from the foundation of the Government, 
 during Avhich nine slave States have been admitted. And 
 if they get possession and control of the Federal Govern- 
 ment, they plainly declare they will carry out their ideas 
 with force and arms, fire and sword. Here is the cause 
 of the disunion at the South, where ten States have al- 
 already "pronounced." 
 
 What, then, is the duty of the conservatives of the 
 Middle States — all who detest perfidy, covenant-breaking, 
 and " Carthagcnian faith" — all our merchants and manu- 
 facturers, and all who have an interest in the continuance 
 of the Union ? Their plain duty is to unite, put down the 
 anti-slavery agitation, declare their intention to render the 
 South the justice due to it by the terras of the bond, and, 
 as the best evidence of their sincerity, rally around and 
 elect a man to the Presidency who will faithfully carry 
 out this policy. Then, and not till then, will the disunion 
 party cease to exist at the South ; but if the solemn warn- 
 ings given by the signs of the times arc disregarded, and 
 if the anti-slavery sentiment is permitted to gain the as- 
 cendency next fall, then we shall soon find, not merely 
 threats of disunion at the South, but disunion itself, and 
 the dissolution of the greatest and best political confeder- 
 acy the world ever saw. 
 
helper's impendinq crisis dissected. 171 
 
 There arc many true patriots in the North, as will bo 
 seen by the fullowini^ eloquent defense of the South, made 
 by the Hon. Horatio G, Seymour, of New York. 
 
 AVheu our fathers, on common battle-fields, were struggling 
 for common rights, slavery existed in all our colonies ; there 
 was no exception ; it was on every rood of ground. We had 
 no diQieulty on account of slavery, then, in achieving our inde- 
 pendence. But since that time slavery has been abolished over 
 more than half of this land of ours. It is now in comparatively 
 contracted limits, and now we hear that it must lead to aliena- 
 tion, or the disruption of this great confederacy. I fear that 
 we of the North are unjust, and not altogether courage- 
 ous, in our treatment to our brethren of the South. IIow 
 came slavery in these United States ? Who brought the negro 
 from Africa ? The South never had ships. The men of New 
 York, where I came from, the men of Massachusetts, and the 
 men of Rhode Island, were those who stole them from their 
 homes and brought them over to the shambles here. Who laid 
 the foundations of slavery which underlie the institutions of 
 many of our States ? The time was when, over the whole 
 length and breadth of this land of ours, the people did net 
 recognize the black man as having any political rights. Now, 
 my friends, that is just as true of Massachusetts as of South 
 Carolina, and Judge Taney, in so stating, merely stated a his- 
 torical fact and known to be so by every student of history. 
 The other day, in looking over papers which came into my 
 bauds, I found an original document, a bill of sale for a slave 
 from a man in ^Massachusetts to a Man in New York, and that 
 paper throws a most remarkable light over the whole question 
 of slavery. It commenced thus : "To all Christian ])eople to 
 whom these presents may come, I, Mark Rose, sell my slave," 
 &c. The people of Massachusetts held that no persons were 
 eutilled to any political privileges unless they were Christians ; 
 
172 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 and they went further than that — they held that no one was 
 eiitilU'd to political privileges nidess he was the right kind of a 
 Christian. They held the views which laid the foundation of 
 slavery in the theology of that time. They sold Quakers into 
 slavery — they sold the family of King Philip into slavery, 
 Tliese were the sentiments that existed in the North in our 
 early days. When the Constitution of the United States was 
 formed, and when the delegates from the different States met in 
 convention, the question of slavery was there, and it was asked, 
 when shall the slave trade be put an end to ? Georgia says, 
 now; Virginia says, now ; South Carolina says, not yet ; Con- 
 necticut, not yet; Rhode Island, not yet; Massachusetts, not 
 yet; New Hampshire said not yet — the slave trade is jirofit- 
 able. If you will read Minot's History of Massachusetts, you 
 will learn that the great business of New England was at one 
 time the manufacture of rum — pure rum ; and when they made 
 rum, they took it to the coast of Africa and exchanged it for 
 slaves. The slavers landed their cargoes on some unfrequented 
 shores of the Southern coast, and forthwith the entire South 
 was charged with complicity in the slave trade. But they do 
 not, at the same time, tell you, that the slave ships are fitted 
 out from New England i)orts — that they glide out to seaupou 
 their nefarious voyages beneath the shades of Bunker Hill. 
 
 The political power of our country is in the hands of the 
 free States. The population of the country increases at the 
 rate of a million a year ; of this increase the North receives 
 over seven hundred thousand. This large majority of the yearly 
 increase has given the North her strength in the confederacy. 
 How came the North by this excess of the increase. At the 
 outset we were equal — then we were all slave States. Now, 
 what led to the al)olishment of slavery in the North, and thus 
 gave us the basis of our present strength ? I will tell you, my 
 friends, and you all know it to be so. The Democratic party 
 imrty, under Jefferson, inaugurated the wise and beucficeut 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 173 
 
 policy of inviting the laborer of the old world to jilaiit himself 
 down upon the great and fertile plains of our country. 
 
 Under this policy, the emigrants from Europe flocked to the 
 Xorthcrn States, because they found in their soil and climate, 
 und in their institutions, a more congenial home. So yon see, 
 my friends, that it has been under a policy inaugurated by South- 
 ern slatcsmen — a policy which found its most Ijitter opponents 
 at the North — that our section has become all powerful in the 
 government. We have now a majority in the Senate, in the 
 Jlouse of Representatives, and in the Electoral College ; but 
 the census of 1860 will show that two-thirds of the members 
 of the House of Representatives, and an overwhelming major- 
 ity in the h'enate, represent free States. Is this a time, and 
 nre tliese the circumstances under which an " irre[)ressible con- 
 flict" shall be waged against the people and institutions of the 
 weaker section ? When the South was strong and we were 
 weak, they furnished us no precedent for the course of action 
 we now propose to pursue against them. These being the 
 truths which history teaches, and standing here as I do, at the 
 very head waters of the mighty Mississippi, whose arms lock 
 our country together, teaching us a perpetual lesson of fraternal 
 love and union, I beg you to pause before you enter upon a 
 sectional warfare, which will rive asunder those whom God has 
 joined together. 
 
 Before you do this, look at history, and see if the South has 
 ever hesitated to uphold a single measure which was calculated 
 to advance tiie whole country* although in doing so they have 
 built up the North instead of the South. There is an instinc- 
 tive difference between the two parties. The Democratic party 
 is a let-alone party — the Republican party is a meddling party. 
 It is a great deal easier to obtain political power by inflaming 
 the passions and prejudices of our neighbors, by denouncing 
 men a thousand miles away, than it is to gain influence by gov- 
 erning our walk in life by the principles of justice, or the dic- 
 15* 
 
174 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 tates of a sound patriotism. Is it not too trnc tliat the reverse 
 of this has been hurtful to the morals of our people — and hurt- 
 ful to the puli)it, of which I speak with all reverence, and to 
 the holy doctrines which should issue from the sacred desk ? 
 Is it not too true, my Repuljlican friends, that a rifle for Kan- 
 sas or a curse for the South has weighed more in the political 
 scale than private virtues or jiolitical service ? Whence comes 
 slavery ? We have seen who ])rolonged it. Now, my friends, 
 do you ever stop to inquire who upholds it? It is sustained 
 by the firm of "Weaver, Wearer & Planter," and two of the 
 partners live up North. Every one knov,-s that but for the 
 looms of New England and Old England it could not live a 
 day. The loudest denunciations against slavery are made by 
 men with cotton shirts on their hack. The most fervent pulpit 
 exhortations against slavery come from men who wrap them- 
 selves for rejiose at night in cotton sheets, who lay their lieads 
 upon cotton pillows, and go to sleep thanking God that they ore 
 better than the men "'down South." T was called njion some 
 years ago, while Governor of New York, by a deputation of 
 Quakers from Great Britain, to lay before me a "testimony" 
 against slavery. As they wished, I listened^ to them. We 
 afterward fell into a conversation, and the question arose why 
 the people of Europe were oppressed and burdened so heavily 
 by taxation. We attributed it to the differences in their lan- 
 guaire — the great numl)er of nationalities, divided by imagin- 
 ary lines — the petty jealousies and strifes, and consequent neces- 
 sity for maintaining large standing armies. We then spoke of the 
 blest condition of Europe if all these rival governments could be 
 moulded into one, speaking a common language, liaving com- 
 mon sympathies, with no custom-houses to annoy, and no stand- 
 ing armies to threaten ; and my Quaker friends warmed with 
 enthusiasm at the glorious picture, and expressed the earnest 
 wish that such a day might dawn, for with it would come the 
 true millennium. "But," said I, "when all this has been 
 
nELPEll S IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 175 
 
 ascjieved, suppose some man sliould rise up in England, and 
 say that all this genial fellowship among the nations, this com- 
 munity of interest and of language shall be destroyed unless 
 serfdom shall be abrogated in Russia and polygamy in Turkey, 
 ■what would you say regarding such a man?" "Say," said 
 the Qnakers ; "we would say that he deserved the anathemas 
 of all good men, as a traitor to the best interests of mankind 
 for doubting that God, in his own way, and in his own good 
 time, would work out a remedy for all these wrongs 1" " Now," 
 said I, "my friends, when we drew this picture of Europe it 
 was not all fancy. I described the broad land which extends 
 from the Atlantic to the Pacific — from the great Lakes to the 
 Gulf of Mexico. Go two thousand miles over this land, and 
 uo custom-house shall stop you — travel to its furthest limits and 
 you shall see no standing armies — ^}'ou shall hear a common 
 language and shall feel a common sympathy. Then you shall 
 know what it is to live upon a great broad continent where 
 there is brotherhood unalloyed by your hatreds and antipathies. 
 "Why, therefore, do you come here to teach us the language of 
 strife ?" 
 
 Now, my friends, to make the application : — Had we, from 
 the beginning, been arrayed one State against another — had 
 we disregarded our community of language and of interest, and 
 fostered the hatreds and jealousies which we are now taught to 
 cherish, this beautiful Minnesota would yet have been a wilder- 
 ness, the painted savages would yet glide down the noble Mis- 
 sissippi, and the waters of that mighty cataract, whose thun- 
 ders I almost hear, that by the art of man has been taught to 
 leap forth to their labors at the rising of the sun and retire to 
 their rest at its setting, would still pursue their precipitous 
 course undisturbed. 
 
 Said Colonel James "W. Wall, to the citizens of Newark, 
 on the 5tli November, 1859: — 
 
 Keep up " this irrepressible conflict between freedom and 
 
176 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 slavery," predicted and prayed for by the leading- rvepnblicaa 
 agitators of the Xorth, and I toll yon the time is not far dis- 
 tant, yea, it is at our very doors, when the agonized cry shall 
 come up from Southern hearthstones made desolate, and from 
 fields crimsoned with the blood of master and of slave, for ven- 
 geance, dire vengeance, upon that miserable faction who fed this 
 flameof sectional strife until its lurid glare only served to light a ser- 
 vile insurrection upon its hellish work of desolation and of death. 
 When that hour shall come, and come it will if the doctrines 
 of the men of the Seward, Greeley, Chase, and Tnrnbull school 
 are pushed to their inevitable consequences and conclusions, 
 the tie that now binds this Union and grapples State to State 
 wilh hooks of steel, shall become a rope of sand, which the 
 breath of faction may scatter to the winds. 
 
 Deem you this exaggeration ! If it be so, then it is not the 
 fault of that Reimblican party in the Xorth, who from time to 
 time sent armed men forward to tljat irrepressible conflict on 
 the soil of Kansas, putting in the lands of peaceful emigrants 
 Sharp's rifles, and throwing down the gauntlet of defiance to 
 our Southern brethreti, and invoking the very strife that they 
 desired to have kindled, and which first excited the brain of 
 that mad old fanatic and enthusiast who, now bleeding and in 
 chains, is awatiiigthat fate which, according to all the rules of 
 justice, should be meted out to such men as Beecher, Chapin, 
 Greeley, Blair, and a host of others wlio first hissed him on, 
 and cowardly left him to do his work unaided and alone. The 
 men who first sent emissaries into Kansas — who first whispered 
 in their ears words of fierce excitement and unextinguished hate 
 against our Southern brethren, are the men who, if they are 
 not responsible to the legal tribunals of the country, are re- 
 sponsible before the Higher Law.s, which they acknowledge as 
 above such tribunals, for all the fierce mischief they have pro- 
 voked. And that party, which under the name of Republican 
 first gave its money, its time, its intellect, and its labor to be- 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 177 
 
 ginning and keeping np tliis irrepressible conflict on the soil 
 of Kansas, cannot and shall not dodge the responsibility they 
 have so wantonly assumed ; and when haunted by the ghostly 
 victims it has betrayed, no wonder its knees smite together and 
 its ghastly eye-balls glare, as, like the startled conscience- 
 stricken Macbeth, before the unmoved ghost of Banquo, it 
 utters the same lie that he did — and exclaims, 
 
 " Thou canst not say I did it ; never shako 
 Thy gory locks at uie." 
 
 My friends I know there are men, patriotic men, who have 
 without thought thrown themselves into the Republican party, 
 and whose hands are guiltless of all this blood, and upon whose 
 conscience it never will rest. But there is an abolitionized 
 element entering into and forming part of this Republican 
 party, without which it could not live an hour. That is the 
 element, that like a salamander rejoices in the fires of sectional 
 strife? That is the element which has sown the dragon's teeth 
 in Kansas, and brought forth strife and armed men. That is 
 the element, which rearing on high its baneful crest, in the 
 hour of triumph hissed forth that damnable heresy, that the 
 irrepressible conflict between freedom and slavery must go on 
 until this country was all free or all slave. It was the working 
 of that element which filled the soul of the poor wretch, Brown, 
 until brain and heart both reeled beneath the impulse, and 
 drove him headlong on to be the first martyr in a strife which 
 he had been taught to believe by Bcechcr, Greely and Chapiu, 
 was only 
 
 " Freedom's battle once begun." 
 
 This abolitionized element preaches constant and endless 
 agitation upon this slavery question. I know that it does not 
 yet dare openly to proclaim that slavery shall be abolished 
 where it exists, but simply confine itself, or pretends to do so, 
 to preventing its further extension. But behind all this lies 
 the hope of the future, not dimly forshadowed either in that 
 
178 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 devilish expression about the "irrepressible conflict that is 
 going on between freedom and slavery" — aye ! openly avowed 
 in that plain and startling declaration " that this country must 
 be one day all slave or all free." If this be not the fell spirit 
 of Abolition that speaks such swelling words, then it is some 
 •other spirit in its likeness. 
 
 Our Northern brethren may ponder over the eloquent 
 remarks of their Northern friends, and resolve to cast all 
 their influence against the aggressions of the Republican 
 Fanatics, ^Yho would destroy the union of these States to 
 gratify their own wickedness. 
 
CHAPTEK IX. 
 
 Speech of the Hon. L. Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi, on the Excite- 
 ment of the Times — His noble Defense of Slavery— Civil War in 
 the United States predicted years ago by Commodore Decatur, of 
 the United States Navy — Slavery proven to have existed in the 
 Hebrew Nation — Lord Macaulay, the author, quoted to show the 
 vast ruin it would entail upon thousands of the whites in En- 
 gland, were Slavery abolished in the United States — The great 
 blessings of the Cotton Crop. 
 
 We give entire the speech of the Hon, L. Q. C. Lamar, 
 of Mississippi, in the House of Representatives, February 
 21, 1860. 
 
 The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the 
 State of the Union, and having under consideration the 
 President's Annual Message, Mr. Lamar said : 
 
 " Mr. Chairivian : I obtained the floor several days ago, 
 for the purpose of replying to some arguments advanced in a 
 very ingenious and well-considered speech from the gentleman 
 from Connecticut, [Mr. Ferry.] I desire to begin my re- 
 marks to-day by a quotation from the philosopher and poet, 
 Coleridge, which I will thank the Clerk to read for me." 
 
 The Clerk read as follows : 
 
 "An American commander, who had deserved and received 
 the highest honors which his grateful country, through her as- 
 eembled representatives, could bestow upon him, once said to 
 
 (179) 
 
180 IIELrER'S IMPENDIXG CRISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 mc, with a sigh, ' In an evil hour for my conntry did the French 
 and Spaniards abandon Louisiana to the United States. We 
 were not sufficiently a country before ; and should we ever be 
 mad enough to drive the English from Canada and her other 
 North American Provinces, we shall soon cease to be a country 
 at all. Without local attachment, without national honor, we 
 shall resemble a swarm of insects that settle on the fruits of 
 the earth to corrupt and consume them, rather than men who 
 love and cleave to the land of their forefathers. After a shape- 
 less anarchy, and a series of civil wars, we shall at last be 
 formed into many countries, unless the vices engendered in the 
 process should demand further punishment, and we should pre- 
 viously fall beneath the despotism of some military adventurer, 
 like a lion, consumed by an inward disease, prostrate and help- 
 less beneath the beak and talons of a vulture, or yet meaner 
 bird of prey.' " 
 
 The distinguished commander there referred to, Mr. Chair- 
 man, was Decatur. No one can read that declaration without 
 feeling some disposition to inquire whether we are about to 
 realize its fulfillment. The animosities that exist between the 
 two sections of the Confederacy, the discord that reigned for 
 seven long weeks on this floor, are fearful tokens of a deep- 
 seated disorder in our political system. 
 
