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AN ACCOUNT 
 
 DISCOVERIES IN THE WEST UNTIL 1519, 
 
 VOYAGE S 
 
 TO AND ALONG THE 
 
 ATLANTIC COAST OF NORTH AMERICA, 
 
 FROM 1520 TO 15 73. 
 
 PREPAREDFOR 
 
 " The Virginia Historical and Philosophical Society." 
 BY CONWAY ROBINSON, 
 
 Chairman of its Executive Committee, 
 
 AND PUEH3HED BT THE SOCIETY. 
 
 RICHMOND: 
 
 PRINTED BT SHEPHERD AND COLIN. 
 
 1848. 
 
Entered according to Act of Congress, on the sixteenth day of 
 August, in the year eighteen hundred and forty-eight, by William 
 Maxwell, Secretary of " The Virginia Historical and Philosophical 
 Society," on behalf of the said Society, in the Clerk's Office of the 
 District Court of the Eastern District of Virginia. 
 
3 ^ C> 
 
 3/ 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 On the 29th of December 1831, some of the citi- 
 zens of Virginia formed themselves into a society by 
 the name of " The Virginia Historical and Philoso- 
 phical Society." The general assembly of the state, 
 by an act of the 10th of March 1834,* incorporated 
 the society, and by a resolution of the 6th of Febru- 
 ary 1 835, directed to be presented to it, a copy of the 
 large map of Virginia, and such books and papers be- 
 longing to the library fund as the joint committee on 
 the library might designate.! 
 
 A leading object of the society was to collect and 
 preserve books and papers, both in print and manu- 
 script, relating to the history of America, and espe- 
 cially of Virginia ; — to make its library a repository 
 of every thing of the kind as far as practicable. It 
 was also contemplated to publish from time to time, 
 the most valuable of its collections, so as to dissemi- 
 nate information of the matter thus acquired, and 
 
 * Sess. Acts 1833-4, p. 253, ch. 201. j Sess. Acts 1834-5, p. 254. 
 
IV PREFACE. 
 
 have the security against destruction or loss which a 
 multiphcation of copies, by printing, would afford. 
 Accordingly, as early as 1833, the society published, 
 in a pamphlet of 85 pages, some of the manuscripts 
 collected by it. 
 
 Its operations were suspended from the 20th of 
 February 1838 until the 18th of February 1847. 
 Then through the efforts of a few gentlemen, promi- 
 nent among whom was William Maxwell, Esquire, 
 the society was re-organized. Its first annual meet- 
 ing, under its new organization, was held on the 16th 
 of January 1848. On this occasion an appropriate 
 address was delivered by the president, William C. 
 Rives, Esquire ; and a report was made by the exe- 
 cutive committee. 
 
 A part of " the plan of the committee," set forth in this 
 report, "is to publish in chronological order, whatever matter 
 relating to our history, it may deem worthy of publication. 
 In preparing the matter for the press," the committee say. 
 " a careful examination will be made, not only of Smith, 
 Beverley, Stith, Burk, and other books with which a Vir- 
 ginian is familiar, but of other works, hitherto not accessi- 
 ble in this state. What is taken from each will be given 
 in the language of the original author. It will be a lead- 
 ing object to prepare the matter with such fullness, that in 
 each volume published by the society, may be found all 
 that is of value in the period of our history, embraced by 
 it. While, at the same time, it will be attempted to make 
 
PREFACE. V 
 
 the volumes less repulsive to the general reader, than col- 
 lections of historical societies usually are. The plan of 
 preparing the matter in the order of time, will conduce to 
 this, and entitle the volumes to the name which will be 
 given them of 'Annals of Virginia.' " 
 
 Before publishing those annals, it has been thought 
 best that there should be a preliminary volume giving 
 an account of the discoveries in this western hemis- 
 phere until the invasion of Mexico in 1519; and of 
 the voyages to and along the Atlantic coast of North 
 America down to 1573. The chairman of the exe- 
 cutive committee, from whom this account was de- 
 sired, had, otherwise, ample occupation for all his time. 
 To execute in a manner satisfactory to himself, the 
 important work entrusted to him and his able coadju- 
 tor by the general assembly, namely, the revision of 
 the general statutes of Virginia, he had found himself 
 under the necessity, during its progress, of diminish- 
 ing considerably his professional business. For him, 
 at such a time, to compile what the committee wish- 
 ed, was, to say the least, extremely inconvenient. He 
 saw no way in which it could be done, except by his 
 taking for it, in lieu of other relaxation, a part of 
 each night for several months. In this way he has 
 accomphshed the volume ; it goes from him now to 
 the members of the society, prepared as well as his 
 other engagements would permit. 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 A good deal of matter not generally known, will, 
 it is thought, be found in it. Nearly all the accounts 
 which it contains, of voyages to Florida, and some of 
 the other accounts, have been translated from "Voy- 
 ages, relations et memoires originaux pour servir a 
 Phistoire de la decouverte de L'Amerique, publies 
 pour la premiere fois en Fran9ais, par H. Ternaux." 
 From 1837 to 1841, twenty volumes were published 
 in Ternaux's Collection, all of which have been exa- 
 mined in the preparation of this volume, so far as 
 their connection with the subject made it proper. 
 
 Richmond, August 1848. 
 
 * 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 OF DISCOVERIES IN THE WEST UNTIL 1519. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Of the alleged discovery of America by the Northmen in the 
 eleventh, by the Welch in the twelfth, and by Nicholas and An- 
 tonio Zeno in the fourteenth century. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Of Christopher Columbus ; his plan for reaching India by a route 
 to the west ; the fate of his applications to the Court of Por- 
 tugal from 1470 to 1484, and afterwards to the Court of Spain 
 till 1492; a squadron then fitted out. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Of the first voyage of Columbus to the west; his departure on 
 the 3d of August 1492 ; discovery of land in the West Indias 
 on the 12th of October in that year; and return to Spain in 
 March 1493. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Of the second voyage of Columbus ; discovery of other isles in 
 1493 and 1494 ; settlement at La Navidad destroyed and City 
 of Isabella built. 
 
VIU CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Of the application of Columbus, through his brother Bartholo- 
 mew, to Henry the Seventh of England; the arrival of Bartho- 
 lomew at Hispaniola; and the meeting there of the two bro- 
 thers in 1494. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Of the departure, in the absence of Columbus, of some of the 
 malcontents for Spain ; state of hostilities; bold exploit of 
 Alonzo de Ojeda; Indian prisoners sent to Spain to be sold as 
 slaves; the interposition of Isabella for them; and the suffer- 
 ings of the natives notwithstanding. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Of the arrival at Hispaniola of Juan Aguado as commissioner in 
 1495; the return of Columbus and Aguado to Spain in 1496; 
 the favourable reception of Columbus by the sovereigns; and 
 their promise to him of another armament. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Of the discovery of North America by Sebastian Cabot. Expla- 
 nation of the diflference between the legal year as used in Eng- 
 land before 1752, and the year as generally used in historical 
 chronology. Under a license which issued in February of the 
 legal year 1497, Cabot having discovered North America in 
 June following, that June shewn to be in 1498, and the disco- 
 very therefore not in 1497 but in 1498. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Of the discovery of the continent of South America by Colum- 
 bus in 1498; and the treatment which he experienced after- 
 wards. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Of the voyage of Americus Vespucius with Alonzo de Ojeda, and 
 of other voyages from Spain along the coast of South America 
 in 1499 and 1500. 
 
CONTENTS. IX, 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 Of the accidental discovery of Brazil by the Portuguese in 1500 ; 
 the voyage of Americus Vespucius, under the King of Portu- 
 gal, to that province in 1501 ; the voyage of Cortereal in the 
 same year to the northwest; and the patents obtained from 
 Henry the Seventh of England in 1501 and 1502, by Portu- 
 
 . guese, to enable them to make discoveries. 
 
 CHAPTER XH. 
 
 Of the fleet and orders sent out with Ovando to Hispaniola in 
 1502 ; the voyage made the same year to the northern coast of 
 South America by Alonzo de Ojeda; the last voyage of Co- 
 lumbus; and his wearisome detention at Jamaica. 
 
 CHAPTER Xm. 
 
 Of the voyage of Americus Vespucius to Brazil in 1503; and the 
 name of America given to this part of the world. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Of the return of Columbus from the West Indias to Spain in 
 1504, and his death in 1506 ; observations on his character. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Of the little port of Palos, where Columbus fitted out his ships; 
 a pilgrimage to it by an American. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Of Americus Vespucius from 1505 to 1508; his appointment 
 then as chief pilot of Spain; and the expeditions of Vicente 
 Yanez Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis in 1506 and 1508. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Of the subjugation of Hispaniola, and its government under Diego 
 Columbus; also of the subjugation of Porto Rico in 1509, 
 while Juan Ponce de Leon was commander in that island. 
 
X CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Of the subjugation of Jamaica in 1509, and the armaments in the 
 same year to found colonies along the isthmus of Darien ; the 
 attempts of Alonzo de Ojeda to plant his colony ; his conflicts 
 with the Indians; and the formula read to them as an excuse 
 for killing them. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Of the voyage of Alonzo de Ojeda in 1509 from the isthmus of 
 Darien for Hispaniola; his landing in Cuba, and his hardships 
 there on his journey by land ; the little oratory which he built ; 
 his course then by Jamaica to San Domingo, and his death 
 there. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Of the proceedings of Diego de Nicuesa, the Bachelor Martin 
 Fernandez de Enciso, Vasco Nunez de Balboa and Francisco 
 Pizarro in 1509, 1510 and 1511 ; the settlement of the three last 
 at Darien ; the conduct of the people of Darien to Nicuesa ; 
 his hardships and death. 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Of the return of the Bachelor Enciso to Spain in 1511 ; the at- 
 tack of Vasco Nunez upon Careta, the cacique of Coyba ; the 
 peace made between them by Vasco Nunez taking as a wife a 
 young and beautiful daughter of Careta; his friendly visit to 
 Comagre; the skill and solidity of the architecture of Coma- 
 gre's village; and the information received from the son of Co- 
 magre, of a great sea and opulent country beyond the moun- 
 tains. 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 Of the death of Americus Vespucius in 1512, and the appoint- 
 ment of Sebastian Cabot as his successor ; Bartholomew Co- 
 lumbus sent this year from Spain with instructions to his ne- 
 phew the admiral. 
 
CONTENTS. XI 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 Of the discovery of Florida in 1512 by Juan Ponce de Leon. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Of several expeditions of Vasco Nunez in 1512; the conspiracy 
 this year by the natives and the defeat of their plan ; the ab- 
 sence of news from Valdivia who had been sent on a mission to 
 Hispaniola ; the stranding of Valdivia and his crew on the coast 
 of Yucatan ; the sending of commissioners from Darien to 
 Spain; and the arrival at Darien of ships from Hispaniola with 
 supplies. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 Of the journey by Vasco Nunez across the isthmus of Darien, 
 and his discovery of the Pacific ocean on the 26th of Septem- 
 ber 1513. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 Of the voyage of Vasco Nuiiez along the coast of the Pacific; 
 the intimation received by him of the great empire of Peru ; 
 and his return to Darien on the 19th of January 1514. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 Of the appointment of Don Pedro Arias Davila, commonly called 
 Pedrarias, in 1514, as governor of Darien ; the prosperous state 
 of the colony under the management of Nunez when Pedrarias 
 arrived ; the conduct of Pedrarias to Nuraez ; the sickness of 
 the colony soon after the arrival of Pedrarias; his unsuccess- 
 ful expeditions ; and the despatches from Spain in favour of 
 Nuiiez. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 Of several expeditions in 1515 under Pedrarias, one of which 
 was to the Pacific; also of the discovery of the Rio de la 
 Plata. 
 
Xll CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 Of Juan Ponce de Leon; his voyage to Guadaloupe in 1515, the 
 visit this year of Diego Columbus to Spain, and the death of 
 Bartholomew Columbus; also of Sebastian Cabot, from 1515 
 to 1518. 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 Of the reconciliation between Pedrarias and Vasco Nunez; a 
 marriage agreed upon between Nunez and the eldest daughter 
 of Pedrarias, to take place on her arrival from Spain ; autho- 
 rity to Nunez in 1516 to make an expedition to explore the 
 Southern Ocean ; his proceedings; the perfidy of Andres Ga- 
 rabito; the hypocrisy of Pedrarias, and his arrest of Nunez. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 Of the trial and execution in 1517 of Vasco Nunez de Balboa, 
 the discoverer of the Pacific Ocean. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 Of the voyage of Juan de Ampies to Coriana in 1517; and the 
 building of the town of Coro; also of Oviedo, the celebrated 
 historian. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 Of the discovery of Yucatan by Francisco Hernandez de Cordova 
 in 1517; the voyage thither of Juan de Grijalva in 1518; the 
 rescue there in 1519 by Hernando Cortez of Jeronimo de 
 Aguilar one of the companions of Valdivia, whose vessel was 
 stranded on that coast several years before; and the famous 
 voyage of Magellan. 
 
CONTENTS. Xm 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 VOYAGES TO AND ALONG THE ATLANTIC COAST OF 
 NORTH AMERICA, FROM 1520 TO 1573. 
 
 CHAPTER L 
 
 Of the voyages of Luke Vasquez d'Aylon to Florida in 1520 and 
 1524 ; and that of Juan Ponce de Leon in 1521. 
 
 CHAPTER H. 
 
 Of the project of Cortez in 1524, for examining the coast of the 
 Atlantic as well as the Pacific. 
 
 CHAPTER in. 
 
 Of the voyage of John de Verazzano in 1524, along the coast of 
 North America, from Carolina to Newfoundland. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Of the voyage of Stephen Gomez to the northwest in 1525. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 Of the voyage made by Sebastian Cabot in 1526. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 Of a voyage from England to the northwest in 1527. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Of the expedition of Pamphilo de Narvaez to Florida in 1527; 
 and Cabeca de Vaca's long and perilous journey on foot to 
 Mexico. 
 
XIV CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 Of the period from 1527 to 1534. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 Of the voyage of Jacques Carthier to Newfoundland in 1534. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Of the second voyage of Jacques Carthier, wherein he explored 
 the St. Lawrence, in 1535. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Of a voyage of Mr. Hore and others, from England to the north- 
 west in 1536. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Of the expedition of Ferdinand de Soto to Florida in 1539 ; and 
 his march thence to the Mississippi; his death in 1541; and 
 the subsequent progress of his troops. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Of the voyage of Jacques Carthier to Canada in 1540. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Of the voyage of Sir John Francis de la Roche, Lord of Rober- 
 val, to Canada in 1542. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Of the voyage of Gregorio de Beteta on the Florida coast in 
 1549 ; and of Sebastian Cabot from his return to England in 
 1548, until his death in 1557. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Of an examination of the coast of Florida in 1558, wherein was 
 seen a bay, described as "the largest and most commodious 
 bay of all on these shores," which was named then Philipina, 
 
CONTENTS. XV 
 
 and afterwards Santa Maria Philipina; also of an expedition 
 in 1559, to the port of Y'Chuse, in thirty degrees twenty mi- 
 nutes, about twenty leagues south of the bay of Santa Maria; 
 and of a reconnoissance in 1561, to about thirty-five degrees. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Of the dissensions existing in France in 1562 ; and the voyage 
 thence to Florida this year under captain John Ribault. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Of the Huguenots in France from 1562 to 1564 ; and the voyage 
 of M, Rene Laudonniere in 1564 from that country to Florida. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Of Sir John Hawkins; his voyages from London to Africa to 
 take negroes and sell them ; his visit to Laudonniere in Florida 
 in 1565 ; and his going home by Newfoundland. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Of the voyage of Ribault from France to Florida in 1565 ; and 
 the massacre there of the French by the Spaniards under Me- 
 nendez. 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Of the Chevalier de Gourgue ; his chivalrous enterprise ; the man- 
 ner in which the massacre of the French in Florida by the 
 Spaniards in 1565 was avenged by him at the same place in 
 1568. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIL 
 
 Communication from Robert Greenhow, Esq., stating that the 
 Spaniards in 1566, had knowledge of, and in 1573 visited a bay 
 called Santa Maria, in the latitude of thirty-seven degrees; and 
 suggesting that this bay must have been the Chesapeake. 
 
II 
 
BOOK I. 
 
 OF DISCOVERIES IN THE WEST UNTIL 1519. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Of the alleged discovery of America by the Northmen in the eleventh, 
 by the Welch in the twelfth, and by Nicholas and Antonio Zeno in 
 the fourteenth century. 
 
 Many elaborate dissertations have been written to 
 prove that discoveries were made on the northern 
 coast of America before the era of Columbus. The 
 following is extracted from the second chapter of 
 Mr. Wheaton's History of the Northmen :* 
 
 " There was formerly, say the ancient Sagas, a man 
 named Herjolf, who was descended from Ingolf, the first 
 settler of Iceland. This man navigated from one country 
 to another with his son Bjarne. and generally spent the 
 winters in Norway. It happened once on a time that they 
 were separated from each other, and Bjarne sought his fa- 
 ther in Norway, but not finding him there, he learnt that he 
 was gone to the newly discovered country of Greenland. 
 
 ♦ "History of the Northmen or Danes rary member of the Scandinavian and Ice- 
 
 and Normans from the earliest times to landic literary societies at Copenhagen," 
 
 the conquest of England by William of published at Philadelphia in 1831. 
 Normandy. By Henry Wheaton, hono- 
 
2 VOYAGES IN ELEVENTH CENTURY. [book i. 
 
 Bjarne resolved to seek and find out his father, wherever 
 he might be, and for this purpose set sail for Greenland 
 (1001), directing himself by the observation of the stars, 
 and by what others had told him of the situation of the 
 land. The three first days he was carried to the west, but 
 afterwards, the wind changing, blew with violence from 
 the north, and drove him southwardly for several days. 
 He at last descried a flat country, covered with wood, the 
 appearance of which was so different from that of Green- 
 land, as it had been described to him, that he would not go 
 on shore, but made sail to the northwest. In this course, 
 he saw an island at a distance, but continued his voyage, 
 and arrived safely in Greenland, where he found his father 
 established at the promontory, afterwards called Herjolfs- 
 nces, directly opposite to the southwest point of Iceland. 
 
 "(1002.) In the following summer, Bjarne made another 
 voyage to Norway, where he was hospitably received by 
 Erik, a distinguished Jarl of that country. The Jarl, to 
 whom he related his adventures, reproached him for not 
 having explored the new land towards which he had been 
 accidentally driven. Bjarne having returned to his father 
 in Greenland, there was much talk among the settlers of 
 pursuing his discovery. The restless, adventurous spirit of 
 Leif, son of Erik the Red, was excited to emulate the fame 
 his father had acquired by the discovery of Greenland. He 
 purchased Bjarne's ship, and manned it with thirty-five 
 men. Leif then requested his father to become the com- 
 mander of the enterprize. Erik at first declined, on ac- 
 count of the increasing infirmities of his old age, which 
 rendered him less able to bear the fatigues of a sea-faring 
 life. He was at last persuaded by his son to embark, but 
 as he was going down to the vessel on horseback, his horse 
 stumbled, which Erik received as an evil omen for his un- 
 dertaking :—' I do not believe,' said he, 'that it is given to 
 me to discover any more lands, and here will I abide.' Erik 
 
CHAP. I.] VOYAGES IN ELEVENTH CENTURY. 3 
 
 returned back to his house, and Lief set sail with his thirty- 
 five companions, among whom was one of his father's ser- 
 vants, a native of the South-countries, named Tyrker (Die- 
 terich-Dirk), probably a German. 
 
 " They first discovered what they supposed to be one of 
 the countries seen by Bjarne, the coast of which was a flat, 
 stony land, and the back ground crowned with lofty moun- 
 tains, covered with ice and snow. This they named Hel- 
 luland, or the flat country. Pursuing their voyage farther 
 south, they soon came to another coast, also flat, covered 
 with thick wood, and the shores of white sand, gradually 
 sloping towards the sea. Here they cast anchor and went 
 on shore. They named the country Mark-land, or the coun- 
 try of the wood, and pursued their voyage with a north- 
 east wind for two days and nights, when they discovered a 
 third land, the northern coast of which was sheltered by an 
 island. Here they again landed, and found a country, not 
 mountainous, but undulating and woody, and abounding 
 with fruits and berries, delicious to the taste. From thence 
 they re-embarked, and made sail to the west to seek a har- 
 bour, which they at last found at the mouth of a river, 
 where they were swept by the tide into the lake from whicli 
 the river issued. They cast anchor, and pitched their tents 
 at this spot, and found the river and lake full of the largest 
 salmon they had ever seen. Finding the climate very tem- 
 perate, and the soil fruitful in pasturage, they determined to 
 build huts and pass the winter here. The days were nearer 
 of an equal length than in Greenland or Iceland, and when 
 they were at the shortest, the sun rose at half past seven, 
 and set at half past four o'clock.* 
 
 " It happened one day soon after their arrival, that Tyr- 
 ker, the German, was missing, and as Leif set a great value 
 upon the youth, on account of his skill in various arts, he 
 
 * Supposing this compntalion to be cor- Boston, the present capital of New Eng- 
 rect, it must have been in the latitude of land. 
 
4 VOYAGES IN ELEVENTH CENTURV. [book i. 
 
 sent his followers in search of him in every direction. 
 When they at last found him, he began to speak to them 
 in the Teutonic language, with many extravagant signs of 
 joy. They at last made out to understand from him in the 
 North tongue, that he had found in the vicinity vines bear- 
 ing wild grapes. He led them to the spot, and they brought 
 to their chief a quantity of the grapes which they had ga- 
 thered. At first Leif doubted whether they were really 
 that fruit, but the German assured him he was well ac- 
 quainted with it, being a native of the southern wine coun- 
 tries. Leif, thereupon, named the country Yinland. 
 
 "In the spring following, Leif returned to Greenland. 
 In the winter died his father, Erik the Red, and his brother 
 Thorwald, not being satisfied with the discoveries made by 
 Leif, obtained from him his ship, and engaged thirty com- 
 panions to embark with him on a new voyage of discovery. 
 On his arrival in Vinland, he passed the winter in the huts 
 constructed by Leif, and subsisted by fishing. In the spring, 
 he took with him a part of his ship's company in a large 
 boat, and explored the coast to the westward, which he 
 found a pleasant country, well wooded, the shores consist- 
 ing of banks of white sand, and a chain of islands running 
 along the coast, separated from each other by shallow in- 
 lets, but no trace of wild beasts or of human inhabitants, 
 except a corn-shed of wood. After spending the summer 
 in this excursion, they returned to their winter quarters. In 
 the following summer, Thorwald sailed in his ship to exa- 
 mine the east and north, but was cast on shore by a storm, 
 and the whole season was lost in repairing the vessel. Here 
 he erected the keel of his ship, which was no longer fit for 
 service, on a head-land, which he called, from that circum- 
 stance, Kijalar-nes. He then pursued his voyage to the 
 eastward, giving names to the various capes and bays which 
 he discovered, until he came to a large inlet, where he cast 
 anchor, attracted by the promising appearance of the coun- 
 
CHAP, i] VOYAGES IN ELEVENTH CENTURY. 6 
 
 try, which rose in high lands covered with thick wood. 
 Here the adventurers disembarked, and Thorwald declared 
 ' this is a goodly place : here will I take up my abode.' 
 Shortly afterward, the adventurers descried on the shore 
 three small batteaux made of hides, under each of which 
 was a band of three natives. These they took prisoners, 
 except one, who made his escape to the mountains, and in- 
 humanly put them to death the same day. A little while 
 after, their wanton cruelty was avenged by the natives, who 
 approached in a multitude of batteaux, and took the com- 
 panions of Thorwald by surprise, as they were imprudently 
 sleeping, contrary to his admonitions. Thorwald gave them 
 the alarm, and ordered them to shield themselves against 
 the arrows of the natives by wooden balks set up against 
 the sides of the vessel. Not one of his companions was 
 wounded, and the natives took to flight, after discharging a 
 shower of arrows at the Northmen. But Thorwald him- 
 self received a mortal wound, and at his own request was 
 buried at the point of the promontory, where he meant to 
 have settled, and a cross erected at his head and another at 
 his feet. The cape was named, from this circumstance, 
 Krossa-nes. The colony of Greenland had been before this 
 time converted to Christianity, but Erik the Red, Thor- 
 wald's father, died a heathen. The survivors of Thorwald 
 passed the winter in Vinland, and in the spring returned to 
 Greenland with the news of their discoveries, and of the 
 melancholy fate of Thorwald. 
 
 "The native inhabitants found by the Northmen in Vin- 
 land, resembled those on the western coast of Greenland. 
 These Esquimaux were called by them Skroelingar, or 
 dwarfs, from their diminutive and squalid appearance, in the 
 same manner as their Gothic ancestors had given a similar 
 appellation to the Finns and Laplanders. They found these 
 aborigines deficient in manly courage and bodily strength. 
 
6 VOYAGES IN ELEVENTH CENTURY. [BOOK I. 
 
 " Erik left another son, named Thorstein, who, having 
 learnt the death of his brother Thorwald, embarked for Vin- 
 land with twenty-five companions and his wife Gudrida, 
 principally for the purpose of bringing home the body of 
 his deceased brother. He encountered on his passage con- 
 trary winds, and after beating about for some time, was at 
 last driven back to a part of the coast of Greenland, far re- 
 mote from that where the Northmen colony was established. 
 Here he was compelled to pass the winter, enduring all the 
 hardships of that rigorous season in a high northern lati- 
 tude, to which was added tlie misfortune of a contagious 
 disease which broke out amongst the adventurers. Thors- 
 tein and the greater part of his companions perished, and 
 Gudrida returned home with his body. 
 
 '•' In the following summer, there came to Greenland from 
 Norway, a man of illustrious birth and great wealth, named 
 Thorfin, who became enamoured of Thorstein's widow 
 Gudrida, and demanded her in marriage of Leif, who had 
 succeeded to the patriarchal authority of his father, Erik 
 the Red. The chieftain determined to effect a settlement 
 in Vinland, and for that purpose formed an association of 
 sixty followers, with whom he agreed to share equally the 
 profits of the enterprise. He took with him all kinds of 
 domestic animals, tools, and provisions to form a permanent 
 colony, and was accompanied by his wife Gudrida, and five 
 other women. He reached the same point of the coast for- 
 merly occupied by Leif, where he passed the winter. In 
 the following spring, the Skrcelingar came in great multi- 
 tudes to trade with the Northmen in peltries and other pro- 
 ductions. Thorfin forbade his companions from selling 
 them arms, which were the objects they most passionately 
 desired ; and to secure himself against a surprise, he sur- 
 rounded his huts with a high pallisade. One of the natives 
 seized an axe, and ran off with his prize to his companions. 
 He made the first experiment of his skill in using it by 
 
CHAP. I.] VOYAGES IN ELEVENTH CENTURY. 7 
 
 Striking one of his compauious, who fell dead on the spot. 
 The natives were seized with terror and astonishment at 
 this result, and one of them, who, by his commanding air 
 and manner seemed to be a chief, took the axe, and after 
 examining it for some time with great attention, threw it 
 indignantly into the sea. 
 
 " After a residence of three years in Vinland, Thorfin re- 
 turned to his native country with specimens of the fruits 
 and peltries which he had collected. After making several 
 voyages, he finished his days in Iceland, where he built a 
 large mansion, and lived in a style of patriarchal hospitality, 
 rivalling the principal chieftains of the country. He had a 
 son named Snorre, who was born in Vinland ; and Gudrida, 
 his widow, afterwards made a pilgrimage to Rome, and on 
 her return to Iceland, retired to a convent, situated near a 
 church which had been erected by Thorfin. 
 
 " We dwell upon these collateral circumstances, because 
 they serve to confirm the authenticity of the main narra- 
 tives, by reference to facts and incidents notorious to all the 
 people of Iceland. A part of Thorfin's company still re- 
 mained in Vinland, and they were afterwards joined by two 
 Icelandic chieftains, named Helgi and Fiombogi, who were 
 brothers, and fitted out an expedition from the Greenland 
 colony. They were persuaded by Freydisa, daughter of 
 Erik the Red, an intriguing and deceitful woman, to per- 
 mit her to accompany them, and to share in the advantages 
 of the voyage. During her residence in the infant colony, 
 this female fury excited violent dissensions among the set- 
 tlers, which terminated in the massacre of thirty persons. 
 After this tragic catastrophe, Freydisa returned to her pater- 
 nal home in Greenland, where she lived and died the object 
 of universal contempt and hatred.* 
 
 *Snorre, Saga af Olafl Tryggva Syni, cap. cv~cxii. Torfaei, Hist. Vinlandia; antique, 
 cap. i.— iii. 
 
8 VOYAGES IN ELEVENTH CENTURY. [book r. 
 
 '' The Eyrbyggja-Saga relates, that towards the close of 
 the reign of King Olaf the Saint,* Gudleif, the son of Gud- 
 laug, made a trading voyage from Iceland to Dublin, and as 
 he was returning along the western coast of Ireland, met 
 with heavy gales from the east and north, which drove him 
 far into the ocean towards the southwest. After many days, 
 Gudleif and his companions saw land in that direction, and 
 approaching the shore, cast anchor in a convenient harbour. 
 Here the natives, who were dark coloured, approached them. 
 The Icelanders did not comprehend the language, though it 
 seemed to them not unlike the Irish tongue. In a short 
 time, a great body of the natives assembled, made the stran- 
 gers prisoners, and carried them bound into the country. 
 Here they were met by a venerable chieftain, of a noble 
 and commanding aspect and fair complexion, who spoke 
 Icelandic, and inquired after Snorre Gode and other indivi- 
 duals then living in the island. The natives were divided 
 in opinion, whether to put the strangers to death, or to 
 make them slaves, and divide them among the inhabitants. 
 But after some consultation, the white chieftain informed 
 them that they were at liberty to depart, adding his counsel 
 that they should make no delay, as the natives were cruel 
 to strangers. He refused to tell his name, but gave to Gud- 
 leif presents, of a gold ring for Snorre's sister Thurida, and 
 a sword for her son. Gudleif returned to Iceland with 
 these gifts, where it was concluded that this person was 
 Bjorn, a famous Skald, who had been a lover of Thurida, 
 and who left Iceland in the year 998.f 
 
 " No subsequent traces of the Norman colony in Ame- 
 rica are to be found until the year 1059, when it is said 
 that an Irish or Saxon priest, named Jon or John, who had 
 preached for some time as a missionary in Iceland, went to 
 Vinland, for the purpose of converting the colonists to Chris- 
 
 * St. Olaf died in 1030. 
 
 t Muller, Sagabibliolhek, torn. i. p. 193. 
 
CHAP. I.] VOYAGES IN ELEVENTH CENTURY. 9 
 
 tianity, where he was murdered by the heathens. A Bishop 
 of Greenland, named Erik, afterwards (1121), undertook 
 the same voyage, for the same purpose, but with what suc- 
 cess is uncertain.* The authenticity of the Icelandic ac- 
 counts of the discovery and settlement of Vinland were re- 
 cognized in Denmark shortly after this period by King 
 Svend Estrithson, or Sweno II. in a conversation which 
 Adam of Bremen had with this monarch. f" 
 
 Mr. Washington Irving, in his Life of Columbus,t 
 states that he has not had the means of tracing this 
 story to its original sources. He mentions as the au- 
 thorities examined by him, Malte-Brun and Forster, 
 the latter of whom extracts it from the Saga or Chro- 
 nicle of Snorre, who was born in 1179 and wrote in 
 1215 ; long after the event is said to have taken place. 
 Mr. Irving observes that as far as he has had expe- 
 rience in tracing these stories of early discoveries of 
 portions of the new world, he has generally found 
 them very confident deductions drawn from very 
 vague and questionable facts. But, he says, " grant- 
 ing the truth of the alleged discoveries, they led to 
 no more result than would the interchange of com- 
 munication between the natives of Greenland and the 
 Esquimaux. The knowledge of them appears not to 
 have extended beyond their own nation, and to have 
 been soon neglected and forgotten by themselves." 
 
 It will be observed that in a note, (ante, p. 3,) Mr. 
 Wheaton remarks that supposing the computation of 
 the hours to be correct, the place referred to must 
 
 *Munter, Kirchengesliichte von Da;ne- J New York edition of 1631, vol. 2, p. 
 
 mark und Norwegen, torn. i. p. 562. 270 to 272, Appendix No. xiv. 
 
 4 Adam. Brem. de Situ Dan. cap. 246. 
 
10 VOYAGES IN TWELFTH CENTURY. [book 1. 
 
 have been in the latitude of Boston. Mr. Irving, on 
 the other hand, speaks of the sun being eight hours 
 above the horizon on the shortest day, and (refer- 
 ring to Forster's Northern Voyages, b. 2, c. 2,) says, 
 " hence, it has been concluded that the country was 
 about the 49th degree of north latitude, and was either 
 Newfoundland, or some part of the coast of North 
 America about the gulf of St. Lawrence." 
 
 There is a tradition that Prince Madoc, the son of 
 Owen Gwyneth, landed upon some part of the Ame- 
 rican continent in the twelfth century. The tradition 
 is, that after the death of Owen, his sons debating 
 who should succeed him, Madoc left the land in con- 
 tention, and prepared certain ships with men and mu- 
 nition, and sought adventures by sea ; that he sailed 
 west, and leaving the coast of Ireland far north, came 
 to a land unknown, where he saw many strange things ; 
 that on his return home, he made a relation of the 
 pleasant and fruitful countries he had seen without 
 inhabitants, and alluded on the other hand to the wild 
 and barren ground for which his brethren and nephews 
 did murder one another, and prepared a number of 
 ships and got with him such men and women as were 
 desirous to live in quietness, and taking leave of his 
 friends, made a journey thither again. The story is 
 that Madoc arriving in this western country in 1170, 
 left most of his people there and returning for more 
 of his own nation to inhabit that country, went thither 
 again with ten sails. Hackluyt, in his Collection of 
 Voyages,* and Smith in his History of Virginia,! have 
 mentioned this tradition. It is given by them from a 
 
 * Vol. 3, p. 1. t Vol. 1, p. 77 of edi. of 1819. 
 
CHAP. I.] VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 11 
 
 History (or the Chronicles) of Wales; and at different 
 times, various publications have been made to prove 
 the tradition well founded. But all that we are justi- 
 fied in saying about it is, that there is such a tradition. 
 Another pretension to an early discovery of the 
 American continent has been set up, founded on an 
 alleged map and narrative of two brothers of the name 
 of Zeno of Venice ; but it seems even less valid than 
 those already mentioned. The following is Mr. Ir- 
 ving's statement of this claim :* 
 
 "Nicole Zeno, a noble Venetian, is said to have made a 
 voyage to the north in 1380, in a vessel fitted out at his 
 own cost, intending to visit England and Flanders ; but 
 meeting with a terrible tempest, was driven for many days 
 he knew not whither, until he was cast away upon Frise- 
 land, an island much in dispute among geographers, but 
 supposed to be the archipelago of the Ferroe islands. The 
 shipwrecked voyagers were assailed by the natives ; but 
 rescued by Zichmni, a Prince of the islands, lying on the 
 south side of Friseland, and duke of another district lying- 
 over against Scotland. Zeno entered into the service of 
 this prince, and aided him in conquering Friseland, and 
 other northern islands. He was soon joined by his brother 
 Antonio Zeno, who remained fourteen years in those coun- 
 tries. 
 
 " During his residence in Friseland, Antonio Zeno wrote 
 to his brother Carlo, in Venice, giving an account of a re- 
 port brought by a certain fisherman, about a land to the 
 westward. According to the tale of this mariner, he had 
 been one of a party who sailed from Friseland about twen- 
 ty-six years before, in four fishing boats. Being overtaken 
 by a mighty tempest, they were driven about the sea for 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 272, Appendix No. 14. 
 
13 VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. [book i. 
 
 many days, until the boat containing himself and six com- 
 panions was cast upon an island called Estotiland, about 
 one thousand miles from Friseland. They were taken by 
 the inhabitants, and carried to a fair and populous city, 
 where the king sent for many interpreters to converse with 
 them, but none that they could understand, until a man 
 was found, who had likewise been cast away upon the 
 coast, and who spoke Latin. They remained several days 
 upon the island, which was rich and fruitful, abounding 
 with all kinds of metals, and especially gold.* There was 
 a high mountain in the centre, from which flowed four ri- 
 vers, which watered the whole country. The inhabitants 
 were intelligent, and acquainted with the mechanical arts of 
 Europe. They cultivated grain, made beer, and lived in 
 houses built of stone. There were Latin books in the 
 King's library, though the inhabitants had no knowledge of 
 that language. They had many cities and castles, and car- 
 ried on a trade with Greenland for pitch, sulphur and peltry. 
 Though much given to navigation, they were ignorant of 
 the use of the compass, and finding the Friselanders ac- 
 quainted with it, held them in great esteem ; and the King 
 sent them with twelve barks to visit a country to the south, 
 called Drogeo. They had nearly perished in a storm, but 
 were cast away upon the coast of Drogeo. They found 
 the people to be cannibals, and were on the point of being 
 killed and devoured, but were spared on account of their 
 great skill in fishing. 
 
 "The fisherman described this Drogeo as being a coun- 
 try of vast extent, or rather a new world ; that the inhabi- 
 tants were naked and barbarous ; but that far to the south- 
 west there was a more civilized region, and temperate cli- 
 mate, where the inhabitants had a knowledge of gold and 
 
 * This account is taken from Hackluyt, ginal Italian of Ramusio, (T. 2, p. 23,) and 
 vol. 3, p. 123. The passage about gold and is probably an interpolation, 
 other metals is not to be found in the ori- 
 
CHAP. l] VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 13 
 
 silver, lived ia cities, erected splendid temples to idols, and 
 sacrificed human victims to them, which they afterwards 
 devoured. 
 
 " After the fisherman had resided many years on this con- 
 tinent, during which time he had passed from the service 
 of one chieftain to another, and traversed various parts of 
 it, certain boats of Estotiland arrived on the coast of Dro- 
 geo. The fisherman went on board of them, acted as in- 
 terpreter, and followed the train between the mainland 
 and Estotiland for some time, until he became very rich : 
 then he fitted out a bark of his own, and with the assis- 
 tance of some of the people of the island, made his way 
 back, across the thousand intervening miles of ocean, and 
 arrived safe at Friseland. The account he gave of these 
 countries, determined Zichmni, the Prince of Friseland, to 
 send an expedition thither, and Antonio Zeno was to com- 
 mand it. Just before sailing, the fisherman, who was to 
 have acted as guide, died; but certain mariners, who had 
 accompanied him from Estotiland, were taken in his place. 
 The expedition sailed under command of Zichmni; the 
 Venetian, Zeno, merely accompanied it. It was unsuccess- 
 ful. After having discovered an island called Icaria, where 
 they met with a rough reception from the inhabitants, and 
 were obliged to withdraw, the ships were driven by a storm 
 to Greenland. No record remains of any further prosecu- 
 tion of the enterprise. 
 
 " The countries mentioned in the account of Zeno, were 
 laid down on a map originally engraved on wood. The 
 island of Estotiland, has been supposed by M. Malte-Brun 
 to be Newfoundland; its partially civilized inhabitants, the 
 descendants of the Scandinavian colonists of Vinland; and 
 the Latin books in the King's library to be the remains of 
 the library of the Greenland Bishop, who emigrated thither 
 in 1121, Drogeo, according to the same conjecture, was 
 Nova Scotia and New England. The civilized people to 
 
14 VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. [book I. 
 
 the southwest, who sacrificed human victims in rich tem- 
 ples, he surmises to have been the Mexicans, or some an- 
 cient nation of Florida or Louisiana. 
 
 " The premises do not appear to warrant this deduction. 
 The whole story abounds with improbabilities ; not the 
 least of which is the civilization prevalent among the inhabi- 
 tants ; their houses of stone, their European arts, the library 
 of their King ; no traces of which were to be found on 
 their subsequent discovery. Not to mention the informa- 
 tion about Mexico penetrating through the numerous sa- 
 vage tribes of a vast continent, it is proper to observe, that 
 this account was not published until 1558, long after the dis- 
 covery of Mexico. It was given to the world by Francisco 
 Marcolini, a descendant of the Zeni, from the fragments of 
 letters said to have been written by Antonio Zeno to Carlo 
 his brother. ' It grieves me,' says the editor, ' that the 
 book, and divers other writings concerning these matters, 
 are miserably lost ; for being but a child when they came 
 to my hands, and not knowing what they were, I tore them 
 and rent them in pieces, which now I cannot call to remem- 
 brance but to my exceeding great grief.'* 
 
 "This garbled statement by Marcolini, derived conside- 
 rable authority by being introduced by Abraham Ortelius, 
 an able geographer, in his Theatrum Orbis ; but the whole 
 story has been condemned by able commentators as a gross 
 fabrication. Mr. Forster resents this, as an instance of ob- 
 stinate incredulity, saying that it is impossible to doubt the 
 existence of the country of which Carlo, Nicolo and Anto- 
 nio Zeno talk ; as original acts in the archives of Venice 
 prove that the chevalier undertook a voyage to the north ; 
 that his brother Antonio followed him ; that Antonio traced 
 a map, which he brought back and hung up in his house, 
 where it remained subject to public examination, until the 
 
 * Hackluyt, Colleci. vol. 3, p. 137. 
 
CHAP. I.] VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 15 
 
 time of Marcolini, as an incontestable proof of the truth of 
 what he advanced. Granting all this, it merely proves that 
 Antonio and his brother v/ere at Friseland and Greenland. 
 Their letters never assert that Zeno made the voyage to Es- 
 totiland. The fleet was carried by a tempest to Greenland, 
 after which we hear no more of him ; and his account of 
 Estotiland and Drogeo rests simply on the tale of the fish- 
 erman, after whose descriptions his map must have been 
 conjecturally projected. The whole story resembles much 
 the fables circulated shortly after the discovery of Colum- 
 bus, to arrogate to other nations and individuals the credit 
 of the achievement." 
 
 Mr. Biddle, in his Memoir of Sebastian Cabot,* 
 comments in strong terms upon "that memorable 
 fraud, the pretended voyage of Nicholas and Antonio 
 Zeno." Speaking of an edition of Ramusio, the de- 
 dication of which as originally published by Marcolini, 
 bears date December 1558, Mr. Biddle says: 
 
 " Ramusio died in July 1557 ; and of course it is impos- 
 sible that it could have been published by him, or that he 
 could have marked it for insertion. It does not appear in 
 the Ramusio of 1559, but was interpolated into the second 
 volume in 1574, seventeen years after his death. This cir- 
 cumstance is decisive against its authenticity. Ramusio, a 
 native of Venice, was not only a diligent and anxious col- 
 lector of voyages, but, it appears by his work, was familiar 
 with the family of the Zeno of that city, and he speaks 
 with pride (ed. of 1559, torn. ii. fol. 65, D. ) of the adven- 
 turous travels of Caterino Zeno in Persia, Had the mate- 
 rials for such a narrative existed he would have eagerly 
 seized the opportunity of embodying them, and it is plain 
 that the imposture dared not make its appearance in his life- 
 
 * p. 322 to 326. 
 
16 VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. [book I. 
 
 time. Yet, from the subsequent interpolation, this tract, 
 by ahnost unanimous consent, has been considered to bear 
 the high sanction of Ramnsio's name. 
 
 " 'This,' says Forster (p. 180), 'is the account given of 
 the affair hy Ramusio.^ The Biographic Universelle (art. 
 Zeno) says ' Cette Relation a ete reimprime par Ramusio.^ 
 And the Quarterly Review (vol. xvi. p. 165, note^) speaks 
 of certain things known ' before Rmnusio published the 
 Letters of the two Zeni.' In short, the misconception has 
 been universal. 
 
 "Nor is it merely from the silence of Ramusio that an 
 inference is drawn against this pretended voyage. 
 
 " He declares in the Preface to the Third Volume, that 
 he considers it not only proper, but in the nature of a duty, 
 to vindicate the truth in the behalf of Columbus, who was 
 the first to discover and bring to light the New World.* 
 
 "He answers in detail the calumny that the project was 
 suggested to Columbus by a Pilot, who died in his house, 
 and refers for a refutation of the idle tale to persons yet liv- 
 ing in Italy^ who were present at the Spanish Court when 
 Columbus departed. He recites the circumstances which 
 had conducted the mind of Columbus, as an able and ex- 
 perienced mariner and Cosmographer, to the conclusion that 
 his project was practicable. 
 
 " ' Such,' he declares, in conclusion, ' were the circum- 
 stances that led to his anxiety to undertake the voyage, 
 having fixed it in his mind, that by going directly west the 
 eastern extremity of the Indies would be discovered.'! 
 
 " He breaks into an apostrophe to the rival City of Genoa, 
 which had given birth to Columbus, a fact so much more 
 
 * " No pure 6 convenevole, ma par mi f " Tutte queste cose lo inducevano d vo- 
 
 anco di essere obligate a dire alquate pa- ler far questo viaggio, havendo fisso nell' 
 
 role accompagnate dalla verita per difFesa animo che andando a dritto per Ponente 
 
 del Signor Christoforo Colombo, ilqual fu esso troverebbe le parti di Levantiove sono 
 
 il primo inventore di discoprire et far venire 1 'Indie." 
 in luce questa meta del mondo." 
 
CHAP. I.] VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 17 
 
 glorious than that about which seven of the greatest cities 
 of Greece contended.* 
 
 " The full force of this evidence cannot be understood 
 without adverting to the strength of Ramusio's prejudices 
 in favour of his native city. He honestly acknowledges 
 that their influence may mislead him when he is disposed 
 to rank the enterprize of Marco Polo, of Venice, by land, 
 as more memorable than even that of the great Genoese by 
 sea.f 
 
 " Yet this is the writer who is said to have given to the 
 world undeniable evidence not only that the Venetian Zeno 
 knew of these regions upwards of a century before the time 
 of Columbus, but that traces had been discovered proving 
 that the Venetians had visited them long before the time of 
 Zeno. And in a work of the present day we have these 
 monstrous assertions : 
 
 " They [the Zeni] ' added a Relation which, whether true 
 or false, contained the positive assertion of a continent ex- 
 isting to the west of the Atlantic Ocean. This Relation 
 was u7iqiiestionahly known to Colambus.^X 
 
 " The professed author of the book, Marcolini, was a 
 bookseller and publisher of Venice. It bears his well- 
 known device, of which Dr. Dibdin'§. has given a fac-simile. 
 
 * " Genoua si vanti et glorii di cosi ex- vidia finta dalla gente bassa et ignorante." 
 
 cellente huorao cittadin suo et mettasi 4 Again: " una favola pieno di malignitaet 
 
 paragone di quatunquealtracittapeicioche di tristitia." He loftily denounces the 
 
 cestui non fu Poeta, come Homero del qual baseness with which a low envy had seiz- 
 
 sette citta dell maggiori che havesse la ed on and dressed up this tale, " ad appro- 
 
 Grecia contesero insieme aftermando cias- var la delta favola et dipingerla con mille 
 
 cuna che egli era su Cittadino, ma fu un colori." 
 
 huorao il quale ha fatto nasccr al mondo un f " Et se I'affettione della patria non 
 
 altro mondo che 6 effetto incomparabilinent m'inganna, mi par che per ragion probabile 
 
 molto maggiore del detto di sopra." The si possaafTermare che questo fatto per terra 
 
 terms in which he denounces the effort to debba esser anteposto d. quelle di mare," 
 
 disparage Columbus, on the ground of pre- Pref. tern. ii. 
 
 tended hints from the pilot, assure us of J Dr. Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia, 
 
 the manner in which he would have treat- History of Maritime and Inland Discovery, 
 
 ed the subsequent imposture absurdly at- vol. i. p. 225. 
 
 tributed to himself ; " questa favola laqual ^Bibliographical Decameron, vol. ii. p. 
 
 malitiesamente dope suo ritorno fu per in- 244-5. In Singer's learned "Researches 
 
18 VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. [book I. 
 
 The motive for getting it up is pretty well disclosed in the 
 concluding remarks which allude to the prevailing appetite 
 of the public for such works. It is stated that the slight 
 materials extant had been put together that they might not 
 be altogether lost at a period ' most studious of new narra- 
 tives, and of the discoveries of strange countries, made by 
 the bold and indefatigable exertions of our ancestors' ('stu- 
 diosissima delle Narralioni nuovi et delle discoperte de 
 paesi non conosciuti fatte dal grande animo et grande in- 
 dustria de i nostri maggiori'). 
 
 " A full exhibition of the evidence which establishes this 
 production to be a rank imposture, would require more 
 space than can here be justifiably devoted to a topic purely 
 incidental. As it is likely to engage attention, anew, in 
 connexion with the rumoured discoveries in East or Lost 
 Greenland, such a degree of interest may be thrown round 
 it as to warrant, hereafter, in a different form, a detailed ex- 
 amination. 
 
 "Reverting to the immediate subject under considera- 
 tion — the alterations of Ramusio in recent editions — an ex- 
 ample occurs in reference to this voyage of the Zeni, which 
 shews not only that new matter has been unwarrantably 
 introduced, but that the text has been corrupted, without 
 hesitation, to suit the purposes of the moment. 
 
 " It has been made a charge against Hakluyt, that in 
 translating the M^ork of Marcolini, he has interpolated a 
 passage representing Estotiland, the northern part of the 
 new region, as abounding in gold and other metals : 
 
 « ' In Hakluyt's Collection of Voyages, it is added they have 
 mines of all manner of metals, but especially they abound in gold. 
 
 intotheHistory of Playing Cards, with II- beautiful; great numbers of them after- 
 lustrations of the origin of Printing and wards served to decorate the Capriccios of 
 Engraving on Wood," is an account (p. 64- that odd genius Doni, who seems to have 
 65) of Marcolini's beautiful volume, enti- been employed by Marcolini to write some 
 t\eA Le Sorti. " The decorative woodcuts of his whimsical productions as vehicles 
 are very numerous, and many of them very for these woodcuts." 
 
CHAP. I.] VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 19 
 
 This passage, however, is not to be found in the ItaUan original of Ra- 
 musio.'* 
 
 ''The English translator of Forster, referring (p. 189) to 
 the alleged infidelity of Hakluyt, says : 
 
 " ' From many circumstances, it appears that Hakluyt's collection 
 was made principally with a view to excite his countrymen to prosecute 
 new discoveries in America, and to promote the trade to that quarter of 
 the globe. Considering it in this light, and that hardly any thing was 
 thought worthy of notice in that age but mines of silver and mountains 
 of gold, we need not ivonder at the interpolation ! ' 
 
 " Thus has Hakluyt been made, alternately, the theme 
 of extravagant eulogium and groundless denunciation ! 
 The passage about gold «s in the original (fol. 52) precisely 
 as he translates it : ' Hanno lingua et lettere separate et ca- 
 vano Metalli d^ogni sorte et sopra tiitto abondano d^Oro et 
 le lor pratiche sono in Engroneland di dove traggono pel- 
 lerecie, &c.' The misconception of later writers is due to 
 a complex piece of roguery running through the several 
 editions of Ramusio. 
 
 " The story of Nicolo and Antonio Zeno gains a footing, 
 for the first time, in the second volume of the Venice edi- 
 tion of 1574, of which there is a copy in the library of the 
 British museum. The passage of the original, representing 
 Estotiland to abound in gold, is found there, (fol. 224 A.) 
 But before the next edition came out, the well known re- 
 sult of Frobisher's magnificent hopes was calculated to 
 throw ridicule on such representations. The passage, there- 
 fore, disappears from the editions of 1583 and 1606 (fol. 
 232 A.) The suppression is executed in rather an awk- 
 ward manner. On turning to the passage indicated of the 
 more recent editions, there will be discovered, at the ele- 
 venth line from the top of the page, a chasm in the sense 
 between 'cavano' and ' di dove.' The suppression of the 
 
 *For3ter's Northern Voyages, p. 189, note. 
 
20 VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. [book i. 
 
 intermediate words, which are marked in italics in our quo- 
 tation from the original, constitutes the fraud, and renders 
 what remains unintelligible. Hakluyt made his translation 
 from the Ramusio of 1574, and not from the original work 
 of Marcolini, This is evident from the fact, that in his 
 translation, (vol. iii. p. 124,) immediately after the death of 
 Nicolo Zeno, there follows a deduction of descent from him 
 to ' the other Zenos that are living at this day,' of which 
 there is not a syllable in the original (fol. 51), but it is in- 
 terpolated into the Ramusio of 1574. He escaped the fal- 
 sification of the edition of 1583, because his translation was 
 made prior to that time, it having appeared in his early 
 work 'Divers Voyages, &c.,' published in 1582. The mat- 
 ter, then, stands thus. Hakluyt followed a vicious copy, 
 but one which had reached only the first stage of deprava- 
 tion. Those who denounce him, merely happen to have 
 got hold of a subsequent edition, which has been further 
 tampered with. Neither party went back to the original, 
 though by no means a rare book ; and it is curious that the 
 critics of Hakluyt, while talking of the 'original,^ had be- 
 fore them neither the original Marcolini, nor the original 
 Ramusio, nor even, if the expression may be used, the ori- 
 ginal counterfeit of Ramusio. In this last particular Hak- 
 luyt has the advantage over them." 
 
CHAP. 11.] PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO PORTUGAL. 21 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Of Christopher Columbus ; his plan for reaching India by a route to 
 the West; the fate of his applications to the Court of Portugal 
 from 1470 to 1484, and afterw£urds to the Court of Spain till 1492 ; a 
 squadron then fitted out, 
 
 Mr. Irving supposes Christopher Columbus to have 
 been born about 1435 or 1436;* being some ten 
 years earHer than is generally represented. The City 
 of Genoa has the honour of being his birthplace.! 
 He had two brothers, Bartholomew and Diego, and 
 a sister. 
 
 Columbus attained manhood at a period worthy of 
 remark. John Guttenberg, the inventor of printing, 
 was yet alive. In consequence of Guttenberg's not 
 attaching any date to his works, we do not know the 
 precise time of his first attempts. But there is little 
 doubt that the works disseminated by means of his 
 invention had the effect of stimulating Columbus to 
 his enterprise. Las Casas thinks that none had more 
 effect in this way than those of Pedro de Aliaco, one 
 of the most learned and scientific men of the day. 
 He was born in 1350, and died in 1416 according to 
 some, in 1425 according to others. When Mr. Irving 
 was in Seville, making researches in the Bibliothica 
 Colombina, the Ubrary given to the cathedral of that 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 3; vol. 2, p. 229, 30, Appendix No. 4; also p. 231, Ap- 
 pendix No. 5. 
 t Id. p. 233, Appendix No. 6. 
 
22 PROPOSALS OF COLU]VIBUS TO PORTUGAL. [book i. 
 
 city by Fernando Columbus, the natural son of Chris- 
 topher, he saw an old volume in folio, bound in parch- 
 ment, (published soon after the invention of printing,) 
 v^^hich had belonged to Christopher Columbus. This 
 volume was a collection in Latin of astronomical and 
 cosmographical tracts of Pedro de Aliaco, and of his 
 disciple John Gerson. Las Casas had spoken of the 
 volume being so familiar to Columbus, that he had 
 filled its whole margin with Latin notes in his hand- 
 writing. It was a great satisfaction to Mr. Irving to 
 discover this identical volume, this Vade Mecum of 
 Columbus, in a state of good preservation. The 
 notes he says are written in a very small but neat 
 and distinct hand, and call attention to the most stri- 
 king passages, or to those which bore most upon the 
 theories of Columbus ; occasionally containing brief 
 comments, or citing the opinions of other authors, 
 ancient and modern, either in support or contradic- 
 tion of the text. " This volume," Mr. Irving adds, 
 " is a most curious and interesting document, the 
 only one that remains of Columbus prior to his dis- 
 covery. It illustrates his researches, and in a manner 
 the current of his thoughts, while as yet his great en- 
 terprise existed but in idea, and while he was seeking 
 means to convince the world of its practicability."* 
 
 Columbus arrived at Lisbon about 1470, and his 
 marriage there, soon after, fixed him in that city. 
 Prince Henry, so instrumental in promoting discove- 
 ries, was no longer hving. But a like passion for 
 discovery was evinced by John the Second. His call 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 294-5. 
 
CHAP. II.] PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO PORTUGAL. 23 
 
 on men of science to devise means by which to give 
 greater scope and certainty to navigation, resulted in 
 the application of the astrolabe ; enabling the seaman, 
 by the altitude of the sun, to ascertain its distance 
 from the equator.* 
 
 It was immediately after this event that Columbus 
 proposed to King John, if he would furnish him with 
 ships and men, to go to the west across the Atlantic, 
 and thus reach India by a shorter and more direct 
 route than around the coast of Africa. The propo- 
 sition was referred to a commission of three persons, 
 two of whom were cosmographers ; but this scientific 
 body treated the project as visionary. The king, not 
 satisfied, convoked a council composed of the pre- 
 lates and other persons of learning ; but they, too, 
 generally opposed the plan.f Yet Columbus was de- 
 sired to furnish for the examination of the council, 
 the charts or other documents according to which he 
 intended to shape his course ; and a caravel was dis- 
 patched for the ostensible purpose of carrying provi- 
 sions to the Cape de Verd islands, but with private 
 instructions to pursue the route designated in the pa- 
 pers of Columbus. The weather becoming stormy, 
 the pilots had not the resolution to proceed, and re- 
 turned, ridiculing the project.| 
 
 The wife of Columbus having been for some time 
 dead, he determined now to abandon Portugal. To- 
 wards the end of 1484, he departed from Lisbon, ta- 
 king with him his son Diego.§ About the same time, 
 he engaged his brother Bartholomew to depart to Eng- 
 land with proposals to the monarch of that country. 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 31. f Id. 34. J Id. 36. § Id. 
 
24 PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. [book I. 
 
 " It is interesting to notice the first arrival of Columbus 
 in that country, which was to become the scene of his 
 glory, and which he was to render so powerful and illus- 
 trious by his discoveries. In this we meet with one of 
 those striking and instructive contrasts which occur in his 
 eventful history. The first trace we have of him in Spain, 
 is in the testimony furnished a few years after his death, 
 in the celebrated law-suit between his son Don Diego and 
 the Crown, by a physician named Garcia Fernandez, from 
 whose deposition we glean the following facts :* 
 
 "About half a league from the little seaport of Palos de 
 Moguer in Andalusia there stood, and continues to stand at 
 the present day, an ancient convent of Franciscan friars : 
 dedicated to Santa Maria de Rabida. One day a stranger 
 on foot, in humble guise, but of a distinguished air, accom- 
 panied by a small boy, stopped at the gate of the convent, 
 and asked of the porter a little bread and water for his child. 
 While receiving this humble refreshment, the prior of the 
 convent, Friar Juan Perez de Marchena, happening to pass 
 by, was struck with the appearance of the stranger, and 
 observing from his air and accent that he was a foreigner, 
 entered into conversation with him, and soon learnt the 
 particulars of his story. That stranger was Columbus, ac- 
 companied by his young son Diego. Where he had come 
 from does not clearly appear ;t that he was in destitute cir- 
 cumstances is evident from the mode of his wayfaring : he 
 
 * From Irving's Columbus, 1st chapter rian, Juan Baut. Mufioz. There is a little 
 
 of his second book, vol. 1, p. 39. obscurity in some part of the evidence of 
 
 t " Lo Dicho Alrairante Colon veniendo Garcia Fernandez. It was given many 
 
 & la Rabida, que es un nionasterio de frailes years after the event. He states Columbus 
 
 en esta villa,el qual demand6 a la porteria as coming with his infant son from the 
 
 que le diesen para aquel niflico, que era Castilian court, but he evidently con- 
 
 nifio, pan i agua que bebiese." The testi- founds two visits which Columbus made 
 
 mony of Garcia Fernandez exists in manu- to the convent of La Rabida into one. In 
 
 script among the multifarious writings of making use of his testimony, that confu- 
 
 the Pleito or law-suit, which are preserved sion has been corrected by comparing it 
 
 at Seville. I have made use of an authen- with other well ascertained facts. 
 ticated extract, copied for the late histo- 
 
CHAP. H.] PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. 25 
 
 was on his way to the neighbouring town of Huelva, to 
 seek his brother-in-law, who had married a sister of his de- 
 ceased wife.* 
 
 " The prior was a man of extensive information. His 
 attention had been turned in some measure to geographical 
 and nautical science, probably from his vicinity to Palos, 
 the inhabitants of which were among the most enterprising 
 navigators of Spain, and made frequent voyages to the re- 
 cently discovered islands and countries on the African coast. 
 He was greatly interested by the conversation of Columbus, 
 and struck with the grandeur of his views. It was a re- 
 markable occurrence in the monotonous life of the cloister, 
 to have a man of such singular character, intent on so ex- 
 traordinary an enterprise, applying for bread and water at 
 the gate of his convent. He detained him as his guest, 
 and diffident of his own judgment, sent for a scientific 
 friend to converse with him. That friend was Garcia Fer- 
 nandez, a physician resident in Palos, the same who fur- 
 nishes this interesting testimony. Fernandez was equally 
 struck with the appearance and conversation of the stranger. 
 Several conferences took place at the old convent, and the 
 project of Columbus was treated with a deference in the 
 quiet cloisters of La Rabida, which it had in vain sought 
 amidst the bustle and pretension of court sages and philo- 
 sophers. Hints too were gathered among the veteran mari- 
 ners of Palos, which seemed to corroborate his theory. 
 One Pedro de Velasco, an old and experienced pilot of the 
 place, affirmed that nearly thirty years before, in the course 
 of a voyage, he was carried by stress of weather so far to 
 the northwest, that Cape Clear in Ireland lay to the east of 
 him. Here, though there was a strong wind blowing from 
 the west, the sea was perfectly smooth; a remarkable cir- 
 cumstance, which he supposed to be produced by land lying 
 
 * Probably Pedro Correa, from whom he had received information of signs of land in 
 the west, observed near Puerto Santo. 
 
26 PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. [book I. 
 
 in that direction. It being late in August, however, he 
 was fearful of the approach of winter, and did not venture 
 to proceed on the discovery.* 
 
 " Fray Juan Perez possessed that hearty zeal in friend- 
 ship, which carries good wishes into good deeds. Being 
 fully persuaded that the proposed enterprise would be of 
 the utmost importance to the country, he offered to give Co- 
 lumbus a favourable introduction to court, and he advised 
 him by all means to repair thither, and make his proposi- 
 tions to the Spanish sovereigns. Juan Perez was on inti- 
 mate terms with Fernando de Talavera, prior of the mo- 
 nastery of Prado and confessor to the queen, a man high in 
 royal confidence, and possessing great weight in public af- 
 fairs. f To him he gave Columbus a letter, strongly recom- 
 mending himself and his enterprise to the patronage of Ta- 
 lavera, and requesting his friendly intercession with the 
 king and queen. As the influence of the church was para- 
 mount in the court of Castile, and as Talavera, from his si- 
 tuation as confessor, had the most direct and confidential 
 communication with the queen, every thing was expected 
 from his mediation. In the meantime Fray Juan Perez took 
 charge of the youthful son of Columbus, to maintain and 
 educate him at his convent. 
 
 " The zeal of this worthy man, thus early enkindled, ne- 
 ver cooled ; and many years afterwards, in the day of his 
 success, Columbus looks back, through the brilliant crowd 
 of courtiers, prelates and philosophers, who claimed the ho- 
 nour of having patronized his enterprise, and points to this 
 modest friar as one who had been most effectually its friend. 
 He remained in the convent until the spring of 1486, when 
 the court arrived in the ancient city of Cordova, where the 
 sovereigns intended to assemble their troops and make pre- 
 
 * Hist, del Almirante, cap. 8. 
 
 t Salinas Crnn. Franciscana de Peru. L. 1, c. 14. Malendez Tesoros Verdaderos de las 
 India?, L. I, c. 1. 
 
CHAP. II.] PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. 27 
 
 parations for a spring campaign against the Moorish king- 
 dom of Granada. Elated then, with fresh hopes, and con- 
 fident of a speedy audience, on the strength of the letter to 
 Fernando de Talavera, Cohimbus bade farewell to the wor- 
 thy prior of La Rabida, leaving with him his child, and set 
 out, full of spirits, for the court of Castile." 
 
 Columbus lost no time in presenting the letter. 
 The prior of Prado read it, and listened to the expla- 
 nations of Columbus, but no impression was made on 
 him in favour of the plan, and it is questionable whe- 
 ther at this period it was even mentioned to Ferdinand 
 or Isabella. Certain it is that it was long afterwards 
 before Columbus obtained an audience from either of 
 the sovereigns. While lingering in Cordova, he be- 
 came attached to a lady of that city, named Beatrix 
 Enriquez. She was the mother of his second son, 
 Fernando, (born in 1487 or 1488,) who became his 
 historian, and whom he always treated on terms of 
 perfect equality with his legitimate son Diego.* 
 
 The most efficient friend of Columbus, in this stage 
 of his application, was Alonzo de Quintanillo, comp- 
 troller of the finances of Castile, who became a warm 
 advocate of his theory, and received him as a guest 
 into his house. As a means of efTectually promoting 
 his interests, he endeavoured to procure for him the 
 patronage of the celebrated Pedro Gonzalez de Men- 
 doza. Archbishop of Toledo, and Grand Cardinal of 
 Spain. Through the representations of this impor- 
 tant personage, Columbus at length obtained admis- 
 sion to the royal presence. In a matter involving so 
 
 ♦ Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 46 to 48; vol. 2, p. 227, Appendi.t No. 3. 
 
28 PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. [book i. 
 
 much science, Ferdinand determined to take the opi- 
 nion of the most learned men in the kingdom. The 
 prior of Prado was commanded to assemble the most 
 learned astronomers and cosmographers, for the pur- 
 pose of holding a conference with Columbus. The 
 conference took place at the great seat of learning in 
 Spain, at Salamanca, in the convent of St. Stephen. 
 The reasoning of Columbus did not convince a suffi- 
 cient number : there was further procrastination and 
 neglect.* 
 
 It was in vain to seek a quiet and attentive hearing 
 from a court surrounded by the din of arms and con- 
 tinually on the march. Wearied and discouraged by 
 so much delay, Columbus appears to have written to 
 King John the Second. A letter was received in re- 
 ply, dated the 20th of March 1488, inviting his return 
 to Portugal. Hopes, however, were raised by the 
 conduct of the Spanish sovereigns, which induced 
 him to neglect this invitation. 
 
 In the spring of 1489, Columbus was summoned to 
 attend a conference of learned men, to be held in the 
 City of Seville. But the bustle of the campaign pre- 
 vented the conference then and for some time after. 
 The year 1490 had passed away, and Columbus was 
 still kept in suspense. Wearied at the repeated post- 
 ponements, he pressed for a decisive leply. A report 
 was at length made by the scientific men to whom the 
 project had been referred, that the scheme was vain 
 and impossible, and ought not to be engaged in by 
 the sovereigns. Yet they were unwilling to close the 
 door upon the project. A message was sent to Co- 
 
 * Irving'a Columbus, vol. 1, p. 48 to 56. 
 
