E 185 .C97 Copy 2 ,. > ; f ^ Glass -^ i\ ■tz^m i^- -i^/. Though oftbn mislbd hy Prejudice and Passion, hb was bmphat- iCALLV an Honest Man. — MacauUy. n m\m m m merican people, S l(i^S$oK SX© SK SP0I<0(^Y AMERICAN SLAVERY. A DUTY. BY WILLIAM H. CURD. CHICAGO, ILL.: BIRNEY HAND S: CO., PRINTERS. 1879. •5, / , En tcred, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1879. by WILLIAM H. CURD, in the office of the Librarian of Congress at Wash ington. /^ ^y/O /? PREFACE. The following pages may appear somewhat strangely to some ; especially to a portion of my own race. But after giving it a thorough consid- eration we think they will justify us, or at least concede that we have done no injury. If it has any effect whatever, we hope it will be for the better. We saw that the poUtical strife among the American people was one growing largely out of the question of the negro and slavery. The im- portance of this question caused us to give it more consideration. Seeing the diversity of opinion we desired to show the cause which 6 PREFACE. brought it about. We tind that it originated, a a general thing, from the difference in teaching and as all will concede was perfectly natural. I sweet apple tree will invariably produce swee apples. It has not been our intention to show tha slavery is, or was right, but simple to show th( causes which brought about the difference, o antipathy between the two great parties of th( day. This antipathy we hope will soon be i thing of the past. THE WEITEE. NATURE'S PREJUDICE. In the world's history, there seems to have been no institution more general than human slavery. The slave, with his friends, fails to understand, or seems unwilling to admit, any substantial excuse for those who have enslaved him or adhered to the principle of human bond- age. The reason of this is not hard to find. We know it is characteristic of human nature not to look squarely upon both sides of a question, but to be partial to one side or the other It is also characteristic of it to have narrow and biased views upon all subjects into which prejudice or strons: self-interest enters. 8 NATURE'S PREJUDICE. The Scriptures teach us that we cannot serve two masters, for we must love the one and hate the other. They teach us that human affection must center upon one as it cannot upon all oth- ers. So the human intellect, in all questions, has a tendency to look upon one pole of the truth to the exclusion of the other, and finds itself the enthusiastic servant of the side of truth which lies nearest it. Yet truth has its two poles and has other sides than that upon which, perhaps, our attention has been wholly concentrated. The broader view of things we should ever strive • to take. The result would be a wider knowledge, a more charitable spii-it, and a juster view. At some distance from a window, we see only that which lies directly in front of it ; but, as we draw nearer, our field of vision is enlarged, and ob- jects at the right and left of it, unseen before, appear to modify the landscape. So we know there are two sides to the question we discuss in the following pages ; but from a dispassioned view of both sides of the question we hope to reach a just conclusion. Neither Mr. Lincoln nor Mr. Douglas had the NATURE'S PREJUDICE. 9 same views in regard to American politics or gov- ernment; bnt both viewed the government in different lights, and each one could see the suc- cess of America only in his own light. Mr. Lin- coln declared, if slavery and the Democratic party continued in existence, it would be a sin and disgrace upon the face of the globe, and God would eventually destroy the people for their per- sistent effort in wickedness. Mr. Douglas posi- tively declared, if human slavery was abolished, the country would inevitably go to the devil. So it is in the great money problem to-day. There is nothing that has so equally divided the minds of the people as the financial question. One class claims that it has a true reason for urg- ing the paper dollar upon an equal base with gold and silver, and that any other basis will be ruinous to the country ; while class number two argues that the only way to success is to flood the country with greenbacks and have a premium on gold, or greenbacks below par. Anna Dick- inson, Mrs. Stanton, Ben. Butler, and others, think tiie people will never do justice to the country until they place the female sex at par, 10 NATURE? S PREJUDICE. from the highest to the lowest grades of the male sex. Others believe that, according to Scripture, it would be a great sin ; and if we fol- low nature and custom, a great injury would be heaped upon human society to admit of such a thing. Hence both claim staunch reasons. The capitalist claims that he has a right to pay the laborer whatever he pleases, whether the com- pensation is sufficient to sustain him or not. The laborer says his employer should bo compelled to recompense him enough for the necessaries of life, at least. So these antagonists come to the front, each bringing what he calls laudable reasons for attempting to repel his opposite. England and France for many years at swords* points : each country taught its people to hate the other; and, at the present time, we think there are other people whose opinions France appreciates as much as she does England's; and England has a warmer heart for other nations than for the French. Many religious denominations differ widely in their views. Some assert that there is only one true way of serving or worshiping the Creator. NATURE'S PREJUDICE. II Ihe Jew thinks Christ has never appeared on the earth, but is to come. The Gentile believes he his been here once and will come again. Some denominations think they can reach the Land of Bliss only by living up to a strict doctrine ; oth- ers feel sure they can get there just as easily by not being quite so dogmatic. The Baptist be- lieves that immersion is necessary in order that one may be saved ; while the Methodist and those of other denominations think that sprink- ling only is essential. All have their reasons for their diiferent ideas. Likewise, the Southern people claim they had a right to continue Negro slavery. NATURE. As we said in the beginning that it seemed to be a great wonder to some why the Southerners fought for and upheld slavery, it is our intention to show, by nature, that they inherited this prin- ciple. "Well was it spoken, long ago, that nature could be governed only by obeying her laws. We assume what we shall henceforth endeavor to prove : that every cause pursues an establish- ed path to its effect; i. e., every phenomenon is produced by an established law. Nature is the sum of qualities and attributes which make a thing what it is as distinguished fi-om others. Everything the Supreme Being created is more or less influenced by its surroundings. Look at NATURE. 