 My object to-day is to inquire how far my constituents and 
 the people with whom they are associated are responsible for 
 the existing condition of things. Mississippi, sir, has grown 
 up under this Federal Union. There is not, within her limits, 
 a proprietor who does not hold his home under a grant from 
 the Federal Government. Iler noble university, and her com- 
 mon schools, are all established by donations from the public 
 domain, which she has received, in common with all the new 
 States. It is true, that in the special and appreciable advant- 
 ages of Federal legislation — such as discriminations in favor 
 of industrial pursuits, and commercial enterprise, and the re- 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 181 
 
 turns of taxation, in the form of Government expenditures — 
 she receives far less than an average sliare. She has no shijis 
 to participate in the monopoly granted to American vessels f f 
 tlie coasting trade, and the benefit of tonnage duties in their 
 favor in the foreign trade. Her population have no fishing or 
 other bounties from the National Treasury ; and the tariff on 
 imports does not operate to protect the productions of lier in- 
 dustry. She has no army of contractors or Federal officers ; 
 nor are there any public buildings of imperial magnificence 
 constructed by the Government within her limits. But she is 
 prosperous ; and the heart of her people beats truer to the 
 Union than to their own tranquillity. Nor will she be driven 
 from her devotion, except by causes which she has not created, 
 and by consequences for which she is not responsible. Mis- 
 sissippi has never declared herself in favor of disunion, jxr se. 
 She will not make that declaration until she becomes convinced 
 that her sister States north are deliberately determined to en- 
 danger her internal and social institutions, or to impair her dig- 
 nity and equality as a confederate State. 
 
 Now, sir, I should not be candid if I did not say that there 
 are many, perhaps a majority, in ray State who do not speak 
 with the same reserve and caution as 1 am doing on this occa- 
 sion. The obvious and unmistakable tokens of design in the 
 long-continued and crafty agitation of this slavery question, 
 have produced alienation and distrust. It is a unanimous sen- 
 timent in the South that the existence of this Republican or- 
 ganization is a standing menace to her peace and security, and 
 a standing insult to her character. More especially have the 
 recent events in Virginia, the discordant proceedings of this 
 House, and the angry discussion on the Helper book, created 
 a tone and tendency in the public feeling which must tell un- 
 happily on the political transactions of our country for a long 
 series of years. 
 
 I was pained, during that discussion, to hear the distiu- 
 16 
 
182 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 giiished p:entleiuaii from Ohio [Mr. Corwin] ask, in a tone of 
 levity which evinced how lightly he esteemed the temper of our 
 people, "Wiiy, gentlemen, can a small book like the Helper 
 Compend endanger your proud institutions?" Sir, a million 
 such books could not, for an instant, affect the South, but for 
 the conviction that it represents and embodies the sentiments 
 of a large mass of the Northern people. You, gentlemen, who 
 have disclaimed and repudiated its practical recovimendalions, 
 do not deny, I believe you all admit, that the fundamental 
 doctrine of the book — that slavery is a great moral, social, 
 and political wrong, to be opposed by the Government every- 
 where and under all circumstances, by all constitutional means, 
 its extension to be prohibited, and the powers of this Govern- 
 ment to be ajiplied to confine it with a view to. its extinction — 
 is the predominant opinion of a large mass of the Northern 
 people ; that it infects their literature, pervades their juris- 
 prudence, is inculcated in their theology, controls their local 
 legislation, and constitutes, this day, the sole creed of a politi- 
 cal party which commands a majoi-ity of States, and over- 
 whelming majorities in States at the North. 
 
 Now, sir, this is a portentous fact ; for a moral sentiment 
 thus diffused among the majority of a great people will work 
 itself out into practical action, and the law — fundamental or 
 statute — which obstructs its progress to development must yield 
 before it or be overborne by it. 
 
 Sir, institutions and constitutions and laws and governments 
 are at last but external structures, whose roots are in the moral 
 and intellectual life of the people for whom they exist ; and 
 any revolution in that moral and mental life must have its cor- 
 responding effect upon institutions subject to its influence. 
 
 Now, sir, among a great, earnest, and religious people, 
 whose moral and religious conviction is that slavery is "a sin 
 against God and a crime against humanity," in the language 
 of the gentleman from Connecticut, [Mr. Feuuy,] I ask what 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 183 
 
 countenance or support will be given to a Constitution which 
 sanctions that sin, or to institutions whicli uphold and establish 
 that crime ? Let, sir, the party which represents this sentiment 
 get possession of this Government, intrench itself in all its de- 
 partments, arm itself with its power, and I ask if the bar- 
 riers of the Constitution, the forms of law, the obligations of 
 humanity, and the sovereignty of the States will not all melt 
 down in its fiery path ? Is it strange, sir, that our pcopk 
 should think of withdrawing their imperiled institutions fron* 
 the sweep of this fanatical revolution ? And yet, sir, if a 
 Southern gentleman, from a heart oppressed with gloomy fore- 
 bodings for his country, expresses any sucli sentiment upon 
 this floor, forthwith these llepublican gentlemen — ay, sir, and 
 grave Senators — seize upon it, tear it from its context, mis- 
 represent the spirit which prompted its utterance, and send it 
 forth grouped with other expressions similarly garbled, to 
 arouse passion, inflame prejudice, and madden fanaticism. 
 
 Sir, the calamity of the times is, that the people of the 
 North do not understand the people of the South ; and it is to 
 the interest of a certain class of politicians to perpetuate the 
 misunderstanding. 
 
 The gentleman from Connecticut, sir, in his speech a few 
 days since, repeated the assertion of the gentleman from Ohio, 
 [Mr. CoRWiN,] that it was the policy of the founders of 
 our Republic to prevent the establishment of slavery in new 
 communities. In my opinion, a greater error was never com- 
 mitted upon this floor. My own State is a standing refutation 
 of the proposition. Sir, slavery exists this day in Mississippi 
 by the encouragement — certainly with the consent — of this 
 Federal Government when it was in the hands of the founders 
 of our Republic. By the act of 1798, the President was 
 authorized to extend over the Mississippi Territory, the same 
 Government which existed northwest of the Ohio, excepting 
 the last clause of the famous ordinance prohibiting slavery ; 
 
18-i HELPERS IMPENDINQ CRISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 and that was repealed. And upon the motion of Mr. 
 Thatcher, of Massachusetts, to protect what he called " the 
 rights of man," the AVilmot-proviso principle Wiis proposed to 
 be extended over Mississippi, and received at first but twelve 
 votes, and upon the last proposition but one vote. Now, sir, 
 this seems to me to be a legislative declaration to exclude the 
 conclusion that there was any desire upon the part of the 
 founders of our Kopublic to prevent the establishment of 
 slavery in new communities. It certainly displays the con- 
 siderate caution which then existed on this subject. It shows 
 that there was no disposition on the part of the founders of 
 our Republic to interfere with the delicate relation in new 
 Territories; and it would have been a policy of peace had this 
 precedent been followed in all subsequent legislation. This 
 act shows that the United States gave their free and spontane- 
 ous consent that slaves might be carried and held in Missis- 
 sippi as property, and that her freemen were, at the proper 
 time, to form an independent government, and become a 
 member of the Union on equal terms with the other parties 
 to the compact. Now, sir, Mississippi stands here to-day, 
 and finds slavery, through the action of this Federal Govern- 
 ment, an integral and live element in her social system, inter- 
 fused with the social relations, the industrial pursuits, the 
 investments of capital, and the political forms of her people. 
 
 Gentlemen, I ask, have you the right — I do not mean the 
 constitutional power — have you the moral right, is it just, is it 
 tolerant, to reverse the action of this Government and embark 
 it in a career of hostility to an institution which the action of 
 this Government has made the basis upon whose durability our 
 social and political order is constituted ? The condition of 
 Mississippi is that of other new States in the South and South- 
 west. 
 
 The gentleman from Connecticut justifies this policy of his 
 party, on the ground that our institution is regarded by the 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 185 
 
 people of the North as " hateful to God and unjust to man ;" 
 that "it cannot exist of natural right." But when he seeks 
 to give the autliority upon wliich he bases this dogma, he takes 
 particular pains to lodge it in that most secret place in all 
 nature, "the instincts of the human heart" and the dictates 
 of natural reason. 
 
 Mr. Ferry. — An enlightened conscience. 
 
 Mr. Lamar. — Yes, sir ; the dictates of an enlightened con- 
 science. Sir, he almost repeated the proposition of the 
 gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. Bingham,] in a debate during the 
 last Congress, when he said: "I appeal to your immortal 
 spirit, can you be rightfully reduced to slavery ?" The gentle- 
 man from Connecticut, following that line of argument, asks : 
 " Is there a man upon this floor who would not rather die than 
 be a bondman 'I who would not rather see his little son dead 
 in his coffin than see that son sold into slavery ?" 
 
 Well, sir, I answer the gentleman, (and I presume it is just 
 as he wishes me to answer,) that I cannot be rightfully reduced 
 to slavery ; nor can you, sir ; nor can the gentleman himself. 
 But, sir, does it follow that men are right-angled triangles — 
 that whatever is true of one is predicable of all men ? Will 
 these gentlemen say that that is the test by which the rightful- 
 ness of a civil regulation is to be determined ? If so, I will 
 ask these gentlemen a question : " I appeal to your immortal 
 spirit," can you rightfully be reduced to a felon's cell ? I ask 
 |lie gentleman, "Is there a man upon this floor who would not 
 rather die than be" a felon ? who " would not rather see his 
 little son dead in his coffin" than to see that son torn from his 
 mother's embrace, and doomed to imprisonment for life with 
 hard labor, the associate of convicts and criminals ? 
 
 Mr. Ferry. — Does the gentleman wish an answer ? 
 
 Mr. Lamar. — Not just now. Sir, they can give me but one 
 answer, and that is the answer which I give to their question. 
 And yet there are hundreds of thousands of our fellow-citizens, 
 16* 
 
186 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 in wliom the same immortal spirit resides, who are reduced to 
 that ignominious condilion ; and tliese gentlemen justify the 
 ordinane-es and statutes which condemn tliem to it; not be- 
 cause they are not " created with equal, inherent, natural, and 
 inalienable rights," but simply because the order and well-being 
 of society require that they shall be deprived of that liberty 
 and equality which, in our hands, is such a priceless, peerless 
 blessing. Bat I again "appeal to the gentleman's immortal 
 spirit." I ask him, can he be made subservient and obedient 
 to another's will — his intellectual and moral nature subject to 
 the restraint and control of another's authority ? Sir, tiicse 
 gentlemen are ready to fight for the liberty of private judg- 
 ment. And yet all the young men of the country, under 
 twenty-one years of age, are reduced to that condition, not 
 because their rights are not natural, inherent, and inalienable, 
 but simply because the interests of society require that they 
 should 1)6 kept under this personal restraint until they are fitted 
 for political and social equality. 
 
 But, sir, I appeal again " to the gentleman's immortal 
 spirit," and I ask him, can he rightfully be deprived of all 
 political power, even the right of voting; every civil privilege, 
 even of suing, in a Government which acts upon every relation 
 of his being, which taxes his person and taxes his property, 
 and affects, for weal or woe, the destinies of his posterity ? 
 The gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Bingham] has already justified 
 rebellion in Kansas "to maintain the natural right of self-gov- 
 ernment ;" and the gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. Ferry] 
 has asserted that one of the objects of our Revolution was to 
 establish "universal equality in political rights." Yet, sir, 
 one half of our adult population — the better half, who have 
 the same immortal nature, and a far purer nature than ours — 
 are reduced to that condition ; are deprived of every political 
 right, of every civil privilege. Their existence is ignored by 
 the laws of some States, and their very persons, in many in- 
 
IIELPEil's IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 187 
 
 Btanccs, arc subject to the custody of coarser and inferior 
 natures. And these gentlenieii justify all this, not upon the 
 ground that woman's nature is not immortal, or that her rights 
 ai-e less inherent and inalienable, but simply because the neces- 
 sities of society demand licr consecration to those high and 
 noble responsibilities which unfit her for the exercise of political 
 riglits. 
 
 Now, T put the question, and I want it answered, whether 
 fcnuile dependence or the immaturity of youth constitute any 
 better reason for the privation of ])olitical and social equality, 
 for the infliction of civil disabilities and personal restraints, 
 than the ignorance, superstition, the mental and moral debase- 
 ment which centuries of barbarism have entailed, upon a servile 
 race? I want to know, sir, if the good of society, its interests 
 and order, as a whole, docs not require that this race should be 
 retained in its existing relation ; whether the institution does 
 not stand vindicated by every principle upon which human 
 institutions repose ? 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the mistake of these gentlemen is this: that 
 men are to be governed by certain fixed, inflexible, invariable 
 rules, deduced from natural reason ; and that a government 
 which is applicable to a race of intelligent white men can be 
 forced npon States consisting of two distinct races, opposite 
 in color, and differing as widely in character, disposition, moral 
 and mental habits, as are the opposing characteristics of bar- 
 barism and civilization. 
 
 But, sir, shall we always be disputing about these "natural 
 rights of man" and the foundations of society ? Are we to 
 have no time-honored institutions, no recognized precedents, 
 no grand maxims of common law, growing up around our 
 Constitution, and almost as sacred as the Constitution itself ? 
 Is our grand Eepublic, its destiny, its administration, its 
 policy, to be forever floating hither and thither upon the un- 
 certain billows of this beautiful but dangerous sea of political 
 
188 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 metaphysics ? Are these gentlemen prepared to say that every 
 institution of society ninst stand or fall, according as it con- 
 forms, or fails to conform, to some principle of natural right, 
 deduced by each generation from natural reason ? Where, 
 sir, would such a principle stop? There are philosophers, and 
 I believe they are correct, who say that the right of individual 
 property caimot be deduced from the natural reason of man. 
 
 But, sir, this principle is not limited in its action to political 
 forms ; it institutes revolt in all the elements of the social 
 system, and raises impious war against the recognized ordi- 
 nances and express commandments of God. The gentleman 
 from Connecticut [Mr. Ferry] stated, the other day, that 
 there was no warrant in the language of inspiration for the 
 relation of master and slave as it exists in the South. Now, 
 sir, I am not going to quote the Bible upon these gentlemen ; 
 but I propose to give them the language of a learned Northern 
 divine, the president of a northern college, an advocate of 
 immediate abolition, whose book on moral science is the text- 
 book of your northern colleges, academies, and schools. Dr. 
 Wayland, in his letters on the subject of slavery, speaking of 
 the 25th chapter of Leviticus, in which the Hebrews are com- 
 manded to buy the children of the strangers among them, uses 
 the following language : 
 
 "The authority to take them as slaves seems to be a part of 
 this original, peculiar, and anomalous grant." 
 
 I presume, Mr. Chairman, none but an Abolitionist would 
 characterize a grant of God as anomalous. 
 
 Again : 
 
 "I grant at once that the Hebrews held .s/a res from the 
 time of the conquest of Canaan, and that Abraham and the 
 patriarchs held them many centuries before. I grant, also, 
 Moses enacted laws with special reference to that relation." 
 
 I hope I have the attention of the gentleman from Connecti- 
 cut, [Mr. Ferry] to the next sentence : 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 189 
 
 " I wonder," says Dr. "Waylaiid, "that ninj ahoiild have the 
 hnr(Ji/,,,o(I lo deny so plain a mailer of record. I should as 
 ijuon doiij the delivery of the ten commandments to Closes.'" 
 
 iNIr. Fkrry. — Will the gontleniaii yield to ine a moment? 
 
 Mr. Lamar. — It is this stupid hour rule that prevents my 
 yieldiniz: to the gcntlemau. 
 
 !Mr. Feury. — I do not wish to interrupt the gentleman 
 further tiian to say, that I will take another opportunity to 
 answer him. 
 
 Mr. Lamar. — Sir, the gentleman said that the sentiment of 
 all Christendom was repugnant to the institution of slavery. 
 Christianity came into the world when the relation of master 
 and slave was one of cruelty and hostility. " Our slaves are 
 our enemies," was the observation of the elder Cato. How 
 did our Saviour and his apostles treat that relation ? I pro- 
 pose, sir, no views of ray own ; but I will give an extract from 
 Dr. Wayland's Elements of Moral Science, the text-book of 
 your northern schools. In an argument, seeking to prove 
 "the moral principles of the Gospel to be directly subvcrsivo 
 of the principles of slavery," he makes the following admis- 
 sion : 
 
 " The Gospel neither commands masters to manumit their 
 slaves nor authorizes slaves to free themselves from their 
 masters; and, also, it goes further, and prescribes the duties 
 suited to both parti ^s in their present condition." 
 