CHAP. II.] PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. 29 
 
 lumbus that when the war should be concluded, they 
 would treat with him on the subject. On receiving 
 it, he repaired from Cordova to the court at Seville, 
 but obtained no more favourable reply. Still he was 
 reluctant to abandon Spain. At the convent of La 
 Rabida was his son Diego, and in Cordova resided 
 Beatrix Enriquez, and his infant son Fernando.* 
 
 Columbus now looked round among the rich and 
 powerful nobility of Spain. His first application was 
 to the Duke of Medina Sidonia ; his second to the 
 Duke of Medina CeH. Neither would embark in the 
 undertaking, but the latter advised Columbus to apply 
 once more to the Spanish monarchs, and gave him a 
 letter for Queen Isabella. Averse to the idea of again 
 returning to wait upon the court, Columbus deter- 
 mined to comply with an invitation from the King of 
 France to repair to Paris. f 
 
 " Full of this resolution,! he departed for the convent of 
 La Rabida, to seek his eldest son Diego, who still remained 
 under the care of his zealous friend Juan Perez, intending 
 to leave him, with his other son, at Cordova. 
 
 " When the worthy prior beheld Columbus once more ar- 
 rive at the gate of his convent, humble in garb and poor in 
 purse as when he first applied there, and found that seven 
 years solicitation at the court had ended in poverty and dis- 
 appointment, he was greatly moved ; but when, on further 
 conversation, he found that the voyager was on the point 
 of abandoning Spain, to seek for patronage in the court of 
 France, and that so important an enterprize was about to 
 be lost forever to the country, the patriotism of the good 
 
 * living's Columbus, vol. I, p. 59 to 63. f Id- P- 63 to 65. 
 t Extracted from same, p. 65 to 67. 
 
30 PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. [BOOK I. 
 
 friar took the alarm and inspired his ardent spirit with new 
 zeal. He sent in all haste for his scientific intimate and 
 adviser, Garcia Fernandez, the physician of the neighbour- 
 ing town, and they had further consultations on the scheme 
 of Columbus. He called in, also, to their councils, one 
 Martin Alonzo Pinzon, the head of a family of wealthy and 
 distinguished navigators of Palos, who were celebrated for 
 their practical experience, and their adventurous expedi- 
 tions. Pinzon gave the plan of Columbus his decided ap- 
 probation, offering to engage in it with purse and person, 
 and to bear the expenses of Columbus in a renewed appli- 
 cation to the court. 
 
 " Friar Juan Perez was confirmed in his faith by the 
 concurrence of his learned and his practical counsellors. 
 He had once been confessor to the queen, and knew that 
 she was always accessible to persons of his sacred calling. 
 He proposed to write to her immediately on the subject. 
 and entreated Columbus to delay his journey until an an- 
 swer could be received. The latter was easily persuaded, 
 for he felt as if in leaving Spain he was again abandoning 
 his home. He was also reluctant to renew, in another 
 court, the vexations and disappointments he had experienced 
 in Spain and Portugal. 
 
 "Having agreed to remain, the little council at the con- 
 vent cast round their eyes for an ambassador to depart upon 
 this momentous mission. They chose one Sebastian Rodri- 
 guez, a pilot of Lepe, one of the most shrewd and impor- 
 tant personages in this maritime neighbourhood. The 
 queen was at this time at Santa' Fe, the military city which 
 had been built in the Vega before Granada, after the confla- 
 gration of the royal camp. The honest pilot acquitted 
 himself faithfully, expeditiously and successfully, in his 
 embassy. He found access to the benignant princess, and 
 delivered the epistle of the friar. Isabella had already been 
 favourably disposed to the proposition of Columbus ; and 
 
CHAP. II.] PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. 31 
 
 had been further influenced by the correspondence of the 
 Duke of Medina Celi. She wrote in reply to Juan Perez, 
 thanking him for his timely services, and requesting that 
 he would repair immediately to the court, leaving Christo- 
 pher Columbus in confident hope, until he should hear fur- 
 ther from her. This royal letter was brought back by the 
 pilot, at the end of fourteen days, and spread great joy in 
 the little junto at the convent. No sooner did the warm- 
 hearted friar receive it, than he saddled his mule, and de- 
 parted privately before midnight for the court. He jour- 
 neyed through the conquered countries of the Moors, and 
 rode into the newly erected city of Santa Fe, where the 
 sovereigns were superintending the close investment of the 
 capital of Granada. 
 
 " The sacred office of Juan Perez gained him a ready en- 
 trance in a court distinguished for religious zeal ; ajid, once 
 admitted to the presence of the queen, his former relation, 
 as father confessor, gave him great freedom of counsel. 
 He pleaded the cause of Columbus with characteristic en- 
 thusiasm, speaking, from actual knowledge, of his honoura- 
 ble motives, his professional knowledge and experience, and 
 his perfect capacity to fulfil the undertaking; he repre- 
 sented the solid principles upon which the enterprise was 
 founded; the advantages that must attend its success; and 
 the glory it must shed upon the Spanish crown. 
 
 " It is probable that Isabella had never heard the proposi- 
 tion urged with such honest zeal and impressive eloquence. 
 Being naturally more sanguine and susceptible than the 
 king, and more open to warm and generous impulses, she 
 was moved by the representations of Juan Perez, which 
 were warmly seconded by her favourite the Marchioness of 
 Moya, who entered into the affair with a woman's disinte- 
 rested enthusiasm.* The queen requested that Columbus 
 might be again sent to her ; and with the kind considerate- 
 
 * Retrato del Buen Vassallo, L. 2, cap. 16. 
 
32 PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. [book I. 
 
 ness which characterized her, bethinking herself of his po- 
 verty and his humble plight, ordered that twenty thousand 
 maravedis* in florins, should be forwarded to him, to bear 
 his travelling expenses, to provide him with a mule for his 
 journey, and to furnish him with decent raiment, that he 
 might make a respectable appearance at the court. 
 
 " The worthy friar lost no time in communicating the 
 result of his mission ; he transmitted the money, and a let- 
 ter, by the hands of an inhabitant of Palos, to the physician 
 Garcia Fernandez, who delivered them to Columbus. The 
 latter complied with the instructions conveyed in the epis- 
 tle. He exchanged his threadbare garb for one more suited 
 to the sphere of a court, and purchasing a mule, set out 
 once more, reanimated by hope, for the camp before Gra- 
 nada."! 
 
 Columbus arrived in time to witness the memorable 
 surrender of Granada to the Spanish arms. The mo- 
 narchs could now attend to his proposals. He re- 
 quired that he should be invested with the title and 
 privileges of admiral and viceroy over the countries 
 he should discover, with one tenth of all gains, either 
 by trade or conquest. One of the courtiers observing 
 that by this arrangement he would secure the honour 
 of a command, without any loss in case of failure, 
 Columbus replied by offering to furnish an eighth of 
 the cost, on condition of enjoying an eighth of the 
 profits. His terms, however, were pronounced inad- 
 missible. Others were offered him, but he decided 
 to abandon Spain forever, rather than compromise his 
 
 * Or seventy-two dollars — equivalent to Rabida, are from the testimony rendered 
 
 two hundred and sixteen dollars of the by Garcia Fernandez in the law suit be- 
 
 present day. tween Diego, the son of Columbus, and the 
 
 t Most of the particulars of this second crown, 
 visit of Columbus to the convent of La 
 
CHAP. II.] PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. 33 
 
 demands. Mounting his mule, he salhed forth from 
 Santa Fe in the beginning of February 1492 on his 
 way to Cordova, whence he intended to depart imme- 
 diately for France. His departure was greatly de- 
 plored by a few friends who were zealous believers in 
 his theory. One of these was Luis de St. Angel, re- 
 ceiver of the ecclesiastical revenues in Aragon. Ob- 
 taining an audience of the queen, he vindicated the 
 judgment of Columbus, and the soundness and prac- 
 ticability of his plans. Isabella declared in favour of 
 the enterprise. The king was averse to the measure 
 when the royal finances were drained by the war. 
 But the queen of Castile undertook it for her own 
 crown, and expressed herself willing to pledge her 
 private jewels to raise the necessary funds. St. An- 
 gel assured her there would be no need of this.* 
 
 Columbus had reached the bridge of Pinos about 
 two leagues from Granada, at the foot of the moun- 
 tain of Elvira, when he was overtaken by a courier 
 from the queen. On being told of the promise she 
 had given, he hastened back with alacrity to Santa 
 Fe, and had from her an immediate audience. A per- 
 fect understanding was now had with the sovereigns. 
 The stipulations were signed by them on the 17th of 
 April 1492, a commission was issued to Columbus on 
 the 30th of that month, and the queen on the 8th of 
 May appointed his son Diego page to Prince Juan, 
 the heir apparent, with an allowance for his support. 
 Columbus took leave of the court on the 1 2th of May, 
 and set out for Palos de Moguer in Andalusia, the port 
 from which the armament was to be fitted out. He 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 67 to 71. 
 
 5 
 
34 PROPOSALS OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN. [book i. 
 
 was received with open arms by the worthy prior of 
 the convent of La Rabida, and was his guest during 
 his sojourn at Palos. There was extreme dread of 
 the undertaking, even in this maritime community, 
 and great difficulty was experienced in procuring ves- 
 sels and seamen. At length Martin Alonzo Pinzon 
 and his brother Vincent Yanez Pinzon, navigators of 
 distinction, who possessed vessels and had seamen in 
 their employ, took a decided and personal interest in 
 the expedition ; and through their exertions the ves- 
 sels were ready for sea by the beginning of August. 
 They were three in number, all small and only one of 
 of them decked. Columbus hoisted his flag on the 
 largest called the Santa Maria. The others were 
 commanded each by one of the Pinzons. There 
 were on board the three, one hundred and twenty 
 persons in all.* 
 
 *Irving's Columbus, vol 1, p. 71 to 79. 
 
CHAP. III.] VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1492. 36 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Of the first Voyage of Columbus to tlie West; his departure on the 3d 
 of August 1492 ; discovery of land in the West Lidias on the 12th of 
 October in that year ; and return to Spain in March 1493. 
 
 It was on Friday, the 3d of August 1492,* early in 
 the morning, that Columbus set sail from the bar of 
 Saltes, a small island formed by the arms of the Odril, 
 in front of the town of Huelva. He steered for the 
 Canary islands, whence it was his intention to sail 
 due west until he should arrive at the Indias, when 
 he was to proceed to deliver the letters given him for 
 the Grand Khan of Tartary. On the 9th he came in 
 sight of the Canaries, where he was detained upwards 
 of three weeks, during which time two of the vessels 
 underwent some repairs. He sailed from Gomera on 
 the 6th of September, and on the 9th beheld Fuso, 
 the last of the Canaries. On the 13th, about two hun- 
 dred leagues from Fuso, he noticed for the first time 
 the variation of the needle : instead of pointing to the 
 north star, it varied at night fall about half a point, or 
 between five and six degrees to the northwest, and 
 still more on the following morning : the variation in- 
 creased as he advanced. On the 14th the voyagers 
 were rejoiced by the sight of a heron and a tropical 
 bird called the Rabo de Janco, harbingers of land. 
 Now they began to see herbs and weeds drifting from 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 71 to 79. 
 
36 VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1492. [book i. 
 
 the west, and increasing in quantity as they advanced. 
 But several weeks still elapsed without seeing any 
 land. Columbus having now come more than seven 
 hundred leagues since leaving the Canaries, Martin 
 Alonzo Pinzon began to lose confidence in the course 
 west, and proposed that they should stand more to the 
 southward. Columbus observing great flights of small 
 birds going southwest, determined on the evening of 
 the 7th of October, to alter his course to the west 
 southwest, the direction in which the birds generally 
 flew. For three days they stood in this direction, and 
 the signs were encouraging. But when on the eve- 
 ning of the third day the sun went down upon a shore- 
 less horizon, the crews broke forth into turbulent cla- 
 mour. They insisted on turning homeward, and aban- 
 doning the voyage as hopeless. Columbus notwith- 
 standing declared his purpose to persevere until he 
 should accomplish the enterprise. At open defiance 
 with his crew, his situation would have been despe- 
 rate, had not the manifestations of land been such on 
 the following day (the 1 Ith,) as no longer to admit of 
 doubt. That night not an eye was closed. Columbus, 
 took his station on the top of the castle or cabin on 
 the high poop of his vessel, and maintained an unre- 
 mitting watch. Once or twice during the night he 
 saw a light which he considered as a sign of land, 
 and that it was inhabited. At two in the morning a 
 gun from the Pinta (commanded by Martin Alonzo 
 Pinzon,) gave the joyful signal. The land was now 
 clearly seen about two leagues distant : they took in 
 sail, and laid to, waiting impatiently for the dawn.* 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 8S to 101. 
 
CHAP. Ill] DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1492. 37 
 
 When, as the morning dawned, objects gradually 
 became visible, Columbus beheld before him a level 
 and beautiful island, several leagues in extent, the in- 
 habitants of which were seen naked, running to the 
 shore to gaze at the ships. The boats were soon 
 manned, and a landing effected. Columbus knelt 
 and offered up a prayer of thanksgiving, in which 
 the rest joined. Then rising and drawing his sword, 
 he took possession in the name of the Castilian sove- 
 reigns. It has been generally supposed that one of 
 the Bahama islands, called by the natives Guanahani, 
 and since called San Salvador, and also known as 
 Cat island, was the spot where Columbus first set foot 
 upon the new world. Don Martin Navarette, in the 
 introduction to his " Collection of Spanish Voyages 
 and Discoveries," published at Madrid in 1826, hav- 
 ing endeavoured to shew that the place must have 
 been Turk's island, Mr. Irving examined this opinion, 
 and came to the conclusion that the world may re- 
 main in its old hereditary belief that the present island 
 of San Salvador is the spot.* 
 
 It was on Friday, the 12th of October, that this 
 landing took place. The crew thronged around the 
 admiral in their overflowing zeal. 
 
 "Some" (continues Mr. Irving,t) "embraced him, 
 others kissed his hands. Those who had been most muti- 
 nous and turbulent during the voyage, were now most de- 
 voted and enthusiastic. Some begged favours of him, as 
 of a man who had already wealth and honours in his gift. 
 Many abject spirits, who had outraged him by their inso- 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. l,p. 102,3; vol. 2, p. 280 to 288, Appendix No. 17. 
 fid. vol. l,p. 103 to 105. 
 
38 DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1492. [book i. 
 
 lence, now crouched as it were at his feet, begging pardon 
 for all the trouble they had caused him, and offering for the 
 future the blindest obedience to his commands.* 
 
 " The natives of the island, when, at the dawn of day, 
 they had beheld the ships, with their sails set, hovering on 
 their coast, had supposed them some monsters which had 
 issued from the deep during the night. They had crowded 
 to the beach, and watched their movements with awful 
 anxiety. Their veering about, apparently without eflfort ; 
 the shifting and furling of their sails, resembling huge 
 wings, filled them with astonishment. When they beheld 
 the boats approach the shore, and a number of strange be- 
 ings clad in glittering steel, or raiment of various colours, 
 landing upon the beach, they fled in affright to their woods. 
 Finding, however, that there was no attempt to pursue, or 
 molest them, they gradually recovered from their terror, 
 and approached the Spaniards with great awe ; frequently 
 prostrating themselves on the earth, and making signs of 
 adoration. During the ceremonies of taking possession, 
 they remained gazing in timid admiration at the complexion, 
 the beards, the shining armour and splendid dresses of the 
 Spaniards. The admiral particularly attracted their atten- 
 tion, from his commanding height, his air of authority, his 
 dress of scarlet, and the deference which was paid him by 
 his companions; all which pointed him out to be the com- 
 mander.f When they had still further recovered from their 
 fears, they approached the Spaniards, touched their beards, 
 and examined their hands and faces, admiring their white- 
 ness. Columbus, pleased with their simplicity, their gen- 
 tleness, and the confidence they reposed in beings who must 
 have appeared to them so strange and formidable, suffered 
 their scrutiny with perfect acquiescence. The wondering 
 savages were won by this benignity; they now supposed 
 
 * Oviedo, L. 1, cap. 6. Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 1, c. 40. fLas Casas, ubi sup. 
 
CHAP. Ill] DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1492. 39 
 
 that the ships had sailed out of the crystal firmament which 
 bounded their horizon, or that they had descended from 
 above on their ample wings, and that these marvellous be- 
 ings were inhabitants of the skies.* 
 
 " The natives of the island were no less objects of cu- 
 riosity to the Spaniards, differing as they did from any race 
 of men they had ever seen. Their appearance gave no pro- 
 mise of either wealth or civilization, for they were entirely 
 naked, and painted with a variety of colours. With some 
 it was confined merely to a part of the face, the nose, or 
 around the eyes ; with others it extended to the whole 
 body, and gave them a wild and fantastic appearance. 
 Their complexion was of a tawny or copper hue, and they 
 were entirely destitute of beards. Their hair was not 
 crisped like the recently discovered tribes of the African 
 coast, under the same latitude, but straight and coarse, 
 partly cut short above the ears, but some locks left long be- 
 hind, and falling upon their shoulders. Their features, 
 though obscured and disfigured by paint, were agreeable ; 
 they had lofty foreheads and remarkably fine eyes. They 
 were of moderate stature, and well shaped ; most of them 
 appeared to be under thirty years of age ; there was but 
 one female with them, quite young, naked like her com- 
 panions, and beautifully formed. 
 
 "As Columbus supposed himself to have landed on an 
 island at the extremity of India, he called the natives by 
 the general appellation of Indians, which was universally 
 adopted, before the true nature of his discovery was known, 
 and has ever since been extended to all the aboriginals of 
 the new world." 
 
 * The idea that the white men came Nicaragua, lie inquired how they came 
 
 from heaven was universally entertained down from the skies, whether flying, or 
 
 by the inhabitants of the new world. whether they descended on clouds. Her- 
 
 When in the course of subsequent voyages, rcra, Decad. 3, L. 4, c. 5. 
 the Spaniards conversed with the Cacique 
 
40 DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1492. [book I. 
 
 Columbus, after reconnoitering San Salvador, 
 cruised among others of the Bahama islands. To 
 one he gave the name of Santa Maria de la Concep- 
 tion ; to another the name of Fernandina, this is now 
 called Exuma. Then he went to an island called Isa- 
 bella by him, and since called Isla Larga and Exumeta. 
 Afterwards he touched at a group of seven or eight 
 small islands, which he called Isles de Arena, supposed 
 to be the present Mucaras islands, and crossing the Ba- 
 hama bank and channel, arrived on the morninor of the 
 28th of October in sight of the island of Cuba. The 
 part which he first discovered is supposed to be the 
 coast to the west of Nuevitas del Principe. He an- 
 chored in a beautiful river, to which he gave the name 
 of San Salvador ; and to the island he gave the name 
 of Juana, in honour of Prince Juan. Landing occa- 
 sionally, he visited several villages, particularly one on 
 the banks of a large river, to which he gave the name 
 of Rio de Mares. It is now called Savannah la Mar. 
 After standing to the northwest, he came in sight of 
 a headland, to which, from the groves with which it 
 was covered, he gave the name of the Cape of Palms. 
 It forms the eastern entrance to what is now known 
 as Laguna de Moron. Afterwards he put back to the 
 Rio de Mares, and sent two Spaniards (with two In- 
 dians as guides) on a mission to the chieftain, in the 
 interior of the island.* 
 
 " On their way back, they, for the first time, witnessed 
 the use of a weed, which the ingenious caprice of man has 
 since converted into an universal luxury, in defiance of the 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 105 to 122, 
 
CHAP. III.] DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1492. 41 
 
 opposition of the senses. They beheld several of the na- 
 tives going about with fire-brands in their hands, and cer- 
 tain dried herbs, which they rolled up in a leaf, and light- 
 ing one end, put the other end in their mouths, and conti- 
 nued exhaling and puffing out the smoke. A roll of this 
 kind they called a tobacco, a name since transferred to the 
 plant of which the rolls were made. The Spaniards, 
 although prepared to meet with wonders, were struck with 
 astonishment at their singular and apparently nauseous in- 
 dulgence."* 
 
 On the 12th of November Columbus, taking seve- 
 ral of the natives of both sexes to carry with him to 
 Spain, turned his course to the east southeast. He 
 gave to a cape which he passed, the name of Cape 
 Cuba, and anchored in a harbour which he called Pu- 
 erto del Principe. He passed a few days exploring 
 an archipelago of small but beautiful islands, since 
 known as El Jardin del Rey, or the King's Garden ; 
 and named the gulf, studded with them, the sea of 
 Nuestra Senora. On the 19th, he again put to sea, 
 but the wind blowing from the quarter to which he 
 wished to steer, and the sea being rough, he deter- 
 mined to return to Cuba, and made signals to his com- 
 panions to do the same. The Pinta, commanded by 
 Martin Alonzo Pinzon, had by this time worked a 
 considerable distance to the eastward. It failed to 
 attend to his signals, and the next morning was out of 
 sight. Columbus was exceedingly indignant at this 
 apparent desertion, but not knowing what course Pin- 
 zon would steer, went back with the remaining ships. 
 On the 24th, he regained Point Cuba, and anchored 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 122. 
 
 6 
 
42 DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1493. [book i. 
 
 in a harbour formed by the mouth of a river, to which 
 he gave the name of St. Catharine. He continued 
 for several days coasting the residue of Cuba, and 
 reached its eastern end the 5th of December.* 
 
 While steering at large, beyond the eastern extre- 
 mity of Cuba, Columbus descried land to the south- 
 east. The beautiful island of Hayti revealed itself to 
 the eye. In the evening of the 6th of December, 
 Columbus entered a harbour at the western end of the 
 island, to which he gave the name of St. Nicholas, by 
 which it is still called. Leaving this harbour on the 
 7th, he coasted along the northern side of the island. 
 For several days he was detained in a harbour which 
 he called Fort Conception. The admiral fancied the 
 features of the surrounding country resembled those 
 of the more beautiful provinces of Spain, and named 
 the island Hispaniola. He visited an island lying op- 
 posite the harbour of Conception, to which, from its 
 abounding in turtle, he gave the name of Tortugas. 
 To one of its valleys, he gave the name of Valle de 
 Pariso, or the vale of Paradise ; and he called a fine 
 stream the Guadalquiver. Setting sail on the 16th of 
 December, at midnight, he steered again for Hispa- 
 niola, and anchored near a village on its coast, at pre- 
 sent known as Puerto de Paz. On the evening of 
 the 20th, he anchored in a fine harbour, to which 
 he gave the name of St. Thomas, supposed to be 
 what at present is called the Bay of Acul. On the 
 22d, a message was received from a grand cacique, 
 named Guacanagari, begging that the ships might 
 come opposite to his residence. The wind prevent- 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 122 to 129. 
 
CHAP. Ill] DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1492. 43 
 
 ing an immediate compliance, the admiral sent the 
 notary, with several of the crew, to visit him at his 
 residence, in a town then called Puerta Santa, now 
 Point Honorata. They were received with great ho- 
 nour, and brought back many presents to the ad- 
 miral.* 
 
 On the morning of the 24th of December, Colum- 
 bus steered to the eastward, with the intention of an- 
 choring at the harbour of this cacique. On the way, 
 owing to neglect of duty of the steersman, his vessel 
 was shipwrecked in the night, and the admiral and his 
 men took refuge on board the caravel of Vicente Ya- 
 nez Pinzon. When the cacique heard of this misfor- 
 tune, he immediately sent all his people with all the 
 canoes, large and small, that could be mustered ; and 
 so active were they, in their assistance, that in a little 
 while the vessel was unloaded. Never, in any civi- 
 lized country, were the vaunted rights of hospitality 
 more scrupulously observed than by this uncultured 
 savage. Men of the present day, who inhabit the 
 Atlantic coast of North America, with all the aid that 
 Christianity gives them, may be improved by follow- 
 ing his example. All the effects landed from the ship 
 were deposited near his dwelling, and an armed guard 
 surrounded them all night, until houses could be pre- 
 pared, in which to store them. Yet there seemed, 
 even among the common people, no disposition to 
 take advantage of the misfortune of the strangers. 
 Without going through the Christian form of prayer, 
 the conduct of these people to Columbus, enabled 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 129 to 137. 
 
44 DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1492. [book i. 
 
 him to say of them that they loved their neighbours 
 as themselves.* 
 
 The solicitude expressed by many of his people to 
 be left behind, added to the friendly and pacific 
 character of the natives, suggested to Columbus the 
 idea of forming the germ of a future colony. The 
 vi^reck of his vessel afforded abundant materials to 
 construct a fortress. So great was the activity of the 
 Spaniards in its construction, and so ample the assis- 
 tance rendered by the natives, that in ten days it w^as 
 sufficiently complete for service. A large vault had 
 been made, over which was erected a strong wooden 
 tower, and the whole was surrounded by a wide ditch. 
 It was stored with all the ammunitions that had been 
 saved from the wreck or that could be spared from 
 the caravel ; and the guns being mounted, the whole 
 had a formidable aspect. Columbus gave to the for- 
 tress, as well as to the adjacent village and the har- 
 bour, the name of La Navidad, or the Nativity, in 
 memorial of their having escaped from shipwreck on 
 Christmas day. There were many volunteers to re- 
 main on the island ; from whom he selected thirty- 
 nine, the command of whom was given to Diego de 
 Arana, a native of Cordova, and notary and alguazil 
 to the armament. In case of death, he was to be 
 succeeded by Pedro Gutierrez, and he dying, by Rod- 
 rigo de Escobedo.f 
 
 It was on the 4th of January 1493, that Columbus 
 set sail from La Navidad, on his return to Spain. He 
 stood eastward, towards a lofty promontory, to which 
 he gave the name of Monte Christi, by which it is 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 137 to 144. f Id. 145 to 151. 
 
CHAP. III.] DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1492. 45 
 
 Still known. On the 6th, having weathered the cape 
 and advanced ten leagues, the Pinta was seen. There 
 being an adverse wind, and no safe anchorage in the 
 neighbourhood, the admiral put back to the bay, a 
 little west of Monte Christi, whither he was followed 
 by the Pinta. When Martin Alonzo Pinzon came on 
 board of the admiral's vessel, he was agitated and 
 confused. Columbus was not at all satisfied with his 
 account ; and, from subsequent information, became 
 convinced that Pinzon had deserted him from a selfish 
 and mercenary motive ; that of first getting to a gol- 
 den region, of which he heard, (from one of the In- 
 dians on board of his vessel,) and making a fortune. 
 In searching for this land of imaginary wealth, he was 
 entangled for some time among a cluster of small 
 islands, supposed to have been the Caicos ; after 
 which, he went to Hispaniola. Here, in trading with 
 the natives, he collected a quantity of gold, of which 
 he retained half for himself, and divided the rest 
 among his men. Though he received intelligence of 
 the shipwreck of the admiral, he had delayed sailing 
 to his assistance, to amass more booty.* 
 
 On being rejoined by the Pinta, Columbus would 
 have been encouraged to continue his voyage along 
 the coast, but for his loss of confidence in the Pin- 
 zons. This decided him to hasten to Spain, and re- 
 lease himself from his connexion with them. The 
 boats now took in a supply of wood and water, at a 
 river called by the natives the Yagui, to which Co- 
 lumbus gave the name of Rio del Oro, or the Golden 
 River. It is now called the Santiago. They again 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 152 to 154. 
 
46 DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1492. [book i. 
 
 sailed on the evening of the 9th of January, and ar- 
 rived next day at a river where Pinzon had been tra- 
 ding. To this Columbus gave the name of Rio de 
 Gracia, but it took the appellation of its original dis- 
 coverer, and vi^as long known as the river of Martin 
 Alonzo. Here the natives complained that Pinzon 
 had violently carried off four men and two girls. The 
 admiral finding they were on board the Pinta, to be 
 carried to Spain and sold as slaves, ordered that they 
 should be immediately restored to their homes, well 
 clothed, and with many presents, to atone for the 
 wrong they had experienced, and to prevent its pre- 
 judicing the natives against the Spaniards. This res- 
 titution was made with great unwillingness and many 
 high words on the part of Pinzon.* 
 
 Columbus coasted the island until he came to a 
 high and beautiful headland, to which he gave the 
 name of Cape del Enamorado, or the Lover's Cape, 
 but which is now known as Cape Cabron. A little 
 beyond, he anchored in a vast bay or gulf, three 
 leagues in breadth, and extending far inland. On this 
 bay was the first contest had with the Indians ; the 
 first time that native blood was shed by the white men 
 in the new world. The tribe was the Ciguayans, a 
 bold and hardy race extending twenty-five leagues 
 along the coast, and several leagues into the interior. 
 In consequence of the skirmish with them, Columbus 
 gave to the bay the name of Golfo de las Fleches or 
 the Gulf of Arrows, but it is now known by the name 
 of the Gulf of Samana. Notwithstanding the skir- 
 mish, the chieftain and some of his attendants visited 
 
 * living's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 154, 5. 
 
CHAP. III.] RETURN OF COLUMBUS IN MARCH 1493. 47 
 
 the caravel next day in amity. A friendly intercourse 
 afterwards prevailed with the natives while Columbus 
 remained in the bay. And four young Indians agreed 
 to accompany him as guides to some islands lying 
 to the east, of which they gave interesting accounts. 
 He sailed from the bay on the 16th of January, and 
 steered at first to the northeast, but after going about 
 sixteen leagues his Indian guides changed their opi- 
 nion and pointed to the southeast. The admiral had 
 not proceeded two leagues in this direction, when a 
 most favourable breeze sprang up for the voyage to 
 Spain. The gloom on the countenances of the sailors 
 increasing as they diverged from the homeward route, 
 Columbus repressed his inchnation for farther discove- 
 ries, and once more shifting sail, to the great joy of 
 the crews, resumed his course for Spain.* 
 
 The favourable breeze soon died away, and for the 
 remainder of January no great progress was made. 
 In the early part of February, having run to about 
 the thirty-eighth degree of north latitude, they began 
 to have more favourable breezes, and were enabled 
 to steer direct for Spain. On the 13th there was a 
 violent tempest, which continued till the night of the 
 14th. In the darkness of the night the Pinta was lost 
 sight of. On the morning of the loth an island was 
 seen by those on board the Nina ; and on the morn- 
 ing of the 18th, they were enabled to anchor on its 
 northern side. The island was St. Mary's, the most 
 southern of the Azores, and a possession of the crown 
 of Portugal, whose king, it appeared, jealous lest the 
 expedition of Columbus might interfere with his own 
 
 * living's Columbus, vol. ], p. 155 to 159. 
 
48 RETURN OF COLUMBUS IN MARCH 1493. [BOOK I. 
 
 discoveries, had given orders for his seizure and de- 
 tention, vi^herever he should be met with. In conse- 
 quence of these orders, half the men of Columbus 
 were taken while on land, and for a time detained. 
 After their restoration, he set sail on the 24th of Feb- 
 ruary, and again encountered violent storms. At day 
 break on the 4th of March, they found themselves 
 off the rock of Cintra, at the mouth of the Tagus. 
 Though distrusting Portugal, the prevaihng tempest 
 left Columbus no alternative but to go in for shelter, 
 and he accordingly anchored about 3 o'clock, oppo- 
 site to Rastello.* 
 
 Immediately on his arrival, Columbus dispatched a 
 courier to the King and Queen of Spain, with the 
 great tidings of his discovery. He wrote also to the 
 King of Portugal, who was then at Valparaiso. On 
 the 8th of March a cavalier came with a letter from 
 King John, congratulating Columbus on his arrival, 
 and inviting him to court. His reception by that 
 monarch was worthy of an enlightened prince. Co- 
 lumbus after being treated with distinguished atten- 
 tion, was escorted back to his ship by a numerous 
 train of cavaliers ; stopping on his way back at the 
 monastery of St. Antonio, at Villa Franca, to visit the 
 queen, who had expressed an earnest wish to see him. 
 Putting to sea on the 13th of March, he arrived safely 
 at the bar of Saltes about sunrise of the 15th, and at 
 mid-day entered the harbour of Palos. The trium- 
 phant return of Columbus was a prodigious event in 
 the history of this little port. The whole community 
 broke forth into transports of joy. Columbus dis- 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 159 to 168, 
 
CHAP. III.] INTEREST EXCITED BY THE DISCOVERY. 49 
 
 patched hence a letter to the king and queen at Bar- 
 celona, and soon after departed for Seville to await 
 their orders, taking with him six of the natives whom 
 he had brought from the new world. One had died 
 at sea, and three were left ill at Palos. It is a singular 
 coincidence, that on the very evening of the arrival 
 of Columbus at Palos, the Pinta likewise entered the 
 river. After her separation from the admiral, she 
 had been driven into the bay of Biscay, and made 
 the port of Bayonne. Anxious to secure the favour- 
 able prepossessions of the court and the public, Mar- 
 tin Alonzo Pinzon had immediately written to the 
 sovereigns, giving information of the discovery he 
 had made. When on entering the harbour of Palos, 
 he beheld the vessel of the admiral riding at anchor, 
 and learnt the enthusiasm with which he had been re- 
 ceived, the heart of Pinzon died within him. In a 
 few days he sank into the grave.* 
 
 The letter of Columbus to the Spanish monarchs 
 announcing his discovery, had produced the greatest 
 sensation at court. Shortly after arriving in Seville, 
 Columbus received a letter from them, expressing 
 their great delight, and requesting him to repair im- 
 mediately to court to concert plans for a second and 
 more extensive expedition. He set out soon for Bar- 
 celona, taking with him the six Indians and other cu- 
 riosities brought from the new world. His journey 
 was like that of a sovereign. About the middle of 
 April he arrived at Barcelona, and there had a most 
 gratifying reception both from the court and the 
 people. Notwithstanding the universal enthusiasm, 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 169 to 176. 
 
 7 
 
50 INTEREST EXCITED BY THE DISCOVERY. [book I. 
 
 however, no one was yet aware of the real impor- 
 tance of the discovery. It was still supposed that 
 Cuba was the end of the Asiatic continent, and that 
 the adjacent islands were in the Indian seas ; and 
 therefore the lands which he had visited were called 
 the West Indias : yet as he seemed to have entered 
 upon a vast region of unexplored countries, existing 
 in a state of nature, the whole received the compre- 
 hensive appellation of " The New World."* 
 
 Next to the countenance shewn Columbus by the 
 king and queen, may be mentioned that of Pedro 
 Gonzalez de Mendoza, the first subject of the realm ; 
 a man whose elevated character gave value to his 
 favours. He invited Columbus to a feast, where he 
 assigned him the most honourable place at table. At 
 this repast is said to have occurred the anecdote of 
 the egg. A courtier present, impatient perhaps of 
 the honours paid to Columbus, asked him whether he 
 thought that in case he had not discovered the Indias, 
 there were not other men in Spain who would have 
 been capable of the enterprise ? Columbus made no 
 immediate reply, but, taking an egg, invited the com- 
 pany to make it stand upon one end. Every one at- 
 tempted it, but in vain. Whereupon Columbus struck 
 the egg upon the table so as to break the end, and 
 left it standing on the broken part ; illustrating in this 
 simple manner, that when he had once shewn the 
 way to the new world, nothing was easier than to 
 follow it.f 
 
 The six Indians whom Columbus had brought to 
 Barcelona, were baptized with great state and cere- 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 177 to 182. t U. p. 183, 4. 
 
CHAP. Ill] INTEREST EXCITED BY THE DISCOVERY. 51 
 
 mony; the king, the queen and Prince Juan officiating 
 as sponsors. Great hopes were entertained that on 
 their return to their native country they would facih- 
 tate the introduction of Christianity among their coun- 
 trymen. One of them, at the request of Prince Juan, 
 remained in his household, but died not long after- 
 wards. A Spanish historian remarks, that according 
 to what is called christian belief, he was the first of 
 his nation that entered Heaven ?* 
 
 During the year 1493, three editions were printed 
 of the letter of Columbus to Gabriel Sanchez, trea- 
 surer of Spain, giving an account of his discovery. 
 The general interest which it excited is strongly evi- 
 denced by this fact. Another example of a work 
 printed three times in the same year, can scarcely be 
 found in the fifteenth century. 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 190, 
 
52 SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. [book i. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Of the second Voyage of Columbus ; discovery of other isles in 1493 
 and 1494 ; settlement at La Navidad destroyed ; and City of Isabella 
 built. 
 
 After receiving every mark of honour and regard, 
 Columbus took leave of the sovereigns on the 28th 
 of May 1493. He arrived at Seville the beginning 
 of June, and proceeded with all diligence to fit out 
 the armament. On the 25th of September, the bay 
 of Cadiz was whitened by his fleet, consisting of three 
 large ships of heavy burthen and fourteen caravels. 
 The two sons of Columbus, Diego and Fernando, 
 witnessed the departure of their father.* 
 
 Columbus arrived at the Canaries on the 1st of 
 October. By the 24th he had made four hundred 
 and fifty leagues west of Gomera. On the morning 
 of the 3d of November, a lofty island was descried 
 to the west, to which he gave the name of Dominica, 
 from its being discovered on Sunday. Other islands 
 rose into sight, one after another. These were a part 
 of the beautiful cluster, called by some the Antilles, 
 which sweep almost in a semi-circle, from the eastern 
 end of Porto Rico to the coast of Paria, on the 
 southern continent, forming a kind of barrier be- 
 tween the main ocean and the Caribbean sea. To 
 one of these islands he gave the name of his ship, 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 191 to 202. 
 
CHAP. IV.] DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1493. 53 
 
 Marigalante ; to another the name of Guadaloupe. 
 On this the Spaniards landed the 4th of November, 
 and met for the first time with the dehcious pine 
 apple.* 
 
 Continuing along this beautiful archipelago, Co- 
 lumbus gave names to its islands as they successively 
 rose to view ; Montserrat, Santa Maria la Redonda, 
 Santa Maria la Antigua and San Martin. Other 
 lands to the north he forbore to visit. On the 14th 
 of November he anchored at an island which the In- 
 dians called Ayay, and to which he gave the name of 
 Santa Cruz. Here there was a skirmish with the na- 
 tives. Pursuing his voyage, Columbus soon came in 
 sight of a great cluster of islands : to the largest he 
 gave the name of Santa Ursula ; and he called the 
 others the Eleven Thousand Virgins. He arrived 
 afterwards at a great island called by the natives 
 Boriquen : to this he gave the name of St. Juan 
 Bautista; it is since known by the name of Porto 
 Rico. After remaining here two days, Columbus 
 sailed for Hispaniola.f 
 
 On the 22d of November the fleet arrived at the 
 eastern extremity of this island. At the gulf of Sa- 
 mana he set on shore one of the young Indians who 
 had been to Spain. Favourable effects were antici- 
 pated from his representations to his countrymen, but 
 he was neither seen nor heard of again. One Indian 
 of those who had been to Spain remained in the 
 fleet ; a native of the island of Guanahani, named 
 after the admiral's brother, Diego Colon. He con- 
 tinued faithful to the Spaniards. Columbus anchored 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 202 to 210. f W. 2U to 215. 
 
54 DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1493. [book i. 
 
 on the 25th in the harbour of Monte Christi, and on 
 the evening of the 27th near La Navidad. Two 
 cannon were fired, but there was no reply. About 
 midnight a canoe approached with Indians. One of 
 them was a cousin of the cacique Guacanagari, and 
 brought the admiral a present from him. The ac- 
 count of this messenger (as well as it could be ga- 
 thered,) was, that several of the Spaniards had died 
 of sickness, and others fallen in a quarrel among 
 themselves ; and the rest had removed to a different 
 part of the island : and that another cacique had 
 wounded Guacanagari in battle, and burnt his village. 
 Next day Columbus sent a boat to the shore to recon- 
 noitre. The crew found the fortress a burnt ruin ; 
 the pallisadoes beaten down ; and the whole present- 
 ing the appearance of having been sacked and de- 
 stroyed. They returned with dejected hearts to the 
 ships, and related to the admiral what they had seen. 
 Columbus was greatly troubled at this intelligence, 
 and, the fleet having now anchored in the harbour, 
 went himself to shore on the following morning. In 
 the course of the day a number of the Indians began 
 to make their appearance. Some of them could 
 speak a few words of Spanish, and knew the names 
 of all the men who had remained with Arana. By 
 this means, and by the aid of the Indian named Diego 
 Colon as interpreter, the story of the garrison was in 
 some measure ascertained.* 
 
 " No sooner had the departing sail of the admiral faded 
 from their sight, than all his counsels and commands died 
 
 *Irving's Columbus, vol. I, p. 216 to 221. The extract which follows is from p. 221 to 223. 
 
CHAP. IV.] DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1493. 55 
 
 away from their minds. Though a mere handful of men, 
 surrounded by savage tribes, and dependent upon their own 
 prudence and good conduct, and upon the good will of the 
 natives, for very existence, yet they soon began to indulge 
 in the most wanton abuses. Some were incited by rapa- 
 cious avarice, and, in their eagerness to amass private hoards 
 of wealth, possessed themselves, by all kinds of wrongful 
 means, of the golden ornaments and other valuable pro- 
 perty of the natives. Others sinned through gross sensu- 
 ality. Two or three wives had been allotted to each by 
 the Cacique Guacanagari, yet, not content with this liberal 
 allowance, they invaded the domestic tranquillity of the 
 Indians, and seduced from them their wives and daughters. 
 Fierce brawls incessantly occurred among themselves about 
 their ill-gotten spoils, or the favours of the Indian beauties; 
 and the simple natives beheld with astonishment the beings 
 whom they had worshipped as descended from the skies, 
 abandoned to the grossest of earthly passions, and raging 
 against each other with worse than brutal ferocity. 
 
 " Still these dissensions might not have been very dan- 
 gerous had they observed one of the grand irijunctions of 
 Columbus, and kept together in the fortress, maintaining 
 military vigilance ; but all precaution of the kind was soon 
 forgotten. In vain did Don Diego de Arana interpose his 
 authority; in vain did every inducement present itself 
 which could bind man and man together in a foreign land. 
 All order, all subordination, all unanimity, was at an end. 
 Many of them abandoned the fortress, and lived carelessly 
 and at random about the neighbourhood; every one was 
 for himself, or associated with some little knot of confede- 
 rates to injure and despoil the rest. Thus factions broke 
 out among them, until ambition arose to complete the de- 
 struction of their mimic empire. The two persons, Pedro 
 Gutierrez and Rodrigo de Escobedo, whom Columbus had 
 left as lieutenants to the commander, to succeed him in case 
 
66 DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1493. [^00^ I. 
 
 of accident, now took advantage of these disorders and 
 aspired to an equal share in the authority, if not to the 
 supreme control.* Violent affrays succeeded, in which a 
 Spaniard hy the name of Jacomo was killed. Having 
 failed in their object, Gutierrez and Escobedo withdrew 
 from the fortress, with nine of their adherents, and a num- 
 ber of their women; and, still bent on command, now 
 turned their thoughts on distant enterprise. Having heard 
 marvellous accounts of the mines of Cibao, and the golden 
 sands of its mountain rivers, they set off for that district, 
 flushed with the thoughts of amassing immense treasure. 
 Thus they disregarded another strong injunction of Colum- 
 bus, which was to keep within the friendly territories of 
 Guacanagari. The region to which they repaired was in 
 the interior of the island, within the province of Maguana, 
 ruled by the famous Caonabo, called by the Spaniards the 
 Lord of the Golden House. This renowned chieftain was 
 a Carib by birth, possessing the fierceness and the enter- 
 prise of his nation. He had come an adventurer to the 
 island, and had acquired such ascendancy over these simple 
 and unwarlike people by his courage and address, that he 
 had made himself the most potent of their caciques. His 
 warlike exploits were renowned throughout the island, and 
 the inhabitants universally stood in awe of him for his Ca- 
 rib origin. 
 
 " Caonabo had for some time maintained paramount im- 
 portance in the island ; he was the hero of this savage 
 world, when the ships of the white men suddenly appeared 
 upon its shores. The wonderful accounts of their power 
 and prowess had reached him among his mountains, and he 
 had the shrewdness to perceive that his own consequence 
 must decline before such formidable intruders. The de- 
 parture of Columbus had revived his hopes that their in- 
 
 * Oviedo, Hist. Ind. L. 2, c. 12. 
 
CHAP. IV.] SETTLEMENT AT LA NAVIDAD DESTROYED. 57 
 
 triisiori would be but temporary. The discords and ex- 
 cesses of those who remained, while they moved his de- 
 testation, inspired him with increasing confidence. No 
 sooner, therefore, did Gutierrez and Escobedo, with their 
 companions, take refuge in his dominions, than he consi- 
 dered himself secure of a triumph over these detested 
 strangers. He seized upon the fugitives and put them in- 
 stantly to death. He then assembled his subjects pri- 
 vately ; and, concerting his plans with the cacique of Ma- 
 rien, whose territories adjoined those of Guacanagari on 
 the west, he determined to make a sudden attack upon the 
 fortress. Emerging from among the mountains, and tra- 
 versing great tracts of forests with profound secrecy, he ar- 
 rived with his army in the vicinity of the village, without 
 being discovered. Confiding in the gentle and pacific na- 
 ture of the Indians, the Spaniards had neglected all mili- 
 tary precautions, and lived in the most careless security. 
 But ten men remained in the fortress with Arana, and these 
 do not appear to have maintained any guard. The rest 
 were quartered in houses in the neighbourhood. In the 
 dead of the night, when all were wrapt in unsuspecting 
 repose, Caonabo and his warriors burst upon the place with 
 frightful yells; got possession of the fortress before the in- 
 mates could put themselves upon their defence, and sur- 
 rounded and set fire to the houses in which the rest of the 
 white men were sleeping. The Spaniards were completely 
 taken by surprise. Eight of them fled to the sea side, pur- 
 sued by the savages, and rushing into the waves for safety, 
 were drowned ; the rest were massacred. Guacanagari and 
 his subjects fought faithfully in defence of their guests ; 
 but not being of a warlike character, they were easily rout- 
 ed ; Guacanagari was wounded in the combat by the hand 
 of Caonabo, and his village was burnt to the ground."* 
 
 * Herrera, Hist. Ind. Decad. 1, Lib. 2, 49. Cura de los Palacios, c. 120. MS. Mu- 
 c. 9. Letter of Dr. Chanca. Peter Martyr, noz, Hist. N. Mundo, L. 4. 
 Decad. 1, Lib. 2. Hist, del Almirante, c. 
 
58 CITY OF ISABELLA BUILT. [^^OK I. 
 
 Columbus weighed anchor on the 7th of Decem- 
 ber. Being obUged by the weather to put into a 
 harbour about ten leagues east of Monte Christi, he 
 was struck with its advantages. Here he founded 
 the first christian city of the New World, and gave to 
 it the name of Isabella. He dispatched to Spain 
 twelve of the ships under the command of Antonio 
 de Torres ; retaining only five for the colony. The 
 ships put to sea the 22d of February 1494. In them 
 were sent some men, women and children, taken in 
 the Caribbee islands ; it was recommended that they 
 should be instructed in the Spanish language and the 
 christian faith.* 
 
 In the mountains, about eighteen leagues from Isa- 
 bella, Columbus caused a fortress to be erected, to 
 which he gave the name of St. Thomas. Here lea- 
 ving Pedro Margarite in command, with a garrison of 
 fifty-six men, he returned to Isabella on the 29th of 
 March. A message was soon received from the for- 
 tress, that the Indians had manifested unfriendly feel- 
 ings. Columbus sent a reinforcement and also pro- 
 visions and ammunition. What, howe\ier, gave him 
 most anxiety was the sickness, discontent and dejec- 
 tion which seemed to increase in the settlement. 
 Besides intermittent fevers and other maladies trying 
 to European constitutions in the tropics, many of the 
 Spaniards suffered under the torments of a disease 
 hitherto unknown to them ; the scourge, as was sup- 
 posed, of their licentious intercourse with the Indian 
 females, but the origin of which, whether American 
 or European, has been a subject of great dispute. 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. J, p. 230 to 235. 
 
CHAP. IV.] DISCOVERY or ISLES IN 1494. 59 
 
 Having taken such measures as seemed to him best, 
 and left behind a president and council to administer 
 affairs in his absence, Columbus took three caravels 
 and proceeded on an exploring voyage. He set sail 
 the 24th of April and steered westward. After touch- 
 ing at Monte Christi and La Navidad, he arrived on 
 the 29th at the port of St. Nicholas, whence he be- 
 held the extreme point of Cuba.* 
 
 Columbus sailed along the southern coast of Cuba 
 twenty leagues, when he anchored in a harbour, to 
 which, from its size, he gave the name of Puerto 
 Grande, at present called Guantanamo. Then he 
 continued westward and came to a harbour, which, it 
 is probable, was the same at present called St. Jago 
 de Cuba. On the 3d of May, after standing west- 
 ward to a high cape, he turned south. He had not 
 sailed many leagues before the blue summits of a vast 
 and lofty island began to rise. He anchored in a 
 harbour about the centre, to which he gave the name 
 of Santa Gloria, and then coasted westward a few 
 leagues to a harbour which he called Puerto Buene. 
 Here there was a rencontre, in which, for the first 
 time, a dog was used against the natives. To this 
 island, Columbus gave the name of Santiago, but it 
 has retained its original Indian name of Jamaica. 
 After coasting it westward about twenty-four leagues 
 farther, he approached the western extremity, when 
 the breeze being fair for Cuba, he returned thither.f 
 
 On the 18th of May 1494, the squadron arrived at 
 a great cape to which Columbus gave the name of 
 Cubo de la Cruz, which it still retains. Resuming 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, voJ. 1, p. 244 to 264. f Id. p. 265 to 270. 
 
60 DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1494, [BOOK I. 
 
 his course to the west, he came on the following day 
 to where the coast suddenly swept away to the north- 
 east for many leagues, and then curved round again 
 to the west, forming an immense bay, or rather gulf 
 The navigation was rendered difficult by numerous 
 keys and sand banks. To this labyrinth of islands, 
 Columbus gave the name of the Queen's Gardens. 
 They were generally uninhabited ; but on one of the 
 largest, where they landed on the 22d of May, they 
 found a considerable village. To this island, the ad- 
 miral gave the name of Santa Maria. Having extri- 
 cated himself from this archipelago, Columbus stood 
 for a mountainous part of the island of Cuba, about 
 fourteen leagues distant, where he landed at a large 
 village on the 3d of June. Pursuing their voyage, 
 the ships for the greater part of two days, swept along 
 the open part of the coast, traversing the wide gulf 
 of Xagua. Penetrating another labyrinth of islands, 
 Columbus reached a low point of Cuba, to which he 
 gave the name of Point Serafin ; within which the 
 coast swept to the east, forming a deep bay. After 
 exploring this bay to the east, he continued westward, 
 and proceeding about nine leagues, came to a shore 
 where he had communications with the natives, one 
 of whom he took as a guide. He had not gone far, 
 before he was again involved in keys, shoals and 
 sand banks. For several days he continued explo- 
 ring the coast. As he proceeded, he found it took a 
 general bend to the southwest. He went near that 
 deep bay called by some the bay of Philipina, by 
 others, of Cortes. All on board considered the ex- 
 tent they had coasted, too great for this to be an 
 
CHAP. IV.] DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1494. 61 
 
 island ; they felt confident this land was a continent, 
 and the further investigation of the coast was relin- 
 quished. Columbus stood to the southeast on the 
 13th of June. He soon came in sight of a large 
 island, to which he gave the name of Evangelista ; it 
 is at present known as the island of Pines. He then 
 stood to the south, but soon found himself enclosed 
 in the lagoon of Siguanca. Leaving this lagoon, he 
 retraced his course to the last anchoring place, and 
 thence set sail on the 25th of June, navigating back 
 through the groups of islands between Evangehsta 
 and Cuba. At length they emerged from the cluster 
 of islands called the Jardins and Jardinellos, and 
 came to the open part of the coast of Cuba. On 
 the 7th of July, they anchored in the mouth of a fine 
 river, to which Columbus gave the name of Rio de 
 la Misa. Here he remained till the 16th. On the 
 18th, he reached Cape Cruz again.* 
 
 The wind being contrary for a return to Hispa- 
 niola, Columbus on the 22d of July, stood across for 
 Jamaica, to complete the circumnavigation of that 
 island. For nearly a month, he continued beating to 
 the eastward along its sout|jern coast. On the ] 9th 
 of August, he lost sight of its eastern extremity, to 
 which he gave the name of Cape Farol ; it is called 
 at present Point Morant. Steering eastward, he be- 
 held on the following day, that long peninsula of His- 
 paniola, known by the name of Cape Tiburon. To 
 this, he gave the name of Cape San Miguel. About 
 the end of August, he anchored at a small island or 
 rather rock called by him Alto Velo ; it rises singly 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 270 to 286. 
 
62 DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1494. [BOOK I. 
 
 out of the sea, opposite to a long cape, to which he 
 gave the name of Cape Beata. For eight days he 
 remained weather-bound in a channel opening be- 
 tween Hispaniola and a small island, to which he 
 gave the name of Saona. On the 24th, he reached 
 the eastern extremity of Hispaniola, to which he gave 
 the name of Cape San Rafael ; it is at present known 
 as Cape Engano. Hence he stood to the southeast, 
 touching at the island of Mona, situated between His- 
 paniola and Porto Rico. Reaching now a known 
 and tranquil sea, the excitement which had sustained 
 him during his exertions, became abated, and mind 
 and body sunk exhausted. He fell into a deep le- 
 thargy, resembling death itself, and was borne in a 
 state of insensibility to the harbour of Isabella.* 
 
 * living's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 286 to 292. 
 
CHAP, v.] BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS. 63 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Of the application of Columbus, through his brother Bartholomew, to 
 Henry the Seventh of England ; the arrival of Bartholomew at His- 
 pauiola ; and the meeting there of the two brothers in 1494. 
 
 When towards the end of 1484 Christopher Co- 
 lumhus was about to leave Portugal, he engaged his 
 brother Bartholomew to depart to England, with pro- 
 posals to the monarch of that country.* If at this 
 time the elder brother contemplated going to Spain, 
 he may have feared that Ferdinand and Isabella, like 
 the King of Portugal, would refuse to forward his 
 enterprise, and desired to avoid the loss of time that 
 there would be, if he delayed till such refusal to bring 
 the subject to the notice of another prince. The 
 ship in which Bartholomew sailed was, on its way, 
 robbed by pirates. Owing to this, and his poverty 
 and sickness away from home, the proposals intended 
 to be made to the King of England, were not sub- 
 mitted to him for several years. At length, he pub- 
 lished in London, in the year 1488, a Map of the 
 World, with some Latin verses on it, which Ferdi- 
 nand Columbus, the son of Christopher, has, in his 
 father's Life set down, he says, " rather for their an- 
 tiquity than for their goodness." They are inserted 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 37 and 293. 
 
64 BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS. [book i. 
 
 in Hakluyt's Collection of Voyages,* with the fol- 
 lowing translation : 
 
 " Thou which dcsireth easily the coasts of lands to know 
 
 This comely map, right learnedly, the same to thee will shew 
 
 Which Shabo, Pliny, Ptolemy and Isidore maintain 
 
 Yet for all that, they do not, all in one accord remain 
 
 Here also is set down, the late discovered burning zone 
 
 By Portugals, unto the world which whilom was unknown 
 
 Whereof the knowledge, now, at length, through all the world is blown." 
 
 A little under which he added : 
 
 " He whose dear native soil, bright stately Genoa 
 Even he whose name is Bartholomew Colon de terra rubra 
 The year of Grace a thousand and four hundred and four score 
 And eight, and on the thirteenth day of February more 
 In London published this work. To Christ all laud therefore." 
 
 No sovereign, to whom Columbus made proposals, 
 attended to them with more promptness, after they 
 were received, than Henry the Seventh. An agree- 
 ment was actually made with Bartholomew for the 
 prosecution of the enterprise, and the latter departed 
 for Spain in search of his brother. On reaching 
 Paris he first received the joyful intelligence that 
 Christopher Columbus had already made the dis- 
 covery, and returned to Spain in triumph. Bartholo- 
 mew made great haste to meet his brother in Spain, 
 but on reaching Seville, found that the fleet for the 
 Indias had sailed. He immediately repaired to the 
 court then at Valladolid, and received the command 
 of three ships freighted with supplies for the colony. 
 With these he reached Isabella just after the depar- 
 ture of the admiral for the coast of Cuba.f - 
 
 The view of the little squadron of Columbus re- 
 turning into the harbour, was a welcome sight to all 
 
 * 3 Hakluyt, p. 2, 3. t 3 Hakluyt, p. 2, 3. Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 295. 
 
CHAP, v.] BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS. 65 
 
 his friends in Isabella ; and to none more so than to 
 Bartholomew. A joyful and heartfelt surprise awaited 
 the admiral on his arrival, in finding this brother at 
 his bedside. His chief dependence had hitherto been 
 on his brother Diego, whom he had made president 
 of the junto formed to administer the affairs of the 
 island during his absence. But the mild and peace- 
 able disposition of Diego rendered him little capable 
 of managing the concerns of a factious colony. Bar- 
 tholomew was a more efficient character. He could 
 be of great assistance in the present state of the 
 colony, if he had high .official authority. Columbus, 
 being anxious to relieve himself from the pressure of 
 public business, which weighed heavily upon him 
 during his malady, immediately invested Bartholomew 
 with the title of Adelantado, an office equivalent to 
 that of heutenant governor.* 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 262 and p. 295, 6, 
 
66 LEAGUE OF THE CACIQUES. [book i. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Of the departure, in the absence of Columbus, of some of the malcon- 
 tents for Spain ; state of hostilities ; bold exploit of Alonzo de Ojeda ; 
 Indian prisoners sent to Spain to be sold as slaves ; the interposi- 
 tion of Isabella for them ; and the sufferings of the natives notwith- 
 standing. 
 
 While Columbus was absent from Isabella, Don 
 Pedro Margarite and father Boyle, accompanied by a 
 band of malcontents, had taken possession of certain 
 of the ships in the harbour, and sailed for Spain ; the 
 first general and apostle of the New World, thus set- 
 ting the flagrant example of an unauthorized aban- 
 donment of their posts. The departure of Margarite 
 left the army without a head, and put an end to what 
 little restraint and discipline existed at the time.* 
 
 Immediately after the return of Columbus, while 
 he was yet confined to his bed, the kind-hearted 
 chieftain Guacanagari paid him a visit, and informed 
 him of a secret league forming among the caciques, 
 at the head of which was Caonabo, with whom there 
 had been a state of war in his absence.f 
 
 "To make war upon this subtle and ferocious chieftain, 
 in the depths of his wild woodland territory, and among 
 the fastnesses of his mountains, where at every step there 
 would be danger of falling into some sudden ambush, would 
 be a work of time, peril, and uncertain issue. In the mean- 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 297 to 305. 
 
 t Id. p. 306 to 308. The following extract is from p. 308 to 310. 
 
CHAP. VI.] ALONZO DE OJEDA. 67 
 
 while, the settlements would never be secure from his se- 
 cret and daring enterprises, and the working of the mines 
 would be subject to frequent interruption. While perplexed 
 on this subject, Columbus was relieved by a bold proposi- 
 tion on the part of Alonzo de Ojeda, who offered to take 
 the Carib chieftain by stratagem, and deliver him alive into 
 his hands. The project was wild, hazardous and romantic, 
 characteristic of the fearless and adventurous spirit of Ojeda, 
 who was fond of distinguishing himself by extravagant ex- 
 ploits, and feats of desperate bravery. 
 
 "Choosing ten bold and hardy followers, well armed and 
 well mounted, and invoking the protection of his patroness 
 the Virgin, whose image as usual he bore with him as a 
 safeguard, Ojeda plunged into the forest, and made his way 
 above sixty leagues at the head of his followers, into the 
 wild territories of Caonabo, where he found the cacique in 
 one of his most populous towns. Ojeda approached Cao- 
 nabo with great deference and respect, treating him as a so- 
 vereign prince. He informed him that he had come on a 
 friendly embassy from the admiral, who was Guamiquina or 
 chief of the Spaniards, and who had sent him an invaluable 
 present. 
 
 " Caonabo had tried Ojeda in battle ; he had witnessed 
 his fiery prowess, and had conceived a warrior's admiration 
 of him. He received him with a degree of chivalrous 
 courtesy, if such a phrase may apply to the savage state 
 and rude hospitality of a wild warrior of the forests. The 
 free, fearless deportment, the great personal strength, and 
 the surprising agility and adroitness of Ojeda in all manly 
 exercises, and in the use of all kinds of weapons, were cal- 
 culated to delight a savage, and he soon became a great fa- 
 vourite with Caonabo. 
 
 Ojeda now used all his influence to prevail upon the ca- 
 cique to repair to Isabella, for the purpose of making a 
 treaty with Columbus, and becoming the ally and friend of 
 
68 ALONZO DE OJEDA. 1^°^^ "• 
 
 the Spaniards. It is said, that he offered him as a lure, the 
 bell of the chapel of Isabella. This bell was the wonder 
 of the island. When the Indians heard its melody sound- 
 ing through the forests as it rung for mass, and beheld the 
 Spaniards hastening towards the chapel, they imagined that 
 it talked, and that the white men obeyed it. With that 
 feeling of superstition with which they regarded all things 
 connected with the Spaniards, they looked upon this bell 
 as something supernatural, and in their usual phrase, said it 
 had come from Turey, or the skies. Caonabo had heard 
 this wonderful instrument at a distance, in the course of 
 his prowlings about the settlement, and had longed to see 
 it ; but when it was proffered to him as a present of peace, 
 he found it impossible to resist the temptation. 
 
 "The cacique agreed, therefore, to set out for Isabella; 
 but when the time came to depart, Ojeda beheld with sur- 
 prise a powerful force of warriors assembled, and ready to 
 march. He asked the meaning of taking such an army on 
 a mere friendly visit, to which the cacique proudly replied, 
 that it was not befitting a great prince like him, to go forth 
 scantily attended. Ojeda felt little satisfied with this re- 
 ply; he knew the warlike character of Caonabo, and his 
 deep subtilty, which is the soul of Indian warfare ; he 
 feared some sinister design, and that the chieftain might 
 meditate some surprise of the fortress of Isabella, or some 
 attempt upon the person of the admiral. He knew also 
 that it was the wish of Columbus, either to make peace 
 with the cacique, or to get possession of his person without 
 the alternative of open warfare. He had recourse to a stra- 
 tagem, therefore, which has an air of fable and romance, 
 but which is recorded by all the contemporary historians, 
 with trivial variations, and which Las Casas assures lis was 
 in current circulation in the island when he arrived there, 
 about six years after the event. It accords, too, with the 
 adventurous and extravagant character of the man, and with 
 
CHAP. VI.] ALONZO DE OJEDA. 69 
 
 the wild stratagems and vaunting exploits incident to Indian 
 warfare. 
 
 "In the course of their march, having halted near the 
 river Yagui, Ojeda one day produced a set of manacles of 
 polished steel, so highly burnished that they looked like 
 silver. These he assured Caonabo were royal ornaments 
 which had come from heaven, or the Turey of Biscay ;* 
 that they were worn by the monarchs of Castile on solemn 
 dances, and other high festivities, and were intended as pre- 
 sents to the cacique. He proposed that Caonabo should go 
 to the river and bathe, after which he should be decorated 
 with these ornaments, mounted on the horse of Ojeda, and 
 should return in the state of a Spanish monarch, to astonish 
 his subjects. The cacique, with that fondness for glitter- 
 ing ornaments common to savages, was dazzled with the 
 sight ; his proud military spirit, also, was flattered with the 
 idea of bestriding one of those tremendous animals, so 
 dreaded by his countrymen. He accompanied Ojeda and 
 his followers to the river, with but few attendants, dreading 
 nothing from nine or ten strangers when thus surrounded 
 by his army. After the cacique had bathed in the river, 
 he was assisted to mount behind Ojeda, and the shackles 
 were then adjusted. This done, they pranced round among 
 the savages, who were astonished to behold their cacique in 
 glittering array, and mounted on one of those fearful ani- 
 mals. Ojeda made several circuits to gain space, followed 
 by his little band of horsemen ; the Indians shrinking back 
 with affright from the prancing steeds. At length he made 
 a wide sweep into the forest, until the trees shut him from 
 the sight of the army. His followers then closed round 
 him, and drawing their swords, threatened Caonabo with 
 instant death if he made the least noise or resistance, though 
 indeed his manacles and shackles effectually prevented the 
 
 *The principal iron manufactories of Spain are established in Biscay, where that mi- 
 neral is found in abundance. 
 
70 ALONZO DE OJEDA. [BOOK I. 
 
 latter. They bound him with cords to Ojeda to prevent 
 his falling, or effecting an escape ; then putting spurs to 
 their horses, they dashed across the Yagui, and made off 
 through the woods with their prize.* 
 
 " They had now fifty or sixty leagues of wilderness to 
 traverse on their way homewards, with here and there large 
 Indian towns. They had borne off their captive by dint 
 of hoof far beyond the pursuit of his subjects ; but the ut- 
 most vigilance was requisite to prevent his escape during 
 this long and toilsome journey, and to prevent exciting the 
 hostilities of any confederate cacique. They had to avoid 
 the populous parts of the country, therefore, or to pass 
 through the Indian towns at full gallop. They suffered 
 greatly from fatigue, hunger, and watchfulness; encounter- 
 ing many perils, fording and swimming the numerous rivers 
 of the plains, toiling through the deep tangled forests, and 
 clambering over the high and rocky mountains. They ac- 
 complished all in safety, and Ojeda entered Isabella in tri- 
 umph from this most daring and characteristic enterprise, 
 with his wild Indian warrior bound behind him a captive." 
 
 Columbus determined to send Caonabo to Spain ; 
 in the mean time, he ordered that he should be treat- 
 ed with kindness and respect, and lodged him in a 
 part of his own dwelling house, where, however, he 
 kept him a close prisoner in chains, probably in the 
 splendid shackles which had ensnared him.f 
 
 The colony was sufTering greatly from want of 
 provisions, when they were relieved by the arrival of 
 four ships commanded by Antonio Torres. Colum- 
 
 *This! romantic exploit of Ojeda is re- History of St. Domingo. Peter Martyr and 
 
 corded at large by Las Casas, by his copy- others have given it more concisely, allu- 
 
 ist Herrera, (Decad. 1, L. 2, c. 16,) by Fer- ding to, but not inserting, its romantic de- 
 
 nando Pizarro in his Varones Illiistres del tails. 
 Neuvo Mundo, and by Charlevoix in his f living's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 310 to 312. 
 
CHAP. VI.] FIVE HUNDRED NATIVES SENT TO SPAIN. 71 
 
 bus determined that his brother Diego should return 
 with the ships, and take all the gold that he could col- 
 lect, and also specimens of other metals, and of fruits 
 and plants. In his eagerness to produce immediate 
 profit, and to indemnify the sovereigns for those ex- 
 penses which bore hard upon the royal treasury, he 
 sent hkewise above five hundred Indian prisoners, 
 who he suggested might be sold as slaves at Seville.* 
 
 " It is painful to find the brilliant renown of Columbus 
 sullied by so foul a stain, and the glory of his enterprises 
 degraded by such flagrant violations of humanity. The 
 customs of the times, however, must be pleaded in his 
 apology. The precedent had been given long before, by 
 both Spaniards and Portuguese, in their African discove- 
 ries, wherein the traffic in slaves had formed one of the 
 greatest sources of profit. In fact, the practice had been 
 sanctioned by the highest authority ; by that of the church 
 itself; and the most learned theologians had pronounced all 
 barbarous and infidel nations, who shut their ears to the 
 truths of Christianity, as fair objects of war and rapine, of 
 captivity and slavery. If Columbus needed any practical 
 illustration of this doctrine, he had it in the conduct of 
 Ferdinand himself, in his late wars with the Moors of Gra- 
 nada, in which he had always been surrounded by a cloud 
 of ghostly advisers, and had professed to do every thing 
 for the glory and advancement of the faith. In this holy 
 war, as it was termed, it was a common practice to make 
 inroads into the Moorish territories and carry ofl" cavalga- 
 das, not merely of flocks and herds, but of human beings, 
 and those, not warriors taken with weapons in their hands, 
 but quiet villagers, labouring peasantry, and helpless women 
 and children. These were carried to the mart at Seville, 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 312 to 314. The extract which follows is p. 314, 15. 
 
