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 DELIVERED ' "^ 
 
 ST. 
 
 IN 
 
 ON THE 
 
 n^cDwiE^iS: (DH^ ^uriLiT^) aiSCD^ 
 
 BEFORE THE COMPANY OF THE PARISH, 
 
 AND AT^JTHEIR REQUEST. 
 
 BY WILLIAM LANCE. 
 
 Imperet bellante prior, jacentem 
 
 Lenis in hostem Horat. Carm. Sac. 
 
 Rarti temporum fplicitate, ubi sentire quae velis, et quae sentias dicere, 
 licet. • •. • • • • • Tacit Hist. lib. 1. c. 1. 
 
 CHARLESTON: 
 
 PRINTED By A. E. MILLER, 120, BROAD^STREET. 
 
 18 20. 
 

 
>3 
 
 ® IB A ^ a ® ^^ 
 
 5Q -^®^— 
 
 FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS! 
 
 I CONGRATULATE you on the recurrence 
 of the season, when Americans are animated 
 by a lively remembrance of the origin of their 
 freedom. I rejoice in celebrating the Fourth of 
 July with you, and our countrymen throughout 
 this happy land, in honor of our fathers. Their 
 patriotism, valor, fortitude and triumph will 
 cease to be commemorated by an annual ex- 
 pression of gratitude, only when their descend- 
 ants in a remote and degenerate age, unmindful 
 of the ancestry whence they sprung, shall be 
 incapable of appreciating the blessings which 
 surround them. It was the proud distinction 
 of these illustrious actors on the stage of the 
 Revolution, to rescue themselves from ignomi- 
 ny — to assert unyieldingly the inalienable rights 
 of mankind — to secure for themselves a conscious 
 dignity through life — to lay up immortality for 
 their memories — to obtain all that is precious 
 and valuable on earth for their posterity. How, 
 almost instinctively, do our imaginations dwell 
 with rapture and devotional admiration on the 
 scene of this dav forty-five years ! Then it 
 
4 
 
 was, that an amalgamation with a foreign gov- 
 ernment was disdained as disgracerul to a peo- 
 ple, numerous and enlightened enough to con- 
 stitute a nation of themselves — a dependefice 
 on a monarchy, humiliating to those whom na- 
 ture destined for a Republic — a submission to 
 the pretensions of British despotism, the most 
 abject vassalage to which this country could be 
 reduced. 
 
 It was at this splendid era, that Washington 
 became identified with greatness, with glorious 
 war, with military genius, with the trophies of 
 liberty, with popular power, and with the inde- 
 pendence of the United States. The fame of 
 this extraordinary man soon extended to the 
 uttermost parts of the globe. Through life he 
 was the wonder of the world, the ornament of 
 his country and the object of its fondest affec- 
 tions. Since his translation to the celestial 
 realms, the very mention of his name excites a 
 reverence with the old, the middle-aged and 
 the young. He was indeed an accomplished 
 general, a most disinterested patriot — first in 
 the field — first in the cabinet — a virtuous and 
 noble-minded hero! 
 
 For a moment, fellow-citizens, picture to 
 yourselves — what would now be your condition, 
 had the spark of '76 never glowed in the bosoms 
 of Americans — had its blaze never illuminated 
 the annals of human nature — A king would be 
 your master. You would bow the supple knee 
 Ijefore Majesty seated on a throne. Born in 
 humble inferiority, you would be subjects to a 
 being, above whom you may be elevated in in- 
 tellect, in virtue, in knowledge. His pleasure 
 
would be the arbiter of your fates — his will the 
 guide of your destinies. To support the gorge- 
 ous pageantry of regal magnificence, your for- 
 tunes would be at the mercy of him, and his 
 insatiate satraps. To fight the battles of his 
 ambition, you might be forced from the Western 
 Continent, and transported to the shores of Asia, 
 Europe and Africa. Wellington would be your 
 Commander in chief — Castelreagh your Prime 
 Minister. Obeisance to the monarch would 
 be the first lesson of youth, and the incentive of 
 public action through life. You would pass, 
 like the crown and sceptre, an inheritance from 
 one generation to another. From a royal father, 
 you would descend, as an estate, to a royal son. 
 Even an infant female, as heiress of the British 
 Empire, might, in the swaddling clothes of the 
 cradle, be the idol of your adoration, and the 
 object of your homage. A single individual, 
 though he might be covered with crimes, and 
 destitute of the feelings of a man, impiously de- 
 riving from Heaven a title to govern, might be 
 the sovereign of the millions who now inhabit 
 this soil. The seat of your government might 
 be a court steeped in corruption, wallowing in 
 intrigue, suspicious from ignorance, jealous from 
 suspicion, vindictive from jealousy, tyrannical 
 from revenge. An established religion with its 
 hierarchy, would enchain the State to the 
 Church, enslaving the conscience, and affording 
 allurements to hypocrisy. The natural auxili- 
 aries of the throne, an haughty aristocracy, 
 would rank you as far beneath them in the order 
 of creation, as they esteem the reigning dynasty 
 above them. A Parliament, in which your voice 
 