13 tlio time of Noah settling his ark. After his de- scendants biiilt the Tower of Babel, they scatter- el in different directions. We find that each 8d|ttlement had principles, laws, customs, etc., piuliar to itself. It was this emigration that catsed the great variety of colors in mankind, sinee it is well known that at one time, according to tistory, there was but a single race. We cannot dispute the assertion that the Afri- can race descended from Noah ; neither can we attribute their difference from other races to any- thing ^ve their emigration to the hot climate o f Africa. Then, if localities tend to change the form of the physical nature of man, why not various teachings and influences affect the mental nature % The change of localities and surround- ings inevitably affects the habits and minds of men. Gardeners and agriculturists are well aware of the influence exerted by favorable conditions on plants. The result following the given influence takes place with mathematical certainty. Many wild plants, when taken from the wilderness and cultivated, often double and triple themselves. 14 NATURE. This is true of the peony. Others change ther color, as the hydrangea. It was Linnaeus' opi:i- ion that the primrose, cowslip, and polyanthrs, between which there are specific differences, were vai-ieties of one species. A salt and bitter plant like the chardock, with green waving leases, was taken from the sea-side and transplanted 'nto rich soil, where it became two plants, between which there exist specific distinctions — the cab- bage and the cauliflower. The apgle was cerived from the sour crab which ornaments the banks of rivers, and, by variations in its cultuje, runs into the countless varieties which add value to the orchard. The pl^n was derived from the bitter sloe ; the luscious,^each from a poisonous shrub of the Persian deserts. The sour red cur- rant is, by culture, changed into a new variety, larger and sweeter than the cherry. The inestim- able potato is derived from a diminutive root growing wild in Chih. The carrot, in its wild state, is a slender, dry root, unfit to eat. Hence these changes are produced by different methods of cultivation. Must all insects conform to the weed-like veg- NATURE. IS etation on which they teed ? M. Fabre, of Ogal, France, took the seeds of agilops ovata, a rough grass, native of soutliern France and Italy, and, after twelve successive years of cultivation, it be- came perfect wheat ; and not a single plant ever reverted to its former agilops ic character. At the request of the Marquis of Bristol, Lord Hervey, in the year 1843, sowed a handful of oats and treated them in the manner recommend- ed, by continually stopping the flowering stems, and the product since 1844- has been, for the most part, ears ol slender barley, having much the appearance of rye, with a little wheat and some oats. Climate and culture have great eifect upon an- imals. It is stated that the common horse, trans- ported to Arabia, in time has a more perfect form. In 1764, the French introduced horses and cattle into the Falkland Islands, and, al- though the horses have increased in numbers, they have greatly degenerated, and are so small and weak that they cannot be used in taking wild animals. But one breed of cattle was imported; yet, occupying a territory of only a hundred and 16 NA TURE. twenty by six miles, tbey have separated iuto three distinct varieties. Tliose on the high land are a mouse color. North of Choiseal Sound, they are dark brown, while south of it they are white, with black heads and feet. It is not our intention to place the vegetables or the lower animals on a level with humanity, but only to show the gradual change of nature by cultivation and surrounding influences. As the vegetable will probably not change until you change its cultivation, and the animal his phys- ical nature until you change his locality or sur- roundings, so a nationality will not change its mental nature or its genei-al principles, until long- years of inculcation of other fundamental ideas and customs. "Convince a man against his will and he will have his opinion still." 1 Like the aristocracy of some of the foreign countries — for instance, England — where the aris- tocracy monopolize the entire estate, according to J. C. Cobden ("White Slaves of England "). The poor class was not able to have estates, for a great many reasons. They received only enough to Uve on, and if any one desired to purchase NA TURK. 17 an acre of himl, the aristocrat 'wS'Ould run it up so high above the real value that he would not be able to purchase it. He states that, at the time of his writing, there were 77,007,043 acres of land in the United King- dom, including the small islands adjacent. Of this quantity, 28,227,435 acres was uncultivated. The population of the United Kingdom number- ed at least 28,000,000 ; 50,000 of these own the entire kingdom. The remaining 27,950,000 had to cultivate the land and enslave themselves in factories, at whatever wages the aristocrats might offer. What a tremendous majority there was that did not own even a foot of land ! Many of their huts contained only one or two rooms. Often, families of seven and eight slept in the same room, and many times in the same bed. Thus we show that the slavery of England was even worse than American slavery, for the Amer- ican slave law compelled the slaveholder to feed and protect his vassals ; but in England, these poor people had no such provision. Unable to emigrate, for want of passage money, they could only endure it. Of late years there has been a 1 8 NATURE. change ; tbey have beguu to divide the land among the poor. Each child, after the death of his parents, receives five acres of land. The aristocratic element imbibed this spirit from the cradle up, and, of course, it became a second nature. So it was with the slaveholder of the United States and his sympathizers. If the aris- tocracy of England conld put its heel upon the neck of its own race, it is hardly to be wondered at that here one race could be taught to enslave another. Hudson Tuttle states that nature utterly repu- diates all miraculous interference in her domain, where everything, from the mote that dances in the sunbeam to the intellect emanating from the congeries of the human brain, is governed by established principles. It was the nature of Al-' exander the Great, as well as kings before and after him, to conquer the world even, if possible, and subjugate its people to vassalage. The Hin- doos drown or burn tlieir children in honor of their wooden gods, while a Christian nation would look upon this with the greatest horror. View the inhabitants of the United States as ' NATURE. 