72 INTERPOSITION OF ISABELLA. [book i. 
 
 or to Other populous towns, and sold into slavery. The 
 capture of Malaga was a memorable instance, where, as a 
 punishment for an obstinate and brave defence, which 
 should have excited admiration rather than revenge, eleven 
 thousand people, of both sexes, and of all ranks and ages, 
 many of them highly cultivated, and delicately reared, were 
 suddenly torn from their homes, severed from each other, 
 and swept into menial slavery, even though half of their 
 ransoms had been paid. These circumstances are not ad- 
 vanced to vindicate, but to palliate, the conduct of Colum- 
 bus. He acted but in conformity to the customs of the 
 times, and was sanctioned by the example of the sovereign 
 under whom he served. 
 
 " Las Casas, the zealous and enthusiastic advocate of the 
 Indians, w^ho suffers no opportunity to escape him of ex- 
 claiming in vehement terms against their slavery, speaks 
 with indulgence of Columbus on this head. 'If those 
 pious and learned men,' he observes, ' whom the sovereigns 
 took for guides and instructors, were so ignorant of the 
 injustice of this practice, it is no wonder that the unlet- 
 tered admiral should not be conscious of its impropriety.' "* 
 
 When the Indians who had been captured in the 
 wars with the caciques arrived in Spain, royal orders 
 were issued for their sale as slaves in the markets of 
 Andalusia.f 
 
 "Isabella, however, had been deeply interested by the 
 accounts given of the gentle and hospitable character of 
 these islanders, and of their great docility. The discovery 
 had been made under her immediate auspices ; she looked 
 upon these people as under her peculiar care, and she anti- 
 cipated with pious enthusiasm the triumph of leading them 
 
 * Las Casas, Hist. Ind. T. 1, cap. 122, MS. 
 
 t Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 328, 9. The extract following is also from p. 328, 9. 
 
CHAP. VI.] HOSTILITIES WITH THE NATIVES. 73 
 
 from darkness into the path of light. Her compassionate 
 spirit revolted at the idea of treating them as slaves, even 
 though sanctioned by the customs of the times. Within 
 five days after the royal order for the sale, a letter was 
 written by the sovereigns to Bishop Fonseca, suspending 
 that order, until they could inquire into the cause for which 
 the Indians had been made prisoners, and consult learned 
 and pious theologians whether their sale would be justi- 
 fiable in the sight of God.* Much difference of opinion 
 took place among divines on this important question ; the 
 queen eventually decided it according to the dictates of her 
 own pure conscience and charitable heart. She ordered 
 that the Indians should be sent back to their native coun- 
 try, and enjoined that the islanders should be conciliated 
 by the gentlest means, instead of being treated with seve- 
 rity. Unfortunately, her orders came too late to Hispaniola 
 to have the desired effect." 
 
 The yoke of servitude was fixed upon the poor 
 natives who stayed upon the island. A league which 
 Caonabo had in vain attempted to accomplish when 
 at large was produced by his captivity. The allied 
 caciques were assembled in great force, within two 
 days march of Isabella, when Columbus resolved to 
 take the field and carry the war into the territories of 
 the enemy. It was on the 24th of JMarch 1495, that 
 he issued forth from Isabella with his little army. It 
 did not exceed two hundred infantry and twenty 
 horse ; but they had aid of another kind — twenty 
 bloodhounds.f 
 
 " Columbus drew near to the enemy about the place 
 where the town of St. Jagb has since been built. Having 
 
 * Letter of the sovereigns to Fonseca. f Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 315 to 
 
 Navarrete, Collection de los Viages, T. 11, 318. The extract which follows is p. 318. 
 Doc. 92. 
 
 10 
 
74 HOSTILITIES WITH THE NATIVES. [book I. 
 
 ascertained the great force of the Indians, Don Bartholo- 
 mew advised that their little army should be divided into 
 detachments, and should attack the enemy at the same mo- 
 ment from several quarters: this plan was adopted. The 
 infantry separating into different bodies, advanced suddenly 
 from various directions, with great din of drums and trum- 
 pets, and a destructive discharge of firearms from the co- 
 vert of the trees. The Indians were struck with panic, 
 and thrown into complete confusion. An army seemed 
 pressing upon them from every quarter ; their fellow war- 
 riors were laid low by the balls of the arquebusses, which 
 seemed to burst with thunder and lightning from the fo- 
 rests. While driven together and confounded by these at- 
 tacks, Alonzo de Ojeda charged impetuously on their main 
 body with his troop of cavalry, cutting his way into the 
 centre with lance and sabre. The horses bore down the 
 terrified Indians, while their riders dealt their blows on all 
 sides unopposed. The bloodhounds were at the same time 
 let loose, and rushed with sanguinary fury upon the naked 
 savages, seizing them by the throat, dragging them to the 
 earth, and tearing out their bowels. The Indians, unac- 
 customed to large and fierce quadrupeds of any kind, were 
 struck with horror when assailed by these ferocious ani- 
 mals. They thought the horses equally fierce and devour- 
 ing. The contest, if such it might be called, was of short 
 duration. What resistance could a multitude of naked, un- 
 warlike, and undisciplined savages make, with no other 
 arms than clubs and arrows, and darts hardened in the fire, 
 against soldiers clad in iron, wielding weapons of steel, 
 and tremendous firearms, and aided by ferocious monsters 
 whose very aspect struck terror to the heart of the stoutest 
 
 warrior 
 
 " The Indians fled in every direction with yells and bowl- 
 ings ; some clambered to the top of rocks and precipices, 
 from whence they made piteous supplications and offers of 
 
CHAP. VI.] SUFFERINGS OF THE NATIVES. 75 
 
 complete submission ; many were killed, many made pri- 
 soners, and the confederacy was for the time completely 
 broken up and dispersed." 
 
 Having been forced to take the field by the confe- 
 deracy of the caciques, Columbus now asserted the 
 right of a conqueror. . Anxious to make returns to 
 Spain for the purpose of indemnifying the sovereigns 
 for their expenses, and meeting public expectation, he 
 determined to raise a large revenue from the island 
 by imposing on the subjected provinces heavy tri- 
 butes. This imposed on the natives a constant, ne- 
 ver ending task. They were now obliged to grope, 
 day by day, along the borders of the rivers sifting the 
 sands for the grains of gold which every day grew 
 more scanty ; or to labour in their fields, beneath the 
 fervour of a tropical sun, to raise food for their task- 
 masters. A desperate resolution was now taken by 
 them. They agreed among themselves not to culti- 
 vate articles of food, and to destroy those already 
 growing ; hoping that thus, by producing a famine, 
 they might starve the strangers from the island. This 
 measure did indeed produce much distress among the 
 Spaniards, but the most disastrous effects fell upon 
 the natives themselves. The Spaniards pursued them. 
 They took refuge in the most sterile and dreary 
 heights ; flying from one wild retreat to another, the 
 women with their children in their arms, or at their 
 backs ; and all suffering dreadfully from fatigue and 
 hunger, and harassed by perpetual alarms. Many 
 thousands perished through famine, fatigue, terror, 
 and the various maladies produced by their sufferings. 
 
76 SUFFERINGS OF THE NATIVES. [book i. 
 
 The survivors returned in despair to their habitations 
 and submitted to the yoke.* 
 
 " Before passing on to other events, it may be proper here 
 to notice the fate of Guacanagari, as he makes no further 
 appearance in the course of this history. His friendship 
 for the Spaniards had severed him from his countrymen, 
 but it did not exonerate him from the general woes of the 
 island. His territories, like those of the other caciques, 
 were subjected to a tribute, which his people, with the 
 common repugnance to labour, found it difficult to pay. 
 Columbus, who knew his worth, and could have protected 
 him, was long absent, either in the interior of the island, 
 or detained in Europe by his own wrongs. In the interval, 
 the Spaniards forgot the hospitality and services of Guaca- 
 nagari, and his tribute was harshly exacted. He found 
 himself overwhelmed with opprobrium from his country- 
 men at large, and assailed by the clamours and lamenta- 
 tions of his suffering subjects. The strangers whom he 
 had succoured in distress, and taken as it were to the bosom 
 of his native island, had become its tyrants and oppressors. 
 Care, and toil, and poverty, and strong-handed violence, 
 had spread their curses over the land, and he felt as if he 
 had invoked them on his race. Unable to bear the hostili- 
 ties of his fellow caciques, the woes of his subjects, and 
 the extortions of his ungrateful allies, he took refuge at last 
 in the mountains, where he died obscurely and in misery."* 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 319 to 323. The extract which follows is from p. 323, 4. 
 t Charlevoix, Hist. St. Doming. Lib. 2. 
 
CHAP. VII.] ARRIVAL OF JUAN AGUADO IN 1495. 77 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Of the arrival at Hispaniola of Juan Aguado as commissioner in 1495; 
 the return of Columbus and Aguado to Spain in 1496 ; the favourable 
 reception of Columbus by the sovereigns ; and their promise to him 
 of another armament. 
 
 The prejudiced representations of Margarite and 
 father Boyle, supported by the testimony of others 
 who returned with them to Spain, were not without 
 effect. Towards the end of August 1495, Juan 
 Aguado sailed from Spain as commissioner, with 
 four caravels freighted with supplies for the colony. 
 Diego Columbus returned in this squadron to His- 
 paniola, and arrived at Isabella in October, while the 
 admiral was absent occupied in re-establishing tran- 
 quillity. The news of the arrival and arrogant con- 
 duct of Aguado reached Columbus in the interior of 
 the island ; he immediately hastened to Isabella and 
 ordered that Aguado's letter of credence should be 
 proclaimed by sound of trumpet, in presence of the 
 populace. Aguado, after collecting information, as 
 he thought, sufficient to ensure the ruin of the admi- 
 ral and his brothers, prepared to return to Spain. 
 Columbus resolved to do the same. He felt that it 
 was time to appear at court and dispel the cloud of 
 calumny that was gathering against him. When the 
 ships were ready to depart, a terrible storm swept the 
 island, destroying the four caravels of Aguado, with 
 
78 RETURN OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN IN 1496. [BOOK I. 
 
 two Others which were in the harbour. The only 
 vessel which remained was the Nina, and that in a 
 very shattered condition. Columbus gave orders to 
 have her immediately repaired, and another caravel 
 constructed out of the wrecks of those destroyed. 
 While waiting till they should be ready, he was cheer- 
 ed by tidings of rich mines in the interior. After en- 
 quiry into the matter, he gave orders that a fortress 
 should be erected on the banks of the Hayna, in the 
 vicinity of the mines, and that they should be dili- 
 gently worked.* 
 
 The new caravel, the Santa Cruz, being finished, 
 and the Nina repaired, Columbus made every ar- 
 rangement for immediate departure. He appointed 
 his brother Bartholomew to the command of the 
 island, with the title already given him of Adelan- 
 tado ; in case of his death, he was to be succeeded 
 by his brother Diego. On the 10th of March 1496, 
 the two caravels set sail for Spain, Columbus being 
 in one and Aguado in the other. Those who wished 
 to visit their wives and relations in Spain, and others 
 w^ho could be spared from the island, returned in the 
 caravels, which were crowded with two hundred and 
 twenty-five passengers. There were also thirty In- 
 dians on board, among whom were the cacique 
 Caonabo, one of his brothers and a nephew. Co- 
 lumbus had not then sufficient experience to make 
 him work northward, so as to fall in with the tract of 
 v\^esterly winds ; he took an easterly course, and in 
 consequence had a tedious struggle against the trade 
 winds and calms which prevail between the tropics. 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 324 to 336. 
 
CHAP. VII.] ANOTHER VOYAGE PROPOSED. 79 
 
 At Guadaloupe a female cacique conceiving a pas- 
 sion for Caonabo, left the island to accompany the 
 natives of Hispaniola on board, taking with her also 
 a young daughter. Leaving Guadaloupe on the 20th 
 of April, they had again to work against the trade 
 winds; and the provisions were so reduced during 
 the long and tedious voyage, that by the beginning of 
 June there was a famine on board. Land however 
 was now soon seen. On the 11th of June, the ves- 
 sels anchored in the bay of Cadiz, after a weary voy- 
 age of about three months, in the course of which 
 the unfortunate Caonabo died.* 
 
 In the harbour of Cadiz, Columbus found three 
 caravels, commanded by Pedro Alonzo JNino, on the 
 point of sailing with supplies for the colony. They 
 sailed the 17th of June. Tidings of the arrival of 
 Columbus having reached the sovereigns, he received 
 a letter from them, congratulating him on his return, 
 and inviting him to court when he should have reco- 
 vered from the fatigues of his voyage. He repaired 
 to Bargus, where they were expected, and had a more 
 favourable reception than he anticipated.! 
 
 Columbus now proposed a farther enterprise, and 
 asked eight ships; two to be dispatched to His- 
 paniola, with supplies, the remaining six to be put 
 under his command for a voyage of discovery. A 
 compliance with this request was promised ; but there 
 was great delay in the performance of the promise. 
 It was not until the spring of 1497, that serious at- 
 tention was given to the matter. The measures now 
 taken are ascribed mainly to Isabella. The unhappy 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol 1, p. 339 to 341. t W. p. 342 to 344. 
 
80 ANOTHER VOYAGE PROPOSED. [book I. 
 
 natives were not forgotten by her. She ordered that 
 the greatest care should be taken of their religious 
 instruction, and the greatest leniency shewn in col- 
 lecting the tributes imposed upon them. When the 
 public safety should not require stern measures, a dis- 
 position to easy rule was inculcated. While every 
 disposition was shewn on her part to dispatch the ex- 
 pedition to the colony, still difficulties arose. At 
 length, the urgent representations of Columbus of 
 the misery to which the colony must be reduced, 
 caused two ships to be dispatched in the beginning 
 of 1498, under the command of Pedro Fernandez 
 Coronel, freighted with supplies. The queen herself 
 advanced the necessary funds out of those intended 
 to form the endowment of her daughter Isabella, then 
 betrothed to Emanuel, king of Portugal. An in- 
 stance of her kind feeling towards Columbus was 
 also evinced in the time of her affliction by the death 
 of her only son Prince Juan : the two sons of Co- 
 lumbus, Diego and Fernando, had been pages to the 
 deceased prince ; the queen now took them, in the 
 same capacity, into her own service.* 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 345 to 352. 
 
CHAP. Vlii] VOYAGE OF CABOT. 
 
 CHAPTER YIII. 
 
 Of the discovery of North America by Sebastian Cabot. Explanation 
 of the difference between the legal year as used in England before 
 1759, and the year as generally used in historical chronology. Under 
 a license which issued in February of the legal year 1497, Cabot 
 having discovered North America in June following, that June shewn 
 to be in 1498, and the discovery therefore not in 1497 but in 1498. 
 
 Henry the Seventh, by letters patent, bearing date 
 on the fifth day of March, in the eleventh year of his 
 reign, that is to say on the fifth day of March 149f, 
 granted to John Cabot, citizen of Venice, and to 
 Lewis, Sebastian and Santius, sons of the said John, 
 authority to sail to all parts, countries and seas of the 
 east, of the west and of the north, with five ships 
 and as many mariners or men as they will have them 
 in the said ships, upon their own costs, to discover 
 and occupy isles or countries, of the heathen and in- 
 fidels, before unknown to christians, accounting to 
 the king for a fifth part of the profit upon their re- 
 turn to the port of Bristol, at which port only were 
 they to arrive.* 
 
 Of the voyage several accounts are to be found 
 collected in Hakluyt. He gives the report of Galea- 
 cius Butrigarius, the pope's legate in Spain, of a con- 
 
 * Ilakluyt's Voyages, vol. 3, p. 5. 
 11 
 
82 VOYAGE OF CABOT. [BOOK I. 
 
 versation which Sebastian Cabot, when waxing old, 
 had with him : it was to this effect : 
 
 " When my father departed from Venice many years 
 since to dwell in England, to follow the trade of merchan- 
 dize, he took me with him to the City of London, while I 
 was very young, yet having nevertheless some knowledge 
 of letters of humanity and of the sphere. And when my 
 father died, in that time when news were brought that 
 Don Christopher Colonus, Genoese, had discovered the 
 coasts of India, whereof was great talk in all the court of 
 King Henry the Seventh, who then reigned, insomuch that 
 all men with great admiration affirmed it to be a thing more 
 divine than human, to sail by the west into the east where 
 spices grew, by a way that was never known before, by 
 this fame and report, there increased in my heart a great 
 flame of desire to attempt some notable thing. And under- 
 standing by reason of the sphere that if I should sail by 
 way of the northwest, I should, by a shorter tract, come 
 into India, I thereupon caused the king to be advertised of 
 my device, who immediately commanded two caravels to 
 be furnished with all things appertaining to the voyage, 
 which was, as far as I remember, in the year 1496, in the 
 beginning of summer. 1 began therefore to sail towards 
 the northwest, not thinking to find any other land than 
 that of Cathay, and from thence to turn towards India; 
 but after certain days, I found that the land ran towards 
 the north, which was to me a great displeasure. Neverthe- 
 less, sailing along the coast to see if I could find any gulf 
 that turned, I found the land still continent to the fifty- 
 sixth degree under our pole. And seeing that there the 
 coast turned towards the east, despairing to find the pas- 
 sage, I turned back again, and sailed down by the coast of 
 that land towards the equinoctial, (ever with intent to find 
 the said passage to India,) and came to that part of this 
 
CHAP, vm] VOYAGE OF CABOT. 83 
 
 firm land which is now called Florida, where, my victuals 
 failing, I departed from thence and returned into England, 
 where I found great tumults among the people and pre- 
 paration for wars in Scotland, by reason whereof there was 
 no more consideration had to this voyage. Whereupon I 
 went into Spain to the catholic king."* 
 
 We see in this account no disposition to detract 
 from the just fame of Columbus, nor any allegation 
 of Cabot's making more than one voyage under Henry 
 the Seventh. The particular year of his voyage, and 
 its extent, are left by this report in some uncertainty ; 
 it remains to be seen, whether they can be more defi- 
 nitely fixed ; other accounts will therefore be exa- 
 mined. 
 
 That taken from the fourth chapter of the second 
 book of Francis Lopez de Gomara's general history 
 of the West Indias is that Sebastian Cabot rigged up 
 two ships at the cost of King Henry the Seventh, and 
 carried with him three hundred men, and " took the 
 way towards island from beyond the Cape of Labra- 
 dor until he found himself in fifty-eight degrees and 
 better ;" that in the month of July it was so cold, and 
 the ice so great that he durst not pass any further ; 
 that the days were very long, in a manner without 
 any night, and for that short night that they had it 
 was very clear ; that Cabot feeling the cold turned 
 towards the west, refreshing himself at Baccalaos ; 
 and that afterwards he sailed along the coast unto 
 thirty-eight degrees, and thence shaped his course to 
 return into England.f 
 
 * Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. 3, p. 6, 7. f Id. 9. 
 
84 VOYAGE OF CABOT. [book i. 
 
 In the sixth chapter of the third decade of Peter 
 Martyr of Angleria, the statement is, that Sebastian 
 Cabot furnished two ships in England, at his own 
 charges, and with three hundred men directed his 
 course so far toward the north pole, that even in July 
 he found heaps of ice swimming in the sea, and in 
 manner continuing all day light, yet saw he the land 
 in that tract free from ice, which had been molten by 
 the heat of the sun ; that seeing such heaps of ice 
 before him, he was enforced to turn his sails ; that 
 coasting by the shore, he was brought so far into the 
 south, by reason of the land bending so much south- 
 wards, that it was there almost equal in latitude with 
 the sea Fretum Herculeum, having the north pole ele- 
 vate in manner in the same degree ; that he sailed 
 in this tract so far that he had the island of Cuba on 
 his left hand, in manner in the same degree of longi- 
 tude ; that he found the like course of the waters to- 
 wards the west, but running more softly and genfty 
 than the swift waters which the Spaniards found in 
 their navigations southwards ; that Cabot named the 
 lands which he saw Baccalaos, because that in the 
 seas thereabout, he found multitudes of fish which the 
 inhabitants called Baccalaos.* 
 
 These accounts (as given by Hakluyt) concur in 
 sustaining the view, that what is frequently repre- 
 sented as having happened in two voyages, all hap- 
 pened in one, and that Cabot was on the coast of 
 America as far north as the fifty-sixth or fifty-eighth 
 degree of latitude. Mr. Biddle in his memoir of 
 Cabot,t expresses the opinion, that he reached the 
 
 * 3 Hakluyt, p. 8, 9. t Id. p. 26 to 35. 
 
CHAP. VIII.] VOYAGE OF CABOT. 85 
 
 latitude of sixty-seven degrees, perhaps sixty-seven 
 and a half. And some support for this opinion is to 
 be found in the account taken from the preface of 
 Ramusius to the third volume of his navigations, 
 namely, that Cabot sailed unto the latitude of sixty- 
 seven degrees and an half, under the north pole, and 
 finding the sea open, would have passed that way to 
 Cathaia, if the mutiny of the ship-master and mari- 
 ners had not hindered him and made him return 
 homeward.* But the weight of authority seems to 
 be strongly opposed to this account of Ramusius. 
 
 The accounts as so given in Hakluyt, likewise au- 
 thorize the conclusion that Cabot sailed south along 
 the coast, for a very considerable distance ; and if the 
 statement in Peter Martyr is to be relied on, he was 
 as far south as what is now Virginia. For Hercules 
 Columnse, being Hercules's pillar, (by the straits of 
 Gibraltar,) and /return meaning straits, fretum Hercu- 
 leum, is, doubtless, the straits of Gibraltar, through 
 which the thirty-sixth degree passes ; and the same 
 degree passes through what is now Albemarle Sound 
 on the coast of North Carolina. 
 
 The year of the voyage of Cabot is yet to be 
 fixed. Dr. Robertson, in the ninth book of his his- 
 tory of America, states that the patent was granted 
 on the 5th of March 1495, in less than two years 
 after the return of Columbus from America; that 
 Cabot did not set out on his voyage for two years ; 
 and that he embarked at Bristol in May 1497, and 
 discovered land the 24th of June. Dr. Graham 
 makes a similar statement in the first book of his co- 
 
 *3 Hakluyt, p. 7,8. 
 
86 CONFUSION IN CHRONOLOCr. [book i. 
 
 lonial history. These historians and others writing 
 on the same subject, have made a mistake in refer- 
 ence to this matter, from not having their attention 
 turned to the day on which the year commenced in 
 England, in the latter part of the fifteenth century. 
 
 It is left to legislators to determine on what day the 
 year shall commence ; and very different times have 
 been prescribed in different nations for its commence- 
 ment; some beginning it with the vernal equinox, 
 which formerly happened on the 25th of March ; 
 some with the autumnal equinox ; and some at other 
 different times. In England the civil or legal year 
 formerly commenced on the day of the annunciation, 
 the 25th of March, whilst the day of the circumcision, 
 the 1st of January, was that on which the year gene- 
 rally began in catholic countries, and that to which 
 writers of history are usually supposed to refer. 
 
 An act of the English parliament passed in 1751, 
 (after March,) enacted that the year should thereafter 
 begin on the 1st of January ; and the following 1st 
 of January and the succeeding days to the 25th of 
 March, were consequently dated as 1752, which other- 
 wise would have been 1751. 
 
 In respect to any matter happening (under the au- 
 thority of England) before the 1st of January 1752, 
 there has often been confusion in describing the year 
 of the event, where it happened between the 31st of 
 December and the 25th of March. A day during the 
 intervening two months and twenty-four days which 
 one would mention as in 1497, and correctly so men- 
 tion, if regard was had to the legal year in England, 
 another would mention as in 1498, and with equal 
 
CHAP. VIII.] N. AMERICA DISCOVERED JUNE 1498. 87 
 
 correctness, if regard was had to the year as it pre- 
 vailed in cathohc countries generally, or as it was 
 usually understood in historical chronology. This 
 might be so to the 24th of March inclusive, while the 
 very next day (the 25th of Maixh) and every subse- 
 quent day to the 31st of December would have to be 
 described by all as in 1498. Hence any matter hap- 
 pening within the two months and twenty-four days, 
 has to be expressed with care to prevent misconcep- 
 tion. This should be done by placing two figures at 
 the end ; thus, March 5, 1491 ; the upper figure (5 in 
 this case) indicating the English legal year at that pe- 
 riod, and the lower figure (6 in this case) indicating 
 the year generally referred to in historical chronology, 
 and the same that is now used in our calendar.* 
 
 To apply these remarks. The first return of Co- 
 lumbus from America was in March 1493; consider- 
 ing the year as having commenced (as it did in Spain 
 and Portugal) on the 1st of January. The patent 
 granted by Henry the Seventh, was (as has been al- 
 ready stated) in the eleventh year of his reign. This 
 king having ascended the throne on the 22d of Au- 
 gust 1485, the grant in his eleventh year was between 
 August 1495 and August 1496, and being in March, 
 was of course in the March which was after August 
 
 1495, and before August 1496, that is to say, in March 
 
 1496, according to the calendar as then used in Spain 
 and Portugal, and as now used in England and Ame- 
 rica. The grant was therefore about three years after 
 the return of Columbus from America, instead of two 
 
 *From Notitia Hislorica; Hone's Year Book under Sept. 3, p. 1037, of Lend. edi. of 
 1845; Brewster's Edinburgh Encyclopedia, title Chronology. 
 
88 N. AMERICA DISCOVERED JUNE 1498. [book I. 
 
 as Dr. Robertson and Dr. Graham have supposed. 
 There being no error in stating the grant to Cabot to 
 have been on the 5th of March 1495, (according to 
 the legal year as it then was) it is not surprising that 
 this grant should hq^e been mentioned as two years 
 after the return of Columbus in March 1493 ; but it 
 is not the less a mistake. 
 
 The mistake is continued in respect to the year of 
 the discovery of North America by Cabot. It is cor- 
 rectly stated that Cabot did not set out on his voyage 
 for two years after the grant ; but taking this to be 
 so, the May that he embarked was not May 1497, but 
 May 1498. This is established by the document 
 called by Mr. Biddle in his memoir of Cabot (and by 
 others who have adopted his idea) a second patent. 
 
 This document is a license granted by Henry the 
 Seventh, on the 3d day of February, in the thirteenth 
 year of his reign, to John Cabot, to take in any place 
 in England, six English ships, of the burthen of two 
 hundred tons or under, with the necessary apparel, 
 and receive into the said ships such mariners and 
 other subjects as of their own free will would go with 
 him.* The thirteenth year of the reign in which this 
 hcense issued, commenced on the 22d of August 
 1497, and ended on the 21st of August 1498. The 
 license, therefore, issued on the 3d day of February 
 next after August 1497, and next before August 1498. 
 This 3d day of February was in 1497, merely by rea- 
 son of the fact that the year then ended on the 24th 
 of March : the May following was May 1498. Yet 
 it having been seen that the license issued in Febru- 
 
 * Vol. 3 of Hakluyt's Voyages, p. 6. Biddle's Memoir of Cabot, p. 75. 
 
CHAP. VIH.] N. AMERICA DISCOVERED JUNE 1498. 89 
 
 ary 1497, and that the ships sailed the May following, 
 the error has constantly been committed, of stating 
 that they sailed in May 1497. 
 
 Thus at page six of the third volume of Hakluyt, 
 it is stated that in the year 1497, John Cabot and his 
 son Sebastian, (with an EngHsh fleet set out from 
 Bristol,) discovered that land, which no man before 
 that time had attempted, on the 24th of June, about 
 five of the clock, early in the morning. The ac- 
 count proceeds : " This land, he called Prima Vista, 
 that is to say, first seen, because, as I suppose, it was 
 that part whereof they had the first sight from sea. 
 That island which lieth out before the land, he called 
 the island of St. John, upon this occasion, as 1 think, 
 because it was discovered upon the day of John the 
 Baptist." Although the matter here stated is men- 
 tioned in Hakluyt, as taken out of the map of Sebas- 
 tian Cabot, there is no sufficient ground for inferring 
 that Cabot had put on the map that he made the dis- 
 covery the 24th of June 1497. He may have put on it 
 in one place Prima Vista and in another St. John ; and 
 he may in some way have communicated the fact that 
 the discovery was on the 24th of June, at five A. M. 
 But the statement that the discovery was in 1497, is 
 the mistake, probably, of some other person. 
 
 Of the fact that the discovery was not in 1497 but 
 in 1498, there is farther evidence. The time of the 
 departure from Bristol is in the Chronicle of Robert 
 Fabian (referred to in Hakluyt's Voyages* as in the 
 custody of John Stow,) stated to be in the beginning 
 of May, in the thirteenth year of King Henry the 
 
 * Vol. 3, p. 9. 
 
 12 
 
90 N. AMERICA DISCOVERED JUNE 1498. [book i. 
 
 Seventh, which was May 1498, and is in Stow's An- 
 nals (referred to by Mr. Biddle, in his Memoir of 
 Cabot,*) stated to be in 1498, in the mayoralty of 
 WilHam Purchas, which mayoralty Mr. Biddle states 
 to have extended from the 28th of October 1497, to 
 the 28th of October 1498. 
 
 In the Chronicle of Fabian there is mention also 
 in the time of William Purchas being mayor, of three 
 men taken in the new found island. " These," he 
 says, " were clothed in beasts' skins and did eat raw 
 flesh and spake such speech that no man could un- 
 derstand them, and in their demeanor like to brute 
 beasts, whom the king kept a time after ; of the 
 which, upon two years after, I saw two apparalled, 
 after the manner of Englishmen in Westminster pa- 
 lace which that time, I could not discern from Eng- 
 lishmen till I was learned what they were, but as for 
 speech, I heard none of them utter one word."t 
 The statement in Hakluyt is that the three savages 
 were brought home by Cabot, and presented to the 
 king in the fourteenth year of the reign, that is du- 
 ring the year ending the 21st day of August 1499. 
 Mr. Biddle supposes the presentation to the king to 
 have been in the seventeenth year of the reign. But 
 this is entirely consistent with the fact that they were 
 not brought to England till in or after 1498. 
 
 The conclusion that the first discovery of land by 
 any of the Cabots was on the 24th of June 1498, is 
 sustained by Mr. Hume. His History of England 
 was pubhshed in 1761, only nine years after the com- 
 mencement of the year was changed, and when for 
 
 * p. 43. t Hakluyt, vol. 3, p. 9, 10. 
 
CHAP. Vlll.J N. AMERICA DISCOVERED JUNE 1498. 91 
 
 that reason the effect of the change was more likely 
 to occur to him than to others who have written at a 
 later period. In his twenty-fifth chapter, after refer- 
 ring to the accident by which England was deprived 
 of the services of Columbus, he says : 
 
 " Henry was not discouraged by this disappointment. 
 He fitted out Sebastian Cabot, a Venetian settled in Bristol, 
 and sent him westward in 1498 in search of new countries. 
 Cabot discovered the main land of America towards the 
 sixtieth degree of northern latitude : he sailed southwards 
 along the coast and discovered Newfoundland and other 
 countries, but returned to England without making any 
 conquest or settlement." 
 
 This conclusion is however opposed to Mr. Biddle's 
 idea as to the purport of the license of the 3d of 
 February 149f. He regards this license as reciting 
 a previous discovery of land and isles by John Cabot. 
 In reference to this it is to be observed that at the 
 period in question the opinion of Columbus was uni- 
 versally adopted that Cuba was the end of the Asiatic 
 continent, and that the adjacent islands were in the 
 Indian seas.* Cabot's object was, by a different 
 route, that northwest, which he thought would be 
 shorter, to come to the same land and isles which 
 Columbus had then lately found. According to the 
 account in Fabian's Chronicle, Cabot made himself 
 " very expert and cunning in knowledge of the cir- 
 cuit of the world and islands of the same, as by a sea 
 card and other reasonable demonstrations he shewed;" 
 and therefore the king, in the thirteenth year of his 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 182. 
 
92 N. AMERICA DISCOVERED JUNE 1498. [book i. 
 
 reign, caused to man and victual a ship at Bristol to 
 search for an island which he said he knew well was 
 rich and replenished with great commodities. Yet it 
 is not to be inferred that he had seen that island. 
 And so the circumstance of the license of the 3d of 
 February 149|, authorizing John Cabot to take ships 
 with their apparel, and them " convey and lead to the 
 land and isles of late found ; by the said John, in our 
 name and by our commandment," should not be re- 
 garded as necessarily importing that John Cabot had, 
 before the date of that license, in the name and by 
 the commandment of the king, found the land and 
 isles, but rather as referring to the land and isles then 
 of late found, and directing John Cabot, in the name 
 and by the commandment of the king, to convey and 
 lead the ships and men to the said land and isles. 
 
 According to the report of the pope's legate it was 
 when the father of Sebastian Cabot died, that the voy- 
 age of discovery was made. So far as this statement 
 goes, it furnishes further evidence that 1498 was the 
 year of that discovery ; for the license of the 3d of 
 February 149|, being to John Cabot, the inference is 
 that he was then alive, and if the discovery w^as on 
 the 24th of June next after his death, it could not 
 have been earlier than the 24th of June 1498. 
 
 Of the Cabots, Sebastian appears to have greatly 
 excelled his father in genius and nautical science. 
 Their place of residence was Bristol. But the ac- 
 counts do not concur as to the birth place of Sebas- 
 tian ; sometimes Venice and sometimes Bristol being 
 mentioned as the place. From folio 225 of a volume 
 of " Decades of the New World," published in 1555 
 
CHAP, vin.] N. AMERICA DISCOVERED JUNE 1498. 93 
 
 by Richard Eden, Mr. Biddle has extracted* a mar- 
 ginal note of Eden, to this effect : " Sebastian Cabot 
 told me that he was born in Bristol, and that at four 
 years old, he was carried with his father to Venice, 
 and so returned again into England with his father 
 after certain years, whereby he was thougiit to have 
 been born in Venice." 
 
 The precise day of the birth of Sebastian is not 
 ascertained. But 1477 is generally set down as the 
 year, which would make him about twenty-one at the 
 time of the discovery in 1498 : he appears to have 
 been early instructed in the knowledge proper for a 
 seaman. In a life of Americus Vespucius, published 
 at New York in 1846, by Messrs. Lester and Foster,! 
 it is stated that Sebastian Cabot was born in 1467 ; 
 but no sufficient authority has been found for this 
 statement ; and it seems improbable. Cabot died in 
 1557, and supposing him to have been born in 1477 
 was then at the advanced age of eighty. It will be 
 seen hereafter that he joined in the dance the year 
 before his death, and it is going far enough to sup- 
 pose him then seventy-nine. 
 
 The part of America first seen and named by Ca- 
 bot is generally considered to have been the present 
 Newfoundland. Mr. BiddleJ adverting to this matter 
 states that in regard to it, an important, and in his 
 opinion, conclusive piece of testimony is furnished by 
 Ortelius, who had the map of Cabot before him and 
 places an island of St. John in the latitude of fifty- 
 six degrees immediately on the coast of Labrador. 
 
 * Memoir of Cabot, p. C8. f P. 44. " J Memoir of Cabot, p. 51. 
 
94 S. AMERICA DISCOVERED AUG. 1498. [book I. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Of the discovery of the contincDt of South America by Columbus in 
 August 1498 ; and the treatment which he experienced afterwards. 
 
 There is no foundation for the statement so often 
 made that the voyage of Columbus in which he first 
 saw the continent of America, was a year after Ca- 
 bot's discovery. Notwithstanding the great delays in 
 preparing the vessels for the third voyage of Colum- 
 bus, he sailed from the port of St. Lucar de Barra- 
 meda, on the 30th of May 1498 ; being the same 
 month that Cabot sailed from Bristol. He arrived at 
 Gomera on the 19th, and left there the 21st of June. 
 Off the island of Ferro, he divided his squadron, dis- 
 patching three of the ships direct for Hispaniola, to 
 carry supplies, and prosecuting his voyage with the 
 three remaining vessels towards the Cape de Verd 
 islands. As he advanced within the tropics, the change 
 of climate and the close and sultry weather which pre- 
 vailed, brought on a severe attack of the gout which 
 was followed by a violent fever. Yet he continued 
 to keep his reckoning and make his observations. 
 On the 27th he arrived among the Cape de Verd 
 islands. Leaving Buena Vista on the 3th of July, and 
 proceeding southwest, he found himself on the 13th, 
 according to his observations, in the fifth degree of 
 north latitude. Finding the heat intolerable, he al- 
 tered his course and " steered westward. Day after 
 
CHAP. IX.] s. AMERICA DISCOVERED AUG. 1498. 95 
 
 day passed without reaching land ; and the necessities 
 of the ships became urgent. Wherefore, supposing 
 himself in the longitude of the Caribbee islands, he 
 sailed northward in search of them. On the 31st of 
 July, three mountains were seen, which as the ships 
 drew nearer, appeared united at the base. Colum- 
 bus gave to this island the name of La Trinidad (the 
 Trinity) which it continues to bear.* 
 
 While coasting the island on the 1st of August, Co- 
 lumbus beheld land to the south. It was that low 
 tract of coast intersected by the numerous branches 
 of the Oronoco. Columbus supposing it to be an 
 island, gave it the name of La Isla Santa ; having no 
 idea that he was then beholding the main continent. 
 On the 2d of August he continued on to the south- 
 west point of Trinidad, which he called Point Arenal. 
 It stretched towards a corresponding point of Terra 
 Firma, making a narrow pass, with a high rock in 
 the centre, to which he gave the name of El Gallo. 
 Near this pass the ships cast anchor. He afterwards 
 proceeded through the strait to the inner side of 
 Trinidad. To his left spread that broad gulf since 
 known by the name of Paria. He continued north- 
 ward towards a mountain at the northwest point of 
 the island, about fourteen leagues from Point Arenal. 
 Here he beheld two lofty capes opposite each other ; 
 one on the island of Trinidad, the other to the west, 
 on the long promontory of Paria, which stretches 
 from the main land, and forms the northern side of 
 the gulf, but to which Columbus, mistaking it for an 
 island, gave the name of Isla de Gracia. After sail- 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 355 to 360. 
 
96 S. AMERICA DISCOVERED AUG. 1498. [book I. 
 
 ing several leagues along the coast, he anchored on 
 Monday the 6th of August, but seeing no person, 
 continued further westward, and anchored in a river 
 where he had friendly intercourse with the natives. 
 Taking some of them as guides, he proceeded eight 
 leagues farther westward to a point which he called 
 Aguja, or the Needle. On the neighbouring coast, 
 called by Columbus the Gardens, the attention of the 
 Spaniards was aroused by the strings of pearls which 
 they saw around the arms of the natives. Columbus 
 left the Gardens on the 10th of August, and conti- 
 nued to coast westward somewhat farther, but finding 
 it difficult to get along in this direction, changed his 
 course, and on the 11th set sail eastward until he got 
 through that formidable pass called the Boca del 
 Dragon. On leaving this pass, he saw to the north- 
 east, many leagues distant, two islands, which he 
 called Assumption and Conception, probably those 
 now known as Tobago and Grenada. On the 15th 
 he discovered the islands of Margarita and Cabagua, 
 afterwards famous for their pearl fishery. There was 
 great temptation to linger near these shores, and to 
 visit other spots which the Indians mentioned as 
 abounding in pearls. The coast of Paria also con- 
 tinued extending westward as far as the eye could 
 reach, rising into a range of mountains, and pro- 
 voking examination to ascertain whether, as he con- 
 jectured, it was a part of the Asiatic continent. Co- 
 lumbus was compelled, by a disease of his eyes, to 
 forego this investigation, and bear away for His- 
 paniola. After sailing for five days to the north- 
 west, he reached that island on the 19th of August, 
 
CHAP. IX.] bOBADILLa's treatment of COLUMBUS. 97 
 
 fifty leagues to the vveslward of the river Ozema, and 
 anchored on the following morning twenty leagues 
 nearer that river, under the little island of Beata. 
 Here he procured an Indian messenger to take a 
 letter to his brother Bartholomew, who was supposed 
 to be at the river Ozema, where he had erected a 
 fortress which was the origin of the City of St. Do- 
 mingo. Columbus arrived off the mouth of the river 
 the 30th of August, but was met on the way by a 
 caravel, on board of which was his brother, who, 
 having received his letter, had hastened to welcome 
 him. The meeting of the brothers was a joyful one. 
 Yet attached as they were to each other, Bartholo- 
 mew could not but be deeply concerned to see his 
 brother so much worsted. Columbus arrived almost 
 the wreck of himself; haggard, emaciated and nearly 
 blind.* 
 
 It is not proposed here to give any relation of the 
 occurrences on the island durinor the long absence of 
 Columbus. An interesting account of them is given 
 by Mr. Irving,t who speaks of the ability shewn by 
 Bartholomew Columbus, in the course of his transient 
 government, yet remarks that his good intentions and 
 judicious arrangements (as in the case of his brother,) 
 were constantly thwarted by the bad passions and im- 
 proper conduct of others. 
 
 Neither is it designed here to give any history of 
 the government of Columbus, after his arrival at His- 
 paniola, or of the mission on which Bobadilla was 
 sent from Spain in July 1500, or of the proceedings 
 of this commissioner. These are narrated by Mr. 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 361 to 373. f Id. p. 379 to 411. 
 
 13 
 
98 BOBADILLA's treatment of COLUMBUS. [book I. 
 
 Irving in a manner to interest every reader.* It must 
 suffice here to state that Bobadilla put Columbus 
 and his brothers in chains, confined the former in a 
 fortress and the latter on board the caravels, without 
 permitting any communication between them, and 
 sent all three in the vessels which sailed for Spain in 
 October. Alonzo de Villeja, who was appointed to 
 conduct the prisoners to Spain, was deeply moved 
 at the treatment of Columbus. The master of the 
 caravel, Andreas Martin, was equally grieved : they 
 both treated the admiral with profound respect and 
 assiduous attention. They would have taken ofl^ his 
 irons, but to this he would not consent. " No !" said 
 he proudly, " their majesties commanded me by letter 
 to submit to whatever Bobadilla should order in their 
 name ; by their authority he has put upon me these 
 chains : I will wear them until they shall order them 
 to be taken off, and I will preserve them afterwards 
 as relics and memorials of the reward of mv ser- 
 vices." — " He did so," adds his son Fernando, " I 
 saw them always hanging in his cabinet, and he re- 
 quested that when he died they might be buried with 
 him." 
 
 The arrival of Columbus at Cadiz, a prisoner and 
 in chains, produced almost as great a sensation as his 
 triumphant return from his first voyage. A great re- 
 action in the public mind was immediately mani- 
 fested : the heart of Isabella was filled with mingled 
 sympathy and indignation : and both sovereigns has- 
 tened to give evidence that his imprisonment had 
 been without their authority and contrary to their 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 2 to 56. 
 
CHAP. IX.] BOBADILLa's treatment of COLUMBUS. 99 
 
 wishes. They sent orders that the prisoners should 
 be instantly set at hberty and treated with all distinc- 
 tion : they wrote a letter to Columbus, couched in 
 terms of gratitude and affection, expressing their grief 
 at all that he had suffered, and inviting him to court : 
 they ordered that two thousand ducats should be ad- 
 vanced to defray his expenses. Columbus appeared in 
 court in Granada on the 17th of December, and was 
 received by the sovereigns with unqualified favour 
 and distinction. They expressed their indignation at 
 the proceedings of Bobadilla, which they disavowed 
 as contrary to their instructions, and promised that he 
 should be immediately dismissed from his command.* 
 The person chosen to supersede him was Don Ni- 
 cholas de Ovando. His government extended over 
 the islands and Terra Firma of which Hispaniola was 
 to be the metropolis. f 
 
 * living's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 57 to 60. f I«l- P- 67 to C9, 
 
100 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. [book i. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Of the voyage of Americus Vespucius with Alonzo de Ojeda and of 
 other voyages from Spain, made along the coast of South America 
 in 1499 and 1500. 
 
 Americus Vespucius was born in Florence on the 
 9th of March 1451, of a noble but not at that time a 
 wealthy family. His father's name was Anastatio ; 
 his mother's was Ehzabetta Mini. He was the third 
 of their sons, and received an excellent education un- 
 der his uncle, Georgio Antonio Vespucci, a learned 
 friar of the fraternity of San Marco, who was instruc- 
 tor to several illustrious personages of that period. 
 Americus visited Spain and took up his residence in 
 Seville to attend to some commercial transactions on 
 account of the family of the Medici of Florence, and 
 to repair, by his ingenuity, the losses and misfortunes 
 of an unskilful brother. The date of his arrival in 
 Spain is uncertain.* In the Life of Americus by 
 Lester and Foster, it is stated that his departure for 
 Spain took place some time in 1490.t He seems to 
 have gone to Barcelona,! and to have been there en- 
 gaged in mercantile business before the 30th of Janu- 
 ary 1492.^ Soon after this time he went to Seville. || 
 
 After the return of Columbus from his first voyage, 
 Ferdinand and Isabella contracted with Berardi to 
 
 *Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 247, Appendix No. 10. 
 
 t Life of Vespucius, p. 70. J Id. p. 72. $ Id. p. 74. |j Id. p. 75. 
 
CHAP. X.] AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 101 
 
 furnish and equip four armaments to be forwarded at 
 different times to the new world, and Americus is 
 found to be busily occupied, in connexion with him, 
 receiving payments and entering into obligations in 
 his behalf and name. Some have thought that he 
 was only the agent of Berardi in these transactions ; 
 but there is ground for supposing that he may have 
 been a partner in the house, as after the death of 
 Berardi, Americus continued to manage the affairs of 
 the armaments and was paid large sums of money by 
 the government for equipments previously effected. 
 It has been suggested by some historians that Ameri- 
 cus accompanied Columbus upon his second voyage, 
 but there is no evidence to sustain the opinion, and 
 his own accounts tend to contradict it.* 
 
 While providing for the dispatch of the four cara- 
 vels, Americus, of course, had occasional opportunity 
 of conversing with Columbus ; he soon became anx- 
 ious to visit the newly discovered countries. Hav- 
 ing made himself well acquainted with geographical 
 and nautical science, he prepared to launch in the 
 career of discovery, and soon carried this design into 
 execution.! 
 
 Mr. Lester argues that Americus made a voyage in 
 1497, but says, after all, it is unimportant to come to 
 any decision on this point. Even if Americus had 
 discovered the main land before Columbus, by a few 
 months, he admits this could take nothing from the 
 name and fame of that great man. " He, at any rate, 
 arrived at the continent, without assistance from any 
 source but his own strength of mind, and to him, 
 
 * Life of Vespucius, p. 75. f Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 248, Appendix No. 1. 
 
103 VOYAGES PROM SPAIN IN 1499, [book i. 
 
 whatever may have been the good fortune of any of 
 his cotemporaries, belongs the glory of the grand dis- 
 covery of a new world. The first glimpse that he 
 obtained of the luxuriant islands of the Western ocean 
 rendered him immortal, and all subsequent discoveries 
 followed his own almost as a matter of course."* 
 
 There is, however, no evidence that Americus pro- 
 ceeded on any voyage to the west until May 1499, 
 when he accompanied Alonzo de Ojeda who sailed 
 from Port St. Mary opposite Cadiz with four vessels. 
 Ojeda pursued the route of Columbus in his third 
 voyage, being guided by the chart he had sent home, 
 as well as by the mariners who had been with him. 
 The part of the continent reached by Ojeda was south 
 of the part discovered by Columbus. It is supposed 
 to have been the coast of Surinam. Hence he ran 
 along the coast of the gulf of Paria, passing the 
 mouths of many rivers, but especially those of the 
 Esquivo and the Oronoco, and seeing none of the na- 
 tives until arriving at Trinidad. He passed through 
 the strait of the Boca del Drago, and then steered 
 along Terra Firma, landing occasionally, until he ar- 
 rived at Curiana or the gulf of Pearls. Hence he 
 stood to the opposite island of Margarita. This, as 
 well as several adjacent islands, he visited and ex- 
 plored ; after which he returned to the main land and 
 touched at Cumana and Maracapana. Saihng again, 
 he touched at the island of Curazao, and proceeding 
 along the coast he arrived at a vast deep gulf, on the 
 eastern side of which was a village of peculiar con- 
 struction. From resemblances to the Italian city, 
 
 * Life of Americus Veapucius, p. 103. 
 
CHAP. X.] VOYAGES FROM SPAIN IN 1499. 103 
 
 Ojeda gave to the bay the name of the gulf of Ve- 
 nice, and it is called at the present day Venezuela or 
 Little Venice. Continuing to explore this gulf Ojeda 
 penetrated to a port or harbour to which he gave the 
 name of St. Bartholomew, but which is supposed to be 
 the same at present known by the original Indian name 
 of Maracaibo. Proceeding along the western shores 
 of the gulf of Venezuela and standing out to sea and 
 doubling Cape Maracaibo, Ojeda pursued his coast- 
 ing voyage from port to port and promontory to pro- 
 montory of this unknown continent until he reached 
 that long stretching head land called Cape de la 
 Vela. Then he changed his course and stood across 
 the Caribbean sea for Hispaniola. After stopping- 
 there, he resumed his voyage and visited various 
 islands, whence he carried off numbers of the natives. 
 He at length arrived at Cadiz in June 1500, with his 
 ships crowded with captives whom he sold as slaves. 
 Yet when all the expenses of the expedition were de- 
 ducted but five hundred ducats remained to be di- 
 vided between fifty-five adventurers.* 
 
 Another armament which departed from Spain, a 
 few days after that of Ojeda, had a better pecuniary 
 result. Pedro Alonzo Nino who had been with Co- 
 lumbus to Cuba and Paria, sailed from the little port 
 of Palos in a small bark about the beginning of June 
 1499. Guided by the chart of Columbus, Nino 
 reached the southern continent, a little beyond Paria, 
 about fifteen days after the same coast had been vi- 
 sited by Ojeda. Proceeding to the gulf of Paria, he 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 9, p. 25 to 30. Id. p. 214, 15, Appendix No. 2, and p. 248 to 
 260, Appendix No. 10. Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 3 to 27. 
 
104 VOYAGES FROM SPAIN IN 1499. [book i. 
 
 landed to cut dye-wood, and then passing by the Boca 
 del Drago, steered for the island of Margarita where 
 he obtained a considerable quantity of pearls by bar- 
 ter. Nino and his companions skirted the opposite 
 coast of Cumana, trading cautiously and shrewdly 
 from port to port : they were convinced that this was 
 a part of Terra Firma. After proceeding westward 
 somewhat farther, they returned to Cumana and sailed 
 for Spain. The little bark anchored safely at Bayonne 
 in Galhcia about the middle of April 1500; after 
 performing the richest voyage yet made to the new 
 world.* 
 
 Vicente Yanez Pinzon, one of three brave bro- 
 thers who aided Columbus in his first voyage, sailed 
 from Palos with an armament of four caravels in the 
 beginning of December 1499. In the eighth degree 
 of southern latitude he beheld land afar off on the 
 28th of January, to which he gave the name of 
 Santa Maria de la Consolacion, from the sight of it 
 having consoled him in the midst of doubts and per- 
 plexities. It is now called Cape St. Augustine, and 
 forms the most prominent part of the empire of 
 Brazil. After taking formal possession of the terri- 
 tory for the Castilian crown, Pinzon sailed to the 
 northwest until he came to the mouth of a river too 
 shallow to receive his ships. After a hostile engage- 
 ment here with the natives, he stood forty leagues to 
 the northwest until he arrived in the neighbourhood 
 of the equinoctial line, where he saw a number of 
 fresh and verdant islands in the mouth of an immense 
 river. It was the renowned Muranon, since known 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 28 to 32. Irving's Columbus, p. 61. 
 
CHAr. X.] VOYAGES TROM SPAIN IN 1499, 1500. 105 
 
 as the Orellana and the Amazon. He continued 
 along the coast, passing the mouths of the Oronoco, 
 and entering the gulf of Paria, where he landed and 
 cut Brazil wood. Sallying forth by the Boca del 
 Drago, he reached the island of Hispaniola about the 
 23d of June, whence he sailed for the Bahamas. 
 Here, in a hurricane in July, two of the caravels with 
 their crews were swallowed up. The other two made 
 the best of the way to Hispaniola, to repair damages 
 sustained in the gale. Sailing thence for Spain, they 
 anchored in the river before Palos about the end of 
 September.* 
 
 Scarcely had Vicente Yanez Pinzon departed on 
 the voyage just mentioned, when his townsman Diego 
 de Lepe likewise set sail with two vessels from the 
 busy little port of Palos on a like expedition. No 
 particulars of this voyage are known, except that 
 Lepe doubled Cape St. Augustine, and beheld the 
 southern continent stretching far to the southwest.f 
 
 Another contemporary adventurer was Rodrigo de 
 Bastides, a wealthy notary of Teraria, a suburb of 
 Seville, who associated with him Juan de la Cosa, 
 a veteran pilot who had sailed with Columbus and 
 Ojeda, Their voyage extended the discoveries of 
 the coast of Terra Firma from Cape de Vela quite 
 to the port of Nombre de Dios. The vessels of 
 Bastides being nearly destroyed by the worm, he had 
 great difficulty in reaching Xaragua in Hispaniola, 
 where he lost his two vessels, and proceeded with his 
 crew by land to San Domingo. Here he was seized 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 33 to 41. Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 61, 2. 
 t Id. p. 42, 3 of former, and 62, 3 of latter. 
 
 14 
 
106 VOYAGES FROM SPAIN IN 1499, 1500. [book I. 
 
 and imprisoned by Bobadilla, under pretext that he 
 had traded for gold with the natives of Xaragua.* 
 
 The expeditions mentioned in this chapter were 
 undertaken by enterprising individuals under a ge- 
 neral license granted by the Spanish sovereigns, who 
 thus had their territories extended free of cost, and 
 yet had their treasury benefitted by a share of the 
 proceeds of the voyages, which was reserved as a 
 kind of duty to the crown. 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 42, 3. living's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 61, 2. 
 
CHAP. XI.] VOYAGE FROM PORTUGAL IN 1500. 107 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Of the accidental discovery of Brazil by the Portuguese in 1500 ; the 
 voyage of Americus Vespucius, under the king of Portugal, to that 
 province in 1501 ; the voyage of Cortereal in the same year to the 
 northwest; and the patents obtained from Heniy the Seventh of 
 England in 1501 and 1502 by Portuguese to enable them to make 
 discoveries. 
 
 The design, which Prince Henry of Portugal had, 
 in his hfetime, so much at heart, that of opening a 
 route to India by doubling the Cape of Good Hope, 
 had been accomplished at last by Vasco de Gama in 
 1497. Soon after Gama's return a fleet of thirteen 
 sail was fitted out from Portugal to visit the countries 
 of which he brought accounts. It sailed on the 9th 
 of March 1500, for Cahcut under the command of 
 Pedro Alvarez de Cabral. Having passed the Cape 
 de Verd islands, Cabral sought to avoid the calms 
 prevalent on the coast of Guinea, by stretching far 
 to the west. Suddenly, on the 25th of April, he came 
 in sight of land unknown to any one in his squadron ; 
 for as yet they had not heard of the discoveries of 
 Pinzon and Lepe. After coasting it for some time, 
 he became persuaded that it must be part of a conti- 
 nent. Having ranged along it, somewhat beyond the 
 fifteenth degree of southern latitude, he landed at a 
 harbour which he called Porto Securo. He gave ano- 
 
108 VOYAGE FROM PORTUGAL IN 1500. [book i. 
 
 ther name to the country. Having a cross placed at 
 the top of a tree, with great solemnity, and blessed by 
 the priests that he had with him, he named the pro- 
 vince Sancta Cruz (Sainte Croix) ; for it was the 3d 
 of May, the day on which the church celebrates the 
 invention of the Holy Cross. After taking possession 
 for the crown of Portugal, he dispatched a ship to 
 Lisbon with the important tidings. Subsequently this 
 province received the name of Brazil, because the 
 wood brought from it for dying was red and resem- 
 bled brass. The original name and its change are 
 mentioned in a volume entitled, 
 
 " Histoire de la Provence de Sancta-Cruz que nous nom- 
 mons ordinairement Le Brasil, par Pero de Magalhanes de 
 Gandavo dediee au tres illustre seigneur D. Lionis Pereirra 
 ancien gouverneur de Malacca et de plusieurs parties & I'inde 
 meridionale," published at Lisbon in 1576, and republished 
 at Paris in 1837, by Henri Ternaux in his collection of ori- 
 ginal voyages, relations and memoirs. 
 
 Dr. Robertson, in recording this voyage of Cabral, 
 concludes with one of his just and elegant remarks : 
 " Columbus' discovery of the new world," he ob- 
 serves, "was the effort of an active genius, guided 
 by experience and acting upon a regular plan, exe- 
 cuted with no less courage than perseverance. But 
 from this adventure of the Portuguese, it appears that 
 chance might have accomplished that great design, 
 which it is now the pride of human reason to have 
 formed and perfected. If the sagacity of Columbus 
 had not conducted mankind to America, Cabral, by 
 a fortunate accident, might have led them, a few 
 
CHAP. XI.] VOYAGE FROM PORTUGAL IN 1501. 109 
 
 years after, to the knowledge of that extensive conti- 
 nent."* 
 
 The tidings received from Cabral were followed by 
 a voyage of Gonsalo Coella, who was sent by King 
 Emanuel with three caravels to explore the country. 
 The fleet sailed in May 1501 ; and it seems that Ame- 
 ricus Vespucius who had left Spain went in it.f His 
 account of this expedition is that after leaving a port 
 of Ethiopia called Beseneghe in the fourteenth de- 
 gree of north latitude, he sailed for the south through 
 the Atlantic ocean, and in ninety-seven days, to wit : 
 on the 17th of August, made land, distant seven hun- 
 dred leagues from said port, and situated five degrees 
 south of the equinoctial line, of which possession was 
 thereupon taken in the name of the king of Portu- 
 gal ; that departing from this place he sailed along in 
 a southeastern direction, on a line parallel with the 
 coast; that he found at length that the line of the 
 coast made a turn to the south and doubled a cape 
 which he called Cape St. Augustin, which was one 
 hundred and fifty leagues distant easterly from the 
 land first made, and eight degrees south of the equi- 
 noctial line ; that he then sailed in a southerly direc- 
 tion and went so far south that he was beyond the 
 tropic of Capricorn, where the south pole is elevated 
 thirty-two degrees above the horizon ; that he ran al- 
 together on this coast about seven hundred and fifty 
 leagues, to wit : one hundred and fifty from Cape St. 
 Augustin towards the west and six hundred towards 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 61 to 64. f living's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 249, Ap- 
 
 Eobertson's America, book 2. pendix No. 10. Preface to Histoire de la 
 
 Provence de Sancta Cruz. 
 
110 VOYAGE FROM PORTUGAL IN 1501. [book i. 
 
 the south; that on the 15th of February, having con- 
 cluded to take leave of the country, he left port, when 
 the south pole was elevated fifty-two degrees above 
 the horizon, and on the 3d of April had sailed from 
 that port five hundred leagues; that on the 7th of 
 April, while driven by a storm, he came in sight of 
 new land and ran within twenty leagues of it ; that 
 being in great danger from the storm, it was agreed 
 to steer for Portugal ; that they ran five days, making 
 about two hundred and fifty leagues, continually ap- 
 proaching the equinoctial line ; that it was their in- 
 tention to go and reconnoitre the coast of Ethiopia, 
 distant thirteen hundred leagues, and they arrived at 
 it, touching at Sierra Leone where they stayed fifteen 
 days ; that they steered then for the Azore islands, 
 about seven hundred and fifty leagues distant, where 
 they arrived the latter part of July, and staid fifteen 
 days ; and that they entered Lisbon on the 7th of 
 September 1502.* 
 
 Of another expedition, about this time, that of 
 Caspar Cortereal, an account is preserved in a letter 
 from the Venetian ambassador in Portugal to his bro- 
 thers, written eleven days after the return of Corte- 
 real, which is contained in a volume of Voyages and 
 Travels published at Vicenza in 1507. From the 
 letter which bears date the 19th of October 1501, 
 the following is extracted : 
 
 '' On the Sth of the present month, one of the two ca- 
 ravels which her most serene majesty dispatched last year 
 on a voyage of discovery to the north, under the command 
 
 * Life of Vespucius, by Lester and Foster, ch. 14, p. 223 lo 233. 
 
CHAP. XI.] VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1501. Ill 
 
 of Caspar Cortereal arrived here, and reports the finding of 
 a country, distant hence ivest and noj'thivest two thousand 
 miles, heretofore quite unknown. They proceeded along 
 the coast between six and seven hundred miles, without 
 reaching its termination, from which circumstance they 
 conclude it to be of the main land connected with another 
 region, which last year was discovered in the north, but 
 which the caravel could not reach on account of the ice 
 and the vast quantity of snow ; and they are confirmed in 
 this belief by the multitude of great rivers they found, 
 which certainly could not proceed from an island." 
 
 This letter is set forth in the Memoir of Sebastian 
 Cabot, by Mr. Biddle, who considers it clear that 
 the country farther north, which Cortereal could not 
 reach, but of which he rightly conjectured he had 
 found a continuation, was that discovered by Cabot ; 
 and also clear that Cortereal began his course to the 
 southward of the St. Lawrence. Mr. Biddle sup- 
 poses however that he may have reached the gulf, 
 and perhaps the southern extremity of Labrador.* 
 
 Mr. Alfred Hawkins, in his interesting account 
 of Quebec, at page 23, says, that "He reached 
 the northern extremity of Newfoundland, and is con- 
 sidered to have discovered the gulf of St. Lawrence. 
 He also sailed along the coast of Labrador north- 
 ward ; and appears to have penetrated nearly to 
 Hudson's bay." He mentions that Caspar Cortereal 
 was a gentleman who had been educated in the 
 household of the King of Portugal, and represents 
 him as a man of enterprising and determined cha- 
 
 * Memoir of Cabot, p. 235 to 241. 
 
112 VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1501. [book i. 
 
 racter, ardently thirsting after glory. Yet he men- 
 tions that the character of this voyage was sullied by 
 his bringing back to Portugal no less than fifty-seven 
 of the natives, of whom, in the letter of the Vene- 
 tian ambassador, it is said, " they are extremely fitted 
 to endure labour, and will probably turn out the best 
 slaves which have been discovered up to this time." 
 Hawkins adds : 
 
 " It has, indeed, been conjectured that the name, Terra 
 de Laborador, was given to this coast by the Portuguese 
 slave merchants, in consequence of the admirable qualities 
 of the natives as labourers, and in full anticipation of the 
 future advantages to be derived from this unchristian traffic. 
 
 " These cruel designs were, however, frustrated by accu- 
 mulated distress and disaster. In a second voyage, in 1501, 
 Cortereal was lost at sea ; and a third, undertaken by his 
 brother Michael, in search of him, was alike unfortunate. 
 Neither of the brothers was ever afterwards heard of The 
 King of Portugal, feeling a great affection for these gentle- 
 men, is stated to have fitted out at his own expense an ex- 
 pedition, consisting of three armed vessels, which returned 
 without any information as to the manner or place of their 
 death. One brother still remained, who was anxious to 
 renew the attempt to discover their fate, but was overruled 
 by the persuasion of the king. In an old map published 
 in 1508, the Labrador coast is called Terra Corterealis ; 
 and the entrance into the gulf of St. Lawrence was long 
 known to the Portuguese by the name of the gulf of the 
 Two Brothers. On the strength of the voyage of Corte- 
 real, the Portuguese claimed the first discovery of New- 
 foundland, and of the adjacent coast of America ; and 
 maps were actually forged to support these unfair pre- 
 tensions." 
 
CHAP. XI.] VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1501. 113 
 
 These voyages of the Portuguese are the more 
 remarkable, because by the treaty of 1494 between 
 Spain and Portugal, the Spaniards seem to have sup- 
 posed they were secured in the exclusive right of 
 navigation and discovery in the western ocean. How- 
 ever, notwithstanding the treaty, Portugal was not 
 without ground of claim to Brazil, since by the treaty 
 the papal line of demarcation, instead of remaining 
 one hundred, was removed three hundred and seventy 
 leagues west of the Cape de Verd island ; and it was 
 only discoveries beyond this line that Portugal agreed 
 should appertain to the Spanish nation.* 
 
 Still the King of Portugal was a good deal tram- 
 melled by the treaty, and it may have been for this 
 reason that his subjects resorted to the King of Eng- 
 land to give them powers of discovery. Mr. Biddle 
 has published, in an Appendixf to his Memoir of 
 Cabot, letters patent granted by Henry the Seventh 
 on the 19th of March, in the sixteenth year of his 
 reign, (to wit, March I50j,) to Richard Warde, Tho- 
 mas Ashhurst and John Thomas of Bristol, and John 
 Fernandus, Francis Fernandus and John Gunsolus of 
 Portugal, authorizing discoveries to all parts, regions 
 and ends of the sea, east, west, south and north. And 
 he mentions! a subsequent patent, with very similar 
 powers, granted on the 9th of December, in the eigh- 
 teenth year of Henry the Seventh, (1502,) to three 
 of the previous patentees, to wit, Thomas Ashhurst, 
 John Gunsolus and Francis Fernandus, with the ad- 
 dition of Hugh Elliott. 
 
 * History of Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. 2, p. 181. f See p. 306, also p. 222. J P. 224. 
 
 15 
 
114 VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1501. [book i. 
 
 English history is rather barren of information as 
 to what was done under these patents. Mr. Hume, 
 in the 26th chapter of his History of England, after 
 mentioning the discovery by Cabot in 1498, says, 
 " Elliott and others made a hke attempt in 1302," 
 and cites Rymer, vol. xiii. p. 37. Discoveries in 
 which Hugh Eliot was instrumental, are also alluded 
 to by Robert Thorne, in a letter written by him whilst 
 at Seville in 1527, to Dr. Lee, the ambassador from 
 England to Spain.* 
 
 In this letter Thorne says : 
 
 " If I had the faculty to my will, it should be the first 
 thing that I would understand, even to attempt, if our seas 
 northward be navigable to the pole or no. I reason that 
 as some sicknesses are hereditarious, and come from the 
 father to the son, so this inclination or desire of this dis- 
 covery, I inherited of my father which with another mer- 
 chant of Bristol named Hugh Eliot were the discoverers of 
 the New found-lands of the which, there is no doubt (as 
 now plainly appeareth) if the mariners would then have 
 been ruled and followed their pilot's mind, the lands of the 
 West Indias (from whence all the gold cometh) had been 
 ours. For all is one coast." 
 
 This letter of Robert Thorne, it is to be observed, 
 was written after the conquest of Mexico by the 
 Spaniards. 
 
 From the following entries in the account of the 
 privy purse expenses of Henry the Seventh,! it ap- 
 pears there was for a while some intercourse with the 
 newly discovered region : 
 
 * In Hakluyt's Collection, vol. 1, p. 219. f In Biddle's Memoir of Cabot, p. 230, 31. 
 
