'^ 286 N6 fCop y 1 Glass JL^lX, Book >N ^ b AN ORATION SELIVERED BEFOKE THE WASHINGTON^ BENEVOLENT SOCIETY, AT WASHINGTON HALL, IN THE CITY OF NEW-YORK, GN THE Fourth of July, 1811. ^F ROBERT SEDGWICK, ESQUIRE, PUBLISHED BT THE SOCIETY^ JVEW-YORK: PRINTED BY LARGIN & THOMPSON, NO. 5 BURLING SLIP, 1811. 18),' s ORATION. At a time when the moral and political relations of the world are undergoing a revolution, which scarcely leaves behind it, the elements of what it destroys, — at a time when that tremendous power, which has swept away, like the visions of a dream, kingdom after kingdom, which before, had only been strengthened by the conflicts of cen- turies; seems gathering fresh strength to break down the only remaining barriers to its progress ; we are convened to celebrate the independence of our country. Yes, while in one of the fairest portions of the earth, millions of beings, who bear the Almighty's image, as well as we, and whose protectors are better hardened for the toils of marches, and the onset of battle, than we are, have bowed their necks to the conqueror, and have said " this world was made for Csesar;'' — While a despotism which the world has neither been able to break or disconcert, has dared to appeal to God, for the proof, that men were created to be slaves ; and has combined the answer to that appeal, with the * religion of the slaves it has made ; we * The following is a translation of a part of the catechism -which the minister of religion in France, is compelled to teach the children in his parish. Q. " What are the duties of christians toAvards the Princes who govern " them, and what in particular are our duties towards Napoleon the first, * ' our Emperor ? A. " Christians owe to the princes who govern them, and wc owe in particular to Napoleon the first, our Emperor, love, respect, obedience, " fidelity, military service, the tributes ordered for the preservation and '■^ defence of the Emjiire, and his throne; we owe him besides, fervent " prayers for his safety, and for the spiritual and temporal prosperity of *' the state. have been permitted, and are still permitted, to live in an independent land. Permitted, did I say ? I trust we are not free by sufferance. Once tenants at will, of this fair domain, and no homage but uncomplaining submission to a tyranny which would not even compliment our servitude, would satisfy the lord of the domain. We hold our liber- ties by abetter tenure than the courtesy, or the magnanimity of a conqueror. Yes; and we hold them by a better truce too, than the love which some of our patriots bear us, whose wayward eloquence, in spite of them, will wander in- to its appropriate theme,-»-the praises of their master. Ah, Q- "■ Why are we under all these obligations towards our Emperor ? A. "1st. Because God, who creates empires, and distributes them ac- " cording to his will, in filling our Emj)eror with his bounties, whether it " be in war, or in peace, has established him our sovereign, and madehina " the minister of his power, and his image upon the earth. To honour *' and &erve our Erajieror then^ is to honour and serve God himself. Q. " Are there no particular motives which ought to attach us more " firiTilv to Napoleon the first our Emperor ? J. " Yes ; for it is he, whom God has raised up in difficult circumstances " to establish the public culture of the holy relipjon of our Fatliersand to " be its protector. He has restored and preserved public order by his " profound and active wisdom ; he defends the state by hispuisant arm ; "for he has become the anointed of the Lord, by the consecration which he - " has received from the sovereign pontiff, chief of the universal church. Q. " What ought we to think of those, who avouM fail in their duty •• towards our Emperor ? A. " According to the ApTostle Paul, they would resist the order estab- *' lished by God hinoself,<77zrf -viouldrcnder themselves tvorthy of eternal " damnation. Q. '' Are the duties which Ave owe our Emperor, equally binding upon *' us tov/ards his legitimate successors in the order established by the con- ^' stitution of the Empire ? A. " Yes; without doubt, for we read in the holy scriptures, that God, *' the Lord of heaven and of earth, by a disposition of his supreme will, " and by his providence, gives empires not only to one person in particu- " lar, but also to his family." Catechism^ '2d. part, lesson 7th. If Bonaparte thinks those who fail in their duty towards him, guiltyof eternal damnation, he must indulge some ap])rehensions as to his own iate hereafter, unless he imag-ines that there is more difference between himself and liis subjects, than there is between him and \\i-> God. that that patriotism which has had its birth, so long since the charter, by which our independence was proclaimed,- was sealed with blood, should so soon attune it's lyre to the praises of him, who while he snulTs up the blood of his enemies, scarcely perceives the incense of praise, offered by those who are to be his future victims. The independence of our country is a subject on which it becomes us to rejoice. He who can look back upon that day when this nation had its birth, or can survey-that awful conflict which procured him his only title to his liberties, without emotions of gratitude and pride ; without catch- ing something of that high resolve, and daring puroose, which proclaimed, and made us fvcG; and