19 tliey migrate from North to South. Men of the most staunch abolitionist principles have emigra- ted South from tlie North, and have become among the strongest pro-slavery sympathizers or crudest of task-masters. So Southerners, com- ing North, often became the staunchest of aboli- tionists. The Southern slaveholder frequently sent his sons North to educate them, and found them on return opposed to human slavery. The .teaching and surroundings are sufficient to ac- count for the opposing sentiment. EDUCATION. Our opinions are brought about by education. Some of the heathen nations, taught by their ancestors to worship dogs, cats, rats, and mice, have gradually learned to worship the true Christ. The Indians, as a whole, still hunt the wild beast' of the forest and live in their jirimitive way ; yet many of them are becoming civilized, cultivating land, educating themselves, and preaching the Gospel, of which they once knew nothing. It is said that universal man was at first a sav- age. If so, behold him in his advanced state ! The Caucasian race once made food of each other. Thus we recognize the fact that human nature is susceptible of changes, and so we do not doubt that, as Russia and the West Indies have left their slave mart behind them and recognized the equality of their former slaves, so will the people of the United States, and, we hope, at no very distant day. INFLUENCE OF EDUCATION. In speaking of influence on man, of course we admit that there are exceptions to all rules and in all cases, but we shall view it upon general principles. As we have already said on a previ- ous page, man is more or less influenced by his training. Then our influence is so powerful sometimes, that we will only take a one-sided view of things, and shut our eyes and turn a deaf ear to reason, argument, or fact on the other side. This is the source of prejudice, and this prejudice is so strong that objects are hated without being seen. In 1862, when the writer was coming from Cairo, Illinois, on the Ilhnois Central railroad, in company with two or three other colored Amer- 22 INFLUENCE OF EDUCATION. icans, he saw this ilhistrated. While the train was standing at the depot, shouts went up from the multitude assembled, looking upon us as indi- cating a victory over the South. One said to an- other, ''John, come see the poor slaves." John answered, " I don't want to see them." '.'Oh, yes; you never saw one." "I know that; but I have heard of them. I take no stock whatever in them ; they will steal everything they can get their hands on. Therefore I don't want to see them, nor have anything to do with them." Now, probably this was an honest man, who hated a thief, and, hearing that Negroes stole, believed it, and that all were alike. So a man who is influenced adheres to the union of the ^ of the United States, although there may be many things obnoxious to him ; while others feel ■ that they have sufiicient reason for seceding from the Union. The Democrat often votes the Democratic tick- et because his father was a Democrat. The abo- litionists, many of them, were taught that it was dishonorable for one man to enslave another, and so would turn entirely from the other side of the IiVFLUEATCE OE EDUCATION. 23 question. The churchman finds it hard to give up the church or denomination his mother loved and taught him to attend, and feels loth to ac- knowledge the true equality of other churches ; and, if he does, he still has a secret feeling that the seats in other churches are not quite equal to those in his own church. We knew a lady who married a gentleman who was connected with a Baptist church, she being a member of a Metho- dist church. She said she had no fault to find with the Baptists, but she could not feel quite as comfortable in their church as in her own. / A great many thousands of our white friends in the United States, rich and poor, illiterate and learned (we regret to say), do not wish to make any distinction in colored people, in the social, financial, or intellectual standing. Their preju- dice has led them not only to think but to feel that one Negro is no better than another. In speaking of Frederick Douglass, a learned white gentleman said to us, "Fred. Douglass is a man your race ought to be proud of." We acknowl- edged his compliment, and said we were proud to have a man whom we could place among the 24 INFLUENCE OF EDUCATION. knowing men of our time. "But," said our friend, "he is a man I don't like." "Why?" wejasked. "Because he thinks he knows more than the rest of the Negroes." " We agree that he does," was our answer, "for there are more white people than Negroes who are far behind him." Reluctantly he turned away. Thus it is plainto us all that this prejudice is caused by the influence of education or surroundings. In fur- ther proof of the influence of education, we offer below a couple of extracts from the Memphis (Ten- nessee) Appeal — Jeff. Davis and Jubal A. Ear- ly, for not attending the unveiling of the monu- ment to the Confederate dead in that city : "Accept my congratulations on the comple- tion of the laudable effort to raise a monument at Memphis to those who died that the South might live. Though far away from the ceremony of unveiling that monument, my heart's warmest affections will .be with those who are standing about it to do honor to the heroes that we can 'never forget. "Jeffeeson Davis." »' INFLUENCE OF EDUCATION. 25 Jnbal A. Earl}' thus expresses himself: "Inconsistent with the j!)resent duties and obli- gations resting on us to pay becoming respect, to honor the heroic virtues of the men who fell while fighting with us for civil and constitutional liber- ty; but, on the contrary, if the time shall ever arrive when we shall prove recreant to the mem- ories of our dead comrades, then we will forfeit all claims to respect for ourselves and titles to be trusted in the performance of other duties. If ever, from the maxims of a mistaken policy or the seductions of political preferment, the men of the present day shall become ashamed of the principles and the causes for which the Confeder- ate armies fought and the men you now honor died, the women of the South will prove more faithful guardians of the fame and glory of our dead heroes, and will teach our children to vindi- cate the principles, cherish the memories, lisp the names, and imitate the virtues of those who fell in the defense of all they held most dear. "Jdbal a. Eaelt." 26 INFLUENCE OF EDUCATION. We might offer here letters or speeches equally devoted to the other side ; but, however, we shall only submit one, by General Grant, at the Sol- diers' Eeunion, at Des Moines, Iowa, Septem- ber 30th, 1875, an absolutely accurate re- port by Col. L. M. Dayton, Secretary of the reunion, although it is said that he never could, never would, and never did make a speech. The following explains itself: " CoMEADES : It affords me much gratification to meet my old comi-ades in arms of ten to four- teen years ago, and to live over again the trials and hardships of those days — hardships imposed for the preservation and perpetuation of our free institutions. We believed then, and believe now, that we had a government worth fighting, and, if need be, dying for. How many of our comrades of those days paid the latter price for our pre- served Union ! Let their hei-oism and sacrifices be forever green in our memory. Let not the results of their sacrifices be destroyed. The Un- ion and the free institutions for which they fell should be held more dear for their sacrifices. \ INFLUENCE OF EDUCATION. 