CHAP. XI.] VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1501. 115 
 
 " 17 November 1503. To one that brought hawks from 
 the New founded island £ 1, 
 
 " 8 April 1504. To a preste* that goeth to the new 
 island £ 2. 
 
 " 25 August 1505. To Clay's going to Richmond with 
 wild cats and popinjays of the New found island for his 
 costs 13s. Ad. 
 
 " To Portuguese that brought popinjays and cats of the 
 mountain with other stuff to the king's grace £ 5." 
 
 * Mr. Biddle supposes this to mean priest. 
 
116 DEPARTURE OF OVANDO IN 1502. [book i. 
 
 CHAPTER XIL 
 
 Of the fleet and orders seut out with Ovando to llispaniola in 1502; 
 the voyage made the same year to the northern coast of South Ame- 
 rica by Alonzo de Ojeda; the last voyage of Cohmibus; and his 
 wearisome detention at Jamaica. 
 
 Isabella urged the speedy departure of Ovando, to 
 put a stop to the abuses of Bobadilla's government. 
 She was particularly careful in providing for the kind 
 treatment of the Indians. Ovando was ordered to 
 assemble the caciques, and declare to them that the 
 sovereigns took them and their people under their 
 especial protection. They were merely to pay tribute 
 like other subjects of the crown, and it was to be 
 collected with mildness. Yet for the royal service, 
 they might be compelled to work in the mines and 
 in other employments. This (though they were to 
 be paid as hired labourers,) led to great abuses and 
 oppressions, and was ultimately as fatal to the natives 
 as would have been the most absolute slavery. Ano- 
 ther decree was made, which it may be proper to 
 notice in this connection. It was permitted to carry 
 to the colonies negro slaves born in Spain, the de- 
 scendants of natives of Africa, with which a traffic 
 of the kind had for some time been carried on by the 
 Spaniards and Portuguese. This is the first trace of 
 negro slavery in the new world. *^ 
 
 * living's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 69 to 71. 
 
CHAP. XII.] VOYAGE OF OJEDA IN 1502. 117 
 
 Ovando's fleet was the largest that had yet sailed 
 to the new world. It consisted of thirty sail, five of 
 them from ninety to one hundred and fifty tons bur- 
 then, twenty-four caravels of from thirty to ninety, 
 and one bark of twenty-five tons. Tiie number of 
 souls that embarked was about two thousand five 
 hundred. The fleet put to sea on the 13th of Feb- 
 ruary 1502. In the early part of the voyage it en- 
 countered a terrible storm : one of the ships foun- 
 dered with one hundred and twenty passengers ; the 
 others were obliged to throw overboard every thing 
 that was on deck, and were completely scattered. 
 Yet only one ship was lost. The others arrived at 
 San Domingo on the 15th of April.* 
 
 Ojeda had reported that in his voyage in 1499 he 
 met with English adventurers in the neighbourhood 
 of Venezuela. The Spanish sovereigns were anxious 
 to establish a resolute and fighting commander like 
 Ojeda upon this outpost. And he found it easy to 
 obtain authority to prosecute at his own expense the 
 discovery of the coast of Terra Firma. He was in- 
 structed to set up the arms of Castile and Leon in 
 every place he visited, as a signal of discovery and 
 possession, and to put a stop to the intrusions of the 
 English. Ojeda and his associates fitted out four 
 ships, and sailed in 1502. Arriving at the port des- 
 tined for his seat of government, Ojeda found the 
 country so poor and sterile that he proceeded along 
 the coast to a bay which he named Santa Cruz, but 
 which is supposed to be the same at present called 
 Bahia Honda, where he found a Spaniard who had 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 7J, 2. 
 
118 VOYAGE OF OJEDA IN 1502. [book I. 
 
 been left in Citarma by Bastides about thirteen 
 months before. At this place Ojeda erected a for- 
 tress, which contained the magazine of provisions 
 and a strong box in which was deposited the treasure 
 amassed in the expedition. Vergara and Ocampo, 
 two of Ojeda's partners, becoming dissatisfied with 
 him, informed him of their intention to convey him a 
 prisoner to Hispaniola, to answer for offences which 
 they alleged against him. He attempted to escape, 
 but was seized, thrown in irons and conveyed on 
 board of Vergara's caravel. The two partners then 
 set sail, bearing off the whole community, its captive 
 governor, and the strong box which was at the bot- 
 tom of all these feuds. They arrived at the western 
 part of the island of Hispaniola. While at anchor 
 within a stone's throw of the land, Ojeda, confident 
 in his strength and skill as a swimmer, let himself 
 down the side of the ship in the night, and his arms 
 being free, attempted to swim to the shore. But 
 his feet were shackled, and the weight of his irons 
 threatened to sink him. He was obliged to shout for 
 help. A boat was sent from the vessel to his relief, 
 and the unfortunate governor was brought back half 
 drowned. He was delivered to the commander of 
 the place, while Vergara and Ocampo (as he said) 
 were taking from the strong box whatever they 
 thought proper. All parties were in Saint Domingo 
 about the end of September 1502, when the chief 
 judge of the island gave a decision against Ojeda. 
 He appealed to the sovereign, and after some time 
 was honourably acquitted by the royal council ; his 
 property was ordered to be restored ; and he ordered 
 
CHAP. SII.] VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1502. 119 
 
 to be liberated.* Nothing is known of him after- 
 wards until 1505, when he is said to have made 
 another voyage. f 
 
 In the mean time, Columbus had conceived the 
 idea of a voyage in which he hoped to surpass all 
 previous expeditions. His idea was that the Terra 
 Firma on which he landed in his voyage to Paria 
 stretched far to the west ; that the southern coast of 
 Cuba, which he considered a part of the Asiatic con- 
 tinent, stretched onwards towards the same point; 
 that the currents of the Caribbean sea passed be- 
 tween these lands ; and that there must be a strait 
 thereabout, opening into the Indian sea. When Co- 
 lumbus unfolded his plan for a voyage to discover 
 such a passage, and thus link the new world with the 
 opulent oriental regions of the old, it was promptly 
 acceded to. He was authorized to fit out an arma- 
 ment immediately, and for this purpose repaired to 
 Seville in the autumn of 1501. When Columbus 
 undertook this, his fourth and last voyage of disco- 
 very, he already numbered sixty-six years. His squad- 
 ron consisted of four caravels, from fifty to seventy 
 tons each ; the crews amounting in all to one hun- 
 dred and fifty men. He had the comfort of his bro- 
 ther Bartholomew and his son Fernando as compa- 
 nions. The squadron sailed from Cadiz in May 1502, 
 and arrived on the 15th of June at one of the Carib- 
 bee islands, called by the natives Mantinino. Then 
 it passed to the west of the island and sailed to Do- 
 minica, about ten leagues distant. Columbus conti- 
 nued along the inside of the Antilles, to Santa Cruz, 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 46 to 53. f W. p. 54. 
 
120 VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1502. [book I. 
 
 then along the south side of Porto Rico. His prin- 
 cipal vessel sailing badly, he steered for San Domingo, 
 to exchange it for one of the fleet which had recently 
 conveyed Ovando to his government.* 
 
 Columbus arrived at the mouth of the river the 
 29th of June. The fleet which brought out Ovando 
 was now ready to return to Spain, with many delin- 
 quents and others on board. Bobadilla was to em- 
 bark in the principal ship, on board of which he had 
 put an inmiense amount of gold collected for the 
 crown during his government. Roldan and other ad- 
 venturers hkewise shipped large quantities of gold. 
 This was wealth gained from the sufferings of the un- 
 happy natives. In one of the ships Alonzo Sanchez 
 de Carvajal, the agent of Columbus, had put four 
 thousand pieces of gold to be remitted to him ; being 
 part of his property which had either been recently 
 collected, or recovered from the hands of Bobadilla. f 
 
 Columbus apprehending an approaching storm re- 
 quested permission to shelter his squadron in the har- 
 bour, but this was not granted. He then sent to the 
 governor not to permit the fleet for Spain to put to 
 sea for several days, as there were signs of an impen- 
 ding tempest. This admonition was not heeded. 
 The fleet set sail, but had scarcely reached the eas- 
 tern point of Hispaniola, when the tempest burst over 
 it with awful fury. The ship on board of which were 
 Bobadilla, Roldan and a number of the most invete- 
 rate enemies of Columbus, was swallowed up with all 
 its crew, and with the principal part of the ill-gotten 
 treasure, gained by the miseries of the Indians. Many 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 76 to 83. f Id- P- 83, 4. 
 
CHAP, xii.] VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1502. 121 
 
 of the ships were entirely lost : some returned to San 
 Domingo in shattered condition, and only one was 
 enabled to continue her voyage to Spain. That one, 
 the weakest of the fleet (it is said) had on board the 
 four thousand pieces of gold, the property of the ad- 
 miral.* Bastides also returned in her to Spain, where 
 he was rewarded by his sovereigns.! 
 
 During the early part of this storm, the little squad- 
 ron of Columbus was tolerably well sheltered. On 
 the second day, the tempest increased in violence ; at 
 night, it being dark, the ships were separated. The 
 admiral, keeping close to the shore, sustained no da- 
 mage : the others, fearful of the land, ran out to sea 
 and were in great hazard. After various vicissitudes, 
 all arrived safe at Port Hermoso, to the west of San 
 Domingo. t 
 
 Columbus remained for several days in Port Her- 
 moso to repair his vessels and permit his crews to re- 
 pose. Soon after leaving this harbour, he had* to 
 take shelter from another storm in Jacquemel, or, as 
 it was called by the Spaniards, Port Brazil. Thence 
 he sailed on the 14th of July, steering for Terra Firma. 
 He was borne by the currents in the vicinity of some 
 little islands near Jamaica ; then swept away to those 
 on the southern coast of Cuba, to which in 1494, he 
 had given the name of The Gardens. He now stood 
 to the southwest, and, after a few days, discovered on 
 the 30th of July, a small but elevated island, to which, 
 from its number of pines, he gave the name of Isla 
 de Pinos; it has, however, retained the Indian name 
 of Guanaja, which has been extended to a number of 
 
 * Irving'8 Columbus, vol. 2, p. 84, 5. fid. p. 103. J Id. p. 85, 6. 
 
 16 
 
122 VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1502. [book I. 
 
 smaller islands that surround it. This groupe is 
 within a few leagues of the coast of Honduras, to 
 the east of the great bay of that name. Bartholo- 
 mew landed with some of the men on the principal 
 island, and saw a canoe arriving as from a distant 
 voyage ; he gathered from the Indians in it that they 
 came from a country rich, cultivated and industrious, 
 situated to the west, and was urged by them to steer 
 in that direction. " Well would it have been for Co- 
 lumbus," Mr. Irving remarks, " had he followed their 
 advice. Within a day or two, he would have arrived 
 at Yucatan ; the discovery of Mexico and the other 
 opulent countries of New Spain would have necessa- 
 rily followed ; the Southern ocean would have been 
 disclosed to him, and a succession of splendid disco- 
 veries would have shed fresh glory on his declining 
 age, instead of its sinking amidst gloom, neglect and 
 disappointment."* 
 
 The admiral, however, was, at present intent upon 
 discovering the strait. He stood southwardly for the 
 main land, and after sailing a few leagues discovered 
 the cape now known as Cape Honduras. Proceed- 
 ing along what is at present called the coast of Hon- 
 duras, he arrived on the 14th of September at a cape 
 where the coast, making an angle, turned directly 
 south, to which he gave the name of Gracias a Dios, 
 or Thanks to God. After doubling this cape, Co- 
 lumbus sailed south along what is now called the 
 Musquito shore. After sailing about sixfy-two leagues 
 along this coast, the squadron anchored on the 16th, 
 where a boat sent to the shore was, in returning, 
 
 * Irving'3 Columbus, vol. 2, p. 87, 8. 
 
CHAP. Xlt.] VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1502. 123 
 
 swallowed up by a sudden swelling of the sea, with 
 all on board : to this stream was given the name of 
 The River of Disaster. On the 25th, they cast an- 
 chor between a small island and the main land, where 
 they remained for several days, during which they 
 were kindly treated by the natives. Departing on 
 the 5th of October, the squadron sailed along what is 
 now called Costa Rica, (or the Rich Coast,) from the 
 mines found in after years among its mountains. 
 x\fter saihng about twenty-two leagues, the ships an- 
 chored in a great bay about six leagues in length and 
 three in breadth, called by the natives Caribaro. 
 Sailing on the 17th, he proceeded along what has 
 been since called the coast of Veragua, and after 
 sailing about twelve leagues, arrived at a large river 
 which his son Fernando calls the Guaig. He an- 
 chored afterwards in the mouth of another river 
 called the Catiba, where nineteen plates of pure gold 
 were procured. Here, for the first time in the new 
 world the Spaniards met with signs of solid architec- 
 ture, finding a great mass of stone and hme ; an in- 
 dication that they were in or near countries where 
 the arts were in a higher state of cultivation than in 
 those before discovered. Columbus hurried alon^ 
 this coast, where wealth was to be gathered at every 
 step, for the purpose of seeking a strait, which how- 
 ever it might produce vast benefit to mankind, could, 
 yield little else to himself than the glory of the dis- 
 covery.* 
 
 On the 2d of November, the squadron anchored 
 in a spacious and commodious harbour, to wljich 
 Columbus gave the name of Puerto Bello; this it 
 
 ♦Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 88 to 99. 
 
124 VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1502. [^00^ I. 
 
 has retained. Sailing on the 9th, they proceeded to 
 the point since known as Nombre de Dios, but being 
 driven back, anchored in a harbour in the vicinity of 
 three small islands, where they remained till the 23d, 
 and then proceeded to another port called Guiga. 
 He next stopped in a small harbour, to which he gave 
 the name of El Retrete, or The Cabinet, where the 
 squadron was detained nine days by tempestuous 
 weather. The companions of Columbus now mur- 
 mured against any further prosecution of the voyage ; 
 they looked back with regret on the rich coast they 
 had left behind. Bastides, in his recent voyage, had 
 arrived from an opposite quarter to about where Co- 
 lumbus had now reached. If Columbus knew the 
 details of this voyage, he must now have seen there 
 was but little probability of the existence of the strait 
 he had imagined. But it is doubtful, at least, whe- 
 ther Columbus was then acquainted with the particu- 
 lars of the voyage of Bastides. They could scarcely 
 have reached Spain previous to his sailing. For 
 though some of the seamen of Bastides had got 
 thither before that time, we have no evidence that 
 the papers and charts pertaining to the voyage had 
 then been transmitted. And though Bastides was on 
 board the fleet which was wrecked at the time Co- 
 lumbus was oflf San Domingo, Columbus had no op- 
 portunity of obtaining any information from him. 
 However this may be, Columbus relinquished the fur- 
 ther prosecution of his voyage eastward for the pre- 
 sent, and on the 5th of December sailed from £1 Re- 
 trete westward, in search of the gold mines of Ve- 
 ragua.* 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 9, p. 100 to 103. 
 
CHAP, xii] VOYAGE OP COLUMBUS IN 1502. 125 
 
 Bartholomew Columbus went into the interior to 
 explore the country. No port was found equal to the 
 river of Belen, nor was gold to be met with in such 
 abundance as in the district of V'eragua. The ad- 
 miral was convinced that he had reached one of the 
 most favoured parts of the Asiatic continent. He 
 resolved to commence an establishment here for the 
 purpose of securing possession of the country, and 
 of exploring and working the mines. It was agreed 
 that Bartholomew should remain with eighty men, 
 while the admiral would return to Spain for rein- 
 forcements and supplies. But the serious hostilities 
 which quickly occurred, caused this purpose to be 
 abandoned, even after Columbus was aboard and 
 about to proceed on his voyage. There appeared no 
 alternative but to embark all the people, abandon the 
 settlement for the present, and return at some future 
 day with a force competent to secure the possession 
 of the country.* 
 
 Towards the end of April 1503, Columbus sailed 
 from the coast of Veragua. He continued eastward 
 as far as Porto Bello, where he was obliged to leave 
 one of the caravels, which was so pierced by. the 
 worms that it was impossible to keep her afloat. All 
 the crews were now crowded into two caravels ; one 
 having been left stranded in the river near Belen. 
 Columbus passed Port Retrete and a number of 
 islands, to which he gave the name of Las Barbas, 
 now termed the Mulatas, a little beyond Point Bias. 
 Continuing about ten leagues further, he approached 
 the entrance of what is at present called the gulf of 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 103 to 125. 
 
126 DETENTION OF COLUMBUS AT JAMAICA. [book i. 
 
 Darien. On the 1st of May, he stood northward, in 
 quest of Hispaniola. On the 10th, he came in sight 
 of two small islands now known as the Caymans. 
 Continuing north, he found himself, on the 30th, 
 among the islands south of Cuba, which he had 
 named the Queen's Gardens. Here the vessels were 
 greatly injured by a tempest. At the end of six days, 
 he took an eastward course. Reaching Cape Cruz, 
 he anchored at a village where he had touched in 
 1494. Being prevented by adverse winds from beat- 
 ing up to Hispaniola, he stood, in despair, for the 
 island of Jamaica, to seek some secure port ; for 
 there was great danger of foundering at sea. On 
 the eve of St. John, the 23d of June, he put into Pu- 
 erto Bueno, now called Dry Harbour, but meeting 
 none of the natives, and suffering from hunger, they 
 sailed eastward next day to another harbour, to which 
 the admiral, on his first visit to the island, had given 
 the name of Port Santa Gloria. Here the vessels, 
 reduced to mere wrecks, had to be run aground : 
 thatched cabins were erected at the prow and stern, 
 for the accommodation of the crews.* 
 
 Arrangements being made with the natives for sup- 
 plying the immediate wants of the Spaniards, Colum- 
 bus next revolved in his mind the means of getting 
 from the island. The most likely measure appeared 
 to be, to send to San Domingo and entreat Ovando 
 to dispatch a vessel. But there was no way of trans- 
 porting a messenger, except in a light canoe ; and 
 the distance being forty leagues across a gulf, every 
 one drew back at the thoughts of it. Diego Mendez 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 126 to 129. 
 
CHAP. XII.] DIEGO MENDEZ. 127 
 
 ventured his life on this occasion. With him went a 
 Spanish comrade and six Indians. Once they were 
 taken by Indians roving in canoes, but made their es- 
 cape, and at length arrived at the end of the island, 
 distant thirty-four leagues from the harbour. While 
 waiting here for calm weather, they were taken pri- 
 soners by hostile Indians, who carried them off three 
 leagues, intending to kill them. During a dispute 
 about the division of the spoils, Diego escaped, got 
 to his canoe, embarked in it and returned alone to the 
 harbour, after fifteen days absence. Nothing daunted 
 by what he had undergone, Diego offered to depart 
 again, provided he could have persons to accompany 
 him to the end of the island and protect him from the 
 natives. This was done, and two canoes started, in 
 one of which was Diego, and in the other Bartholo- 
 mew Fiesco, a Genoese ; each having six Spaniards 
 and ten Indians.* 
 
 A long time elapsed without any tidings of Men- 
 dez and Fiesco. Yet after a trying voyage, they 
 had reached Cape Tiburon in four days from their 
 quitting Jamaica. Mendez took six Indians of the 
 island and set off to coast in his canoe, one hun- 
 dred and thirty leagues to San Domingo. After 
 proceeding for eighty leagues, he was informed that 
 the governor had departed for Xaragua, fifty leagues 
 distant. He abandoned his canoe and proceeded 
 alone and on foot, through forests and over moun- 
 tains, until he arrived at Xaragua, achieving one 
 of the most perilous expeditions ever undertaken 
 by a devoted follower, for the safety of his com- 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 130 to 136. 
 
128 DIEGO MENDEZ. [BOOK I. 
 
 mander. Ovando made many promises of sending 
 immediate relief, but suffered day after day, week 
 after week, and even month after month to elapse 
 without carrying his promises into effect. Mendez 
 remained for seven months in Xaragua, detained 
 there under various pretexts by Ovando. At length, 
 by importunity, obtaining permission to go to San 
 Domingo, he set out on foot for that place, distant 
 seventy leagues, to await the arrival of certain ships 
 which were expected, of which he proposed to pur- 
 chase one on account of the admiral, ft was not 
 until after his departure, that Ovando dispatched a 
 small vessel with a message to Columbus, expressing 
 regret at not having in port a vessel of sufficient size 
 to bring off him and his people, and promising to 
 send one as soon as possible. This message was re- 
 ceived eight months after the departure of Mendez. 
 In the mean time, the men left behind with Colum- 
 bus had become impatient. There had been a mu- 
 tiny, and most of those in health, taking ten canoes 
 which he had purchased from the Indians, had em- 
 barked in them, but after going to sea, had returned 
 to the island and lived at large about it. In a ren- 
 contre with Bartholomew Columbus, their ringleader 
 Parras was taken and the rest submitted. Two ves- 
 sels were afterwards seen standing in the harbour ; 
 one of which had been hired and furnished at the ex- 
 pense of the admiral, by the faithful Mendez : the 
 other had been fitted out by Ovando. On the 28th 
 of June 1504, just one year after Mendez had ar- 
 rived at Hispaniola, Columbus and his men sailed thi- 
 ther from Jamaica.* 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 136 to 158. 
 
CHAP. XII.] DIEGO MENDEZ. 129 
 
 Mendez having seen the ships depart, proceeded 
 to Spain on the further concerns of the admiral. 
 When King Ferdinand heard of the faithful services 
 of Mendez, he bestowed rewards upon him, and per- 
 mitted him to bear a canoe on his coat of arms. He 
 continued devotedly attached to the admiral, serving 
 him zealously after his return to Spain, and during 
 his last illness. Columbus retained the most grateful 
 and affectionate sense of his fidelity. Mendez after- 
 wards engaged in voyages of discovery in vessels of 
 his own, but met with many vicissitudes, and appears 
 to have died in impoverished circumstances. In his 
 will he desired that a large stone should be placed 
 upon his sepulchre, on which should be engraved 
 certain words which he directed, and on the model 
 of which there should be carved an Indian canoe, 
 with the word canoa engraved above it in large let- 
 ters.* 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, %'ol. 2, p. 158, 9. 
 
 17 
 
130 VOYAGE OF VESPUCIUS IN 1503. [book I. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Of the voyage of Americus Vespucius to Brazil in 1503 ; and the name 
 of America given to this part of the world. 
 
 In the preface of the French editor to the History 
 of the Province of Santa Cruz, referred to on page 
 108, it is stated that after the voyage in 1501, under 
 Gonsaloe Coella, the coast of that province was, in 
 the succeeding years, visited several times by Portu- 
 guese navigators who went to the Indias ; among 
 others, by Alfonso d' Albuquerque in 1503. 
 
 The letter of the 4th of September 1504, from 
 Americus Vespucius to Piero Soderini, giving an ac- 
 count of his last voyage under the King of Portugal, 
 states that six ships sailed from Lisbon on the 10th of 
 May 1503 to make discoveries with regard to an 
 island in the east, called Malacca ; that after stopping 
 three days at the Cape de Verd islands, they sailed in 
 a southerly direction ; that the superior captain went 
 to reconnoitre Sierra Leone, without there being any 
 necessity for it; that they sailed from there to the 
 south, and bore southwest; that after sailing three 
 hundred leagues through the great sea, being then 
 three degrees south of the equinoctial line, an island 
 was discovered about twenty-two leagues distant, very 
 high, and not more than two leagues in length and one 
 in width, and the superior captain there lost his ship 
 upon a rock, and went himself to the bottom ; that his 
 (Vespucius') ship and one other arrived in seventeen 
 
CHAP. XIII. ] NAME OF AMERICA. 131 
 
 days at the Bay of All Saints, distant three hundred 
 leagues from the island they had left, and after waiting 
 two months and four days in this harbour, without 
 being joined by any other ship, proceeded along the 
 coast two hundred and sixty leagues, where they built 
 a fortress ; that they were in this port five months, 
 building the fortress and loading the ships with dye 
 wood ; and during this time some of the men went 
 forty leagues inland ; that being unable to proceed 
 farther for want of men and equipments, they deter- 
 mined to return to Portugal, leaving twenty-four men 
 in the fortress with provisions for six months, twelve 
 pieces of cannon and many other arms ; that this 
 country was situated eighteen degrees south of the 
 equinoctial line, and fifty-seven degrees farther west 
 than Lisbon ; that in seventy-seven days the two ships 
 entered Lisbon, to wit, on the 15th of June 1504, 
 the other ships of the fleet having been lost.* 
 
 The name of America was first given to the pro- 
 vince explored by Americus in his two voyages of 
 1501 and 1503. Next it embraced the whole southern 
 continent. And afterwards it became the appellation 
 of the whole of the new world. f More than two 
 centuries ago it was said that it " most justly should 
 have been called Columbina, and a great deal better 
 might have been styled Cabotiana than America."! 
 A i^ew years ago it was attempted to give to the 
 British provinces of the northern continent the name 
 of Cabotia. 
 
 *Irving's Columbus, vol. a, p. 250,51, dix No. 10. Life of Americus Vespucius, 
 
 Appendix No. 10. Life of Americus Ves- p. 948 to 255. 
 
 pucius, hy Lester and Foster, p. 238 to 243. J Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. 4, book 6, ch. 
 
 t N. A. Review April 1821, p. 339, 340. 4, p. 177. 
 Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 250, Appen- 
 
132 RETURN OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN 1504. [book I. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Of the return of Columbus from the West Indias to Spain in 1504, and 
 his death in 1506 : observations on his character. 
 
 Though Cohimbus and his men left Jamaica on the 
 28th of June 1504, adverse winds delayed his arrival 
 at San Domingo till the 13th of August. The sojourn 
 of Columbus at San Domingo was but little calculated 
 to yield him satisfaction. He was grieved at the de- 
 solation of the island by the oppressive treatment of 
 the natives and the horrible massacres which had been 
 perpetrated. The sanguinary acts of Ovando awa- 
 kened equal horror and indignation in Isabella. With 
 her dying breath, she exacted a promise from Ferdi- 
 nand that Ovando should immediately be recalled 
 from his government.* 
 
 On the 12th of September, Columbus sailed with 
 his son and brother. They had a tedious voyage ; it 
 was the 7th of November that his shattered bark an- 
 chored in the harbour of San Lucar. Hence Colum- 
 bus had himself conveyed to Seville. Soon after- 
 wards he lost the friend on whom he most relied. 
 After four months of illness, Isabella died on the 26th 
 of November 1504, at Medina del Campo. During the 
 winter and a part of the spring, Columbus continued 
 at Seville, detained by painful illness. He had to rely 
 
 *Irving'3 Columbus, vol. 2, p. 160 to 182. 
 
CHAP. XIV.] RETURN OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN 1504. 133 
 
 upon others to support his apphcations to the court. 
 One of these was Americus Vespucius, who being at 
 Seville early in 1505, on his way to the Spanish court, 
 in quest of employment, became the bearer of the 
 following letter from Columbus to his son Diego ; it 
 is dated February 5.* 
 
 " My dear son, — Diego Mendez departed from hence on 
 Monday, the third of this month. After his departure I 
 conversed with Amerigo Vespucci, the bearer of this, who 
 goes there (to court) summoned on affairs of navigation. 
 Fortune has been adverse to him as to many others. His 
 labours have not profited him as much as they reasonably 
 should have done. He goes on my account, and with 
 much desire to do something that may result to my advan- 
 tage, if within his power. I cannot ascertain here in what 
 I can employ him, that will be serviceable to me, for I do 
 not know what may be there required. He goes with the 
 determination to do all that is possible for me. See in what 
 he may be of advantage and co-operate with him, that he 
 may say and do every thing, and put his plans in operation ; 
 and let all be done secretly, that he may not be suspected. 
 I have said every thing to him that I can say touching the 
 business, and have informed him of the pay I have received, 
 and what is due, &c."f 
 
 Mr. Lester argues that Columbus would not have 
 written a letter like this if Vespucius had been en- 
 gaged in injuring his reputation.! This argument 
 would be very proper if it could be shewn that Ves- 
 pucius had before the date of this letter, asserted to 
 Columbus, or in any public manner, the pretension of 
 
 *Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 390 ; also p. 251, Appendix No. 10. 
 t Navarrete, Collec. Viag. T. 1, p. 351. t Life of Vespucius, p. 105. 
 
134 DEATH OF COLUMBUS IN 1506. [BOOK i. 
 
 his discovering the continent of South America in 
 1497, but we have no evidence that any such preten- 
 sion had been so asserted. The accounts of such a 
 voyage, purporting to have been written to Lorenzo 
 de Pier Francisco de Medici of Florence, and to 
 others, remained unpubHshed till after the death of 
 Columbus.* 
 
 It was not until May 1505, that Columbus was able, 
 in company with his brother Bartholomew, to accom- 
 plish his journey to court, which was at that time held 
 at Segovia. Many months were exhausted by him in 
 unavailing attendance. Life was now drawing to a 
 close. He was again confined to the bed, by a tor- 
 menting attack of the gout, aggravated by sorrow and 
 disappointment. One of his last acts was to send his 
 brother to King Philip and Queen J nana, who had 
 just arrived from Flanders to take possession of the 
 throne of Castile ; in the daughter of Isabella, he 
 trusted to find a patroness and friend. After the de- 
 parture of Bartholomew, his maladies increased in 
 violence. He died on the 20th of May 1506, being 
 seventy years old, a little more or less. His last words 
 were " In manus iuas, Domine, commendo spiritum 
 menm:'''' into thy hands, O Lord, I commend my 
 spirit !t 
 
 His body was deposited in the convent of St. Fran- 
 cisco, but was transported in 1513 to the Carthusian 
 monastery of Las Cuevas of Seville to the chapel of 
 St. Ann, or of Santo Christo, in which chapel was 
 likewise deposited that of his son Diego who died 
 
 *Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 249, Appendix No. 10. ] 
 t Id. p. 191 to 198, and 229, Appendix No. 4. 
 
CHAP. XIV.] OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. 135 
 
 in the village of Montalban on the 23d of February 
 1526. In 1536 the bodies of both were removed to 
 Hispaniola and interred in the principal chapel of the 
 cathedral of the City of San Domingo. More than 
 two centuries afterwards, when by the treaty of 1795 
 between France and Spain, all the Spanish posses- 
 sions in the island of Hispaniola were ceded to 
 France, the remains of Columbus were carried to 
 Havana and deposited with great reverence, in the 
 cathedral, in the wall on the right side of the grand 
 altar.* 
 
 About the same period the new world gave birth 
 to an historian who has by his writings perpetuated 
 the fame of Columbus, and erected to his memory a 
 monument far more lasting than that ordered by Fer- 
 dinand. This chapter cannot be better concluded 
 than with the following beautiful tribute from Mr. Ir- 
 ving :t 
 
 " Columbus was a man of great and inventive genius. 
 The operations of his mind were energetic but irregular; 
 bursting forth at times with that irresistible force which 
 characterizes intellects of such an order. His mind had 
 grasped all kinds of knowledge connected with his pur- 
 suits ; and though his information may appear limited at 
 the present day, and some of his errors palpable, it is be- 
 cause that knowledge, in his peculiar department of sci- 
 ence, was but scantily developed in his time. His own 
 discoveries enlightened the ignorance of that age ; guided 
 conjecture to certainty ; and dispelled numerous errors with 
 which he himself had been obliged to struggle. 
 
 *Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 198; also p. 209 to 212, Appendix No. 1. 
 t Id. p. 200 to 205. 
 
136 OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. [book i. 
 
 " His ambition was lofty and noble. He was full of 
 high thoughts, and anxious to distinguish himself by great 
 achievements. It has been said that a mercenary feeling 
 mingled with his views, and that his stipulations with the 
 Spanish court were selfish and avaracious. The charge is 
 inconsiderate and unjust. He aimed at dignity and wealth 
 in the same lofty spirit in which he sought renown ; but 
 they were to arise from the territories he should discover, 
 and be commensurate in importance. No condition could 
 be more just. He asked nothing of the sovereigns but a 
 command of the countries he hoped to give them, and a 
 share of the profits to support the dignity of his command. 
 If there should be no country discovered, his stipulated 
 viceroyalty would be of no avail ; and if no revenues should 
 be produced, his labour and peril would produce no gain. 
 If his command and revenues ultimately proved magnifi= 
 cent, it was from the magnificence of the regions he had 
 attached to the Castilian crown. What monarch would 
 not rejoice to gain empire on such conditions ? 
 
 " But he did not merely risk a loss of labour and a dis- 
 appointment of ambition in the enterprise : on his motives 
 being questioned, he voluntarily undertook, and, with the 
 assistance of his coadjutors, actually defrayed one eighth of 
 the whole charge of the first expedition. 
 
 " The gains that promised to arise from his discoveries 
 were intended to be appropriated in the same princely spi- 
 rit in which they were demanded. He contemplated works 
 and achievements of benevolence and piety ; vast contri- 
 butions for the relief of the poor of his native city ; the 
 foundation of churches where masses should be said for the 
 souls of the departed ; and armies for the recovery of the 
 holy sepulchre in Palestine. 
 
 " In the discharge of his ofiice he maintained the state 
 and ceremonial of a viceroy, and was tenacious of his rank 
 and privileges : not from a mere vulgar love of titles, but 
 
CHAP. XIV.] OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. 137 
 
 because he prized them as testimonials and trophies of his 
 achievements. These he jealously cherished as his great 
 rewards. In his repeated applications to the king, he in- 
 sisted merely on the restitution of his dignities. As to his 
 pecuniary dues and all questions relative to mere revenue, 
 he offered to leave them to arbitration, or even to the abso- 
 lute disposition of the king ; but not so his official digni- 
 ties ; " these things," said he nobly, "affect my honour." 
 In his testament, he enjoined on his son Diego, and who- 
 ever after him should inherit his estates, whatever dignities 
 and titles might afterwards be granted by the king, always 
 to sign himself simply 'The Admiral,' by way of perpetu- 
 ating in the family its real source of greatness. 
 
 "His conduct as a discoverer was characterized by the 
 grandeur of his views, and the magnanimity of his spirit. 
 Instead of scouring the newly found countries, like a grasp- 
 ing adventurer eager only for immediate gain, as was too 
 generally the case with contemporary discoverers, he sought 
 to ascertain their soil and productions, their rivers and har- 
 bours. He was desirous of colonizing and cultivating them, 
 of conciliating and civilizing the natives, of building ci- 
 ties, introducing the useful arts, subjecting every thing to 
 the control of law, order and religion, and thus of found- 
 ing regular and prosperous empires. In this glorious plan, 
 he was constantly defeated by the dissolute rabble which it 
 was his misfortune to command ; with whom all law was 
 tyranny, and all order restraint. They interrupted all use- 
 ful works by their seditions ; provoked the peaceful Indians 
 to hostility ; and after they had thus drawn down misery 
 and warfare upon their own heads, and overwhelmed Co- 
 lumbus with the ruins of the edifice he was building, they 
 charged him with being the cause of the confusion. 
 
 " Well would it have been for Spain, had her discoverers 
 who followed in the track of Columbus possessed his sound 
 policy and liberal views. The new world, in such case, 
 18 
 
138 OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. [book I. 
 
 would have been settled by peaceful colonists, and civilized 
 by enlightened legislators, instead of being overrun by des- 
 perate adventurers, and desolated by avaricious conquerors. 
 
 " Columbus was a man of quick sensibility, liable to great 
 excitement, to sudden and strong impressions, and powerful 
 impulses. He was naturally irritable and impetuous, and 
 keenly sensible to injury or injustice ; yet the quickness of 
 his temper was counteracted by the benevolence and gene- 
 rosity of his heart. The magnanimity of his nature shone 
 forth through all the troubles of his stormy career. Though 
 continually outraged in his dignity, and braved in the exer- 
 cise of his command ; though foiled in his plans, and en- 
 dangered in his person by the seditions of turbulent and 
 worthless men ; and that too at times when suffering under 
 anxiety of mind and anguish of body, sufficient to exas- 
 perate the most patient ; yet he restrained his valiant and 
 indignant spirit; and by the strong power of his mind, 
 brought himself to forbear, and reason, and even to suppli- 
 cate : nor should we fail to notice how free he was from 
 all feeling of revenge ; how ready to forgive and forget, 
 on the least signs of repentance and atonement. He has 
 been extolled for his skill in controlling others, but far 
 greater praise is due to him for the firmness he displayed 
 in governing himself. 
 
 " His natural benignity made him accessible to all kinds 
 of pleasurable influences from external objects. In his let- 
 ters and journals, instead of detailing circumstances with 
 the technical precision of a mere navigator, he notices the 
 beauties of nature with the enthusiasm of a poet or a painter. 
 As he coasts the shores of the New World, the reader parti- 
 cipates in the enjoyment with which he describes, in his 
 imperfect but picturesque Spanish, the varied objects around 
 him ; the blandness of the temperature, the purity of the 
 atmosphere, the fragrance of the air, ' full of dew and 
 sweetness,' the verdure of the forests, the magnificence of 
 
CHAP. XIV.] OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. 139 
 
 the trees, the grandeur of the mountains, and the limpidity 
 and freshness of the running streams. New delight springs 
 up for him in every scene. He extols each new discovery 
 as more beautiful than the last, and each as the most beau- 
 tiful in the world ; until with his simple earnestness, he 
 tells the sovereigns, that having spoken so highly of the 
 preceding islands, he fears they will not credit him when 
 he declares that the one he is actually describing surpasses 
 them all in excellence. 
 
 " In the same ardent and unstudied way he expresses his 
 emotions on various occasions, readily affected by impulses 
 of joy or grief, of pleasure or indignation. When sur- 
 rounded and overwhelmed by the ingratitude and violence 
 of worthless men, he often, in the retirement of his cabin, 
 gave way to gushes of sorrow, and relieved his overladen 
 heart by sighs and groans. When he returned in chains 
 to Spain, and came in the presence of Isabella, instead of 
 continuing the lofty pride with which he had hitherto sus- 
 tained his injuries, he was touched with grief and tender- 
 ness at her sympathy, and burst forth into sobs and tears. 
 
 "He was devoutly pious: religion mingled with the 
 whole course of his thoughts and actions, and shone forth 
 in all his most private and unstudied writings. Whenever 
 he made any great discovery, he celebrated it by solemn 
 thanks to God. The voice of prayer, and the melody of 
 praise, rose from his ships when they first beheld the New 
 World, and his first action on landing, was to prostrate him- 
 self upon the earth and render up thanksgivings. Every 
 evening the Salve Regina and other vesper hymns were 
 chanted by his crew, and masses were performed in the 
 beautiful groves that bordered the wild shores of this hea- 
 then land. The religion thus deeply seated in his soul 
 diffused a sober dignity and a benign composure over his 
 whole demeanour. His language was pure and guarded, 
 free from all imprecations, oaths and other irreverent ex- 
 
140 OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. [book i. 
 
 pressions. All his great enterprises were undertaken ' in 
 the name of the Holy Trinity,' and he partook of the holy 
 sacrament previous to embarkation. He observed the fes- 
 tivals of the church in the wildest situations. The Sab- 
 bath was with him a day of sacred rest, on which he would 
 never set sail from a port, unless in a case of extreme ne- 
 cessity. He was a firm believer in the efficacy of vows 
 and penances and pilgrimages, and resorted to them in times 
 of difficulty and danger; but he carried his religion still 
 farther, and his piety was darkened by the bigotry of the 
 age. He evidently concurred in the opinion that all na- 
 tions who did not acknowledge the Christian faith were 
 destitute of natural rights ; that the sternest means might 
 be used for their conversion, and the severest punishments 
 inflicted upon their obstinacy in unbelief. In this spirit of 
 bigotry he considered himself justified in making captives 
 of the Indians, and transporting them to Spain to have 
 them taught the doctrines of Christianity, and in selling 
 them for slaves, if they pretended to resist his invasions. 
 In doing the latter, he sinned against the natural goodness 
 of his character, and against the feelings which he had 
 originally entertained and expressed towards this gentle 
 and hospitable people ; but he was goaded on by the mer- 
 cenary impatience of the crown, and by the sneers of his 
 enemies at the unprofitable result of his enterprises. It is 
 but justice to his character to observe, that the enslave- 
 ment of the Indians thus taken in battle was at first openly 
 countenanced by the crown, and that when the question 
 of right came to be discussed at the instance of the queen, 
 several of the most distinguished jurists and theologians 
 advocated the practice, so that the question was finally set- 
 tled in favour of the Indians by the humanity of Isabella. 
 As the venerable Bishop Las Casas observes, where the 
 most learned men have doubted, it is not surprising that an 
 unlearned mariner should err. 
 
CHAP. XIV.] OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. 141 
 
 " These remarks in palliation of the conduct of Colum- 
 bus are required by candour. It is proper to show him in 
 connexion with the age in which he lived, lest the errors 
 of the time should be considered his individual faults. It 
 is not the intention of the author, however, to justify Co- 
 lumbus on a point where it is inexcusable to err. Let it 
 remain a blot on his illustrious name, and let others derive 
 a lesson from it. 
 
 "A peculiar trait in his rich and varied character remains 
 to be noticed ; that ardent and enthusiastic imagination 
 which threw a magnificence over his whole course of 
 thought. Herrera intimates that he had a talent for poetry, 
 and some slight traces of it are on record, in the book of 
 prophecies which he presented to the Catholic sovereigns. 
 But his poetical temperament is discernible throughout all 
 his writings, and in all his actions. It spread a golden and 
 glorious world around him, and tinged every thing with its 
 own gorgeous colours. It betrayed him into visionary spe- 
 culations, which subjected him to the sneers and cavillings 
 of men of cooler and safer, but more grovelling minds. 
 Such were the conjectures formed on the coast of Paria 
 about the form of the earth and the situation of the terres- 
 trial paradise ; about the mines of Ophir in Hispaniola, and 
 of the Aurea Chersonesus in Veragua ; and such was the 
 heroic scheme of a crusade for the recovery of the holy 
 sepulchre. It mingled with his religion, and filled his mind 
 with solemn and visionary meditations on mystic passages 
 of the scriptures, and the shadowy portents of the prophe- 
 cies. It exalted his office in his eyes, and made him con- 
 ceive himself an agent sent forth upon a sublime and awful 
 mission, subject to impulses and supernatural intimations 
 from the deity ; such as the voice which he imagined spoke 
 to him in comfort, amidst the troubles of Hispaniola, and 
 in the silence of the night on the disastrous coast of Ve- 
 ragua. 
 
142 OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. [book i. 
 
 "He was decidedly a visionary; but a visionary of an 
 uncommon and successful kind. The manner in which his 
 ardent; imaginative and mercurial nature was controlled 
 by a powerful judgment, and directed by an acute sagacity, 
 is the most extraordinary feature in his character. Thus 
 governed, his imagination, instead of exhausting itself in 
 idle flights, lent aid to his judgment, and enabled him to 
 form conclusions, at which common minds could never 
 have arrived, nay, which they could not perceive when 
 pointed out. 
 
 " To his intellectual vision it was given to read in the 
 signs of the times, and to trace in the conjectures and re- 
 veries of past ages, the indications of an unknown world ; 
 as soothsayers were said to read predictions in the stars, 
 and to foretel events from the visions of the night. 'His 
 soul,' observes a Spanish writer, ' was superior to the age 
 in which he lived. For him was reserved the great enter- 
 prise of traversing a sea which had given rise to so many 
 fables, and of deciphering the mystery of his time.'* 
 
 "With all the visionary fervour of his imagination, its 
 fondest dreams fell short of the reality. He died in igno- 
 rance of the real grandeur of his discovery. Until his last 
 breath, he entertained the idea that he had merely opened 
 a new way to the old resorts of opulent commerce, and 
 had discovered some of the wild regions of the east. He 
 supposed Hispaniola to be the ancient Ophir, which had 
 been visited by the ships of Solomon, and that Cuba and 
 Terra Firma were but remote parts of Asia. What visions 
 of glory would have broken upon his mind^ could he have 
 known that he had indeed discovered a new continent, 
 equal to the whole of the old world in magnitude, and 
 separated by two vast oceans from all the earth hitherto 
 known by civilized man ! And how would his magnani- 
 
 ♦Cladera, Investigaciones Historicas, p. 43. 
 
CHAP. Xiv] OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. 143 
 
 mous spirit have been consoled, amidst the afflictions of 
 age, and the cares of penury, the neglect of a fickle public, 
 and the injustice of an ungrateful king, could he have anti- 
 cipated the splendid empires which were to spread over the 
 beautiful world he had discovered, and the nations, and 
 tongues, and languages, which were to fill its lands with 
 his renown, and to revere and bless his name to the latest 
 posterity !" 
 
144 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [book i. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Of tlio little port of Pulos, where Columbus litted out his ships: a 
 pilgrimage to it by an American. 
 
 The following narrative was commenced by Mr. 
 Irving as a letter to a friend. It was inserted by him 
 in the Appendix to his volume of Voyages and Dis- 
 coveries of the Companions of Columbus, from an 
 idea (justly entertained,) that many would feel the 
 same sort of curiosity to know something of the 
 condition of Palos and its inhabitants that led him to 
 make a journey thither. 
 
 "Seville, 182S. 
 
 " Since I last wrote to you I have made, what I may 
 term, an American Pilgrimage, to visit the little port of 
 Palos in Andalusia, where Columbus fitted out his ships, 
 and whence he sailed for the discovery of the New World. 
 Need I tell you how deeply interesting and gratifying it has 
 been to me ? I had long meditated this excursion as a 
 kind of pious, and if I may so say, filial duty of an Ame- 
 rican, and my intention was quickened when I learnt that 
 many of the edifices mentioned in the history of Columbus 
 still remained in nearly the same state in which they ex- 
 isted at the time of his sojourn at Palos, and that the de- 
 scendants of the intrepid Pinzons, who aided him with 
 ships and money, and sailed with him in the great voyage 
 of discovery, still flourished in the neighbourhood. 
 
CHAP. XV.] i-iijo LITTLE POUT Or I'ALOS. 145 
 
 " The very evening before my departure from Seville 
 on the excursion, I. heard that there was a young gentle- 
 man of tlie PhvAon family studying law in the city. I got 
 introduced to him, and found him of most prepossessing 
 appearance and manners. lie gave me a letter of intro- 
 duction to his father, Don Juan Fernandez JNnzon, resident 
 of Moguer, and the present head of the family. 
 
 "As it was in the middle of August, and the weather 
 intensely hot, I hired a calesa for the journey. This is a 
 two-whcclcd carriage, resembling a cabriolet, but of the 
 most primitive and rude construction ; the harness is pro- 
 fusely ornamented with brass, and the horse's head deco- 
 rated with tufls and tassels and dangling bobs of scarlet 
 and yellow worsted. 1 had, for calasero, a tall, long-leg- 
 ged Andalusian, in short jacket, little round-crowned hat, 
 breeches decorated with buttons from tlic hip to the knees, 
 and a pair of russet leather bottinas or sjjatterdashes. He 
 was an active fellow, though uncommonly taciturn for an 
 Andalusian, and strode along beside his horse, rousing him 
 occasionally to greater speed by a loud malediction or a 
 hearty thwack of his cudgel. 
 
 " In this style I set off late in tiic day to avoid the noon- 
 tide heat, and after ascending the lofty range of hills that 
 borders the great valley of the fjJuadal quiver, and having a 
 rough ride among their heights, I descended about twilight 
 into one of those vast, silent, melancholy plains, frequent 
 in Spain, where I beheld no other signs of life than a 
 roaming flock of bustards, and a distant herd of cattle, 
 guarded by a solitary herdsman, who, with a long pike 
 planted in the earth, stood motionless in the midst of the 
 dreary landscape, resembling an Arab of the desert. The 
 night had somewhat advanced when we stopped to repose 
 for a few hours at a solitary venta or inn, if it migfit so be 
 called, being nothing more than a vast low-roofed stable, 
 divided into several compartments for the reception of the 
 19 
 
146 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [book I. 
 
 troops of mules and arrieros (or carriers) who carry on the 
 internal trade of Spain. Accommodation for the traveller 
 there was none — not even for a traveller so easily accom- 
 modated as myself. The landlord had no food to give me, 
 and as to a bed, he had none but a horse cloth, on which 
 his only child, a boy of eight years old, lay naked on the 
 earthen floor. Indeed the heat of the weather and the 
 fumes from the stables made the interior of the hovel in- 
 supportable, so I was fain to bivouac on my cloak on the 
 pavement at the door of the venta, where, on waking after 
 two or three hours of sound sleep, I found a contrabandista 
 (or smuggler) snoring beside me, with his blunderbuss on 
 his arm. 
 
 " I resumed my journey before break of day, and had 
 made several leagues by ten o'clock, when we stopped to 
 breakfast, and to pass the sultry hours of midday in a large 
 village, from whence we departed about four o'clock, and, 
 after passing through the same kind of solitary country, ar- 
 rived just after sunset at Moguer. This little city (for at 
 present it is a city) is situated about a league from Palos, 
 of which place it has gradually absorbed all the respectable 
 inhabitants, and, among the number, the whole family of 
 the Pinzons. 
 
 " So remote is this little place from the stir and bustle of 
 travel, and so destitute of the show and vainglory of this 
 world, that my calesa as it rattled and jingled along the 
 narrow and ill-paved streets caused a great sensation ; the 
 children shouted and scampered along by its side, admiring 
 its splendid trappings of brass and worsted, and gazing 
 with reverence at the important stranger who came in so 
 gorgeous an equipage. 
 
 " I drove up to the principal posada, the landlord of 
 which w^as at the door. He was one of the very civilest 
 men in the world, and disposed to do every thing in his 
 power to make me comfortable ; there was only one diffi- 
 
CHAP. XV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 147 
 
 culty, he had neither bed nor bed-room in his. house. In 
 fact, it was a mere venta for muleteers, who are accus- 
 tomed to sleep on the ground with their mule cloths for 
 beds and pack-saddles for pillows. It was a hard case, but 
 there was no better posada in the place. Few people tra- 
 vel for pleasure or curiosity in these out-of-the-way parts of 
 Spain, and those of any note are generally received into 
 private houses. I had travelled sufficiently in Spain to 
 find out that a bed, after all, is not an article of indispensa- 
 ble necessity, and was about to bespeak some quiet corner 
 where I might spread my cloak, when fortunately the land- 
 lord's wife came forth. She could not have a more oblig- 
 ing disposition than her husband, but then — God bless the 
 women ! — they always know how to carry their good 
 wishes into effect. In a little while a small room about 
 ten feet square, that had formed a thoroughfare between 
 the stables and a kind of shop or bar room, was cleared of 
 a variety of lumber, and I was assured that a bed should 
 be put up there for me. From the consultations I saw my 
 hostess holding with some of her neighbour gossips, I fan- 
 cied the bed was to be a kind of piece-meal contribution 
 among them for the credit of the house. 
 
 "As soon as I could change my dress, I commenced the 
 historical researches which were the object of my journey, 
 and inquired for the abode of Don Juan Fernandez Pinzon. 
 My obliging landlord himself volunteered to conduct me 
 thither, and I set off full of animation at the thoughts of 
 meeting with the lineal representative of one of the coad- 
 jutors of Columbus. 
 
 " A short walk brought us to the house, which was most 
 respectable in its appearance, indicating easy, if not affluent 
 circumstances. The door, as is customary in Spanish vil- 
 lages, during summer, stood wide open. We entered with 
 the usual salutation or rather summons, 'Ave Maria!' A 
 trim Andalusian handmaid answered to the call, and, on 
 
148 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [BOOK i. 
 
 our inquiring for the master of the house, led the way 
 across a little patio or court, in the centre of the edifice, 
 cooled by a fountain surrounded by shrubs and flowers, to 
 a back court or terrace, likewise set out with flowers, where 
 Don Juan Fernandez was seated with his family, enjoying 
 the serene evening in the open air. 
 
 " I was much pleased with his appearance. He was a 
 venerable old gentleman, tall and somewhat thin, with fair 
 complexion and grey hair. He received me with great 
 urbanity, and on reading the letter from his son, appeared 
 struck with surprise to find I had come quite to Moguer, 
 merely to visit the scene of the embarkation of Columbus ; 
 and still more so on my telling him, that one of my lead- 
 ing objects of curiosity was his own family connexion ; for 
 it would seem that the worthy cavalier had troubled his 
 head but little about the enterprises of his ancestors. 
 
 " I now took my seat in the domestic circle and soon felt 
 myself quite at home, for there is generally a frankness in 
 the hospitality of Spaniards that soon puts a stranger at his 
 ease beneath their roof The wife of Don Juan Fernandez 
 was extremely amiable and affable, possessing much of that 
 natural aptness for which the Spanish women are remarka- 
 ble. In the course of conversation with them, I learnt that 
 Don Juan Fernandez, who is seventy-two years of age, is 
 the eldest of five brothers, all of whom are married, have 
 numerous offspring, and live in Moguer and its vicinity, in 
 nearly the same condition and rank of life as at the time of 
 the discovery. This agreed with what I had previously 
 heard, respecting the families of the discoverers. Of Co- 
 lumbus no lineal and direct descendant exists ; his was an 
 exotic stock that never took deep and lasting root in the 
 country ; but the race of the Pinzons continues to thrive 
 and multiply in its native soil. 
 
 " While I was yet conversing, a gentleman entered, who 
 was introduced to me as Don Luis Fernandez Pinzon, the 
 
CHAP. XV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 149 
 
 youngest of the brothers. He appeared to be between fifty 
 and sixty years of age, somewhat robust, with fair com- 
 plexion and grey hair, and a frank and manly deportment. 
 He is the only one of the present generation that has fol- 
 lowed the ancient profession of the family ; having served 
 with great applause as an officer of the royal navy, from 
 which he retired, on his marriage, about twenty-two years 
 since. He is the one, also, who takes the greatest interest 
 and pride in the historical honours of his house, carefully 
 preserving all the legends and documents of the achieve- 
 ments and distinctions of his family, a manuscript volume 
 of which he lent me for my inspection. 
 
 " Don Juan now expressed a wish that, during my resi- 
 dence in Moguer, I would make his house my home. I 
 endeavoured to excuse myself, alleging, that the good peo- 
 ple at the posada had been at such extraordinary trouble in 
 preparing quarters for me, that I did not like to disappoint 
 them. The worthy old gentleman undertook to arrange 
 all this, and, while supper was preparing, we walked toge- 
 ther to the posada. I found that my obliging host and 
 hostess had indeed exerted themselves to an uncommon de- 
 gree. An old ricketty table had been spread out in a cor- 
 ner of the little room as a bedstead, on top of which was 
 propped up a grand cama de luio, or state bed, which ap- 
 peared to be the admiration of the house. I could not, for 
 the soul of me, appear to undervalue what the poor people 
 had prepared with such hearty good will, and considered 
 such a triumph of art and luxury ; so I again entreated 
 Don Juan to dispense with my sleeping at his house, pro- 
 mising most faithfully to make my meals there, while I 
 should stay at Moguer, and as the old gentleman under- 
 stood my motives for declining his invitation, and felt a 
 good humoured sympathy in them, we readily arranged the 
 matter. I returned therefore with Don Juan to his house, 
 and supped with his family. During the repast, a plan was 
 
150 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [book r. 
 
 agreed upon for my visit to Palos, and to the convent La 
 Rabida, in which Don Juan volunteered to accompany me 
 and be my guide, and the following day was allotted to the 
 expedition. We were to breakfast at a hacienda, or coun- 
 try seat, which he possessed in the vicinity of Palos, in the 
 midst of his vineyards, and were to dine there on our re- 
 turn from the convent. These arrangements being made, 
 we parted for the night ; I returned to the posada highly 
 gratified with my visit, and slept soutidly in the extraordi- 
 nary bed which, I may almost say, had been invented for 
 my accommodation. 
 
 " On the following morning, bright and early, Don Juan 
 Fernandez and myself set off in the calesa for Palos. I 
 felt apprehensive at first, that the kind-hearted old gentle- 
 man, in his anxiety to oblige, had left his bed at too early 
 an hour, and was exposing himself to fatigues unsuited to 
 his age. He laughed at the idea, and assured me that he 
 was an early riser, and accustomed to all kinds of exercise 
 on horse and foot, being a keen sportsman, and frequently 
 passing days together among the mountains on shooting ex- 
 peditions, taking with him servants, horses and provisions, 
 and living in a tent. He appeared, in fact, to be of an ac- 
 tive habit, and to possess a youthful vivacity of spirit. His 
 cheerful disposition rendered our morning drive extremely 
 agreeable ; his urbanity was shown to every one whom we 
 met on the road ; even the common peasant was saluted by 
 him with the appellation of caballero, a mark of respect 
 ever gratifying to the poor, but proud Spaniard, when 
 yielded by a superior. 
 
 " As the tide was out, we drove along the flat grounds 
 bordering the Tinto. The river was on our right, while 
 on our left was a range of hills, jutting out into promonto- 
 ries, one beyond the other, and covered with vineyards and 
 fig trees. The weather was serene, the air soft and balmy, 
 and the landscape of that gentle kind calculated to put one 
 
CHAP. XV.] xHE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 151 
 
 in a quiet and happy humour. We passed close by the 
 skirts of Palos, and drove to the hacienda, which is situa- 
 ted at some little distance from the village, between it and 
 the river. The house is a low stone building, well white- 
 washed, and of great length ; one end being fitted up as a 
 summer residence, with saloons, bed-rooms, and a domestic 
 chapel ; and the other as a bodega or magazine for the re- 
 ception of the wine produced on the estate. 
 
 " The house stands on a hill, amidst vineyards, which are 
 supposed to cover a part of the scite of the ancient town of 
 Palos, now shrunk to a miserable village. Beyond these 
 vineyards, on the crest of a distant hill, are seen the white 
 walls of the convent of La Rabida rising above a dark 
 wood of pine trees. 
 
 " Below the hacienda flows the river Tinto, on which 
 Columbus embarked. It is divided by a low tongue of 
 land, or rather the sand bar of Saltes, from the river Odiel, 
 with which it soon mingles its waters, and flows on to the 
 ocean. Beside this sand bar, where the channel of the 
 river runs deep, the squadron of Columbus was anchored, 
 and from hence he made sail on the morning of his depar- 
 ture. 
 
 " The soft breeze that was blowing scarcely ruflled the 
 surface of this beautiful river; two or three picturesque 
 barks, called mysticks, with long latine sails, were gliding 
 down it. A little aid of the imagination might suffice to 
 picture them as the light caravels of Columbus, sallying 
 forth on their eventful expedition, while the distant bells 
 of the town of Huelva, which were ringing melodiously, 
 might be supposed as cheering the voyagers with a fare- 
 well peal. 
 
 "I cannot express to you what were my feelings on 
 treading the shore which had once been animated by the 
 bustle of departure, and whose sands had been printed by 
 the last footstep of Columbus. The solemn and sublime 
 
152 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS, [book i. 
 
 nature of the event that had followed, together with the 
 fate and fortunes of those concerned in it, filled the mind 
 with vague yet melancholy ideas. It was like viewing the 
 silent and empty stage of some great drama when all the 
 actors had departed. The very aspect of the landscape, so 
 tranquilly beautiful, had an effect upon me, and as I paced 
 the deserted shore by the side of a descendant of one of 
 the discoverers, I felt my heart swelling with emotions and 
 my eyes filling with tears. 
 
 " What surprised me was to find no semblance of a sea- 
 port ; there was neither wharf nor landing-place — nothing 
 but a naked river bank, with the hulk of a ferry-boat, 
 which I was told carried passengers to Huelva, lying high 
 and dry on the sands, deserted by the tide. Palos, though 
 it has doubtless dwindled away from its former size, can 
 never have been important as to extent and population. If 
 it possessed warehouses on the beach, they have disap- 
 peared. It is at present a mere village of the poorest kind, 
 and lies nearly a quarter of a mile from the river, in a hol- 
 low among hills. It contains a few hundred inhabitants, 
 who subsist principally by labouring in the fields and vine- 
 yards. Its race of merchants and mariners are extinct. 
 There are no vessels belonging to the place, nor any show 
 of traffic, excepting at the season of fruit and wine, when 
 a few mysticks and other light barks anchor in the river to 
 collect the produce of the neighbourhood. The people are 
 totally ignorant, and it is probable that the greater part of 
 them scarce know even the name of America. Such is the 
 place from whence sallied forth the enterprise for the disco- 
 very of the western world ! 
 
 " We were now summoned to breakfast in a little saloon 
 of the hacienda. The table was covered with natural lux- 
 uries produced upon the spot — fine purple and muscatel 
 grapes from the adjacent vineyard, delicious melons from 
 the garden, and generous wines made on the estate. The 
 
CHAP. XV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 153 
 
 repast was heightened by the genial manners of my hos- 
 pitable host, who appeared to possess the most enviable 
 cheerfulness of spirit and simplicity of heart. 
 
 " After breakfast we set off in the calesa to visit the con- 
 vent of La Rabida, which is about half a league distant. 
 The road, for a part of the way, lay through the vineyards, 
 and was deep and sandy. The calasero had been at his 
 wit's end to conceive what motive a stranger like myself, 
 apparently travelling for mere amusement, could have in 
 coming so far to see so miserable a place as Palos, which 
 he set down as one of the very poorest places in the whole 
 world ; but this additional toil and struggle through deep 
 sand, to visit the old convent of La Rabida, completed his 
 confusion — ' Hombre !' exclaimed he, ' es una ruina ! no 
 hay mas que dos frailes!' — 'Zounds! why it's a ruin! 
 there are only two friars there !' Don Juan laughed, and 
 told him that I had come all the way from Seville precisely 
 to see that old ruin and those two friars. The calasero 
 made the Spaniard's last reply when he is perplexed — he 
 shrugged his shoulders and crossed himself. 
 
 "After ascending a hill and passing through the skirts of 
 a straggling pine wood, we arrived in front of the convent. 
 It stands in a bleak and solitary situation, on the brow of a 
 rocky height or promontory, overlooking to the west a wide 
 range of sea and land, bounded by the frontier mountains 
 of Portugal, about eight leagues distant. The convent is 
 shut out from a view of the vineyard of Palos by the 
 gloomy forest of pines which I have mentioned, which 
 cover the promontory to the east, and darken the whole 
 landscape in that direction. 
 
 " There is nothing remarkable in the architecture of the 
 convent ; part of it is Gothic, but the edifice having been 
 frequently repaired, and being whitewashed, according to a 
 universal custom in Andalusia, inherited from the Moors, it 
 has not that venerable aspect which might be expected from 
 its antiquity. 
 
 20 
 
154 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [BOOK I. 
 
 " We alighted at the gate where Columbus, when a poor 
 pedestrian, a stranger in the land, asked bread and water for 
 his child ! As long as the convent stands, this must be a 
 spot calculated to awaken the most thrilling interest. The 
 gate remains apparently in nearly the same state as at the 
 time of his visit, but there is no longer a porter at hand to 
 administer to the wants of the wayfarer. The door stood 
 wide open, and admitted us into a small court yard. From 
 thence we passed through a Gothic portal into the chapel, 
 without seeing a human being. We then traversed two 
 interior cloisters, equally vacant and silent, and bearing a 
 look of neglect and dilapidation. From an open window 
 we had a peep at what had once been a garden, but that 
 had also gone to ruin ; the walls were broken and thrown 
 down ; a few shrubs, and a scattered fig tree or two, were 
 all the traces of cultivation that remained. We passed 
 through the long dormitories, but the cells were shut up 
 and abandoned ; we saw no living thing except a solitary 
 cat stealing across a distant corridor, which fled in a panic 
 at the unusual sight of strangers. At length, after patrol- 
 ling nearly the whole of the empty building to the echo of 
 our own footsteps, we came to where the door of a cell, be- 
 ing partly open, gave us the sight of a monk within, seated 
 at a table writing. He rose and received us with much ci- 
 vility, and conducted us to the superior, who was reading 
 in an adjacent cell. They were both rather young men, 
 and, together with a noviciate and a lay-brother, who ofli- 
 ciated as cook, formed the whole community of the con- 
 vent. 
 
 ''Don Juan Fernandez communicated to them the object 
 of my visit, and my desire also to inspect the archives of 
 the convent to find if there was any record of the sojourn 
 of Columbus. They informed us that the archives had 
 been entirely destroyed by the French. The younger 
 monk, however, who had perused them, had a vague recol- 
 
CHAP. XV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 155 
 
 lection of various particulars concerning the transactions of 
 Columbus at Palos, his visit to the convent, and the sailing 
 of his expedition. From all that he cited, however, it ap- 
 peared to me that all the information on the subject con- 
 tained in the archives, had been extracted from Herreraand 
 other well known authors. The monk was talkative and 
 eloquent, and soon diverged from the subject of Columbus, 
 to one which he considered of infinitely greater impor- 
 tance ; — the miraculous image of the Virgin possessed by 
 their convent, and known by the name of ' Our Lady of 
 La Rabida.' He gave us a history of the wonderful way 
 in which the image had been found buried in the earth, 
 where it had lain hidden for ages, since the time of the 
 conquest of Spain by the Moors ; the disputes between the 
 convent and different places in the neighbourhood for the 
 possession of it ; the marvellous protection it extended to 
 the adjacent country, especially in preventing all madness, 
 either in man or dog, for this malady was anciently so pre- 
 valent in this place as to gain it the appellation of La Ra- 
 bia, by which it was originally called ; a name which, 
 thanks to the beneficent influence of the Virgin, it no longer 
 merited or retained. Such are the legends and reliques 
 with which every convent in Spain is enriched, which are 
 zealously cried up by the monks, and devoutly credited by 
 the populace. 
 
 " Twice a year on the festival of our Lady of La Rabida, 
 and on that of the patron saint of the order, the solitude 
 and silence of the convent are interrupted by the intrusion 
 of a swarming multitude, composed of the inhabitants of 
 Moguer, of Huelva, and the neighbouring plains and moun- 
 tains. The open esplanade in front of the edifice resembles 
 a fair, the adjacent forest teems with the motley throng, 
 and the image of our Lady of La Rabida is borne forth in 
 triumphant procession. 
 
156 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [book I, 
 
 " While the friar was thus dilating upon the merits and 
 renown of the image, I amused myself with those day 
 dreams, or conjurings of the imagination to which I am a 
 little given. As the internal arrangements of convents are 
 apt to be the same from age to age, I pictured to myself 
 this chamber as the same inhabited by the guardian, Juan 
 Perez de Marchena at the time of the visit of Columbus. 
 Why might not the old and ponderous table before me be 
 the very one on which he displayed his conjectural maps, 
 and expounded his theory of a western route to India ? It 
 required but another stretch of the imagination to assemble 
 the little conclave around the table ; Juan Perez the friar, 
 Garci Fernandez the physician, and Martin Alonzo Pinzon 
 the bold navigator, all listening with wrapped attention to 
 Columbus, or to the tale of some old seaman of Palos, 
 about islands seen in the western parts of the ocean. 
 
 " The friars, as far as their poor means and scanty know- 
 ledge extended, were disposed to do every thing to promote 
 the object of my visit. They showed us all parts of the 
 convent, which, however, has little to boast of, excepting 
 the historical associations connected with it. The library 
 was reduced to a few volumes, chiefly on ecclesiastical sub- 
 jects, piled promiscuously in the corner of a vaulted cham- 
 ber, and covered with dust. The chamber itself was cu- 
 rious, being the most ancient part of the edifice, and sup- 
 posed to have formed part of a temple in the time of the 
 Romans. 
 