would be as unknown and unheard as that of 
 the natives of India — uniiiterested in your fate — 
 without knowledge of jour interests — would im- 
 pose tributes on your fjossessions and exact obe- 
 dience to their statutes. A spacious ocean 
 would roll between these shores and the resi- 
 dence of the authorities claiming sway over 
 them. The people would look to the winds and 
 waves to bring them the mandates of their liege 
 lord — as the merchant watches anxiously for 
 the arrival of his cargoes. You would be an- 
 nexed as an appendage, to what is but a spot 
 on the globe. Without a separate existence or 
 a national name, this Continent would contri- 
 bute to the prosperity of an Island, in an oppo- 
 site quarter of the universe. The greater would 
 yield implicitly to the lesser. The physical 
 laws would be inverted. What should be the 
 circumference would be the centre of the sys- 
 tem. The orb round which the planets should 
 revolve would become a satellite. We should 
 forget that " there is one glory of the sun, and 
 another glory of the moon, and another glory of 
 the stars." 
 
 Such, my countrymen, would be the govern- 
 ment under which you would now live — such 
 the evils to which you must be exposed — 
 and such the monstrous violation of the laws of 
 consistency — 
 
 " Who's here so base, that would be a bondman ? 
 " If any, speak — for him have I oflFended." 
 
 With this state of colonial servitude, contrast 
 your present attitude. Look on your internal 
 situation, and your high consequence among 
 nations. The people here have all power. They 
 
are their own sovereign. There is but one 
 class — themselves. Ail are on an equality. — 
 There is no distinction of patricians and plebei- 
 ans — of nobility and commonalty. The rich 
 man and the poor man, have but the same 
 rights. They are friends in the common parti- 
 cipation of the same public good. We have no 
 governors or legislators from birth — no pedigrees 
 to be traced — to ascertain the rightful claim of 
 any one to govern, or of any families to make 
 laws for us. Our Republican Commonwealth 
 has no intricacy, or mystery in its operations. 
 It is as simple as the management of a domestic 
 circle. It is but an infinite division of labour 
 among its members. All the Councils of the 
 nation, are composed of the people at large, 
 attending by their Representatives. We levy 
 taxes — but we ourselves impose them — and for 
 ourselves. Every citizen cheerfully bears a 
 share of the public expense, proportionate to his 
 means. Here are no governmental trappings — 
 no tawdry regalia — no ostentatious insignia — no 
 glitter of royal aggrandizement, or aristocratic 
 insolence to be maintained, for the oppression 
 of those who pay for them. While the great 
 mass of their inhabitants, are groaning under 
 the weight and pressure of the treasury in mo- 
 narchies; the frugality of our government, ne- 
 cessarily and intimately interwoven with its 
 Constitution, requires at the hands of its citi- 
 zens, an almost imperceptible portion of their 
 annual gains. Our light tributes are not felt by the 
 poorest. The tears of our yeomanry do not flow, 
 at the sight of the tax-gatherer. Joy brightens 
 their countenance, that they are giving a little 
 
8 
 
 to secure a thousand fold — the feHcity of self- 
 government. Liberty scatters its sweets with a 
 lavish and impartial hand throughout our wide- 
 ly extended regions. The absolute supremacy 
 of the people is no longer a topic of discussion, 
 or a matter of doubt. We are as certain of its 
 influence, as that divine intelligence sustains 
 the creation. No speculation of the philanthro- 
 pist can here be ideal. His dearest hopes are 
 realized. What the bigotry of narrow-minded 
 prejudice denominated the dreams of frantic 
 fantasy, our happy experience proves the most 
 practical truths. What a slavish attachment to 
 other forms of government, would ridicule as 
 the visions of theoretical philosophers, we know 
 and feel to be the only safe and pure principles 
 of political institutions. When I reflect, my 
 friends, on the happiness which has poured in 
 upon this country, after the entire demolition of 
 the system introduced with its settlement, I 
 cannot refrain from acknowledging the services 
 of one (who is now no more) because his me- 
 mory seems neglected, if not consigned to obli- 
 vion. Among the prominent and active leaders 
 in the memorable struggle, to a retrospective 
 view, of which we consecrate this day, was the 
 author of " Cominon Sense.'^'' — His writings were 
 characterized by a display of brilliant talents, 
 ardent zeal, exquisite wit, and popular elo- 
 quence. His industry was incessant in the great 
 cause, in which his compatriots were embark- 
 ed— 
 
 " You all did love him once — not without cnuse ! 
 