 Again : 
 
 "The didy of slaves is also explicitly made known in the 
 Bible. They are bound to obedience, fidelity, submission, and 
 respect to their masters, not only to the good and kind, but 
 also to the unkind and froward ; not, however, on the ground 
 of duty to man, but on the ground of duty to God." — Way- 
 land's Elements of Moral Science, pages 225 and 229, edition 
 in the Congressional Library. 
 
 This is abolition authority, I want it understood. 
 
190 nELPER'S I.MPEXDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 Now, sir, the teachiiiirs of the A|iostles, as they are here 
 made known by Dr. Wayiand, were the teachings uf the 
 Christian Church. The Chnrch was itself a slaveholder, and 
 Cliristian kings and princes followed its example. There is in 
 Hampton Court at this day, the marble bust of the favorite 
 negro slave of William III., Prince of Orange — one of the 
 cherubim of English liberty — with a carved collar around his 
 neck, with a padlock upon it, and in every respect made like a 
 dog's collar. 
 
 But, sir, there is one authority which I came near forgetting 
 to read, and which I suppose stands higher with those gentle- 
 men than even Dr. Wayiand. It is a work which is an elabo- 
 rate exposition of certain abstract principles of New England 
 theology and politics, ali)eit in a narrative and dramatic form. 
 I read from the " Minister's Wooing," by j\Irs. Harriet 
 Beecher Stowe. In this novel, which would stand unequalled 
 as a work of fiction but for the anti-slavery bigotry which runs 
 like a coarse black thread through the otherwise admirable 
 tissue of thought and feeling, she puts in the nu-ath of the 
 erudite and learned Dr. Hopkins — the hero, by the way, of 
 the tale — the following answer to Mr. Marvyn's question : 
 
 " Was there not an express permission given to Israel to 
 buy and hold slaves as of old ?" 
 
 Says the Doctor : 
 
 " Doubtless ; but many permissions were given to them 
 which were local and temporary ; for if we hold them to apply 
 to the human race, the Tnrks might quote the Bible for making 
 slaves of us, if they could ; and the Algerines have the Scrip- 
 tures all on their side ; and our own blacks at some future 
 time, if they can get tlie power, might justify themselves in 
 making slaves of us." [Page 174.] 
 
 Now, sir, I do not wish the point of my argument misunder- 
 stood. I am not seeking to show a Bible sanction of Southern 
 slavery as it now exists. I do not osk your assent to that. My 
 
helper's impending ciiisis dissected. 101 
 
 point is, tliat the 2«v;/?c/p?e with which you are warring upon 
 us, is condemned by the ordinance of God and the language 
 of Scripture. I say that God would never, even "for local and 
 temporary purposes," have given permission for that which 
 conies in conflict with those immutable principles of natural 
 right of which he is the author. When he established slavery 
 among the Jews, he established the principle that there may 
 be conditions and circumstances under which slavery is not 
 "hateful to God or unjust to man." Nor docs this argument 
 justify Turkish slavery, Algcrinc slavery, or white slavery ; it 
 justifies no sort of slavery except that which justifies itself by 
 the rightfulness of its own conditions and circumstances. And 
 this is the ground upon which we of the South place our cher- 
 ished institutions. "We maintain that these justifying circum- 
 stances do exist in relation to our institution of negro slavery. 
 They consist in the unfitness of the black race for a condition 
 higher than that of slavery. Our proposition is, that when 
 tiiese two races are brought into contact, the supremacy of the 
 white man must be acknowledged, and his right to govern both 
 races with reference to the happiness of both. This is the 
 principle upon which, until recently, the legislation of all your 
 Northern States was founded. They all asserted the supremacy 
 of the white man, and the subordination of the black man. 
 
 The gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. Feruy] stated that 
 the object of our Revolution was to establish "universal 
 equality in political rights, and the indefeasible title of all men 
 to social and civil liberty." He ought to have had the candor 
 to have held up his own State to public reprehension for vio- 
 lating this principle ; for, in Connecticut, he knows the negro 
 has neither political nor social equality; tliat he is deprived of 
 the right of voting ; that he is legally incompetent as a wit- 
 ness against white men, and excluded from the right of inter- 
 marriage with whites. Those gentlemen guard sedulously 
 enough against all contact of this race with themselves or their 
 
192 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 own class of societj-. I could not insult that £ccntleman more 
 grossly than to ask him if he is willing to throw opon the 
 sacred precincts of his family and allow the negro to come in 
 as an equal member. No, sir; bat he is for freeing his labor, 
 and, possibly, for giving him the right of voting, and by that 
 means bringing him in contact and equality, not with himself, 
 but with the laboring white freemen of the North ; atid why 
 such a proposition does not kindle a consnming flame of indig- 
 nation among those laboring freemen of the North, is one of 
 those political phenomena for which I will not undertake to 
 account. 
 
 Sir, the only cause of the difference between the legislation 
 of Northern and Southern States upon the subject of slavery 
 is, that the negroes are not sufficient in numbers at the North 
 to make it necessary to reduce them to the condition of do- 
 mestic servitude, while with us that condition is indispensable 
 to the good order and welfare of the whole society. And it is 
 demonstrable — and I will make it so ai)pear, if I have time — 
 that the negro in the Southern States has reached a moral and 
 intellectual development superior to his race in any other posi- 
 tion in which he has been placed. That he contributes more, 
 in his present condition, to the good of mankind, their moral 
 and intellectual progress, than in any other position in which 
 he has been placed. What was his condition when he was lirst 
 brought here ? Look at him upon his native continent. The 
 most humane explorers of the African continent tell us that 
 they exist there without social or political order, without 
 modesty or shame, — some of the tribes not even reaching the 
 civilization of the fig-leaf. 
 
 I propose, just here, to read from Hegel's Philosophy of 
 History, an imperishable monument of human genius, in which 
 the author holds "freedom to be the essence of humanity, and 
 slavery the condition of injustice." And what does he say ? 
 
 " The negro, as already observed, exhibits the natural man 
 
HELPER'S IIMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 193 
 
 in his completely wild and untamed stale. "We must lay aside 
 all thought of reverence and morality, all that we call feeling, 
 if we would rightly com])rchend him. There is nothing har- 
 monious with humanity to be found in this type of character." 
 [Page 97.] 
 
 " The undervaluing of humanity among thorn reaches an in- 
 credible degree of intensity. Tyranny is regarded as no wrong, 
 and cannibalism is looked upon as quite customary and proper." 
 * * * * " Tlic devouring of human flesh is altogether 
 consonant with the general principles of the African race. To 
 the sensual negro, human flesh is but an object of sense — mere 
 flesh." [Pages 99-lOO.J 
 
 After describing many other characteristics, the author con- 
 cludes "slavery to have been the occasion of the increase of 
 human feeling among the negroes. The doctrine which we 
 deduce from this condition of slavery among the negroes, and 
 which constitutes the only side of the question that has an in- 
 terest for our inquiry, is, that which we deduce from the idea, 
 viz. : that the 'natural condition' itself is one of absolute and 
 thorough injustice, contravention of the right and just. Every 
 intermediate grade between this and the realization of a rational 
 state retains, as might be expected, elements and aspects of in- 
 justice. Therefore, we find slavery even in the Greek and 
 lloraan States, as we do serfdom, down to the latest times. 
 But thus existing in a State, slavery is itself a phase of ad- 
 vance from the merely isolated sensual existence, a phase of 
 education, a mode of becoming participant in a higher mor- 
 ality, and the culture connected loilh it.''^ [Page 104.] 
 
 Now, sir, who will say that the three hundred thousand ne- 
 groes, whose character is thus described by this German author, 
 brought over to this continent, would ever have had their con- 
 dition improved, or would ever have secured to themselves the 
 benefits they now enjoy, had they been left in their "natural 
 condition?" At that time there were two barbarous races 
 17 
 
194 helper's impexdixg crisis dissected. 
 
 which came in contact, upon this contiucut, with the European. 
 The one was the African, occupying the knvcst point in the 
 scale of human existence; the other was the noble Indian race, 
 superior to the African in intelligence, in moral and physical 
 development. Free as the wild bird of his native forests, bold 
 as the stream which dashed down his mountain gorges, generous 
 as the bounteous nature around him, the American Indian goes 
 into history the poetic embodiment of savage life. \Yhat has 
 been his fate, compared with that of the African ? 
 
 What has become of the Narragansetts, Pequots, Senecas, 
 Oneidas, and Delawares ? Driven back by the advancing wave 
 of European civilization to continually contracting circles, with 
 diminished means of subsistence, into degradation, wretched- 
 ness, and extinction. 
 
 The African, with all its foulness, wMth all its prosaic vulgar- 
 ities, domesticated and disciplined, has been by that same wave 
 borne up higher and higher, until now it furnishes inspiration 
 for Northern song, heroes and heroines for Northern romances, 
 and is invited by Northern statesmen into their charmed circle 
 of political and social equality. Not just yet, gentlemen, if 
 you please. He is not your equal ; and history proves that 
 even when he has reached this point of civilization, if you take 
 from under him the institution which has borne him up to it, 
 he relapses into his pristine barbarism. I intended to show 
 this by detailed references to the French islands, the English 
 Antilles, and other countries in which slavery has been abolished. 
 I could have shown that in Hayti, where the negro was left 
 with all the endowments of a civilization which vied with that 
 of Rome, in gorgeous magnificence, you see now nothing but 
 poverty, vice, indolence, and all the other signs of a rapidly 
 approaching barbarism. I intended to show from anti-slavery 
 authority that the British Antilles have disappointed every 
 promise and frustrated every hope that accompanied the act of 
 emancipation. I intended to show the condition of the free 
 
nKLPEU's IMPENDING CRISIS DIFSKCTED. Id') 
 
 colored population in Peru, as c.xliihited by a most iiitellitieut 
 (ierriiau Iravelcr, Ton Tseliiuli, whose work was published 
 anioiii,^ tlic "Choice Reading" of the anli-skivery pubHsluiig 
 house of Wiley Sc rutuam, in New York. 
 
 I need not refer to Liberia. The gentleman formerly from 
 Missouri []Mr. Blair], has demonstrated on this floor that 
 Liberia is a failure, and Africa still the "house of bondage." 
 The distinguished gentleman from Ohio [Mr. CorwinJ has ex- 
 pressed some doubt about that matter, but he can certainly 
 l)oint to no sign of an advance beyond the original moral 
 status of the colony; and, sir, if it docs not show signs of decay 
 and dissolution, it is because the emigration of our freed ne- 
 groes ]iours constantly into the shrunken veins of its sickly 
 civilization fresh tides of moral and mental life. I need not 
 refer to the condition of the free negro in the Northern States, 
 These gentlemen are familiar with it. One thing I will say, 
 that the Census returns show that his moral and physical con- 
 dition is superior in the Soutli^to what it is in the Xorlh. And 
 if freedom to the individual be such a boon and blessing to the 
 African, Southern slavery has done more in this resi)ect for the 
 race than Northern abolitionism. There have been one hun- 
 dred thousand more emancipated by the Southern States than 
 have been emancipated by the Northern States ; and there are 
 forty thousand free negroes living in the South, now, more than 
 are resident in the Northern States. 
 
 If, then, we show that the condition of the negro at the 
 South is superior to his condition in any other country, and 
 that the abolition of slavery has always been followed by im- 
 mediate retrogression, I ask of what has humanity to complain 
 against the institution ? 
 
 Sir, another argument that has been advanced by Northern 
 gentlemen, and by the leader of their party is, that the inter- 
 ests of the white race require the exclusion of this institution 
 from new territory ; that it should be dedicated to free soil, 
 
196 HELPEIl's IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 and to tlie frcenieii of the Xonh. Now, 1 want to say, in 
 passing, that that puts out of view every consideration of hu- 
 manity which these gentlemen have made tlie instrument of the 
 fanaticism that has liitlierto been waged against us. But I will 
 pass on. How do the interests of the wiiite race require the 
 restriction of slavery? They say that free labor is dishonored 
 by its contact with slave labor. How? The two systems co- 
 exist under our Republic. Look at labor as it exists at the 
 North — the mighty Norib — the seat of commerce, manufac- 
 tures, mechanic arts, accumulated wealth, and common schools. 
 Look at the mighty population that fills that vast territory 
 with the hum of its free industry. The toiling millions that 
 constitute the substratum on which this splendid fabric of free 
 society rears its asjiiring head ! Are they not all freemen ? 
 Is not each one of them the^qual of the proudest and richest 
 in the land, — tenacious of his rights and proud of his posi- 
 tion ? What, tlmngh he is often compelled to toil in mid-day, 
 while the very earth is melting with fervent heat, and while the 
 negro slave is resting from his work, still his labor is dignified 
 and honorable, because it is free ; and although commerce may 
 languish, and manufactures go into decay, and the wages of 
 labor fall, and the price of provisions increase, yet he can hush 
 the mutterings of discontent and still the gnawings of hunger 
 by the one proud, glorious thought — the dignity of labor. 
 Now, how is this labor contaminated by the existence of 
 Southern .slave labor? Sir, our negroes are working under 
 and for your free laborers at the North. They furnish them 
 with the raw material on which this free labor exercises its 
 skill and industry, — the raw material which is the very basis 
 of your commerce and manufacturing enterprise. 
 
 But you say it becomes dishonored by coming in contact 
 with slave labor in the coramou territory. This very contact 
 exists in the South : and is labor dishonored there ? Why, 
 according to the estimate of these gentlemen, there are only 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 197 
 
 three luindred and twenty thousand slaveholders in the South : 
 all the balance are non-slavcholding laborers. Mark thatl 
 Now, gentlemen, universal suffrage exists in the South. Each 
 one of these three hundred and twenty thousand slaveholders 
 has one vote, and no more. Each one of the five million non- 
 slaveholders has one vote, and no less. These latter, then, 
 have the overwhelming majority. Sir, the institution is in the 
 hollow of the hand of the non-slaveliolder of the Soutli. He 
 has but to close his hand, and the institution is crushed. He 
 sees its effects on the slave ; he feels its effects on himself. 
 Sir, if these effects were degrading, why not throw it off, when 
 he could do it by simply depositing a ballot in a senseless urn ? 
 I will tell you why he does not do it. I will show you why it 
 is that, from that vast body of independent, voting freemen, 
 there comes up not one whisper of disapprobation, not one 
 murmur of discontent, not one protest against its morality, its 
 justice, and its expediency. It is because there is no class 
 among whom negro slavery secures such wide-spread blessings 
 as the non-slaveholders of the South. There has never been 
 a race of men more maligned and lied about than that very 
 class of freemen in the South. I know them. I have lived 
 among them, and have felt the heart-warm grasp of their strong 
 hands ; and I tell you, Mr. Chairman, that God's sun does not 
 shine on a nobler, prouder, happier, more i)rosperous, and ele- 
 vated class of people, than the non-slaveholders of the South. 
 It is impossible, from the very nature and constitution of South- 
 ern society, that it should be otherwise. 
 
 I have time to mention only one fact, among others, that 
 shows you its advantages in their view. Mr. Webster, in one 
 of his speeches, spoke of the ownership of land as constituting 
 the basis of free government, and said that suffrage should be 
 restricted to those whose property gave them an interest in the 
 preservation of the State. Now, I do not think that. I think 
 that an honest, intelligent laboring man is as much entitled to 
 17- 
 
198 helper's lAirENDIXG CRISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 a participation in the Government as the member of any other 
 class of society. 
 
 But there are certain moral advantages in favor of a land- 
 owning community. Sir, in every country, and in every age, 
 the proprietorship of the soil has been regarded as a position 
 of dignity and of personal elevation. Now, sir, that is the posi- 
 tion of tlie non-slaveholding laborers of the South. They are a 
 nation of landowners. There is not such a body of landowners 
 -in the world as the non-slaveholders of the South. Each of 
 them feels in himself a pride of character, an elevation of posi- 
 tion ; and, sir, he feels that he is not merely a freeman, he is a 
 a freeholder : more than that, he is a gentleman. You talk 
 about free labor at the North and free soil, as if it did not 
 exist in greater purity in the South than anywhere else. What 
 you call " operatives" have to share the proGts of their labor with 
 capital, and it is hinted that capital gets the lion's share. What 
 we call "slaves" are owned by capital, and get their return 
 only in food, raiment, shelter, and protecting care. But, sir, 
 true free labor is that which the Southern farmer, with his own 
 free arm, applies to his own soil, allowing neither master, capi- 
 talist, nor employer, to have any participation in its profits. 
 And, sir, what are those profits ? Not alone the crop of cot- 
 ton, corn, and potatoes : something more than that. When 
 the strong, brave man drives his plowshare through the fallow 
 ground, the up-turned sod reveals to his eye that which is richer 
 to him than the golden sands of California : 
 
 " 'Tis the sparkle of liberty" 
 
 and personal independence. Sir, at the end of the year he 
 has other gains, too, that his labor brings him : the industry 
 and honesty of the father, the household virtues of the mother, 
 the intelligence of the sons, the chastity of the daughters, — 
 there, sir, is a harvest which we would not barter for this wide 
 world's commerce, aed all its honors besides. 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 199 
 
 But, sir, let us sec what tliis institution lias done fur the pro- 
 gress of mankind ; and this brings nie to the third class of ineu 
 in the South who have been subject to misrepresentation. I 
 allude to the Southern planters. I have but a moment to 
 spare, and I will allude to one branch of Southern industry as 
 an illustration of the whole, — I mean cotton culture. Sonic 
 idea of the importance of the cotton trade to the civilized 
 world may I)e obtained by the following graphic description of 
 its influence upon Great Britain, from the ]>en of IMacaulay ; 
 
 "I see in this country a great manufacturing population 
 drawing the materials of mannfaclure from a limited market. 
 I see a great cotton trade carried on, which furnishes nearly 
 two million people willi food, clothes, and firing ; and I say 
 that, if you shut out slave-grown cotton, you would produce a 
 iHass of misery among the people whom Providence has com- 
 mitted to your charge, frightful to contemplate ; you would in- 
 troduce desolation into your richly-flourishing manufacturing 
 districts ; you would reduce hundreds on hundreds to beggary 
 and destitution ; you would risk the stability of your institu- 
 tions ; and when you had done all this, you would have great 
 reason to doubt whether you had conferred any great benefits 
 on the particular class for whom you made such a sacrifice." 
 