 " We ascended to the roof of the convent to enjoy the 
 extensive prospect it commands. Immediately below the 
 promontory on which it is situated, runs a narrow but tole- 
 rably deep river, called the Domingo Rubio, which empties 
 itself into the Tinto. It is the opinion of Don Luis Fer- 
 nandez Pinzon, that the ships of Columbus were careened 
 and fitted out in this river, as it affords better shelter than 
 the Tinto, and its shores are not so shallow. A lonely 
 
CHAP. XV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 157 
 
 bark of a fisherman was lying in this stream, and not far 
 off, on a sandy point, were the ruins of an ancient watch- 
 tower. From the roof of the convent, all the windings of 
 the Odiel and the Tinto were to be seen, and their junc- 
 tion into the main stream, by which Columbus sallied forth 
 to sea. In fact the convent serves as a landmark, being, 
 from its lofty and solitary situation, visible for a considera- 
 ble distance to vessels coming on the coast. On the oppo- 
 site side I looked down upon the lonely road, through the 
 wood of pine trees, by which the zealous guardian of the 
 convent, Fray Juan Perez departed at midnight on his mule, 
 when he sought the camp of Ferdinand and Isabella in the 
 Vega of Granada, to plead the project of Columbus before 
 the queen. 
 
 " Having finished our inspection of the convent, we pre- 
 pared to depart, and were accompanied to the outward por- 
 tal by the two friars. Our calasero brought his rattling 
 and ricketty vehicle for us to mount ; at sight of which 
 one of the monks exclaimed, with a smile, ' Santa Maria ! 
 only to think ! A calesa before the gate of the convent of 
 La Rabida!' And, indeed, so solitary and remote is this 
 ancient edifice, and so simple is the mode of living of the 
 people in this bye-corner of Spain, that the appearance of 
 even a sorry calesa might well cause astonishment. It is 
 only singular that in such a bye-corner the scheme of Co- 
 lumbus should have found intelligent listeners and coadju- 
 tors, after it had been discarded, almost with scoffing and 
 contempt, from learned universities and splendid courts. 
 
 " On our way back to the hacienda, we met Don Rafael, 
 a younger son of Don Juan Fernandez, a fine young man 
 about twenty-one years of age, and who, his father in- 
 formed me, was at present studying French and mathe- 
 matics. He was well mounted on a spirited grey horse, 
 and dressed in the Adalusian style, with the little round 
 hat and jacket. He sat his horse gracefully, and managed 
 
158 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [book I. 
 
 him well. I was pleased with the frank and easy terms on 
 which Don Juan appeared to live with his children. This I 
 was inclined to think his favourite son, as I understood he 
 was the only one that partook of the old gentleman's fond- 
 ness for the chase, and that accompanied him in his hunt- 
 ing excursions. 
 
 " A dinner had been prepared for us at the hacienda, by 
 the wife of the capitaz, or overseer, who, with her husband, 
 seemed to be well pleased with this visit from Don Juan, 
 and to be confident of receiving a pleasant answer from the 
 good humoured old gentleman whenever they addressed 
 him. The dinner was served up about two o'clock, and 
 was a most agreeable meal. The fruits and wines were 
 from the estate, and were excellent ; the rest of the provi- 
 sions were from Moguer, for the adjacent village of Palos 
 is too poor to furnish any thing. A gentle breeze from the 
 sea played through the hall, and tempered the summer heat. 
 Indeed I do not know when I have seen a more enviable 
 spot than this country retreat of the Pinzons. Its situation 
 on a breezy hill, at no great distance from the sea, and in a 
 southern climate, produces a happy temperature, neither hot 
 in summer nor cold in winter. It commands a beautiful 
 prospect, and is surrounded by natural luxuries. The 
 country abounds with game, the adjacent river affords 
 abundant sport in fishing, both by day and night, and de- 
 lightful excursions for those fond of sailing. During the 
 busy seasons of rural life, and especially at the joyous pe- 
 riod of vintage, the family pass some time here, accompa- 
 nied by numerous guests, at which times, Don Juan as- 
 sured me, there was no lack of amusements, both by land 
 and water. 
 
 " When we had dined, and taken the siesta, or afternoon 
 nap, according to the Spanish custom in summer time, we 
 set out on our return to Moguer, visiting the village of Pa- 
 los in the way. Don Gabriel had been sent in advance to 
 
CHAP. SV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 159 
 
 procure the keys of the village church, and to apprise the 
 curate of our wish to inspect the archives. The village 
 consists principally of two streets of low white-washed 
 houses. Many of the inhabitants have very dark complex- 
 ions, betraying a mixture of African blood. 
 
 " On entering the village, we repaired to the lowly man- 
 sion of the curate. I had hoped to find him some such per- 
 sonage as the curate in Don Q,uixotte, possessed of shrewd- 
 ness and information in his limited sphere, and that I might 
 gain some anecdotes from him concerning his parish, its 
 worthies, its antiquities, and its historical events. Perhaps 
 I might have done so at any other time, but, unfortunately, 
 the curate was something of a sportsman, and had heard of 
 some game among the neighbouring hills. We met him 
 just sallying forth from his house, and, I must confess, his 
 appearance was picturesque. He was a short, broad, stur- 
 dy, little man, and had doffed his cassock and broad cleri- 
 cal beaver, for a short jacket and a little round Andalusian 
 hat; he had his gun in hand, and was on the point of 
 mounting a donkey which had "been led forth by an ancient 
 withered handmaid. Fearful of being detained from his 
 foray, he accosted my companion the moment he came in 
 sight. 'God preserve you, Senor Don Juan ! I have re- 
 ceived your message, and have but one anwer to make. 
 The archives have all been destroyed. We have no trace 
 of any thing you seek for — nothing — nothing. Don Ra- 
 fael has the keys of the church. You can examine it at 
 at your leisure — Adios, caballero !' With these words the 
 galliard little curate mounted his donkey, thumped his ribs 
 with the butt end of his gun, and trotted off to the hills. 
 
 " In our way to the church we passed by the ruins of 
 what had once been a fair and spacious dwelling, greatly 
 superior to the other houses of the village. This, Don 
 Juan informed me, was an old family possession, but since 
 they had removed from Palos it had fallen to decay for 
 
160 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [book 1. 
 
 want of a tenant. It was probably the family residence of 
 Martin Alonzo or Vicente Yanez Pinzon, in the time of 
 Cokimbus. 
 
 "We now arrived at the church of St. George, in the 
 porch of which, Columbus first proclaimed to the inhabi- 
 tants of Palos the order of the sovereigns, that they should 
 furnish him with ships for his great voyage of discovery. 
 This edifice has lately been thoroughly repaired, and, being 
 of solid mason work, promises to stand for ages, a monu- 
 ment of the discoverers. It stands outside of the village, on 
 the brow of a hill, looking along a little valley toward the 
 river. The remains of a Moorish arch prove it to have 
 been a mosque in former times ; just above it, on the crest 
 of the hill, is the ruin of a Moorish castle. 
 
 " I paused in the porch and endeavoured to recall the in- 
 teresting scene that had taken place there, when Columbus, 
 accompanied by the zealous friar, Juan Perez, caused the 
 public notary to read the royal order in presence of the 
 astonished alcaldes, regidors and alguazils ; but it is difficult 
 to conceive the consternation that must have been struck 
 into so remote a little community, by this sudden apparition 
 of an entire stranger among them, bearing a command that 
 they should put their persons and ships at his disposal, and 
 sail with him away into the unknown wilderness of the 
 ocean. 
 
 " The interior of the church has nothing remarkable, 
 excepting a wooden image of St. George vanquishing the 
 Dragon, which is erected over the high altar, and is the ad- 
 miration of the good people of Palos, who bear it about 
 the streets in grand procession on the anniversary of the 
 saint. This group existed in the time of Columbus, and 
 now flourishes in renovated youth and splendour, having 
 been newly painted and gilded, and the countenance of the 
 saint rendered peculiarly blooming and lustrous. 
 
CHAP. XV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 161 
 
 " Having finished the examination of the church, we re- 
 sumed our seats in the calesa and returned to Moguer. One 
 thing only remained to fulfil the object of my pilgrimage. 
 This was to visit the chapel of the convent of Santa Clara. 
 When Columbus was in danger of being lost in a tempest 
 on his way home from his great voyage of discovery, he 
 made a vow, that should he be spared, he would watch and 
 pray one whole night in this chapel ; a vow which he doubt- 
 less fulfilled immediately after his arrival. 
 
 " My kind and attentive friend, Don Juan, conducted me 
 to the convent. It is the wealthiest in Moguer, and be- 
 longs to a sisterhood of Franciscan nuns. The chapel is 
 large, and ornamented with some degree of richness, parti- 
 cularly the part about the high altar, which is embellished 
 by magnificent monuments of the brave family of the Puerto 
 Carreros, the ancient lords of Moguer, and renowned in 
 Moorish warfare. The alabaster effigies of distinguished 
 warriors of that house, and of their wives and sisters, lie 
 side by side, with folded hands, on tombs immediately be- 
 fore the altar, while others recline in deep niches on either 
 side. The night had closed in by the time I entered the 
 church, which made the scene more impressive. A few 
 votive lamps shed a dim light about the interior; their 
 beams were feebly reflected by the gilded work of the 
 high altar, and the frames of the surrounding paintings, 
 and rested upon the marble figures of the warriors and 
 dames lying in the monumental repose of ages. The so- 
 lemn pile must have presented much the same appearance 
 when the pious discoverer performed his vigil, kneeling be- 
 fore this very altar, and praying and watching throughout 
 the night, and pouring forth heartfelt praises for having 
 been spared to accomplish his sublime discovery. 
 
 " I had now completed the main purpose of my journey, 
 having visited the various places connected with the story 
 of Columbus. It was highly gratifying to find some of 
 21 
 
162 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [book 1. 
 
 them so little changed though so great a space of time had 
 intervened ; but in this quiet nook of Spain, so far removed 
 from the main thoroughfares, the lapse of time produces 
 but few violent revolutions. Nothing, however, had sur- 
 prised and gratified me more than the continued stability of 
 the Pinzon family. On the morning after my excursion to 
 Palos, chance gave me an opportunity of seeing something 
 of the interior of most of their households. Having a cu- 
 riosity to visit the remains of a Moorish castle, once the 
 citadel of Moguer, Don Fernandez undertook to show me 
 a tower which served as a magazine of wine to one of the 
 Pinzon family. In seeking for the key we were sent from 
 house to house of nearly the whole connexion. All ap- 
 peared to be living in that golden mean equally removed 
 from the wants and superfluities of life, and all to be hap- 
 pily interwoven by kind and cordial habits of intimacy. 
 We found the females of the family generally seated in the 
 patios, or central courts of their dwellings, beneath the 
 shade of awnings and among shrubs and flowers. Here 
 the Andalusian ladies are accustomed to pass their mornings 
 at work, surrounded by their handmaids, in the primitive, 
 or rather, oriental style. In the porches of some of the 
 houses I observed the coat of arms, granted to the family 
 by Charles Y. hung up like a picture in a frame. Over the 
 door of Don Luis, the naval officer, it was carved on an 
 escutcheon of stone, and coloured. I had gathered many 
 particulars of the family also from conversation with Don 
 Juan, and from the family legend lent me by Don Luis. 
 From all that I could learn, it would appear that the lapse 
 of nearly three centuries and a half has made but little 
 change in the condition of the Pinzons. From generation 
 to generation they have retained the same fair standing and 
 reputable name throughout the neighbourhood, filling offi- 
 ces of public trust and dignity, and possessing great influ- 
 ence over their fellow citizens by their good sense and 
 
CHAP. XV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 163 
 
 good conduct. How rare is it to see such an instance of 
 stability of fortune in this fluctuating world, and how truly 
 honourable is this hereditary respectability, which has been 
 secured by no titles or entails, but perpetuated merely by 
 the innate worth of the race ! I declare to you that the 
 most illustrious descents of mere titled rank could never 
 command the sincere respect and cordial regard with which 
 I contemplated this staunch and enduring family, which for 
 three centuries and a half has stood merely upon its virtues. 
 
 " As I was to set off on my return to Seville before two 
 o'clock, I partook of a farewell repast at the house of Don 
 Juan, between twelve and one, and then took leave of his 
 household with sincere regret. The good old gentleman, 
 with the courtesy, or rather the cordiality of a true Spa- 
 niard, accompanied me to the posada to see me off. I had 
 dispensed but little money in the posada — thanks to the 
 hospitality of the Pinzons — yet the Spanish pride of my 
 host and hostess seemed pleased that I had preferred their 
 humble chamber, and the scanty bed they had provided me, 
 to the spacious mansion of Don Juan ; and when I expres- 
 sed my thanks for their kindness and attention, and regaled 
 mine host with a few choice cigars, the heart of the poor 
 man was overcome. He seized me by both hands and 
 gave me a parting benediction, and then ran after the cala- 
 sefo to enjoin him to take particular care of me during my 
 journey. 
 
 " Taking a hearty leave of my excellent friend Don Juan, 
 who had been unremitting in his attentions to me to the 
 last moment, I now set off in my wayfaring, gratified to 
 the utmost with my visit, and full of kind and grateful 
 feelings towards Moguer and its hospitable inhabitants."* 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 325 to 346. 
 
164 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS FROM 1505 TO 1508. [book I. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Of Americus Vespucius from 1505 to 1508; his appointment then as 
 chief pilot of Spain ; and the expeditions of Vicente Yanez Pinzon 
 and Juan Diaz de Solis in 1506 and 1508. 
 
 On the 11th of April 1505, Ferdinand made Ves- 
 pucius a grant of twelve thousand maravedis; and 
 on the 24th of the same month, letters of naturaliza- 
 tion were issued in his behalf, in consideration, as 
 they recite, of his fidelity and many valuable services 
 to the crown. Shortly afterwards, he and Vicente 
 Yanez Pinzon were named captains of an armada 
 then contemplated from Spain. For this voyage ves- 
 sels were procured and fitted out, and other prepara- 
 tions made, but it was eventually abandoned. There 
 are memoranda existing concerning it dated in 1505, 
 1507 and 1508, from which it appears that Vespucius 
 remained at Seville attending to the fluctuating ccfn- 
 cerns of this squadron, until the change of its desti- 
 nation, the sale of the equipments, and settlement of 
 the accounts. During this time he had a salary of 
 thirty thousand maravedis. On the 22d of March 
 1508, he received the appointment of chief pilot, 
 with a salary of seventy-five thousand maravedis. 
 Seville was now the place of his residence. His 
 chief duties were to prepare charts, examine pilots, 
 superintend the fitting out of expeditions, and pre- 
 
CHAP. XVl] EXPEDITIONS IN 1506 AND 1508. 165 
 
 scribe the route that vessels were to pursue in their 
 voyages to the new world.* 
 
 Mr. Irving states that in 1506, Vicente Yanez 
 Pinzon undertook an expedition in company with 
 Juan Diaz de Soils, a native of Lebrija, the object of 
 which was to find the strait or passage supposed by 
 Columbus to lead from the Atlantic to a southern 
 ocean ; but that no such passage existing, this voy- 
 age was necessarily without success, as was also ano- 
 ther made by them for the same purpose in 1508.t 
 In the preface of the French editor to the History of 
 the Province of Sancta Cruz, mentioned on page 108, 
 after referring to the visits of the Portuguese naviga- 
 tors to this province, amongst others to one by Al- 
 fonso d'Albuquesque in 1503, and to another three 
 years later, by Tustan d'Acunha, he says, " In 1508, 
 the King of Spain, jealous of preserving the exclusive 
 possession of America, dispatched to this country 
 Vicente Yanez Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis." It 
 may be that the object of the expedition of 1508 was 
 two fold, to find a passage by a strait from the Atlan- 
 tic to the Pacific ocean, and also to take possession 
 of Brazil, as far as practicable, so as to check the 
 Portuguese in their endeavours to enlarge their pos- 
 sessions in that country. 
 
 * living's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 252. Ap- f Voyages of Companions of Columbus, 
 
 pendix No. 10. Life of Vespucius, p. 256 p. 40, 41. 
 to 264, also p. 395, 396. 
 
166 JUAN PONCE DE LEON. ' [BOOK I. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Of the subjugation of Hispaniola, and its government under Diego Co- 
 lumbus ; also of the subjugation of Porto Rico in 1509, while Juan 
 Ponce de Leon was commander in that island. 
 
 After four other Indian sovereignties of Hispaniola 
 had been subjugated, the downfall of Higuey, the last 
 of those independent districts, was accomplished un- 
 der the administration of Ovando. Juan Ponce, a 
 native of Leon, generally called Juan Ponce de Leon, 
 was commander of part of the troops. He had 
 served against the Moors of Granada, had accompa- 
 nied Columbus in his second voyage in 1493, and 
 had distinguished himself in various battles with the 
 Indians. In the campaign against Higuey, he se- 
 conded his chief, Juan de Esquibel, so vaHantly, that 
 after the subjugation of the province, he was ap- 
 pointed to the command of it as lieutenant of the 
 governor of Hispaniola.* 
 
 The province of Higuey lay at the eastern end of 
 Hayti. The isle of Boriquen was directly opposite, 
 and but twelve or fourteen leagues distant. The In- 
 dians of the two islands frequently visited each other ; 
 and in the transparent atmosphere of the tropics Juan 
 Ponce could see Boriquen from his province. He 
 obtained permission from governor Ovando to visit it, 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 292, 3. 
 
CHAP. XVII.] DIEGO COLUMBUS. 167 
 
 and brought back such specimens of gold that the 
 governor determined on the subjugation of the island: 
 it was proposed to confide the enterprise to Juan 
 Ponce. He made another, and as it were a prepara- 
 tory visit, to make himself acquainted with the coun- 
 try, and with the nature and resources of the inhabi- 
 tants. After remaining some time on the island, he 
 returned to San Domingo, but found the whole face 
 of affairs had changed in his absence. His patron, 
 the governor Ovando, had been recalled to Spain.* 
 
 This was after the law suit of Diego Columbus, 
 son of the renowned discoverer, was determined in 
 his favour. According to the capitulations between 
 the sovereign and his father, Diego was to be viceroy 
 and governor of the new world. Ferdinand withheld 
 the title of viceroy, but ceded to Diego the dignities 
 and powers that had been enjoyed by Ovando. Even 
 this cession was not made until the power of Diego 
 was increased by his connexion in marriage. He 
 married Donna Maria de Toledo, daughter of Fer- 
 nando de Toledo, grand commander of Leon, and 
 niece of the celebrated duke of Alva, chief favourite 
 of the king.f 
 
 " The new admiral embarked at St. Lucar, June 9, 1509, 
 with his wife, his brother Don Fernando, who was now 
 grown to man's estate, and had been well educated, and 
 his two uncles Don Bartholomew and Don Diego. They 
 were accompanied by a numerous retinue of cavaliers, with 
 their wives, and of young ladies of rank and family, more 
 distinguished, it is hinted, for high blood than large for- 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 296. 
 
 t Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 213 to 218. Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 296. 
 
168 PORTO RICO SUBDUED IN 1509. [BOOK I. 
 
 tune, and who were sent out to find wealthy husbands in 
 the new world.* 
 
 " Though the king had not granted Don Diego the dig- 
 nity of viceroy, the title was generally given to him by 
 courtesy, and his wife was universally addressed by that of 
 vice-queen, 
 
 " Don Diego commenced his rule with a degree of splen- 
 dour hitherto unknown in the colony. The vice-queen, 
 who was a lady of great desert, surrounded by the noble 
 cavaliers and the young ladies of family who had came in 
 her retinue, established a sort of court, which threw a de- 
 gree of lustre over the half savage island. The young la- 
 dies were soon married to the wealthiest colonists, and con- 
 tributed greatly to soften those rude manners which had 
 grown up in a state of society hitherto destitute of the salu- 
 tary restraint and pleasing decorum produced by female in- 
 fluence. 
 
 "Don Diego had considered his appointment in the light 
 of a vice-royalty, but the king soon took measures which 
 showed that he admitted of no such pretension."! 
 
 A cavalier arrived from Spain, empowered by the 
 king to form a settlement and build a fortress on the 
 island of Porto Rico. His name was Christoval de 
 Sotomayor ; he was brother to the Count of Camina, 
 and had been secretary to Philip the First, King of 
 Castile, and father of Charles the Fifth. Diego Co- 
 lumbus considered this in disregard of his prerogative 
 as viceroy, and refused to put Sotomayor in posses- 
 sion. He paid as little respect to the claims of Juan 
 Ponce. Choosing officers to suit himself, he ap- 
 pointed one Juan Ceron to the government of Porto 
 Rico, and Miguel Diaz as his lieutenant. Juan 
 
 * Las Casas, L. 2, cap. 49, MS. f Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 216, Appendix No. 2. 
 
CHAP. XVII.] PORTO RICO SUBDUED IN 1509. 169 
 
 Ponce and Sotomayor bore their disappointment with 
 a good grace : they joined the crowd of adventurers 
 that accompanied the newly appointed governor.* 
 
 Afterwards the king appointed Juan Ponce go- 
 vernor of the island, and signified that Diego Co- 
 lumbus was not to presume to displace him. The 
 first step of Juan Ponce was to quarrel with Juan 
 Ceron and Miguel Diaz, the ex-governor and his 
 lieutenant, and send them prisoners to Spain. To 
 Sotomayor he was more favourable ; making him 
 lieutenant and alcalde mayor. But the cavalier was 
 so ridiculed for accepting this subaltern situation, that 
 he had to resign ; he remained in the island as a pri- 
 vate individual until upon an insurrection by the na- 
 tives he was massacred. f 
 
 Juan Ponce fixed his seat of government in a town 
 called Caparra, which he founded on the northern 
 side of the island about a league from the sea ; it was 
 in front of the port called Rico, which subsequently 
 gave its name to the island. After the insurrection, 
 he might almost be considered a governor without 
 territories and a general without soldiers. His vil- 
 lages were in ruins, and his whole force did not 
 amount to a hundred men, several of whom were 
 disabled by their wounds. One of his mosfefficient 
 warriors was a dog named Berezillo, for whom his 
 master received the pay, allowance and share of booty 
 assigned to a cross-bow man ; and perhaps the pay 
 should have been higher, for it is said he did more 
 than could have been done by several soldiers. Juan 
 Ponce occasionally made assaults upon the Indians 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 296 to 298. f Id. p. 298 to 306. 
 
 22 
 
170 PORTO RICO SUBDUED IN 1509. [^oo^ i. 
 
 with small bodies of his men, but he would not ven- 
 ture much until he had reinforcements from His- 
 paniola. While fighting hard to maintain his sway, 
 his dignity was terminated. King Ferdinand became 
 convinced that in superseding the governor and lieu- 
 tenant governor appointed by Diego Columbus, he 
 had infringed the rights of the admiral. When there- 
 fore Juan Ceron and Miguel Diaz came prisoners to 
 Spain, the king sent them back empowered to resume 
 command. By the time they reached the island, Juan 
 Ponce had completed its subjugation. The fate of 
 the natives of Boriquen was hke that of their neigh- 
 bours of Hayti.* 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 300 to 312. 
 
CHAP. XVIII.] COLONIES AT DARIEN. 171 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Of the subjugation of Jamaica ia 1509, and the armaments in the same 
 year to found colonies along the isthmus of Darien ; the attempts of 
 Alonzo de Ojeda to plant his colony ; his conflicts with the Indians ; 
 and the formula read to them as an excuse for killing them. 
 
 King Ferdinand, having resolved to found regular 
 colonies along the isthmus of Darien, had, without 
 any reference to Diego Columbus, divided this part 
 of the continent into two provinces, separated by an 
 imaginary line running through the gulf of Uraba. 
 The eastern part, extending to Cape de la Vela, was 
 called New Andalusia, and the government of it given 
 to Alonzo de Ojeda. The other to the west, including 
 Veragua, and reaching to Cape Gracios a Dios, was 
 assigned to Diego de Nicuesa.* 
 
 " Had the monarch been swayed by principles of justice 
 and gratitude, the settlement of this coast would have been 
 given to the Adelantado, Don Bartholomew Columbus, who 
 had assisted in the discovery of the country, and, together 
 with his brother the admiral, had suffered so greatly in the 
 enterprise. Even his superior abilities for the task should 
 have pointed him out to the policy of the monarch ; but 
 the cautious and calculating Ferdinand knew the lofty spirit 
 of the Adelantado, and that he would be disposed to de- 
 mand high and dignified terms. He passed him by, there- 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 54 to 58. Irving's Columbus, p. 21C. 
 
172 JAMAICA SUBDUED IN 1509. [BOOK I. 
 
 fore, and preferred more eager and accommodating adven- 
 turers."* 
 
 Each of the governors was to erect two fortresses, 
 and to enjoy for ten years the profits of the mines he 
 should discover ; paying to the crown one tenth part 
 the first year, one ninth the second, one eighth the 
 third, one seventh the fourth, and one fifth part in 
 each of the remaining years. Diego Columbus con- 
 sidered the measures thus taken for founding these 
 colonies, without his participation or knowledge, an 
 infringement of what had been granted and con- 
 firmed to his father and his heirs.f 
 
 Ojeda's lieutenant, Juan de la Cosa, embarked with 
 about two hundred men in a ship and two brigantines ; 
 Nicuesa went with a greater force in four large ves- 
 sels and two brigantines. He met Ojeda at Saint 
 Domingo. Each claimed the province of Darien to 
 be within his jurisdiction ; the dispute as to this ended 
 in an agreement that the river Darien should be the 
 boundary line between them. Another ground of 
 contention arose, from the island of Jamaica being 
 given to the two governors in common, as a place 
 fi-om which to draw supphes of provisions. Diego 
 Columbus settled the dispute as to this. Under his 
 orders a brave officer, Juan de Esquibel, who had be- 
 fore subjugated the province of Higuey, took posses- 
 sion of Jamaica, and held it subject to his command. | 
 
 It was on the 10th of November 1509, that Alonzo 
 de Ojeda sailed from San Domingo. His force was 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, p. 216, 17. 
 
 t Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 54 to 58. Irving's Columbus, p. 217. 
 t Id. p. 54 to 64. Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 213 to 218. 
 
CHAP, xviii] ojeda's religious formula. 173 
 
 now increased. Among the remarkable adventurers 
 who embarked with him, was Francisco Pizarro, af- 
 terwards renowned as the conqueror of Peru. Her- 
 nando Cortez intended also to sail in the expedition, 
 but was prevented by an inflammation in one of his 
 knees. The voyagers arrived late in the autumn in 
 the harbour of Carthagena. By way of prelude to 
 an attack on the natives, Alonzo de Ojeda advancing 
 towards them, caused the following curious formula, 
 composed by learned divines in Spain, to be read 
 aloud by the friars in his train ; it was subsequently 
 adopted by the Spanish discoverers in general, in their 
 invasions of the Indian countries :* 
 
 "I, Alonzo de Ojeda, servant of the high and mighty 
 kings of Castile and Leon, civilizers of barbarous nations, 
 their messenger and captain, notify and make known to 
 you, in the best way I can, that God our Lord, one and 
 eternal, created the heavens and the earth, and one man 
 and one woman, from whom you, and we, and all the peo- 
 ple of the earth were and are descendants, procreated, and 
 all those who shall come after us ; but the vast number of 
 generations which have proceeded from them, in the course 
 of more than five thousand years that have elapsed since 
 the creation of the world, made it necessary that some of 
 the human race should disperse in one direction, and some 
 in another, and that they should divide themselves into 
 many kingdoms and provinces, as they could not sustain 
 and preserve themselves in one alone. All these people 
 were given in charge, by God our Lord, to one person, 
 named Saint Peter, who was thus made lord and superior 
 of all the people of the earth, and head of the whole hu- 
 man lineage, whom all should obey, wherever they might 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 65 to 67. 
 
174 ojeda's religious formula. [book I. 
 
 live, and whatever might be their law, sect or belief; he 
 gave him also the whole world for his service and jurisdic- 
 tion, and though he desired that he should establish his 
 chair in Rome, as a place most convenient for governing 
 the world, yet he permitted that he might establish his chair 
 in any other part of the world, and judge and govern all 
 the Nations, Christians, Moors, Jews, Gentiles, and what- 
 ever other sect or belief might be. This person was deno- 
 minated Pope, that is to say, admirable, supreme, father and 
 guardian, because he is father and governor of all mankind. 
 This holy father was obeyed and honoured as lord, king, 
 and superior of the Universe, by those who lived in his 
 time, and, in like manner, have been obeyed and honoured 
 all those who have been elected to the Pontificate ; and 
 thus it has continued unto the present day, and will con- 
 tinue until the end of the world. 
 
 " One of these pontiffs, of whom I have spoken as lord 
 of the world, made a donation of these islands and conti- 
 nents, of the ocean, sea, and all that they contain, to the 
 Catholic kings of Castile, who at that time were Ferdi- 
 nand and Isabella, of glorious memory, and to their suc- 
 cessors, our sovereigns, according to the tenor of certain pa- 
 pers drawn up for the purpose, (which you may see if you 
 desire.) Thus his majesty is king and sovereign of these 
 islands and continents, by virtue of the said donation ; and 
 as king and sovereign, certain islands, and almost all to 
 whom this has been notified, have received his majesty, and 
 have obeyed and served, and do actually serve him. And. 
 moreover, like good subjects, and with good will and with- 
 out any resistance or delay, the moment they were informed 
 of the foregoing, they obeyed all the religious men sent 
 among them to preach and teach our Holy Faith ; and these 
 of their free and cheerful will, without any condition or re- 
 ward, became Christians, and continue so to be. And his 
 majesty received them kindly and benignantly, and ordered 
 
CHAP. XVIII.] ojeda's religious formula. 175 
 
 that they should be treated like his other subjects and vas- 
 sals : you also, are required and obliged to do the same. 
 Therefore, in the best manner I can, I pray and entreat 
 you, that you consider well what I have said, and that you 
 take whatever time is reasonable to understand and delibe- 
 rate upon it, and that you recognise the church for sove- 
 reign and superior of the universal world, and the supreme 
 pontiff, called Pope, in her name, and his majesty in his 
 place, as superior and sovereign king of the islands and 
 Terra Firma, by virtue of the said donation ,* and that you 
 consent that these religious fathers declare and preach to 
 you the foregoing ; and if you shall so do, you will do 
 well, and will do that to which you are bounden and 
 obliged ; and his majesty, and I in his name, will receive 
 you with all due love and charity, and will leave you, your 
 wives and children, free from servitude, that you may freely 
 do with these and with yourselves whatever you please 
 and think proper, as have done the inhabitants of the other 
 islands. And besides this, his majesty will give you many 
 privileges and exemptions, and grant you many favours. 
 If you do not do this, or wickedly and intentionally delay 
 to do so, 1 certify to you, that, by the aid of God, I will 
 powerfully invade and make war upon you in all parts and 
 modes that I can, and will subdue you to the yoke and 
 obedience of the church and of his majesty : and I will 
 take your wives and children and make slaves of them, and 
 sell them as such, and dispose of them as his majesty may 
 command ; and I will take your effects and will do you all 
 the harm and injury in my power, as vassals who will not 
 obey or receive their sovereign, and who resist and oppose 
 him. And I protest that the deaths and disasters which 
 may in this manner be occasioned, will be the fault of your- 
 selves and not of his majesty, nor of me, nor of these ca- 
 valiers who accompany me. And of what I here tell you 
 
176 ADVENTURES OF OJEDA. [book I. 
 
 and require of yon, I call upon the notary here present to 
 give me his signed testimonial."* 
 
 Thus, with the aid of the priesthood, was a broad 
 foundation laid, on which to perpetrate cruelty and 
 oppression in the name of that religion whose proper 
 attributes are benevolence and mercy. Violence was 
 soon commenced after this wicked attempt to sanctify 
 it. Some of the natives were killed in the field ; 
 some in a cabin (which Ojeda had set fire to,) pe- 
 rished in the flames ; and others were made captive 
 and sent to the ships. The Spaniards now having no 
 fear of an attack, roved in quest of booty. While 
 thus scattered, other Indians rushed upon them.f 
 
 " Ojeda on the first alarm collected a few soldiers and 
 ensconced himself within a small enclosure, surrounded by 
 palisades. Here he was closely besieged and galled by 
 flights of arrows. He threw himself on his knees, covered 
 himself with his buckler, and, being small and active, ma- 
 naged to protect himself from the deadly shower, but all 
 his companions were slain by his side, some of them perish- 
 ing in frightful agonies. At this fearful moment the vete- 
 ran La Cosa, having heard of the peril of his commander, 
 arrived, with a few followers, to his assistance. Stationing 
 himself at the gate of the palisades, the brave Biscayan 
 kept the savages at bay until most of his men were slain 
 and he himself was severely wounded. Just then Ojeda 
 sprang forth like a tiger into the midst of the enemy, deal- 
 ing his blows on every side. La Cosa would have seconded 
 him, but was crippled by his wounds. He took refuge with 
 the remnant of his men in an Indian cabin ; the straw roof 
 of which he aided them to throw ofl', lest the enemy should 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 347. t Id. p. 68, 9. 
 
CHAP. XVIII.] ADVENTURES OF OJEDA. 177 
 
 set it on fire. Here he defended himself until all his com- 
 rades but one were destroyed. The subtle poison of his 
 wounds at length overpowered him, and he sank to the 
 ground. Feeling death at hand, he called to his only sur- 
 viving companion. ' Brother,' said he, ' since God hath 
 protected thee from harm, sally forth and fly, and if ever 
 thou shouldst see Alonzo de Ojeda, tell him of my fate !' "* 
 
 Thus fell the hardy Juan de la Cosa, faithful and 
 devoted to the last. He was acknowledged by his 
 contemporaries to be one of the ablest of those gal- 
 lant Spanish navigators who first explored the way to 
 the new world. Days elapsed without those on board 
 hearing any thing from the party who had gone with 
 Ojeda. At length, some of the Spaniards, in an 
 entangled and almost impervious grove caught a 
 ghmpse of a man in Spanish attire. They entered, 
 and to their astonishment found it to be Ojeda. He 
 was lying on the matted roots of the mangrove trees, 
 his buckler on his shoulder and his sword in his hand, 
 but so wasted with hunger and fatigue that he could 
 not speak. They bore him to the firm land ; made 
 a fire on the shore to warm him, for he was chilled 
 with the damp and cold of his hiding place ; and 
 when he was a little revived they gave him food and 
 wine. In this way, he gradually recovered strength 
 to tell his doleful story. He had succeeded in cutting 
 his way through the host of savages and attaining the 
 woody skirts of the mountains, but when he found 
 himself alone, and that the seventy brave men who 
 had gone with him were all cut oflf, he was almost in 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 69, 70. 
 
 23 
 
178 ADVENTURES OF OJEDA. [BOOK I. 
 
 despair. He scarce knew which way to bend his 
 course, but continued on in the darkness of the night 
 and of the forest. When the day broke, he sought 
 the rudest parts of the mountains and hid himself 
 until night; then struggling forward among rocks 
 and precipices and matted forests, he made his way 
 to the sea side but was too much exhausted to reach 
 the ships. It seemed wonderful that one, so small of 
 frame, should have been able to endure such great 
 hardships ; but he was of admirable strength and har- 
 dihood. His buckler, it is said, bore the dints of up- 
 wards of three hundred arrows ; yet he had received 
 no wound.* 
 
 While the Spaniards were yet on shore, administer- 
 ing to the recovery of their commander, they saw a 
 squadron approaching; it was Nicuesa's. The two 
 governors soon met ; four hundred of their men and 
 several horses were quickly landed ; and they set off 
 for the village of the Indians. Great was the car- 
 nage, for no quarter was shewn to age or sex. Many 
 Indians perished from the flames in their burning ha- 
 bitations, and many by the sword. Having sacked 
 the village and collected great spoil, the two governors 
 parted with many expressions of friendship. Nicuesa 
 continued his voyage for the coast of Veragua, and 
 Ojeda, giving up all thoughts of colonizing this dis- 
 astrous part of the coast, steered for the gulf of 
 Uraba. He fixed his capital on a height at the east 
 side of the gulf and gave to it the name of San Se- 
 bastian. Conflicts soon took place with the natives. 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 70 to 74. 
 
CHAP. XVIII.] ADVENTURES OF OJEDA. 179 
 
 In one of them Ojeda lost blood in battle, for the first 
 time in his life ; an arrow, supposed to be poisoned, 
 having pierced his thigh. A remedy suggested itself 
 which [ew but him could have had the courage to 
 try. He caused two plates of iron to be made red 
 hot and ordered a surgeon to apply them to each ori- 
 fice of the wound. The surgeon shuddered and re- 
 fused, saying he would not be the murderer of his 
 general. Upon this, Ojeda vowed he would hang 
 him unless he obeyed. To avoid the gallows, the 
 surgeon apphed the glowing plates. It is said that 
 Ojeda refused to be tied down or let any one hold 
 him during the operation, yet endured it without 
 shrinking or uttering a murmur, though his whole 
 system was so inflamed that a barrel of vinegar was 
 exhausted, steeping sheets in which to wrap him to 
 allay the burning heat. He recovered ; whether ow- 
 ing to his desperate remedy, or whether because the 
 arrow was nit poisoned, must remain uncertain.* 
 
 ♦Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 74 to 82. 
 
180 ADVENTURES OF OJEDA. [BOOK I. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Of the voyage of Alonzo do Ojeda in 1509 from the isthmus of Darieu 
 for Hispaniola ; his landing on Cuba, and his hardships then on his 
 journey by land ; the little oratory which he built ; his course then 
 by Jamaica to San Domingo, and his death there. 
 
 The pressing wants of the colony caused Ojeda to 
 start himself for San Domingo in quest of reinforce- 
 ments and supplies. It was agreed that his men 
 should remain quietly at St. Sebastian for fifty days. 
 If in that time, no tidings were received of him, they 
 were to be at liberty to abandon the settlement and 
 return in the brigantines to Hispaniola. Francisco 
 Pizarro was left in command as lieutenant. The go- 
 vernor embarked in a pirate vessel whlrein Bernar- 
 dino de Talavera had come from and was going to 
 return to Hispaniola. Ojeda had scarce put to sea 
 when a quarrel arose between him and Talavera. 
 The former assumed command and the latter resisted 
 it as usurpation. Ojeda, as usual, would have settled 
 the question by the sword, but he had the whole va- 
 gabond crew against him who overpowered him and 
 threw him in irons. He offered to fight the whole of 
 them successively provided they would give him a 
 clear deck and come on two at a time, but they had 
 heard too much of his exploits to accept this chal- 
 lenge ; so they kept him raging in his chains while 
 they pursued their voyage. On the way, however, a 
 
CHAP. XIX.] ADVENTURES OF OJEDA, 181 
 
 violent storm arose ; in the hour of peril, a truce was 
 made with Ojeda for the common safety. His irons 
 were taken off on condition that he would act as pi- 
 lot during the remainder of the voyage. But the 
 vessel had been already swept so far to the westward 
 that his skill was ineffectual in endeavouring to work 
 up to Hispaniola against storms and adverse currents. 
 The shattered bark was almost in a foundering con- 
 dition when it was run ashore on the southern coast 
 of Cuba.* 
 
 This was before the subjugation and settlement of 
 Cuba in 1510. Then Diego Columbus congratulated 
 King Ferdinand on having acquired this large and 
 beautiful island without losing a single man.f Now it 
 was a place of refuge to the unhappy natives of Hayti. 
 Ojeda to avoid being attacked took a route away from 
 the populous parts of the island. The sufferings of him 
 and his companions were so great that after some 
 time, out of seventy men who set out from the ship 
 but thirty-five remained. This number was still fur- 
 ther reduced. Ojeda with a few of the lightest and 
 most vigorous, struggled forward through the mo- 
 rasses and at length arrived to where the land was 
 firm and dry. They soon descried a foot path, and 
 following it arrived at an Indian village. J 
 
 " The Indians gathered round and gazed at them with 
 wonder; but when they learnt their story, they exhibited 
 a humanity that would have done honour to the most pro- 
 fessing Christians. They bore them to their dwellings, set 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 82 to 89. 
 tirving's Columbus, vol. 2. p. 218, Appendix No. 2. 
 t Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 89 to 93. 
 
182 ADVENTURES OF OJEDA. [book i. 
 
 meat and drink before them, and vied with each other in 
 discharging the offices of the kindest humanity. Finding 
 that a number of their companions were still in the morass, 
 the cacique sent a large party of Indians with provisions 
 for their relief, with orders to bring on their shoulders such 
 as were too feeble to walk."* 
 
 Ojeda had with him a little Flemish painting of the 
 Madona, which had been given him by Bishop Fon- 
 seca. At a moment of great despondency, when he 
 was in a morass that seemed interminable, he made a 
 solemn vow to his patroness that if she conducted 
 him alive through this peril, he would erect a chapel 
 in the first Indian village he should arrive at, and 
 leave her picture there, to remain an object of adora- 
 tion to the Gentiles.f 
 
 ''Being recovered from his sufferings, Alonzo de Ojeda 
 prepared to perform his vow concerning the picture of the 
 Virgin, though sorely must it have grieved him to part 
 with a relique to which he attributed his deliverance from 
 so many perils. He built a little hermitage or oratory in 
 the village, and furnished it with an altar, above which he 
 placed the picture. He then summoned the benevolent 
 cacique, and explained to him, as well as his limited know- 
 ledge of the language, or the aid of interpreters would per- 
 mit, the main points of the Catholic faith, and especially 
 the history of the Virgin, whom he represented as the mo- 
 ther of the Deity that reigned in the skies, and the great 
 advocate for mortal man. 
 
 " The worthy cacique listened to him with mute atten- 
 tion, and though he might not clearly comprehend the doc- 
 trine, yet he conceived a profound veneration for the pic- 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 93. t Id. p. 91, 2. 
 
CHAP. XIX.] ADVENTURES OF OJEDA. 183 
 
 ture. The sentiment was shared by his subjects. They 
 kept the little oratory always swept clean, and decorated it 
 with cotton hangings, laboured by their own hands, and 
 with various votive offerings. They composed couplets or 
 areytos in honour of the Virgin, which they sang to the ac- 
 companiment of rude musical instruments, dancing to the 
 sound under the groves which surrounded the hermitage. 
 
 " A further anecdote concerning this relique may not 
 be unacceptable. The venerable Las Casas, who records 
 these facts, informs us that he arrived at the village of 
 Cuebas sometime after the departure of Ojeda. He found 
 the oratory preserved with the most religious care, as a sa- 
 cred place, and the picture of the Virgin regarded with 
 fond adoration. The poor Indians crowded to attend mass, 
 which he performed at the altar ; they listened attentively 
 to his paternal instructions, and at his request brought their 
 children to be baptized. The good Las Casas having 
 heard much of this famous relique of Ojeda, was desirous 
 of obtaining possession of it, and offered to give the ca- 
 cique in exchange, an image of the Virgin which he had 
 brought with him. The chieftain made an evasive an- 
 swer, and seemed much troubled in mind. The next 
 morning he did not make his appearance. 
 
 " Las Casas went to the oratory to perform mass, but 
 found the altar stripped of its precious relique. On inqui- 
 ring, he learnt that in the night the cacique had fled to the 
 woods, bearing off with him his beloved picture of the Vir- 
 gin. It was in vain that Las Casas sent messengers after 
 him, assuring him that he should not be deprived of the re- 
 lique, but, on the contrary, that the image should likewise 
 be presented to him. The cacique refused to venture 
 from the fastnesses of the forest, nor did he return to his 
 village and replace the picture in the oratory until after the 
 departure of the Spaniards."*! 
 
 * Las Casas, Hist. Ind. c. 61, MS Herrera, Hist. Ind. d. i. 1. is,, c. xv. 
 
 t Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 94, 5. 
 
184 DEATH OF OJEDA. [book i. 
 
 When the Spaniards were restored to health and 
 strength, they resumed their journey : the cacique 
 sent a large body of his subjects to carry their provi- 
 sions and knapsacks, and to guide them across a de- 
 sert tract of country to the province of Macaca, situ- 
 ated at Cape de la Cruz, the nearest point to Jamaica. 
 Here Ojeda learnt that there were Spaniards settled 
 on that island, being in fact the party commanded 
 by Juan de Esquibel already mentioned. A message 
 being conveyed to Esquibel, he quickly dispatched a 
 vessel to bring to him Ojeda and his companions. 
 Ojeda remained several days in EsquibePs house, and 
 then sailed for San Domingo ; Talavera and his rab- 
 ble adherents remaining behind. They were arrested 
 by orders of Diego Columbus ; and Talavera and se- 
 veral of his accomplices were hanged for their piracy. 
 Ojeda lingered some time at San Domingo and died 
 poor. He entreated that his body might be buried 
 in the monastery of San Francisco, just at the portal, 
 in expiation of his pride, " that every one who entered 
 might tread upon his grave."* 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 96 to 102. 
 
CHAP. SX.] DIEGO DE NICUESA. 185 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Of the proceedings of Diego de Nicuesa, the Bachelor Martin Fernan- 
 dez de Enciso, Vasco Nunez de Balboa and Francisco Pizarro in 
 1509, 1510 and 1511 ; the settlement of the three last at Darien; the 
 conduct of the people of Darien to Nicuesa; his hardships and 
 death. 
 
 Diego de Nicuesa was not without his misfortunes. 
 Having parted from Ojeda at Carthagena, he em- 
 barked in a caravel that he might reconnoitre the 
 coast, and after a boisterous night, could not see the 
 rest of the squadron. The caravel went to pieces on 
 an island. He still had a boat ; but one night four 
 mariners and the boat disappeared. The sufferings 
 of Nicuesa and his men were extreme. Day after 
 day, and week after week elapsed without any miti- 
 gation of suffering or any prospect of relief. At 
 length a sail gleamed on the horizon. It was one of 
 two brigantines that had belonged to his squadron, 
 and among the crew were the four sailors who had 
 so mysteriously disappeared ; they had left Nicuesa in 
 the night to go in quest of the vessel : the other three 
 ships had been broken to pieces at the river Belen, 
 and a caravel built out of the fragments. Thither 
 Nicuesa now went in the brigantine to join the rest 
 of the men. Of seven hundred who had sailed with 
 him from San Domingo, four hundred had already 
 perished ; and others were dying of famine. Nicuesa 
 determined to abandon this place. Leaving behind, 
 24 
 
186 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. [book I. 
 
 under the command of Alonzo Nunez, some of the 
 men to await the ripening of maize and vegetables 
 which they had sown, he embarked the rest in the 
 two brigantines and the caravel and sailed eastward. 
 He anchored at Porto Bello, but being assailed by 
 the Indians, continued seven leagues further to the 
 harbour to which Columbus had given the name of 
 Puerto de Bastimientos or Port of Provisions ; Ni- 
 cuesa's followers called it Nombre de Dios. Nicuesa 
 began immediately to erect a fortress, and when he 
 could spare men for the purpose, dispatched the cara- 
 vel for those left at the river Belen. Many of them 
 had perished. On mustering all his forces, when thus 
 united, Nicuesa found that but one hundred remained ; 
 and they were emaciated and dejected.* 
 
 At the time that Alonzo de Ojeda departed with his 
 armament from Hispaniola, it was agreed by him with 
 the bachelor Martin Fernandez de Enciso, a lawyer 
 of some ability, that the bachelor should follow him 
 with reinforcements and supplies, and become alcalde 
 mayor or chief judge. A man contrived to get in 
 Enciso's vessel in a peculiar way.f 
 
 " His name was Vasco Nunez de Balboa, He was a na- 
 tive of Xeres de los Caballeros, and of a noble though im- 
 poverished family. He had been brought up in the service 
 of Don Pedro Puerto Carrero, Lord of Moguer, and he af- 
 terwards enlisted among the adventurers who accompanied 
 Rodrigo de Bastides in his voyage of discovery. Peter 
 Martyr, in his Latin decades, speaks of him by the appella- 
 tion of ' egregius digladiator,' which has been interpreted 
 by some as a skilful swordsman, by others as an adroit fen- 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 103 to 117. f Id. p. 118. 
 
CHAP. XX.] THE BACHELOR ENCISO. 187 
 
 cing master. He intimates, also, that he was a mere soldier 
 of fortune, of loose, prodigal habits, and the circumstances 
 under which he is first introduced to us, justify this cha- 
 racter. He had fixed himself for a time in Hispaniola, and 
 undertaken to cultivate a farm at the town of Salvatierra, 
 on the sea coast, but in a little time had completely in- 
 volved himself in debt. The expedition of Enciso pre- 
 sented him with an opportunity of escaping from his em- 
 barrassments, and of indiilghig his adventurous habits. To 
 elude the vigilance of his creditors and of the armed escort, 
 he concealed himself in a cask, which was conveyed from 
 his farm on the sea coast, on board of the vessel, as if con- 
 taining provisions for the voyage. When the vessel was 
 fairly out at sea, and abandoned by the escort, Vasco Nu- 
 nez emerged, like an apparition, from his cask, to the great 
 surprise of Enciso, who had been totally ignorant of the 
 stratagem. The bachelor was indignant at being thus out- 
 witted, even though he gained a recruit by the deception ; 
 and, in the first ebullition of his wrath, gave the fugitive 
 debtor a very rough reception, threatening to put him on 
 shore on the first uninhabited island they should encounter. 
 Vasco Nunez, however, succeeded in pacifying him, ' for 
 God,' says the venerable Las Casas, ' reserved him for 
 greater things.' It is probable the bachelor beheld in him 
 a man well fitted for his expedition, for Vasco Nunez was 
 in the prime and vigour of his days, tall and muscular, sea- 
 soned to hardships, and of intrepid spirit. 
 
 " Arriving at the main land, they touched at the fatal 
 harbour of Carthagena, the scene of the sanguinary con- 
 flicts of Ojeda and Nicuesa, with the natives, and of the 
 death of the brave Juan de la Cosa. Enciso was ignorant 
 of those events, having had no tidings from those adventu- 
 rers since their departure from San Domingo ; without any 
 hesitation, therefore, he landed a number of his men to re- 
 pair his boat, which was damaged, and to procure water. 
 
188 CONDUCT OF THE NATIVES. [book I. 
 
 While the men were working upon the boat, a multitude of 
 Indians gathered at a distance, well armed, and with me- 
 nacing aspect, sounding their shells and brandishing their 
 weapgns. The experience they had had of the tremen- 
 dous powers of the strangers, however, rendered them cau- 
 tious of attacking, and for three days they hovered in this 
 manner about the Spaniards, the latter being obliged to 
 keep continually on the alert. At length two of the Spa- 
 niards ventured one day from the main body to fill a water 
 cask from the adjacent river. Scarcely had they reached 
 the margin of the stream, when eleven savages sprang from 
 the thickets and surrounded them, bending their bows and 
 pointing their arrows. In this way they stood for a mo- 
 ment or two in fearful suspense, the Indians refraining 
 from discharging their shafts, but keeping them constantly 
 pointed at their breasts. One of the Spaniards attempted 
 to escape to his comrades, who were repairing the boat, but 
 the other called him back, and, understanding something of 
 the Indian tongue, addressed a few amicable words to the 
 savages. The latter, astonished at being spoken to in their 
 own language, now relaxed a little from their fierceness, 
 and demanded of the strangers who they were, who were 
 their leaders, and what they sought upon their shores. 
 The Spaniard replied that they were harmless people, who 
 came from other lands, and merely touched there through 
 necessity, and he wondered that they should meet them 
 with such hostility ; he at the same time warned them to 
 beware, as there would come many of his countrymen well 
 armed, and would wreak terrible vengeance upon them for 
 any mischief they might do. While they were thus par- 
 leying, the Bachelor Enciso, hearing that two of his men 
 were surrounded by the savages, sallied instantly from his 
 ship, and hastened with an armed force to their rescue. 
 As he approached, however, the Spaniard who had held the 
 parley, made him a signal that the natives were pacific. In 
 
CHAP. XX.] CONDUCT OF THE NATIVES. 189 
 
 fact, the latter had supposed that this was a new invasion 
 of Ojeda and Nicuesa, and had thus arrayed themselves, if 
 not to take vengeance for past outrages, at least to defend 
 their houses from a second desolation. When they were 
 convinced, however, that these were a totally different band 
 of strangers and without hostile intentions, their animosity 
 was at an end ; they threw by their weapons, and came 
 forward with the most confiding frankness. During the 
 whole time that the Spaniards remained there, they treated 
 them with the greatest friendship, supplying them with 
 bread made from maize, with salted fish, and with the fer- 
 mented and spirituous beverages, common along that coast. 
 Such was the magnanimous conduct of men who were 
 considered among the most ferocious and warlike of these 
 savage nations ; and who, but recently, had beheld their 
 shores invaded, their villages ravaged and burnt, and their 
 friends and relations butchered, without regard to age or 
 sex, by the countrymen of these very strangers. When 
 we recall the bloody and indiscriminate vengeance wreaked 
 upon this people by Ojeda and his followers, for their jus- 
 tifiable resistance of invasion, and compare it with their 
 placable and considerate spirit when an opportunity for re- 
 venge presented itself, we confess we feel a momentary 
 doubt whether the arbitrary appellation of savage is always 
 applied to the right party. 
 
 " Not long after the arrival of Enciso at this eventful 
 harbour, he was surprised by the circumstance of a brigan- 
 tine entering and coming to anchor. To encounter an 
 European sail in these almost unknown seas, was always a 
 singular and striking occurrence, but the astonishment of 
 the bachelor was mingled with alarm when, on boarding 
 the brigantine, he found that it was manned by a number 
 of the men who had embarked with Ojeda. His first idea 
 was, that they had mutinied against their commander, and 
 deserted with the vessel. The feelings of the magistrate 
 
190 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. [BOOK 1. 
 
 were aroused within him by the suspicion, and he deter- 
 mined to take his first step as Alcalde Mayor, by seizing 
 them and inflicting on them the severity of the law. He 
 altered his tone, however, on conversing with their resolute 
 commander. This was no other than Francisco Pizarro, 
 whom Ojeda had left as his locum tenens at San Sebastian, 
 and who shewed the bachelor his letter patent, signed by 
 that unfortunate governor. In fact, the little brigantine 
 contained the sad remnant of the once vaunted colony. 
 After the departure of Ojeda in the pirate ship, his follow- 
 ers, whom he had left behind under the command of Pi- 
 zarro, continued in the fortress until the stipulated term of 
 fifty days had expired. Receiving no succour, and hearing 
 no tidings of Ojeda, they then determined to embark and 
 sail for Hispaniola; but here an unthought-of difficulty 
 presented itself, they were seventy in number, and the two 
 brigantines which had been left with them were incapable 
 of taking so many. They came to the forlorn agreement, 
 therefore, to remain until famine, sickness, and the poisoned 
 arrows of the Indians should reduce their number to the 
 capacity of the brigantines. A brief space of time was suf- 
 ficient for the purpose. They then prepared for the voy- 
 age. Four mares, which had been kept alive as terrors to 
 the Indians, were killed and salted for sea-stores. Then 
 taking whatever other articles of provision remained, they 
 embarked and made sail. One brigantine was commanded 
 by Pizarro, the other by one Valenzuela."* 
 
 They had not proceeded far, when, in a storm, a 
 sea struck the crazy vessel of Valenzuela with such 
 violence as to cause it to founder with all its crew. 
 The brigantine which remained, then made the best 
 of its way to the harbour of Carthagena, to seek pro- 
 visions.f 
 
 •* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 118 to 124. t Id. 124, 5. 
 
CHAP. XX.] THE BACHELOR ENCISO. 191 
 
 The Bachelor Enciso was told that about twenty- 
 five leagues to the west lay a province called Zenu, 
 the mountains of which abounded with gold, and in 
 this province was a place of sepulture where the In- 
 dians were buried with their most precious orna- 
 ments. 
 
 "It apppeared to him a matter of course, therefore, that 
 there must be an immense accumulation of riches in the 
 Indian tombs, from the golden ornaments that had been 
 buried with the dead through a long series of generations. 
 Fired with the thought, he determined to make a foray 
 into this province, and to sack the sepulchres ! Neither did 
 he feel any compunction at the idea of plundering the 
 dead, considering the deceased as pagans and infidels, who 
 had forfeited even the sanctuary of the grave, by having 
 been buried according to the rites and ceremonies of their 
 idolatrous religion. 
 
 " Enciso, accordingly, made sale from Carthagena, and 
 landed with his forces on the coast of Zenu. Here he was 
 promptly opposed by two caciques, at the head of a large 
 band of warriors. The bachelor, though he had thus put 
 on the soldier, retained sufficient of the spirit of his former 
 calling not to enter into a quarrel without taking care to 
 have the law on his side ; he proceeded regularly, there- 
 fore, according to the legal form recently enjoined by the 
 crown. He caused to be read and interpreted to the ca- 
 ciques, the same formula used by Ojeda, expounding the 
 nature of the Deity, the supremacy of the Pope, and the 
 right of the Catholic sovereigns to all these lands, by vir- 
 tue of a grant from his Holiness. The caciques listened to 
 the whole very attentively and without interruption, ac- 
 cording to the laws of Indian courtesy. They then replied 
 that, as to the assertion that there was but one God, the 
 sovereign of heaven and earth, it seemed to them good, and 
 
193 THE BACHELOR ENCISO. [book i. 
 
 that such must be the case ; but as to the doctrine that the 
 Pope was regent of the world in place of God, and that he 
 had made a grant of their country to the Spanish king, 
 they observed that the Pope must have been drunk to give 
 away what was not his, and the king must have been some- 
 what mad to ask at his hands what belonged to others. 
 They added, that they were lords of those lands, and 
 needed no other sovereign, and if this king should come 
 to take possession, they would cut off his head and put it 
 on a pole ; that being their mode of dealing with their ene- 
 mies. As an illustration of this custom, they pointed out 
 to Enciso the very uncomfortable spectacle of a row of 
 grisly heads impaled in the neighbourhood. 
 
 "Nothing daunted either by the reply or the illustration, 
 the bachelor menaced them with war and slavery as the 
 consequences of their refusal to believe and submit. They 
 replied by threatening to put his head upon a pole as a 
 representative of his sovereign. The bachelor having fur- 
 nished them with the law, now proceeded to the commen- 
 tary. He attacked the Indians, routed them, and took one 
 of the caciques prisoner, but in the skirmish two of his 
 men were slightly wounded with poisoned arrows, and died 
 raving with torment.* 
 
 " It does not appear, however, that his crusade against 
 the sepulchres, was attended with any lucrative advantage." 
 
 The Bachelor Enciso contented himself with his 
 victory, and returning to his ships, prepared to con- 
 
 *The above anecdote is related by the parecia y que asi debia ser : pero que en lo 
 Bachelor Enciso himself, in a geographical que dezia que el papa era senor de todo el 
 work, entitled Suma dc Oeographia, which universo en lugar de dios y que el avia fe- 
 he published in Seville in 1519. As the cho merced de aquella tierra al rey de Gas- 
 reply of the poor savages contains some- tilla; dixeron que el papa debiera estar bo- 
 thing of natural logic, we give a part of it racho qaando lo hizo, pues daba lo que no 
 as reported by the bachelor: " Eespondie- era suyo, y que el rey que pedia y tomava 
 ron me : que en lo que dezia que no avia tal merced debia ser algun loco pues pedia 
 sino un dios y que este governaba el cielo lo que era de otros," &lc. 
 y la tierra y que era seuor de todo que les 
 
CHAP. XX.] THE BACHELOR ENCISO. 193 
 
 tinue his voyage to San Sebastian. The crew of 
 the brigantine of Pizarro had great objection to re- 
 turning thither. But it was well for Enciso that they 
 accompanied him. For on entering the harbour, his 
 vessel struck on a rock and was rent to pieces ; and 
 his crew escaped with great difficulty to the brigan- 
 tine. On landing, he found the fortress and its adja- 
 cent houses mere heaps of ruins, having been de- 
 stroyed with fire by the Indians. Enciso was dis- 
 heartened at the situation of things, and took counsel 
 from Vasco Nuiiez, who offered to guide him to a 
 village which he had seen when he sailed with Bas- 
 tides, on the banks of a river called by the natives 
 Darien. Here attacking the natives and putting them 
 to flight, he took possession of their village and es- 
 tablished his seat of government in it ; giving to it 
 the name of Santa Maria de la Antigua del Darien. 
 Both he and his followers were greatly elated by their 
 victory and their booty. But discontent soon arose ; 
 and Vasco Nunez took advantage of it. He sought 
 to make a party against the bachelor and to unseat 
 him from his command. He attacked him in his 
 own way, with legal weapons. The boundary line, 
 he observed|j which separated the jurisdictions of 
 Ojeda and Nicuesa ran through the centre of the 
 gulf of Uraba. The village of Darien lay on the 
 western side which had been allotted to Nicuesa. 
 Enciso, therefore, as alcalde mayor, and lieutenant of 
 Ojeda, could have no jurisdiction here ; his assumed 
 authority was a sheer usurpation. The Spaniards, al- 
 ready incensed at some fiscal regulations of Enciso, 
 were easily convinced ; so, with one accord, they re- 
 fused allegiance to him, and the unfortunate bachelor 
 25 
 
194 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. [BOOK I. 
 
 found the chair of authority, to which he had so 
 fondly aspired, suddenly wrested from under him. 
 The people appointed Vasco Nuiiez and one Zemu- 
 dio as alcaldes, together with a cavalier, of some me- 
 rit, of the name of Valdivia, as regidor. The alter- 
 cations, however, did not cease. In the height of 
 them two ships were seen standing across the gulf. 
 They proved to be an armament commanded by one 
 Rodrigo de Colmenares, and were in search of Ni- 
 cuesa with supplies. He represented the right of 
 Nicuesa to the command of all that part of the coast, 
 and the people generally agreed that two persons 
 should go with Rodrigo as ambassadors, to invite Ni- 
 cuesa to come and assume the government of Darien.* 
 Proceeding along the coast to the westward, Rod- 
 rigo discovered, one day, a brigantine at a small island, 
 and making up to it, found it had been sent out by 
 Nicuesa to forage for provisions. By this vessel he 
 was piloted to the port of Nombre de Dios. He 
 found Nicuesa in the most abject misery ; himself 
 squalid and dejected ; and of his men but sixty re- 
 maining ; and they so feeble, yellow, emaciated and 
 woe begone, that it was piteous to behold them. 
 When Nicuesa heard of the settlemeQt at Darien, 
 and the mission thence to him, he was greatly revived. 
 Unluckily, in conversing with the envoys he began to 
 disclose the kind of policy with which he intended to 
 rule ; and when they went back, the report they made 
 was not at all satisfactory. Other information soon 
 afterwards received concerning Nicuesa, gave addi- 
 tional dissatisfaction to the people of Darien. Vasco 
 Nunez told them the obvious remedy was not to re- 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 129 to 138. 
 
CHAP. XX.] SUFFERINGS OF NICUESA. 195 
 
 ceive Nicuesa when he came ; and this was deter- 
 mined on. So when Nicuesa approached the shore, 
 instead of being received with honour, a pubhc func- 
 tionary warned him not to disembark. That day, 
 they would not allow him to land ; next day he was 
 invited to land, but when he set foot on shore, the 
 multitude rushed to seize him. Vasco Nunez had 
 not anticipated such popular fury, and endeavoured 
 to allay the tempest he had raised. Through his me- 
 diation, Nicuesa now held a parley with the populace. 
 He begged that if they would not acknowledge him 
 as governor, they would, at least, admit him as a com- 
 panion. This they refused, saying that if they admit- 
 ted him in one capacity, it would end in his attaining 
 the other. He then implored that if he could be ad- 
 mitted on no other terms, they would treat him as a 
 prisoner and put him in irons, for he would rather die 
 among them than return to Nombre de Dios. Even 
 this was not granted. He was compelled by menaces 
 of death, to swear that he would immediately depart, 
 and make no delay in any place until he had pre- 
 sented himself before the king and council in Cas- 
 tile ; and there was allotted to him the worst vessel 
 in the harbour, an old crazy brigantine totally unfit 
 to encounter the perils of the sea. Seventeen fol- 
 lowers embarked with him ; some being of his house- 
 hold and attached to his person ; the rest were volun- 
 teers, who accompanied him out of respect and sym- 
 pathy. The frail bark set sail on the 1st of March 
 1511, and steered across the Caribbean sea for the 
 island of Hispaniola, but was never seen or heard of 
 more.* 
 
 * Voyages of Corapanions of Columbus, p. 138 to 146. 
 
196 RETURN OF ENCISO TO SPAIN IN 1511. [BOOK I. 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Of the return of the Bachelor Enciso to Spain in 1511 ; the attack of 
 Vasco Nuiiez upon Careta, the cacique of Coyba ; the peace made 
 between them, by Vasco Nuiiez taking as a wife a young and beau- 
 tiful daughter of Careta ; the invasion by Nuiiez of the territories of 
 Ponca, an adversary of Careta ; his friendly visit to Comagre ; the 
 skill and solidity of the architecture of Comagre's village ; and the 
 information received from the son of Comagre, of a great sea and 
 opulent country beyond the mountains. 
 
 The question now was, who should have the rule. 
 The Bachelor Enciso insisted upon his claims as pa- 
 ramount : but he who was to have been a judge upon 
 the bench, now became a culprit at the bar. Vasco 
 Nunez had him tried for usurping the powers of Al- 
 calde Mayor on the mere appointment of Alonzo de 
 Ojeda, whose jurisdiction did not extend to this pro- 
 vince. On this charge he was convicted and thrown 
 into prison, and all his property was confiscated. His 
 friends, however, interceded warmly in his behalf, and 
 at length obtained his release from confinement and 
 permission for him to return to Spain. In the small 
 vessel in which he went, Vasco Nunez prevailed on 
 his fellow Alcalde Zamudio and the Regidor Valdivia 
 to embark also ; the former to return to Spain to 
 make the best report he could ; the latter to Hispa- 
 niola, to obtain provisions and recruits, and make a 
 present to the treasurer of that island, (who had cre- 
 dit with the king and extensive powers,) and crave 
 
CHAP. XXI.] CONDUCT TO THE NATIVES. 197 
 
 his protection in the new world and his influence at 
 court.* 
 
 Vasco Nunez sent Pizarro with six men, to explore 
 a province about thirty leagues distant, called Coyba, 
 in which expedition there was a conflict with the na- 
 tives. He also dispatched two brigantines for such 
 of the followers of Nicuesa as remained at Nombre 
 de Dios : they rejoiced at being brought to Darien. 
 In coasting the shores, the brigantines picked up two 
 Spaniards, who, to escape some punishment, had fled 
 from the ship of Nicuesa about a year and a half be- 
 fore, and had taken refuge with Careta, the cacique 
 of Coyba. By him they had been treated with hos- 
 pitable kindness, and their first return for it, now that 
 they were safe among their countrymen, was to ad- 
 vise the latter to invade the cacique in his dwelling, 
 where they assured them immense booty would be 
 found. One of them proceeded to Darien to serve 
 as a guide to any such expedition ; the other returned 
 to the cacique, to assist in betraying him. After Nu- 
 nez had been received by the cacique with hospita- 
 lity, he made a pretended departure for Darien with 
 his troops ; and in the dead of night, when the In- 
 dians were asleep, led his men into the village, and 
 made captives of Careta, his wives and children, and 
 many of his people. He discovered, also, a hoard of 
 provisions, with which he loaded two brigantines. 
 And then he returned with his booty and his captives 
 to Darien. t 
 
 "When the unfortunate cacique beheld his family in 
 chains, and in the hands of strangers, his heart was wrung 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 138 to 150. f Id. p. 151 to 153. 
 