 " What cause withholds you then to mourn for him ?" 
 
 The genius whence emanated the Declaration 
 
of Independence, bears testimony to the value 
 of his merits. If his sloiit heart gave way to- 
 wards (he latter part of his terrestrial career, 
 amidst the vicissitudes of fortune, we can la- 
 ment the occurrence, but we are not freed from 
 a remembrance of his services. If he fell into 
 errors, offensive to piety, let those who indulge 
 in the bitterness of censure, recollect that it is 
 not for mortals to revenge the wrongs of heaven, 
 " Deorum, injurias Diis Curce}'' — The infidel and 
 the hypocrite who were enemies to Liberty, 
 dreading the force of his attack on monarchical 
 rule, and his detection of despotism in what- 
 ever disguise it might appear, assumed the garb 
 of religion, as conferring a privilege to scanda- 
 lize his motives, to depreciate his acquirements, 
 to underrate his abilities — even to deny his use- 
 fulness to his country. 
 
 If under the consciousness, fellow-citizens, of 
 their equal rights, the American people are in 
 contentment, and tranquillity among them- 
 selves — see what is their station in relation to 
 the rest of the world. This Republic is the 
 only depositary of the liberties, to which man- 
 kind are entitled. Like the ark which floated on 
 " the face of the waters," and preserved from 
 destruction a favorite family of heaven, our 
 free government is lifted up above all others — 
 and saves its citizens from the general deluge 
 of monarchy. On our example, as their polar- 
 star, are steadily fixed the eyes of all who are 
 planning their emancipation. It is in vain for 
 the supporters of royalty, to pretend that our 
 success has not commanded the attentive re- 
 gard of the magnanimous of all nations. None 
 
10 
 
 but slaves, from preference, are blind lo the 
 beauties of our situalion, Find insensible to the 
 charms of our equality. The valiant defenders 
 of human rights, look to this country as the 
 finished model for their imitation. They do 
 not envy us, their ambition is to follow our steps. 
 The ancient kingdom and odious tyranny of the 
 Bourbons, were annihilated by the resentment 
 of a people, whose chivalry lighted the torch 
 of Liberty at the fires kindled on our altars. — 
 The French Republic singly, in its individual 
 strength, infused terror and " scattered wild dis- 
 may" among the monarchies, combined to 
 crush it in its infancy. If the reverses of fortune 
 have re-established a throne, and restored a fee- 
 ble aad effete race, it is only for a short time. 
 The gallantry — the energies — the independence 
 which drove them into exile — where they re- 
 mained twenty years on the charity of the na- 
 tural enemies of France, which again banished 
 them from their native land, where they had 
 been escorted by foreign armies, will a third 
 time expel there wretched usurpers of popular 
 sovereignty. 
 
 A nation like this will never brook the humi- 
 liation, of rulers imposed on them by strangers. 
 Their patience is not allegiance. Their endur- 
 ance of loyalty is no pledge of its continuance. 
 They succumb to the exigency of the times, as 
 the Roman Consuls at the Caudine Forks, when 
 the Senate, inflamed with indignation, that the 
 soldiers of the Republic should pass under the 
 yoke, scouted the terms which had been extort- 
 ed from necessity. — In the progressive march 
 of freedom, behold the destruction of that tre- 
 
11 
 
 inendous engine of cold-blooded despotism — ^of 
 ferocious hypocrisy — of gloomy fanaticism — the" 
 Inquisition. Co-eva! with the discovery of 
 America, it had for more than three centuries — 
 and even in civilized times, been the reproach 
 of Christianity, and the scandal of the human 
 species. The Spanish monarchy bereft of this 
 support of ecclesiastical grandeur, is tottering 
 on its basis, and will crumble into ruins. The 
 Corles which the tyranny of Cardinal Ximenes 
 had so long abolished, are resuscitated, and will 
 maintain the prerogatives of the people. There 
 is a striking, though not a perfect resemblance 
 between the elforts of our bretliren of South- 
 America, and the resistance made by the United 
 States against Great Britain. How do we sym- 
 pathize with their fortunes — and are anxious for 
 their deliverance from European bondage, and 
 their success against the dark conspiracy, which 
 would extirpate their most common rights ! — 
 When these independent warriors shall have 
 accomplished the great work they have com- 
 menced, let us hope that they will be Ameri- 
 cans like ourselves — that they will suffer no fea- 
 ture of aristocracy, to disfigure the frame of 
 their political constitution — that its basis may 
 be the people — its superstructure the impregna- 
 ble citadel of their liberties. 
 