 Now, sir, the cotton plant grows in the East Indies. It has 
 been long a product of Bengal and ^Malabar. It grows in the 
 West Indies. During the French domination, Hayli exported 
 a larger cpiantity of cotton than the North American continent. 
 It exists in Persia ; it exists in Brazil ; it exists in Egypt and 
 China ; in Spain, in ]\[alta, and in Mexico ; it exists in Africa 
 itself. The peculiarity of climate and soil necessary to its 
 production has been greatly exaggerated, in my opinion. I 
 attribute the vast production, swelled from one hundred and 
 fifty thousand pounds to four million bales in seventy years, to 
 the combination of moral and. physical qualities which have 
 been associated in its culture. 
 
200 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 The Southern planter is not the indolent, aristocratic nabob 
 which he has been represented to be. He is, in general, care- 
 ful, patient, provident, industrious, forbearing, and yet firm 
 and determined. It is these qualities which have enabled him 
 to take a race of untamed savages, with no habits except such 
 as inspire disgust, with no arts, no information, and out of 
 such a people to make the finest body of fixed laborers that 
 the world has ever seen. Sir, England has imported Coolies, 
 Qhinese, natives from the African coast, into her colonies, and 
 yet she has been unable to compete with the Southern planta- 
 tions. There is no product which requires such a constant and 
 unremitting attention, such continuous labor, as the cotton 
 plant. The great complaint in the British colouies is, that the 
 fruit of each year's eftbrt is lost by the broken and irregular 
 labor of the operatives. Now, sir, the Southern planter has 
 secured continuity, consistency, and steadfastness in the most 
 indolent, inconsistent, and capricious of the human race. 
 Burke, in his speech upon conciliation with America, paid to 
 the victorious industry employed in the fisheries of the colonies 
 of New England a just and glowing tribute of admiration. 
 The perseverance, the dexterous and firm sagacity enlisted in 
 that perilous mode of industry, is worthy of his esteem. Some- 
 thing of the same qualities are displayed by the Southern 
 planter in the production of those beneficent results whicli have 
 flowed from the culture of the great tropical products of the 
 Southern States. 
 
 The Southern planter penetrates the dense forests, the 
 tangled brake, the gloomy wilderness of our river swamps, 
 where pestilence has its abode, and there, day by day and year 
 by year, amidst exposure, privation, and sickness, are his fore- 
 sight, his prudence, his self-reliance, his adaptation of means to 
 ends, called into requisition. In the communion witli himself, 
 . — which his isolation makes indispensable, — and in the daily 
 and yearly provision for a large body of domestics and depend- 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 201 
 
 ents for whom he has to think, and whose labor he has to 
 direct, he forms those qualities which enable him to emerge 
 from his isolation to fill the county court, or to become a 
 member of his State Legislature; to discharge the duties of 
 local magistracy, or to take his place in the National councils. 
 
 The solution of the enigma of the "slave power," so mys- 
 terious to transcendental and infant-school philosophers, may 
 be sought here. Its basis lies in that cool, vigorous judgment 
 and unerring sense applicable to the ordinary affairs and inter- 
 course of men which the Southern mode of life fosters. The 
 habits of industry, firmness of purpose, fidelity to dependents, 
 self-reliance, and the sentiment of justice in all -the various re- 
 lations of life which are necessary to the management of a 
 well-ordered plantation, fit men to guide legislatures and com- 
 mand armies. 
 
 I see gentlemen are disposed to smile at this suggestion. In 
 confirmation of what I say, I have only to point them to the 
 fact that it was in such communiiies as these that a Washing- 
 ton, a Jackson, a Taylor, a Scott, a Twiggs, a Quitman, a 
 Davis, a Lee, a Ringgold, a Bragg, a Butler, and a host of 
 others, acquired those qualities which enabled them, in the 
 positions in which their country placed them, to add such un- 
 dying lustre to the American name. It was in such communi- 
 ties that such men as Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Polk, 
 Lowndes, Calhoun, Clay, Macon, Marshall, Taney, and a host 
 of others that I could mention, acquired those characteristics 
 which their countrymen North and South instinctively dis- 
 cerned whenever " called upon to face some awful moment 
 to which Heaven has joined great issues, good or bad, for 
 human kind." 
 
 I have sought, sir, in a cursory way, under the whip and 
 spur of this hour rule, to show that there is nothing in our in- 
 stitutions which cannot stand justified before impartial history 
 for our mode of dealing with the race which Providence has 
 
202 HELPERS IMPENDING CRISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 placed ill our hands. I do not pretend to say that, in the ad- 
 justment of our economic forces, there may not be ameliora- 
 tions. I do not pretend to say that we have arrived at a 
 standard of ideal perfection. " But I do say tliat there is a 
 reacli of thought and a maturity of judgment brought to bear 
 upon this subject in the South which is always adequate to 
 evolve the greatest good. We certainly can learn nothing 
 from the enemies of our institutions and conspirators against 
 our peace. 
 
 I come to the last consideration I think it jtroper to urge 
 ui>on the attention of the House. Is it the part of statesmen 
 to attempt to exercise the powers of this Government in a 
 spirit unfriendly to the institutions and interests involved in 
 the political and economical system which I have been discus.^- 
 ing ? The father of the Constitution, Mr. Madison, on the 
 floor of the Convention which framed it, expressed a different 
 sentiment ; 
 
 " He admitted that every peculiar interest, whether in any 
 class of citizens or any description of States, ought to be se- 
 cured as far as possible. Wherever there is danger op 
 
 ATTACK, there OUGHT TO BE GIVEN A CONSTITUTIONAL POWER 
 
 OF DEFENSE. But he Contended the States were divided into 
 different interests, not by their dilfcrence in size, but by other 
 circumstances, the most material of which resulted partly from 
 climate, but princii>ally from the elTecls of their having, or not 
 having, slaves. These two causes concurred in forming the 
 great division of interests in the United States. It did not 
 lay between the large and small States. It lay between the 
 Northern and Southern States; and, if any defensive power 
 were necessary, it oiicjld lo be mu/iialli/ to these tico intercuts. 
 lie was so strongly impressed with this important truth, he 
 had been casting about in his mind for some scheme that would 
 answer the purpose." 
 
 I do not anticipate that the magnanimous counsels of a wise 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 203 
 
 and patriotic statesman, whose provisions embraced in their 
 scope the entire Republic, will obtain sucli antliority as to 
 secure additional guarantees to our institutions. These we 
 have not asked. We ask only our constitutional rights in the 
 Union. The Southern people demand that this organized 
 " irrepressible conflict" shall stop — that the institution of slav- 
 ery shall be maintained as an existing fact in this Confederacy. 
 The sentiment is rapidly approaching to unanimity among 
 them, that any attempt to impair its property-value, or a single 
 political privilege which it confers, or any of the constitutional 
 rights by which it i.s guarantied, or to place over them the 
 l^arty which arrogates to itself the right to do any of these 
 things, will be a fatal blow at the peace and stability of this 
 great country. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 Helper's Quotations from the Bible annihilated — Slavery not de- 
 nounced by the Bible — The Proofs of Slavery as it existed before 
 Clnist— Southern Slavery Beneficial both to the Slave and his 
 Master — The Bible endorses Slavery : hence the cry of the Repub- 
 licans, " We must have an Anti-slavery Bible, an Anti-slavery 
 Constitntion, and an Anti-slavery God !" 
 
 Mr. Helper quotes the Bible as condemning slavery. 
 Man -will, when his mind becomes prejudiced, pervert the 
 Holy Scriptures to evil, — his ideas thus giving it a mean- 
 ing that was never intended by the inspired writers, viz. : 
 a contradiction of itself. Now, we will say, that there is 
 no condemnation set forth in the Bible in regard to 
 slavcrv. In illustration of this statement, let the reader 
 take such as these: — "Being filled with all unrighteous- 
 ness, fornication, wickedness, covetousness, malicoiusness, 
 full of envy, murder, debate, deceit, malignity ; whisper- 
 ers, backbiters, haters of God, despiteful; proud, boasters, 
 inventors of evil things, disobedient to parents, without 
 understanding, covenant breakers, without natural affection, 
 implacable, unmerciful." Rom. i, 29-31. "Now the 
 works of the flesh are manifest, which are these; adultery, 
 
 fornication, uncleanness, lasciviousness, idolatry, witch- 
 (204) 
 
helper's impendinq crisis dissected. 205 
 
 craft, hatred, variance, emulation, ■wrath, strife, sedition, 
 heresies, envjings, murders, drunkenness, revellings, and 
 such like." Gal. v. 19-21. See, also. Matt. xv. 19; 
 Mark vii. 21, 22; 1 Cor. v. 11, vi. 9, 10; Eph. v. 5; 
 Col. iii. 8, 9 ; 1 Tim. i. 9, 10 ; 2 Tim. iii. 2-4 ; Rev. xxi. 8, 
 xxli. 15. 
 
 By turning to the xxv. chap. Leviticus, 44th to 46th 
 verses, inclusive, you will find the following words in sup- 
 port of slavery : — " Both thy hond-vien and thy hond-maids, 
 which thou shalt have, shall be of the heathen that are 
 round about you ; of them shall ye buy hond-men and 
 bond-maids. Moreover, of the children of the strangers 
 that do sojourn among you, of them shall ye buy, and of 
 their families that are with you, which they begat in your 
 land; and they shall be your j^ossession,'' {i. e., your pro- 
 perty.) "xind ye shall take them as an inheritance for 
 your children after you^ to inherit them for a possession, 
 they shall be your bond-men forever J" 
 
 "And the sons of Noah, that went forth of the ark, 
 were Shorn, and Ham, and Japheth ; and Ham is the fa- 
 ther of Canaan : these are the three sons of Noah ; and 
 of them was the whole earth overspread." 
 
 Noah attained the age of nine hundred and fifty years ; 
 this period is divided thus : six hundred before the Deluge, 
 and three hundred and fifty years after that event. This 
 makes the age of N)ah the second highest on record, that 
 of Methuselah being the first, he having lived nine hun- 
 dred and sixty-nine years. Noah died Anno 3Iundi, 2006, 
 18 
 
206 helper's IMPEXDINa CRISIS DISSECTED. 
 
 as is generally agreed. Previous to his decease, he divided 
 the earth among his three sons. Asia was assigned to 
 Shem, Europe to Japheth, and Africa to Ham. 
 
 In the examination of the Holy Scriptures closely, we 
 ■will find the prophecy concerning slavery. — " And Noah 
 began to be a husbandman, and he planted a vineyard : 
 and he drank of the wine, and was drunken ; and he was 
 uncovered within his tent. And Ham, the father of Ca- 
 naan, saw the nakedness of his father, and told his 
 brethren without. And Shem and Japheth took a gar- 
 ment, and laid it upon their shoulders, and went backward, 
 and covered their father's nakedness. And Noah awoke 
 from his wine, and knew what his younger son had done 
 unto him. And he said, Cursed he Canaan ; a servant of 
 urvants shall he he unto his hrethreji." Here we have the 
 establishment of slavery: its practical developments will 
 appear as we progress. 
 
 Now we intend to show that the old Patriarchs were 
 slaveholders : — 
 
 " Abimelech, King of Gerar, sent and took Sarah. But 
 God came to Abimelech, in a dream by night, and said to 
 him. Behold, thou art but a dead man, for the woman which 
 thou hast taken, for she is a man's wife." "And Abim- 
 elech took sheep, and oxen, and men-servants, and gave 
 them unto Abraham, and restored him Sarah his wife." 
 Here we see, that Abraham had not only the number of 
 his slaves incrensed, but that slavery existed in Palestine 
 at this time. We think it will be evident, by reading the 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 207 
 
 otlicr passages in connection with what we have quoted 
 above. 
 
 Isaac was a shivehohlcr, — "For he had possession of 
 flocks, and possession of herds, and great store of servants, 
 and the Philistines envied him." 
 
 Jacob was a slaveholder. — When Jacob left Messopota- 
 mia, and was returning to the Promised Land, expecting 
 to meet Esau, whom he greatly feared, he sent messengers 
 to him, " And commanded them, saying, Thus shall ye 
 speak unto my Lord Esau : Thy servant Jacob saith thus : 
 I have sojourned with Laban, and stayed there until now ; 
 and I have oxen, and asses, flocks, and men-servants, and 
 women-servants ; and I have sent to tell my lord, that I may 
 find grace in thy sight." 
 
 Having shown that slavery existed before the Advent of 
 our Lord Jesus Christ, we will now proceed to show that the 
 condition of slaves in Judea, in our Lord's day, was no bet- 
 ter than it now is in our Southern States, whilst in all 
 other countries it was greatly worse. 
 
 In Judea. " Both the food and clothing of slaves were 
 of the poorest description. All their earnings went to 
 their masters. The maid-servants were employed in do- 
 mestic concerns, though not unfrequently they were com- 
 pelled to engage in those duties which, from their nature, 
 were more befitting the other sex." 
 
 " They commonly had the consent of their masters to 
 marry ; or, rather, to connect themselves with a woman in 
 that way wdiich is denominated by a Latin law term contu- 
 
208 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 bernium* The children that proceeded from this sort of 
 marriages, were the property, not of the parents, but of 
 their owners." — Jahn's Archaeology, pp. 180, 181. 
 
 In Rome. " For slaves the lash was the common punish- 
 ment ; but for certain crimes, they used to be branded 
 on the forehead, and sometimes were forced to carry a 
 piece of wood round their necks wherever they went. 
 When slaves were beaten, they used to be suspended with 
 a weight tied to their feet, that they might not move them. 
 When punished capitally, they were commonly crucified. 
 If a master of a family was slain in his own house, and 
 the murderer not discovered, all his domestic slaves were 
 liable to be put to death. There was a continual market 
 for slaves at Rome. The seller was bound to promise for 
 the soundness of his slaves, and not to conceal their faults. 
 Hence they were commonly exposed to sale naked ; and 
 they carried a scroll hanging at their necks, on which 
 their good and bad qualities were specified." — i\.dam'3 
 Horn. Ant. pp. 48, 51. 
 
 In Greece. The condition of slaves in Greece appears 
 to have been much the same as at Rome. — Potter's Gr. 
 Ant. 1, 10. 
 
 Evident reference to slavery on the part of the Apos- 
 tle we have in 1 Cor. vi. 20; vii. 22. St. Paul, in 
 reference to the custom of purchasing slaves, on whose 
 
 * " Contuhernutm was the matrimony of slaves, a permitted cohabita- 
 tion; not partaking of lawful marriage, wliicli they could not con- 
 tract." — Cooper's Justinian, p. 420. 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 209 
 
 head a price was then fixctl, just as upon any other com- 
 modity, and who, when bought, were the property of the 
 purchaser, by a very beautiful and expressive similitude, 
 represents Christians as the servants (doulos) of Christ. 
 And in Gal. vi. 17, alluding to the signatures with which 
 slaves in those days were branded, writes : — " From hence- 
 forth let no man trouble me, for I bear in my body the 
 marks of the Lord Jesus." — Home's Introduction. 
 
 "With the apostle, the word servant (doulos) is a favorite 
 ■word for setting forth the relation which they sustained to 
 Christ, as persons entirely and for life devoted to his 
 service, and bound to implicit obedience. (See Rom. i. 1 ; 
 2 Pet. i. 1 ; Jude 1.) 
 
 But the most significant allusion to slavery — significant 
 in so far as the point now under examination is concerned — 
 is that contained in 1 Tim. i. 1, 9, 10:— "Know this, that 
 the law is not made for a righteous man, but for the law- 
 less and disobedient, for the ungodly and for sinners, for 
 unholy and profane, for murderers of fathers and mur- 
 derers of mothers, for manslayers, for whoremongers, for 
 them that defile themselves with mankind, for menstealers 
 (andrapodistais), for liars, for perjured persons, and if 
 there be any other thing that is contrary to sound doc- 
 trine." 
 