27 We will not deny to any of those who fought us anj privnleges under the government wliich we claim for ourselves. On the contrary, we wel- come all such who come forward in good faith to help build up the waste places, and to perpetuate our institutions against all enemies, as brothers in full interest with us in a common heritage. But we are not prepared to apologize for the part we took in the great struggle. It is to be hoped that like trials will never befall our country. In this sentiment no class of people can more heart- ily join than the soldier who submitted to the dangers, trials, and hardships of the camp and the battle-field, on whichever side he may have fought. No class of people are more interested in guarding against a recurrence of those days. Let us, then, begin by guarding against every enemy threatening the perpetuity of free repub- lican institutions. I do not bring into this assem- blage politics, certainly not partisan politics, but it is a fair subject for our deliberation to consider what may be necessary to secure the piize for which they battled. " In a republic like ours, where the citizen is 28 I NFL L 'E.VCE OF ED CCA TION. the sovereign and the official the servant, where no power is exercised except by the will of the people, it is important that the sovereign — the people — should possess intelligence. The free school is the promoter of that intelligence which is to preserve us a free nation. If we are to have another contest in the near future of our national existence, I predict that the dividing line will not be Mason and Dixon's, but between patriotism and intelligence on the one side, and superstition, ambition, and ignorance on the other. Now, in this centennial year of our national existence, I believe it a good time to begin the great work of strengthening the foundations of the good house commenced by our patriotic forefathers one hundred years ago at Concord and Lexing- ton. Let us all labor to add all needful guaran- tees for the more perfect security of free thought, free speech, free press, pure morals, unfettered religious sentiments, and of equal rights and privileges to all men, irrespective of nationality, color, or religion. Encourage free schools, and resolve that not one dollar appropriated to their support, no matter how raised, shall be appropri- INFLUENCE OF EDUCATION. 29 at«d to the support of any sectarian school. Ke- solre that either tlie State or Nation, or both couhined, shall support institutions of learning sufibient to aftord to every child growing up in the land the opportunity of a good common- school education, unmixed with sectarian, pagan, or atheistical tenets. Leave the matter of relig- ion to the family circle, the church, and the pri- vate school, supported entirely by private contri- butions. Keep the Church and State forever sep- arate. With these safeguards, I believe the bat- tles which created us ' The Army of the Tennes- see ' will not have been fought in vain." As President Hayes told the people while on his visit through the South, they fought for what they felt to be right ; so did the North. ■ Dear reader, it has beeu our endeavor to direct your attention in this case to nature — to the true cause and outgrowth of things. It is not for us to say that you do not understand nature ; but there are many of us who do not give it its due consideration at all times. Like the legislator 30 IXFLUENCE OF EDUCATION. who voted against a prohibitory liquor law, tnd was astonished, a few days after he reached home from law-making, to find his son in the sa.oon drunk with whisky. In chastising him, he said, " Son, how long have you been at this ?" " Oh, about a year." "Then you've been "jptting drunk about a year ?" '* No ; I ' ve been getting real tipsy only six months, or soon after you vo- ted for a man to have all the whisky he wished." "Well, my son, have I not always told you it was wrong to drink whisky and get drunk?" "Yes, father, and I have always regarded it so, until you voted a law for a man to have all he wished ; and until you voted that law, I never drank all I wished. You know, in my younger days, you taught me to watch your actions, and be governed accord inglj'." Now, in this case, the father was looking at the effect, the son at the cause. The efiect is, son was drunk ; the cause, the father had encouraged him to drink. Like the son on the gallows for murder — when asked if he had anything more to say, replied, "Yes, just a word or two to my mother." His mother went forward. He said, "Hold here. INFLUENCE OF EDUCATION. 3r mother, I want to whisper to you ; a little closer," he said, and she did, and he hit off her ear. "Now, mother," he said, "I do this for a warn- ing to all mothers. You are the cause of all this — you brought me to it. Had you made me obey when I was young, and reared me up in the way I should go, perhaps I never would have depart- ed from your teachings. But you loved me so, you thought everything I did was right, whether it was good or bad." The cause was, negligence in teaching the child ; the effect was, the gal- lows. The government allows men to sell liquor, and then prosecutes others for drinking it. It also perpetuates the manufacturing of fire-arms, and makes a man pay a penalty if he is caught with one about his person. Negro slavery began in the United States in 1619 or 1620, when a Dutchman brought over a group of Africans. If he and his little brig had been stopped then and there, perhaps the thous- ands of lives that were sacrificed for and against slavery would have been saved, and the enmity which separated the great North and the Siiuth 32 INFLUENCE OF EDUCATION. would have been avoided. We see, then, that this act of the Dutchman and its continual repe- tition have caused great distress in this country, so great that it will take many years for fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, and widows to forget. But the slave traffic marched steadily on for near- ly two hundred and forty years. Load after load was thrown upon our shores. Some contend that slavery was forced upon the United States. In- deed, we might say that the Dutchman forced the first load ; but as there was no noise made about it, he naturally thought they were not displeased, and so, we suppose, he went back after a second load. So slavery continued to grow. As the white Americans grew, so grew the colored Amer- icans with them. Before the Revolution of the thirteen States of the would-be United States, in 1773, '74, and '75, there seems to have been no great public or po- litical demonstration made in regard to slavery ; but after the United States came out victorious, and the smoke of the British cleared away, it seems that there was no question that occupied the public mind more than the Negro slavery of INFLUENCE OF EDUCATION. 