 See also, my friends, what a spirit of manly 
 innovation, so often the precursor of Revolu- 
 tionary change, has pervaded over England and 
 Scotland. If the diadem, and the mitre, and 
 the coronet, are not yet falling from the tem- 
 ples they have graced, still the open array 
 against the government, has terrified those who 
 
12 
 
 wield the destinies of the empire. Dangers en- 
 compass them on every side. The power which 
 has been abused to (he annoyance and oppres- 
 sion of the people, and the the sacrifice of their 
 rights, ihey will abbreviate, if not resume. They 
 may soon rival the enthusiastic love of Liberty, 
 which predominates in the generous breasts of 
 their neighbours in the Emerald Isle. Let 
 Ireland but be their pattern, and never will they 
 crouch to the instrumentsof despotic power! 
 
 My countrymen, in the occupation of such 
 an exalted rank among nations, and with such 
 an universal diffusion of enjoyments at home, it 
 is not ostentatious in Americans, while they 
 graiefnlly honor the manes of the patriots who 
 founded their Independence, to indulgence in 
 an exultation of self-applause. Can it be arro^ 
 gance for the present age, to compare their 
 achievements with the deeds of their Revolu- 
 tionary Ancestors ? Is it " out-stepping; tl^e mo- 
 desty of nature," to proclaim how spotless and 
 untarnished we have kept the palladium hand- 
 ed down to us, by the bravery and valorous ex- 
 ploits of the Congress, the Army, the Navy, and 
 the whole Nation, who encountered the perils 
 of rebellion, had heaven been unpropitious to 
 their cause ? If the lustre of kingly domination 
 was eclipsed by the brightness of the light, 
 which shone at that almost romantic period 
 of history — if the holy flames of freedom con- 
 sumed every vestige of the fabric created by 
 arbritrary rule in our land — if the invincible 
 prowess of a race resolved to be freemen, broke 
 the charm of loyalty, overthrew their gigantic 
 foe, and tore up by the roots every scion of his 
 
13 
 
 policy and government, which had been plant- 
 ed, or had grown in this hemisphere ; if these 
 grand enterpiizes were undertaken, and the 
 most unrivalled success encircled the brows of 
 their authors, with never fading wreaths of re- 
 nown, ought it not to be our boast, that the war 
 waged by the Republican Administration of 
 1812, proved to the world, that the blood of our 
 ancestors runs with undiluted richness in our 
 veins ? 
 
 Loud were the complaints of the repeated in- 
 juries inflicted by Great Britain. Our Com- 
 merce was the familiar sul^ject of her spoilation. 
 Her ministerial effrontery even attempted its 
 regulation. Our noble tars were captured on 
 the ocean — ini|)ressed mto the service of their 
 fathers' oppressors in sight of their native shores. 
 A secret missionary was employed to poison the 
 fountains of our compact, by the seeds of dis- 
 sention. While hostile ships were hovering with 
 stealthy watchfulness along our coast, the sa- 
 vage allies of insidious enmity were instigated 
 to embody on our frontiers — to prepare the to- 
 mahawk and the scalping-knife for a murderous 
 and merciless havock. Then it was that our 
 distinguish statesman Mr. Madison, actuated 
 by a cheerful courage, responded to the national 
 call, to avenge the insults and wrongs which 
 were heaped on us. His transcendant talents, 
 eminent services, fervid patriotism, and political 
 sagacity, had been rewarded by the Chief- 
 Magistracy of the Republic. He became the 
 successor in the first office in the world, of the 
 luminary of science, the ornament of literature 
 and philosophy — the liberal advocate of the 
 
14 
 
 just and equal rights of mankind — the delight 
 of hid country — the profound politician — our 
 venerable Jefferson. Thej were faithful cen- 
 tinels from the battlements of our Constitution, 
 over the rights of the people — and watched with 
 an intense and unwinking vigilance the move- 
 ments of Great Britain towards the United 
 States. They had distinctly perceived her jea- 
 lousy of our rapid growth and unexampled pros- 
 perity, and a lurking resentment — that she was 
 vanquished in the conflict of the Revolution. — 
 The crisis had arrived. The President thought 
 it time to draw the sword ; and with the elo- 
 quence and splendor of genius, for which he 
 was celebrated from his entrance into public 
 life — described the feelings of hostility manifest- 
 ed against us, and our patient adherence to a 
 pacific attitude, best suited to the elements of 
 a republic. " We behold, (said he) in fine, on 
 the side of Great-Britain, a state of war against 
 the United States — and, on the side of the Unit- 
 ed States, a state of peace towards Great-Bri- 
 tain." With his sentiments, corresponded the 
 tone and the lofty spirit of Congress, and the 
 American Republic buckled on its armour to 
 meet again in battle the adversary which once 
 already it hadovercome, and mortified. We do all 
 remember the enthusiasm of the times. I look 
 back with emotions of pride and complacency to 
 an epoch so glorious to Republicans. Every man 
 whose voice was for such a war, will feel a con- 
 solation through life, and in old age will delight 
 to tell his sons and his grandsons of the righte- 
 ous cause in which his country was engaged. 
 He will have earned a right to exact of them a 
 