without feeling himself braced anew, by something like that nerve^ which then weilded his country's sword; may wear the semblance, but he has not the spirit of a man. Who would be so de- generate, as to listen to the tale of the valour and heroism of his ancestors, and not at least for the moment, become a hero himself. The honours of the father, leave no legacy but reproach to the son, v/hose blood docs not course quicker through his veins, when he is pointed to the field, w here those honours were won. But there is a spirit in he- roic deeds so, subtle, and so bouyant, that it will penetrate the hardest bosoms, and lift up the most leaden hearts. That spirit should not be suffered to evaporate. Though the martial fire, which burnt in the bosoms of many of the soldiers of the revolution, is extinguished for ever; yet at their graves, may be lighted up other fires to consume the future enemies of our country. My countrymen, what a scene does our revolution pre- sent? What a display of human character? What interests were wrapped up in it ? What consequences hung upon it? Imagine for a single moment that its termination had been the reverse of what it was ; and if you can, conceive the change, livery thing which endears to us the memory of our struggles and our triumphs vanishes in an instant. The field of battle at once changes its aspect. Defeat succeeds to victory. Happy were the soldiers who poured out their lives in de- fence of their country and their home ; for their country is lost, and their home has become the habitation of strangers. '^Vhe'ir survivors are the only objects of commisseration,for they survive to be conquered. The names of the heroes of that day, instead of being inscribed on our standards, in com- memoration of their virtues, are registered on the catalogue of defeated rebels, as an awful monition to future treason. Our independence, the rugged offspring of rugged sires, is crushed at its birth. The fair structure of our liberties, uniting all that is beautiful in proportion, with all that is so- lid in strength, is transformed into a monument to record our disgrace. We are no longer the sons of freemen, or free- men ourselves If this picture is too general to ex- cite your interest, select from its scenes of supposed ad- versity, a single object. Look at the Fatherof our country. The laurel wreath of victory is at once stripped from his brow, though the diadem of immortal honours remains, ^ee him in his tent, revolving in his great mind, the doubt- ful issue of a conflict, on which are suspended all his own and his country's hopes. The fate of his children, now triumphant, now scattered and defeated, seems alternately ])icturcd in the warrioY's face. Thetumultuations of solici- tude, of doubt, and of apprehension, subside ; and give way to the fixed purpose, and the unalterable will. He resolves on battle. Already is his armour on. The charge is sounded. The god of armies deserts our chief. The mercy of his enemies refuses him an honourable death, and reserves him for the scaffold Blessed be God, we have been reserved for a better fate ; and Washington was permitted to breathe out his prayersfor his country, and his life together; amidst the I)lcssings of a peace which he procured, and the benedictions of a countrv which he saved. It is our highest delight to follow to the field, that patriot band to whom we owe our liberties — to catch with them, the first inspiration of a cause, which nature approved, which reason sanctioned, and which heaven blessed — to see them tear off the badges of their servitude, and substi- tute in their place the musket or the SAvord — to follow them. Step by step, along their rugged path — to see them brush away obstacles of the most forbidding aspect, as the T, ind of heaven prostrates the forest — to rush with them into the hottest of the battle, and join them in the shout of victory. Many of those men, whose names were the most dear to us, are no more among the living : but I trust the spirit which fired their bosoms has not taken its final flight from the earth. If any of it remains, let it be preserved for a day of awful retribution to the future oppressor of our country, whether he appear as an open enemy, or under the mask of a patriot. To those of my audience who were the companions in arms of the men of whom I have been speaking, this day must be doubly dear. Even upon their sujfcringSt they can now look back, with grateful re- j collection ; and the blessings which they have purchased 7 for themselves, and their country, and which they may hope, notwithstanding, the ill bodings of the times, will be continued to many generations, must inspire emotions, , which language cannot name. Though they may now be reminded of wounds which have been laughed at, by the in- gratitude they reproach. Although they may pass by a very natural transition from the smiles and applauses which attended them to the camp, and the caresses which hung upon their victories, to the cold neglect and base reproach, which they have since endured ; yet the fields which the soldier has won, contain no fewer proofs of his valour, be- cause there are no monuments erected there to his memory ; cind the glories which thicken upon them, and their com- pnnions, as they retrace their steps, are not diminished by being contrasted, with the ill-gotten honours of hypocrisy and fraud. Let us now leave