 On the word andrapodistais, Bloomfield remarks : — 
 *' Expositors are agreed that the word means kidnapping 
 free persons to be sold as slaves, a crime universally re- 
 garded as of the deepest dye, and always punished with 
 18* 
 
210 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 death," — Bloomfield's New Testament. And in the coun- 
 tries adjacent to that in which Timothy was when Paul 
 •wrote this epistle to him, we have express testimony that 
 kidnapping prevailed," 
 
 Says the distinguished Dr, Armstrong, in his work on 
 " The Christian Doctrine of Slavery" : " The distinctions 
 between slaveholding and kidnapping is one always made, 
 in so far as we know, in the laws of slaveholding states. 
 Under Moses's law, slaveliolding was expressly authorized, 
 (Lev. XXV. 44-46,) whilst kidnapping was made a capital 
 crime." "And he that stcaleth a man and selleth him, 
 or if he be found in his hand, {i. c, ' though he had not 
 actually sold him' — Bp. Patrick,) he shall thereby be put 
 to death," — Ex. xxi. IG. See also Deut. xxiv. 7. 
 Timothy, who "from a child had known the Holy Scrip- 
 tures," the Old Testament Scriptures of course, for the 
 New Testament was not written in Timothy's childhood, 
 must have been familiar with this distinction ; and when 
 Paul writes to him, and, in giving a catalogue of sins to 
 be condemned, mentions " man stealing" among crimes 
 of the deepest dye, whilst in the same epistle he requires 
 him to teach slaves to obey their masters ; and this the 
 more heartily when the masters are Christian men, and to 
 withdraw himself from any who should teach a different 
 
 * " The Tliessalonians, according to Aristophanes, were notorioits 
 for stealing persons of inglorious birth and education, and selling 
 thena as slaves. But if any person was convicted of having be- 
 trayed a freeman, he was severely punished by Solon's laws."— • 
 Potter's Gr, Ant. i. 10. 
 
IlELrEIl's IMPENDING CKISIS DISSECTED. 211 
 
 doctrine, (see 1 Tim. vi. 1-5,) the idea would be sug- 
 gested inevitably that the distinction made in Moses's law 
 continued under the Gospel dispensation." 
 
 Think of this, ye llepublicans, sinners and hypo- 
 crites ! ! ! 
 
 Having showed that slavery was sanctioned by the Old 
 Testament, we will proceed to show that it is also sanc- 
 tioned by the New Testament, and will only quote a few 
 passages as our limited space will not admit of an exten- 
 sive quotation. 
 
 " And ye masters, do the same things unto them, for- 
 bearing threatening, knowing that your master also is in 
 heaven, neither is there respect of persons with him." 
 
 " Masters, give unto your servants that which is just 
 and equal, knoAving that ye also have a master in heaven." 
 — Paraphrase : Ye masters (who are saints and faithful 
 brethren in Christ at Colosse, i. 2), give unto your slaves 
 (douloi) that which is just and equal, knowing that ye also 
 have a master in heaven. 
 
 "And they that have believing masters, let them not 
 despise them, because they are brethren ; but rather do 
 ihem a service, because they are faithful and beloved 
 partakers of the benefit. These things teach and exhort." 
 " Servants (douloi) be obedient to those that are your 
 masters according to the flesh, with fear and trembling, 
 in singleness of your hearts, as unto Christ; not with eye- 
 service, as man }.leas?re, but as the servants (douloi) of 
 Christ, doing tho Vf'Al cf <^\\\ from the heart; with good- 
 
212 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 •will doing service as to the Lord, anil not to men : 
 knowing that whatsoever good thing any man doeth, the 
 same shall he receive of the Lord, whether he he bond or 
 free." "And ye masters, do the same things unto them, 
 forbearing threatening ; knowing that your master also 
 is in heaven ; neither is there respect of persons with 
 him." — Eph. vi. 5--9. 
 
 It is a very singular fact that Helper quotes very little 
 from the Bible to sustain (as he thinks) his declaration 
 that the Bible is opposed to slavery. By reading what he 
 has quoted, and what we have, there would seem to be a 
 contradiction of the Bible. Not at all, for if we had the 
 space, we could easily show not, but rather show that the 
 Bible is a whole defense of slavery. We would recom- 
 mend the reader to get a work entitled, " Bible Defense 
 of Slavery," which obviates all further trouble on this 
 point. Hence the saying of Mr. Burlingame, of Massa- 
 chusetts, that " we must have an anti-slavery Bible, an 
 anti-slavery Constitution, and an anti-slavery God." 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Our Views on Slavery — Tlie Negro as he is, incompetent to do for 
 Himself — The Proofs — Conclusion. 
 
 Slavery, in most of its aspects, has occupied the atten- 
 tion and exhausted the eloquence of the lights of our po- 
 litical horizon. No question has ever been agitated more 
 earnestly, or argued in a more acrimonious spirit. Non^ 
 offered better opportunities to the pseudo-philanthropical 
 debaters, — none presented the same record of enmity and 
 recriminination existing between antagonistic parties, — all 
 other issues have sunk into insignificance beside it ; and, 
 the termination of the controversy, who can foresee ? 
 
 Gentlemen from the North (representing the conserva- 
 tive element of the Abolition party) protest against the 
 existence of a servile class amongst them as an infraction 
 of the laws of God, and as opposed to the interests of so- 
 ciety! They speak of gradual manumition — coloniza- 
 tion — of the inalienable rights of men — of the laws of 
 morality, and the principles of justice. Their confreres, — 
 pleasantly oblivious to the records of the past, to the 
 teachings of science, and to common sense, — and they hold 
 the institution as a curse, condemn the slaveholder as a 
 
 (213) 
 
214 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 monster, assert tlie equality — physical, moral, and intellec- 
 tual — of the Caucasian and the Negro ; and, like their 
 gifted ally, that pious patriot, Mr. Burlingame, suggest 
 (with the example of the French Assembly fresh in their 
 memory) the substitution of a new Constitution, a new 
 Bible, and a new God, for those which we at present re- 
 cognize ! This is an eloquent exordium, but apparently 
 implies a slight distrust in the warrant which religion and 
 law give them for their crusade against the South. How- 
 ever true the Roman moralist's remark may be, that "no 
 man is wise at all times," it will scarcely cover the case of 
 those who are not so at any time. Calm people, whose time 
 is not taken up with preaching a war of extermination 
 against those of our countrymen who live south of Mason 
 and Dixon's line, must, we are inclined to believe, look upon 
 the extremists of both parties with a feeling very much 
 like contempt, for both, in the heat of personal feeling, 
 appear to have entirely lost sight of the only arguments 
 upon which the question can be rationally based: — 
 
 Is the negro equal to the white man ? — the African to 
 the Caucasian ? 
 
 Ist, Intellectually. — History, which is the record of the 
 development of the human race in time and space, rather 
 militates against such a conclusion. Optimism and philan- 
 thropy are both highly creditable to human nature, but 
 neither the one nor the other can be considered to the ex- 
 clusion of facts. It might be pertinently asked of those 
 who avow their belief in the equality of the slave and his 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 215 
 
 master, liow the nogro came to be bis sbave, wbcn botb 
 races were equally endowed by nature ? and, more Soera- 
 tieo, lie (tbe interrogator) migbt calmly inquire into tbe 
 cause (which the Abolitionists would doubtless be able to 
 assign) why it was that the negro was always a slave, — in 
 India, Syria, and Egypt, three thousand years ago, as in 
 Georgia, Louisiana, and Virginia, to-day, with the same 
 brain in the same proportion to the white races ? — why, in 
 the revolutions that have convulsed the nations under whom 
 he lived a servant, has he not thrown off his fetters and 
 become free ? — or, rather, v.hen undisturbed in the posses- 
 sion of those regions in which he attains his greatest phy- 
 sical perfection, and into which no invading army has ever 
 penetrated, has he not, from the elaboration of those ele- 
 ments which he has in common with the Caucasian, rivalled 
 in some degree his progress in arms, arts, and letters ? 
 
 Where are the obelisks of the Gold coast, the pyramids 
 of Guinea, the temples of Zanguebar ? — Gone ! Where 
 are their ruins ? Why has no navigator of the early times 
 mentioned their existence, or recorded their traditions, in 
 the unknown lands which recent enterprise has presented 
 to us? 
 
 In that delightful " province of the sun," explored by 
 the English, where, generation after generation, age after 
 age, the negro has lived secure from foreign invasion, why 
 have no monuments of intellectual equality greeted the 
 explorers, which would warrant us in believing in the doc- 
 trine? Not to elevate the standard too high, — has the 
 
216 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 African ever equalled the Mongolian? Where, in the lands 
 in* "which he has been domesticated, has he adopted the 
 civilization around him, or preserved it, when removed for 
 any length of time from those who taught it ? 
 
 The elevated plateau of the Indo-Chinese world is 
 scarcely more accessible, and has been little more open to 
 foreign innovations than Africa. Can any similarity be 
 traced between them ? — any man in his senses compare one 
 with the other ? Yet the Mongol is not more superior to 
 the negro than the Caucasian to him. 
 
 If it be answered to this, that the race is one condemned 
 by heaven, and the authority of the Old Testament (which 
 is not recognized as applicable by modern science) cited to 
 explain the reasons for that state of degradation which 
 has ever been the lot of the African ; then it appears that 
 these gentlemen, disregarding the remonstrances of St. 
 Augustine, are using one part of the Bible to disprove the 
 other, and (as we believe no new revelation has revoked 
 the decree) trying to do, for the love of God, that which 
 he has asserted should not be done. The inconvenience 
 arising from this position of the question, no doubt, sug- 
 gested to the inventive mind of the gentleman before 
 quoted, the idea of having a new Bible. 
 
 But, perhaps, the Northern philanthropist to whom these 
 ai'guments were supposed to be addressed, having been 
 fortunate enough to be born in Boston, and therefore, by 
 divine right, knowing rather more than other people, might 
 have answered the questions, though he could not have 
 
 .. - 1 
 
helper's IMPENDINa CRISIS DISSECTED. 217 
 
 denied the facts. Is there nothing more to be said ? 
 Plenty. The only difficulty is how to say it without pre- 
 venting those who are not initiated into the mysteries of 
 science from clearly comprehending it ; and, also, without 
 shocking the pure in heart, by an apparent contradiction 
 of the Mosaic records. 
 
 "Jefferson, in his notes, says slavery is an evil," (vehem- 
 ently assert the gentlemen from the North.) And Jeffer- 
 son was a slaveholder, and a Virginian, too. Certainly, 
 he was more than this: he was a patriot — the author of 
 the Declaration of Independence. He was a scholar, and 
 a philosopher in his way, also. But then Jefferson was, 
 after all, a man, and ^'•liumanum est errare" was as true 
 when he lived as at this day. 
 
 Unfortunately for his authority upon this point, most of 
 that knowledge which can really render this question of 
 slavery or abolition a rational one, was then unknown, or 
 had, rather, no regular or scientific form. History, it is 
 true, taught its lessons then as now ; but Ethnology, in 
 all its departments, Physiology, Comparative Anatomy, 
 Iconology, Comparative Philology, etc. etc., — how about 
 these ! Are they unworthy our attention ! But does his- 
 tory pronounce decidedly and without appeal against the 
 institution of slavery ? If so, — where ! In Egypt, in In- 
 dia, — in Greece, — Rome, — on the coasts of Africa, or the 
 nations of the modern world ? It would evidently be im- 
 possible to review their civilization in such a manner as to 
 assert that it either did or did not. We can simply inquire 
 19 
 
218 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 Avlietlicr this evil, fatal to the advance of improvement, the 
 development of intellect, and the existence of refinement, 
 is so represented in the records transmitted to us of these 
 States ? It may be so, but I have never heard that any 
 one of the holy Avatars was undertaken to destroy this 
 hydra. It appears that, at the same period when the 
 chisel of the artist sculptured the negro slave upon the 
 marbles of the Thebais, the great Rameses was prose- 
 cuting his conquests. Tliucydides and Polybius are 
 strangely silent. Tacitus and Livy — why have they, who 
 saw it in its worst and most cruel form, not depicted its 
 tendencies and revealed its defects ? 
 
 Yet slavery in the nations of antiqity, and also of the 
 middle ages, was far more reprehensible than that of the 
 United States : for it was the bondage of the white man to 
 the white man — of equal to equal — as the event has in all 
 these instances shown. 
 
 The conquered enemy, whatever might have been his 
 country or condition, became, in most instances, the slave 
 of his conqueror, who exercised over him absolute power. 
 The revolutions of the East, the servile war of Lacedseraon 
 and the insurrection of Spartacus, when compared with that 
 of St. Domingo, show, certainly, the same spirit of rapine 
 and cruelty ; but, as to their results, there can be no mis- 
 take. The former ended in the final liberation of the 
 oppressed class. Why ? Did circumstances more favor- 
 able occur to them than to the negro ? No ; but the others 
 possessed those elements which entitled them to supremacy. 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 219 
 
 and tlicy won it, — more than this, they kept it: they ivere 
 competent to bear the brunt of misfortunes, because na- 
 ture has so ordered it, that no instance has ever yet occur- 
 red in the world's history, where a people have possessed 
 the power of becoming free, civilized and enlightened, who 
 have not compelled fate, as it were, to advance their inter- 
 ests. 
 
 To sum up : We know that, in the scale of humanity, 
 the negro holds the lowest place ; that no system of juris- 
 prudence, no principle of science, no rule of art, has ever 
 originated from the brain of an African. 
 
 That he has not the capacity for becoming, under any 
 circumstances, an enlightened man ; that the nearest ap- 
 proach to that state which he has made has not been perma- 
 nent ; and that, deprived of his teacher, he again degener- 
 ates into the condition of a barbarian. 
 
 To account for these conditions, some supposition is 
 necessary. The first was, that the decree of Heaven had 
 blasted the parent source of the race, and that the suc- 
 cessors of the son of Noah had never been permitted to 
 regain their former capacity, or to rival their brethren in 
 the part which they enacted in the Avorld's history. 
 
 If the hypothesis before stated be'true to the extent to 
 which some persons interpret it, the assertion of the 
 " eq\iality'' of the races is neither more nor less than a 
 contradiction of the manifest will, and an endeavor to 
 change the evident intention of the Creator, and the at- 
 
220 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 tempted demonstration by the Scriptures of the enormity 
 of slaveholding becomes an absurdit}'. 
 
 It has been gravely asserted, however, that climate and 
 the various phenomena of the external -world have caused 
 the change, now distinctive, between races. Without 
 wishing to enter into a review of ethnological principles, 
 let us merely suggest some of the peculiarities which mark 
 the negro type, and if there are not physical reasons 
 enough to satisfy the unprejudiced as to the very evident 
 intention of Providence, we can scarcely hope to bring 
 conviction by any less apparent method of proof. It is a 
 fact well authenticated, that certain differences exist be- 
 tween the four great types of mankind, which have been 
 permanent since the earliest period to which our knowledge 
 extends. "Whether the examination and analysis of these 
 idiosyncracics are sufficient to prove that the Caucasian, 
 American, Mongol, and Negro were aborigine, distinct and 
 different races, is not our intention to inquire. All that 
 we shall attempt is a demonstration of the physical infe- 
 riority of the African to the white man, and a brief re- 
 view of the reasons which these aftbrd us for placing this 
 species of the "(/ewus liomo^ in the rank which nature 
 appears to have designed them to occupy. 
 
 The culminating point in the scale of created beings 
 (physically considered) is man, — and of men, the Cauca- 
 sian. The nearer the approach to this type, the greater 
 the capacity has been, the more powerful the influence 
 upon the history of humanity, and the more enlightened 
 
UELPEK'S impending crisis DISSEC'lED. 221 
 
 the individual and nation. This type, moreover, presents 
 besides tlie physical conformation most in accordance witli 
 the ideal in art, peculiarities of temperament and intellect 
 •which have, under all circumstances, urged them onward ; 
 they are the masters of the world, — the investiagtors, the 
 inventors. 
 
 Between the first mentioned race (the Caucasian) and 
 the Negro, two great types intervene, the Mongol and 
 the American ; the first, capable of civilization but not 
 enlightenment ; the second, in his pure and unmixed 
 blood, incapable of either. The intention which would 
 appear from the analogies of the natural world with 
 regard to the condition under which its various species 
 were to exist, nowhere is more strikingly exemplified 
 than in the destiny which has attended the races first 
 mentioned. It would seem as if there were some absolute 
 and unchanging influence exerted upon each, which has 
 ever circumscribed their progress and regulated their 
 efforts. The field of universal history, infinitely diver- 
 sified in its incidents, presents a singular uniformity in 
 the events which have marked the rise, progress, and 
 decay, of the various varieties into which naturalists 
 have divided mankind. There has been no great varia- 
 tion in the consequence, even amid the infinite multiplicity 
 of causes which have eff"ected them. 
 
 Without asserting the identity of the spiritual and 
 material, it is an indisputable fact that intellectual 
 superiority generally depends upon and is coincident 
 19* 
 
222 helper's impending crisis dissected. 
 