15 
 
 promise to be jealous protectors of their liber- 
 ties. He may exultingly say, in my time, my 
 children, the people would suffer no encroach- 
 ments on their rights — no stain on their national 
 character. Keep constantly in your thoughts, 
 the triumphant glories of your ancestors of the 
 Revolution, and of the second war against Bri- 
 tain. Study to preserve unimpaired the inhe- 
 ritanee you have derived from their heroism — 
 and the Republic is safe in your hands. i 
 
 Fellow-C/'itizens, when those wljo come after 
 us, reflect on the causes and the events of our 
 late appeal to arms, they will be incredulous of 
 the opposition which should have arraigned the 
 wisdom and justice of such an underlakit)g — 
 and the necessity of such a resort. Yet not only 
 was this war denounced as iniquitous and un- 
 necessary, but it was avowed by imbecile and 
 timid men disgracing the fair name of Ameri- 
 cans — that the United Stales could not contend 
 with Great-Britain. They deemed her omni- 
 potent on the ocean, and irresistible on the land. 
 Their apprehensions saw our navy her's by an 
 easy capture. These weak politicians, fright- 
 ened their fancies with the prospect of being 
 conquered in an invasion of the foe. The ap- 
 parition, conjured up by their fears, drove from 
 their minds all recollection of the victories gain- 
 ed over the identical power they so alarmingly 
 dreaded to encounter. Shamefully ignorant of 
 the resources of America, having yet to learn 
 that a democratic government of which every 
 citizen is a part, and feels its concerns his own, 
 is the strongest and most formidable on the of- 
 fensive or the defensive — that the zenith of as:- 
 
 a: 
 
16 
 
 grandizement of Rome, Greece, France, even 
 of England, was durins: the purity of their com- 
 monwealths, they could form no adequate con- 
 ception of our warlike faculties. 
 
 There were ofhers who predicted as a conse- 
 quence of hostilities, the downfall of the nation, 
 in the dismemberment of the union. It was 
 their favorite and fashionable tenet — that the 
 Constitution would not survive the war. Whe- 
 ther this propensity to divination was inspired 
 by their wishes or their fears, or whether it 
 was a stratagem to induce an abandonment by 
 the administration of the high grounds ihey had 
 maintained ; certain it is, that the Brilish minis- 
 try looked with an earnest and credulous faith, 
 to the fulfilment of the prophecy. But they 
 looked in vain. They soon discovered that 
 restless and turbulent demagogues had but left 
 an indelible stigma on themselves, and were a 
 false medium through which to estimate the 
 patriotism of America. 
 
 You cannot but call to mind, my friends, the 
 abhorrence — the detestation — the contempt — 
 in which was held that notorious assemblage — 
 " The Hartford Convention.'''' When the Re- 
 public is in distress, and difficulties may thicken 
 around her; when the resplendence of her pros- 
 perity is overcast by a passing cloud, then is the 
 time for the true hearted American, to stretch 
 every nerve — to rally all his energies. None 
 but the pusillanimous from despair, the disap- 
 pointed in ambition, or the factious from trea- 
 chery, would select such a cricis for such a 
 council. If they expected by distracting the 
 efforts of the administration and the people, to 
 
17 
 
 hasten a peace, however degrading, mean and 
 pitiful, must have been their feeHngs, when 
 a " war which makes ambition virtue," was 
 terminated in briUiant victories both on the ocean 
 and on the land — and on terms which raised 
 the United States to the highest and most hon- 
 orable pinnacle of fame. If Treason presided 
 over their deliberations, how she must have 
 hung down her head in shame — that her schemes 
 were baffled, and her designs exposed ! 
 
 From this disgusting spectacle, my country- 
 men, let us turn to a most refreshing prospect — 
 the plains of Louisiana. With what ecstacy can 
 we recite the prodigies of valor performed by 
 our army ! The fictions of knight-errantry and 
 the wild adventures of chivalry, do not more 
 captivate the fancy and dazzle the vision of the 
 mind, that the realities of New-Orleans. Here 
 our state pride, as well as our national feelings 
 can be indulged. Jackson is a Carolinian. His 
 name is inseparably allied with a most signal 
 and eventful achievement in the chronicles of 
 modern warfare. In him are united the excel- 
 lencies of a first rate genius for war. He has 
 the decision — the fearless bravery — the rapidity 
 in movement of Caesar, the hardihood of Han- 
 nibal, the unceasing industry and the modes- 
 ty of Agricola, the sublimity of conception — the 
 boldness in attack — the magical faculties of ex- 
 ecution of Buonaparte. A kind of original in- 
 fluence in his character seems to fascinate his 
 soldiers, who flock with glee to his standard. 
 