behind us these scenes, so interestino- to Qvaj man, who is capable of feeling a pride, or who cherishes an interest in his country's honours, and go for- ward with the process of events, which will ever distin- guish our history. The eventful trial, whetlier the people of these states were to have a government of their own, or v/ere to be disposed of as the caprice of a monarch, or the haughty ambition, or avaricious policy of his minis- ters might suggest, was decided for ever. A trial more doubtful, and if possible, more interesting, was still to be made; not, whether the ardent spirits which had been kindled in war, would endure the composure of peace ; not whether the soldier who had learnt that the Me of his coun- try had been, and might again be, decided by arms, would resume the peaceful occupation of a citizen ; but, whether out of the confused elemciits into which the nation was dissolved, could be reared a well ordered structure of go- vernment ; and whether the last experiment upon the ca- pacity of a people to govern themselves, would not issue in the reproof of our folly, and in making us the very jest and bijewordo^ those, whose kindness in endeavouring to suppress our rebellion in its infancy, had been so mortify- ingly repaid. The adoption of the constitution of the United States, forms one of the most prominent features in the history of society. Over this political creation, which had no model for its formation, and which was to be made out of chaos; the master-spirit of Washington, in whose name we are met to celebrate this day; of Washington, the sage, as well as the soldier, was called to preside. " Though the' pride, and pomp, and circumstance of glorious war, were' over," occupatmi, ?ind that of a better sort, remained for our' chief. * The destiny not only of the present generation, but of posterity, hung upon the issue. The trembHng appre- hensions of patriotism were to be dissipated. The most conflicting interests were to be reconciled — and the wretches who watched with eagerness, every speck in our horizon, with the hope that our sky might again be overcast, and that they might direct the storm which should come on, were to be disconcerted and defeated. Gratitude forbids rs to forget, that the way had been well prepared for the completion of this momentous work, by the conjoined la- bours of Hamilton, of Jay, and of Madison. Pardon my mention of these names together. The apostacy of that fallen angel who now sheds his blighting influence over some of the fairest interests of our country, ought not to rob him of the honours of his first estate. His contribu- tions to the Federalist, added not a little to it's treasures of intelligence, and patriotism. The mind of Mr. Jay, whose name will be held in affectionate remembrance so long as talent is admired, or incorruptible integrity is re- vered ; poured upon the Constitution, some of the bright- est rays of its clear and steady light. Hamilton — how shall I speak of the man whom you all knew and all loved ; of him who presented in one of its most ennobled forms, the image which the Almighty has stamped of himself upon man; of him whose very name lifts up every faculty of my being. But I dare not trust my fond affection, or ambi? tious admiration, which would fain bring their richest tri* butes to his memory, with the attempt to do him justice. — That unparalleled man, whose intellectual vision pierced through the thickest clouds of darkness, with as much ease as" it wandered along the regions of light, entered the field of controversy, and the spectres which had been conjured up there, by the im-aginaticns of his antagonists and the darkness by which they were surrounded, fled away together. But notwithstanding what had been done by the nnitetl 2 12 actual condition. But we must not like little children, shut up our eyes and imagine that the objects of our dread cease to exist. Let me not be considered, after what I am about to say, as having taken a partial view of the evils which afflict or threaten us. It is not ray intention to trace back our administration to the first step in their descending progress. Few of us covet the gratification which our pride would derive, even from travelling upwardsy in the path of wretchedness and ruin ; and though we might at last arrive at the summit and command a prospect of the whole ground, the prominent objects on it, have been so often surveyed, that we should be repaid for our labour with little else than disgust. But I cannot avoid calling your attention for a moment to the present situation of our country, distinguished as it is, and that most alarmingly, from any in which it has hitherto been placed. On this subject, I shall speak what I think, whatever censure I may incur. No man ought to shrink from expressing his hon- est opinions before the whole world, for in times like these, silence is either cowardice, or treachery, or both. Let the hitherto unparalleled embarrassment of our mer- chants, which we are told by its authors it is not patriotic to speak of, (by the bye, we would thank them for devising some mode to conceal it) — let the general distress which pervades the community ; — let the destruction of the sources of individual gain and of national revenue, pass for nothing. Shall the loss of national character ; shall the debasement of public spirit pass for nothing too? If our administra- tion