 Vi'iih organic. Tlioui^h the quality, rather than the 
 quantity, of the brain, is considered the sign of mind, 
 yet it is as impossible to suppose the power of an engine 
 residing in its miniature patent, as the intelligence of the 
 cranium whose facial angle is 85° existing in one of little 
 more than half that capacity. The lower orders of ani- 
 mated nature, are ranked according to their approach to 
 the anatomical structure of man. The same holds good 
 in the classification of the races themselves. The negro 
 is the furthest removed from the perfect type, and the 
 nearest to the anthropoid siraiiie of any. 
 
 Nature has, for three thousand years, made no change 
 in this conformation, and as the law of hybridity applies 
 as well to men as other animals, is not likely to do so 
 now. The professions of friendship and brotherly kind- 
 ness on the part of the Abolition party, can scarcely 
 make a difference in the shape of the bones of the 
 cranium and body. And while these do exist, if there 
 can be any judgment of the future, formed from the 
 events of the past, the African will still be a slave, if 
 not to one master, at least to another. 
 
 Now, fellow-citizens, having presented to your view the 
 "Irrepressible Conflict" that is going on between the 
 enemies of the Constitution, as well as its friends, and 
 the "Impending Crisis" as it is, we call upon you to 
 come forward, lift your voices, your hands, and your 
 hearts, in behalf of the Union, and preserve it from the 
 almost inevitable fate that awaits it — destruction ! 
 
helper's impending crisis dissected. 2iI3 
 
 In pursuance of tliis, wc call upon every conservative 
 man in the North, who loves his country and her institu- 
 tions, to shake off the trammels of the fanaticism of the 
 North, and swear before God and upon the altar of his 
 country, that he will stand by her Constitution and laws 
 as they are, as enacted by Congress and interpreted by 
 the Supreme Court. And to use the language of another : 
 " Then we shall see every heart a shield, and a drawn 
 sword in every hand to preserve the ark of our political 
 safety ! Then we shall see reared, a fabric upon our 
 National Constitution, which time cannot crumble, per- 
 secution shake, fanaticism disturb, nor revolution change ; 
 but which shall stand among us like some lofty and stu- 
 pendous Apennine, while the earth rocks at its feet, and 
 the thunder peals above its head !" 
 
 Contemplating our country and its enemies {Repuhli- 
 cans) may we not exclaim with the poet : 
 
 " Country, on thy sous depending, 
 
 Strong in manhood, bright in bloom, 
 Hast thou not seen thy pride descending, 
 
 Shrouded to the unbounded tomb ? 
 Rise ! — on eagle pinion soaring — 
 
 Rise like one of Godlike birth — 
 And, Jehovah's aid imploring, 
 
 Sweep the spoiler from the earth." 
 
 THE END. 
 
10,000 AGENTS WANTED! 
 
 » 
 
 mmKM RAILROAD MAP 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 ATLArMTIC TO THE PACIFrC, 
 
 SnOWINa THE THEEE PROPOSED 
 
 RAILROADS TO CALIFORNIA 
 
 AND THE 
 
 GREAT OVERLAND MAIL ROUUE, 
 
 Together with all the Railroads in the United States and Canridas. Jt 
 w the only correct Railroad Map now issued. It is beautifully engraved 
 on Stcd Plates, and surrounded with twenty-eight 
 
 Photograph Portraits of the Leading Railroad 
 
 Presidents and Superintendents, men 
 
 controlling $480,000,000. 
 
 among whom will be seen J. Edgar Thomson, Tres't Pennsylvania Cen- 
 tral R. R. ; Hon. Erastus Corning, Pres't New York Central R. R. ; 
 John Robin McDaniel, Pres't Virginia and Tennessee R. R., one of the 
 links of the great Southern mail route; Hon. John Ross, Pres't Grand 
 Trunk R. R., of Canada, and twenty others, among whom are the 
 greatest financiers and railroad managers of the age. 
 
 Price in Sheet?, 25 Cents. 
 
 g^" Sent by mail, free of postage, to any part of the United States, 
 free of postage, on receipt of the price. Address, 
 
 J. T. LLOYD, 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, PA. 
 
 fftr> Agents are allowed liberal discounts. KEGISTEEED LETTEKS 
 WILL BE AT THE PTJBLISHEE'S EISK. 
 
A NEW AND SINGULAR CHAPTER 
 IN THE HISTORY OP 
 
 MRS. CUNNINCHAM-BURDELL. 
 
 Sho visits a Matrimonial Office in Forty-third Street — Is Introducou 
 to Mr. Fitzgerald of St. Louis — Her Appearance and Dress — Her 
 Opinion of Domestic Peace and of New York Ladies — Sho offers 
 to find a Model Wife — Her Sentiments on Love, Marriage, and 
 Divorce— Is a Free Lover — Mrs. Willis, the Broker — Discourse of 
 Ghosts — Sho Relates the Wonderful Story of a Clock — Fitzgerald 
 Makes a Remark about Dead Men, and Cunningham gets Nervous 
 —An Important Confession about her Marriage— She Telia her 
 Age — She Offers to Cure Fitzgerald of a Cold — Wants him to go 
 and Drink a Punch of her Making — He thinks of the Bloody Work 
 in Bond Street, and Declines — She Accepts Five Dollars aa a 
 Slight Token of Respect — She Discourses of Murders and Ezecu- 
 tions — Is Opposed to Capital Punishment — Denounces the Re- 
 porters as a Meddlesome, Lying Set of Vultures — Her Opinion of 
 the Tombs as a Residence — A Decisive Meeting — Cunningham 
 Wants a Set of Furs — She Offers to Take Charge of Fitzgerald'a 
 Household Affairs — Wants him to Take a House Up-town — Mr. 
 Fitrgerald Attempts to Get Away, but is Seized by Cunningham 
 and Detained by Force — He Makes another Present, and gets into 
 the Hall, which is Dark — He Finds Himself Looked In — He Calla 
 in Vain to be Released — He Gets into the Parlor — Resolves to 
 Smash a Window — Interesting Denouement — Where Mrs. Cun- 
 ningham Went after the Meeting. 
 
 In November last, a young man, giving the namo of C. Frank 
 Fitzgerald, of St. Louis, Mo., went to the Matrimonial Ofice of Mi-s. 
 Jessie Willis, No. — West Forty-third street, in this city — an offioo 
 which was started in the summer of 1858, and has been quite ex- 
 tensively advertise. We copy the following specimen of th« ad- 
 vertisements from the New York Herald, of January 27th : 
 
 " Mbs. Jessib Willis will give Introduction to ladies and gentle- 
 men with a view to matrimony, at her office, — West Forty-third 
 street, from 3 to 8 p. v. Parties suited ; references required. Gen- 
 tlemen's fee |1 : ladies free. Letters from the country must b« 
 post-paid, with return letter stamps. N. B. — AH business oonfl- 
 dential." 
 
 (402> 
 
£/• # f<' •» • ••♦••*. *.*.*,'.*.V*,*.* •♦♦•♦♦'^ ♦"".♦• .^ . ■'. . * ♦♦♦..*.,*.*♦*.•>•.♦ 
 
 lotvmwm' % 'w 
 
 'S^fsr^ 
 
 \i^iii£ii^Sii^ii^!uSlui!luSli£iki£»i^^ 
 
 .^::iviJii&iiii^'i'iii^iAi 
 
PHILADELPHIA, 
 
 Corner of Chestnut and Ninth Streets. 
 
 OPENED m FEBKUAEY, 18G0. 
 
 This magnificent Establishment has been erected by a stock 
 subscription, at a cost of 
 
 MORE THAN A MILLION DOLLARS, 
 
 with the sole object of affording the many Visitors to the Key- 
 stone Metropolis 
 
 THE MOST COMMODIOUS HOTEL IN THE WORLD. 
 
 Ample accommodations are afforded for 1,000 g'!Be!»»fi«, 
 with every modern improvement which experience could sug- 
 gest for the comfort of the traveler. The interior arranae- 
 meut and furnishing have been completed under the personal 
 supervision of PAKA:\ ^TF. VBOi^'S, the Le^iN«-v-, 
 anil the Continental will be conducted upon the same SCALE 
 OF LiBERALITY ^y which he has previously established the woll- 
 known popularity of the BATTLE HOUSE and POINT 
 CLEAR HOTEL, in Mobile, Ala., and the FIFTH 
 AVENUE HOTEL, in New York. 
 
 B®* Pleasure tourists will find Philadelphia a delightful 
 point fur sojourn during the early summer and autumn, and 
 find at the Continental all the comforts of a luxurious home. 
 
T II E 
 
 GIRARD HOUSE, 
 
 PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 PRESBURY, SYKES & CO., PROPRIETORS. 
 
 The Proprietors of this deservedly-celebrated Hotel, which 
 is located in the central portion of the most fashionable street 
 in the city, beg to announce to their friends and the public, 
 that, grateful for the extensive patronage they have received 
 from the first day "The Girard House" was opened to the 
 
THE GIRARD HOUSE. 
 
 present time, they have determined that neither pains nor 
 expense shall be wanting, not only to maintain the proud 
 supremacy it has hitherto enjoyed, but to render it the most 
 complete and magnificent establishment in the world. 
 
 With this view, and in anticipation of spring travel, thf 
 House has been entirely redecorated and refurnished, from 
 top to bottom. 
 
 A NEW AND SPLENDID BILLIARD ROOM 
 
 has just been completed, and furnished with PHELAN'S 
 CELEBRATED PATENT TABLES, for the sole use of 
 the guests of the house and their friends. 
 
 THE TABLE OF THE GIRARD HOUSE 
 
 has long been celebrated throughout the Union for its pro- 
 fuse liberality and recherche elegance ; but, in order that 
 nothing may be wanting to render it perfect in ever}'- depart- 
 ment, and worthy of its unprecedented fame, an additional 
 staff of FRENCH, ITALIAN, and GERMAN ARTISTES 
 have been engaged, for the preparation of those dishes for 
 which their several countries are celebrated — thus combining, 
 in the daily "carte,'''' solid American comfort with the tasteful 
 luxury of Continental Europe. 
 
o 
 
 GOLD MEDAL I'EKFUMERY. 
 R. & G. A. WRIGHT, 
 
 No. 624 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, 
 
 MANUrACTUEEES 
 
 nttj^istjs' ^tttt 
 
 The Manufacturers of this well-known brand heg leave to call the attention of the trade to the 
 Jargo variety of new styles they have, and arc constantly adding to tbeif Ktock, cousisliiig of 
 
 Colognes, Hair Oils, Pomades, 
 
 Extracts, Toilet "Waters, Cosmetics, 
 
 Soaps, Hair Dye, Shaving Creams. 
 
 All of which have been sold for years in the pouthi-rn market, and have never spoiied, tbeieby 
 assuring tho purchaser advantages that no other Manufacturers can olTer. 
 
 la addition to the above, they have a large and well-selected stock of 
 
 FRENCH AND ENGLISH NOVELTIES AND DKCGGISTS' ARTICLES, 
 Additions to which are received by every steamer. 
 
 Goods Imported to order, and Catalogues mailed on demand. A call is 
 solicited from the Trade. Orders by mail carejulbj and promptly 
 attended to. 
 
 WHOLESALE ONLY. 
 
 BREECH-LOAOIHG REPEATING 
 
 ri S T O L. 
 
 WEIGHS BUT 8} OUNCES. 
 
 Cari be stowed in an ordinary-suKd vest pocket, shoots accurately, penetrates an Inch pine 
 board at 100 yards, and can he loaded and fired with astonislilng rapidity. 
 
 One hundred Cartridges, ready for use, Watkr-Proof, can be carried lu an ordinary-sized 
 tobacco box. 
 
 For sale by tin? Trade pener.Hllv. and by the undersigned, SOLE AGENTS FOR ALL FIRE- 
 ARMS MANUFACiUUED liY C.'SUAKl'S A CO. 
 
 HANDY & BRENNER, 
 
 HARDWARE MERCHANTS, 
 23, 25, and 27 If. FIFTH STREET, PHILADELPHIA. 
 
MODEL GUN STOEE. 
 
 PIlILir WILSON & CO., 
 
 No. 432 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, 
 
 MAMIi'ACTLKLltS (IF 
 
 SUPEIUOR BOUBIil (iUNS, 
 
 Of every description, which they WAKKANT in the fullest manner. Thcv compare favorably, 
 "BOTU AS TO FlXiyil AND PKlirKCTION IX SHOOTING," with the best IxinUon Guuj, 
 ANO AT OKE-THIRD L.E.SS COST. 
 
 Every Gun made by us is fully tested before leaving our shop. 
 
 In additiou to our own make, we .ire constantly rcieivin'i Gun.s from the best makers in Kn(?- 
 land, France, and Itdtfiuui, viz. : WKSTLKY RIcTlARDS, WM. OKEENEIt, MOORE & HAIUU.S, 
 IIOLLIS & SHEATH, witli others of less note and cheaper grades. 
 
 GUN TRIMMINGS 
 
 Of all variety, 
 
 FISHING TACKLE 
 
 Of every description, and 
 
 CRICKET BATS, BALLS, ETC." 
 
 Agents for G. W. Bitrgess's Celebrated Trout Rods. 
 
 J. BARTRAM & BROTHER, 
 
 WHOLESALE &, RETAIL 
 
 AXD DEALERS IN 
 
 % 
 
 DRUGS, MEDICINES, FIRE CHEMICALS, PAINTS, OILS, GLASS, 
 AND DYE-STUFFS, 
 
 Wholesale Depot for 
 UllEAXmCi'S PILLS, & BAUTRAM'S LIQ! IS) (iLlK, 
 
 CHEAPEST IN THE COTJNTRY. 
 
 N. W. COS,. SECOND & RACE, 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 For its remedial value, and intrinsic 
 •worth in renovating -weakened constitu- 
 tions, see evideuce of its character from 
 certificates of 
 
 MESS'S. BOOTH, GARRET. & CAMAC, 
 
 Analytical ('hemist><, Philadelphia. 
 
 JAMES R. CHILTON, 
 
 M. D., New York. 
 
 A. A. HAYES, 
 
 Stjite Assaver, Boston. 
 
 For sale by C. WHARTON, 116 Walnut St. Phila. 
 
DR. HOOFLAND'S 
 
 •WILL POSITIVELY CUBE 
 
 Liver Complaint, Dyspepsia, Nervous Debility, Fever & Ague, &c 
 
 AND WILL POSITIVELY PREVENT 
 
 Yellow Fever, Bilious Fever , Sj-c. 
 
 READ THE EVIDENCE. 
 
 From J. Magxnnis, of (he Xew Orleans True Delta. 
 
 Nbw Orliass, July 20, 1859. 
 Mmbrs. C. M. Jackson & Co. — Gentlemen: I bave for s long time looked upon your Iloofland's 
 German Bitters as the vei-y best Dyspeptic preparation extant But I am now disposed to accord to it 
 Btlll higher merit. I find that it will effectually prcTent prevent the ravages of that scourge of 
 this climate — Yellow Fever. During the prevalence of that disease lust summer, I had ample 
 opportunity of witnessing its efficacy ; and I firmly believe that even an unacclimated pen^a, 
 with propur precaution and the use of your Bitters as directed, could safely summer it in New 
 Orleans. Aa a preventive of Fever and Ague, also, I cheerfully endorse all you claim for it. 
 
 Respectfully Yours, 
 
 JOHV M.\GINNI3, 
 Proprietor of True Delta. 
 
 From T. Richardson, Esq., of the Galveston Neici. 
 
 Galve8to.\, Texas, Sept. 25, 1S58. 
 
 Dr. C. M. Jackson. — Dear Sir: Yon suggested to me, before leaving Phil.idelphin, to take a few 
 
 bottles of your Bitters along, as a preventive against Yellow Fever, which is now raging here and 
 
 In New Orleans. I did so, and used it freely on my route home. I was accompanied by several 
 
 Texans, who also took it as prescribed, none of us having had the Fever e.xcept myself. All 
 
 Fassed tlirough New Orleans without being attacked by the epidemic, and some of them whom 
 have since met attribute their escape, in a great measure, to the use of your excellent specific. 
 From what I have heard from other sources, and my own experience, I have no besitatioa in 
 saying, I believe Hoofland's German Bitters an excellent article for the prevention of Yellow 
 fever aud many other diseases peculiar to the South, if taken in time and as directed. 
 
 Yours Truly, 
 
 T. RICH.AJIDSON, 
 Editor and Proprietor of Qolveston " News." 
 
 IMPORTANT TO SEAFARING MEN. 
 