33 the United States. Bi;t the question grew rapid- ly in public opinion and favor as years rolled on. Finally, it became the leading question in a quiet way, and those in sympathy with slavery were always trying to legislate some slave question over some other. So slavery became an estab- hshed or constitutional law. One of the most prominent reasons for making it so, was the law taken from Scripture relative to Moses, or the Hebrew law. They take one of the ten com- mandments as a basis for slavery. In this they may have been sincere. The seventeenth verse of the twentieth chapter of Exodus reads thus: " Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's house, thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's wife, nor his man- servant, nor his maid-servant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor anything that is thy neighbor's." Now, they claimed, if the ox was owned by the neigh- bor, then the servants must have legally belong- ed to the neighbor. " If a man smite his serv- ant, or his maid, with a rod, and he die under his hand, he shall surely be punished ; notwith- standing, if he continue a day or two, he shall not be punished, for he is his money." Exodus,. 34 INFLUENCE OF EDUCATION. 21st chapter, 20th and 21st verses. "Both thy bond-meu and thy bond-maids which thou slialt have, shall be of the heathen that are round about you. Of them shall you buy bond-men and bond-maids ; moreover, the children of the strangers that do sojourn among you, of them shall ye buy, and of their families that are with you, which they begat in your land ; and they shall be your possession, and ye shall take them as an inheritance for your children after you, to inherit them for a possession. They shall be your bond-men forever. But over your breth- ren, the children of Israel, you shall not rule over one another with rigor." Leviticus, 25th chapter, 4ith, 45th, and J:6th verses. They claim this 46th verse of the 25th chapter of Leviticus to be one of the most sub- stantial bases for slavery. They also refer to the New Testament. ' ' For I am a man under author- ity, having soldiers under me ; and I say to this man G©, and he goeth ; and to another Come, and he cometh ; and to my servant Do this, and hedoethit." Matthew, Stli chapter, 9th verse. " So the servants of the householder came and nVFLUE.VCE OF education: 35 said unto him, Sir, didst thou sow good seed in thy tiohl ? from whence, then, hath it tares ? He said unto them. An enemy hath done this. The servants said unto him. Wilt thou, tlien, that we go and gather them up?" Matthew, 13th chap- ter, STth and 2Sth verses. "For by one spirit are we all baptized into one body ; whether we be Jews or Gentiles ; whether we be bond or free ; and have all been made to drink into one spirit." 1st Cor., 12th chapter, and 13th verse. The 2d chapter of Titus, 9th verse, reads, ''Exhort servants to be obedient to their own masters, and to please them in all things, not an- swering again." They say, as the children of Israel held the heathen in bondage, the good fa- ther Abraham bought and owned slaves, and Moses endorsed it ; therefore, they say, God in- tended that all civilized nations thereafter should hold the heathen in bondage ; and as the Africans were an uncivilized nation, therefore, they claim that they were justitied in enslaving them. As we have said before, it is not our intention to try to prove this a right, but try to show the true cause of African slavery in the United States. SECESSION. It seems to be a great mystery with many peo- ple whj- the South should secede from the Union. It is asked what reason they had to go, when Mr. Lincoln said to them, in his inaugural address, that he could not and would not interfere with slavery. The question might be answered by say- ing that the South knew the majority in Congress would vote in favor of abolishing slavery, and the abolitionists had always fought slavery all along the line, from beginning to end, and were now the majority in Congress, and that Congress made the laws of the United States, and not Mr. Lin- coln. Mr. Lincoln had well said that it was not his business to make the law's or interfere, but SECESSIO^r. 37 only to carry them out. But the South well knew the abolitionists would legislate to abolish slavery, and, knowing Mr. Lincoln had promised faithfully to carry out the law, felt that this was the time to withdraw from the Union. It is said Mr. Lincoln further told them, in 1862, that, if they did not lay down their arms by the first day of 1S63, he would declare all States free that were in rebellion. Why didn't they come back then ? This question may be answered by saying that many put the wrong construction on Mr. Lincoln's declaration in this case. No doubt, if Mr. Lincoln in that proclamation had positively declared that slavery never should be interfered with, they might have returned. But he did not say this. If the parent says to his child, " If you don't cease to commit a certain bad act, I will punish you," the child will probably stop to escape pun- ishment ; but this is not a guarant-ee that he will never be punished afterward. So a man may in- sure his house for one year, but at the end of that time the insurance must be renewed, or he cannot recover damages should his property be 38 SECESSWN. burned after that time. Likewise a physician may em-e a sick person, but he will not guarantee that he will never die, or be sick any more. In the time of the war, a great many had the idea that all who fought for the Uuion were fight- ing to liberate the slaves ; but this was a mista- ken idea. The proclamation was, Go forward and save your country. When, in 1860, the President's election took place, the whole people knew that Lincoln was a " black abolitionist ;" so he had only about one-third of the votes of the people of the United States. Ilad the South said, "We are fightinsc for our slaves," no doubt there would have been many thousand soldiers raised in the North to assist them. But many of the people were law-abiding citizens, as many now are. A. H. Stephens, of Georgia, is will- ing to stand by the commission that seated Hayes, because Congress agreed to stand by it. Ste- phen A. Douglas lost many friends by disturbing the Missoui'i Compromise after it became a law. Slavery grew in the United States until it, as we have said, became a custom, and from a cus- tom a law. Then the South claimed, as it was a SECESSION. 