were this day summoned before the bar of the public, and called upon to answer why they have thrown away every title to respect, which we once had among the na- tions of the earth ; do you think they would be so regard- less of common decency, as to assert, that they have had a proper regard to their popidarity^ from the beginning , and that the still more trembling accents which have es- caped their lips upon every fresh insult and injury from abroad, have been but so many echoes to the voice of the people ? — or would they say that the idea of national hon- our is completely exploded from the new political creed, as one of the vagaries of more chivalric days ? — or would they allege, that the pomp, which calls upon a nation to be thankful, because the young king of Rome is not troubled with a windy stomach, but craves the breast with imperial appetite, and which spares no expense in the celebration of such an event ; and that the power which threatens to reduce the world under the mastery of a single man, no where find such profound admirers, as in the persons of republicans? And yet is not this triple answer to our ac- cusation, the precise language, of the public conduct of our rulers. Have we lost our senses ? Are we here in bedlam, tormenting ourselves witli imaginary evils, or fancying that we might still have retained a character which we never had ? or is it true, that after having been for years the subjects of every species of abuse from the French government; abuse for which we have received no apology, but ridicule ; and after having adopted measures at an in- finite expense, which by some magic or other, were to procure the recognition of our rights and reparation for ourhijuries; we have at length, without either recompense, or apology ; returned to the embraces of the emperor, and that too, while he continues to ' burn, sinky and destroy.^ But we are told that the emperor loves the Americans. If this is the species of courtship by which he woos Ameri- can liberty to his arms; if this is the gentleness of his love, what are we hereafter to expect from his disgust ; or from his wrath? Let us recollect we have been told that we were without just political views, without energy, and without honour. Was it this declaration which made us forget our injuries and prompted the cordiality of returning affection? Was it this which substituted the smile of reconciliation for the frown of resentment, or the melancholy of patient suf- 14 I'ering ? If such a declai'ation had been made when Wash- ington was president, he would have given it such an an- swer as would have reduced the imperial conqueror, if roy- alty does not add dignity to slander, to the level of a black- guard. What answer did it receive through Mr. Smith from Mr. Madison ? Why simply this, that it was not deemed expedient to make any animadversims upon the letter of the Due de Cadore, because information was daily expected from France by the John Adams; and the pre- sident wished to adopt appropriate observations to the ac- tual state of affairs. We had, to be sure, been fillipped in the face, but it was not proper to resent that insult, till we might hear whether it had not been followed by others- We may be told, that the president had reason to believe that the decrees were repealed, when he issued his procla- mation of November last. To say nothii g of the infor- mation on this subject, which has been lately divulged ; this plea is precluded by the instructions of Mr. Smith to General Armstrong of the 5th of July last, in which he says that a provision for restoring our property nmst be combined with a repeal of the decrees, as an indispensable evidence of the just purpose of France towards the United States. No such provision was made. Besides, was it not enough that our treaty with France had been violated ? — that our vessels which went there by the invitation of the o-overnment, had been confiscated, and our citizens impri- soned ? That the Due de Cadore had, in relation to the Rambouillet decree, uttered in the fiice of the world, the most palpable falsehoods? — diat unexampkd perfidy had been evinced, in the seizure of our property, by the func- tionaries of the French government, in Naples, in Spain, and in the north of Europe ? Was it necessary, th.it the President should be so ambitious to volunteer his confidence in the sincerity of Napoleon, and that too, in relation to the pretended revocation, so suspiciously published, and still more suspiciously framed. 15 Is there for ever to be in the lowest depth of disgrace, a lower still? And shall we never be able to gratify what lit. tie pride we may have left, by the assurance that we are at the bottom, and cannot go lower in this dreadful descent ? Patience is not on the list of national virtues. It may en- dure suffering with becoming meekness, but let it not hope to melt the heart, or weary the hand of him who applies the scourge What does this state of things portend ? Depend upon it, there is more than one way of conquering a nation. Break down it's spirit, and you paralyze its arm. Let the bosom cease to beat at the approach of dishonour ; and the sword will flee to it's scabbard upon the approach of danger. How far will this French alliance carry us? Let him who can inform us why we have gone thus far, tell us where we shall stop. We are soon to have, at the seat of government, \Fr