 Phil.U)Xlphia, Oct. 27, 1858. 
 Db. 0. M. Jackson. — Dear Sir: I sailed from this port in August last, in the barque "Uein» 
 deer," of which I am Master, with a crew of ten men, bound to Havana. As I knew the Yellow 
 Fever was raging with great virulonea in that city, aud had heard of the good effects of the Bit- 
 ter.') in preventing the attacks of that terrible disease, I provided myself with a supply of it. 
 Before reai-hing my port, I commenced the administration of the Bitters regularly to all on 
 board. On reaching Havitna, I found a number of vessels in the harbor, among the crews of 
 which the Fuver was committing great ravages; on board of three of them, not a soul was left 
 alive — the Fever hail carried all off. Naturally, great alarm prevailed. I am most happy to say, 
 that with the exception of one of my crew, who deserted in Havana, we have all come back safe 
 ftnd sound — not one of us having been attacked. I believe HooHand's German Bitters to be an 
 excellent medicine, and am satisfied of its salutary effects as a preventive of Y^ellow Fever, ai it 
 is a very unusual thing for a vessel with so many persons on board to visit the Utland of Cuba in 
 Auguiit or September, and return without the loss of at least a portion of her crew. 
 
 GEO. W. ALLEN, 
 HAster, Barque Reindeer. 
 
 Prepared only by 
 
 DR. C. M. JACKSON & CO., 
 
 418 Arch Street, Philadelphia. 
 And for Sale hy Druggists and Dealers GencraUi/. 
 
 Price, 76 cents per Bottle. 
 
lEDIARD'S CHOICE LldllEllRS. 
 
 MORNING CALL. GIN COCKTAIL. 
 
 MINT JULEP. WHISKEY COCKTAIL. 
 
 BRANDY SMASH. BRANDY COCKTAIL. 
 
 CURACAO. BONNE SANTIJ. 
 
 FINE OLD JAMAICA PINE-APPLE RUM PUNCH. 
 FINE OLD EAST IISTDIA ARRAC PUNCH. 
 "OLD TOM" LONDON CORDIAL GIN. 
 ROYAL WINDSOR WINE AND STOMACH BITTERS. 
 In cases containiny one dozen quart bottles. 
 
 These Liqueurs will be found superior to the unmeaning French 
 md other imported Liqueurs, as they possess distinctive characteristics. 
 
 The COCKTAILS are prepared from the finest vegetable Tonics 
 and Alteratives, and in all cases the Liquors used are genuine ; thus 
 combining a healthful as well as agreeable beverage. 
 
 The CURxiCAO is pronounced by the best judges "ne plus ultra." 
 It is prepared from the same ingredients, and with an equal amount 
 of skill, as the imported, is sold at half the price, and is put in a 
 bottle unlike the foreign, as it is the Proprietor's desire the article 
 should stand on its own merits as an American product. 
 
 The MORNING CALL— 7'o7mc, Diuretic, Alterative, and Anti-thjs- 
 peptic — is the finest and purest Stomach Bitter in the world — of 
 great value to ladies or children in delicate health. It is a Liqueur 
 Hygienique d'aprhs Raspail. 
 
 In fact, the Proprietor challenges the world to produce finer or more 
 agreeable Liqueurs than the above. 
 
 Sold by Wholesale Liquor and Grocery Dealers in New York and 
 all the large cities in the ITnion— Retail everjrwhere. 
 
 DEPOT, 37 SOUTH WILLIAM STREET, 
 NEW YORK. 
 
 Agents for Van Brunt" s Aromatic Scliiedam Schnapps. 
 
GHIFFEN & ACKEN, 
 
 Importers and Jobbers of 
 
 FANCY GOODS, 
 
 AND 
 
 Combs, Buttons, Brushes, Perfumery, Pins, Needles, Per- 
 cussion Caps, Whips, Portemonnaies, Carpet Bags, 
 Jewelry, Wood and Willow Ware, &c., 
 
 No. 80 WARREN STREET, NEW YORK. 
 
 HENRY GRIFFEN. WM. 11. ACKEN. 
 
 Pmuifattuitrs anb SEIjoItsuk gtaltrs in 
 
 Umbrellas and Parasols. 
 
 WAREHOUSE, 
 
 No. 12 W"arren Street, 
 
 NEAR BROADWAY, 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 
 «£OBOE J. BYRD. ALVAH HALL. 
 
B. M. & E. L WlilTLOCR & CO., 
 
 13 BEEKMAN ST., COR. NASSAU, 
 Importers of 
 
 COGNAC BRANDIES, 
 
 WISHES, SECARS, Etc. 
 
 Agents for Favorite Brands @f 
 
 YIEGINIA TOBACCO, 
 
 And Wholesale Dealers in Pine 
 
 G H O C E 
 
 Beuj. M. Whitlock. in Jbi VV J. UxiXv. Edwd. A. Whitlock. 
 
 Oliveb W. Dodob. Heskt Cammkteb. 
 
 SOUTBERZV CARHZAaXl ^ArJUFACTORir, 
 
 Repository, 412 BR0^1lPJ9\li^, Jf\w I'orh. 
 
 Mnnnfnctiircr of 
 
 CAimiAGES, BUGGIES, BABOUCHES, LIGHT WAG- 
 GONS, COACHES, ROCKAWAYS, &c., &c. 
 
 And every description of HARNESS, 
 
 FOR SOUTHERN USE EXCLUSIVELY. 
 
SOUTHERN AND SOUTHWESTERN Q'JEENSWARE HOUSE. 
 n. W. BURTSS 8l GREENE, 
 
 50 VESEY STEEET, 2cl Block rear of Astor House, 
 KEW TORE, 
 
 iJATHANIEL W. BrimS] [EIJAS M. GREESn. 
 
 Have on hand constantly of tlieir own importations a full ap?ort- 
 ment of Edward's Royal Iron Stone China, Haddock's Pa- 
 tent Iron Stone China and White Granite Ware. 
 
 Elegant assortments of French China, both White, Gilt and 
 Richly Decorated. Sole Agents for the best makers of botli 
 Cut and Dressed Glass Ware. 
 
 Complete and attractive Stock of Silver Plated and Britannia 
 Ware. 
 
 Exclusive agents for the Pure White "Adamantine" and richly 
 Colored Enameled Ware, Tete-a-Tetes, Vases, Epergnes, 
 CarafTs, Porcelain Ware, &c. &c. 
 
 Breakfast, Dinner and Tea Sets Decorated, and names 
 ■burnt in at the manufactory as may be ordered. 
 
 Particular attention paid" to HOTEL and STEAMBOAT OR- 
 DERS. Our Stock of COMMON GOODS is remarkably full 
 and complete. 
 
 We solicit an examination of our Stock. 
 
 EXCELSIOR BURR STONE 
 
 PLANTATION MILL. 
 
 Many of these Mills are in operation throughout the South, 
 giving great satisfaction. We rcarravt them to last a Ufvtime. to 
 grind as fast and as well as the best flat-stone mills, with one half 
 the power, and to heat the meal less. The Mill is perfectly simple, 
 can be kept in order by any person of ordinary intelligence, and 
 can be run by any Gin, Water, or Steam Power. For a plan- 
 tation it is the Ne-plus-ultra. Price $100.00 
 
 ^anforVs |.nti-iriftioit ©in |]ofecr, 
 
 Especially designed for Ginning Cotton, Driving Mills, Saws, 
 etc. Two horses on this Power will do as much work as four on the 
 Powers in general use. Price $110.00 and $130.00 
 
 The Mill and Power may be examined at, and Circulars sent from 
 No. 45 GOLD STREET, KEW YORK, by 
 
 J. A. BENNET. 
 
DRESS_GOODS HOUSE. 
 
 CllHING, SISIPSON & ARMSTRONG 
 
 XIVIFOIITSZIS AND JOBBZ2Z13 
 
 OF 
 
 DRESS GOODS. SHAWLS, 
 
 Ji'EW iroiiK. 
 
 Confining our whole experience and attention to 
 the Importing and Jobbing, in these three important 
 departments of the trade, and having the most ex- 
 tensive assortment of FOREIGN medium-priced 
 DRESS GOODS ever exhibited in AMERICA, we 
 can offer superior inducements, to the best and 
 closest buyers, from all sections of the Union. 
 
 MMTILLAS mV) CLOAKS, 
 
 WHOLESALE AND RETAIL, 
 
 At 300 Canal Street, 
 
 And Under the 5th Avenue Hotel, cor. of 23d St. 
 
 THE LEADER OF FASHION 
 
 FOR 
 
 HARPER'S MAGAZINE AND 
 GODEY'S LADY'S BOOK. 
 
 SOLTUERX BLYERS ARE PARTICLLARLY LWITED 
 
Manufacturer and Manufacturers^ Agent for the Purchase and Sale of 
 
 GUNS, RIFLES, PISTOLS, PERCUSSION CAPS, &C, 
 
 267 BROADWAY, near Chambers St., New York, 
 
 Where raay he found the ^"ewest and most Perfect Styles of Fire-Arms of every 
 
 Description. 
 
 BoiK MANnFACTirnERs' Agent for Wai.ch Fire-Arm Co.'s nbw 12-Shot Revolver, 
 
 80 balls to the lb., and Lisdsay'3 " Young America" sinole barrel 2-Shot Derinoer, 
 
 40 balls to the lb. 
 
 S.MiTH & Wesson'.s Seven-Shooter. Protection Six-Shooter, imitation Colt's new 
 model. Excelsior Revolver, imitatlou Colt's old model. Colt's old and new model. 
 Wesson's new Bbeech-Loadino Repeater. GssniNK Derinoer's, at Trade Prices. 
 A NEW Cartridue Pistol, 60 balls to the lb. 
 
 Also, sole Agent for the United States for the Volcanic Repeating Rifles and Pistols, 
 ■Wesson's new breech-loading Rifles and Pistols, American G. D., C. T., U. S., Hat and 
 Water-proof Percussion Caps, with a full and complete assortment of Single and Double- 
 barrel Guns, Rifles, and Pistols, of the most approved manufacture ; Bowie Knives, 
 Drinking Cups, Powder Flasks, Shot Bags, Sporting Powder of the best quality, &c., &c. 
 
 GROVER& BAKER'S 
 
 FAMILY 
 
 The first place in public estimation is Justly 
 accorded to the rover & Baker Machine for 
 the following reasons : 
 
 1st. It is more simple and easily kept in order 
 than any other Machine. 
 
 2d. It makes a seam which will not rip or 
 ravel, though every third stitch be cnt. 
 
 3d. It sews from two spools, and all trouble 
 of winding thread is avoided, while it can be 
 adapted, by a change of spools, to all varieties 
 of work. 
 
 4th. The same Machine runs silk, linen thread, 
 and spool cotton, with equal facility. 
 
 .')th. The seam is as elastic as the most elastic 
 fabric, so that it Is free from all liability to bresk 
 In washing, ironing, or otherwise. 
 
 6th. The Stitch made by this Machine is more 
 beautiful than any other made, either by hand 
 or machine. 
 
 SEWING MACHINES. 
 
 As evidence of the superiority of the Grover A 
 Baker Machine, attention is invited to 
 
 WHAT DI.STINOnlSHED MEN SAT. 
 
 " I take pleasure in saying, that the Grover & 
 Baker Sewing Machines' have more than sus- 
 tained mv expectation. After trying and returning others, 1 have three of thein m oper- 
 ation in my differonl pl:\oes, and. alter four years' trial, have no fault to find. —J. U. 
 Hammond, Senator of Sonth Cardina. . , . . .. j r 
 
 " My wife has had one of Grover k Baker's Sewing Machines for some time, and I am 
 satisfied it is one of the best labor-saving machines that has been invented. I take much 
 pleasure in recommending it to tho public."— y. G. Harris, Governor of Te/messee. 
 
 OFFICES OF EXHIBITION AND SALE: ISl Baltimore st., Baltimore; Mechanies' 
 Institute, Richmond ; 249 King st.. Chariest. m ; 41 St. Francis ft.. Mobile ; 11 Camp St., 
 New Orleans ; 124 North Fourth st., St. Louis ; 94 Fourth st., Louisville. 
 
SILK GOODS. 
 
 . BIBBLEE Sz CO., 
 
 Importers and Jobbers of 
 
 29 WAEEEPi and 25 MUEPvAY STS., 
 NEW YORK, 
 
 KEEP CONSTANTLY ON HAND 
 
 SILKS AND SILK EOBES, of the latest styles. 
 
 DEESS GOODS, in all new and desirable fabrics. 
 
 LACES AND EMBROIDERIES, in every variety. 
 
 WHITE GOODS, IRISH LINENS, &c. 
 
 HOSIERY AND GLOVES— a large assortment. 
 
 RIBBONS AND DRESS TRISIMINGS— an endless variety. 
 
 CLOAKS, SIANTILLAS, AND SHAWLS-a leading depart- 
 ment of the House. 
 
 CRAVATS AND TIES, including GENTS' FURNISHING 
 GOODS. 
 
 SKIRTS, SMALL WARES, &c. 
 
 From long experience in the trade, and diligent attention to 
 the wants of their Customers, 11. E. Dibblee & Co. can ]iro- 
 sent inducements to buyers equal to those of any other SiBii 
 
 filoUt^C in the city. 
 
 N. B. — Particular and prompt attention given to orders by 
 persons who are competent and familiar with the tastes and 
 wants of those sections from whence the orders are received. 
 

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HANFORD & BROWNING, 
 
 IV K O L S S A L S 
 
 CLOTHIERS, 
 
 No. 326 and 328 Broadway, 
 
 William C. Bbownino. X-H -Li > T X v^iViV. 
 
 Over C. "W. & J. T. Moore & Co. 
 
 A. JOURNEAY, Jr., 
 
 Carpe tings, Druggets, 
 
 OIL CLOTHS, 
 
 Cocoa and Canton Mattings, &c., 
 
 No. 373 BROADWAY, New York. 
 
 An extensive Stock and long experience in the business enables us 
 to fill orders for Goods promptly, and at the lowest prices for Cash 
 or approved Credit. 
 
 JOHN A. BAKER, 
 
 Manufacturer of, and Dealer in 
 
 MILITARY GOODS, 
 
 No. 63 "WALKER STREET (near Broadway). 
 
 Hats, Caps, Swords, Sashes, Belts, Horse liJquipments, and all 
 Articles for the Military, furnished at short notice. 
 
 «i- The New Style of FRENCH FATIGUE CAPS on hand and made to Order. -53» 
 
SAML. HAMMOND & CO., 
 IMPORTERS OF FINE WATCHES, 
 
 44 MERCHANTS' EXCHANGE, NEW YORK. 
 
 We are desirous of drawing attintioa to our POCKET CHRONOMETERS 
 and fine LEVER "WATCHES with Clironoiueter Adjustments, manulaciured 
 expressly for us in London, wliicli, as timekeepers for general use or scientific pur- 
 poses, cannot be excelled. j,V. B. — Hating by our own transit observation. 
 
 JOHN W. McKINLEY, 
 
 MERCHANT TAILOR 
 
 AND 
 
 1 
 
 Heady-made Clothing 
 
 m FURNISHING GOODS, 
 
 413 BROADWAY, cor. Lispenard St., New York. 
 CLOTHING MANUFACTURED FOR SOUTHERN HOUSES. 
 
 THE AMERICAN PUMP. 
 
 Patented April 5, 1859. 
 
 Works by Hand la all Depths — Throws Water by Hose 40 feet — 
 Will not Itust, will not Freeze — Raises from S to 60 Gallons per 
 Minute. Prices from $15 to $60 : Adapted to Cisterns, 
 Railroads, Machinery, Irrigation, etc. — Forces Water to great 
 Heights and Distances. 
 
 "Mr. Edney is a North Carolinian. The American Pump we 
 know to be a simple and vahiahlt: invention, and largely used 
 in every section, North and South." — De Bow's Jieview. 
 
 " They are adapted to almost every purpose." — JV. Y. Pay-Book. 
 
 " We consider it the best we have ever seen. " — Galveston Sews, 
 
 Texas. 
 
 " It took the premium at our State Fair." — Raleigh Jteg., X. O. 
 
 " We never saw one comparable to this." — St. Lonis Christ. Ad. 
 
 " The best pump we ever saw ; have one ourselves, and would 
 
 recommend it to everybody. " — Southern Planter, Richmotiii, Va. 
 
 "One man forces water 540 feet, and 97 perpendicular." — Scien- 
 
 tific American. 
 
 " One could force water anywhere to any height." — Am. AgricuUurist. 
 " It is an improvement upon any othor pump now in use ; any boy can work it at 60, 
 and any man at 100 feet." — Miss. Baptist. 
 
 " All who have used it, speak well of it." — X. T. Ohgrrver. 
 "It is wonderful ; send mo two." — Dr. 31. W. Philips, Afiss. 
 
 " A genuine improvement and no humbug ; a child five years old can work mine." 
 — Zf. M. Foiclkes, Esq., Va. 
 iO" Warranted to work. Complete Drawings, Sizes, and Prices, sent free. 
 
 JAMES M. EDNEY, 147 Chambers St., New York. 
 
Jg^ A Gp.kat BrppoRT and Comfort. 
 ALLCOCK'S POROUS I'LASTEKS are tlie most useful articles of the kind yet introduced 
 to tho public. They are eutiri'ly pleasant ; they do not roll np in heaps, th.-y do imc 
 adhere to your linen ; they only adhere to the skin, and they are pleasant, b.ciiu.se they 
 are flexible. They are the best streugtheniug plaster, and are admirable lor >kiu ois- 
 eases, especially moth of the skin (lichen), and all unsightly discolorations, which iLey 
 surely cure. 
 