 By this hero was humbled in the dust the 
 haughtiness of an imperious foe. Their im- 
 mense force, collected from their choicest ve- 
 S 
 
18 
 
 terans, and vaunted by the ministers of his Bri- 
 tannic Majesty to be overwhelming — was dis- 
 comfited in action, and prostrated by total 
 defeat. The few miserable survivors sought 
 safety in flight. The Conquerors of Buonaparte 
 and the imperial army, who were shortly 
 afterwards the victors of Waterloo, found their 
 laurels wither in our atmosphere, and fade 
 before the hardy sons of Columbia. The " well 
 foughten fields" of the Mississippi were en- 
 sanguined only by the blood of their invaders. 
 Its majestic waters rolling in a crimsoned cur- 
 rent to the ocean, told Neptune that as he had 
 transferred the trident from the self-styled mis- 
 tress of his domain to America, so Minerva had 
 unfurled the star-spangled banner — Mars had 
 hovered over our tents, and Bellona had ming- 
 led in our battles. 
 
 In no campaign was there ever a display of 
 superior generalship. The attack made by our 
 commander on the night of the 23d December, 
 dismayed the advancing enemy. Their sur- 
 prize and panic magnified the number of his 
 forces, as yet weak and unorganized. When 
 he had gained the brilliant victory of the 8th of 
 January, his penetrating judgment and prudent 
 self-command knew how to keep it. He .• ould 
 not pursue the retreating foe. He would have 
 erected for them a golden bridge. 
 
 To this great man was afterwards entrusted 
 the conduct of the Seminole war. Gratitude, 
 my friends, weeps that Justice did not interpose 
 her legis against the shafts of calumny, levelled 
 at his reputation. For his honorable acquit- 
 al, he need not point to New-Orleans. The 
 
19 
 
 records of his authority, " are enrolled in the 
 Capitol." 
 
 As we have triumphed in war, my country- 
 men,so we have triumphed in peace. TheRepub- 
 Hcan Constitution flourishes in vigour, in health, 
 and I dare hope, "in immortal youth." Experi- 
 ence finds it strong enough for offensive contests. 
 It ought to be a sufficient shield against infringe- 
 ments of the rights of sovereignty, reserved to the 
 States — and the liberties of the American people. 
 It withstood the earthquake of the Missouri 
 question, which shook it to its centre, it wea- 
 thered the tempest which raged with fury around 
 it. From its hemisphere, has disappeared the 
 comet, which " from its horrid hair shakes pes- 
 tilence and war" — and portends direful calami- 
 ties to nations. — This direct attempt to invade 
 the sacred rights of property, under the specious 
 mask of supporting the cause of freedom — was 
 but a desperate effort of impatient ambition, to 
 gain the ascendant of the administration — to 
 effect a lodgement on the heights and ramparts 
 of power. If the restriction had been imposed, 
 and the government should pass from our hands, 
 what security would the Southern States have 
 for the abundant source of their wealth, against 
 the disposition which has been unveiled to 
 cramp it? Would not the planter, whose estate 
 had descended to him from his ancestors — or 
 who had invested in the favourite pursuit of man, 
 the fruits of his honest labours, collected in a 
 different avocation, feel his industry paralized, 
 under the belief that he " stands in jeopardy 
 every hour r" Such a possible state, should keep 
 our vigilance perpetually awake. Our political 
 
20 
 
 guards should be strengthened. Our centinelg 
 on their out-posts, should be prompt to give the 
 alarm. If they slumber for a moment, the ene- 
 my may enter the camp. We may then trem- 
 ble for our fortunes, if not for our lives. We 
 must not be lulled into safety, by the calm 
 which has followed the disconcertion of this 
 deep-laid scheme. It may only precede ano- 
 ther storm. The condition which would en- 
 trammel Missouri, may be revived in another 
 shape: and if Florida becomes a component 
 part of the Republic, we may expect the same 
 endeavour to qualify her annexation to the 
 union. Whatever, my friends, may be the con- 
 stitutional right of Congress, to agitate these 
 discussions (and it appears extremely questiona- 
 ble) it is sure, that the safety of the people is 
 paramount to the Constitution, invented but as 
 their additional safe-guard, — that their estates 
 were previous to this political charter, — that it 
 recognizes a particular class of our population,, 
 and even provides for their representation. It 
 is with pleasure, that I here pay a just tribute to 
 the firmness and wisdom on this momentous 
 occasion, of our Senators, Mr. Gaillard and Mr. 
 Smith, and your Representative, Mr. Lowndes.* 
 They deserve well of the whole nation — they 
 merit the perfect confidence — and have gained 
 the applause and lasting gratitude of Carolina. 
 They are able statesmen — zealous patriots — im- 
 moveable in the repubhcan independence of 
 their opinions — unshaken in their attachment to 
 the people. 
 
