162 >py 1 D 619 • M62 Copy 1 ■••. STIRRING UP THE WAR SPIRIT REMARKS HON. JfHAMPTON MOORE u OIF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES FEBRUARY 6, 8, 10, AND 13, 1917 81044—16995 WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1917 276 /f- .MOT. REMARKS OF HON. J. HAMPTON MOORE, OF PENNSYLVANIA. February 6', 7.9/7. The House in Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union had under consideration the bill (H. R. 20632) making appropriations for the naval service for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1918, and for other purposes. The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Moore] is recognized. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, for many years I have been urging the improvement of waterways along the Atlantic seaboard with the view of preparing this country for just such an emergency as now confronts us. It may be that it will be found extremely advisable before this war preparation is over to make appropriations, and liberal appropriations, for the opening up of the miserable canals that now hinder and endanger our war craft along the Atlantic seaboard. It may lie that gentlemen who have been talking economy on this line will be singing another song if it shall be found in the " bottling " up of our ships that we have not prepared ourselves in this regard. Gentlemen talk economy now after the President of the United States has been here to stir us up on this question of putting the country in condition. The gentleman from Texas [Mr. Calla- way] and the gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. Ragsdale], differing with their President and their party, still harp upon economy, and the gentleman from New York [Mr. Fitzgerald] harmonizes for a moment with them, when the gunboats of the United States are said to be hovering around the port of New York, fearing that some enemy may blow up one of the bridges across the East River and impede navigation for years to come. Mr. RAGSDALE. Will the gentleman pardon me? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Not just now. The gentleman is talking economy in spite of the recommendation of his Presi- dent and in spite of the recommendations of the Secretary of the Navy and the Secretary of War. Mr. RAGSDALE. The gentleman knows that statement is not true, if he listened to what I said. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I heard the gentleman say that this was not the time to indulge in this expenditure for antiair- craft guns. Mr. RAGSDALE. But expend it in some other way and in proper form. 2 81044— 1G995 D, of D. APR 25 1917 5 Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. If my memory is not awry the gentleman also contended that there could be no possible inva- sion of this country by aircraft. Mr. RAGSDALE. From Germany at this time. SUBMARINES CAN CEOSS THE SEAS. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I do not care from where The gentleman is evidently protecting himself behind the 3,000-mile ocean limit, but yet the gentleman knows that Canada is on the border. The gentleman has himself seen or, if not, he has read of the visitation of the DeutscJiland. He knows that 3.000 miles is not impossible for a submarine. He has already witnessed what he did not believe, that the submarine can come across the ocean. The gentleman may find that even the strong line ot English battleships may be penetrated some day and that aircraft may be landed on the Canadian coast. The gentleman talks about Germany. He does not have to worry about Ger- many any more than he has to worry about the* other great countries of the world. Canada is being prepared to take care of itself, and if the gentleman will study the facts he will find that in the matter of canals and approaches to the cities and in rivers and waterways Canada these last few years has put itself far in advance of the United States. It might be well to consider the Canadian border. ¥/• ?A£ SDALE - Wm the gentleman permit a question' Mr MOORE of Pennsylvania. There is a possible vantage ground for submarines and for aerial fleets. And thev might come from the Mexican border. We have not quite captured Mexico yet. We are discussing a bigger war than the war conducted with Mexico, I would say to the gentleman, but it is possible that some of these aircraft may come from over the Mexican border, as well as from the Canadian border or thev might come from ships at sea. The British line on the ocean or our own line of ships might be penetrated. We can not tell Yet the gentleman would stand unprotected against these hostile aircraft for a paltry $3,000,000. The Department of the Navv comes to this House and asks for this appropriation to properly prepare itself. We can not get ready in a month; we can not get ready in a year. Let us have the money now and get down to business. [Applause.] ******* The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment to the amendment, offered by the gentleman from Tennessee The amendment to the amendment was agreed to. * * * * * * ' * THE GENTLEMAN FROM SOUTH CAROLINA. The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from South Carolina [Mr Ragsdale] reserves a point of order on the paragraph Mr. RAGSDALE. Mr. Chairman, a fewminSs ago the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Moore] exhibited a great deal of glee in criticizing the gentleman from Texas [Mr Cat la- way] and myself, stating that we differed from the Democratic administration If we have differed from the Democratic administration by asking for judicious expenditures, and that they may be expended where they will bring the greatest amount of good at the present moment to American commerce, certainly we did not disagree with the gentlemen on this side of the Chamber and with this administration when we voted to provide the taxes that were necessary to carry on the enormous propaganda that the gentleman from Philadelphia so gladly joins in now unloading on the people of this country. He is willing to vote every dollar out of the Treasury that he can, but he is unwilling to stand by this administration in voting the taxes that are necessary to meet the deficit that he now knows exists in the Treasury. When the devil was sick, The devil a saint would be : When the devil got well, The devil a saint was he. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman Mr. RAGSDALE. The gentleman would not yield to me, and he ought not to ask the same courtesy. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I want to correct the gentle- man's poetry. Mr. RAGSDALE. I want to ask the gentleman to keep quiet, as he compelled me to do. He looks beautiful when he is sitting down. He is rather noisy when he is on his feet. The gentle- man is on his feet so much that it is hard to find him when he looks well. He is usually noisy. The gentleman from Penn- sylvania [Mr. Moore] speaks of the unjustifiable attacks on improvements for rivers and harbors. Why, if the gentleman had a memory he would know that I have assisted him in every single fight he has made for them. I do not think the gentleman can record a single instance in which I have ever voted against a river and harbor im- provement since I have been here in Congress. I have joined the gentleman in voting for river and harbor improvements. Mr. KAHN. The War Department has called to the attention of the Committee on Military Affairs the fact that it is desirable to appropriate for antiaircraft guns and antiaircraft ammuni- tion, and the Committee on Military Affairs has undertaken to make such appropriations. Mr. RAGSDALE. Yes ; but we are not considering that bill ; we are considering the antiaircraft guns for the Navy. The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from South Carolina has expired. POSSIBLE EFFECTS OF DIPLOMATIC BREACH. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike out the last word. I do not care to answer the gentle- man from South Carolina, except to say this, that if I felt as thoroughly satisfied about the impotency of Germany as he does I might not vote for any additional appropriations for the Navy of the United States. But having recalled the fact that Ger- man navigators penetrated the vast ocean and got through the lines of the British fleet and landed safely on these shores with one little submarine craft — the Deutschland — I do not minimize the ability of the German navigator. Having read in the news- papers reports of numerous battles in the air between German, English, and French, I am not quite satisfied that the ingenuity and efficiency of the German aircraft sailor ought to be dis- S1044— 16995 counted. When we talk about entering a contest with Ger- many or any other nation we should consider these things. If the gentleman from South Carolina is right about the in- competency of Germany to reach the Canadian shores through British lines, or to reach the shores of the United States direct, I would like to know why the President of the United States has given us this war scare? My understanding of his address was that he came here because Germany made the simple an- nouncement that it proposed to throw a line of submarines around the British coast. If the gentleman thinks that Ger- many is not worth considering in this matter, then I do not quite understand why the President of the United States, whom we are all expected to support, broke diplomatic relations with Germany and then came here to tell us about it. Germany seems to have given Great Britain a scare along with the United States. IF WE GO TO WAE WE MUST BE PREPARED. I think, Mr. Chairman, it is high time we got back to the days of George Washington and James Madison and Thomas Jeffer- son and at least perfected some of the preparation plans that they laid down. We have not improved some of the natural avenues of communication which they planned, lo, in these 100 years, and have some canal approaches of great moment now that have stood unimproved almost that long. With announce- ments that we are going to tax the people $400,000,000 in a revenue bill to meet ordinary and some extraordinary expenses, and with bills introduced to tax the people $500,000,000 more for war purposes, and possibly $500,000,000 beyond that, we ought to make some progress in real preparedness. We have not now sufficient men to man the ships that we propose to put upon the seas to defend the honor of the United States. If we must raise the money we can raise it. The people seem to have declared for this thing. The cry has gone up to " stand by the President." That means expense ; the people understand that they must pay if the President is to be supported in this crisis. We can not stop short of preparing ourselves with sub- marines and with aeroplanes and with guns for both these im- plements of war. If we expect to go into a real war we must be prepared to meet men already in the field, who are not theorists, but who are practical men of war. [Applause.] ******* February 8, 1917. FALSE REPORTS FROM LONDON. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, the remarks of the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. Austin] move me to say that, along with him and my other colleagues, I hope to see the President sustained in all proper efforts to maintain the honor and dignity of this country. We are considering now one of the great war bills, and the most of us will vote for it even to the limit of those things asked for to sustain the Presi- dent. While doing that and considering other war bills, it seems to me that we might say to ourselves— whether it is car- ried over the telegraphic lines to the people of the country or not — that there are many disturbing and conflicting rumors concerning war conditions which are asserted to-day and denied to-morrow. Yesterday we were informed that an American had 81044 — 16905 G been killed on the wrecked steamer Turino. His name was George Washington, and, of course, it would occasion a patriotic thrill the whole length and breadth of the country if it was true that George Washington had gone down at the hands of an enemy in foreign waters. But the newspapers had their sa> yesterday, and they had it again this morning, that this sure- enough American was killed, and therefore we ought to go to war with Germany. Mr. BRITTEN. Will the gentleman yield? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Yes. Mr. BRITTEN. Did this man have any number? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I do not know. He was an individual of color, but his taking off was supposed to be reason to cause war. Efforts have been made, desperate efforts have been made, since the President was here on Saturday last, to prove that we must go to war. The coasts of the world seem to have been raked to find some overt act to force the President to come in here and ask us to declare war. We have had very little but rumors, but we have had headlines galore, all with a view of stampeding the House and stampeding the country into an act of war. [Applause.] I rose to make this very brief statement because I do not want the people of this country to be deceived. I am satisfied that most of the people of the country want peace; peace with honor, of course. [Applause.] But they do not want to go into a dishonorable war, and they ought not to be forced into a war by the munition makers or the muni- tion users of this or any other land. [Applause.] Most of the dispatch headlines declaring that American ships have gone down, that American lives have been lost, that inter- national laws have been violated have come from London, and London has been crazy with delight since it heard the glad tid- ings on Saturday last that the President had severed diplomatic relations with Germany. Coming from the Liberty Bell and Independence Hall district of the United States, I can not for- get that we had trouble with London in 1776, and that we had trouble with London in 1812. I am not quite ready to accept all of these rumors that come out of London now without a grain of salt. London is a little more in need of American help just now than we are in need of the advice of London. I am not quite ready, therefore, to believe every damnable, pernicious, and lying report that comes out of London, or to accept it as an inducement to declare my country in a state of war. [Ap- plause.] TRYING TO SCARE THE PEOPLE INTO WAR. On the night of the day that the President appeared here and informed the Congress of the fact that he had severed diplomatic relations with Germany, we had newspaper " extras " announcing in startling headlines that the Housatanic had gone down in violation of international law; there were great scare heads, and boys on the streets shouting it aloud. It was declared that American rights had been violated by a country with which we were on friendly terms up to that time. Yet the next day's newspapers announced in smaller type that the Housatonic was loaded with contraband, and even our State Department declared that there was no occasion for any warlike declaration in con- sequence of her sinking. 81044—16995 The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from Pennsyl- vania has expired. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I ask unani- mous consent to proceed for five minutes more. Mr. PADGETT. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent that debate upon the paragraph and all amendments thereto close in five minutes. The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Tennessee? There was no objection. The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Pennsylvania? There was no objection. Mr. GORDON. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Yes. Mr. GORDON. Is it the contention of the gentleman that because a ship is loaded with contraband, Germany has the right to destroy the lives of passengers and crew? HUNTING FOR AN " OVERT ACT." Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I made the statement that after all these headlines the State Department declared that there was no breach of international law. The people were being inflamed Mr. GORDON. But they did not say it was because the ship was loaded with contraband. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I stated what the gentleman's own Secretary of State announced to the public — he was not as anxious as some newspaper editors are to rush into war. Mr. GORDON. I agree with much of what the gentleman has said ; but Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I am not arguing the point of contraband at all. The gentleman is merely taking my time. I am trying to make a plain statement to the House as to the truth and the facts. The gentleman may be stampeded because certain things appear in the newspapers, but Mr. GORDON. Oh, don't you worry about my being stam- peded. [Laughter.] Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I am making the statement that we see alarming headlines to-day indicating that we are on the verge of war because some " overt act " has been com- mitted, and the next day the whole thing is denied. Mr. GORDON. I agree with the gentleman about that. Mr. RAGSDALE. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Yes. Mr. RAGSDALE. Will the gentleman tell me what he thinks the duty of this Government ought to be if the German Govern- ment has taken charge of and forcibly restrained by order our ambassador in that country? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. The gentleman is carried away with the headlines. Mr. RAGSDALE. No ; he is not. THE EXCHANGE OF AMBASSADORS WITH GERMANY. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. If the gentleman will listen, I will demonstrate what fools some men are — not like the gentle- man from South Carolina, of course — who believe everything they read. I was coming to that very point. For three days we have heard that our American ambassador, who was on excel- 81044—16995 8 lent terms with everyone in high life in Germany, has " been in captivity " and held for exchange. The gentleman believes that statement. Mr. RAGSDALE. No ; the gentleman does not. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. It is absurd upon its face. Though we have had it for three days, this morning's news- papers announce that Berlin is in conference with the Ameri- can ambassador, that conferences have been going on in Berlin, and that the ambassador will be safeguarded out of Germany just as we are going to safeguard the German ambassador out of the United States. Oh, how easy it is for you to rush into war upon the say so of somebody who is interested in hav- ing war. Mr. DYER. His passports have been issued to him. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. The ambassador is going to get out safely. Somebody wanted to inflame the American peo- ple by declaring that the American ambassador had been held in captivity. Absurd ! We have given safe conduct to the German ambassador and are sending him home, and the Ger- mans have been decent with the American ambassador. But at least 2 college professors and about 150 editors, more or less, yesterday declared — not that they were willing to enlist, for the barracks down here are waiting for men like them to come forward and enlist — but they declared in effect that they were willing to involve their country in war because " the American ambassador was held in bondage in Berlin." This morning the newspapers show that those editors and those college professors did not know what they were talking about, and that is what I am trying to say to the gentleman from South Carolina. The plain people should not be fooled. Mr. Chairman, how much time have I left? The CHAIRMAN. One minute. REPORTED SEIZURE OF GERMAN SHIPS UNTRUE. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. In that one minute let mo say, and I hope not to be interrupted again, that the Housatonic alarm has gone glimmering. The State Department seems to concede that the Germans were within their rights and that the Housatonic presents no casus belli. The next day we had the California sensation. Because this ship bore a good old Ameri- can name everybody was made to suspect that it was an Ameri- can ship, and that the Germans had perpetrated such an out- rage as would force us to go to war. After the sensation had thrilled the country we were quietly informed that the Cali- fornia was a British ship, sailing under the British flag, and that she had been given the warning required by international law. But a great deal is made of the fact that one American was aboard that ship. He may have been planted there to pro- tect the cargo and to involve this country in an international w T arf are ; I do not know, but the next day after the newspapers had worked the story of the American passenger to the limit, it developed that he was taken off the ship to a place of safety. It matters not that he was a colored man. Mr. BRITTEN. And the ship was armed. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Then, again, Mr. Chairman, the report went broadcast over the United States on the day after the President addressed Congress, that this Government had seized all the interned German ships. These reports were 81044 — 16995 9 tempered here and there with the suggestion that the German sailors were endeavoring to destroy the property of their own country but nevertheless it was broadly announced that our naval officers had seized this German property. I will not stop to discuss the moral aspect of this seizure except to say that there had been no declaration of war and that it was not clear why we should deliberately take this German property and appropriate it to the United States. Within a day or two the answer came from both the State Department and the White House that these German ships had not been seized, and that while this Government was taking certain precautions with respect to possible impediments to navigation, every courtesv was being shown the officers and men in charge of these Ger- man vessels. It was evident that some tall lying was done in this instance for the purpose of irritating Germany under very aggravating circumstances. Somebody evidently 'wanted Ger- many to commit an " overt act " that would bring on a war We ought to be on our guard against this dangerous " rumor " business, whether it originates in London or the United States The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from Penn- sylvania has expired. The Clerk rend as follows: Maintenance Bureau of Supplies and Accounts : For fuel etc fl^OO.OOo'Mn'all/^TSO^OO. 611 " 1118 June 3 °' 1918 ' Sh&11 * 0t eXCeeii Mr. Mooke of Pennsylvania, Mr. Ragsdale, and Mr. Callaway rose. The CHAIRMAN. The Chair will recognize the gentleman from Texas, a member of the committee. Mr. CALLAWAY. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to insert in the Record a statement that I have of how the newspapers of this country have been handled by the munition manufacturers. SERIOUS CHARGES INSERTED IN THE RECORD. The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Texas asks unani- mous consent to extend his remarks in the Record by inserting a ceitain statement. Is there objection? Mr MANN. Mr. Chairman, reserving the right to object may I ask whether it is the gentleman's purpose to insert a Ion- list of extracts from newspapers? Mr. CALLAWAY. No; it will be a little, short statement not over 2\ inches in length in the Record. The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection? There was no objection. Mr. CALLAWAY. Mr. Chairman, under unanimous consent I insert in the Record at this point a statement showing the newspaper combination, which explains their activity in this war matter, just discussed by the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Moore] : "In March, 1915, the J. P. Morgan interests, the steel, ship- building, and powder interests, and their subsidiary organiza- tions, got together 12 men high up in the newspaper world and employed them to select the most influential newspapers in the United States and sufficient number of them to control generally the policy of the daily press of the United States " These 12 men worked the problem out by selecting 179 news- papers, and then began, by an elimination process, to retain 81044—16995 2 10 only those necessary for the purpose of controlling the general policy of the daily press throughout the country. They found it was only necessary to purchase the control of 25 of the great- est papers. The 25 papers were agreed upon ; emissaries were sent to purchase the policy, national and international, of these papers; an agreement was reached; the policy of the papers was bought, to be paid for by the month ; an editor was fur- nished for each paper to properly supervise and edit informa- tion regarding the questions of preparedness, militarism, finan- cial policies, and other things of national and international nature considered vital to the interests of the purchasers. " This contract is in existence at the present time, and it accounts for the news columns of the daily press of the country being filled with all sorts of preparedness arguments and mis- representations as to the present condition of the United States Army and Navy, and the possibility and probability of the United States being attacked by foreign foes. " This policy also included the suppression of everything in opposition to the wishes of the interests served. The effective- ness of this scheme has been conclusively demonstrated by the character of stuff carried in the daily press througout the coun- try since March, 1915. They have resorted to anything neces- sary to commercialize public sentiment and sandbag the Na- tional Congress into making extravagant and wasteful appro- priations for the Army and Navy under the false pretense that it was necessary. Their stock argument is that it is 'patriot- ism.' They are playing on every prejudice and passion of the American people." ******* TRACING THE DEATH OF " GEOUGE WASHINGTON." Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike out the last word. I am in favor of this paragraph in the Navy appropriation bill, because I think the country ought to be fully prepared for any possible invasion; but I think the Con- gress ought to be careful about encouraging " rumors of war " when war has not actually been declared. Perhaps it would be safe to leave this matter to the President of the United States and to those who have direct knowledge upon the sub- ject. I call attention, however, not only to these false re- ports of the Housatonic and about the California, but the steamship Philadelphia was reported sunk since the President was here, and yet the next day, after these reports had gone over the country like wildfire and everybody got excited about the Philadelphia, which naturally attracted interest in that great city and in the State of Pennsylvania, we found the Phila- delphia iiad safely arrived in port, so that report was also in error. Now, whether by design or not I do not know, but it seems that most of these false reports come from London. There seems to be an intense desire there to tell us about Ger- man outrages and about American blood shed on foreign ships or to find that some American ship has been shot up. This colored man, George Washington Mr. BARKLEY. Will the gentleman yield? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. T will yield to the gentleman. Mi-. BARKLEY. But was not there a statement in the morn- ing paper that the colored man on that ship was a British subject? S1044— 16995 11 MEDDLESOME " PATRIOTS " SHOULD " SHUT UP." Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I am coining to that. The dispatches have made it appear that because of the loss of George Washington, an alleged American citizen, we are now in position to declare war against Germany. This morning's papers have headlines something like this : " Death of American on wrecked Turino reported to London. An American negro fireman, George Washington was killed, .according to a report received to-day when the British steamship Turino was sunk by a German U boat in the war zone." Now, that is enough to inflame every American Mr. FOSS. Will the gentleman yield? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I will yield. Mr. FOSS. I am very much interested in what the gentleman says, but how will the gentleman provide a remedy to stop these international thrills which we are receiving, which the publish- ers of these newspapers place in their headlines? Would he provide for a censorship of the press? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Not at this time. I simply urge that the true facts and only the true facts be reported at this time when we are at the verge of an outbreak with a foreign country. [Applause.] I think it would be better for some of the editors to " shut up " when they do not know what they are talking about. [Applause.] I think it would be better for some of these professional patriots who have determined our inter- national relations in advance, and who insist upon adjusting our diplomatic affairs in this crisis, to not only " shut up," but go tie a rope around their necks, attach an anchor to it, and jump into the sea. We could better afford to dispense with their meddlesome services than to plunge the people of this country into a foreign war. I think it would be far better for this country. [Applause.] Mr. Chairman, I regret to say it, but we are gradually turning over the business of Congress, turning over all our constitutional rights, turning over our powers delegated by the people, to a lot of editors, theorists, and college professors who are not capable of conducting our affairs and to whom we should not abdicate. Mr. GARDNER. Will the gentleman yield? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I will yield to the gentleman from Massachusetts after I have disposed of George Wash- ington. [Laughter.] The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman has expired. THE LOST "AMERICAN " WAS A BRITISH SUBJECT. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. All I can say then is that the papers report this afternoon that George Washington, the so- called American, is a British subject; that is all. [Applause.] Mr. Chairman, under leave to extend I wish to say that so many rumors and reports of an exaggerated character have appeared during the last few days that even the President, who certainly is as much concerned as any other citizen over the situation that confronts us, should take notice. We are dealing with a serious problem that invites the greatest deliberation. We ought not to be made the pawns of designing men in our own country or of any foreign power that would drag us into a war for selfish purposes. When our President has made up his mind that American honor is at stake and that we must enter upon a war to uphold it, I have no doubt he will find cordial support 81044—16995 12 in the Congress of the United States, but the President has not yet indicated to Congress that the point has been readied where a declaration of war has become necessary. Until the President does come to this body with such information and facts as may warrant further action by Congress, it may not be well to aggravate the situation by giving too much credence to the untruthful rumors that have been bandied about with the evi- dent purpose of finding some reason for provoking a declaration of war. At another time I shall extend in the Record, under per- mission granted to me, certain observations of Mr. Lincoln when he was a Member of the House, with respect to our Mexican com- plications in 184S. At present I shall content myself by quoting a single sentence from the speech made by Mr. Lincoln January 12 of that year, when he said : When the war began it was my opinion that all those who, because of knowing too little, or because of knowing too much, could not consci- entiously approve the conduct of the President (in the beginning of it) should, nevertheless, as good citizens and patriots remain silent on that point, at least till the war should be ended. February 10, 1917. WHAT IS THE UNITED STATES BUILDING SUBMARINES FOR? The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will read. The Clerk read as follows: For the authorized expenses of the Marine Corps Reserve, $25,000. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike out the last word. The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania moves to strike out the last wind. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman, I ask the in- dulgence of the committee and the attention of the chairman to a statement I wish to make in advance of our reaching Ihe item. " Increase of the Navy," because when that item is reached I presume there will be much discussion upon it. I am in favor of the increase of the Navy, but I think this is a proper place to put the inquiry that I would like the chairman to answer, if he will. In the item headed " Increase of the Navy " provision is made for "1 submarine tender, $1,900,000; 18 coast submarines, to have a surface displacement of about 800 tons each, $1,300,000 each." I favor these appropriations, and would prefer that we should build even more submarines than are provided for in this paragraph. But inasmuch as much of the war trouble that now beclouds the horizon arises from the use of submarines by one of the foreign nations, I would like to know whether our understanding, or the committee's understanding, of interna- tional law is, that if any foreign nation uses submarines in what is reported to be " ruthless warfare," that objection would hold against the United States if we should be engaged in war and should find it necessary to use submarines? Mr. PADGETT. Of course, the gentleman can understand that I am not prepared or commissioned to speak for anyone except myself. I have no authority to speak for the present administration or for any future administration that may be in power. I presume I would be authorized to say that the Government of the United States, if engaged in war, would conduct it along the recognized and proper lines of conducting war and would observe all of its obligations and perform all of its duties. [Applause.] 81044— 16995 13 INTERNATIONAL LAW STEPS IN. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I am obliged to the chairman of the committee for that statement, and if he will listen to what I desire to say it may be that he will care to say some- thing further. Mr. TOWNER. Will the gentleman yield? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I yield to the gentleman from Iowa. Mr. TOWNER. I think the objection to the submarine is principally directed toward its use as an instrument of de- struction of merchant vessels. Certainly no one has made any protest so far against their use as vessels of war against vessels of war. and it occurs to me that the gentleman's statement is entirely justified when he says we ought to increase these rather than diminish them, because we are acting ostensibly and with the avowed declaration that these increases in our Navy are for defensive purposes. Certainly the submarine has demonstrated itself as the greatest and most efficient coast- defense instrument of war that has yet been devised. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Will the gentleman hold there for a moment? Mr. TOWNER. Yes. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I want to finisli this in live minutes, if possible. Does the gentleman think that if we should make a declaration of war against any nation it would be proper for us to use our submarines either for offensive or defensive purposes? Mr. TOWNER. Why certainly, as against enemy vessels — as against vessels of war. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Does the gentleman think it would be proper for us to use our submarines to capture - or to destroy any other vessels that contained contraband, or that were known to be hostile to the United States? Mr. TOWNER. I think so clearly ; but the extent to which they may be used as against merchant vessels, either of belliger- ent or neutral powers, is a very mooted question. OBJECT TO GERMANY'S USE OF SUBMARINES. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I understand, and I think the gentleman will agree that the whole point in controversy be- tween Germany and the United States now is that Germany is using submarines, attacking marchantment, armed or contain- ing contraband, and that the United States resents that use oi' submarines by Germany. Mr. TOWNER. As against a neutral power, certainly. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. The query then arises, win- are we building submarines? Is it merely to keep them afloat. merely to harbor our sailors, or are we building submarines, with a view of attacking or defending? The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from Penn- sylvania has expired. Mr. TOWNER. I ask unanimous consent that the gentle- man's time be extended five minutes. The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Iowa asks unanimous consent that the time of the gentleman from Pennsylvania be extended five minutes. Is there objection? There was no objection. 81044—16905 14 Mr. TOWNER. Again let me say to the gentleman from Pennsylvania that no one contends that we have not the utmost right to use submarines, or that any other nation has not the right to use them as vessels of war against vessels of war ; and this war has demonstrated that there is no defensive power that is equal to the submarine ; because with a navy two or three times that of Germany opposed to her, Germany has been able to protect her coast and her coast cities absolutely, prin- cipally by the use of submarines and the fear of submarines; and these that we are appropriating for in this bill are to be used, as I say, principally as a defense against vessels of war that may be sent to attack our coasts. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Does it occur to the gentle- man that sometime in the course of a war in which the United States might engage, particularly a foreign w T ar if we should be dragged into it, it might be advisable for us to attempt a blockade of the ports of a foreign country? Mr. TOWNER. That is a question that no one could deter- mine in advance, I think. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Would it then be advisable, or would it be in accordance with international law, for us to send our United States submarines to establish that blockade and to maintain it against our enemy's commerce, even if we had to sink some ships? Mr. TOWNER. Why, certainly ; I suppose we would have the same right to use that kind of a vessel of war as we would have to use any other kind of a vessel of war to maintain a blockade, if under international law it was a legal blockade. ONE-SIDEDXESS OF SUBMARINE CONTROVERSY. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I thank the gentleman for his expressions of opinion as to international law and as to the rights of this Government to use submarines. Now, Mr, Chair- man, I believe we ought to construct these submarines, and that we ought to construct more of them. Their efficiency in naval warfare has been demonstrated. Germany has them and is using them very successfully. Great Britain has them and is using them to the best of her ability. As between these two nations there seems to be no practical difference as to the right of either of them to use their submarines, but the United States has taken the position that Germany is using her submarines improperly. No one has said a word about the manner in which Great Britain is using her submarines. The whole sum of the contention is that Germany is conducting a " ruthless submarine warfare." If Germany has no right to use her sub- marines, it may be a fair question to ask why we are building them. The United States is building submarines, and most of us believe in the construction of submarines; we certainly believe we are constructing them for some useful purpose. I believe we are constructing them for a fighting purpose, if need be. • The question arises, why should we continue to construct sub- marines at enormous expense if we are not going to use them somewhere for offensive or defensive purposes? If we were forced into a crisis which necessitated the blockading of a foreign port or a crisis which necessitated The defense of our own coasts, would we use those submarines in the manner the nations now at war use them ; and if we would so use them, 81044—16905 15 what becomes of our grievance against other nations which are using them? Mr. TEMPLE. Will the gentleman yield? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I yield to the gentleman. Mr. TEMPLE. If the same use were made of surface vessels, sinking merchant ships without warning, by 8-inch or 14-inch cannon on battleships, do you not suppose we would make the same protest? In other words, it is not a protest against the particular weapon, but against the thing that is done by the use of any weapon. The invention of a new weapon does not change the rights cf neutrals against whom that weapon is used. ARE SUBMARINES PEACEFUL CRAFT? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I wish the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Temple], who is versed in this subject of international law, would take the floor in his own right and explain the situation. [Applause.] The question with me is this, are we building these submarines merely to have and to hold them as an ornament or are we building them with a view to using them when some one strikes at us with a mailed fist? Will we strike back with a mailed fist or will we wait until some question of international law is settled? It will take a long while to bring any war to an end if we have to confer with the enemy every time we propose to attack him. Mr. BUTLER. Mr. Chairman, I ask that the gentleman have one minute more and that I may make a statement. The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Pennsylvania asks that his colleague's time be extended one minute. Is there ob- jection? There was no objection. Mr. BUTLER. I voted for this appropriation with the under- standing that these weapons would never be used to commit unjustifiable murder, and for no other reason would I vote for it. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. May I ask the gentleman this? Mr. McKENZIE. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman from Pennsylvania may have an additional five minutes in which to tell the House what his idea of sub- marines is and how they should be used. The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Illinois asks unani- mous consent that the gentleman from Pennsylvania may have five minutes in which to give the House certain definite infor- mation. Is there objection? [After a pause.] The Chair hears none. THE FIGHTING QUAKER (?). Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. In answer to the gentleman from Pennsylvania, I will say that he is a good, sturdy, peace- loving Quaker, but he fights sometimes Mr. BUTLER. I am not a Quaker. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. A Friend. Mr. BUTLER. Nor a Friend ; I do not belong to the society of either. I have made that statement in the House 40 times, and this is the last time. I would not disgrace those honorable people by assuming to belong to them. That is the way I look at it. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. The gentleman swears by the uplifted hand. 81044—16995 16 Mr. BUTLER. I do not swear at all ; I can keep my word without swearing. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. The gentleman got into the House somehow. [Laughter.] Mr. BUTLER. I got into the House because my constituents sent me here, and I did not ask for any outside help. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. The gentleman said he voted for submarines, but that there should be no unnecessary blood- shed. Mr. BUTLER. I did not say that. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. No, unjustifiable murder ; that was it. I would like to inquire whether any war is conducted on a peace basis; whether they do not kill each other in war? Mr. DYER. The gentleman from Pennsylvania has not given us that information. Mr. RE AVIS rose. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I will yield to the gentleman from Nebraska. Mr. REAVIS. There has been so much said and written that I am confused, and I am asking for information. What does the gentleman understand our complaint against Germany to l ie — sinking our vessels bearing contraband or sinking our ves- sels without warning and without giving the lives on them a chance to escape? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. The President, when he came here on Saturday Mr. McKENZIE. Mr. Chairman, a point of order. The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman will state it. Mr. McKENZIE. I object to the gentleman's time being all taken up in answering questions. He was to proceed for five minutes to make a statement to the House, for which I asked the extension of time. LEADING UP TO A DECLARATION OF WAR. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I think I can answer the gentleman from Nebraska in a minute. When the President came here and announced the severance of diplomatic relations with Germany, he indicated that there had been a breach of understanding between the two countries; that Germany had given notice of a change of position on the submarine question, which the United States did not stand for. It is charged in the newspapers that Germany is using the submarines in con- travention of international law ; that it destroys vessels ; and that human life has been taken in consequence of the destruc- tion of the vessels. Mr. REAVIS. Was not the breach of the understanding the note of Germany indicating that these vessels would be sunk without warning? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. The original understanding was that Germany would cease the submarine warfare she had been carrying on, and the President said that notice was given by Germany that Germany intended to resume that warfare; hence there was such a misunderstanding as justified the send- ing home of the German ambassador. Mr. GARDNER. Will the gentleman yield? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Yes ; for a question. Mr. GARDNER Does the gentleman think that the send- ing home of the German ambassador was justified or not? 81044—16995 17 Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Well, the gentleman has a certain Anglomaniac notion Mr. GARDNER. That does not answer the question. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Why, certainly; if the Presi- dent thought there had been such a breach of diplomatic rela- tions between the two countries as to justify it, he should have sent the German ambassador home. But that does not mean what the gentleman has in mind, that that should be followed up by a declaration bringing 100,000,000 people into war. Mr. GARDNER. Why does the gentleman think that; why should he say I think so? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Because the gentleman is one of the most warlike of the gentlemen who favored the severance of relations Mr. GARDNER. Has the gentleman any reason for that statement? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. The gentleman has made speeches indicating it and has offered resolutions. Mr. GARDNER. I absolutely deny the statement that the gentleman just made, that I think it ought to be followed up with a declaration of war. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. The gentleman has denounced Germany heretofore and indicated that we should break with Germany. He has done it in his speeches, and he has gone out of his way to force this Congress into discussion of such matters. Mr. GARDNER. What is the gentleman from Pennsylvania doing now? I\Ir. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I am trying to maintain peace with honor. The gentleman from Massachusetts has been lick- ing the Hohenzollerns. The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from Penn- sylvania has expired. WOULD USE SUBMARINES TO FIGHT. Mr. SLAYDEN. Mr. Chairman, I have waited patiently and listened attentively to the definite information provided for in the request of the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. McKenzie] about submarines and their proper use. I have some definite views— at least I think they are definite— in relation to sub- marines and have been trying to express them. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Will my friend yield me half a minute of his time? Mr. SLAYDEN. I will if the gentleman will use it quickly. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I want to answer the question of the gentleman from Illinois in reference to submarines. If we were in conflict with a foreign power, like Germany, for in- stance, and we had submarines, I would use those submarines to beat that foreign power, no matter whether they destroyed lives or not. I would fight to win. When nations "are at war life and property are subject to destruction. I deplore war and would hold out against it until the last, but if my country be- comes involved in war I would not expect it to yield because somebody got hurt. That is war. Mr. SLAYDEN. Of course, Mr. Chairman, that is what they are designed for, and we have had some curious information or misinformation here with reference to them. 81044— 1G005 18 February 13, 1917. The House met at 11 o'clock a. m. The Chaplain, Rev. Henry N. Couden, D. D., offered the following prayer : Almighty Father, look down from Thy throne of justice, mercy, and good will upon Thy children everywhere, and inspire them with higher ideals, purer motives, and earnest endeavors ; that ignorance may give way to wisdom, error to truth, and all wrongs be righted ; that peace and righteousness may prevail, that the dear old earth may blossom as the rose in every nook and corner, and Thy will be done in every heart through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. The Journal of the proceedings of yesterday was read and ap- proved. AMENDMENT OE GENERAL DAM ACT. Mr. ADAMSON. Mr. Speaker, I would like to call up the conference report printed in the Record this morning on the bill S. 3331. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I make the point of no quorum. Mr. ADAMSON. Wait a minute. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. How long will it take? Mr. ADAMSON. Only a moment. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I withdraw my request for a moment. •t ***** ■ Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I rise to a ques- tion of privilege affecting the honor and dignity of this House. The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Pennsylvania rises to a question of high privilege, which he will state. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, the matter to which I desire to direct the attention of the House is of such importance that I would like to have a full attendance of the Members, but in order to save time for the passage of a great preparedness bill I shall not insist upon the point of no quorum at this time. [Applause.] It is patent to anyone who reads the newspapers Mr. BURNETT. Mr. Speaker, a parliamentary inquiry. The SPEAKER. The gentleman will state it. ******* The SPEAKER. If the gentleman is going to reserve the right and there is going to be debate, the Chair will recognize the gentleman from Pennsylvania. Mr. MANN. I object. The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Illinois objects. The gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Mooke] has the floor on a question of high privilege. QUESTION OF PRIVILEGE. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, as a prelude to the question of privilege which I am about to present, I wish to say it is apparent to anyone who reads the daily newspapers that the war issue is being very much befogged by reports from London and that there has been a wonderful change in edi- torial sentiment in certain papers during the last six months. 81044—16995 19 The SPEAKER. The Chair would suggest to the gentleman that the first thing to do is to state the question of privilege, if any, that he has. The Chair will then pass upon that first. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, on February 9 the gentleman from Texas [Mr. Callaway] asked unanimous consent to extend his remarks in the Record, which consent was granted by the House. He did not read the remarks, and they were not read to the House. They were buried under leave in the Congressional Record. I question whether a single news- paper in the United States has taken cognizance of the remarks of the gentleman from Texas. This, Mr. Speaker, is what the gentleman from Texas printed in the Record, and it constitutes, as I believe, a question of the highest privilege, involving the honor of the House : SERIOUS STATEMENT OP THE GENTLEMAN FROM TEXAS. " In March, 1915, the J. P. Morgan interests, the steel, ship- building, and powder interests, and their subsidiary organiza- tions, got together 12 men high up in the newspaper world and employed them to select the most influential newspapers in the United States and sufficient number of them to control generally the policy of the daily press of the United States. " These 12 men worked the problem out by selecting 179 news- papers, and then began, by an elimination process, to retain only those necessary for the purpose of controlling the general policy of the daily press throughout the country. They found it was only necessary to purchase the control of 25 of the great- est papers. The 25 papers were agreed upon ; emissaries were sent to purchase the policy, national and international, of these papers ; an agreement was reached ; the policy of the papers was bought, to be paid for by the month ; an editor was fur- nished for each paper to properly supervise and edit informa- tion regarding the questions of preparedness, militarism, finan- cial policies, and other things of national and international nature considered vital to the interests of the purchasers. " This contract is in existence at the present time, and it accounts for the news columns of the daily press of the country being filled with all sorts of preparedness arguments and mis- representations as to the present condition of the United States Army and Navy, and the possibility and probability of the United States being attacked by foreign foes. " This policy also included the suppression of everything in opposition to the wishes of the interests served. The effective- ness of this scheme has been conclusively demonstrated by the character of stuff carried in the daily press throughout the coun- try since March, 1915. They have resorted to anything neces- sary to commercialize public sentiment and sandbag the Na- tional Congress into making extravagant and wasteful appro- priations for the Army and Navy under the false pretense that it was necessary. Their stock argument is that it is ' patriot- ism.' They are playing on every prejudice and passion of the American people." THE ALLEGED " SANDBAGGING " OF CONGRESS. Here is where the question of privilege comes in. And sandbag the National Congress into making extravagant and wasteful appropriations for the Army and Navy under the false pre- tense that it Mas necessary. Their stock argument is "patriotism." They are playing on every prejudice and passion of the American people. S1044 — 16005 20 That, Mr. Speaker, I respectfully submit, constitutes a ques- tion of privilege affecting the honor of the House. If we are being " sandbagged " by prejudice or through false commercial- istic reports, it is injurious to the House and the country. Mr. GARNER. Mr. Speaker The SPEAKER. For what purpose does the gentleman from Texas rise? Mr. GARNER. To make the point of order that the question suggested by the gentleman from Pennsylvania is not a ques- tion of high privilege under the rules of the House. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. If the Speaker will bear with me, I think I can connect this up. The SPEAKER. The Chair will ask the gentleman, is he rising to a question of personal privilege or a question of the highest privilege of the House? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I have no personal interest except the welfare of my country. I rise The SPEAKER. If the gentleman is rising to a privilege of the House, he should introduce a resolution or proposition. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I was about to suggest ■ Mr. KITCHIN. I suggest that the gentleman ask unanimous consent to use 5 or 10 minutes. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I shall be glad to do that. The SPEAKER. The gentleman asks unanimous consent for five minutes Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I ask unanimous consent for 10 minutes, Mr. Speaker. THE SUN SAYS LONDON IS " IMPATIENT." The SPEAKER. The gentleman asks unanimous consent for 10 minutes. Is there objection? Mr. SLAYDEN. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman permit a question before he begins? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Yes. Mr. SLAYDEN. Will the gentleman explain what he under- stands the word "sandbag" to mean in that connection? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. It means to drive the Con- gress into a corner on this war question ; to make us believe we are in a state of war. Mr. SLAYDEN. Are not the editorial arguments intended to influence Congress? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I think so. Mr. SLAYDEN. That is what it means. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Unquestionably ; and in fur- ther answer to the question of the gentleman I will read one article. I can not read many. I will let most of them stand aside, because I can not read them in 10 minutes ; but sufficient for the present is an article from the New York Sun of Sunday. Mr. SHALLENBERGER. Will the gentleman yield? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I can not yield. The head- lines are these — and it is the headlines that are influencing the country : » Britain chafes over United States delay. Mr. SHALLENBERGER again rose. The SPEAKER. Does the gentleman yield? Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I do not. I regret it, but I do not unless I can get more time. These headlines continue : 81044—16995 21 What constitutes an overt act? London public and press are asking. And then : Americans are cheered. ^ In London — remember, this is from London ! Bands play " Hail Columbia," but elation is changing to impatience. London, gentlemen, seems to be " impatient " because the United States is not going into war. The spirit of London as translated by these American newspapers is that the United Sates unduly hesitates to join Great Britain in the war. A PREMATURE DECLARATION OF WAR. I will not go on with these editorials, which are urging the President and Congress to declare war. Some of them are so vicious as to suggest a lack of the American spirit of justice and fair play. Every man who reads the newspapers knows .the tone and sentiment of these editorials. I will be content with that for the present. But here is something more to the point than a mere ex- pression of opinion. Here is a three-column advertisement in one of the great newspapers, and I understand it has gone into all the great newspapers of the country to influence public sentiment. Under display headlines in large type it reads: To the American people : Germany is at war with the United States. The repudiation of past pledges and the threat to destroy our ships and citizens without warn- ing constituted a virtual declaration of war. Who says this? The President of the United States? The Congress of the United States, which is the only power under the Constitution that can declare war? No! Who is it, then, that makes this bold declaration to the common people of this land that we are now at war with Germany? I have not time to read the whole article, but will insert it in the Record. It continues : It is no longer a question whether there shall be war with Germany. There is war with Germany. This is underscored. Then the declaration continues : The only question is whether our Government shall submit at Ger- many's dictation to the outrages of her submarine warfare, or whether it shall forcibly defend American property. There is no discussion here, mark you, of the right of Ameri- can ships to go through an English blockade, no question of " the freedom of the seas," so far as Great Britain's domination of the seas is concerned. This declaration is a declaration that we are " at war with Germany " ; it implies that we must join the allies to beat Germany. I regret I can not read it all, for several prominent names are attached to this pronunciamento. There are quotations from Charles W. Eliot and Nicholas Mur- ray Butler. Let them go for what they are worth. These men are publicists and are giving information almost daily about the manner in which we should govern ourselves. MINISTERS OF THE GOSPEL WANT AN OUTBREAK. But this advertisement, paid for by somebody, continues : President Wilson and the Congress desire assurances of the coun- try's backing before declaring war. 81044—16995 22 Who says President Wilson and the Congress are seeking as- surances of somebody's backing before they declare war? Let us see : Telegraph the President and your Congressman, pledging to them your loyal support in immediate and vigorous action for the defense of the American rights and American honor, and urging formal recogni- tion of the state of war already existing between Germany and the United States. This remarkable war message is signed by the "American Rights League " and certain individuals. Fortunately those who sign it do not hide themselves under cover of the "American Rights League " ; they attach their names to it ; to this volun- tary, this