198 VOYAGE OF VASCO NUNEZ. [book I. 
 
 with despair : ' What have I done to thee,' said he to Vasco 
 Nunez, 'that thou shouldst treat me thus cruelly? None of 
 thy people ever came to my land that were not fed, and 
 sheltered, and treated with loving kindness. When thou 
 camest to my dwelling, did I meet thee with a javelin in 
 my hand ? Did I not set meat and drink before thee, and 
 welcome thee as a brother ? Set me free, therefore, with 
 my family and people, and we will remain thy friends. 
 We will supply thee with provisions, and reveal to thee the 
 riches of the land. Dost thou doubt my faith ? Behold 
 my daughter, I give her to thee as a pledge of friendship. 
 Take her for thy wife, and be assured of the fidelity of her 
 family and her people !' " * 
 
 The maid was young and beautiful ; and Nunez 
 felt the importance of a strong alliance with the na- 
 tives. He granted the father's prayer and accepted 
 the daughter. She remained with Nunez, and was 
 his wife, according to the usages of her country ; he 
 treated her with fondness, and she gradually acquired 
 great influence over him.f 
 
 Nunez had promised the cacique to aid him against 
 his enemies, on condition of his furnishing provisions 
 to the colony. Taking with him eighty men, and his 
 companion in arms Rodrigo Enriquez de Colmenares, 
 he repaired by sea to Coyba. Here landing, he in- 
 vaded the territories of Ponca, the great adversary of 
 Careta, and obliged him to take refuge in the moun- 
 tains. He then ravaged his lands and sacked his vil- 
 lages, in which he found considerable booty. Re- 
 turning to Coyba, he next made a friendly visit to the 
 adjacent province of Comagre, which was under a 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 153, 4. f Id. p. 154,5. 
 
CHAP. XXI.] ARCHITECTURE OF COMAGRE. 199 
 
 cacique with three thousand fighting men. His dwel- 
 hng surpassed any they had yet seen for magnitude 
 and for the skill and solidity of the architecture. It 
 was one hundred and fifty paces in length and eighty 
 in breadth, founded upon great logs, surrounded with 
 a stone wall ; while the upper part was of wood w^ork, 
 curiously interwoven and wrought with great beauty. 
 It contained many commodious apartments. In a re- 
 tired part of it was a great hall, wherein Comagre 
 preserved the bodies of his relatives. These had 
 been dried by the fire, so as to free them from cor- 
 ruption, and afterwards wrapped in mantles of cotton, 
 richly wrought and interwoven with pearls and jewels 
 of gold, and with certain stones held precious by the 
 natives. They were then hung about the hall with 
 cords of cotton, and regarded with great reverence, 
 if not a species of religious devotion. A son of the 
 cacique gave to Nunez and Colmenares four thousand 
 ounces of gold, wrought into various ornaments, to- 
 gether with sixty slaves, being captives that he had 
 taken in the wars. Nunez ordered one fifth of the 
 gold to be set apart for the crown, and the rest to be 
 shared among his followers. When the Spaniards 
 were weighing it out, a quarrel arose among them as 
 to the size and value of the pieces which fell to their 
 respective shares. The Indian who had made the 
 gift, then spoke to them in this manner :* 
 
 "'Why should you quarrel for such a trifle? If this 
 gold is indeed so precious in your eyes, that for it alone 
 you abandon your homes, invade the peaceful lands of 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 156 to 158. 
 
200 SEA BEYOND THE MOUNTAINS. [book I. 
 
 Others, and expose yourselves to such sufferings and perils, 
 I will tell you of a region where you may gratify your 
 wishes to the utmost. Behold those lofty mountains,' con- 
 tinued he, pointing to the south. ' Beyond these lies a 
 mighty sea, which may be discerned from their summit. 
 It is navigated by people who have vessels almost as large 
 as yours, and furnished, like them, with sails and oars. All 
 the streams which flow down the southern side of those 
 mountains into that sea, abound in gold ; and the kings 
 who reign upon its borders eat and drink out of golden ves- 
 sels. Gold, in fact, is as plentiful and common among 
 those people of the south, as iron is among you Spaniards.' 
 
 " Struck with this intelligence, Vasco Nuiiez inquired 
 eagerly as to the means of penetrating to this sea and to 
 the opulent regions on its shores. ' The task,' replied the 
 prince, ' is difficult and dangerous. You must pass through 
 the territories of many powerful caciques, who will oppose 
 you with hosts of warriors. Some parts of the mountains 
 are infested by fierce and cruel cannibals, a wandering, law- 
 less race : but, above all, you will have to encounter the 
 great cacique Tubanama, whose territories are at the dis- 
 tance of six days journey, and more rich in gold than any 
 other province ; this cacique will be sure to come forth 
 against you with a mighty force. To accomplish your en- 
 terprise, therefore, will require at least a thousand men, 
 armed like those who follow you.' 
 
 " The youthful cacique gave him further information on 
 the subject, collected from various captives whom he had 
 taken in battle, and from one of his own nation, who had 
 been for a long time in captivity to Tubanama, the power- 
 ful cacique of the golden realm. The prince, moreover, 
 offered to prove the sincerity of his words by accompany- 
 ing Vasco Nunez in any expedition to those parts, at the 
 head of his father's warriors. 
 
CHAP. XXI.] SEA BEYOND THE MOUNTAINS. 201 
 
 " Such was the first intimation received by Vasco Nunez 
 of the Pacific Ocean and its golden realms, and it had an 
 immediate effect upon his whole character and conduct. 
 This hitherto wandering and desperate man had now an 
 enterprise opened to his ambition, which, if accomplished, 
 would elevate him to fame and fortune, and entitle him to 
 rank among the great captains and discoverers of the earth. 
 Henceforth the discovery of the sea beyond the mountains 
 was the great object of his thoughts, and his whole spirit 
 seemed roused and ennobled by the idea. 
 
 " He hastened his return to Darien, to make the neces- 
 sary preparations for this splendid enterprise. Before de- 
 parting from the province of Comagre he baptized that ca- 
 cique by the name of Don Carlos, and performed the same 
 ceremony upon his sons and several of his subjects. Thus 
 singularly did avarice and religion go hand in hand in the 
 conduct of the Spanish discoverers. 
 
 "Scarcely had Vasco Nunez returned to Darien, when 
 the Regidor Valdivia arrived there from Hispaniola, but 
 with no more provisions than could be brought in his small 
 caravel. These were soon consumed, and the general scar- 
 city continued. It was heightened also by a violent tem- 
 pest of thunder, lightning and rain, which brought such tor- 
 rents from the mountains that the river swelled and over- 
 flowed its banks, laying waste all the adjacent fields that 
 had been cultivated. In this extremity Vasco Nunez dis- 
 patched Valdivia a second time to Hispaniola for provisions. 
 Animated also by the loftier views of his present ambition, 
 he wrote to Don Diego Columbus, who governed at San 
 Domingo, informing him of the intelligence he had re- 
 ceived of a great sea and opulent realms beyond the moun- 
 tains, and entreating him to use his influence with the king 
 that one thousand men might be immediately furnished 
 him for the prosecution of so grand a discovery. He sent 
 him also the amount of fifteen thousand crowns in gold, to 
 26 
 
202 SEA BEYOND THE MOUNTAINS. [book i. 
 
 be remitted to the king as the royal fifths of what had 
 already been collected under his jurisdiction. Many of his 
 followers, also, forwarded sums of gold, to be remitted to 
 their creditors in Spain. In the meantime, Vasco Nuiiez 
 prayed the admiral to yield him prompt succour to enable 
 him to keep his footing in the land, representing the diffi- 
 culty he had in maintaining, with a mere handful of men, 
 so vast a country in a state of subjection."* 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 158 to 160. 
 
CHAP. XXii.j CABOT PILOT OF SPAIN IN 1512. 203 
 
 CHAPTER XXir. 
 
 Of the death of Americus Vespucius in 1512, and the appomtment of 
 Sebastian Cabot as his successor : Bartholomew Columbus sent this 
 year from Spain with instructions to his nephew the admiral. 
 
 Americus Vespucius retained the office of chief 
 pilot of Spain until his death on the 22d of February 
 1512. His widow Maria Corezo was then allowed a 
 pension of ten thousand maravedis.* Vespucius was 
 succeeded by Juan Diaz de Solis as chief pilot, and 
 Sebastian Cabot succeeded hini.f 
 
 There is not a concurrence in opinion as to the 
 precise time at which Sebastian Cabot went from 
 England to Spain. " We are told by Peter Martyr, 
 (Decade iii. chap vi.) that Cabot being called out 
 of England, by the King of Castile, after the death 
 of Henry the Seventh, was made one of the council 
 and assistants touching the affairs of the Indias."t 
 The death of Henry the Seventh occurred in 1509. 
 That Cabot did not leave England till after this event 
 is also the opinion of Mr. Biddle, who proceeds to 
 say that " Herrera, the writer of the highest authority 
 on these subjects — historiographer of the King of 
 Spain, and enjoying familiar access to every docu- 
 ment, stated more than two centuries ago that Cabot 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 252, Appendix Xo. 10. Life of Vespucius, p. 256 to 264 ; 
 also p. 395 to 397. 
 t Life of Vespucius, p. 397. 
 
204 BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS. [BOOK I. 
 
 received his appointment from the King of Spain 
 on the 13th of September 1512, and even furnished 
 the particulars of the negotiation."* 
 
 The king judged it expedient in 1512 to send out 
 Don Bartholomew Columbus with minute instructions 
 to his nephew the admiral.f 
 
 " Don Bartholomew still retained the office of Adelantado 
 of the Indias ; although Ferdinand, through selfish motives, 
 detained him in Spain while he employed inferior men in 
 voyages of discovery. He now added to his appointments 
 the property and government of the little island of Mona 
 during life, and assigned him a repartimiento of two hun- 
 dred Indians, with the superintendence of the mines which 
 might be discovered in Cuba ; an office which proved very 
 lucrative. J 
 
 "Among the instructions given by the king to Don 
 Diego, he directed that, in consequence of the representa- 
 tions of the Dominican friars, the labour of the natives 
 should be reduced one third ; that negro slaves should be 
 procured from Guinea as a relief to the Indians ;<§. and that 
 Carib slaves should be branded on the leg, to prevent other 
 Indians from being confounded with them and subjected to 
 harsh treatment. "||1[ 
 
 * Memoir of Cabot, p. 97. Hakluyl's § Henera, Hist. Ind. d. 1, 1. 9, c. 5. 
 
 Voyages, vol. 3, p. 9. || Idem. 
 
 t Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 218, Ap- IT Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 219, Ap- 
 pendix No. 2. pendix No. 2. 
 
 t Charlevoix, Hist. St. Domingo, p. 321. 
 
CHAP. SXIII.] JUAN PONCE DE LEON, 205 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 Of the discovery of Florida in 1512, by Juan Ponce de Leon, 
 
 After Juan Ponce d»Leon resigned the command 
 of Porto Rico, he was still for a while on the island. 
 Mr. Irving gives the following account of him at this 
 period.* 
 
 " He met with some old Indians who gave him tidings 
 of a country which promised, not merely to satisfy the cra- 
 vings of his ambition, but to realize the fondest dreams of 
 the poets. They assured him that, far to the north there 
 existed a land abounding in gold and in all manner of de- 
 lights ; but, above all, possessing a river of such wonderful 
 virtue, that whoever bathed in it would be restored to 
 youth ! They added, that in times past, before the arrival 
 of the Spaniards, a large party of the natives of Cuba had 
 departed northward in search of this happy land and this 
 river of life, and, having never returned, it was concluded 
 that they were flourishing in renovated youth, detained by 
 the pleasures of that enchanting country. 
 
 " Here was the dream of the Alchymist realized ! one 
 had but to find this gifted land and revel in the enjoyment 
 of boundless riches and perennial youth! Nay, some of the 
 ancient Indians declared that it was not necessary to go so 
 far in quest of these rejuvenating waters, for that, in a cer- 
 tain island of the Bahama group, called Bimini, which lay 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 312 to 318. 
 
206 JUAN PONCE DE LEON. [book i. 
 
 far out in the ocean, there was a fountain possessing the 
 same marvellous and inestimable qualities. 
 
 "Juan Ponce de Leon listened to these tales with fond 
 credulity. He was advancing in life, and the ordinary 
 term of existence seemed insufficient for his mighty plans. 
 Could he but plunge into this marvellous fountain or gifted 
 river, and come out with his battered, war-worn body re- 
 stored to the strength and freshness and suppleness of 
 youth, and his head still retaining the wisdom and know- 
 ledge of age, what enterprises rnight he not accomplish in 
 the additional course of vigorous years insured to him ! 
 
 " It may seem incredible, at the present day, that a man 
 of years and experience could yield any faith to a story 
 which resembles the wild fiction of an Arabian tale ; but 
 the wonders and novelties breaking upon the world in that 
 age of discovery, almost realized the illusions of fable, and 
 the imaginations of the vSpanish voyagers had become so 
 heated that they were capable of any stretch of credulity. 
 
 " So fully persuaded was the worthy old cavalier of the 
 existence of the region described to him, that he fitted out 
 three ships at his own expense, to prosecute the discovery, 
 nor had he any difficulty in finding adventurers in abun- 
 dance, ready to cruise with him in quest of this fairy- 
 land.* 
 
 *It was not the credulous minds of voy- some diet, maketh olde men young again, 
 
 agers and adventurers alone tliat were And here I must make protestation to your 
 
 heated by these Indian traditions and ro- holiness not to think this to be said lightly 
 
 niantic fables. Men of learning and emi- or rashly, for they have so spread this ru- 
 
 nence were likewise beguiled by them: -nour for a truth throughout all the court, 
 
 witness the following extract from the se- that not only all the people, but also many 
 
 cond decade of Peter Martyr, addressed to of them whom wisdom or fortune hath di- 
 
 Leo X., then Bishop of Rome : vided from the common sort, think it to be 
 
 " Among the islands on the north side of true; but, if you will ask my opinion 
 
 Hispaniola, there is one about three hun- herein, I will answer that I will not attri- 
 
 dred and twenty-five leagues distant, as bute so great power to nature, but that 
 
 they say which have searched the same, in God hath no lesse reserved this prerogative 
 
 the which is a continual spring of running to himself than to search the hearts of 
 
 water, of such marvellous virtue, that the men," &;c. — P. Martyr, D. 2, c. 10, Lok's 
 
 water thereof being drunk, perhaps with Translation. 
 
CHAP. XXIII.] DISCOVERY OF FLORIDA IN 1512. 207 
 
 "It was on the 3d of March 1512, that Juan Ponce 
 sailed with his three ships from the port of St. Germain, in 
 the island of Porto Rico. He kept for some distance along 
 the coast of Hispaniola, and then stretching away to the 
 northward, made for the Bahama islands, and soon fell in 
 with the first of the group. He was favoured with propi- 
 tious weather and tranquil seas, and glided smoothly with 
 wind and current along that verdant archipelago, visiting 
 one island after another, until, on the 14th of the month, 
 he arrived at Guanahani, or St. Salvador's, where Christo- 
 pher Columbus had first put his foot on the shores of the 
 new world. His inquiries for the island of Bimini were all 
 in vain, and as to the fountain of youth, he may have 
 drank of every fountain, and river, and lake, in the archi- 
 pelago, even to the salt pools of Turk's island, without be- 
 ing a whit the younger. 
 
 " Still he was not discouraged ; but, having repaired his 
 ships, he again put to sea, and shaped his course to the 
 northwest. On Sunday, the 27th of March, he came in 
 sight of what he supposed to be an island, but was pre- 
 vented from landing by adverse weather. He continued 
 hovering about it for several days, buffeted by the elements, 
 until, in the night of the 2d of April, he succeeded in 
 coming to anchor under the land, in thirty degrees eight 
 minutes of latitude. The whole country was in the fresh 
 bloom of spring ; the trees were gay with blossoms, and 
 the fields covered with flowers ; from which circumstance, 
 as well as from having discovered it on Palm Sunday, (Pas- 
 cua Florida,) he gave it the name of Florida, which it re- 
 tains to the present day. The Indian name of the country 
 was Cautio.* 
 
 " Juan Ponce landed, and took possession of the country 
 in the name of the Castilian sovereigns. He afterwards 
 continued for several weeks ranging the coasts of this flow- 
 
 *Herrera, Hist. Ind., d. ], ]. is., c. 10. 
 
208 DISCOVERY OF FLORIDA IN 1512. [book i. 
 
 ery land, and struggling against the gulf-stream and the va- 
 rious currents which sweep it. He doubled Cape Canave- 
 ral, and reconnoitered the southern and eastern shores, with- 
 out suspecting that this was a part of Terra Firma. In all 
 his attempts to explore the country, he met with resolute 
 and implacable hostility on the part of the natives, who ap- 
 peared to be a fierce and warlike race. He was disap- 
 pointed also, in his hopes of finding gold, nor did any of 
 the rivers or fountains which he examined, possess the re- 
 juvenating virtue. Convinced, therefore, that this was not 
 the promised land of Indian tradition, he turned his prow 
 homeward on the 14th of June, with the intention in the 
 way of making one more attempt to find the island of 
 Bimini. 
 
 "In the outset of his return, he discovered a group of 
 islets abounding with sea-fowl and marine animals. On 
 one of them, his sailors, in the course of a single night, 
 caught one hundred and seventy turtles, and might have 
 taken many more, had they been so inclined. They like- 
 wise took fourteen sea-wolves, and killed a vast quantity of 
 pelicans and other birds. To this group Juan Ponce gave 
 the name of the Tortugas, or Turtles, which they still 
 retain. 
 
 " Proceeding in his cruise, he touched at another group 
 of islets, near the Lucayos, to which he gave the name of 
 La Vieja, or the Old Woman group, because he found no 
 inhabitant there but one old Indian woman.* This ancient 
 sybil he took on board his ship, to give him information 
 about the labyrinth of islands into which he was entering, 
 and perhaps he could not have had a more suitable guide 
 in the eccentric quest he was making. Notwithstanding 
 her pilotage, however, he was exceedingly baffled and per- 
 plexed in his return voyage among the Bahama islands, for 
 he was forcing his way, as it were, against the course of 
 
 * Herrera, d. 1, 1. is. 
 
CHAP. XXIU.J DISCOVERY OF FLORIDA IN 1512. 209 
 
 nature, and encountering the currents which sweep west- 
 ward along these islands, and the trade-wind which accom- 
 panies them. For a long time he struggled with all kinds 
 of difficulties and dangers ; and was obliged to remain up- 
 wards of a month in one of the islands, to repair the da- 
 mages which his ship had suffered in a storm. 
 
 " Disheartened at length by the perils and trials with 
 which nature seemed to have beset the approach to Bimini, 
 as to some fairy island in romance, he gave up the quest in 
 person, and sent in his place a trusty captain, Juan Perez de 
 Ortubia, who departed in one of the other ships, guided by 
 the experienced old woman of the isles, and by another 
 Indian. As to Juan Ponce, he made the best of his way 
 back to Porto Rico, where he arrived infinitely poorer in 
 purse and wrinkled in brow, by this cruise after inexhaus- 
 tible riches and perpetual youth. 
 
 " He had not been long in port when his trusty envoy, 
 Juan Perez, likewise arrived. Guided by the sage old wo- 
 man, he had succeeded in finding the long-sought-for Bi- 
 mini. He described it as being large, verdant, and covered 
 with beautiful groves. There were crystal springs and 
 limpid streams in abundance, which kept the island in per- 
 petual verdure, but none that could restore to an old man 
 the vernal greenness of his youth. 
 
 " Thus ended the romantic expedition of Juan Ponce de 
 Leon. Like many other pursuits of a chimera, it termi- 
 nated in the acquisition of a substantial good. Though he 
 had failed in finding the fairy fountain of youth, he had 
 discovered in place of it the important country of Florida."* 
 
 * The belief of the existence, in Floiida, says, that even in his days, many persisted 
 
 of a river like that sought by Juan Ponce, in seeking this mystery, and some thought 
 
 was long prevalent among the Indians of that the river was no other than that called 
 
 Cuba, and the caciques were anxious to the Jordan, at the point of St. Helena; 
 
 discover it. That a party of the natives of without considering that the name was 
 
 Cuba once went in search of it, and re- given to it by the Spaniards in the year 
 
 mained there, appears to be a fact, as their 1520, when they discovered the land of 
 
 descendants were afterwards to be traced Chicora. 
 among the people of Florida. Las Casas 
 
 27 
 
210 EXPEDITIONS OF VASCO NUNEZ IN 1512. [book i. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Of several expeditions of Vasco Nunez in 1512; the conspiracy this 
 year by the natives and the defeat of their plan ; the absence of news 
 from Valdivia who had been sent on a mission to Hispaniola ; the 
 stranding of Valdivia and his crew on the coast of Yucatan ; the 
 sending of commissioners from Darien to Spain; and the arrival at 
 Darien of ships from Hispaniola with supplies. 
 
 While Vasco Nunez was waiting the result of the 
 second mission of Valdivia to Hispaniola, he em- 
 barked with one hundred and seventy of his hardiest 
 men in two brigantines and a number of canoes, and, 
 after standing about nine leagues to the east, came 
 to the mouth of the Kio Grande de San Juan, or the 
 great river of St. John, also called the Atrato, since 
 ascertained to be one of the branches of the Darien. 
 He detached Rodrigo Enriquez de Colmenares with 
 one third of his forces to explore the stream, while 
 he himself, with the residue, proceeded to and as- 
 cended another branch. He reached an Indian vil- 
 lage in the province of Dobayba, but it was silent 
 and abandoned. Here, however, he gathered jewels 
 and pieces of gold to the value of seven thousand 
 castellanos, and putting this booty in two large ca- 
 noes made his way back to the gulf of Uraba. There, 
 in a violent tempest, these two canoes were swallowed 
 up by the sea and all their crews perished. The two 
 brigantines were also nearly wrecked : it became ne- 
 cessary, to save them, to throw a great part of their 
 
CHAP. XXIV ] CONSPIRACY BY THE NATIVES. 211 
 
 cargoes overboard. Yet Nunez at length succeeded 
 in getting into what was termed the Grand river and 
 rejoined Colmenares. They now ascended a stream 
 which emptied into this river, and which, from the 
 dark hue of its waters, they called Rio Negro, or the 
 Black river. They also explored certain other tribu- 
 tary streams, branching from it, though not without 
 occasional skirmishes with the natives. Having over- 
 run a considerable extent of country, Nunez returned 
 to Darien with the spoils and captives he had taken, 
 leaving Bartolome Hurtado with thirty men in an In- 
 dian river on the Rio Negro or Black river, to hold 
 the country in subjection. This lieutenant hunting 
 the stragghng natives picked up twenty-four captives 
 whom he put on board of a large canoe to be transpor- 
 ted to Darien. Twenty of his followers, infirm from 
 wounds or disease, embarking also in the canoe, Hur- 
 tado had only ten men left with him. The ark being 
 waylaidj some of the Spaniards were massacred and 
 others drowned : only two escaped to carry news 
 of this catastrophe to Hurtado, who heard also of a 
 plan for an attack on Darien. Thither he hastened 
 with the remnant of his men. But his intelligence 
 of a conspiracy among the natives was little heeded.* 
 
 " Fortunately for the Spaniards, among the female cap- 
 tives owned by Vasco Nunez was an Indian damsel named 
 Fiilvia; to whom, in consequence of her beauty, he had 
 shown great favour, and who had become strongly attached 
 to him. She had a brother among the warriors of Zemaco, 
 who often visited her in secret. In one of his visits, he in- 
 formed her that on a certain night the settlement would be 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 161 to 168. 
 
212 CONSPIRACY BY THE NATIVES. [book I. 
 
 attacked and every Spaniard destroyed. He charged her, 
 therefore, to hide herself that night in a certain place until 
 he should come to her aid, lest she should be slain in the 
 confusion of the massacre. 
 
 " When her brother was gone, a violent struggle took 
 place in the bosom of the Indian girl between her feeling 
 for her family and her people, and her affection for Vasco 
 Nunez. The latter at length prevailed, and she revealed 
 all that had been told to her. Vasco Nunez prevailed upon 
 her to send for her brother under pretence of aiding her to 
 escape. Having him in his power, he extorted from him 
 all that he knew of the designs of the enemy. His con- 
 fessions showed what imminent danger had been lurking 
 round Yasco Nunez in his most unsuspecting moments. 
 The prisoner informed him that he had been one of forty 
 Indians sent some time before by the cacique Zemaco to 
 Vasco Nunez, in seeming friendship, to be employed by 
 him in cultivating the fields adjacent to the settlement. 
 They had secret -orders, however, to take an opportunity 
 when Vasco Nunez should come forth to inspect their work, 
 to set upon him in an unguarded moment, and destroy him. 
 Fortunately, Vasco Nunez always visited the fields mounted 
 on his war horse, and armed with lance and target. The 
 Indians were therefore so awed by his martial appearance, 
 and by the terrible animal he bestrode, that they dared not 
 attack him. 
 
 " Foiled in this and other attempts of the kind, Zemaco 
 resorted to the conspiracy with the neighbouring caciques 
 with which the settlement was menaced. 
 
 '• Five caciques had joined in the confederacy : they had 
 prepared a hundred canoes ; had amassed provisions for an 
 army, and had concerted to assemble five thousand picked 
 warriors at a certain time and place ; with these they were 
 to make an attack on the settlement by land and water, in 
 the middle of the night, and to slaughter every Spaniard. 
 
CHAP. XXIV.] VALDIVIA STRANDED ON YUCATAN COAST. 213 
 
 "Having learnt where the confederate chiefs were to be 
 found, and where they had deposited their provisions, Vasco 
 Nunez chose seventy of his best men well armed, and made 
 a circuit by land, while Colmenares, with sixty men, sallied 
 forth secretly in four canoes, guided by the Indian prisoner. 
 In this way they surprised the general of the Indian army 
 and several of the principal confederates, and got posses- 
 sion of all their provisions, though they failed to capture 
 the formidable Zemaco. The Indian general was shot to 
 death with arrows, and the leaders of the conspiracy were 
 hanged in presence of their captive followers. The defeat 
 of this deep laid plan, and the punishment of its devisers, 
 spread terror thoughout the neighbouring provinces, and 
 prevented any further attempt at hostilities. Vasco Nunez, 
 however, caused a strong fortress of wood to be immedi- 
 ately erected, to guard against any future assaults of the 
 savages."* 
 
 A considerable time had now elapsed since the de- 
 parture of Valdivia for Hispaniola, without any tidings 
 of him. Encountering a violent hurricane when in 
 sight of Jamaica, he had been driven on the rocks 
 called the Vipers, since instrumental in many a ship- 
 wreck. His vessel soon went to pieces, and Valdivia 
 and his crew, consisting of twenty men, escaped with 
 difficulty in the boat, without having a supply either 
 of water or provisions. They were driven about for 
 thirteen days, during which time they suffered exces- 
 sively from hunger and thirst. Seven of their num- 
 ber perished, and the rest were nearly famished when 
 they were stranded on the eastern coast of Yucatan, 
 in a province called Maya. Here they were carried 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 168 to 170. 
 
214 GONZALO GUERRERO. [BOOK I. 
 
 off by the natives to the cacique of the province, by 
 whose orders they were mewed up in a kind of pen.* 
 
 " At first their situation appeared tolerable enough con- 
 sidering the horrors from which they had escaped. They 
 were closely confined, it is true, but they had plenty to eat 
 and drink, and soon began to recover flesh and vigour. In 
 a little while, however, their enjoyment of this good cheer 
 met with a sudden check, for the unfortunate Valdivia, and 
 four of his companions, were singled out by the cacique, 
 on account of their improved condition, to be off'ered up to 
 his idols. The natives of this coast in fact were cannibals, 
 devouring the flesh of their enemies and of such strangers 
 as fell into their hands. The wretched Valdivia and his 
 fellow victims, therefore, were sacrificed in the bloody tem- 
 ple of the idol, and their limbs afterwards served up at a 
 grand feast held by the cacique and his subjects. 
 
 '' The horror of the survivors may be more readily ima- 
 gined than described. Their hearts died within them when 
 they heard the yells and bowlings of the savages over their 
 victims, and the still more horrible revelry of their cannibal 
 orgies. They turned with loathing from the food set so 
 abundantly before them, at the idea that it was but intended 
 to fatten them for a future banquet. 
 
 "Recovering from the first stupor of alarm, their despair 
 lent them additional force. They succeeded in breaking, 
 in the night, from the kind of cage in which they were 
 confined, and fled to the depths of the forest. Here they 
 wandered about forlorn, exposed to all the dangers and mi- 
 series of the wilderness; famishing with hunger, yet dread- 
 ing to approach the haunts of men. At length their suffer- 
 ings drove them forth from the woods into another part of 
 the country, where they were again taken captive. The 
 cacique of this province, however, was an enemy to the one 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 171, 277, 8. 
 
CHAP. XXIV.] JERONIMO DE AGUILAR. 215 
 
 from whom they had escaped, and of less cruel propensities. 
 He spared their lives, and contented himself with making 
 them slaves, exacting from them the severest labour. They 
 had to cut and draw wood, to procure water from a distance, 
 and to carry enormous burthens. The cacique died soon 
 after their capture, and was succeeded by another called 
 Taxmar. He was a chief of some talent and sagacity, but 
 he continued the same rigorous treatment of the captives. 
 By degrees they sank beneath the hardships of their lot, 
 until only two were left ; one of them a sturdy sailor named 
 Gonzalo Guerrero, the other a kind of clerical adventurer 
 named Jeronimo de Aguilar. The sailor had the good luck 
 to be transferred to the service of the cacique of the neigh- 
 bouring province of Chatemal, by whom he was treated 
 with kindness. Being a thorough son of the ocean, sea- 
 soned to all weathers, and ready for any chance or change, 
 he soon accommodated himself to his new situation, fol- 
 lowed the cacique to the wars, rose by his hardihood and 
 prowess to be a distinguished warrior, and succeeded in 
 gaining the heart and hand of an Indian princess. 
 
 " The other survivor, Jeronimo de Aguilar, was of a dif- 
 ferent complexion. He was a native of Ecija, in Andalu- 
 sia, and had been brought up to the church, and regularly 
 ordained, and shortly afterwards had sailed in one of the 
 expeditions to San Domingo, from whence he had passed 
 to Darien. 
 
 " He proceeded in a different mode from that adopted by 
 his comrade, the sailor, in his dealings with the Indians, 
 and in one more suited to his opposite calling. Instead of 
 playing the hero among the men, and the gallant among 
 the women, he recollected his priestly obligations to humi- 
 lity and chastity. Accordingly, he made himself a model 
 of meekness and obedience to the cacique and his warriors, 
 while he closed his eyes to the charms of the infidel wo- 
 men. Nay, in the latter respect, he reinforced his clerical 
 
216 JERONIMO DE AGUILAR. [book I. 
 
 VOWS, by a solemn promise to God, to resist all temptations 
 of the flesh, so he might be delivered out of the hands of 
 these Gentiles. 
 
 " Such were the opposite measures of the sailor and the 
 saint, and they appear to have been equally successful. 
 Aguilar, by his meek obedience to every order, however 
 arbitrary and capricious, gradually won the good will of 
 the cacique and his family. Taxmar, however, subjected 
 him to many trials before he admitted him to his entire 
 confidence. One day when the Indians, painted and deco- 
 rated in warlike style, were shooting at a mark, a warrior, 
 who had for some time fixed his eyes on Aguilar, ap- 
 proached suddenly and seized him by the arm. ' Thou 
 seest,' said he, ' the certainty of these archers ; if they aim 
 at the eye, they hit the eye — if at the mouth, they hit the 
 mouth — what wouldst thou think, if thou wert to be placed 
 instead of the mark, and they were to shoot at and miss 
 thee ?' 
 
 " Aguilar secretly trembled, lest he should be the victim 
 of some cruel caprice of the kind. Dissembling his fears, 
 however, he replied with great submission, 'I am your 
 slave, and you may do with .me as you please ; but you are 
 too wise to destroy a slave who is so useful and obedient.' 
 His answer pleased the cacique, who had secretly sent this 
 warrior to try his humility. 
 
 " Another trial of the worthy Jeronimo was less stern 
 and fearful indeed, but equally perplexing. The cacique 
 had remarked his unexampled discretion with respect to 
 the sex, but doubted his sincerity. After laying many 
 petty temptations in his way, which Jeronimo resisted with 
 the self-denial of a saint, he at length determined to sub- 
 ject him to a fiery ordeal. He accordingly sent him on a 
 fishing expedition, accompanied by a buxom damsel of 
 fourteen years of age : they were to pass the night by the 
 sea-side, so as to be ready to fish at the first dawn of day. 
 
CHAP. XXIV.] JERONIMO DE AGUILAR. 217 
 
 and were allowed but one hammock to sleep in. It was an 
 embarrassing predicament — not apparently to the Indian 
 beauty, but certainly to the scrupulous Jeronimo. He re- 
 membered, however, his double vow, and, suspending his 
 hammock to two trees, resigned it to his companion ; while, 
 lighting a fire on the sea shore, he stretched himself before 
 it on the sand. It was, as he acknowledged, a night of 
 fearful trial, for his sandy couch was cold and cheerless, the 
 hammock warm and tempting ; and the infidel damsel had 
 been instructed to assail him with all manner of blandish- 
 ments and reproaches. His resolution, however, though 
 often shaken, was never overcome ; and the morning 
 dawned upon him still faithful to his vow. 
 
 " The fishing over, he returned to the residence of the 
 cacique, v/here his companion, being closely questioned, 
 made known the triumph of his self-denial before all the 
 people. From that time forward he was held in great re- 
 spect ; the cacique, especially, treated him with unlimited 
 confidence, entrusting to him the care, not merely of his 
 house, but of his wives, during his occasional absence. 
 
 " Aguilar now felt ambitious of rising to greater conse- 
 quence among the savages, but this he knew was only to 
 be done by deeds of arms. He had the example of the 
 sturdy seaman, Gonzalo Guerrero, before his eyes, who had 
 become a great captain in the province in which he resided. 
 He entreated Taxmar, therefore, to entrust him with bow 
 and arrows, buckler and war club, and to enrol him among 
 his warriors. The cacique complied. Aguilar soon made 
 himself expert at his new weapons, signalized himself re- 
 peatedly in battle, and, from his superior knowledge of the 
 arts of war, rendered Taxmar such essential service, as to 
 excite the jealousy of some of the neighbouring caciques. 
 One of them remonstrated with Taxmar for employing a 
 warrior who was of a different religion, and insisted that 
 Aguilar should be sacrificed to their gods. ' No,' replied 
 28 
 
218 COMMISSIONERS TO SPAIN. [^00^ '• 
 
 Taxmar, ' I will not make so base a return for such signal 
 services : surely the gods of Aguilar must be good, since 
 they aid him so effectually in maintaining a just cause.' 
 
 " The cacique was so incensed at this reply, that he as- 
 sembled his warriors and marched to make war upon Tax- 
 mar. Many of the counsellors of the latter urged him to 
 give up the stranger, who was the cause of this hostility. 
 Taxmar, however, rejected their counsel with disdain, and 
 prepared for battle. Aguilar assured him that his faith in 
 the Christian's God would be rewarded with victory ; he, 
 in fact, concerted a plan of battle, which was adopted. 
 Concealing himself, with a chosen band of warriors, among 
 thickets and herbage, he suffered the enemy to pass by in 
 making their attack. Taxmar and his host pretended to 
 give way at the first onset. The foe rushed heedlessly in 
 pursuit ; whereupon Aguilar and his ambuscade assaulted 
 them in the rear. Taxmar turned upon them in front ; 
 they were thrown in confusion, routed with great slaugh- 
 ter, and many of their chiefs taken prisoners. This victory 
 gave Taxmar the sway over the land, and strengthened 
 Aguilar more than ever in his good graces."* 
 
 In the absence of any tidings at Darien, from 
 either Valdivia or Zamudio, it was determined to send 
 thence two commissioners to Spain, to communicate 
 what had been heard of the Southern sea, to ask for 
 the troops necessary for its discovery, and to make all 
 necessary representations to the king, accompanied 
 by a native of the province of Zenu, where gold was 
 said to be gathered in nets stretched across the moun- 
 tain streams. To give more weight to such stories, 
 every one contributed some portion of gold from his 
 private hoard, to be presented to the king, in addi- 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 278 to 283. 
 
CHAP. XXIV.] COMMISSIONERS TO SPAIN. 219 
 
 tion to his fifths. But Httle time elapsed after the de- 
 parture of the commissioners, before dissensions broke- 
 out in the colony. It is impossible to say how they 
 would have ended, had not two ships arrived at this 
 juncture from Hispaniola, freighted with suppHes and 
 bringing a reinforcement of one hundred and fifty 
 men. They also brought a commission to Vasco Nu- 
 nez, signed by Miguel de Pasamonte, the royal trea- 
 surer of Hispaniola, constituting him captain-general 
 of the colony.* 
 
 * Voyages of Corapaiiions of Columbus, p. 171 to 175. 
 
220 JOURNEY OF NUNEZ ACROSS DARIEN. [book 1. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 Of the journey by Vasco Nunez across the isthmus of Darien, and his 
 discovery of the Pacific Ocean on the 26th of September 1513. 
 
 Soon unfavourable tidings were received from 
 Spain. Word was written by Zamudio that the Ba- 
 chelor Enciso had obtained a sentence in his favour 
 against Nuiiez for damages and costs, and that Nu- 
 nez would be summoned to Spain to answer charges 
 against him on account of the harsh treatment and 
 probable death of Nicuesa. This information was, 
 however, in a private letter ; no order had yet been 
 received from the king, and Nunez had still control 
 over the colony. One brilhant achievement might 
 atone for the past and fix him in the favour of the 
 monarch. He chose from his men, one hundred and 
 ninety of the most resolute and vigorous, and the 
 most devoted to his person, and took with him a 
 number of blood-hounds. The famous warrior dog 
 of Juan Ponce was killed by a poisoned arrow as he 
 was swimming in the sea in pursuit of a Carib Indian. 
 He left, however, a numerous progeny and a great 
 name behind him.* He was father to Leoncico, a 
 constant companion, and, as it were, body guard of 
 Vasco Nuiiez. Leoncico was scarred all over with 
 wounds received in innumerable battles with the In- 
 dians. Nunez always took him on his expeditions, 
 
 * See ante, p. 169, and Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 308. 
 
CHAP. XXV. ] JOURNEY OF NUNEZ ACROSS DARIEN. 221 
 
 and sometimes lent him to others, receiving for his 
 services the same share of booty allotted to an armed 
 man. In this way, he gained by him upwards of a 
 thousand crowns. Nuiiez had the aid also of a num- 
 ber of the Indians of Darien.* 
 
 It was on the first of September 1513, that Vasco 
 Nunez embarked with these followers in a brigantine 
 and nine large canoes. He soon arrived at Coyba 
 where he was received by the cacique Careta with 
 open arms, and furnished with guides and warriors to 
 aid him. About half of his men he left at Coyba to 
 guard the brigantine and canoes while he penetrated 
 the wilderness with the residue. On the 6th of Sep- 
 tember he struck ofl^ for the mountains, and on the 
 8th he arrived at the village of Ponca, the ancient 
 enemy of Careta. This village was abandoned, but 
 while the Spaniards remained in it, the retreat of 
 Ponca was discovered, and he was prevailed upon to 
 come to Nunez. This cacique assured Nunez of the 
 truth of what had been told him of a great sea be- 
 yond the mountains, and gave him several ornaments 
 ingeniously wrought of fine gold which had been 
 brought from the countries upon its borders. Nunez 
 procured fresh guides from the cacique and sent back 
 such of his men as had become ill from fatigue and 
 the heat of the climate. On the 20th of September 
 he again set forward.! 
 
 " So toilsome was the journey, that in four days they 
 did not advance above ten leagues, and in the mean time 
 they suffered excessively from hunger. At the end of this 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 176 to 178. f Id. p. 179 to 181. 
 
222 JOURNEY OF NUNEZ ACROSS DARIEN. [book I. 
 
 time they arrived at the province of a warlike caciquej 
 named Q,uaraqua, who was at war with Ponca. 
 
 "Hearing that a band of strangers were entering his ter- 
 ritories, guided by the subjects of his inveterate foe, the 
 cacique took the field with a large number of warriors, 
 some armed with bows and arrows, others with long spears, 
 or with double handed maces of palm wood, almost as 
 heavy and hard as iron. Seeing the inconsiderable num- 
 ber of the Spaniards, they set upon them with furious yells, 
 thinking to overcome them in an instant. The first dis- 
 charge of fire-arms, however, struck them with dismay. 
 They thought they were contending with demons who vo- 
 mited forth thunder and lightning, especially when they 
 saw their companions fall bleeding and dead beside them, 
 without receiving any apparent blow. They took to head- 
 long flight, and were hotly pursued by the Spaniards and 
 their bloodhounds. Some were transfixed with lances, 
 others hewn down with swords, and many were torn to 
 pieces by the dogs, so that duaraqua and six hundred of 
 his warriors were left dead upon the field. 
 
 "A brother of the cacique and several chiefs were taken 
 prisoners. They were clad in robes of white cotton. Ei- 
 ther from their effeminate dress, or from the accusations of 
 their enemies, the Spaniards were induced to consider them 
 guilty of unnatural crimes, and, in their abhorrence and 
 disgust, gave them to be torn to pieces by the blood- 
 hounds."* 
 
 "After this sanguinary triumph, the Spaniards marched 
 to the village of Q,uaraqua, where they found considerable 
 booty in gold and jewels. Of this Vasco Nunez reserved 
 one fifth for the crown, and shared the rest liberally among 
 his followers. The village was at the foot of the last moun- 
 tain that remained for them to climb : several of the Spa- 
 
 * Herrera, Hist. Ind. d. 1, 1. x. c. 1. Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 181, 2. 
 
CHAP, xxv] DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC IN 1513. 223 
 
 niards, however, were so disabled by the wounds they had 
 received in battle, or so exhausted by the fatigue and hun- 
 ger they had endured, that they were unable to proceed. 
 They were obliged, therefore, reluctantly to remain in the 
 village, within sight of the mountain-top that commanded 
 the long-sought prospect. Yasco Nunez selected fresh 
 guides from among his prisoners, who were natives of the 
 province, and sent back the subjects of Ponca. Of the 
 band of Spaniards who had set out with him in this enter- 
 prise, sixty-seven alone remained in sufficient health and 
 spirits for this last effort. These he ordered to retire early 
 to repose, that they might be ready to set off at the cool 
 and fresh hour of day-break, so as to reach the summit of 
 the mountain before the noon-tide heat."* 
 
 " The day had scarcely dawned, when Vasco Nunez and 
 his followers set forth from the Indian village and began to 
 climb the height. It was a severe and rugged toil for men 
 so wayworn, but they were filled with new ardour at the 
 idea of the triumphant scene that was so soon to repay 
 them for all their hardships. 
 
 " About ten o'clock in the morning, they emerged from 
 the thick forests through which they had hitherto strug- 
 gled, and arrived at a lofty and airy region of the moun- 
 tain. The bald summit alone remained to be ascended, and 
 their guides pointed to a moderate eminence, from which 
 they said the southern sea was visible. 
 
 " Upon this Yasco Nuiiez commanded his followers to 
 halt, and that no man should stir from his place. Then, 
 with a palpitating heart, he ascended alone the bare moun- 
 tain-top. On reaching the summit, the long-desired pros- 
 pect burst upon his view. It was as if a new world were 
 unfolded to him, separated from all hitherto known by this 
 mighty barrier of mountains. Below him extended a vast 
 chaos of rock and forest, and green savannahs and wander- 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 182, 3. 
 
224 DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC IN 1513. [book i. 
 
 ing streams, while at a distance the waters of the promised 
 ocean glittered in the morning sun. 
 
 '•At this glorious prospect, Vasco Nunez sank upon his 
 knees, and poured out thanks to God for being the first Eu- 
 ropean to whom it was given to make that great discovery. 
 He then called his people to ascend : ' Behold, my friends,' 
 said he, ' that glorious sight which we have so much de- 
 sired. Let us give thanks to God that he has granted us 
 this great honour and advantage. Let us pray to him that 
 he will guide and aid us to conquer the sea and land which 
 we have discovered, and in which Christian has never en- 
 tered to preach the holy doctrine of the Evangelists. As 
 to yourselves, be as you have hitherto been, faithful and 
 true to me, and by the favour of Christ you will become 
 the richest Spaniards that have ever come to the Indias ; 
 you will render the greatest services to your king that ever 
 vassal rendered to his lord ; and you will have the eternal 
 glory and advantage of all that is here discovered, con- 
 quered, and converted to our holy Catholic faith.' 
 
 " The Spaniards answered this speech by embracing 
 Vasco Nunez, and promising to follow him to death. 
 Among them was a priest, named Andres de Vara, who 
 lifted up his voice and chanted Te Deiun laudamus — the 
 usual anthem of Spanish discoverers. The people, kneel- 
 ing down, joined in the strain with pious enthusiasm and 
 tears of joy ; and never did a more sincere oblation rise to 
 the Deity from a sanctified altar, than from that wild moun- 
 tain summit. It was indeed one of the most sublime dis- 
 coveries that had yet been made in the New World, and 
 must have opened a boundless field of conjecture to the 
 wondering Spaniards. The imagination delights to picture 
 forth the splendid confusion of their thoughts. Was this 
 the great Indian Ocean, studded with precious islands, 
 abounding in gold, in gems, and spices, and bordered by the 
 gorgeous cities and wealthy marts of the East ? Or was it 
 
CHAP. XXV.] DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC IN 1513. 225 
 
 some lonely sea, locked up in the embraces of savage un- 
 cultivated continents, and never traversed by a bark, ex- 
 cepting the light pirogue of the Indian ? The latter could 
 hardly be the case, for the natives had told the Spaniards 
 of golden realms, and populous, and powerful and luxu- 
 rious nations upon its shores. Perhaps it might be bordered 
 by various people, civilized in fact, but differing from Eu- 
 rope in their civilization; who might have peculiar laws 
 and customs and arts and sciences ; who might form, as 
 it were, a world of their own, intercommuning by this 
 mighty sea, and carrying on commerce between their own 
 islands and continents; but who might exist in total igno- 
 rance and independence of the other hemisphere. 
 
 " Such may naturally have been the ideas suggested by 
 the sight of this unknown ocean. It was the prevalent be- 
 lief of the Spaniards, however, that they were the first 
 Christians who had made the discovery. Vasco Nunez, 
 therefore, called upon all present to witness that he took 
 possession of that sea, its islands, and surrounding lands, in 
 the name of the sovereigns of Castile ; and the notary of 
 the expedition made a testimonial of the same, to which 
 all present, to the number of sixty-seven men, signed their 
 names. He then caused a fair and tall tree to be cut down 
 and wrought into a cross, which was elevated on the spot 
 from whence he had at first beheld the sea. A mound of 
 stones was likewise piled up to serve as a monument, and 
 the names of the Castilian sovereigns were carved on the 
 neighbouring trees. The Indians beheld all these ceremo- 
 nials and rejoicings in silent wonder, and, while they aided 
 to erect the cross and pile up the mound of stones, mar- 
 velled exceedingly at the meaning of these monuments, 
 little thinking that they marked the subjugation of their 
 land. 
 
 " The memorable event, here recorded, took place on the 
 26th of September 1513; so that the Spaniards had been 
 29 
 
226 DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC IN 1513. [book i. 
 
 twenty days performing the journey from the province of 
 Careta to the summit of the mountain, a distance which at 
 present, it is said, does not require more than six days tra- 
 vel. Indeed the isthmus in this neighbourhood is not more 
 than eighteen leagues in breadth in its widest part, and in 
 some places merely seven ; but it consists of a ridge of ex- 
 tremely high and rugged mountains. When the discove- 
 rers traversed it, they had no route but the Indian paths, 
 and often had to force their way amidst all kinds of obsta- 
 cles, both from the savage country and its savage inhabi- 
 tants. In fact, the details of this narrative sufficiently ac- 
 count for the slowness of their progress, and present an ar- 
 ray of difficulties and perils, which, as has been well ob- 
 served, none but those ' men of iron' could have subdued 
 and overcome."* 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, de Espanoles Celebres, por Don Manuel 
 p. 184 to 187. Mr. Irving refers to Vidas Josef Quintana. Tom. ii. p. 40. 
 
CHAP. XXVI.] MARCH OF NUNEZ INTO THE PACIFIC. 227 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 Of the voyage of Vasco Nunez along the coast of the Pacific ; the in- 
 timation received by him of the great empire of Peru ; and his return 
 to Darien on the 19th of January 1514. 
 
 From the summit of the mountain, Vasco Nunez de- 
 scended with his httle band. Coming to the province 
 of a warhke cacique, named Chiapes, a conflict en- 
 sued, in which many Indians were made prisoners, 
 and the rest fled. The cacique afterwards brought 
 to the Spaniards five hundred pounds weight of gold 
 as a peace offering ; and for it, beads, hawks bells and 
 looking glasses, were given in return.* 
 
 " Friendship being thus established between them, Vasco 
 Niiiiez remained at the village for a few days, sending back 
 the guides who had accompanied him from Q^uaraqua, and 
 ordering his people, whom he had left at that place, to re- 
 join him. In the meantime he sent out three scouting par- 
 ties, of twelve men each, under Francisco Pizarro, Juan de 
 Escary and Alonzo Martin de Don Benito, to explore the 
 surrounding country and discover the best route to the sea. 
 Alonzo Martin was the most successful. After two days 
 journey, he came to a beach, where he found two large ca- 
 noes lying high and dry, without any water being in sight. 
 While the Spaniards were regarding these canoes, and won- 
 dering why they should be so far on land, the tide, which 
 rises to a great height on that coast, came rapidly in and 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 188, 9. 
 
228 MARCH OF NUNEZ INTO THE PACIFIC. [book I. 
 
 set them afloat; upon this, Alonzo Martin stepped into one 
 of them, and called his companions to bear witness that he 
 was the first European that embarked upon that sea ; his 
 example was followed by one Bias de Etienza, who called 
 them likewise to testify that he was the second."* 
 
 The party having returned to report their success, 
 and Vasco Nunez being rejoined by his men from 
 Quaraqua, he now left the greater part of his follow- 
 ers to repose in the village of Chiapes, and taking 
 with him twenty-six Spaniards, well armed, set out on 
 the 29th of September for the sea coast, accompanied 
 by the cacique and a number of his warriors. Ar- 
 riving on the border of a vast bay on the day of Saint 
 Michael, he gave to it the name of that saint. The 
 tide being out, the water was then above half a 
 league distant. After a while it came rushing in, 
 and soon reached nearly to the place where the Spa- 
 niards had seated themselves. Upon this Vasco Nu- 
 nez rose and took a banner, on which were painted 
 the Virgin and child, and under them the arms of 
 Castile and Leon ; then drawing his sword and throw- 
 ing his buckler on his shoulder, he marched into the 
 sea until the water reached above his knees, and waiv- 
 ing his banner, exclaimed with a loud voice rf 
 
 " ' Long live the high and mighty monarchs Don Ferdinand and 
 Donna Juanna, sovereigns of Castile, of Leon, and of Arragon, in 
 whose name, and for the royal crown of Castile, I take real, and corpo- 
 ral, and actual possession of these seas, and lands, and coasts, and ports, 
 and islands of the south, and all thereunto annexed ; and of the king- 
 doms and provinces which do, or may appertain to them in whatever 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, f Voyages of Companions of Columbus, 
 
 p. 189. Mr. Irving, for tliis, refers to Her- p. 190. 
 rera, Hist. Ind. d. i, 1. x. c. 2. 
 
CHAP. XXVI.] VOYAGE OF NUNEZ ON PACIFIC COAST. 229 
 
 manner, or by whatever right or title, ancient or modern, in times past, 
 present, or to come, without any contradiction; and if other prince or 
 captain, Christian or Infidel, or of any law, sect or condition whatsoever, 
 shall pretend any right to these lands and seas, I am ready and prepared 
 to maintain and defend them in the name of the Castilian sovereigns, 
 present and future, whose is the empire and dominion over these In- 
 dias, islands and terra firma, northern and southern, with all their seas, 
 both at the arctic and antarctic poles, on either side of the equinoxial 
 line, whether within or without the tropics of Cancer and Capricorn, 
 both now and in all times, as long as the world endures, and until the 
 final day of judgment of all mankind.' " * 
 
 No one appearing to dispute his pretensions, Vasco 
 Nunez called upon his companions to bear witness of 
 the fact of his having duly taken possession. They 
 all declared themselves ready to defend his claim ; 
 and the notary having drawn up a document for the 
 occasion, they all subscribed it. Then advancing to 
 the margin of the sea, they tasted the water, which, 
 finding to be salt, they felt assured that they had dis- 
 covered an ocean. The ceremonies were conducted 
 by Vasco Nunez's cutting a cross on a tree which 
 grew within the water, and making two other crosses 
 on two adjacent trees, in honour of the three consti- 
 tuting the Trinity, and in token of possession ; and 
 by his followers cutting crosses on many of the trees 
 of the adjacent forest, and lopping off branches with 
 their swords, to bear away as trophies.f 
 
 While he made Chiapes his head quarters, Vasco 
 Nunez foraged the adjacent country and obtained a 
 considerable quantity of gold. He was intent on ex- 
 ploring by sea the borders of a neighbouring gulf of 
 great extent. The cacique Chiapes warned him of 
 the danger of venturing to sea in that stormy season, 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 191. f Id. p. 191, 2. 
 
230 VOYAGE OF NUNEZ ON PACIFIC COAST. [book i. 
 
 but his representations producing no effect, volun- 
 teered to take part in the cruise. Accompanied by 
 the cacique, Vasco Nunez embarked on the 17th of 
 October with sixty of his men, in nine canoes, ma- 
 naged by Indians. The result shewed the wisdom of 
 the cacique's advice. In the heavy and tumultuous 
 sea, it was with difficulty they could keep afloat ; to- 
 wards evening they were enabled to reach a small 
 island. Here they landed and fastened the canoes to 
 the rocks, or to small trees that grew upon the shore. 
 Accustomed to the sea on the northern side of the 
 isthmus, where there is little, if any, rise or fall of the 
 tide, they took no precaution against such an occur- 
 rence. In the night they were awakened by the ri- 
 sing of the water. By degrees, rock after rock, and 
 one sand bank after another disappeared, until the 
 sea covered the whole island, and rose almost to the 
 girdles of the Spaniards. Their situation was now 
 agonizing. Fortunately, the tide having reached its 
 height, began to subside. When the day dawned, a 
 sad spectable met their eyes. Some of the canoes 
 were broken to pieces; others yawning open in many 
 parts. The clothing and food left in them, had been 
 washed away. It was necessary to set to work to 
 repair, in the best manner they were able, the da- 
 mages to the canoes. When they re-embarked, they 
 had again to labour with the sea, while they were suf- 
 fering excessively from hunger and thirst. At night- 
 fall, they landed in a corner of the gulf, near the 
 abode of a cacique named Tumaco. Driving his 
 men away, they found in the village provisions in 
 abundance, beside a considerable amount of gold and 
 
CHAP. XXVI.] INTIMATION OF PERU. 231 
 
 a great quantity of pearls. Afterwards, a friendly in- 
 tercourse was established, and presents were ex- 
 changed. To a place about ten miles distant, a party 
 of Indians went, by directions of the cacique, and 
 gathered pearls on the shore, for the Spaniards.* 
 
 "In reply to the inquiries of Vasco Nunez, the cacique 
 informed him that the coast which he saw stretching to the 
 west continued onwards without end, and that far to the 
 south there was a country abounding in gold, where the 
 inhabitants made use of certain quadrupeds to carry bur- 
 thens. He moulded a figure of clay to represent these ani- 
 mals, which some of the Spaniards supposed to be a deer, 
 others a camel, others a tapir, for as yet they knew nothing 
 of the lama, the native beast of burthen of South America. 
 This was the second intimation received by Vasco Nunez 
 of the great empire of Peru ; and, while it confirmed all 
 that had been told him by the son of Comagre, it filled him 
 with glowing anticipations of the glorious triumphs that 
 awaited him."t 
 
 " Lest any ceremonial should be wanting to secure this 
 grand discovery to the crown of Spain, Yasco Nunez de- 
 termined to sally from the gulf and take possession of the 
 main land beyond. "| 
 
 Departing on the 29th of October, in a canoe of 
 state furnished by the cacique Tumaco, Nunez pro- 
 ceeded along the borders of the gulf to a point where 
 he landed on a beach washed by the ocean, and with 
 buckler on arm, sword in hand, and banner displayed, 
 again marched into the sea and took possession of it, 
 with like ceremonials to those observed in the gulf of 
 St. Michaels. The Indians now pointed to a line of 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 193 to 197. f Id. J97, 8. | Id. 199. 
 
232 EXPLOITS OF NUNEZ ON THE PACIFIC. [book i. 
 
 land about four or five leagues distant which they de- 
 scribed as a great island, and one of a group abound- 
 ing with pearls. Being told that these islands were 
 under a tyrannical and powerful cacique who often 
 made descents upon the main land to plunder it and 
 carry the people into captivity, Nunez assured his al- 
 lies that on a future occasion he would avenge them 
 upon this tyrant and deliver the coasts from his ma- 
 raudings. He gave to the principal island the name 
 of Isla Rica, and to the archipelago the appellation 
 of the Pearl islands.* 
 
 " On the third of November Vasco Nunez departed from 
 the province of Tumaco, to visit other parts of the coast. 
 He embarked with his men in the canoes, accompanied by 
 Chiapes and his Indians, and guided by the son of Tumaco, 
 who had become strongly attached to the Spaniards, The 
 young man piloted them along an arm of the sea, wide in 
 some places, but in others obstructed by groves of man- 
 grove trees, which grew within the water and interlaced 
 their branches from shore to shore, so that at times the Spa- 
 niards were obliged to cut a passage with their swords. 
 
 " At length they entered a great and turbulent river, 
 which they ascended with difficulty, and, early the next 
 morning surprised a village on its banks, making the ca- 
 cique Teaochan, prisoner; who purchased their favour and 
 kind treatment by a quantity of gold and pearls, and an 
 abundant supply of provisions. As it was the intention of 
 Vasco Nunez to abandon the shores of the Southern ocean 
 at this place, and to strike across the mountains for Darien, 
 he took leave of Chiapes and of the youthful son of Tu- 
 maco, who were to return to their houses in the canoes. 
 He sent at the same time, a message to his men, whom he 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 199, 200. 
 
CHAP. XXVI.] RETURN OF NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1514. 233 
 
 had left in the village of Chiapes, appointing a place in the 
 mountains where they were to rejoin him on his way back 
 to Darien. 
 
 " The talent of Vasco Nunez for conciliating and win- 
 ning the good will of the savages is often mentioned, and 
 to such a degree had he exerted it in the present instance, 
 that the two chieftains shed tears at parting. Their con- 
 duct had a favourable effect upon the cacique Teaochan ; 
 he entertained Vasco Nunez with the most devoted hospi- 
 tality during three days that he remained in his village ; 
 when about to depart he furnished him with a stock of 
 provisions sufficient for several days, as his route would lay 
 over rocky and sterile mountains. He sent also a nume- 
 rous band of his subjects to carry the burthens of the Spa- 
 niards. These he placed under the command of his son, 
 whom he ordered never to separate from the strangers, nor 
 to permit any of his men to return without the consent of 
 Vasco Nunez."* 
 
 The Spaniards suffered greatly from thirst in the 
 early part of their route to Darien. Coming to the 
 village of a powerful chief named Poncra, famous 
 for his riches, they found in the deserted houses to 
 the value of three thousand crowns in gold. Hav- 
 ing searched for Poncra and prevailed upon him and 
 three of his principal subjects to come to Vasco Nu- 
 nez, the Spaniards endeavoured to draw from him in- 
 formation of the places whence he had procured his 
 gold.f 
 
 " He professed utter ignorance in the matter, declaring 
 that the gold found in his village had been gathered by his 
 predecessors in times long past, and that as he himself set 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbu.s. p. 200 to 202. t Id. p. 203, 4. 
 
 30 
 
234 RETURN OF NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1514. [book I. 
 
 no value on the metal, he had never troubled himself to 
 seek it. The Spaniards resorted to menaces, and even, it 
 is said, to tortures, to compel him to betray his reputed 
 treasures, but with no better success. Disappointed in 
 their expectations, and enraged at his supposed obstinacy, 
 they listened too readily to charges advanced against him 
 by certain caciques of the neighbourhood, who represented 
 him as a monster of cruelty, and as guilty of crimes repug- 
 nant to nature ;* whereupon, in the heat of the moment, 
 they gave him and his three companions, who were said to 
 be equally guilty, to be torn in pieces by the dogs: a rash 
 and cruel sentence, given on the evidence of avowed ene- 
 mies ; and which, however it may be palliated by the al- 
 leged horror and disgust of the Spaniards at the imputed 
 crimes of the cacique, bears too much the stamp of haste 
 and passion, and remains a foul blot on the character of 
 Vasco Nunez. 
 
 " The Spaniards remained for thirty days reposing in the 
 village of the unfortunate Poncra, during which time they 
 were rejoined by their companions, who had been left be- 
 hind at the village of Chiapes. They were accompanied 
 by a cacique of the mountains, who had lodged and fed 
 them, and made them presents of the value of two thou- 
 sand crowns in gold. This hospitable savage approached 
 Vasco Nunez with a serene countenance, and taking him 
 by the hand, 'Behold,' said he, 'most valiant and powerful 
 chief, I bring thee thy companions safe and well, as they 
 entered under my roof. May he who made the thunder 
 and lightning, and who gives us the fruits of the earth, 
 preserve thee and thine in safety !' So saying, he raised 
 his eyes to the sun, as if he worshipped that as his deity 
 and the dispenser of all temporal blessings.f 
 
 * p. Martyr, d. iii. c. 2. f Herrera, d. i. 1. x. c. 4. 
 
CHAP. XXVI.] RETURN OF NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1514. 235 
 
 "Departing from this village, and being still accom- 
 panied by the Indians of Teaochan, the Spaniards now 
 bent their course along the banks of the river Comagre, 
 which descends the northern side of the isthmus, and 
 flows through the territories of the cacique of the same 
 name."* 
 
 They had soon to abandon this wild stream and 
 wander on without any path, but guided by the In- 
 dians. On the way, their sufferings from hunger be- 
 came intense, and many of their Indian companions 
 perished ; having been loaded too heavily with gold 
 and too lightly with provisions. At length they 
 reached a village, where, obtaining supplies, they re- 
 mained thirty days to recruit their strength. The 
 Spaniards had now to pass through the territories of 
 Tubanama, the potent and warlike chieftain of whom 
 a formidable character had been given by the young 
 Indian prince who first informed Vasco Nunez of the 
 southern sea.f 
 
 " He had erroneously represented the dominions of Tu- 
 banama as lying beyond the mountains : and when he 
 dwelt upon the quantities of gold to be found in them, had 
 magnified the dangers that would attend any attempt to pass 
 their borders. The name of this redoubtable cacique was, 
 in fact, a terror throughout the country ; and when Vasco 
 Nunez looked round upon his handful of pale and ema- 
 ciated followers, he doubted whether even the superiority 
 of their weapons, and their military skill, would enable 
 them to cope with Tubanama and his armies in open con- 
 test. He resolved, therefore, to venture upon a perilous 
 stratagem. When he made it known to his men, every 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 204, 5. t Id. p. 205 to 207. 
 
236 RETURN OF NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1514. [BOOK I. 
 
 one pressed forward to engage in it. Choosing seventy of 
 the most vigorous, he ordered the rest to maintain their post 
 in the village. 
 
 " As soon as night had fallen, he departed^ silently and 
 secretly with his chosen band, and made his way with such 
 rapidity through the labyrinths of the forests and the de- 
 files of the mountains, that he arrived in the neighbour- 
 hood of the residence of Tubanama by the following eve- 
 ning, though at the distance of two regular days journey. 
 
 " There waiting until midnight, he assailed the village 
 suddenly, and with success, so as to surprise and capture 
 the cacique and his whole family, in which were eighty fe- 
 males. When Tubanama found himself a prisoner in the 
 hands of the Spaniards, he lost all presence of mind, and 
 wept bitterly. The Indian allies of Vasco Nunez behold- 
 ing their once dreaded enemy thus fallen and captive, now 
 urged that he should be put to death, accusing him of va- 
 rious crimes and cruelties. Vasco Nunez pretended to lis- 
 ten to their prayers, and gave orders that his captive should 
 be tied hand and foot and given to the dogs. The cacique 
 approached him trembling, and laid his hand upon the pom- 
 mel of his sword. ' Who can pretend,' said he, ' to strive 
 with one who bears this weapon, which can cleave a man 
 asunder with a blow ? Ever since thy fame has reached 
 among these mountains have I reverenced thy valour. 
 Spare my life, and thou shalt have all the gold I can pro- 
 cure.' 
 
 "Vasco Nunez, whose anger was assumed, was readily 
 pacified. As soon as the day dawned, the cacique gave 
 him armlets and other jewels of gold, to the value of three 
 thousand crowns, and sent messengers throughout his do- 
 minions, ordering his subjects to aid in paying his ransom. 
 The poor Indians, with their accustomed loyalty, hastened 
 in crowds, bringing their golden ornaments, until in the 
 course of three days they had produced an amount equal 
 
CHAP. XXVI.] RETURN OF NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1514. 237 
 
 to six thousand crowns. This done, Vasco Nunez set the 
 cacique at liberty, bestowing on him several European trin- 
 kets, with which he considered himself richer than he had 
 been with all his gold. Nothing would draw from him, 
 however, the disclosure of the mines from whence this 
 treasure was procured. He declared that it came from the 
 territories of his neighbours, where gold and pearls were to 
 be found in abundance ; but that his lands produced noth- 
 ing of the kind. Vasco Nunez doubted his sincerity, and 
 secretly caused the brooks and rivers in his dominions to 
 be searched, where gold was found in such quantities, that 
 he determined, at a future time, to found two settlements 
 in the neighbourhood. 
 
 " On parting with Tubanama, the cacique sent his son 
 with the Spaniards, to learn their language and religion. It 
 is said, also, that the Spaniards carried off his eighty wo- 
 men ; but of this particular fact, Oviedo, who writes with 
 the papers of Vasco Nunez before him, says nothing. He 
 affirms, generally, however, that the Spaniards, throughout 
 this expedition, were not scrupulous in their dealings with 
 the wives and daughters of the Indians ; and adds, that in 
 this their commander set them the example.* 
 
 •' Having returned to the village, where he had left the 
 greater part of his men, Vasco Nuiiez resumed his home- 
 ward march. His people were feeble and exhausted, and 
 several of them sick ; so that some had to be carried and 
 others led by the arms. He himself was part of the time 
 afflicted by a fever, and had to be borne in a hammock on 
 the shoulders of the Indians. 
 
 •' Proceeding thus slowly and toilfully, they at length 
 arrived on the northern sea coast, at the territories of their 
 ally, Comagre. The old cacique was dead, and had been 
 succeeded by his son, the same intelligent youth who had 
 first given information of the southern sea and the king- 
 
 * Oviedo, Hist. Gen. part ii. c. 4. MS. 
 