 * Mr. Lowndes, on this day honored the St. Andrew's Company 
 with his presence. 
 
21 
 
 Subjects like these, which involve the deep 
 interests of particular sections of the country, 
 and rouse the passions of all — make us feel- 
 ingly alive to the vital importance of preserv- 
 ing our elective franchise in purity, free from 
 arbritrary limitation, and from any unhallowed 
 touch. It is the grand and only solid founda- 
 tion on which our government rests. The more 
 universal this privilege, the more is the govern- 
 ment what it was inlended to be — Republican. 
 The close connexion of the people with their 
 Representatives, and the responsibility of all pub- 
 lic servants to the tribunal of general opinion, can 
 alone retain the constitution in the orbit it ought 
 to move. Any capricious restriction of the right 
 of suffrage, is a (Je()arture from our first princi- 
 ples. It is a strange anomaly when they on whom 
 the people bestow the marks of their honor, 
 should desire to abridge them in the exercise of 
 this right. By what process of reasoning — but 
 that which persuaded a British Parliament 
 elected for three years, to prolong their term of 
 office to seven, are legislators in this free coun- 
 try to harbour a mistrust of their constituents ? 
 In all our elections, our attention should be 
 equally directed to the intrinsic merit and cor- 
 rect sentiments of the candidates. No artificial 
 influence, much less the influence of office — 
 should venture to control the free choice of 
 the people. The President of the United 
 States as the representative of every citizen, 
 ought to be known to every citizen by his 
 talents — his important services — his moral worth, 
 and his inflexible integrity in politics. As he is 
 called to the highest and most honorable post 
 
22 
 
 in the gift of the nation, it should be his pride 
 to administer the government on the principles 
 which advance him, to discountenance the 
 shghtest interference of these around him in the 
 elections, and to have a statesman to succeed 
 him, nominated not by himself, but promoted 
 to the summit of honor, by the spontaneous ac- 
 clamations of millions of freemen. 
 
 That the chief magistrate might not be em- 
 barrassed by the rivalries or jealousies, possible 
 among heads of departments, who maybe more 
 intent on their personal aggrandizement, than 
 studious of the national good — that the people 
 may think for themselves at an election ; and, 
 that the incumbent in office might not point to 
 his successor — it might be worthy of considera- 
 tion, whether the ineligibility of a cabinet mi- 
 nister to the Presidency, would conduce to ob- 
 jects so desirable. 
 
 To multiply checks on those in power, is the 
 wise and prevailing principle in the Constitu- 
 tion. This political colossus is indeed a mighty 
 work ; but it was raised by human hands, and 
 perfection cannot be its attribute. Its provisions 
 should be extended to meet the discoveries of 
 time. Remedies should keep pace with its 
 defects as they appear. Jealousy, if not too 
 suspicious, is a wholesome virtue in a Republic. 
 It is from this watchful solicitude that parties 
 arise. They are in unison with freedom — and 
 its inseparable preservatives. Not to flatter 
 those in power, and to suffer no invasion of right, 
 are the golden maxims of the independent. — 
 Viewed in this light — were the extinction of 
 party-spirit attainable, — it could scarcely be 
 
23 
 
 hoped for. But, to expect uniformity of send- 
 ments in politics, is a chimcera ; and an effort to 
 govern entirely without party is little less so. — 
 The wisest statesmen have abandoned ihc pro- 
 ject of acting with eiFiciency, where there is no 
 concert of views — no co-incidence of opinions — 
 no similarity of education — no identity of inter- 
 ests — no particular direction of minds to the 
 same favorite political objects ; where, in 
 short, there is a wide and irreconcileable dif- 
 ference, as to the fundamental principles, on 
 which a government is to be conducted. To 
 declare there is no party, is an art of aim- 
 ing at power, resorted to by those who are out 
 of it. While they make this profession they 
 would displace the most meritorious, and the 
 best qualified from the stations they occupy. — 
 Both in and out of office, in disclaiming party 
 views, they are actuated by no other. We must 
 not confound the non-existence of this influence, 
 with the want of opportunity to display itself. 
 During the war, you saw it at its height. Its 
 ebullitions were poured forth in the last session 
 of Congress. As it is politic for a minority to 
 pretend there is no party — so it is suspicious, 
 when they who have been placed in power un- 
 der its feelings — afterwards deny its existence. 
 They would appear to have encouraged its ex- 
 citement, as the ladder by which their ambition 
 was to climb, and then to cast it aside. Such a 
 deceitful artifice practised to suit their conveni- 
 ence, soon loses the esteem and withdraws the 
 confidence of the nation. Those who betray 
 their political friends for one reward, might per 
 haps sacrifice their country for another. 
 