39 laV and they paid for their slaves as they did for their other property, that slavery was right. They further found Scriptural proofs of this, and they say they felt as much justified in fighting to retain their slaves as their other property. The North was convinced that they were not justified, luvlistening to a conversation between a North- ern gentleman and a Southern lady, not long since, we could readily see that of each was edu- cated in him from childhood. Then the true cause of the secession of the South was Scripture, legislation, education and the mental nature. But we pray God that the day is not far hence when these two elements will realize the true feelings of each other, and be- come truly reconciled as brothers and sisters of pure blood, love and sup together in the same felicity as did our blessed Savior with the twelve Apostles. PREJUDICE. We now propose to show that human^nature becomes linked with a vast amount of prejudice. In attempting to state the true fact, we would venture to say that there are few things, if any, that have more influence over the human mind than prejudice. Prejudice is an opinion or deci- sion of the mind, formed without a true and just examination of any subject or subjects. We are too quick to prejudge that "so and so" is really the case, before we have examined or clearly demonstrated it. The inlidel de- clares that there is no God, no future, no world beyond the present, and he makes this assertion without any real foundation or visible illustration PREJUDICE. 41 on wliich tu base his claims. We might say that he is prejudiced to what the Christian workl calls the invisible future. Wliile it is human nature to be skeptical, we condemn declarations without visible substantial reasoning. The infidel has only mj'thical reasons for his pretended advance- ments. We sometimes think that the infidel says one thing and in his heart believes something else ; for the greatest of them, Voltaire, Volney, and Tom Paine, did not forget to mention the name of their Creator in their dying hours. In a small country town, where we once lived, was a man of wealth who declared himself an infidel. He believed there was no God, never attended church or wished his family to do so. He was so dogmatic that, when his two daugh- ters professed religion, he refused to allow them to join any Christian church. One evening, his house caught fire, and he was seen running down the street, screaming "Oh, my God! my God! are you going to destroy all my property?" So we see he was calling on the very being who, he had previously declared, did not exist. The Christian world have many reasons for believing 42 PREJUDICE. that there is a God. We certainly think there must have been a Supreme Being to create the world and all that in it is ; and if there was then, we have no reason to doubt his existence now. Some say the Scriptures may be the work of an impostor. Even if it is, we know that man and the world were created at some time and by some- body more powerful than ourselves. But we are wandering from our subject. To return, then — prejudice is one of the prom- inent faculties of nature, and can well be applied to our general subject : Human nature in regard to human slavery. One of the greatest obstacles in the way of the progress of the colored race is the great spirit of prejudice with the white race. It is not only in the Southern or slaveholding portion of the whites that this spirit manifests itself, but in the Northern whites as well. We speak of them as a class. Some Northerners have no prejudice against the Negro, only as to his social standing ; and, again, we have found friends of deep sympathy in the South. The Southerners appreciate the Negro in a certain capacity, viz.: as a slave and servant ; and in this PREJUDICE. 43 condition they recognize his susceptihilitics of linman nature. If a slave was sick, he was at- tended by the family physician, and given medi- cine the same as the white members of the femi- ly, according to his size and age. Northern pre- judice is somewhat different. They do not wish to make slashes of the Negro, but they are not willing that he should have the same privileges or equaUties before the law that themselves have. It seems that one strong reason for one nation enslaving another is its incapability of governing itself. That is one inferiority. Then in the Ne- gro slave, he is black, and that has caused a great stigma. The Negro has been pointed at in his ignorance, and the young whites have grown up with the idea that Negroes cannot be educated. The Negro who steals five dollars causes more disturbance than the white man who steals twen- ty-five. Nearly every newspaper will copy an item on the first article, while the second will scarcely be mentioned. A meritorious act by a colored person is hardly noticed, while the most trifling thing which detracts from his good quali- 44 PREJUDICE. ties is made public. Slavery is degrading to hu- manity, as Israel was degraded by Egypt. We hope that the whites, North and South, will soon realize the fact that we are human and as susceptible to right feeling and treatment as any and all nationalities. CAUSES OF TROUBLE BETWEEN THE TWO RACES. From what has ah-eady been said, we can read- ily see that ]irejudice is the fundamental cause of the existing troubles. There is nothing that will so much retard the progress of a country as a domestic disunion of its people. In all civilized countries there are two or more political parties. In the United States we have two, the Kepubli- can and the Democratic ; both favoring the same form of government, but differing widely in their opinions in carrying out the laws. Prejudice against the Negro exists all over the country, from Maine to Mexico, and from the Atlantic to to the Pacific oceans. But one of the most prom- 46 CAUSES OF TROUBLE. inent causes of trouble between the races is the Negro in politics. Naturally he adheres to the Eepublican party, because it was instrumental in liberating him from bondage. Of course, he feels and a]jpreciates his freedom. Another reason why politics is a cause of trou- ble is, that it is a step toward equality. It tends to bring about the rights of franchise, which would at once bring the Negro upon a level in a political arena with the whites. And this is a right which a man considers most sacred. No privilege is so dear to him as the one which ena- bles him to help make laws to govern himself. This equality at the ballot-box forces equality be- fore the law in every capacity, from town consta- ble to President of the United States. Pardon us for digressing a moment ; but some of the opposers of Negro progress say that polit- ical equality brings about social equality as well. This is a grave mistake, for there is no law under the sun which can compel a man to associate with his co-laborers. The Negro is growing more like the white man every day. They now pay taxes on real estate and personal property, to ■ CAUSES OF TROUBLE. 