diabolical declaration of war against a foreign coun- try before the President of the United States or the Congress of the United States have acted upon a matter of such grave importance to the masses of our people. Those whose names are appended to this paper include Dr. Lyman Abbot, of New York, and Rev. Randolph H. McKim, pastor of a church in Washington, two members of the pro- fession which is supposed to teach the doctrine of " Peace on Earth." God save the mark ! If our good Lord and Savior were to come upon this earth to-day and be shown this hasty and bitter demand for war by one of His own ministers, or one profess- ing to be a Christian minister, I question whether the Rev. Randolph McKim would stay in his pulpit in Washington a single hour. [Applause.] FOREIGN INTERFERENCE IN AMERICAN AFFAIRS. I can not go on with this much further ; in 10 minutes I am unable to cover the main subject. I wish to observe, however, that I am neither pro-German, as some of the newspapers have recently insisted, nor am I pro-ally. I am, as this Congress ought to be, pro- American [applause], and nothing else. If it has come to that point where we must forget the history of this Nation, must obliterate the record we have made to attain our present position, or if we are to forget that once we sev- ered the yoke that bound us and must put that yoke again upon our necks, I want to leave these congressional halls forever. I have in my hand a little of the information that this House should have to better understand this situation. I shall refer to it, hoping that somebody upon the other side will introduce a resolution in order that we may get additional information about the influences that are said to be doctoring the newspaper sentiment of the United States in the interest of one of the great belligerents, trying to drag us into war that we may " pull their chestnuts out of the fire." And that I may not be misun- derstood, let me say that I want no dictation from the Kaiser any more than I want it from Lloyd George. I want no dicta- tion from Lord Northcliffe, the head of the great newspaper fraternity of Great Britain, with certain alliances in the United States, any more than I would accept it from Von Hindenberg. [Applause.] Let it be understood that I want to be free as an American Representative — as I assume all of us do — to help rule this country as our country and its people ought to be ruled, free from any domination in the whole world, and free from any mercenaries, whether they be in the pulpit or in the banking house. [Applause.] SI 044— 16993 •23 VISIT OP SIR GILBERT PARKER. Among the numerous letters that have come to me in the last few days. Mr. Speaker, was one inclosing this interesting mes- sage from Sir Gilbert Parker. Sir Gilbert, as you know, is a great writer; he is a novelist and an able editorial director. Sir Gilbert Parker has been shipping volume after volume into the United States to show how friendly Great Britain is with this country and how " blood is thicker than water." The argu- ment has been that we ought to join forces with Great Britain to down Germany and the other nations with which it is in conflict. In this circular Right Hon. Sir Gilbert Parker, who is now in America and has recently visited the Capital, says : "As Sir Gilbert Parker is sailing for America on Saturday, January 13, he will be unable to deal with any correspondence until further notice. He has, however, made arrangements for pamphlets to be sent out during his absence. He begs to thank his many correspondents for their kindness and courtesy during the past two years and a half, and he hopes to have the pleasure of meeting many of them while in the United States. " 20 Carlton House Terrace, London, S. W., England." My friends in Congress, my pro-American friends who still believe in Washington's Farewell Address against entangling alliances, my native American friends who feel that this is a country worth fighting for and worth having and worth holding, I wish to give you a word of caution about every insidious story that is cabled from the other side of the water to pro voke your passions. Able writers are telling you and your con- stituents to get into this struggle, but you want to be sure of your ground — sure that you are not serving some selfish pur- pose of men or nations — before you break up the peace of the United States and plunge us into this bloody controversy. RISK ALREADY ASSUMED BY THE GOVERNMENT. I admit we have a certain responsibility. We have provided in the interest of the great shippers a War-Risk Bureau, which is guaranteeing safe conduct to cargoes; cargoes carrying what? These little children that are so often discussed as being de- stroyed at sea? Are we guaranteeing their safe passage? No; with a $5,000,000 fund from our Treasury we are guaranteeing the safe passage of munitions ships that are sent across the water, not to break a British blockade, not to establish our right to trade with Germany or any neutral country. No; we are doing this to maintain our trade with only some of the belligerents. The maintenance of that trade with a single coun- try is the compelling reason with these warlike editorial writers. We have a fine opportunity for trade in South America, but the seas are not wholly free to us ; our ships have to be O. K'd by one of the great powers before American business can be done. We can not deal with any neutral nation without the consent of one of the great powers which assumes to be " mistress of the seas." But we have this Government war-risk insurance chiefly, I fear, for the sake of those who are commercially interested in the conduct of war, and with the permission and approval of one of the great nations. THE FINANCIAL INTERESTS INVOLVED. And then, again, there is our financial interest. We have taken approximately $2,000,000,000 of bonds of foreign powers. 81044 — 16995 020 914 091 3 24 ur fathers, the :a, the Hall ini Hall in which \ They are scattered amongst our investors, and unless the war is successful, unless some of these editorial writers can convince us that " blood is thicker than water," so that we shall send our boys into this war, the money we have invested in these foreign securities may be lost. Great God! Have we come to this in the United States, here in the Hall of our fathers, the, Hall in which we determined the fate of America, which we have fought out our great battles, the we have resisted foreign aggression, the Hall in which we have dared to stand for our rights from colonial days — has it come to this, that because we are told by a great power or by great newspapers that money is at stake we must go in and fight a foreign war or lose it all? Shall we for this forget our altars and our firesides, and shall all of the hallowed- and patriotic in- spirations of our country stand for naught? [Applause.] Mr. Speaker, I hope some Democrat will introduce a resolu- tion to investigate these charges of pernicious editorial activity to stir up war and bloodshed as they were presented in the Record by the gentleman from Texas [Mr. Callaway]. If that be not done, though the session be short, I shall introduce such a resolution myself, let the chips fall where they may. [Ap- plause.] It is due to honest and patriotic journalism in the United States. ******* REPRINTING THE DECLARATION AND CONSTITUTION. Mr. BARNHART. Mr. Speaker, I submit another privileged resolution, which I send to the Clerk's desk and ask to have read. The Clerk read as follows : House resolution 267. Resolved, That there be printed 1,250 additional copies of the pam- phlet entitled " Soil Survey of Chesterfield County, S. C," for the use of the House document room. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on agreeing to the resolution. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, will the gentle- man yield for a question? Mr. BARNHART. Yes. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I have had it in mind to intro- duce a resolution to provide for the printing of 10,000 copies of the Declaration of Independence in order that some of the people of the United States might reread that document, and also for the printing of 10,000 copies of the Constitution of the United States. Is the gentleman in position to say whether those two propositions would have consideration before his committee? Mr. BARNHART. Oh, yes. All resolutions of that character introduced have consideration before the Committee on Printing, and the gentleman from Pennsylvania, if he will introduce his resolutions and come before the committee, will surely have a favorable hearing and most likely a favorable report. Mr. MOORE of Pennsylvania. I thank the gentleman. I shall introduce the resolution and ask for the reprinting of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States. It may do some good. 81044—16995 B O LIBHAHY vjr o<-> 020 914 091 3