 In affections of the kidneys, in nervous diseases, 6titche.s, and epilepsy, their use 
 over the small of the back or over the sacrum, or where the pain is located, is attended 
 with the best results. 
 
 ALLCOCK'S POKOUS PLASTERS resolve and assuage pain by calling forth the acrid 
 humors from parts internal to the skin and general circulation. JAMES LULL, il.D. 
 One Thousand Dollars' worth Sold. 
 
 SiNO Sing, July 21, 1S59. 
 
 This may certify, that we have sold within the past five year.s, at least one thousand 
 dollars' worth of AUcock's Porous Plasters. They have invariably given satisfaction, 
 and we consider them the best article of the kind made or sold. 
 
 H. H. J02s'ES & BRO., Apothecaries and Chemists. 
 Haetforp, Con., Jan., 4, 1860. 
 
 " Messrs. Allcock k Co.— Gentlemen— We are retailing in our place quite a quantity 
 of the Perforated Plaster. Will you please name your lowest cash price per gross on de- 
 livery ? We find your Plasters give the best satisfaction for the various maladies for 
 which they are recommended of any plaster extant. Your early attention is desired. 
 " Yours respectfully, J. W. JOH^'SO^' & CO." 
 
 NERVOUS AFFECTIONS CURED.— Julius Metz, Esq., of Brooklyn, the well-knowa 
 profe.-5sor of music, was long subject to an ati'ection of the muscles of the chest, attended 
 with most violent spasmodic asthma. His pliysical sufferings were great, and his pro- 
 fessional duties much interfered with. The application of one plaster cured him. 
 
 All Physicians who have ever seen these Plasters, recommend them. Mr. Cailassl, Dr. 
 Vaillaindet, and Dr. Jacquiuot, report that probably these Plasters are specifics in all 
 diseases of the skin surface. Their value is beyond dispute. 
 
 Hear what Hon. CARL SCHULTZE, of Chicago, says : Chicago, Sept. 26, 18.59. 
 
 To the Editors of the New York Criminal Zeitung:— Gentlemen— I shall feel obliged 
 if you will inform your friend, Dr. Deichman, that I have quite recovered from severe 
 paius in my chest, from which I have so long suffered. AUcock's Porous Plaster cured 
 me, of which he spoke so highly. I had tried almost everything to relieve the pain, 
 without any benefit, before 1 used the plaster, which, strange to say, in a few days after 
 putting it on, perfectly relieved me. I have worn the plasters for the last nine mouths, 
 changing once in a week or two, without any return of the pain iu my chest, or the least 
 diflic'ulty in taking any kind of food. This can be attested by all my friends and my fa- 
 mily. Show Deichman this letter, and please to publish it in your paper. 
 
 Most respectfully, CARL SCHULTZE. 
 
 Note by Editors of Criminal Zeitlixo.— 'VVe insert this letter with pleasure, as it 
 affords us an opportunity for saying, that any one atUictea with pain in the chest, accom- 
 panied with indigestion, can by applying at this office, receive ample testimony from 
 one who has been restored to health by these very Plasters of Mr. Allcock, which he 
 used for six months for a similar affection. 
 
 CURE FOR HOOPING COUGH.— In fact, their use in these cases acts like a charm. 
 Place one upon the chest, so that it reaches an inch or so over the diaphragm. In tic- 
 doloureux, place a piece of plaster upon the part affected ; relief will soon come. In 
 moth of the skin and all discolorations, in asthma, consumptions, and coughs, they have 
 qualities which surpass all other remedies whatsoever. 
 
 HOOPING COUGH. Catcqa, Hinds Co., Miss. 
 
 T. Allcock & Co.— Gentlemen- Please send me another six dozen of your Porous 
 Plasters. They are in a great demand here for Hooping Cough. They act like a charm. 
 I could have sold two dozen this week, if I had had them. Scud as soon as possible, 
 and oblige yours, respectfully, JOHN L. WILLIAMS, Postmaster. 
 
 LAME BACK. New York, Nov. 23, 18d9. 
 
 T. Allcock & Co.— Gentlemen— I lately suffered severely from a weakness iu my 
 back, occasioned by suddenly over-exerting myself. Having heard your Plasters much 
 recommended for cases of this kind, I procured one, and the result was all that I could 
 desire. A uiuglo plaster cured me iu a week. Your.s, respectfully, 
 
 J. BRIGGS, Proprietor of the Brandreth House. 
 
 AN IMPORTANT LETTER. 
 
 Shrcb Oak, Yokktown, N. Y., Jau. 19, 18C0. 
 
 "T Allcock & Co.— Gentlemen— I have boon troubled with a lame back over ten . 
 years so as to be entirely helpless and unable to do any kind of farm work. In June 
 last I procured one of AUcock's Porous Plasters, and wore it three weeks, when 1 louud 
 my back entirely cured, and was able to mow and cradle as well as over I could in my 
 best days. These Plasters should be in every house. 1 never believed that any exter- 
 nal remedy could be so powerful and so good as these Plasters. Their effect on me 
 seems miraculous, aud I thank God that I used them. They have entirely restored my 
 health and vigor. „ STEPHEN PDGbLEY. 
 
 By sending |1 to T. ALLCOCK & CO., No. 4 Union Sqtiare, New York four Plasters wiU 
 b ; s.,u' 10 any part of the United States, free of charge. Principal Office, No. 4 Dnlon 
 .. . ..I'b lu'l iiJwb '.»t^u JtUce, iNj aJi Oaidi iitafl. lN'«W i'liu. <-U<- '>-'■ cpntsiUW). 
 JiinjOCK 8 *'I*AST£ita caa be oWalaea genMaJy ft«a l>rag^t«. iS^ v«atp a*-.:;. 
 
WILLIAM W. WRIGHT & CO, 
 
 252 BROADWAY, 
 
 NEW YORK, 
 
 OPPOSITE THE CITY HALL, 
 IMPORTEKS AND JOBBERS OF 
 
 SILK AND FANCY DRESS GOODS, 
 
 RIBBONS AND DRESS TRIMMINGS, 
 
 SHAWLS, CLOAKS AND MANTILLAS, 
 
 GLOVES, LACES AND EMBROIDERiESj 
 
 &c., &c., &c., &c., &c 
 
 DUEYEE, JAQUES & CO., 
 
 Late Rankin, Duryee & Co., 
 Manufacturers, Importers, and Wholesale Dealers in 
 
 HATS^ GAPS km STRAW OGQOS, 
 
 326 BROADWAY 328 
 
 DTJRYEE, JAaUES & CLEARMAN, 
 
 29 Magazine St., NEW ORLEANS 
 
 FACTORY: 
 
 Beaver St., Newark, N. J. 
 
<^ IMPORTERS, ^ 
 
 MANUFACTURERS AND WHOLESALE 
 
 DEALERS IN 
 
 Hats, Caps, and Straw Goods, 
 BOMETS, BLOOMERS, FLATS, FLOWERS, 
 
 UMBRELLAS, PARASOLS, &c. 
 
 Nos. 120 Chambers and 50 Warren 
 Streets, New York. 
 
 FACTORY: 388, 390 & 392 BROADWAY, AlBAXY, N. Y., 
 
 Are constantly receiving from their Factory, and from their 
 European Agents, every thing new and desirable in their line, 
 and are determined to show to their friends and the trade a 
 stock which for freshness of style, detail and finish, will be un- 
 surpassed in this market, and to which the attention of first- 
 class buyers is solicited. 
 
 CATALOGUES, containing List of Articles comprising 
 their Stock, with Trices attached, sent by mail on application. 
 
MELIUS, CURRIER & SHERWOOD, 
 
 No. 42 Warren Street, 
 NEW YORK, 
 
 Maniilhctiircrs and Dealers in 
 
 Boots, Shoes & Brogans, 
 
 IN ALL THE VARIETIES SUITABLE 
 FOR THE 
 
 SOUTHERN & SOUTHWESTERN TRADE. 
 
 M. C. & S. manufacture directly a large portion of their 
 heavy Stock, including Wax, Kip Russet, Tliick and 
 
 ISplit Brogans, employing workmen on their own 
 Premises to cut and prepare the Stock for making ; and from 
 their own knowledge of Stock before cutting, as well as the fa- 
 cilities they have for buying Leather at all times, (this City 
 being the great Sole Leather Market of this Continent,) feel as- 
 sured that they can furnish these goods of the best quality in 
 every respect, and at a fair price. Shoes of their make will 
 be free from shingle insoles or pasteboard filling. They fully 
 believe that they make and sell the best Oak Russet and 
 Wax Bro^an made or sold in any market. 
 
 They also manufacture liadies Slioes and Gaiters 
 of the finer qualities, giving personal attention to Getting Up, 
 Style, &c., and think they combine durability with beauty, 
 jvithout sacrificing the former too much to the latter. 
 
 Fine 1>RE)>$8 BOOTS and GAITERS for Gen- 
 tlemen, are made by Manufacturers whom they have tried for a 
 long time and know they understand their Trade. 
 
 Their PEGGED SHOES, for Women and Servants' "Wear, 
 are bought of the best Manufacturers, and in all cases the 
 greatest care is exercised to have this class of work good and 
 durable. 
 
 New York, April, 13 GO. 
 
CLOi\XS AND MANTILLAS. 
 
 R S. MILLS & CO. 
 
 Offer to Southern Buyers the largest and most desirable 
 assortment of new and fashionable styles of 
 
 CLOAKS, MMTLES, DUSTERS, ETC., 
 
 To be found in the City; made of Velvet, Cloth, and 
 other materials adapted to the season. 
 Our Buyer visits London and Paris every season to 
 select all the novelties in this line as they appear in those 
 markets. 
 
 At Wholesale Only— Low Prices— Liberal Terms, "©a 
 E. S. MILL.* & CO., 
 
 Importers, Manufacturers, and Jobbers, 
 342 & 344 BROADWAY, New York. 
 
 STEIN WAY ^ SONS' 
 
 TATENT OVEB.STRU]Wa 
 
 GRAND "^^as^a& SQUARE 
 
 Are now considered the Best Pianos manufiictured. Opinion of nearly all the greatest 
 and most prominent Musicians and Artists regarding these Instruments: 
 
 The undersigned, having personally examined and practically tested the Improve- 
 ment iu Grand Pianos, invented by H. STEINWAY, in which the covered strings are 
 overstrung above those remaining, do hereby certify : 
 
 1. That as a result of the said improvement the voice of the Piano is greatly Improved 
 in quality, quantity and power. 
 
 2. The sound by Steinway's improvement is much more even, less harsh, stronger, 
 and much better prolonged, than that realized iu any other Piano with which we are 
 acqaainted. 
 
 3. The undersigned regard the improvement of Mr. Steinway as most novel. Ingen- 
 ious and important. No Piano of similar construction has never been known or used, 
 •0 far as the undersigufd know or believe. 
 
 Gl'stav. Satier, D. C. Hill, William Masos, Oeorok W. MoROAif, 
 
 S. B. Mills, Wm. A. Kino, John N. Pattisos, Carl Berqmasn, 
 
 Wm. Saar, G-ko. y. Bristow, Robert Goldbeck, Hknui C. Timm, 
 
 And many others. 
 Each Instrument warranted for the term of three years. 
 WARfiROOJIS, Nos. 82 and SI Walker Street, near Broadway, New York. 
 
CARROLL & MEAD, 
 
 392 BROAD'WA'S', 
 
 NEW TOEK, 
 
 MAlf UTACTUBEBS of, and WHOLESALE DEALEBS in 
 
 Gentlemen's and Tonths' 
 
 CLOTHING, 
 
 INCLUDING 
 
 FURNISHING GOODS, 
 
 MANUFACTURED EXPRESSLY FOR THE 
 
 SOITHERN & SOUTHWESTERN MARKETS. 
 
 Orders entrusted to us are promptly executed, 
 and recive our careful and personal attention. 
 
 An extra BiU of Lading, showing the weight 
 and measurement of each package, is given or 
 mailed with Invoice. 
 
 George Carroll. Benj. F. Mead. Edwin R. Carroll. 
 
HEKRYS, SMITH & TOWNSEND, 
 
 Importers and Jobbei's of 
 
 Foreign and Domestic 
 
 17 and 19 "Warren Street, 
 
 A few doors West of Broadway, 
 
 JOSHUA J. HENRY, 
 THOMAS U. SMITH, 
 WILLIAM H. TOWNSEND, 
 
 PHILIP HENHY, Jr., 
 EDWARD PENNER, 
 JOHN J. TOW^NSEND. 
 
 LEWIS B. HENRY. 
 
 ES, SON $c mELVAiN, 
 
 6 MAIDEN LANE, NEW YORK, 
 
 No 
 
 INVITE DEALERS IN 
 
 GUNS AND SPORTING ARTICLES, 
 
 ItiutlUrs, grttggists, ^Intioiurs, 
 
 A \ D 
 
 FArrcv aooDs jobbers, 
 
 To Exaiuiue their Stock of Goods, 
 
 Consisting of GUNS, RIFLES and PISTOLS, of all descriptions ; 
 ELEY'S CAPS, WADDING and CARTRIDGES ; POWDER FLASKS, 
 Shot POUCHES, Dram FLASKS, &c., &c. ; PLATED WARE and 
 JEWELRY, both Foreign and Domestic ; DRUGGISTS' ARTICLES, 
 viz : Lubin's EXTRACTS ; Lowe's Brown Windsor and other 
 SOAPS ; Fine Shell and other Dressing COMBS ; Hair, Tooth, and 
 Shaving BRUSHES; Medicine CASES; Tooth POWDER; Shaving 
 CREAM, &c., &c. 
 
 STATIONER'S ARTICLES ; DESKS, INKSTANDS and CUTLERY of 
 all approved makers. 
 
 Fine French and English FANCY GOODS, BRONZES. GILT AR- 
 TICLES ; PORTEMONNAIES ; Leather TRAVELING BAGS, &c.. &c. 
 
 SOLE AGENTS for WESTLEY RICHARDS' FOWLING PIECES; 
 Eley's celebrated Sporting AMMUNITION, Hoiffor's "Army" and 
 "Model" RAZORS; Adam's' Revolving PISTOLS. 
 
ATWATER, MULFORD & CO,, 
 
 Commtsaton llTtrfl)aut0, 
 
 Importers and Dealers in 
 
 LIPRS, WINES, TEAS, TOBICCOS, SEGiRS, 
 
 AND GROCERIES GENERALLY, 
 
 Nos. 35 & 37 Broad St., 
 
 Near Custom House, 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 
 W. C. Atwateb. 
 
 J. H. MCLFORD. 
 W. I. TOWNSEND, 
 
 R. H. Hardinu. 
 
 N. Peck Smith. 
 
 lITQUUii. 
 
 No. 11 
 
 BROAD STREET 
 
 NEW YORK, 
 
 IMPORTERS OP 
 
 BRANDIES, GIWS AND WINES. 
 
 Sole Importers o/" Abbouin, Marett & Co.'s 
 
 COGNAC BRANDIES, TULIP GIN; 
 
 AND 
 
 MOET & CHANDON'S 
 
 BOUZY CABINET AND FLEUR DE BOUZY CHAMPAGNES, 
 
 Which they offer for Sale from U. S. Bonded Warehouse. 
 
LATHROP * 
 
 Importers and Wholesale Dealers in 
 
 Foreign & Domestic Fancy Goods, 
 
 PERFUMERY AND JEAVELRY, 
 
 COMBS, BRUSHES, BUTTONS, WOOD AND 
 WILLOW WARE. 
 
 EXCLUSIVELY FOR THE SOUTHERN TRADE 
 
 15 MURRAY Street, New York. 
 
 PAOLl LATHROP. FREDERICK -WILKINSOS 
 
 ANDREWS, GILES, SANFORD & CO., 
 
 Importers and Jobbers of 
 
 RIBBONS, SILKS, MILLINERY, 
 
 A>'D 
 
 STRAW GOODS, 
 
 No. 100 CHAl^SBBUS ST., New ITork. 
 
 R. T. ANDREWS. O. H. Saxford, formerly of the firm of P15SE0& Co. 
 
 W. 6. Giles. L. W. S.mith. 
 
 BEAN & RAYMOND, 
 
 IMPORTERS OF 
 
 Brandies, "Wines, &c., 
 
 AND 
 
 COMMISSION MERCHANTS, 
 97 PEARL and 60 STONE STS., NEW YORK. 
 
GRANVILLE STOKES. 
 
 MERdllAlIT TIILOR. 
 
 607 CHESTNUT STREET, 
 
 PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 The finest English, French, and American Fabrics, made 
 
 up by the best Cutters and Artists in the 
 
 United States. 
 
 A large and superior stock of desirable 
 
 Of the latest styles, comprising every article of Gentlemen's 
 wear, always on hand, and made to order. 
 
 607 CHESTNUT STREET 
 

 
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