238 RETURN OF NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1514. [BOOK I. 
 
 dom of Peru. The young chief, who had embraced Chris- 
 tianity, received them with great hospitality, making them 
 presents of gold, Vasco Nunez gave him trinkets in re- 
 turn, and a shirt and a soldier's cloak ; with which, says 
 Peter Martyr, he thought himself half a god among his 
 naked countrymen. After having reposed for a few days, 
 Vasco Nunez proceeded to Poncra, where he heard that a 
 ship and caravel had arrived at Darien from Hispaniola, 
 with reinforcements and supplies. Hastening, therefore, 
 to Coyba, the territories of his ally, Careta, he embarked 
 on the 18th of January 1514, with twenty of his men, in 
 the brigantine which he had left there, and arrived at Santa 
 Maria de la Antigua, in the river of Darien, on the follow- 
 ing day. All the inhabitants came forth to receive him ; 
 and when they heard the news of the great southern sea, 
 and of his returning from its shores laden with pearls and 
 gold, there were no bounds to their joy. He immediately 
 dispatched the ship and caravel to Coyba for the compa- 
 nions he had left behind, who brought with them the re- 
 maining booty, consisting of gold and pearls, mantles, ham- 
 mocks, and other articles of cotton, and a great number of 
 captives of both sexes. A fifth of the spoil was set apart 
 for the crown ; the rest was shared, in just proportions, 
 among those who had been in the expedition, and those 
 who had remained at Darien. All were contented with 
 their allotment, and elated with the prospect of still greater 
 gain from future enterprises. 
 
 " Thus ended one of the most remarkable expeditions of 
 the early discoverers. The intrepidity of Vasco Nunez in 
 penetrating, with a handful of men, far into the interior of 
 a wild and mountainous country, peopled by warlike tribes : 
 his skill in managing his band of rough adventurers, sti- 
 mulating their valour, enforcing their obedience, and at- 
 taching their affections, show him to have possessed great 
 qualities as a general. We are told that he was always 
 
CUAP. XXTI.] RETURN OF NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1514. 239 
 
 foremost in peril, and the last to quit the field. He shared 
 the toils and dangers of the meanest of his followers, treat- 
 ing them with frank affability ; watching, fighting, fasting, 
 and labouring with them ; visiting and consoling such as 
 were sick or infirm, and dividing all his gains with fairness 
 and liberality. He was chargeable at times with acts of 
 bloodshed and injustice, but it is probable that these were 
 often called for as measures of safety and precaution ; he 
 certainly off'ended less against humanity than most of the 
 early discoverers ; and the unbounded amity and confi- 
 dence reposed in him by the natives, when they became 
 intimately acquainted with his character, speak strongly in 
 favour of his kind treatment of them. 
 
 " The character of Vasco Nniiez had, in fact, risen with 
 his circumstances, and now assumed a nobleness and gran- 
 deur from the discovery he had made, and the important 
 charge it had devolved upon him. He no longer felt him- 
 self a mere soldier of fortune, at the head of a band of 
 adventurers, but a great commander conducting an immor- 
 tal enterprise. ' Behold,' says old Peter Martyr, ' Vasco 
 Nunez de Balboa, at once transformed from a rash royster 
 to a politic and discreet captain ;' and thus it is that men 
 are often made by their fortunes, that is to say, their latent 
 qualities are brought out, and shaped and strengthened by 
 events, and by the necessity of every exertion to cope with 
 the greatness of their destiny."* 
 
 " Vasco Nunez de Balboa now flattered himself that he 
 had made a discovery calculated to silence all his enemies 
 at court, and to elevate him to the highest favour with his 
 sovereign. He wrote letters to the king, giving a detail of 
 his expedition, and setting forth all that he had seen or 
 heard of this southern sea, and of the rich countries upon 
 its borders. Beside the royal fifths of the profits of the 
 expedition, he prepared a present for the sovereign, in the 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 207 to 211. 
 
240 RETURN OF NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1514. [book r. 
 
 name of himself and his companions, consisting of the 
 largest and most precious pearls they had collected. As a 
 trusty and intelligent envoy to bear these tidings, he chose 
 Pedro de Arbolancha, an old and tried friend, who had ac- 
 companied him in his toils and dangers, and was well ac- 
 quainted with all his transactions."* 
 
 " Unfortunately, the ship which was to convey the mes- 
 senger to Spain, lingered in port until the beginning of 
 March ; a delay which had a fatal influence on the for- 
 tunes of Vasco Nunez."! 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 212. f Id. 
 
CHAP. XXVII.] PEDRARIA.S MADE GOVERNOR OF DARIEK. 241 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 Of the appointment of Don Pedro Arias Davila, commonly called Pe- 
 drarias, in 1514 as governor of Darien ; the prosperous state of the 
 colony under the management of Nunez when Pedrarias arrived ; 
 the conduct of Pedrarias to Nuilez ; the sickness of the colony soon 
 after the arrival of Pedrarias; his unsuccessful expeditions; and the 
 dispatches from Spain in favour of Nuilez. 
 
 The complaints made by the Bachelor Enciso, af- 
 ter his arrival in Castile, induced the king to send a 
 new governor to Darien with power to enquire into 
 and remedy all abuses. For this purpose he chose 
 Don Pedro Arias Davila, commonly called Pedrarias. 
 He was a native of Segovia, who had been brought 
 up in the royal household, and had distinguished him- 
 self both in the war in Granada and at the taking of 
 Oran and Bugia in Africa. His personal accomplish- 
 ments were such as would captivate the soldiery : he 
 was called el Galan, for his gallant array and courtly 
 demeanor, and el Jusiador, or the Tilter, for his dex- 
 terity in jousts and tournaments. Scarcely had this 
 appointment been made, when the commissioners 
 from Darien arrived, communicating the intelligence 
 from the son of Comagre, and asking one thousand 
 men to make the discovery. Ferdinand rewarded 
 the bearers of the intelligence, and resolved to dis- 
 patch immediately a powerful armada with twelve 
 hundred men, under the command of Pedrarias to 
 accomplish the enterprise. Many cavaliers offering 
 31 
 
243 PEDRARIAS MADE GOVERNOR OF DARIEN. [book I 
 
 themselves as volunteers, the number v^^as extended 
 to fifteen hundred, and eventually upwards of two 
 thousand embarked. Santa Maria de la Antigua was, 
 by royal ordinance, elevated into the metropolitan city 
 of Golden Castile, and a friar named Juan de Que- 
 vedo was appointed as bishop, with powers to decide 
 in all cases of conscience. A number of friars was 
 nominated to accompany him, and he was provided 
 with the necessary furniture and vessels for a chapel. 
 Among the regulations made for the good of the co- 
 lony, it was ordained that no lawyers should be ad- 
 mitted there ; it being supposed that at Hispaniola 
 and elsewhere they were detrimental to the welfare of 
 the settlements, by fomenting disputes and litigations. 
 The judicial affairs were to be entirely confided to 
 the Licentiate Gaspar de Espinosa, who was to offi- 
 ciate as alcalde mayor or chief judge. The wife of 
 Don Pedrarias accompanied her husband : she left 
 behind her in Spain a family of four sons and four 
 daughters. Don Pedrarias was instructed to use 
 great indulgence towards the people of Darien who 
 had been the followers of Nicuesa, and to remit the 
 royal tithe of all the gold they might have collected pre- 
 vious to his arrival. Vasco Nunez was to be deposed 
 from his assumed authority and called to strict ac- 
 count before the alcalde mayor for his treatment of 
 the Bachelor Enciso. The fleet, consisting of fifteen 
 sail, weighed anchor at St. Lucar on the 12th of April 
 1514.* 
 
 It is said by Mr. Irving that the two governors, 
 Ojeda and Nicuesa, whom the king had appointed to 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 213 to 217. 
 
CHAP. XXVII.] GOVERNMENT OF VASCO NUNEZ. 243 
 
 colonize and command at the isthmus of Darien in 
 Terra Firma, having failed in their undertaking, the 
 sovereign in 1514 wrote to Hispaniola permitting the 
 Adelantado, Don Bartholomew, if so inclined, to 
 take charge of settling the coast of Veragua and to 
 govern that country under the admiral Don Diego, 
 conformably to his privileges, but that it was now too 
 late ; illness preventing Don Bartholomew from exe- 
 cuting the enterprise.* 
 
 But a short time elapsed after the departure of the 
 fleet of Pedrarias from Spain, when Pedro Arbolan- 
 cho arrived. He announced the adventurous and 
 successful expedition of Vasco Nunez, and laid be- 
 fore the king the pearls and ornaments which he had 
 brought. The tidings of this discovery made all 
 Spain resound with the praises of Vasco Nunez : 
 from being considered a lawless and desperate adven- 
 turer, he was lauded to the skies as a worthy suc- 
 cessor to Columbus.f 
 
 " While honours and rewards were preparing in Europe 
 for Vasco Nunez, that indefatigable commander, inspired by 
 his fortunes, with redoubled zeal and loftier ambition, was 
 exercising the paternal forethought and discretion of a pa- 
 triotic governor over the country subjected to his rule. His 
 most strenuous exertions were directed to bring the neigh- 
 bourhood of Darien into such a state of cultivation as 
 might render the settlement independent of Europe for sup- 
 plies. The town was situated on the banks of a river, and 
 contained upwards of two hundred houses and cabins. Its 
 population amounted to five hundred and fifteen Europeans, 
 
 * Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 219, Appendix No. 2. 
 t Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 217, 18. 
 
244 ARRIVAL OF PEDRARIAS. [book i. 
 
 all men, and fifteen hundred Indians, male and female. 
 Orchards and gardens had been laid out, where European, 
 as well as native fruits and vegetables were cultivated, and 
 already gave promise of future abundance. Vasco Nunez 
 devised all kinds of means to keep up the spirits of his 
 people. On holidays they had their favourite national 
 sports and games, and particularly tilting matches, of which 
 chivalrous amusement the Spaniards, in those days, were 
 extravagantly fond. Sometimes he gratified their restless 
 and roving habits, by sending them in expeditions to va- 
 rious parts of the country, to acquire a knowledge of its 
 resources, and to strengthen his sway over the natives. 
 He was so successful in securing the amity or exciting the 
 awe of the Indian tribes, that a Spaniard might go singly 
 about the land in perfect safety ; while his own followers 
 were zealous in their devotion to him, both from admira- 
 tion of his past exploits, and from hopes of soon being led 
 by him to new discoveries and conquests. Peter Martyr, 
 in his letter to Leo the Tenth, speaks in high terms of 
 these ' old soldiers of Darien,' the remnants of those well- 
 tried adventurers who had followed the fortunes of Ojeda, 
 Nicuesa and Vasco Nunez. ' They were hardened,' says 
 he, ' to abide all sorrows, and were exceedingly tolerant of 
 labour, heat, hunger and watching, insomuch that they 
 merrily make their boast that they have observed a longer 
 and sharper Lent than ever your Holiness enjoined, since, 
 for the space of four years, their food has been herbs and 
 fruits, with now and then fish, and very seldom flesh.'* 
 
 " Such were the hardy and well seasoned veterans that 
 were under the sway of Vasco Nunez ; and the colony 
 gave signs of rising in prosperity, under his active and fos- 
 tering management, when, in the month of June, the fleet 
 of Don Pedrarias Davila arrived in the gulf of Uraba. 
 
 *P. Martyr, decad. 3, c. iii. Lok's translation. 
 
CHAP, xxvn.] ARRIVAL OF PEDRARIAS. 245 
 
 "The Spanish cavaliers who accompanied the new go- 
 vernor, were eager to get on shore, and to behold the anti- 
 cipated wonders of the land ; but Pedrarias, knowing the 
 resolute character of Vasco Nunez, and the devotion of his 
 followers, apprehended some difficulty in getting possession 
 of the colony. Anchoring, therefore, about a league and a 
 half from the settlement, he sent a messenger on shore to 
 announce his arrival. The envoy, having heard so much 
 in Spain of the prowess and exploits of Vasco Nunez and 
 the riches of Golden Castile, expected, no doubt, to find a 
 blustering warrior, maintaining barbaric state in the govern- 
 ment which he had usurped. Great was his astonishment, 
 therefore, to find this redoubtable hero a plain, unassuming 
 man, clad in a cotton frock and drawers, and hempen san- 
 dals, directing and aiding the labour of several Indians who 
 were thatching a cottage in which he resided. 
 
 " The messenger approached him respectfully, and an- 
 nounced the arrival of Don Pedrarias Davila as governor of 
 the country. 
 
 " Whatever Yasco Nunez may have felt at this intelli- 
 gence, he suppressed his emotions, and answered the mes- 
 senger with great discretion ; ' Tell Don Pedrarias Davila,' 
 said he, ' that he is welcome, that I congratulate him on 
 his safe arrival, and am ready, with all who are here, to 
 obey his orders.' 
 
 '' The little community of rough and daring adventurers 
 was immediately in an uproar when they found a new 
 governor had arrived. Some of the most zealous adherents 
 of Vasco Nunez were disposed to sally forth, sword in 
 hand, and repel the intruder; but they were restrained by 
 their more considerate chieftain, who prepared to receive 
 the new governor with all due submission. 
 
 "Pedrarias disembarked on the 30th of June, accompa- 
 nied by his heroic wife Dona Isabella, who, according to 
 old Peter Martyr, had sustained the roarings and rages of 
 
246 ARRIVAL OF PEDRARIAS. [book I. 
 
 the ocean with no less stout courage than either her hus- 
 band or even the mariners who had been brought up among 
 the surges of the sea. 
 
 " Pedrarias set out for the embryo city, at the head of 
 two thousand men, all well armed. He led his wife by 
 the hand, and on the other side of him was the Bishop of 
 Darien, in his robes.; while a brilliant train of youthful ca- 
 valiers, in glittering armour and brocade, formed a kind of 
 body guard. 
 
 "All this pomp and splendour formed a striking contrast 
 with the humble state of Vasco Nunez, who came forth 
 unarmed, in simple attire, accompanied by his councillors 
 and a handful of the ' old soldiers of Darien,' scarred and 
 battered, and grown half wild in Indian warfare, but with- 
 out weapons, and in garments much the worse for wear. 
 
 "Vasco Nuiiez saluted Don Pedrarias Davila with pro- 
 found reverence, and promised him implicit obedience, both 
 in his own name and in the name of the community. 
 Having entered the town, he conducted his distinguished 
 guests to his straw-thatched habitation, where he had 
 caused a repast to be prepared of such cheer as his means 
 afforded, consisting of roots and fruits, maize and casava 
 bread, with no otiier beverage than water from the river ; 
 a sorry palace and a meagre banquet in the eyes of the gay 
 cavaliers, who had anticipated far other things from the 
 usurper of Golden Castile. Vasco Nunez, however, ac- 
 quitted himself in his humble wigwam with the courtesy 
 and hospitality of a prince, and showed that the dignity of 
 an entertainment depends more upon the giver than the 
 feast. In the meantime a plentiful supply of European 
 provisions was landed from the fleet, and a temporary 
 abundance was diffused through the colony."* 
 
 " On the day after his entrance into Darien, Don Pedra- 
 rias held a private conference with Vasco Nunez in presence 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 219 to 222. 
 
CHAP, xxvii] CONDUCT OF PEDRARIAS TO NUNEZ. 247 
 
 of the historian Oviedo, who had come out from Spain as 
 the pubhc notary of the colony. The governor commenced 
 by assuring him that he was instructed by the king to treat 
 him with great favour and distinction, to consult him about 
 the affairs of the colony, and to apply to him for informa- 
 tion relative to the surrounding country. At the same time 
 he professed the most amicable feelings on his own part, 
 and an intention to be guided by his counsels in all public 
 measures. 
 
 " Vasco Nunez was of a frank, confiding nature, and was 
 so captivated by this unexpected courtesy and kindness, 
 that he threw off all caution and reserve, and opened his 
 whole soul to the politic courtier. Pedrarias availed him- 
 self of this communicative mood to draw from him a mi- 
 nute and able statement in writing, detailing the circum- 
 stances of the colony, and the information collected respect- 
 ing various parts of the country ; the route by which he 
 had traversed the mountains ; his discovery of the South 
 sea ; the situation and reputed wealth of the Pearl islands ; 
 the rivers and ravines most productive of gold ; together 
 with the names and territories of the various caciques with 
 whom he had made treaties. 
 
 " When Pedrarias had thus beguiled the unsuspecting 
 soldier of all the information necessary for his purposes, he 
 dropped the mask, and within a few days proclaimed a ju- 
 dicial scrutiny into the conduct of Yasco Nunez and his 
 officers. It was to be conducted by the Licentiate Gaspar 
 de Espinosa, who had come out as alcalde mayor, or chief 
 judge. The Licentiate was an inexperienced lawyer, hav- 
 ing but recently left the University of Salamanca. He ap- 
 pears to have been somewhat flexible in his opinions, and 
 prone to be guided or governed by others. At the outset 
 of his career he was much under the influence of Q,uevedO; 
 the Bishop of Darien. Now, as Yasco Nunez knew the im- 
 portance of this prelate in the colony, he had taken care to 
 
248 CONDUCT OF PEDRARIAS TO NUNEZ. [book I. 
 
 secure him to his interests by paying him the most pro- 
 found deference and respect, and by giving him a share in 
 his agricultural enterprises and his schemes of traffic. In 
 fact, the good bishop looked upon him as one eminently 
 calculated to promote his temporal prosperity, to which he 
 was by no means insensible. Under the influence of the 
 prelate, therefore, the alcalde commenced his investigation 
 in the most favourable manner. He went largely into an 
 examination of the discoveries of Yasco Nunez, and of the 
 nature and extent of his various services. The governor 
 was alarmed at the course which the inquiry was taking. 
 If thus conducted, it would but serve to illustrate the me- 
 rits and elevate the reputation of the man whom it was his 
 interest and intent to ruin. To counteract it he immedi- 
 ately set on foot a secret and invidious course of interro- 
 gatories of the followers of Nicuesa and Ojeda, to draw 
 from them testimony which might support the charges 
 against Vasco Nuiiez of usurpation and tyrannical abuse of 
 power. The bishop and the alcalde received information 
 of this inquisition, carried on thus secretly, and without 
 their sanction. They remonstrated warmly against it, as 
 an infringement of their rights, being coadjutors in the go- 
 vernment ; and they spurned the testimony of the followers 
 of Ojeda and Nicuesa, as being dictated and discoloured by 
 ancient enmity. Vasco Nunez was therefore acquitted by 
 them of the criminal charges made against him. though he 
 remained involved in difficulties from the suits brought 
 against him by individuals, for losses and damages occa- 
 sioned by his measures. 
 
 " Pedrarias was incensed at this acquittal, and insisted 
 upon the guilt of Vasco Nunez, which he pretended to 
 have established to his conviction by his secret investiga- 
 tions ; and he even determined to send him in chains to 
 Spain, to be tried for the death of Nicuesa, and for other 
 imputed offences. 
 
CHAP. XXVU.] CONDUCT OF PEDRARIAS TO NUNEZ. 249 
 
 " It was not the inclination or the interest of the bishop 
 that Vasco Nunez should leave the colony ; he therefore 
 managed to awaken the jealous apprehensions of the go- 
 vernor as to the effect of his proposed measure. He inti- 
 mated that the arrival of Vasco Nunez in Spain would be 
 signalized by triumph rather than disgrace. By that time 
 his grand discoveries would be blazoned to the world, and 
 would atone for all his faults. He would be received with 
 enthusiasm by the nation, with favour by the king, and 
 would probably be sent back to the colony clothed with 
 new dignity and power. 
 
 " Pedrarias was placed in a perplexing dilemma by these 
 suggestions ; his violent proceedings against Yasco Nunez 
 were also in some measure restrained by the influence of 
 his wife, Doiia Isabel de Bobadilla, who felt a great respect 
 and sympathy for the discoverer. In his perplexity, the 
 wily governor adopted a middle course. He resolved to 
 detain Vasco Nunez at Darien under a cloud of imputation, 
 which would gradually impair his popularity ; while his 
 patience and means would be silently consumed by pro- 
 tracted and expensive litigation. In the meantime, how- 
 ever, the property which had been sequestrated was re- 
 stored to him. 
 
 " While Pedrarias treated Vasco Nunez with this seve- 
 rity, he failed not to avail himself of the plans of that able 
 commander. The first of these was to establish a line of 
 posts across the mountains between Darien and the South 
 sea. It was his eager desire to execute this before any or- 
 der should arrive from the king in favour of his predeces- 
 sor, in order that he might have the credit of having colo- 
 nized the coast, and Vasco Nunez, merely that of having 
 discovered and visited it.* Before he could complete these 
 arrangements, however, unlooked-for calamities fell upon 
 the settlement, that for a time interrupted every project, 
 
 * Oviedo, Hist. Ind. p. 9, c. 8. 
 
 32 
 
250 CALAMITIES AT DABIEN. [book i. 
 
 and made every one turn his thoughts merely to his own 
 security."* 
 
 Darien was unhealthy. Many of those who had 
 recently arrived were swept off speedily ; Pedrarias 
 himself fell sick and was removed, with most of his 
 people, to a healthier spot on the river Corobari ; the 
 malady, however, continued to increase. The provi- 
 sions which had been brought out being partly da- 
 maged by the sea, the residue grew scanty, and the 
 people were put on short allowance. The debility 
 thus produced increased the ravages of disease. At 
 length the provisions were exhausted and the horrors 
 of famine ensued. There perished in a month seven 
 hundred of the little army that had embarked with 
 Pedrarias. Unable to remedy the evil, Pedrarias gave 
 permission for his men to flee from it. A ship-load 
 of starving adventurers departed for Cuba, where 
 some of them joined the standard of Diego Velas- 
 quez, who was colonizing that island ; others made 
 their way back to Spain, where they arrived broken 
 in health, in spirits and in fortune.f 
 
 The departure of so many was a temporary rehef ; 
 and Pedrarias, having recovered from his malady, be- 
 stirred himself to send expeditions to forage the coun- 
 try and collect treasure.! 
 
 " These expeditions, however, were entrusted to his own 
 favourites, and partisans ; while Yasco Nunez, the man most 
 competent to carry them into effect, remained idle and ne- 
 glected. A judicial inquiry, tardily carried on, oversha- 
 dowed him, and though it substantiated nothing, served to 
 embarrass his actions, to cool his friends, and to give him 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 223 to 226. f Id. p. 227 to 229. J Id. p. 230. 
 
CHAP. XXVII.] EXPEDITIONS OF PEDRARIAS. 251 
 
 the air of a public delinquent. Indeed, to the other evils 
 of the colony was now added that of excessive litigation, 
 arising out of the disputes concerning the government of 
 Yasco Nunez, and which increased to such a degree, that 
 according to the report of the Alcalde Espinosa, if the law 
 suits should be divided among the people, at least forty 
 would fall to each man's share.* This too was in a colony 
 into which the government had commanded that no lawyer 
 should be admitted."! 
 
 " Wearied and irritated by the check which had been 
 given to his favourite enterprises, and confident of the ulti- 
 mate approbation of the king, Vasco Nunez now determined 
 to take his fortunes in his own hands, and to prosecute in 
 secret his grand project of exploring the regions beyond the 
 mountains. For this purpose he privately dispatched otie 
 Andres Garabito to Cuba to enlist men, and to make the 
 requisite provisions for an expedition across the isthmus, 
 from Nombre de Dios, and for the founding a colony on the 
 shores of the Southern Ocean, from whence he proposed to 
 extend his discoveries by sea and land. 
 
 " While Vasco Nunez awaited the return of Garabito, he 
 had the mortification of beholding various of his colonizing 
 plans pursued and marred by Pedrarias. Among other en- 
 terprises, the governor dispatched his lieutenant-general 
 Juan de Ayora, at the head of four hundred men, to visit 
 the provinces of those caciques with whom Vasco Nunez 
 had sojourned and made treaties on his expedition to the 
 Southern sea. Ayora partook of the rash and domineering 
 spirit of Pedrarias, and harassed and devastated the coun- 
 tries which he pretended to explore. He was received with 
 amity and confidence by various caciques who had formed 
 treaties with Vasco Nunez ; but he repaid their hospitality 
 with the basest ingratitude, seizing upon their property, 
 taking from them their wives and daughters, and often tor- 
 
 * Herrera, decad. 2, 1. i. c. 1. 
 
 t Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 230. 
 
252 VASCO NUNEZ. [book i. 
 
 turing them to make them reveal their hidden or supposed 
 treasures. Among those treated with this perfidy, we grieve 
 to enumerate the youthful cacique who first gave Vasco 
 Nunez information of the sea beyond the mountains. 
 
 "The enormities of Ayora and of other captains of Pe- 
 drarias produced the usual effect ; the natives were roused 
 to desperate resistance ; caciques, who had been faithful 
 friends, were converted into furious enemies, and the expe- 
 dition ended in disappointment and disaster. 
 
 "The adherents of Vasco Nunez did not fail to contrast 
 these disastrous enterprises with those which had been con- 
 ducted with so much glory and advantage by their fa- 
 vourite commander ; and their sneers and reproaches had 
 such an effect upon the jealous and irritable disposition of 
 Pedrarias, that he determined to employ their idol in a ser- 
 vice that would be likely to be attended with defeat, and 
 to impair his popularity. None seemed more fitting for the 
 purpose than an exhibition to Dobayba, where he had once 
 already attempted in vain to penetrate, and where so many 
 of his followers had fallen victims to the stratagems and 
 assaults of the natives."* 
 
 Vasco Nuiiez accepted the enterprise, and had two 
 hundred resolute men given him for the purpose, but 
 his satisfaction was diminished when he found that 
 Luis Carrillo, an officer of Pedrarias, was associated 
 with him. The enterprise proved unsuccessful. The 
 Spaniards, in an unguarded moment, being suddenly 
 surprised and surrounded, one half of them, inclu- 
 ding Carrillo, were killed or drowned in the river up 
 which they were proceeding. Vasco Nuiiez himself 
 was wounded, and had great difficulty in escaping 
 with the residue of his forces. f 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 230 to 232. f Id. p. 233 to 236. 
 
CHAP. XXVII.] VASCO NUNEZ. 253 
 
 " About this time dispatches arrived from Spain that 
 promised to give a new turn to the fortunes of Vasco Nu- 
 nez and to the general affairs of the colony. They were 
 written after the tidings of the discovery of the South sea, 
 and the subjugation of so many important provinces of the 
 isthmus. In a letter addressed to Vasco Nunez, the king 
 expressed his high sense of his merits and services, and 
 constituted him Adelantado of the South sea, and governor 
 of the provinces of Panama and Coyba, though subordi- 
 nate to the general command of Pedrarias. A letter was 
 likewise written by the king to Pedrarias, informing him of 
 this appointment, and ordering him to consult Vasco Nunez 
 on all public affairs of importance. This was a humilia- 
 ting blow to the pride and consequence of Pedrarias, but 
 he hoped to parry it. In the meantime, as all letters from 
 Spain were first delivered into his hands, he withheld that 
 intended for Vasco Nunez, until he should determine what 
 course of conduct to adopt. The latter, however, heard of 
 the circumstance, as did his friend the Bishop of Darien. 
 The prelate made loud complaints of this interruption of 
 the royal correspondence, which he denounced, even from 
 the pulpit, as an outrage upon the rights of the subject, 
 and an act of disobedience to the sovereign. 
 
 " Upon this the governor called a council of his public 
 officers; and, after imparting the contents of his letter, re- 
 quested their opinion as to the propriety of investing Vasco 
 Nunez with the dignities thus granted to him. The 
 alcalde mayor, Espinosa, had left the party of the bishop, 
 and was now devoted to the governor. He insisted, vehe- 
 mently, that the offices ought in no wise to be given to 
 Vasco Nunez, until the king should be informed of the re- 
 sult of the inquest, which was still going on against him. 
 In this he was warmly supported by the treasurer and the 
 accountant. The bishop replied, indignantly, that it was 
 presumptuous and disloyal in them to dispute the com- 
 
254 VASCO NUNEZ. [book I. 
 
 mands of the king, and to interfere with the rewards con- 
 scientiously given by him to a meritorious subject. In this 
 way, he added, they were defeating, by their passions, the 
 grateful intentions of their sovereign. The governor was 
 overawed by the honest warmth of the bishop, and pro- 
 fessed to accord with him in opinion. The council lasted 
 until midnight ; and it was finally agreed that the titles 
 and dignities should be conferred on Vasco Nunez on the 
 following day.* 
 
 " Pedrarias and his officers reflected, however, that if the 
 jurisdiction implied by these titles, were absolutely vested in 
 Yasco Nuiiez, the government of Darien and Castilla del 
 Oro would virtually be reduced to a trifling matter ; they 
 resolved, therefore, to adopt a middle course ; to grant him 
 the empty titles, but to make him give security not to en- 
 ter upon the actual government of the territories in ques- 
 tion, until Pedrarias should give him permission. The 
 bishop and Vasco Nunez assented to this arrangement ; sa- 
 tisfied, for the present, with securing the titles, and trust- 
 ing to the course of ev^ents to get dominion over the terri- 
 tories.! 
 
 " The new honours of Vasco Nunez were now promul- 
 gated to the world, and he was every where addressed by 
 the title of Adelantado. His old friends lifted up their 
 heads with exultation, and new adherents flocked to his 
 standard. Parties began to form for him and for Pedrarias, 
 for it was deemed impossible they could continue long in 
 harmony. 
 
 "The jealousy of the governor was excited by these 
 circumstances ; and he regarded the newly created Adelan- 
 tado as a dangerous rival and an insidious foe. Just at this 
 critical juncture, Andres Garabito, the agent of Vasco Nu- 
 nez, arrived on the coast in a vessel which he had procured 
 
 *Oviedo,part 2, c. 9. MS. Oviedo, the given on the occasion, which the parties 
 historian, was present at this consultation, signed with their proper hands, 
 and says that he wrote down the opinions * Oviedo, part 2, c. 9. MS. 
 
CHAP, xxvn.] VASCO NUNEZ. 255 
 
 at Cuba, and had freighted with arms and anfimunition, and 
 seventy resolute men, for the secret expedition to the shores 
 of the Pacific Ocean. He anchored six leagues from the 
 harbour, and sent word privately to Vasco Nunez of his 
 arrival. 
 
 "Information was immediately carried to Pedrarias, that 
 a mysterious vessel, full of armed men, was hovering on 
 the coast, and holding secret communication with his rival. 
 The suspicious temper of the governor immediately took 
 the alarm. He fancied some treasonable plot against his 
 authority: his passions mingled with his fears; and, in the 
 first burst of his fury, he ordered that Vasco Nunez should 
 be seized and confined in a wooden cage. The Bishop of 
 Darien interposed in time to prevent an indignity which it 
 might have been impossible to expiate. He prevailed upon 
 the passionate governor, not merely to retract the order re- 
 specting the cage, but to examine the whole matter with 
 coolness and deliberation. The result proved that his sus- 
 picions had been erroneous; and that the armament had 
 been set on foot without any treasonable intent. Vasco 
 Nunez was, therefore, set at liberty, after having agreed to 
 certain precautionary conditions ; but he remained cast 
 down in spirit and impoverished in fortune, by the haras- 
 sing measures of Pedrarias."* 
 
 Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo Y. Valdes, to whom 
 reference is made on page 247, in an extract from 
 the Voyages of the Companions of Columbus, was, it 
 is said, appointed in 1514 inspector of the metals cast 
 at Darien. Becoming discontented with Pedrarias, 
 he gave up this place, we are told, the year following, 
 and went to Saint Domingo, and thence to Spain.f 
 
 •* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 237 to 240. 
 
 t Preface of French editor to his History, published at Paris in 1841, in Ternaux's col 
 lection. 
 
256 EXPEDITIONS 1515 UNDER PEDRARIAS. [book i. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 Of several expeditions in 1515 under Pedrarias, one of which was to 
 the Pacific ; also of the discovery of the Rio de la Plata. 
 
 Pedrarias now set on foot an expedition with sixty 
 men to the South sea, but gave the command to one 
 of his own relations named Caspar Morales, who was 
 accompanied by Francisco Pizarro. Morales and 
 Pizarro traversed the mountains of the isthmus by a 
 shorter and more expeditious route than that which 
 had been taken by Vasco Nunez, and arrived on the 
 shores of the South sea, at the territories of a cacique 
 named Tutibra, by whom they were amicably enter- 
 tained. Their great object was to visit the Pearl 
 islands. The cacique having but four canoes, and 
 they being insufficient to contain the whole party, 
 one half of the men remained at the village of Tu- 
 tibra under the command of a captain named Pena- 
 losa ; the residue embarked in the canoes with Mo- 
 rales and Pizarro. They landed on one of the smaller 
 islands, where they had some skirmishing with the 
 natives, and hence made their way to the principal 
 island, called by Nuiiez Isla Kica. The cacique gave 
 to the Spaniards a reception worthy of his fame. 
 After being repulsed four times with great slaughter, 
 he sued for peace, and brought as a peace offering a 
 basket curiously wrought, and filled with pearls of 
 great beauty.* 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 241, 2. 
 
CHAP. XXVIII.] EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDRARIAS ; 1515. 257 
 
 " The cacique considered himself more than repaid by a 
 present of hatchets, beads, and hawks-bells : and, on the 
 Spaniards sm.iling at his joy, observed, 'These things I 
 can turn to useful purpose, but of what value are those 
 pearls to me?' 
 
 " Finding, however, that these baubles were precious in 
 the eyes of the Spaniards, he took Morales and Pizarro to 
 the summit of a wooden tower, commanding an unbound- 
 ed prospect. 'Behold, before you,' said he, 'the infinite 
 sea, which extends even beyond the sun-beams. As to 
 these islands which lie to the right and left, they are all 
 subject to my sway. They possess but little gold, but the 
 deep places of the sea around them are full of pearls. Con- 
 tinue to be my friends, and you shall have as many as you 
 desire ; for I value your friendship more than pearls, and, 
 as far as in me lies, will never forfeit it.' 
 
 "He then pointed to the main land, where it stretched 
 away towards the east, mountain beyond mountain, until 
 the summit of the last faded in the distance, and was 
 scarcely seen above the watery horizon. In that direction, 
 he said, there lay a vast country of inexhaustible riches, 
 inhabited by a mighty nation. He went on to repeat the 
 vague but wonderful rumours which the Spaniards had fre- 
 quently heard about the great kingdom of Peru. Pizarro 
 listened greedily to his words, and while his eye followed 
 the finger of the cacique, as it ranged along the line of sha- 
 dowy coast, his daring mind kindled with the thought of 
 seeking this golden empire beyond the waters.* 
 
 " Before leaving the island, the two captains impressed 
 the cacique with so great an idea of the power of the king 
 of Castile, that he agreed to become his vassal, and to ren- 
 der him an annual tribute of one hundred pounds weight 
 of pearls. 
 
 * Herrera, d. 2, 1, i. c. iv, P. Martyr, d. 3, c. x. 
 
 33 
 
258 EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDRARIAS ; 1515. [book I. 
 
 " The party having returned in safety to the main land, 
 though to a different place from that where they had em- 
 barked, Gaspar Morales sent his relation, Bernardo Morales, 
 with ten men, in quest of Penalosa and his companions, 
 who had remained in the village of Tutibra. 
 
 " Unfortunately for the Spaniards, during the absence of 
 the commanders, this Penalosa had so exasperated the na- 
 tives by his misconduct, that a conspiracy had been formed 
 by the caciques along the coast to massacre the whole of 
 the strangers, when the party should return from the 
 islands. 
 
 " Bernardo Morales and his companions, on their way in 
 quest of Penalosa, put up for the night in the village of a 
 cacique named Chuchama, who was one of the conspira- 
 tors. They were entertained with pretended hospitality. 
 In the dead of the night, however, the house in which 
 they were sleeping was wrapped in flames, and most of 
 them were destroyed. Chuchama then prepared with his 
 confederates to attack the main body of the Spaniards who 
 remained with Morales and Pizarro. 
 
 " Fortimately for the latter, there was among the Indians 
 who had accompanied them to the islands a cacique named 
 Chiruca, who was in secret correspondence with the con- 
 spirators. Some circumstances in his conduct excited their 
 suspicions; they put him to the torture and drew from him 
 a relation of the massacre of their companions, and of the 
 attack with which they were menaced. 
 
 " Morales and Pizarro were at first appalled by the over- 
 whelming danger which surrounded them. Concealing 
 their agitation, however, they compelled Chiruca to send a 
 message to each of the confederate caciques, inviting him 
 to a secret conference, under pretence of giving him impor- 
 tant information. The caciques came at the summons : 
 they were thus taken one by one, to the number of eigh- 
 teen, and put in chains. Just at this juncture Penalosa ar- 
 
CHAP. SXVlIl] EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDRARIAS ; 1515. 259 
 
 rived with the thirty men who had remained with him at 
 Tiitibra. Their arrival was hailed with joy by their com- 
 rades, who had given them up for lost. Encouraged by 
 this unexpected reinforcement, the Spaniards now attacked 
 by surprise the main body of confederate Indians, who, be- 
 ing ignorant of the discovery of their plot and capture of 
 their caciques, were awaiting the return of the latter in a 
 state of negligent security. 
 
 " Pizarro led the van, and set upon the enemy at day- 
 break v/ith the old Spanish war-cry of Santiago ! It was 
 a slaughter rather than a battle, for the Indians were un- 
 prepared for resistance. Before sun-rise, seven hundred lay 
 dead upon the field. Returning from the massacre, the 
 commanders doomed the caciques who were in chains to be 
 torn in pieces by the bloodhounds ; nor was even Chiruca 
 spared from this sanguinary sentence. Notwithstanding 
 this bloody revenge, the vindictive spirit of the comman- 
 ders was still unappeased, and they set off to surprise the 
 village of a cacique named Biru, who dwelt on the eastern 
 side of the gulf of St. Michael. He was famed for valour 
 and for cruelty : his dwelling was surrounded by the wea- 
 pons and other trophies of those whom he had vanquished ; 
 and he was said never to give quarter. 
 
 " The Spaniards assailed his village before day-break 
 with fire and sword, and made dreadful havoc. Biru es- 
 caped from his burning habitation, rallied his people, kept 
 up a galling fight throughout the greater part of that day, 
 and handled the Spaniards so roughly, that, when he drew 
 off at night, they did not venture to pursue him, but re- 
 turned right gladly from his territory. According to some 
 of the Spanish writers, the kingdom of Peru derived its 
 name from this warlike cacique, through a blunder of the 
 early discoverers ; the assertion, however, is believed to be 
 erroneous. 
 
260 EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDRARIAS ; 1515. [BOOK 1. 
 
 " The Spaniards had pushed their bloody revenge to an 
 extreme, and were now doomed to suffer from the recoil. 
 In the fury of their passions, they had forgotten that they 
 were but a handful of men surrounded by savage nations. 
 Returning wearied and disheartened from the battle with 
 Biru, they were waylaid and assaulted by a host of Indians 
 led on by the son of Cliiruca. A javelin from his hand 
 pierced one of the Spaniards through the breast and came 
 out between the shoulders ; several others were wounded, 
 and the remainder were harassed by a galling fire kept up 
 from among rocks and bushes. 
 
 " Dismayed at the implacable vengeance they had 
 aroused, the Spaniards hastened to abandon these hostile 
 shores and make the best of their way back to Darien, 
 The Indians, however, were not to be appeased by the 
 mere departure of the intruders. They followed them per- 
 severingly for seven days, hanging on their skirts, and ha- 
 rassing them by continual alarms. Morales and Pizarro, 
 seeing the obstinacy of their pursuit, endeavoured to gain 
 a march upon them by stratagem. Making large fires as 
 usual one night about the place of their encampment, they 
 left them burning to deceive the enemy while they made a 
 rapid retreat. Among their number was one poor fellow 
 named Velasquez, who was so grievously wounded that he 
 could not walk. Unable to accompany his countrymen in 
 their flight, and dreading to fall into the merciless hands of 
 the savages, he determined to hang himself, nor could the 
 prayers and even tears of his comrades dissuade him from 
 his purpose. 
 
 "The stratagem of the Spaniards, however, was una- 
 vailing. Their retreat was perceived, and at day-break, to 
 their dismay, they found themselves surrounded by three 
 squadrons of savages. Unable, in their haggard state, to 
 make head against so many foes, they remained drawn up 
 all day on the defensive, some watching while others re- 
 
CHAP.XXVm.] EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDRARIAS ; 1515. 261 
 
 posed. At night they lit their fires and again attempted to 
 make a secret retreat. The Indians, however, were as 
 usual on their traces, and wounded several with arrows. 
 Thus pressed and goaded, the Spaniards became desperate, 
 and fought like madmen, rushing upon the very darts of 
 the enemy. 
 
 '' Morales now resorted to an inhuman and fruitless ex- 
 pedient to retard his pursuers. He caused several Indian 
 prisoners to be slain, hoping that their friends would stop 
 to lament over them ; but the sight of their mangled bo- 
 dies only increased the fury of the savages and the obsti- 
 nacy of their pursuit. 
 
 " For nine days were the Spaniards hunted in this man- 
 ner about the woods and mountains, the swamps and fens, 
 wandering they knew not whither, and returning upon 
 their steps, until, to their dismay, they found themselves in 
 the very place where, several days previously, they had 
 been surrounded by the three squadrons. 
 
 " Many now began to despair of ever escaping with life 
 from this trackless wilderness, thus teeming with deadly 
 foes. It was with difficulty their commanders could rally 
 their spirits, and encourage them to persevere. Entering a 
 thick forest they were again assailed by a band of Indians, 
 but despair and fury gave them strength : they fought like 
 wild beasts rather than like men, and routed the foe with 
 dreadful carnage. They had hoped to gain a breathing 
 time by this victory, but a new distress attended them. 
 They got entangled in one of those deep and dismal 
 marshes which abound on those coasts, and in which the 
 wanderer is often drowned or suffocated. For a whole day 
 they toiled through brake and bramble, and miry fen, with 
 the water reaching to their girdles. At length they extri- 
 cated themselves from the swamp, and arrived at the sea 
 shore. The tide was out, but was about to return, and on 
 this coast it rises rapidly to a great height. Fearing to be 
 
262 EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDRARIAS j 1515. [book i. 
 
 overwhelmed by the rising surf, they hastened to climb a 
 rock out of reach of the swelling waters. Here they threw 
 themselves on the earth panting with fatigue and abandoned 
 to despair. A savage wilderness filled with still more sa- 
 vage foes, was on one side, on the other the roaring sea. 
 How were they to extricate themselves from these sur- 
 rounding perils? While reflecting on their desperate situa- 
 tion, they heard the voices of Indians. On looking cau- 
 tiously round, they beheld four canoes entering a neigh- 
 bouring creek. A party was immediately dispatched, who 
 came upon the savages by surprise, drove them into the 
 woods, and seized upon the canoes. In these frail barks 
 the Spaniards escaped from their perilous neighbourhood, 
 and, traversing the gulf of St. Michael, landed in a less 
 hostile part, from whence they set out a second time across 
 the mountains. 
 
 " It is needless to recount the other hardships they en- 
 dured, and their further conflicts with the Indians ; suffice 
 it to say, after a series of almost incredible sufferings and 
 disasters, they at length arrived in a battered and emaciated 
 condition at Darien. Throughout all their toils and trou- 
 bles, however, they had managed to preserve a part of the 
 treasure they had gained in the islands ; especially the 
 pearls given them by the cacique of Isla Rica. These 
 were objects of universal admiration. One of them was 
 put up at auction, and bought by Pedrarias, and was after- 
 wards presented by his wife Dona Isabella de Bobadilla to 
 the Empress, who, in return, gave her four thousand 
 ducats.* 
 
 " Such was the cupidity of the colonists, that the sight 
 of these pearls and the reputed wealth of the islands of the 
 southern sea, and the kingdoms on its borders, made far 
 greater impression on the public mind, than the tale told by 
 
 * Herrera, Hist. Ind. d. 2, I. i. c. 4. 
 
CHAP.SXVlli] DISCOVERY OF THE LA PLATA. 263 
 
 the adventurers of all the horrors they had past ; and every- 
 one was eager to seek these wealthy regions beyond the 
 mountains."* 
 
 Other expeditions set on foot by Pedrarias ended 
 badly. One of these was to the province of Zenu. 
 A captain named Francisco Becerra, penetrated into 
 this country at the head of one hundred and eighty 
 men, but neither the commander nor any of his men 
 returned. They were all destroyed by the Indians. 
 Another band was defeated by Tubanama. In fine, 
 the colony became so weakened by these repeated 
 losses, and the savages so emboldened by success, 
 that the latter beleaguered it with their forces, ha- 
 rassed it by assaults and ambuscades, and reduced it 
 to great extremity.! 
 
 At this period there was an important expedition 
 in another part of South America ; not however by 
 Pedrarias or under his authority. Juan Diaz de Solis 
 discovered a river, the great extent of which made 
 him name it Mar Dulce, or the Sea of Sweet Water. 
 After the visit of Sebastian Cabot, at a later period, 
 it was called the Rio de la Plata. The year of the 
 discovery by Juan Diaz de Solis is variously stated 
 sometimes in 1512, sometimes in 1515 or 1516. In 
 one of these latter years, Juan Diaz de Solis and fifty 
 men were massacred by the Indians near the cape of 
 Santa Maria. J 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 249. f Id. p. 250, 51. 
 
 I Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 250, 51. Preface of French Editor to Gan- 
 davo's History of tlie Province of Sancta Cruz. 
 
264 JUAN PONCE DE LEON. [book i. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 Of Juan Ponce de Leon ; his voyage to Guadaloupe in 1515 ; the visit 
 this year of Diego Columbus to Spain, and the death of Bartholomew 
 Columbus; also, of Sebastian Cabot, from 1515 to 1518. 
 
 After the discovery of Florida by Juan Ponce de 
 Leon, he went to Spain, to make report of it to the 
 king. 
 
 " The hardy old cavalier experienced much raillery from 
 the witlings of the court, on account of his visionary voy- 
 age, though many wise men had been as credulous as him- 
 self at the outset. The king, however, received him with 
 great favour, and conferred on him the title of Adelantado 
 of Bimini and Florida, which last was as yet considered an 
 island. Permission was also granted him to recruit men, 
 either in Spain or in the colonies, for a settlement in Flo- 
 rida ; but he deferred entering on his command for the pre- 
 sent, being probably discouraged and impoverished by the 
 losses in his last expedition, or finding a difficulty in en- 
 listing adventurers. At length another enterprise presented 
 itself The Caribs had by this time become a terror to the 
 Spanish inhabitants of many of the islands, making de- 
 scents upon the coasts and carrying off captives, who, it 
 was supposed, were doomed to be devoured by- these can- 
 nibals. So frequent were their invasions of the island of 
 Porto Rico, that it was feared they would ultimately oblige 
 the Spaniards to abandon it. 
 
 "At length King Ferdinand, in 1514, ordered that three 
 ships, well armed and manned, should be fitted out in Se- 
 
CHAP, xxix] VOYAGE TO GUADALOUPE IN 1515. 265 
 
 ville, destined to scour the islands of the Caribs, and to 
 free the seas from those cannibal marauders. The com- 
 mand of the armada was given to Juan Ponce de Leon, 
 from his knowledge in Indian warfare, and his varied and 
 rough experience which had mingled in him the soldier 
 with the sailor. He was instructed, in the first place, to 
 assail the Caribs of those islands most contiguous and dan- 
 gerous to Porto Rico, and then to make war on those of the 
 coast of Terra Firma, in the neighbourhood of Carthagena. 
 He was afterwards to take the captaincy of Porto Rico, 
 and to attend to the repartimientos or distributions of the 
 Indians, in conjunction with a person to be appointed by 
 Diego Columbus. 
 
 '• The enterprise suited the soldier-like spirit of Juan 
 Ponce de Leon, and the gallant old cavalier set sail, full of 
 confidence, in January 1515, and steered direct for the Ca- 
 ribbees, with a determination to give a wholesome castiga- 
 tion to the whole savage archipelago. Arriving at the 
 island of Guadaloupe, he cast anchor, and sent men on 
 shore for wood and water, and women to wash the cloth- 
 ing of the crews, with a party of soldiers to mount guard. 
 
 "Juan Ponce had not been as wary as usual, or he had 
 to deal with savages nn usually adroit in warfare. While 
 the people were scattered carelessly on shore, the Caribs 
 rushed forth from an ambuscade, killed the greater part of 
 the men, and carried off the women to the mountains. 
 
 " This blow, at the very outset of his vaunted expedi- 
 tion, sank deep into the heart of Juan Ponce, and put an 
 end to all his military excitement. Humbled and morti- 
 fied, he set sail for the island of Porto Rico, where he re- 
 linquished all further prosecution of the enterprise, under 
 pretext of ill health, and gave the command of the squad- 
 ron to a captain named Zuniga; but it is surmised that his 
 malady was not so much of the flesh as of the spirit. He 
 remained in Porto Rico as governor : but, having grown 
 34 
 
266 VISIT OF DIEGO COLUMBUS TO SPAIN 1515. [BOOK I. 
 
 testy and irritable, through vexations and disappointments, 
 he gave great offence, and caused much contention on the 
 island, by positive and strong-handed measures, in respect 
 to the distributions of the Indians."* 
 
 " Many calumnies having been sent home to Spain by Pa- 
 samonte and other enemies of Don Diego Columbus, and va- 
 rious measures being taken by government, which he con- 
 ceived derogatory to his dignity and injurious to his privi- 
 leges, he requested and obtained permission to repair to court, 
 that he might explain and vindicate his conduct. He de- 
 parted, accordingly, on April 9th, 1515, leaving the Adelan- 
 tado with the vice-queen Dona Maria. He was received with 
 great honour by the king ; and he merited such a reception. 
 He had succeeded in every enterprise he had undertaken or 
 directed. The pearl fishery had been successfully established 
 on the coast of Cubagua ; the islands of Cuba and of Jamaica 
 had been subjected and brought under cultivation without 
 bloodshed ; his conduct as governor had been upright ; and 
 he had only excited the representations made against him, 
 by endeavouring to lessen the oppression of the natives. 
 The king ordered that all processes against him in the 
 court of appeal and elsewhere, for damages done to indivi- 
 duals in regulating the repartimientos. should be disconti- 
 nued, and the cases sent to himself for consideration. But 
 with all these favours, as the admiral claimed a share of the 
 profits of the provinces of Castilla del Oro, saying that it 
 was discovered by his father, as the names of its places, 
 such as Nombre de Dios, Porto Bello and El Retrete, plainly 
 proved, the king ordered that interrogatories should be 
 made among the mariners who had sailed with Christopher 
 Columbus, in the hope of proving that he had not disco- 
 vered the coast of Darien or the gulf of Uraba. ' Thus,' 
 adds Herrera, 'Don Diego was always involved in litiga- 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 319 to 321. 
 
CHAP. XXIX.] DEATH OF BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS. 267 
 
 tions with the fiscal, so that he might truly say that he was 
 heir to the troubles of his father.'* 
 
 " Not long after the departure of Don Diego from San 
 Domingo, his uncle, Don Bartholomew, ended his active 
 and laborious life. No particulars are given of his death, 
 nor is there mention made of his age, which must have 
 been advanced. King Ferdinand is said to have expressed 
 great concern at the event, for he had a high opinion of 
 the character and talents of the Adelantado : 'a man,' says 
 Herrera, ' of not less worth than his brother, the admiral, 
 and who, if he had been employed, would have given great 
 proofs of it ; for he was an excellent seaman, valiant, and of 
 great heart. 'f Charlevoix attributes the inaction in which 
 Don Bartholomew had been suffered to remain for several 
 years, to the jealousy and parsimony of the king. He 
 found the house already too powerful ; and the Adelantado, 
 had he discovered Mexico, was a man to make as good con- 
 ditions as had been made by the admiral his brother.| It 
 was said, observed Herrera, that the king rather preferred 
 to employ him in his European affairs, though it could only 
 have been to divert him from other objects. On his death 
 the king resumed to himself the island of Mona, which he 
 had given to him for life, and transferred his repartimiento 
 of two hundred Indians to the vice-queen DoRa Maria. 
 
 " While the Admiral Don Diego was pressing for an au- 
 dience in his vindication at court, King Ferdinand died on 
 the 23d January 1516. His grandson and successor, Prince 
 Charles, afterwards the Emperor Charles V., was in Flan- 
 ders."<§> 
 
 At this period Sebastian Cabot was in Spain. 
 " Cabot," says Peter Martyr, " is my very friend 
 
 * Herrera, Decad. 2, L. 2, cap. 7. $Irving'3 Columbus, vol. 2, p. 219, 20, 
 
 t Idem. Decad. 1, L. 10, c. 16. Appendix No. 2. 
 
 t Charlevoix, Hist. St. Doming. L. 5. 
 
268 VOYAGE OF CABOT TO BRAZIL. [BOOK I, 
 
 whom I use familiarly, and delight to have him some- 
 times keep me company in my own house." An ex- 
 pedition had, in 1515, been appointed to proceed un- 
 der the command of Cabot the ensuing March, but 
 the death of Ferdinand seems to have put an end to 
 it, and Cabot then went to England.* 
 
 About the eighth year of the reign of Henry the 
 Eighth, (in 1516 or 1517,) Cabot made a voyage with 
 Sir Thomas Pert, which, Mr. Biddle argues, was in 
 search of a northwest passage.f It has usually been 
 supposed to be to Brazil, Hispaniola and Porto Rico. 
 There is a notice of it in the third volume of Hak- 
 luyt,t and also in Purchas's Pilgrims. 
 
 In 1518, Cabot resumed the office of chief pilot of 
 Spain, § and again became a resident of Seville. 
 
 * Third vol. of Hakluyt, p. 8,9. Bid- J P. 498. 
 
 die's Memoir of Cabot, p. 100, 101, 102. § Biddle's Memoir, p. 119. 
 
 t Biddle's Memoir, p. 102. 
 
CHAP. XXX.] PEDRARIAS AND NUNEZ. 269 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 Of the reconciliation between Pedrarias and Vasco Nuiiez ; a marriage 
 agreed upon between Nunez and the eldest daughter of Pedrarias, to 
 take place on her arrival from Spain ; authority to Nuiiez in 1516 to 
 make an expedition to explore the Southern Ocean ; his proceedings ; 
 the perfidy of Andres Garabito ; the hypocrisy of Pedrarias ; and 
 his arrest of Nunez. 
 
 " While Pedrarias was harassed and perplexed by these 
 complicated evils, he was haunted by continual apprehen- 
 sions of the ultimate ascendancy of Yasco Nunez. He 
 knew him to be beloved by the people, and befriended by 
 the bishop ; and he had received proofs that his services 
 were highly appreciated by the king. He knew also that 
 representations had been sent home by him and his parti- 
 zans, of the evils and abuses of the colony under the pre- 
 sent rule, and of the necessity of a more active and effi- 
 cient governor. He dreaded lest these representations 
 should ultimately succeed ; that he should be undermined 
 in the royal favour, and Vasco Nunez be elevated upon his 
 ruins. 
 
 " The politic bishop perceived the uneasy state of the 
 governor's mind, and endeavoured, by means of his appre- 
 hensions, to effect that reconciliation which he had sought 
 in vain to produce through more generous motives. He 
 represented to him that his treatment of Vasco Nunez was 
 odious in the eyes of the people, and must eventually draw 
 on him the displeasure of his sovereign. ' But why per- 
 sist,' added he, ' in driving a man to become your deadliest 
 enemy, whom you may grapple to your side as your firmest 
 friend ? You have several daughters — give him one in 
 
270 PEDRARIAS AND NUNEZ. [BOOK I. 
 
 marriage ; you will then have for a son-in-law a man of 
 merit and popularity, who is a hidalgo by birth, and a fa- 
 vourite of the king. You are advanced in life and infirm ; 
 he is in the prime and vigour of his days, and possessed of 
 great activity. You can make him your lieutenant; and 
 while you repose from your toils, he can carry on the af- 
 fairs of the colony with spirit and enterprise ; and all his 
 achievements will redound to the advancement of your fa- 
 mily and the splendour of your administration.' 
 
 " The governor and his lady were won by the eloquence 
 of the bishop, and readily listened to his suggestions; and 
 Vasco Nunez was but too happy to effect a reconciliation 
 on such flattering terms. Written articles were accordingly 
 drawn up and exchanged, contracting a marriage between 
 him and the eldest daughter of Pedrarias. The young 
 lady was then in Spain, but was to be sent for, and the nup- 
 tials were to be celebrated on her arrival at Darien. 
 
 " Having thus fulfilled his office of peace-maker, and set- 
 tled, as he supposed, all feuds and jealousies on the sure 
 and permanent foundation of family alliance, the worthy 
 bishop departed shortly afterwards for Spain."* 
 
 The governor now authorized Vasco Nunez to 
 build brigantines and make all the necessary prepa- 
 rations for his long desired expedition to explore the 
 Southern Ocean.f 
 
 " The place appointed for these purposes was the port of 
 Careta, situated to the west of Darien ; from whence there 
 was supposed to be the most convenient route across the 
 mountains. A town called Ada had been founded at this 
 port ; and the fortress was already erected, of which Lope 
 de Olano was alcalde ; Yasco Nufiez was now empowered 
 to continue the building of the town. Two hundred men 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 250 to 253. t Id. p. 254. 
 
CHAP. XXX.] EXPEDITION OF NUNEZ IN 1516. 271 
 
 were placed under his command to aid him in carrying his 
 plans into execution, and a sum of money was advanced 
 to him out of the royal treasury. His supply of funds, 
 however, was not sufficient ; but he received assistance 
 from a private source. There was a notary at Darien, 
 named Hernando de Arguello, a man of some consequence in 
 the community, and who had been one of the most furious 
 opponents of the unfortunate Nicuesa. He had amassed 
 considerable property, and now embarked a great part of it 
 in the proposed enterprise, on condition, no doubt, of shar- 
 ing largely in its anticipated profits,'"* 
 
 After a series of toils and hardships, Vasco Nunez 
 had the satisfaction of beholding two brigantines con- 
 structed and floating on a river called then the Balsas, 
 which flowed into the Pacific. As soon as they could 
 be equipped for sea, he embarked in them with as 
 many Spaniards as they could carry ; and issuing 
 forth from the river, launched triumphantly on the 
 great ocean he had discovered. The first cruise of 
 Vasco Nunez was to the group of Pearl islands, on 
 the principal one of which he disembarked the greater 
 part of his crews. While the brigantines went back 
 to bring off" the remainder, he ranged the islands with 
 his men to collect provisions and establish a complete 
 sway over the natives. On the return of his vessels, 
 and while preparations were making for the building 
 of others, he embarked with a hundred men, and 
 passed on a reconnoitering cruise about twenty 
 leagues beyond the gulf of San Miguel. It was his 
 purpose to go towards the region pointed out by the 
 Indians as abounding in riches, but the wind being 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 254, 5. 
 
272 EXPEDITION OF NUNEZ IN 1516, [book I. 
 
 contrary he had to alter his course : thus a cruise was 
 abandoned which, if it could have been persevered 
 in, might have terminated in the discovery of Peru. 
 Steering for the main land, he anchored on that part 
 of the coast governed by the cacique Chuchama, 
 who had massacred Bernardo Morales and his com- 
 panions. Nunez coming suddenly upon the dwelling 
 of the cacique, the Indians sallied forth to defend 
 their homes, but were routed with great loss. Nunez 
 then re-embarked and returned to Isla Rica. While 
 occupied here in completing the building of his bri- 
 gantines, a rumour reached him that a new governor 
 named Lope de Sosa was coming out from Spain to 
 supersede Pedrarias. Upon a consultation between 
 Nunez and several of his confidential officers, it was 
 agreed that a trusty person should be sent to Ada 
 under pretence of procuring munitions for the ships. 
 Should he find Pedrarias in quiet possession of the 
 government, he was to account to him for the delay 
 of the expedition ; to request that the time allotted to 
 it might be extended, and ask for reinforcements and 
 supplies. Should he find however that a new go- 
 vernor was actually arrived, he was to return imme- 
 diately with the tidings.* 
 
 " The person entrusted with the reconnoitering expedi- 
 tion to Ada, was Andres Garabito, in whose fidelity and 
 discretion, Vasco Nunez had implicit confidence. His con- 
 fidence was destined to be fatally deceived. According to 
 the assertions of contemporaries, this Garabito cherished a 
 secret and vindictive enmity against his commander, ari- 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 255 to 261. 
 
CHAP. XXX.J PERFIDY OF ANDRES GARABITO. 273 
 
 sing from a simple but a natural cause, Vasco Nunez had 
 continued to have a fondness for the Indian damsel, daugh- 
 ter of the cacique Careta, whom he had received from her 
 father as a pledge of amity. Some dispute arose concern- 
 ing her on one occasion between him and Garabito, in the 
 course of which he expressed himself in severe and galling 
 language. Garabito was deeply mortified at some of his 
 expressions, and, being of a malignant spirit, determined on 
 a dastardly revenge. He wrote privately to Pedrarias, as- 
 suring him that Vasco Nunez had no intention of solemni- 
 zing his marriage with his daughter, being completely un- 
 der the influence of an Indian paramour ,• that he made use 
 of the friendship of Pedrarias merely to further his own sel- 
 fish views, intending, as soon as his ships were ready, to 
 throw off all allegiance, and to put to sea as an independent 
 commander. 
 
 " This mischievous letter, Garabito had written imme- 
 diately after the last departure of Vasco Nunez from Ada. 
 Its eff'ects upon the proud and jealous spirit of the gover- 
 nor may easily be conceived. All his former suspicions 
 were immediately revived. They acquired strength during 
 a long interval that elapsed without tidings being received 
 from the expedition. There were designing and prejudiced 
 persons at hand, who perceived and quickened these jealous 
 feelings of the governor. Among these was the Bachelor 
 Corral, who cherished a deep grudge against Vasco Nunez 
 for having once thrown him into prison for his factious con- 
 duct ; and Alonzo de la Puente, the royal treasurer, whom 
 Vasco Nunez had aff'ronted by demanding the repayment of 
 a loan. Such was the tempest that was gradually gather- 
 ing in the factious little colony of Darien. 
 
 " The subsequent conduct of Garabito gives much con- 
 firmation to the charge of perfidy that has been advanced 
 against him. When he arrived at Ada, he found that Pe- 
 drarias remained in possession of the government ; for his 
 35 
 
274 HYPOCRISY OF PEDRARIAS. [BOOK I. 
 
 intended successor had died in the very harbour. The con- 
 duct and conversation of Garabito was such as to arouse 
 suspicions ; he was arrested, and his papers and letters were 
 sent to Pedrarias. When examined, he readily suffered 
 himself to be wrought upon by threats of punishment and 
 promises of pardon, and revealed all that he knew, and de- 
 clared still more that he suspected and surmised, of the 
 plans and intentions of Vasco Nunez. 
 
 " The arrest of Garabito, and the seizure of his letters, 
 produced a great agitation at Darien. It was considered a 
 revival of the ancient animosity between the governor and 
 Vasco Nunez, and the friends of the latter trembled for his 
 safety. 
 
 " Hernando de Arguello, especially, was in great alarm. 
 He had embarked the most of his fortune in the expedi- 
 tion, and the failure of it would be ruinous to him. He 
 wrote to Vasco Nunez, informing him of the critical pos- 
 ture of affairs, and urging him to put to sea without delay. 
 He would be protected at all events, he said, by the Jero- 
 nimite Fathers at San Domingo, who were at that time all- 
 powerful in the new world, and who regarded his expedi- 
 tion as calculated to promote the glory of God as well as 
 the dominion of the king.* This letter fell into the hands 
 of Pedrarias, and convinced him of the existence of a dan- 
 gerous plot against his authority. He immediately ordered 
 Arguello to be arrested ; and now devised means to get 
 Vasco Nunez within his power. While the latter remained 
 on the shores of the South Sea with his brigantines and his 
 
 *In consequence of the eloquent repie- take all proper measures for the good go- 
 
 sentations made to the Spanish govern- vernment, religious instruction, and effec- 
 
 ment by the venerable Las Casas, of the tual protection of the natives. The exer- 
 
 cruel wrongs and oppressions practised cise of their powers at San Domingo made 
 
 upon the Indians in the colonies, the Car- a great sensation in the new world, and, 
 
 dinal Ximenes, in J516, sent out three Je- for a time, had a beneficial effect in check- 
 
 ronimite Friars, chosen for their zeal and ing the oppressive and licentious conduct 
 
 abilities, clothed with full powers to in- of the colonists, 
 quire into and remedy all abuses, and to 
 
CHAP. XXX.] HYPOCRISY OF PEDRARIAS. 275 
 
 band of hearty and devoted followers, Pedrarias knew that 
 it would be in vain to attempt to take him by force. Dis- 
 sembling his suspicions and intentions, therefore, he wrote 
 to him in the most amicable terms, requesting him to repair 
 immediately to Ada, as he wished to hold a conference with 
 him about the impending expedition. Fearing, however, 
 that Vasco Nunez might suspect his motives and refuse to 
 comply, he at the same time ordered Francisco Pizarro to 
 muster all the armed force he could collect, and to seek and 
 arrest his late patron and commander wherever he might be 
 found. 
 
 " So great was the terror inspired by the arrest of Argu- 
 ello, and by the general violence of Pedrarias, that, though 
 Vasco Nunez was a favourite with the great mass of the 
 people, no one ventured to warn him of the danger that at- 
 tended his return to Ada."* 
 
 When Vasco Nuiiez received the hypocritical letter 
 of Pedrarias inviting him to an interview at Ada, it 
 awakened no suspicion in his breast. Leaving his 
 ships in command of Francisco Companon, he de- 
 parted immediately to meet the governor at Ada, un- 
 attended by any armed force. f 
 
 " The messengers who had brought the letter maintained 
 at first a cautious silence as to the events which had trans- 
 pired at Darien. They were gradually won, however, by 
 the frank and genial manners of Vasco Nunez, and grieved 
 to see so gallant a soldier hurrying into the snare. Having 
 crossed the mountains and drawn near to Ada, their kind 
 feelings got the better of their caution, and they revealed 
 the true nature of their errand, and the hostile intentions 
 of Pedrarias, Vasco Nunez was struck with astonishment 
 at the recital ; but, being unconscious, it is said, of any evil 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 268 to 265. f Id. 266, 7. 
 
276 ARREST OF NUNEZ. [book i. 
 
 intention, he could scarcely credit this sudden hostility in a 
 man who had but recently promised him his daughter in 
 marriage. He imagined the whole to be some groundless 
 jealousy which his own appearance would dispel, and ac- 
 cordingly continued on his journey. He had not proceeded 
 far, however, when he was met by a band of armed men, 
 led by Francisco Pizarro. The latter stepped forward to 
 arrest his ancient commander. Vasco Nunez paused for a 
 moment, and regarded him with a look of reproachful asto- 
 nishment. ' How is this, Francisco,' exclaimed he. ' Is 
 this the way you have been accustomed to receive me ?' 
 Offering no further remonstrance, he suffered himself qui- 
 etly to be taken prisoner by his former adherent, and con- 
 ducted in chains to Ada. Here he was thrown into prison, 
 and Bartolome Hurtado, once his favourite officer, was sent 
 to take command of his squadron."* 
 
 •* Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 267, 8. 
 
CHAP. XXXI.] TRIAL OF VASCO NUNEZ. 277 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 Of the trial and execution in 1517 of Vasco Nunez de Balboa, the dis- 
 coverer of the Pacific Ocean. 
 