47 assist in supporting our local and general govern- ments. So we like all to have equal rights with the white man when we are taxed as he is, and sometimes we like to vote for our officers, and occasionally to be voted for. It is all right for us to vote for the whites, but, as a class, they don't like to vote for us. It is a true saj-ing that , " it is a poor rule that don't work both ways." Then, when one of our race is elected to an of- fice, the whites make a great trouble, and the Negro persists in maintaining his position be- cause he feels that he is right. This can be plainly seen by viewing the State politics of Lou- isiana for the last six or eight years ; also a casu- al glance at Mississippi and South Carolina. Remember that these troubles do not emanate from Democrats entirely, but some Republicans as well. Another thing that disturbs our white friends is, when we wish to stop at a hotel — eve- rybody is troubled, from the ])roprietors down to the cook. But allow us to say this is all uncall ed-for. If our friends would consider the subject for a moment, without prejudice, they would quickly see that the Negro has to travel, eat, and 48 CAUSES OF TROUBLE. sleep somewhere. And if the Negro cooks and it does not poison the guests, certainly his eating and sleeping would n't injure them. Again, on the steamboat, everybody is troubled on account of his wanting a place to eat and sleep. The steam car is another place where this preju- dice is exhibited, if the colored man prefers to ride in the rear car instead of the smoking car or next to the engine. If he desires to go to the theater, there has to be a "matinee" before he can get in — i. e., if he shows any preference of seats. If he appears at the school-house doors, with a book under his arm, where white children are, the house goes into spasms ; but it is no harm for him to play in the yard with the children. Now, we will ask our friends if they do not think it right if we have to abide by the law, go to jail, and be hung for the same crimes that oth- er men are, that we should share the privileges of the government ? We leave it with the read- ers of this book to consider the matter for them- selves, and, to fully appreciate it, let them put themselves in the Negro's place. CONCILIATION. As we have written a chapter on the causes of disturbance which naturally arise between our race and the whites, it will now be our pleas- ure to write a chapter on the other side of the question, or, in other words, on what men owe to each other. The first thing for us to take into consideration is, that it has been lawful in this country once for the white race to hold the African in bondage. This being the case, the Negro himself felt that it was his duty to obey his master because of the law, regardless of his feelings otherwise. I know this to be true by self-experience. Another thing we should think of is, that the government has seen fit to abolish 50 CONCILIATION. slavery. As the slave submitted to the law of slavery when in force, is n't it our duty as a peo- ple to submit to the change which has been brought about? As Congressman Lamar said, in a political speech in Mississippi in 1876, "The war is over — the government has abolished slave- ry and put the Negro on equality before the law — why not submit to it and make the best of it ?" Our white friends South have said, the reason they do not treat the Negro any better is because the Negro votes against the interest of the South, or, as the darkey said, when asked by a white man how he knew which way to vote, as he could not read, " I always watch old massa, and which- ever ticket he puts in the box, I put in t' other kind." We will say to our white friends that there is no people who would have more influ- ence over the colored people by kind treatment than the native-born whites of the South. It is as natural for the Negro as for the whites to vote for those who look after his interests. And is he not right in doing so ? Then, my white friends, if you would have the Negro's friendship, vote that he may be protected in every capacity in CONCILIATION. 51 lii'e. Vote that he may stop at hotels, go to the- aters, ride on steamboats and cars, also inside of the stages. Don't put him in the smoking-car whether he wishes to go or not; don't put him in the upper gallery of the theater; don't give him a hed over the boiler at the hotel ; don't put him down stairs among the horses on the steam- boat ; but simply say to him, " Go and come ac- cording to your abilities, as all other men do." Then, we venture to say, instead of the opposi- tion of the colored people, you will have their co-operation, for they have proved to you true friends. When you were fighting to keep them in slavery, they staid at home, labored and sup- ported your families, when they could have de- stroyed your wives and children — have you for- gotten that? Is not this something to think of? Jefferson Davis said, in a speech in Memphis, Tennessee, in 1876, that he never would forget the kindness of his old colored mother, etc. And as the Chicago Times (Democratic) said in 1S76, the reason the Negro voted for the South- ern carpet-bagger was, because he had no one else in the South to vote for. It further said that 52 CONCILIATION. the South could not expect a man to help make a law to crush his own head. Do not legislate against every measure for the benefit of the Ne- gro, but legislate as you would for other men ; and, as you had in him during the war a friend in need, now, by helping him, you will have one in- deed. We would say to the white and colored peo- ple, especially of the South, it behooves you both to forget the two hundred and fifty years of the past. Allow these centuries of cruelty and submis- sion to pass by, and think of it as a mere dream. Adhere to the Golden Ri:le, "Do unto others as you would have others do unto you." Many ask, "Now the Negro is free, what are you go- ing to do with him?" We repeat, in substance, what Fred. Douglass said in a speech in Balti- more, Maryland, shortly after tlie war closed. He said, " What are j'ou going to do with him ? I will tell you what to do with him. If you see him working on the streets, let him alone. If you see him farming, let him be. If you see him blacking boots, let him alone. If you see him with an ax or hoe on his shoulder, let him be. CONCILIATION. 53 If you see him going to school, let him alone. If you see him doing business, let him be. If you see him voting at the polls, let him alone. If you see him trying to go to the Legislature, let him go. If he is trying to go to Congress, and is qualified, send him along. If he tries to be a Judge, give him a bench. If he should ac- cidentally be elected to the United States Senate, don't close the door in his face when he gets there." It has not been our intention to speak reproach- fully of any people or party, but simply to show what teaching and nature will bring about. We have entertained the best of feeling toward all, and have tried to speak the truth and assert things just as they were and are now. How thankful we would be if something that we have said in this little book would help to bring a better state of feeling among the people of the North and South, the colored people and the whites. THE TRUE DUTY Or PEOPLE TO EACH OTHER. All men waut their dues. There is nothing that will cause dissatisfaction among men so quickly as giving some privileges over others. If we wish peace to our country and prosperity to our people, we must live and