24 
 
 But even if the effervescence of former dif- 
 ferences may have subsided, and the fever of 
 political passions abated — would you repose no 
 greater confidence in the tried faithfulness and 
 wisdom of Jefferson and Madison, than in the 
 members and partizans of " the Hartford Conven- 
 tion'''? Could you be stoically neutral between 
 principles which arrayed the Republic in glory, 
 and those which would have suppressed as im- 
 moral our rejoicings for its victories ? Shall the 
 Republicans voluntarily abdicate their power, 
 and in a fit of eccentric magnanimity surrender 
 it to their opponents ? Shall the reins be taken 
 from hands which have so well managed them ? 
 Phoebus soon repented that he had yielded to 
 the importunity of Phaeton, whose unskilfulness 
 set the world on fire, dashed the chariot of the 
 sun in pieces, and precipitated him headlong 
 from the skies. 
 
 Soldiers and Citizens of St. Andrews' ! — 
 As no nation on the globe can rival America in 
 her glories, as no state has a sincerer affection 
 for the Republic, and stands more exalted in 
 the union, than Carolina, so no part of our state 
 deserves better of her than St. Andrews'. Your 
 fidelity and zeal in the common cause, are like 
 the fervent devotion of the Saint whose name 
 you bear, to the holy author of our religion. — 
 Your parish like the sacred temple in which we 
 are assembled, is venerable for its antiquity. In 
 the early settlement of our state, a site had been 
 chosen in its precincts for a city, which might 
 now have been the metropolis of Carolina. In 
 the cemetery of this shrine, consecrated to the 
 worship of God, are the memorials of the ruth- 
 
25 
 
 less ferocity of the Revolutionary foe. The 
 sepulchres you see around you, now mouldering 
 into ruin, in which the bones of your ancient 
 inhabitants lay entombed, were sacrilegiously 
 forced by the hands of hostile violence. — Ava- 
 rice " burst their cerements," in search of hid- 
 den treasures. 
 
 I feel, my friends, for this Parish, the attach- 
 ment which is connected with earliest impres- 
 sions. These we know can never be effaced. 
 My childhood was passed here. To be again 
 numbered among you, will be one of the most 
 heart-felt incidents of my life. 
 
 Americans ! On no anniversary of our coun- 
 try's birth-day, can we have more and greater 
 blessings for which to return thanks to the Al- 
 mighty disposer of events. We are in peaceful 
 quiet with all tho world. Harmony and con- 
 cord, and brotherly love, reign throughout our 
 boundless regions. We enjoy a felicity, to which 
 the people of other countries are utter strangers. 
 The name of an American is the richest prize 
 which can be gained. It is the badge of dis- 
 tinction in every clime, the safest and most ho- 
 nourable passport through nations refined and 
 uncivilized. The Constitution of our govern- 
 ment — the Union and Independence of the 
 States — the liberties of our citizens, through 
 countless perils and vicissitudes remain unhurt. 
 In its forty-fifth year, the Republic is as invio- 
 late and pure, as on the day it was created. 
 The most sanguine hopes of its warmest friends, 
 have been gratified — Enthusiasts in their affec- 
 tion for it, exult over the disappointed hate of 
 
26 
 
 tyrants, and willing slaves, who like Satan, ma- 
 lignantly envied the bliss and harmless inno- 
 cence of Paradise. No uncongenial thought, 
 my friends, can obtrude on the festivities of 
 this day. Our rejoicings springing from the soul, 
 are as acceptable to heaven as the sweet savour 
 which ascended from the burnt offerings of sa- 
 crifice. — Our conscious bravery and patriotic 
 exertions entitle us to assure mankind, that 
 should foreign aggressions again assail our na- 
 tional rights, should the foes of Liberty dare 
 attempt to enter her asylum or to pollute her 
 sanctuary, the generation which so manfully, 
 discharged their duty to their fathers, to them- 
 selyes and to posterity, will ajgain, at the sound 
 of thie clarion, hasten from their ploughs to the 
 banners of their country, and, drawing the 
 sword of vengeance, with flip mighty arms of 
 valorous freemen, smite the insolent intruders, 
 and drive them in disgrace from our shores. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
H 33 89 
 

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