allow others to live, according to their nature, if it does not con- flict with the law of the country. In speaking of the duty of people to each other, we apply it to the people of the United States ; not to any spe- cific localities, but East or West, North or South. By nature, man becomes unhappy when any of his fellow-countrymen have privileges that he doesn't enjoy. He is continually fighting the TBE TRUE DUTY. 55 law that oppresses bim. His friends also persis- tently fight his side of the question. This causes political excitement and trouble. Speaking of privileges, a friend of mine said to me, not long since, "I went to the theater the other night, and asked for a reserved seat ticket down stairs. The ticket agent said I could not go down stairs." He was very angry, and, when I asked the rea- son for his great anger, be said, "I have to pay taxes, and am governed by the law as other men are, and yet am debarred from their privileges." We here append a story to further illustrate our point. Perhaps it is familiar to many ; nev- ertheless, we will apply it to our subject. A man with a wife and five children got tired of supporting them (as they often do), and was con- tinually complaining to his employer, saying, if it bad n't been for Adam's disobedience, he would n't have to labor so for a living. As his murmuring on the subject was perpetual, his em- ployer said to bim, one day, "You still abuse Adam for violating the law, and I doubt not that in his place you would have done the same." "No, indeed," the murmurer repUed ; " if I was S6 THE TBVE DUTT. placed as Adam was, with all the means of hap- piness around me, I would never disturb any for- bidden fruit, however tempting it might be." Finally, his employer said, "I will tell you what I will do with you. I will agree to furnish you and your family with a house and all they can eat, if you will not violate a certain command that I will give you." The murmurer readily agreed ; so the employer furnished up a fine mansion for him, and told him to live well and not stint him- self, and as he wanted money, clothing, or pro- visions for his family, to let him know, and he would furnish it. He would make of him but one request. In his (the murmurer's) sitting- room he would put a marble-top stand, and on the stand a marble-top box ; but under no cir- cumstances was he to touch or raise up the box. " No, indeed," was the reply, "if it should sit there until I get as old as Methuselah, 1 will nev- er touch it." So the happy family went into their mansion. The gentleman had privately put a mouse under the box, which he fed once a day, in the absence of the family from the room. This went on for several months. The new TBE TRUE DUTY, 57 Adam began to wonder what was in the box that be was not to look into. This curiosity continued to grow on him, until he almost became as king Ahab did when refused the coveted vineyard. He could scarcely eat or sleep, and would roll and tumble nights, pondering over the contents of that box. At last, he concluded he would just look into it, if it cost him his paradise. He raised the box, and out hops the mouse. He was satisfied and returned to bed. Next morn- ing, he said he did n't feel like getting up, and 'didn't until his lord came and called for him. (It can be remembered that Adam wasn't easily found after he had touched the forbidden fruit.) His lord coming into the room, missing his pet, called his Adam — "Adam, Oh Adam ! Adam !" "Sir," ke answered. "Where art thou ^" "Here I am, in the bed, sick.'' "Adam, what did you touch my box for?" "I did not hurt anything, my lord. I just raised it up, and put it down the same way." " But did n't I tell you, whatever you did, not to touch it?" "Yes, you did; but I could n't help it." Adam was at 58 THE TRUE DUTY. once removed from his princely palace to his dreaded lower condition of labor. Now, this man was unhappy because his mas- ter had a privilege that he had not, and that was because he could n't look into the box. The reader will comprehend that this is the condition of men who are deprived of the rights of their fellows. The injustice of the American govern- ment to the free colored people prompted their white friends to organize the American Coloniza- tion Society, to assist in carrying them to Libe- ria, where they could have or form a government of their own. The way to do justice is to abide by the laws of the general government, and the State laws where they do not conflict with the general gov- ernment. We should adhere to the fourteenth • and fifteenth amendments, and also the civil rights bill. The fourteenth amendment recogni- zes all native-born men of the United States as citizens. The fifteenth amendment gives to all men the right of franchise or full equality at the ballot-box. The Civil Rights Bill guarantees to .all men equilay before the law. Mark our THE TRUE DUTY. 59 words : until the people of the United States recognize the equality (not social equality) of all before law, we will be an unhappj' nation. No country can be what it ought to be where the law makes unjust distinctions among its people. Then the writer would say to nis people, do your duty to the country in which you live. Show to the world that you are willing to abide by the law to-day as you did when the shackles were around you ; as, you know, the reward is only to the faithful. In 1876, both national political parties recog- nized in their platforms the equal rights of all men before the law. 258 delegates that assem- bled at the Democratic State Convention of Geor- gia in 1878, voted to sustain the colored Demo- cratic delegates, showing that they recognized all men's rights before the law. The only way for people to prove their fidelity to these national platforms is to carry them out in deed and not in name. May the time soon come when special legisla- tion will cease. May all feeling of antipathy, between races, die; and that feeling only live 6o THE TRUE DUTY. that does its duty to its fellow men. Let the past be ^jast. Let us not wander forty years in the wilderness. Let us turn over a new leaf; close the era of injustice and begin the new one of good will to all men. Let us not look back, nor dwell on mistakes of years gone by, but go on- ward together to prosperity. Then, may we believe, that He who has the making and ruling of all things will cause all to come right, and that which is wrong to cease to be. Now may the Maker and Builder of all tb'ngs, Who over wickedness and justice doth reign — Who has power to change the wrong to the right — Adjust all things— set them forth in their true light. May each and every one acknowledge their faults, Regardless of the past or what they 've been taught. May the North be the South and the South the North, In regarj to feelings, even though they 've fought. May all races, whoever they may be. Be morally and politically free. Now, when it is tried, it sure can be done— When all this complete, victory will be won. LRBJa30