 " Don Pedrarias concealed his exultation at the success 
 of the stratagem by which he had ensnared his generous 
 and confiding rival. He even visited him in prison, and 
 pretended deep concern at being obliged to treat him with 
 this temporary rigour, attributing it entirely to certain ac- 
 cusations lodged against him by the treasurer Alonzo de 
 la Puente, which his official situation compelled him to no- 
 tice and investigate. 
 
 ' Be not afflicted, however, my son !' said the hypocrite, 
 'an investigation will, doubtless, not merely establish your 
 innocence, but serve to render your zeal and loyalty towards 
 your sovereign still more conspicuous.' 
 
 " While Pedrarias assumed this soothing tone towards his 
 prisoner, he urged the Alcalde Mayor Espinosa to proceed 
 against him with the utmost rigour of the law. 
 
 "The charge brought against him of a treasonable con- 
 spiracy to cast off all allegiance to the crown, and to as- 
 sume an independegt sway on the borders of the southern 
 sea, was principally supported by the confessions of Andres 
 Garabito. The evidence is also cited of a soldier, who stood 
 sentinel one night near the quarters of Vasco Nunez, on 
 Isia Rica, and who, being driven to take shelter from the 
 rain under the eaves of the house, overheard a conversation 
 between that commander and certain of his officers, wherein 
 they agreed to put to sea with the squadron on their own 
 account, and to set the governor at defiance. This testi- 
 
278 TRIAL OF VASCO NUNEZ. [book I. 
 
 mony, according to Las Casas, arose from a misconstruction 
 on the part of the sentinel, who only heard a portion of 
 their conversation, relating to their intention of sailing, 
 without waiting for orders, in case a new governor should 
 arrive to supersede Pedrarias. 
 
 " The governor in the meantime informed himself from 
 day to day and hour to hour, of the progress of the trial, 
 and, considering the evidence sufficiently strong to warrant 
 his personal hostility, he now paid another visit to his pri- 
 soner, and, throwing off all affectation of kmdness, up- 
 braided him in the most passionate manner. 
 
 " • Hitherto,' said he, ' I have treated you as a son, be- 
 cause I thought you loyal to your king, and to me as his 
 representative ; but as 1 find you have meditated rebellion 
 against the crown of Castile, I cast you oif from my affec- 
 tions, and shall henceforth treat you as an enemy.' 
 
 " Vasco Nuiiez indignantly repelled the charge, and ap- 
 pealed to the confiding frankness of his conduct as a proof 
 of innocence. 'Had I been conscious of my guilt,' said 
 he, ' what could have induced me to come here and put 
 myself into your hands? Had I meditated rebellion, what 
 prevented me from carrying it into effect ? I had four ships 
 ready to weigh anchor, three hundred brave men at my 
 command, and an open sea before me. What had I to do 
 but to spread sail and press forward ? There was no doubt 
 of finding a land, whether rich or poor, sufficient for me 
 and mine, far beyond the reach of yojir control. In the 
 innocence of my heart, however, I came here promptly, at 
 your mere request, and my reward is slander, indignity and 
 chains !' 
 
 " The noble and ingenuous appeal of Vasco Nuiiez had 
 no effect on the prejudiced feelings of the governor; on 
 the contrary, he was but the more exasperated against his 
 prisoner, and ordered that his irons should be doubled. 
 
CHAP. XXXI.] TRIAL OF VASCO NUNEZ. 279 
 
 " The trial was now urged by him with increased eager- 
 ness. Lest the present accusation should not he sufficient 
 to effect the ruin of his victim, the old inquest into his con- 
 duct as governor, which had remained suspended for many 
 years, was revived, and he was charged anew with the 
 wrongs inflicted on the Bachelor Enciso, and with the 
 death of the unfortunate Nicuesa. 
 
 "Notwithstanding all these charges, the trial went on 
 slowly, with frequent delays ; for the alcalde mayor, Gas- 
 par de Espinosa, seems to have had but little relish for the 
 task assigned him, and to have needed frequent spurring 
 from the eager and passionate governor. He probably con- 
 sidered the accused as technically guilty, though innocent 
 of all intentional rebellion, but was ordered to decide ac- 
 cording to the strict letter of the law. He therefore at 
 length gave a reluctant verdict against Vasco Nunez, but 
 recommended him to mercy, on account of his great ser- 
 vices, or entreated that, at least, he might be permitted to 
 appeal. 'No!' said the unrelenting Pedrarias, 'if he has 
 merited death, let him suffer death !' He accordingly con- 
 demned him to be beheaded. The same sentence was 
 passed upon several of his officers, who were implicated in 
 his alleged conspiracy ; among these was Hernando de Ar- 
 guello, who had written the letter to Vasco Nunez, inform- 
 ing him of the arrest of his messenger, and advising him 
 to put to sea, without heeding the hostility of Pedrarias. 
 As to the perfidious informer Garabito, he was pardoned 
 and set at liberty."* 
 
 " It was a day of gloom and horror at Ada, when Vasco 
 Nunez and his companions were led forth to execution. 
 The populace were moved to tears at the unhappy fate of 
 a man, whose gallant deeds had excited their admiration, 
 and whose generous qualities had won their hearts. Most 
 of them regarded him as the victim of a jealous tyrant : 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 269 to 272. 
 
280 EXECUTION OF VASCO NUNEZ. [book I. 
 
 and even those who thonght him guilty, saw something 
 brave and brilliant in the very crime imputed to him. 
 Such, however, was the general dread inspired by the se- 
 vere measures of Pedrarias, that no one dared to lift up his 
 voice, either in murmur or remonstrance. 
 
 " The public crier walked before Vasco Nunez, proclaim- 
 ing, ' This is the punishment inflicted by command of the 
 king and his lieutenant, Don Pedrarias Davila, on this man,, 
 as a traitor and an usurper of the territories of the crown." 
 
 " When Vasco Nunez heard these words, he exclaimed 
 indignantly, ' It is false ! never did such a crime enter my 
 mind. I have ever served my king with truth and loyalty, 
 and sought to augment his dominions." 
 
 " These words were of no avail in his extremity, but 
 they were fully believed by the populace. 
 
 " The execution took place in the public square of Ada ; 
 and we are assured by the historian Oviedo, who was in 
 the colony at the time, that the cruel Pedrarias was a secret 
 witness of the bloody spectacle, which he contemplated 
 from between the reeds of the wall of a house, about twelve 
 paces from the scaffold !* 
 
 ''Vasco Nunez was the first to suffer death. Having 
 confessed himself and partaken of the sacrament, he as- 
 cended the scaffold with a firm step and a calm and manly 
 demeanour; and laying his head upon the block, it was 
 severed in an instant from his body. Three of his officers. 
 Valderrabano, Botello, and Hernan Munos, were in like 
 manner brought one by one to the block, and the day had 
 nearly expired before the last of them was executed. 
 
 " One victim still remained. It was Hernando de Argu- 
 ello, who had been condemned as an accomplice, for having 
 written the intercepted letter. 
 
 " The populace could no longer restrain their feelings. 
 They had not dared to intercede for Vasco Nunez, knowing 
 
 * Oviedo, Hist. Ind. p. 9, c. 9, M^. 
 
CHAP. XXXI.] EXECUTION or VASCO NUNEZ. 281 
 
 the implacable enmity of Pedrarias ; but they now sought 
 the governor, and throwing themselves at his feet, entreated 
 that this man might be spared, as he had taken no active 
 part in the alleged treason. The daylight, they said, was 
 at an end, and it seemed as if God had hastened the night, 
 to prevent the execution. 
 
 '' The stern heart of Pedrarias was not to be touched. 
 ' No,' said he, * I would sooner die myself than spare one 
 of them.' The unfortunate Arguello was led to the block. 
 The brief tropical twilight was past, and in the gathering 
 gloom of the night the operations on the scaffold could not 
 be distinguished. The multitude stood listening in breath- 
 less silence, until the stroke of the executioner told that all 
 was accomplished. They then dispersed to their homes 
 with hearts filled with grief and bitterness, and a night of 
 lamentation succeeded to this day of horrors. 
 
 " The vengeance of Pedrarias was not satisfied with the 
 death of his victim ; he confiscated his property and dis- 
 honoured his remains, causing his head to be placed upon 
 a pole and exposed for several days in the public square.* 
 
 " Thus perished, in his forty-second year, in the prime 
 and vigour of his days and the full career of his glory, one 
 of the most illustrious and deserving of the Spanish disco- 
 verers — a victim to the basest and most perfidious envy."f 
 
 From the statement of the French editor referred 
 to on page 255, it might be inferred that Oviedo left 
 Darien in 1515. Mr. Irving, it will be perceived, 
 speaks of him as in the colony when Nunez was exe- 
 cuted. Supposing this to be so, it must have been 
 1517 before he went to Saint Domingo and thence to 
 Spain. 
 
 * Oviedo, ubi sup. f Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 275, 6. 
 
 36 
 
282 VOYAGE TO CORIANA IN 1517. [book i. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 Of the voyage of Juan de Ampies to Coriana in 1517 ; and the building 
 of the town of Coro ; also of Oviedo, the celebrated historian. 
 
 Pedro Alonzo Nino, in the voyage mentioned in 
 the tenth chapter, coasted to an Indian village 
 named Coriana. When famine and bad treatment 
 had destroyed the greatest part of the population of 
 Hayti, and they began to be in want of slaves to 
 work in the mines, vessels from that isle went to dif- 
 ferent parts of Terra Firma and took all the Indians 
 they could, and carried them to be sold at Saint Do- 
 mingo. There these unhappy beings perished by 
 thousands. At length the abuse became so great, 
 that the authorities of Saint Domingo sent into the 
 province in which Coriana was Juan de Ampies, a3 
 governor, to found an establishment there and pro- 
 tect the natives. Ampies set out with a vessel and 
 sixty men : he disembarked at Coriana in 1517, and 
 formed an aUiance with Mannaure, the prirxipal ca- 
 cique of the Caquetios, who inhabited this province ; 
 an alliance so respected by the Indians, says Father 
 Simon, that notwithstanding the bad treatment and 
 cruelties of the Spaniards, they could not bring them- 
 selves to break it. In the place of Coriana, Ampies 
 built a town named Coro, which was soon peopled by 
 a great number of Spanish adventurers, drawn from 
 all quarters by the rumor of the riches of this country. 
 
CHAP, sxxii.] OVIEDOj THE HISTORIAN. 283 
 
 In 1519, under the emperor's orders Gonzalo Fer- 
 nandez de Oviedo returned to America to take part 
 in the confiscations of the property of Vasco Nunez, 
 which amounted to a large sum. He arrived the 
 24th of June 1520, at the port of Darien. After 
 losing here his wife and a son, he went to Panama to 
 join Pedrarias, who afterwards made him governor of 
 Darien. He returned to Spain in 1523. It was 
 about this time that he pubhshed the first edition of 
 his History of Nicaragua. In 1526, Oviedo set out 
 again for America. He joined at Nicaragua Pedro 
 Lopes de Salcedo, and became governor of Cartha- 
 gena. In 1535, he was alcaid of Saint Domingo, 
 and historiographer of the Indias, He died in 1557 
 at Valladolid, at the age of 69 years. 
 
 This chapter is taken from the preface to his His- 
 tory of Nicaragua, and from the preface to a volume 
 entitled " Belle et agreable narration du premier voy- 
 age de Nicolas Federmann le Jeune, d' Ulm aux indes 
 de la mer Oceane et de tont cequi lui est arrive dans 
 a pays jusqu'a son retour en espagne ecrite brieve- 
 ment, et divertissante a lire." Both volumes have 
 been republished at Paris, by Henri Ternaux, in his 
 collection of voyages, relations and memoirs ; the 
 prefaces of the French editor are those from which 
 this chapter is taken. 
 
284 DISCOVERY OF YUCATAN IN 1517. [book I. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 Of the discovery of Yucatan by Francisco Hernandez de Cordova in 
 1517; tlie voyage thither of Juan de Grijalva in 1518; the rescue 
 there in 1519, by Hernando Cortez of Jeronimo de Aguilar, one of 
 the companions of Valdivia, whose vessel was stranded on that coast 
 several years before ; and the famous voyage of Magellan. 
 
 Several years had elapsed in the manner mentioned 
 in chapter twenty-fourth, when in 1517 intelligence 
 was brought to the province where Aguilar was, of the 
 arrival on the neighbouring coast of great vessels of 
 wonderful construction, filled with white and bearded 
 men. It was in fact the squadron of Francisco Her- 
 nandez de Cordova. Yucatan was discovered this 
 year by him, and by the pilot Juan Alaminos, a native 
 of Palos, who had accompanied Columbus in his 
 fourth voyage. Cordova was for some time along 
 the coast of Yucatan, and lost many men in his dif- 
 ferent rencontres with the natives. The heart of Je- 
 ronimo de Aguilar beat quick with hope when he 
 heard of European ships at hand. He was distant 
 from the coast however, and was too closely watched 
 by the Indians to have any chance of escape. After 
 Cordova left this coast, he was driven by a storm 
 upon the shore of Florida: thence he returned to 
 Cuba, where he died ten days after his arrival.* 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 283. " Recueil de pieces relatives a la con- 
 quete du Mexique." See note at the end of next paragraph. 
 
CHAP. xxxni.] grijalva's VOYAGE TO Yucatan; 1518. 285 
 
 A new expedition was determined on. Diego Ve- 
 lasquez chose to command it Juan de Grijalva, a 
 native of Cuellar, who had distinguished himself in 
 several expeditions against the Indians of Cuba. On 
 the first of March 1518,* his fleet set out from Cuba. 
 He saw on the 4th houses on a promontory, and gave 
 to this land the name of Saint Croix. The next day 
 he reconnoitered the coast of Yucatan and the isle of 
 Cuzamil. In the account of this voyage it is men- 
 tioned that some Indians, among whom was the chief 
 of their village, approaching the vessels, the Spaniards 
 asked news of the christians whom Francisco Her- 
 nandez had left in Yucatan, and was told in reply that 
 one of them was dead and the other still ahve ; that 
 they followed the coast to find the survivor, and on 
 the 6th, went on land, but at first saw no one ; that 
 they mounted upon a tower there with a circum- 
 ference of one hundred and eighty feet, planted the 
 standard upon one of the fronts, and took possession 
 in the name of the king ; that afterwards they saw 
 some Indians and went into their village ; that amongst 
 the houses were five well constructed, with a base 
 very large and massive, and surmounted by turrets ; 
 that the village vi^as paved with hollow stones, the 
 streets rising at the sides and descending in the mid- 
 dle, which was paved entirely with large stones ; that 
 the sides were occupied by the houses of the inhabi- 
 tants, constructed of stones from the foundation to 
 half the height of the walls, and covered with straw ; 
 and that judging by the buildings, these Indians were 
 very ingenious. Other villages are described on the 
 
 * The date given by some others is April, and by one January 1518. 
 
286 ARCHITECTURE OF YUCATAN IN 1518. [Book i. 
 
 coast ; one so large that Seville would not have ap- 
 peared more considerable nor better. And mention 
 is made of a very beautiful tower on a point of land 
 which they were told was inhabited by women who 
 lived without men. They went to see the cacique 
 Lazaro, who had given an honourable reception to 
 Francisco Hernandez. The Indians seem however 
 not to have desired their company ; they told them 
 to quit the country, and this not being done quick 
 enough there was a passage of arms, in which forty 
 of the Spaniards were wounded and one killed. The 
 Spaniards re-embarked and quitted the country of 
 this cacique the 29th of March. The last day of 
 May they discovered a very good port, to which they 
 gave the name of Port Desire. Here they made 
 some cabins of boughs, and remained twelve days. 
 After which they went to reconnoiter another country 
 named Mulua, which having done they proceeded on 
 their route the first day of July. They saw a large 
 river, from which sweet water goes into the sea for 
 six miles : they gave to it the name of the river of 
 Grijalva : the province was named Protonta. They 
 saw a river having two mouths, out of which came 
 sweet water ; and they gave to it the name of Saint 
 Barnabas, because they arrived the day of the feast 
 of this saint. Near the mountains they anchored at 
 a little isle, to which they gave the name of the Isle 
 of Sacrafices. They saw some very high edifices 
 built with hme, and a monument like a round tower, 
 fifteen steps broad ; at its summit was a block of mar- 
 ble, such as is found in Castile, surmounted by an 
 animal Hke a lion, sculptured in marble, in whose 
 
CHAP, xxxiii] HERNANDO CORTEZ. 287 
 
 head there was a hole wherein to put perfumes. The 
 natives in different parts of Yucatan wore cotton 
 cloth. They gave to the Spaniards vases of gold 
 and mantles or coverings of cotton, so woven as to 
 represent figures of birds and animals of different 
 kinds. They are described as being very civihzed, 
 and as having laws, and public edifices dedicated to 
 the administration of justice. This account is stated 
 to have been published in Itahan at Venice in 1522.* 
 
 The hopes of Jeronimo de Aguilar had been re- 
 vived by the arrival of the ships just mentioned, but 
 the watchfulness of the Indians prevented him from 
 attempting to escape.f 
 
 Velasquez, dissatisfied with Grijalva for not having 
 founded any establishment in so rich a country, gave 
 him a bad reception, and refused him the command 
 of a new expedition. He made Hernando Cortez 
 the commander of it. Grijalva, after this, was at 
 Saint Domingo in 1523, living in a miserable manner. 
 He went then to Terra Firma to join Pedrarias 
 Davila, and was sent by him to Nicaragua, where he 
 was killed, as well as many others, in a revolt of the 
 Indians of the valley of Ulanchos.J 
 
 " Seven years had gone by since Aguilar's capture, and he 
 had given up all hopes of being restored to his country and 
 
 *The title of the publication is, " Itine- This volume is one of the " Voyages, re- 
 
 raire du voyage de la flotte du roi catho- lations et mfemoires originaux pour servir a 
 
 lique L'ile de Yuratan Dans L'Inde. Fait I'hisioire de la decouverte de L'Ainerique, 
 
 en I'an 1518, sous les ordres du capitaine publi6s pour la premii5re fois en Frani^^ats, 
 
 g6n6ral Juan de Grijalva, Rfedige et dedie par H. Ternaux-Coinpans," at Paris in 
 
 i S. A., par le chapelain en chef de ladite 1838. 
 
 flotte." It forms a part of " Recueil de f Voyages of Companions of Columbus, 
 
 pieces relatives a la conquete du Mexique;" p. 283. 
 
 in which volume there are nine other , J Preface to " Recueil de pieces rela- 
 
 pieces, for the most part not edited before. lives a la conquete du Mexique." 
 
288 JERONIMO DE AGUILAR. [book i. 
 
 friends, when, in 1519, there arrived one day at the village 
 three Indians, natives of the small island of Cozumel, which 
 lies a few leagues in the sea, opposite the eastern coast of 
 Yucatan. They brought tidings of another visit of white 
 bearded men to their shores, and one of them delivered a 
 letter to Aguilar, which, being entirely naked, he had con- 
 cealed it in the long tresses of his hair which were bound 
 round his head. 
 
 "Aguilar received the letter with wonder and delight, 
 and read it in presence of the cacique and his warriors. It 
 proved to be from Hernando Cortes, who was at that time 
 on his great expedition, which ended in the conquest of 
 Mexico. He had been obliged by stress of weather to an- 
 chor at the island of Cozumel, where he learned from the 
 natives, that several white men were detained in captivity 
 among the Indians on the neighbouring coast of Yucatan. 
 Finding it impossible to approach the main land with his 
 ships, he prevailed upon three of the islanders, by means 
 of gifts and promises, to venture upon an embassy among 
 their cannibal neighbours, and to convey a letter to the 
 captive white men. Two of the smallest caravels of the 
 squadron were sent under the command of Diego de Ordas, 
 who was ordered to land the three messengers at the point 
 of Cotoche, and to wait there eight days for their return. 
 
 " The letter brought by these envoys informed the Chris- 
 tian captives of the force and destination of the squadron 
 of Cortes, and of his having sent the caravels to wait for 
 them at the point of Cotoche, with a ransom for their deli- 
 verance, inviting them to hasten and join him at Cozumel. 
 
 " The transport of Aguilar on first reading the letter, was 
 moderated when he reflected on the obstacles that might 
 prevent him from profiting by this chance of deliverance. 
 He had made himself too useful to the cacique to hope that 
 he would readily give him his liberty, and he knew the jea- 
 lous and irritable nature of the savages too well not to fear 
 
CHAP. XXXIII.] JERONIMO DE AGUILAR. 289 
 
 that even an application for leave to depart might draw 
 upon him the severest treatment. He endeavoured, there- 
 fore, to operate upon the cacique through his apprehensions. 
 To this end he informed him that the piece of paper which 
 he held in his hand brought him a full account of the 
 mighty armament that had arrived on the coast. He de- 
 scribed the number of the ships and various particulars con- 
 cerning the squadron, all which were amply corroborated 
 by the testimony of the messengers. The cacique and his 
 warriors were astonished at this strange mode of conveying 
 intelligence from a distance, and regarded the letter as 
 something mysterious and supernatural. Aguilar went on 
 to relate the tremendous and superhuman powers of the 
 people in these ships, who, armed with thunder and light- 
 ning, wreaked destruction on all who displeased them, while 
 they dispensed inestimable gifts and benefits on such as 
 proved themselves their friends. He, at the same time 
 spread before the cacique various presents brought by the 
 messengers, as specimens of the blessings to be expected 
 from the friendship of the strangers. The intimation was 
 effectual. The cacique was filled with awe at the recital 
 of the terrific powers of the white men, and his eyes were 
 dazzled by the glittering trinkets displayed before him. 
 He entreated Aguilar, therefore, to act as his embassador 
 and mediator, and to secure him the amity of the strangers. 
 " Aguilar saw with transport the prospect of a speedy 
 deliverance. In this moment of exultation, he bethought 
 himself of the only surviving comrade of his past fortunes, 
 Gonsalo Guerrero, and, sending the letter of Cortes to him, 
 invited him to accompany him in his escape. The sturdy 
 seaman was at this time a great chieftain in his province, 
 and his Indian bride had borne him a numerous progeny. 
 His heart, however, yearned after his native country, and 
 he might have been tempted to leave his honours and dig- 
 nities, his infidel wife and half savage offspring behind 
 37 
 
290 JERONIMO DE AGUILAR. [book i. 
 
 him, but an insuperable, though somewhat ludicrous, obsta- 
 cle presented itself to his wishes. Having long since 
 given over all expectation of a return to civilized life, he 
 had conformed to the customs of the country, and had 
 adopted the external signs and decorations that marked 
 him as a warrior and a man of rank. His face and hands 
 were indelibly painted or tattooed; his ears and lips were 
 slit to admit huge Indian ornaments, and his nose was 
 drawn down almost to his mouth by a massy ring of gold, 
 and a dangling jewel. 
 
 "Thus curiously garbled and disfigured, the honest sea- 
 man felt, that however he might be admired in Yucatan, 
 he should be apt to have the rabble at his heels in Spain. 
 He made up his mind, therefore, to remain a great man 
 among the savages, rather than run the risk of being shown 
 as a man-monster at home. 
 
 " Finding that he declined accompanying him, Jeronimo 
 de Aguilar set off for the point of Cotoche, escorted by 
 three Indians. The time he had lost in waiting for Guer- 
 rero had nearly proved fatal to his hopes, for when he ar- 
 rived at the point, the caravels sent by Cortes had departed, 
 though several crosses of reeds set up in different places 
 gave tokens of the recent presence of Christians. 
 
 "The only hope that remained, was, that the squadron 
 of Cortes might yet linger at the opposite island of Cozu- 
 rael ; but how was he to get there ? While wandering 
 disconsolately along the shore, he found a canoe, half bu- 
 ried in sand and water, and with one side in a state of de- 
 cay ; with the assistance of the Indians he cleaned it, and 
 set it afloat, and on looking further he found the stave of a 
 hogshead which might serve for a paddle. It was a frail 
 embarkation in which to cross an arm of the sea, several 
 leagues wide, but there was no alternative. Prevailing on 
 the Indians to accompany him, he launched forth in the 
 canoe and coasted the main land until he came to the nar- 
 
CHAP, xxxiil.] JERONIMO DE AGUILAR. 291 
 
 lowest part of the strait, where it was but four leagues 
 across; here he stood directly for Cozumel, contending, as 
 well as he was able, with a strong current, and at length 
 succeeded in reaching the island. 
 
 " He had scarce landed, when a party of Spaniards, who 
 had been lying in wait, rushed forth from their conceal- 
 ment, sword in hand. The three Indians would have fled, 
 but Aguilar reassured them, and calling out to the Spa- 
 niards in their own language, assured them that he was a 
 Christian. Then, throwing himself upon his knees, and 
 raising his eyes, streaming with tears to heaven, he gave 
 thanks to God for having restored him to his countrymen. 
 
 " The Spaniards gazed at him with astonishment : from 
 his language he was evidently a Castilian, but to all ap- 
 pearance he was an Indian. He was perfectly naked ; wore 
 his hair braided round his head in the manner of the coun- 
 try, and his complexion was burnt by the sun to a tawny 
 colour. He had a bow in his hand, a quiver at his shoul- 
 der, and a net-work pouch at his side, in which he carried 
 his provisions. 
 
 " The Spaniards proved to be a reconnoitering party, 
 sent out by Cortes to watch the approach of the canoe, 
 which had been descried coming from Yucatan. Cortes 
 had given up all hopes of being joined by the captives, the 
 caravel having waited the allotted time at Cotoche, and re- 
 turned without news of them. He had, in fact, made sail 
 to prosecute his voyage, but fortunately one of his ships 
 had sprung a leak, which had obliged him to return to the 
 island. 
 
 " When Jeronimo de Aguilar and his companions arrived 
 in presence of Cortes, who was surrounded by his officers, 
 they made a profound reverence, squatted on the ground, 
 laid their bows and arrows beside them, and touching their 
 right hands, wet with spittle on the ground, rubbed them 
 about the region of the heart, such being their sign of the 
 most devoted submission. 
 
292 JERONIMO DE AGUILAR. [BOOK I. 
 
 " Cortes greeted Aguilar with a hearty welcome, and rais- 
 ing him from the earth, took from his own person a large 
 yellow mantle lined with crimson, and threw it over his 
 shoulders. The latter, however, had for so long a time 
 gone entirely naked, that even this scanty covering was at 
 first almost insupportable, and he had become so accustomed 
 to the diet of the natives, that he found it difficult to re- 
 concile his stomach to the meat and drink set before him. 
 
 '•' When he had sufficiently recovered from the agitation 
 of his arrival among Christians, Cortes drew from him the 
 particulars of his story, and found that he was related to 
 one of his own friends, the licentiate Marcos de Aguilar. 
 He treated him, therefore, with additional kindness and re- 
 spect, and retained him about his person to aid him as an 
 interpreter in his great Mexican expedition. 
 
 " The happiness of Jeronimo de Aguilar at once more 
 being restored to his countrymen, was doomed to suffer 
 some alloy from the disasters that had happened in his fa- 
 mily. Peter Martyr records a touching anecdote of the 
 effect that had been produced upon his mother by the 
 tidings of his misfortune. A vague report had reached her 
 in Spain, that her son had fallen into the hands of canni- 
 bals. All the horrible tales that circulated in Spain, con- 
 cerning the treatment of these savages to their prisoners, 
 rushed to her imagination, and she went distracted. When- 
 ever she beheld roasted meat, or flesh upon the spit, she 
 would fill the house with her outcries. ' Oh, wretched 
 mother ! oh most miserable of women !' would she ex- 
 claim, ' behold the limbs of my murdered son.'* 
 
 " It is to be hoped, that the tidings of his deliverance 
 had a favourable effect upon her intellects, and that she 
 lived to rejoice at his after fortunes. He served Hernando 
 Cortez with great courage and ability throughout his Mexi- 
 can conquests, acting sometimes as a soldier, sometimes as 
 
 * p. Martyr, decad. 4, c. 6. 
 
CHAP. XXSIII.] VOYAGE OF MAGELLAN. 293 
 
 interpreter and ambassador to the Indians, and in reward of 
 his fidelity and services, was appointed regidor, or civil go- 
 vernor of the City of Mexico."* 
 
 At this period Mr. Irving closes his narrative of 
 the Voyages and Discoveries of the Companions of 
 Columbus. The period is deemed suitable for ending 
 this account of discoveries in the vilest generally. 
 The present volume, from its nature, is not one in 
 v^^hich it would be suitable to draw further from the 
 collection of pieces relative to the conquest of Mexico, 
 or to narrate the horrible cruelties of the conquerors 
 of that country. These are appropriate to a History 
 of Mexico, and have been the subject of interesting 
 works.f 
 
 The famous voyage of Fernando de Magalhaens 
 or Magellan, the Portuguese navigator, cannot how- 
 ever be allowed to pass wholly unnoticed. He had 
 served under Albuquerque in the East Indias, and dis- 
 tinguished himself, especially at the taking of Ma- 
 lacca in 1510. Entering afterwards in the service of 
 
 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, " Craut§s Horribles des conqu6rants du 
 
 p. 284 to 289. Mexique, et Des Indiens qui las aiderent 
 
 t Several of these are in the collection of a soiimettre cet empire a la couronne d'Es- 
 
 Voyages, Relations and Memoirs published pagne, Memoire de don Fernando D'Alva 
 
 at Paris in 1838 by II. Ternaux, to wit : Ixtlilxfichitl ; supplement a I'histoire du 
 
 Rapport sur les differentes classes de pere Sahagun, publie et dedieau gouverne- 
 
 chefs de la Nouvelle-Espagne sur les lois, ment supreme de la confederation mexi- 
 
 les moBurs des habitants, sur les impots es- caine, par Charles-Marie de Bustamente j" 
 
 table's avant et depu is la conquete etc. etc. printed at Mexico in 1829. 
 
 Par Alonzo de Zurita ex-auditeur a I'au- We have had also in the United States a 
 
 dience royale de Mexico. " History of the Conquest of Mexico, with 
 
 HistoiredesChichimequesoudesanciens a preliminary view of the ancient Mexi- 
 
 rois de Tezcuco, par Fernando D'Alva Ix- can civilization, and the Life of the Con- 
 
 tlilx6chitl traduit sur le manuscrit es- queror Hernando Cortes, by William H. 
 
 pagnol premiere et seconde partie. Prescott, author of the History of Ferdi- 
 
 Premier et second recueilde pieces sur Le nand and Isabella. In three volumes;" 
 
 Mexique in^dites. eighth edition, published at New York in 
 
 1847. 
 
294 VOYAGE OF MAGELLAN. [BOOK i. 
 
 Charles the Fifth, he was entrusted by him with the 
 command of a fleet to explore a passage to the Mo- 
 lucco islands, by sailing westward. He commenced 
 his voyage the 20th of September 1519, entered 
 about the end of October 1520 the straits since called 
 after him, and on the 27th of November discovered 
 the Pacific Ocean. Continuing his cruise, he arrived 
 at the Ladrone islands, and subsequently at the Philip- 
 pines, on one of which he lost his life in a skirmish 
 with the natives in 1521. This brief allusion to Ma- 
 gellan must suffice. 
 
 The plan of this work makes it necessary, gradually 
 as we come down, in point of time, to circumscribe 
 the locality of the voyages of which it treats. The 
 next book will be of those on the Atlantic coast of 
 North America. 
 
BOOK II, 
 
 VOYAGES TO AND ALONG THE ATLANTIC COAST OF 
 NORTH AMERICA FROM 1520 TO 1573. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Of the voyages of Luke Vasquez d' Aylon to Florida in 1520 and 1524 ; 
 and tliat of Juan Ponce de Leon in 1521. 
 
 After Florida came into possession of the English, 
 a small volume, of one hundred and two pages, was 
 published at London in 1763, entitled 
 
 " An account of the first discovery and natural history of 
 Florida, with a particular detail of the several expeditions 
 and descents made on that coast, collected from the best 
 authorities, by William Roberts, illustrated by a general 
 map and some particular plans, together with a geographi- 
 cal description of that country by T. Jeffreys, geographer 
 to his majesty." 
 
 This account was published at a period when the 
 settlement of Florida was under the consideration of 
 the English government, and it was supposed would 
 be of service to such ships as might be sent thither. 
 Mr. Jeffreys considered his geographical description 
 of the sea coast, in a much nearer degree accurate. 
 
296 VOYAGE OF VASQ,UEZ TO FLORIDA ; 1520. [BOOK II. 
 
 than any then extant, as he had digested it from a 
 considerable number of original Spanish and French 
 charts, found on board of vessels of those nations, 
 made prizes. The map is useful at the present day, 
 as shewing the names by which places were then 
 known. 
 
 At page 27 of the volume of Mr. Roberts, is the 
 following : 
 
 "In the year 1520, Luke Vasquez of Aylon, a licentiate, 
 being in want of hands to work in the mines, entered into 
 a resolution, with some associates, to try if they could steal 
 off a number of savages from the neighbouring islands, to 
 be employed in this business. For this purpose they equip- 
 ped two ships, and sailed out of the harbour of Plata, situ- 
 ated on the north side of Hispaniola, and steered, either by 
 chance or design, which it was is uncertain, a northwestern 
 course, until they came to the most distant of the Lucayos 
 islands ; and thence, to what was then part of Florida, in 
 thiry-two degrees north latitude, now called St. Helena. 
 At the sight of these ships making towards the shore with 
 expanded sails, the amazed natives ran in crowds to view 
 them, conceiving that they must be some monstrous fishes 
 driven upon the coast; but, as soon as they saw men with 
 beards and covered with clothing, land out of these floating 
 mansions, they fled in a panic. The Spaniards, having 
 stopped two of them, carried them off into their ships; 
 where, after having entertained them with meat and drink, 
 they sent them back again cloathed in the Spanish habit. 
 The king of the country, admiring the dress, sent fifty of 
 his people to the ships, with a present of various fruits and 
 provisions ; and, not contented with doing this, he made a 
 party of his subjects attend the Spaniards in the many ex- 
 cursions into the neighbouring provinces, with which, at 
 their request, he gratified their inclinations; where they 
 
CHAP. I.] VOYAGE OF JUAN PONCE TO FLORIDA J 1521. 297 
 
 were presented with gold, plates of silver, pearls, &:.c., and 
 received in the most hospitable manner. The Spaniards, 
 having made their own observations, as they passed, upon 
 the customs and manners of the inhabitants, the soil and 
 climate, invited a large number of the natives (after they 
 had watered their ships and were prepared for departure) to 
 an entertainment on board their vessels ; where, having 
 plied their guests well with liquor, they took that wicked 
 opportunity to weigh anchor, and sail away with these un- 
 happy deluded people towards Hispaniola. Many of the 
 poor wretches pined to death with vexation, and from an 
 obstinate refusal of food; the greater part of what re- 
 mained, perished in one of the vessels that foundered at 
 sea; and some of them, in vain appealing to the violated 
 rights of hospitality, were hurried into a cruel and hopeless 
 slavery. Yasquez, instead of the punishment due to so in- 
 human and horrid a proceeding, expected and obtained of 
 the king, the reward appointed for such as discovered new 
 lands, together with the usual immunities they were en- 
 titled to." 
 
 Of the next expedition to Florida, we have an ac- 
 count by Mr. Irving, at page 321 of his volume of 
 Voyages and Discoveries of the Companions of Co- 
 lumbus. Mentioning Juan Ponce de Leon, after he 
 had returned from his enterprise against the Caribs 
 to Porto Rico, Mr. Irving says of him : 
 
 '= He continued for several years in that island, in a state 
 of growling repose, until the brilliant exploits of Hernando 
 Cortes, which threatened to eclipse the achievements of all 
 the veteran discoverers, roused his dormant spirit. 
 
 " Jealous of being cast in the shade in his old days, he 
 determined to sally forth on one more expedition. He had 
 heard that Florida, which he had discovered, and which he 
 38 
 
298 VOYAGE OF JUAN PONCE TO FLORIDA ; 1521. [BOOK li. 
 
 had hitherto considered a mere island, was part of Terra 
 Firma, possessing vast and unknown regions in its bosom. 
 If so, a grand field of enterprise lay before him, wherein 
 he might make discoveries and conquests- to rival, if not 
 surpass, the far-famed conquest of Mexico. 
 
 "Accordingly, in the year 1521, he fitted out two ships 
 at the island of Porto Rico, and embarked almost the 
 whole of his property in the undertaking. His voyage was 
 toilsome and tempestuous, but at length he arrived at the 
 wished-for land. He made a descent upon the coast with 
 a great part of his men, but the Indians sallied forth with 
 unusual valour to defend their shores. A bloody battle en- 
 sued, several of the Spaniards were slain, and Juan Ponce 
 was wounded by an arrow, in the thigh. He was borne 
 on board his ship, and finding himself disabled for further 
 action, set sail for Cuba, where he arrived ill in body and 
 dejected in heart. 
 
 " He was of an age when there is no longer prompt and 
 healthful reaction, either mental or corporeal. The irrita- 
 tions of humiliated pride and disappointed hope, exaspe- 
 rated the fever of his wound, and he died soon after his ar- 
 rival at the island. ' Thus fate,' says one of the quaint 
 old Spanish writers, ' delights to reverse the schemes of 
 man. The discovery that Juan Ponce flattered himself 
 was to lead to a means of perpetuating his life, had the ul- 
 timate effect of hastening his death.' 
 
 " It may be said, however, that he has, at least attained 
 the shadow of his desire, since, though disappointed in ex- 
 tending the natural term of his existence, his discovery has 
 ensured a lasting duration to his name. 
 
 " The following epitaph was inscribed upon his tomb, 
 which does justice to the warrior qualities of the stout old 
 cavalier : 
 
 " Mole sub liac fortis requiescat ossa Leonis, 
 Clui vicit factis nomina magna suis." 
 
CHAP.!.] VOYAGE OF VASqUEZ TO FLORIDA; 1524. 299 
 
 •' It has thus been paraphrased in Spanish by the licen- 
 tiate Juan de Castellanos : 
 
 " Aqueste lugar estrecho 
 Es sepulchro del varon, 
 Que en el nombie fue Leon, 
 Y mucho mas en el hecho." 
 
 " ' In this sepulchre rest the bones of a man, who was a 
 lion by name, and still more by nature.' " 
 
 Of Luke Vasquez of Aylon, it is said by Roberts, 
 at page 28, that after he had received a reward for 
 what he had before done : 
 
 " In the year 1.524, he sent more ships to Florida, and 
 was so elated with the accounts he had from them, of the 
 fertility of the soil, and the great plenty of gold, silver and 
 pearls, to be found there, that he hastened thither himself 
 tiie next year, with three ships ; but having lost one of 
 them when near the cape of St. Helen, and two hundred 
 of his people whom he had landed being entirely destroyed 
 by the natives, more through their own negligence and su- 
 pine security, than the bravery of the inhabitants ; disap- 
 pointed of his wishes, and broken hearted, he returned back 
 again to Hispaniola." 
 
 This is not entirely consistent with what is found 
 in Biedma's account of the expedition of De Soto to 
 Florida in 1539, to be mentioned hereafter in chap- 
 ter xii. His language is : 
 
 " Nous apprimes que la troupe d'Ayllon s'etait avancee 
 fort peu dans I interieur, q'uelle avait suivi presque toujours 
 le bord de la mer jusqu'a la mort de ce dernier, et que ses 
 compagnons s'etaient entretues, ne pouvant s'accorder entre 
 eux sur le choix d'un chef." 
 
300 PROJECT OF CORTEZ IN 1524. [BOOK II. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Of the project of Cortez iu 1524 for examining the coast of the Atlan- 
 tic as well as the Pacific. 
 
 The project in 1524 of the celebrated Cortez was 
 attended with no interesting results. Mr. Biddle in 
 his Memoir of Cabot, p. 258, 9, refers to the letter 
 in which Cortez apprises the emperor of his views 
 on the subject. 
 
 " This letter, dated 16th of October 1524, will be found 
 in Barcia's Historiadores Primitives, Tom. 1, p. 151, and is 
 faithfully rendered by Ramusio, vol. iii. fol. 294. After 
 expressing great zeal for the service of the emperor, he re- 
 marks that it seemed to him no other enterprise remained 
 by which to manifest his devotion than to examine the re- 
 gion between the river Panuco (in Mexico) and Florida, 
 recently discovered by the Adelantado Ponce de Leon, and 
 also the coast of the said Florida toivards the north until 
 it reaches the Baccalaos, holding it for certain that along 
 the coast is a strait conducting to the South sea. He states 
 as a part of his plan, that certain vessels in the Pacific 
 should sail concurrently along the western coast of Ame- 
 rica, while the others, 'as I have said, proceed up to the 
 point of junction with the Baccalaos, so that on one side 
 or the other we cannot fail to ascertain the secret.' " 
 
 "It is material to remark," observes Mr. Biddle, "that 
 Cortez has no other designation for the region in the north 
 than that which Peter Martyr, in his decades published 
 eight years before, had stated to have been conferred on it 
 by Cabot." 
 
CHAP. II.] PROJECT OF CORTEZ IN 1524. 301 
 
 At this period there was a very important enter- 
 prise on the southern continent ; it can only be ad- 
 verted to here in the briefest manner. Pedrarias de 
 Avila having colonized the City of Panama, that of 
 Natay, and the town of Nombre de Dios, Francisco 
 Pizarro was living in the City of Panama, when he 
 asked permission of Pedrarias to go to make disco- 
 veries farther south. Pizarro set out from Panama 
 the 14th of November 1524, and proceeded to con- 
 quer Peru. A relation of this conquest by Francisco 
 de Xeres, a secretary of Pizarro, was printed at Se- 
 ville in 1534, at Venice in 1535, and at Salamanca in 
 1547, and was reprinted at Paris in 1837 by H. Ter- 
 naux in his collection of voyages, relations and me- 
 moirs, to serve for the history of the discovery of 
 America, in which collection will also be found, 
 
 " Mernoires historiques sur V ancien Perou par le licencie 
 Fernando Montisinos ;" and 
 
 " Histoire du Perou par Miguel Cavello Balboa." 
 
 We have had likewise published at New York, in 
 1847, 
 
 " History of the Conquest of Peru, with a preliminary 
 view of the civilization of the Incas, by William H. Pres- 
 cott; corresponding member of the French institute, of the 
 royal academy of history at Madrid, <fec. in two volumes." 
 
302 VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. ["OOK II. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Of the voyage of John De Verazzano in 1524, along tlie coast of North 
 America, from Carolina to Newfoundland. 
 
 In 1524 5 Francis the First, King of France, sent 
 forth John de Verazzano, a Florentine, with four 
 ships. An account of the voyage of Verazzano was, 
 about forty years after its completion, published at 
 Venice, in the Italian language, in the third volume 
 of Ramusio's collection of voyages and travels. An 
 English translation of the account in Ramusio was 
 published in 1600 in Hakluyt's Collection,* and re- 
 published from Hakluyt in 1611, by the New York 
 Historical Society.! In 1834, Mr. Alfred Hawkins 
 published an interesting account of Quebec, wherein, 
 noticing Verazzano, he refers to a manuscript of his, 
 preserved in the Strozzi library at Florence, and ex- 
 presses the desire that some Italian scholar would fa- 
 vour the world with its publication. J The North 
 American Review for October 1837, contains an ac- 
 count of the researches of George W. Greene, Esq., 
 the American consul at Rome. He found at Flo- 
 rence a manuscript of Verazzano's letter of the 8th 
 of July 1524, to the King of France, differing, in 
 some respects, from the one in Ramusio. Mr. Greene 
 having furnished to the Historical Society of New 
 
 * Vol. 3, p. 395 to 300. f Volume Collections for 1809, p. 45. t Hawkins's Quebec, p. 33. 
 
CHAP. III.] VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. 303 
 
 York a copy of this manuscript, a translation of it 
 from the Itahan was made by Joseph G. Cogswell, 
 Esq., a member of that society, and published in 
 1841 in the second series of the society's collections. 
 It will be found in the first volume of the second se- 
 ries, page 37 to 67. The following extract from that 
 volume contains Verazzano's account of the new 
 country, which he reached on the 20th of March, 
 sailing from Madeira towards the west, a little north- 
 wardly : 
 
 " At first it appeared to be very low, but on approaching 
 it to within a quarter of a league from the shore we per- 
 ceived, by the great fires near the coast, that it was inha- 
 bited. We perceived that it stretched to the south, and 
 coasted along in that direction in search of some port, in 
 which we might come to anchor, and examine into the na- 
 ture of the country, but for fifty leagues we could find 
 none in which we could lie securely. Seeing the coast 
 still stretched to the south, we resolved to change our 
 course and stand to the northward, and as we still had the 
 same difficulty, we drew in with the land and sent a boat 
 on shore. Many people who were seen coming to the sea- 
 side fled at our approach, but occasionally stopping, they 
 looked back upon us with astonishment, and some were at 
 length induced by various friendly signs to come to us. 
 These showed the greatest delight on beholding us, won- 
 dering at our dress, countenances and complexion. They 
 then showed us by signs where we could more conveni- 
 ently secure our boat, and oflfered us some of their provi- 
 sions. That your majesty may know all that we learned, 
 while on shore, of their manners and customs of life, I will 
 relate what we saw as briefly as possible. They go en- 
 tirely naked, except that about the loins they wear skins of 
 small animals like martens fastened by a girdle of plaited 
 
304 VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. [book ii. 
 
 grass, to which they tie, all round the body, the tails of 
 Other animals hanging down to the knees ; all other parts 
 of the body and the head are naked. Some wear garlands 
 similar to birds' feathers. 
 
 "The complexion of these people is black, not much dif- 
 ferent from that of the Ethiopians; their hair is black and 
 thick, and not very long, it is worn tied back upon the 
 head in the form of a little tail. In person, they are of 
 good proportions, of middle stature, a little above our own, 
 broad across the breast, strong in the arms, and well formed 
 in the legs and other parts of the body; the only excep- 
 tion to their good looks is that they have broad faces, but 
 not all, however, as we saw many that had sharp ones, 
 with large black eyes and a fixed expression. They are 
 not very strong in body, but acute in mind, active and swift 
 of foot, as far as we could judge by observation. In these 
 last two particulars they resemble the people of the east, 
 especially those the most remote. We could not learn a 
 great many particulars of their usages, on account of our 
 short stay among them and the distance of our ship from 
 the shore. 
 
 "We found not far from this people another whose mode 
 of life we judged to be similar. The whole shore is co- 
 vered with fine sand, about fifteen feet thick, rising in the 
 form of little hills about fifty paces broad. Ascending far- 
 ther, we found several arms of the sea which make in 
 through inlets, washing the shores on both sides as the 
 coast runs. An outstretched country appears at a little dis- 
 tance rising somewhat above the sandy shore in beautiful 
 fields and broad plains, covered with immense forests of 
 trees, more or less dense, too various in colours, and too de- 
 lightful and charming in appearance to be described. I do 
 not believe that they are like the Hercynian forest or the 
 rough wilds of Scythia, and the northern regions full of 
 vines and common trees, but adorned with palms, laurels. 
 
CHAP. HI.] VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524, 305 
 
 cypresses, and other varieties unknown in Europe, that 
 send forth the sweetest fragrance to a great distance, but 
 which we could not examine more closely for the reasons 
 before given, and not on account of any difficulty in tra- 
 versing the woods, which, on the contrary, are easily pene- 
 trated. 
 
 " As the ' East' stretches around this country, I think it 
 cannot be devoid of the same medicinal and aromatic drugs, 
 and various riches of gold and the like, as is denoted by 
 the colour of the ground. It abounds also in animals, as 
 deer, stags, hares, and many other similar, and with a great 
 variety of birds for every kind of pleasant and delightful 
 sport. It is plentifully supplied with lakes and ponds of 
 running water, and being in the latitude of 34P* the air is 
 salubrious, pure and temperate, and free from the extremes 
 of both heat and cold. There are no violent winds in these 
 regions, the most prevalent are the northwest and west. 
 In summer, the season in which we were there, the sky is 
 clear, with but little rain : if fogs and mists are at any time 
 driven in by the south wind, they are instantaneously dis- 
 sipated, and at once it becomes serene and bright again. 
 The sea is calm, not boisterous, and its waves are gentle. 
 Although the whole coast is low and without harbours, it is 
 not dangerous for navigation, being free from rocks and 
 bold, so that within four or five fathoms from the shore, 
 there is twenty-four feet of water at all times of tide, and 
 this depth constantly increases in a uniform proportion. 
 The holding ground is so good that no ship can part her 
 cable, however violent the wind, as we proved by experi- 
 ence : for while riding at anchor on the coast, we were 
 overtaken by a gale in the beginning of March, when the 
 winds are high, as is usual in all countries; we found our 
 anchor broken before it started from its hold or moved at 
 all. 
 
 * In the southern part of what is now North Carolina, near Cape Fear. 
 
 39 
 
306 VOYAGE OP VERAZZANO IN 1524. [book li. 
 
 " We set sail from this place, continuing to coast along 
 the shore, which we found stretching out to the west 
 (east?); the inhabitants being numerous, we saw every- 
 where a multitude of fires. While at anchor on this coast, 
 there being no harbour to enter, we sent the boat on shore 
 with twenty-five men to obtain water, but it was not pos- 
 sible to land without endangering the boat, on account of 
 the immense high surf thrown up by the sea, as it was an 
 open roadstead. Many of the natives came to the beach, in- 
 dicating by various friendly signs that we might trust our- 
 selves on shore. One of their noble deeds of friendship 
 deserves to be made known to your majesty. A young 
 sailor was attempting to swim ashore through the surf to 
 carry them some knick-knacks, as little bells, looking- 
 glasses, and other like trifles ; when he came near three or 
 four of them, he tossed the things to them, and turned 
 about to get back to the boat, but he was thrown over by 
 the waves, and so dashed by them that he lay as it were 
 dead upon the beach. When these people saw him in this 
 situation, they ran and took him up by the head, legs and 
 arms, and carried him to a distance from the surf; the 
 young man, finding himself borne off in this way, uttered 
 very loud shrieks in fear and dismay, while they answered 
 as they could in their language, showing him that he had 
 no cause for fear. Afterwards they laid him down at the 
 foot of a little hill, when they took off his shirt and trow- 
 sers, and examined him, expressing the greatest astonish- 
 ment at the whiteness of his skin. Our sailors in the boat 
 seeing a great fire made up, and their companion placed 
 very near it, full of fear, as is usual in all cases of novelty, 
 imagined that the natives were about to roast him for food. 
 But as soon as he had recovered his strength after a short 
 stay with them, showing by signs that he wished to return 
 aboard, they hugged him with great affection, and accom- 
 panied him to the shore ; then leaving him that he might 
 
CHAP. III.] VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. 307 
 
 feel more secure, they withdrew to a little hill, from which 
 they watched him until he was safe in the boat. This 
 young man remarked that these people were black like the 
 others, that they had shining skins, middle stature, and 
 sharper faces, and very delicate bodies and limbs, and that 
 they were inferior in strength, but quick in their minds ; 
 this is all that he observed of them. 
 
 " Departing hence, and always following the shore, which 
 stretched to the north, we came, in the space of fifty 
 leagues, to another land, which appeared very beautiful and 
 full of the largest forests. We approached it, and going 
 ashore with twenty men, we went back from the coast 
 about two leagues, and found that the people had fled and 
 hid themselves in the woods for fear. By searching around 
 we discovered in the grass a very old woman and a young 
 girl of about eighteen or twenty, who had concealed them- 
 selves for the same reason ; the old woman carried two in- 
 fants on her shoulders, and behind her neck a little boy 
 eight years of age ; when we came up to them they began 
 to shriek and make signs to the men who had fled to the 
 woods. We gave them a part of our provisions, which 
 they accepted with delight, but the girl would not touch 
 any ; every thing we offered to her being thrown down in 
 great anger. We took the little boy from the old woman 
 to carry with us to France, and would have taken the girl 
 also, who was very beautiful and very tall, but it was im- 
 possible because of the loud shrieks she uttered as we at- 
 tempted to lead her away ; having to pass some woods, and 
 being far from the ship, we determined to leave her and 
 take the boy only. We found them fairer than the others, 
 and wearing a covering made of certain plants, which hung 
 down frorfi the branches of the trees, tying them together 
 with threads of wild hemp ; their heads are without cover- 
 ing and of the same shape as the others. Their food is a 
 kind of pulse which there abounds, different in colour and 
 
308 VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. [''OOK II. 
 
 size from ours, and of a very delicious flavour. Besides, 
 they take birds and fish for food, using snares and bows 
 made of hard wood, with reeds for arrows, in the ends of 
 which they put the bones of fish and other animals. The 
 animals in these regions are wilder than in Europe, from 
 being continually molested by the hunters. We saw many 
 of their boats made of one tree twenty feet long and four 
 feet broad, without the aid of stone or iron or other kind of 
 metal. In the whole country, for the space of two hun- 
 dred leagues, which we visited, we saw no stone of any 
 sort. To hollow out their boats, they burn out as much of 
 a log as is requisite, and also from the prow and stern to 
 make them float well on the sea. The land, in situation, 
 fertility and beauty, is like the other, abounding also in fo- 
 rests filled with various kinds of trees, but not of such fra- 
 grance, as it is more northern and colder. 
 
 " We saw in this country many vines growing naturally, 
 which entwine about the trees, and run up upon them as 
 they do in the plains of Lombardy. These vines would 
 doubtless produce excellent wine if they were properly cul- 
 tivated and attended to, as we have often seen the grapes 
 which they produce very sweet and pleasant, and not un- 
 like our own. They must be held in estimation by them, 
 as they carefully remove the shrubbery from around them, 
 wherever they grow, to allow the fruit to ripen better. We 
 found also wild roses, violets, lilies, and many sorts of 
 plants and fragrant flowers diff'erent from our own. We 
 cannot describe their habitations, as they are in the interior 
 of the country, but from various indications we conclude 
 they must be formed of trees and shrubs. We saw also 
 many grounds for conjecturing that they often sleep in the 
 open air, without any covering but the sky. Of their other 
 usages we know nothing ; we believe, however, that all the 
 people we were among live in the same way. 
 
CHAP, in] VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. 309 
 
 " After having remained here three days, riding at anchor 
 on the coast, as we could find no harbour, we determined 
 to depart, and coast along the shore to the northeast, keep- 
 ing sail on the vessel only by day, and coming to anchor 
 by night. After proceeding one hundred leagues we found 
 a very pleasant situation among some steep hills, through 
 which a very large river, deep at its mouth, forced its way 
 to the sea ; from the sea to the estuary of the river, any 
 ship heavily laden might pass, with the help of the tide, 
 which rises eight feet. But as we were riding at anchor in 
 a good berth, we would not venture up in our vessel, with- 
 out a knowledge of the mouth ; therefore we took the boat, 
 and entering the river, we found the country on its banks 
 well peopled, the inhabitants not differing much from the 
 others, being dressed out with the feathers of birds of va- 
 rious colours. They came towards us with evident delight, 
 raising loud shouts of admiration, and showing us where 
 we could most securely land with our boat. We passed up 
 this river, about half a league, when we found it formed a 
 most beautiful lake three leagues in circuit, upon which 
 they were rowing thirty or more of their small boats, from 
 one shore to the other, filled with multitudes who came to 
 see us. All of a sudden, as is wont to happen to naviga- 
 tors, a violent contrary wind blew in from the sea, and 
 forced us to return to our ship, greatly regretting to leave 
 this region which seemed so commodious and delightful, 
 and which we supposed must also contain great riches, as 
 the hills showed many indications of minerals. Weighing 
 anchor, we sailed fifty leagues towards the east, as the coast 
 stretched in that direction, and always in sight of it ; at 
 length we discovered an island of a triangular form, about 
 ten leagues from the main land, in size about equal to the 
 island of Rhodes, having many hills covered with trees, 
 and well peopled, judging from the great number of fires 
 which we saw all around its shores; we gave it the name 
 of your majesty's illustrious mother. 
 
310 VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. [book li. 
 
 " We did not land there, as the weather was unfavoura- 
 ble, but proceeded to another place, fifteen leagues distant 
 from the island, where we found a very excellent harbour. 
 Before entering it, we saw about twenty small boats full of 
 people, who came about our ship, uttering many cries of 
 astonishment, but they would not approach nearer than 
 within fifty paces ; stopping, they looked at the structure 
 of our ship, our persons and dress, afterwards they all raised 
 a loud shout together, signifying that they were pleased. 
 By imitating their signs, we inspired them in some measure 
 with confidence, se that they came near enough for us to 
 toss to them some little bells and glasses, and many toys, 
 which they took and looked at, laughing, and then came 
 on board without fear. Among them were two kings more 
 beautiful in form and stature than can possibly be described ; 
 one was about forty years old, the other about twenty-four, 
 and they were dressed in the following manner: The old- 
 est had a deer's skin around his body, artificially wrought 
 in damask figures, his head was without covering, his hair 
 was tied back in various knots ; around his neck he wore a 
 large chain ornamented with many stones of different co- 
 lours. The young man was similar in his general appear- 
 ance. This is the finest looking tribe, and the handsomest 
 in their costumes, that we have found in our voyage. 
 They exceed us in size, and they are of a very fair com- 
 plexion (?); some of them incline more to a white (bronze?), 
 and others to a tawny colour ; their faces are sharp, their 
 hair long and black, upon the adorning of which they be- 
 stow great pains ; their eyes are black and sharp, their ex- 
 pression mild and pleasant, greatly resembling the antique. 
 I say nothing to your majesty of the other parts of the 
 body, which are all in good proportion, and such as belong 
 to well-formed men. Their women are of the same form 
 and beauty, very graceful, of fine countenances and pleas- 
 ing appearance in manners and modesty ; they wear no 
 
CHAP. Ill] VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. 311 
 
 clothing except a deer skin, ornamented like those worn 
 by the men; some wear very rich lynx skins upon their 
 arms, and various ornaments upon their heads, composed of 
 braids of hair, which also hang down upon their breasts on 
 each side. Others wear different ornaments, such as the 
 women of Egypt and Syria use. The older and the mar- 
 ried people, both men and women, wear many ornaments 
 in their ears, hanging down in the oriental manner. We 
 saw upon them several pieces of wrought copper, which is 
 more esteemed by them than gold, as this is not valued on 
 account of its colour, but is considered by them as the most 
 ordinary of the metals — yellow being the colour especially 
 disliked by them ; azure and red are those in highest esti- 
 mation with them. Of those things which we gave them, 
 they prized most highly the bells, azure crystals, and other 
 toys to hang in their ears and about their necks ; they do 
 not value or care to have silk or gold stuffs, or other kinds 
 of cloth, nor implements of steel or iron. When we 
 showed them our arms, they expressed no admiration, and 
 only asked how they were made; the same was the case 
 with the looking-glasses, which they returned to us, smi- 
 ling, as soon as they had looked at them. They are very 
 generous, giving away whatever they have. We formed a 
 great friendship with them, and one day we entered into 
 the port with our ship, having before rode at the distance 
 of a league from the shore, as the weather was adverse. 
 They came off to the ship with a number of their little 
 boats, with their faces painted in divers colours, showing us 
 real signs of joy, bringing us of their provisions, and signi- 
 fying to us where we could best ride in safety with our 
 ship, and keeping with us until we had cast anchor. We 
 remained among them fifteen days, to provide ourselves 
 with many things of which we were in want, during which 
 time they came every day to see our ship, bringing with 
 them their wives, of whom they were very careful ; for, al- 
 
312 VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524, [P'OO^ ii. 
 
 though they came on board themselves, and remained a long 
 while, they made their wives stay in the boats, nor could 
 we ever get them on board by any entreaties or any pre- 
 sents we could make them. One of the two kings often 
 came with his queen and many attendants, to see us for his 
 amusement ; but he always stopped at the distance of about 
 two hundred paces, and sent a boat to inform us of his in- 
 tended visit, saying they would come and see our ship — 
 this was done for safety, and as soon as they had an answer 
 from us they came off, and remained awhile to look around : 
 but on hearing the annoying cries of the sailors, the king 
 sent the queen, with her attendants, in a very light boat, to 
 wait, near an island a quarter of a league distant from us, 
 while he remained a long time on board, talking with us by 
 signs, and expressing his fanciful notions about every thing 
 in the ship, and asking the use of all. After imitating our 
 modes of salutation, and tasting our food, he courteously 
 took leave of us. Sometimes, when our men staid two or 
 three days on a small island, near the ship, for their various 
 necessities, as sailors are wont to do, he came with seven or 
 eight of his attendants, to inquire about our movements, of- 
 ten asking us if we intended to remain there long, and of- 
 fering us every thing at his command, and then he would 
 shoot with his bow, and run up and down with his people, 
 making great sport for us. We often went five or six 
 leagues into the interior, and found the country as pleasant 
 as is possible to conceive, adapted to cultiv^ation of every 
 kind, whether of corn, wine or oil ; there are open plains 
 twenty-five or thirty leagues in extent, entirely free from 
 trees or other hindrances, and of so great fertility, that 
 whatever is sown there will yield an excellent crop. On 
 entering the woods, we observed that they might all be tra- 
 versed by an army ever so numerous; the trees of which 
 they were composed, were oaks, cypresses, and others, un- 
 known in Europe. We found, also, apples, plumbs, filberts, 
 
CHAP. 111.] VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. 313 
 
 and many other fruits, but all of a different kind from ours. 
 The animals, which are in great numbers, as stags, deer, 
 lynxes, and many other species, are taken by snares, and by 
 bows, the latter being their chief implement ; their arrows 
 are wrought with great beauty, and for the heads of them, 
 they use emery, jasper, hard marble, and other sharp stones, 
 in the place of iron. They also use the same kind of sharp 
 stones in cutting down trees, and with them they construct 
 their boats of single logs, hollowed out with admirable skill, 
 and sufficiently commodious to contain ten or twelve per- 
 sons ; their oars are short, and broad at the end, and are 
 managed in vowing by force of the arms alone, with per- 
 fect security, and as nimbly as they choose. We saw their 
 dwellings, which are of a circular form, of about ten or 
 twelve paces in circumference, made of logs split in halves, 
 without any regularity of architecture, and covered with 
 roofs of straw, nicely put on, which protect them from 
 wind and rain. There is no doubt that they would build 
 stately edifices if they had workmen as skilful as ours, for 
 the whole sea coast abounds in shining stones, crystals, and 
 alabaster, and for the same reason it has ports and retreats 
 for animals. They change their habitations from place to 
 place as circumstances of situation and season may require ; 
 this is easily done, as they have only to take with them 
 their mats, and they have other houses prepared at once. 
 The father and the whole family dwell together in one 
 house in great numbers; in some we saw twenty-five or 
 thirty persons. Their food is pulse, as with the other tribes, 
 which is here better than elsewhere, and more carefully cul- 
 tivated ; in the time of sowing, they are governed by the 
 moon, the sprouting of grain, and many other ancient usa- 
 ges. They live by hunting and fishing, and they are long- 
 lived. If they fall sick, they cure themselves without me- 
 dicine, by the heat of the fire, and their death at last comes 
 from extreme old age. We judge them to be very affec- 
 40 
 
314 VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. [BOOK II. 
 
 tionate and charitable towards their relatives — making loud 
 lamentations in their adversity, and in their misery calling 
 to mind all their good fortune. At their departure out of 
 life, their relations mutually join in weeping, mingled with 
 singing, for a long while. This is all that we could learn 
 of them. This region is situated in the parallel of Rome, 
 being 41° 40' of north latitude, but much colder from ac- 
 cidental circumstances, and not by nature, as I shall here- 
 after explain to your majesty, and confine myself at present 
 to the description of its local situation. It looks towards 
 the south, on which side the harbour is half a league broad ; 
 afterwards, upon entering it, the extent between the coast 
 and north is twelve leagues, and then enlarging itself it 
 forms a very lage bay, twenty leagues in circumference, in 
 which are five small islands, of great fertility and beauty, 
 covered with large and lofty trees. Among these islands 
 any fleet, however large, might ride safely, without fear of 
 tempests or other dangers. Turning towards the south, at 
 the entrance of the harbour, on both sides, there are very 
 pleasant hills, and many streams of clear water, which flow 
 down to the sea. In the midst of the entrance, there is a 
 rock of freestone, formed by nature, and suitable for the 
 construction of any kind of machine or bulwark for the de- 
 fence of the harbour.* 
 
 "Having supplied ourselves with every thing necessary, 
 on the fifth of May we departed from the port, and sailed 
 one hundred and fifty leagues, keeping so close to the coast 
 as never to lose it from our sight ; the nature of the coun- 
 try appeared much the same as before, but the mountains 
 
 * The above description applies to Nar- r.igraph of this translation, p. 45, with 
 
 raganset bay and the harbour of Newport sufficient clearness to admit of their being 
 
 in Rhode Island, although mistaken by Dr. easily recognized. The island " of a tri- 
 
 Miller, in his Discourse before this So- angular form, resembling the island of 
 
 ciety, as published in the first volume of Rhodes," which Verazzano mentions as 
 
 the former series of Collections, for the fifty leagues to the east of New York, p. 
 
 b^y and harbour of New York. The lat- 46, is doubtless Block Island.— Ed. 
 ter are briefly described in a preceding pa- 
 
CHAP. III.] VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. 315 
 
 were a little higher, and all in appearance rich in minerals. 
 We did not stop to land as the weather was very favourable 
 for pursuing our voyage, and the country presented no va- 
 riety. The shore stretched to the east, and fifty leagues 
 beyond more to the north, where we found a more elevated 
 country, full of very thick woods of fir trees, cypresses and 
 the like, indicative of a cold climate. The people were 
 entirely different from the others we had seen, whom we 
 had found kind and gentle, but these were so rude and bar- 
 barous that we were unable by any signs we could make, 
 to hold communication with them. They clothe them- 
 selves in the skins of bears, lynxes, seals, and other ani- 
 mals. Their food, as far as we could judge by several vi- 
 sits to their dwellings, is obtained by hunting and fishing, 
 and certain fruits, which are a sort of root of spontaneous 
 growth. They have no pulse, and we saw no signs of cul- 
 tivation ; the land appears sterile and unfit for growing of 
 fruit or grain of any kind. If we wished at any time to 
 traffick with them, they came to the sea shore and stood 
 upon the rocks, from which they lowered down by a cord 
 to our boats beneath whatever they had to barter, continu- 
 ally crying out to us, not to come nearer, and instantly de- 
 manding from us that which was to be given in exchange; 
 they took from us only knives, fish hooks and sharpened 
 steel. No regard was paid to our courtesies ; when we had 
 nothing left to exchange with them, the men at our depar- 
 ture made the most brutal signs of disdain and contempt 
 possible. Against their will, we penetrated two or three 
 leagues into the interior with twenty-five men ; when we 
 came to the shore, they shot at us with their arrows, rais- 
 ing the most horrible cries and afterwards fleeing to the 
 woods. In this region we found nothing extraordinary ex- 
 cept vast forests and some metalliferous hills, as we infer 
 from seeing that many of the people wore copper ear-rings. 
 Departing from thence, we kept along the coast, steering 
 
316 VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. [BOOK II. 
 
 northeast, and found the country more pleasant and open, 
 free from woods; and distant in the interior we saw lofty 
 mountains, but none which extended to the shore. With- 
 in fifty leagues we discovered thirty-two islands, all near 
 the main land, small and of pleasant appearance, but high 
 and so disposed as to afford excellent harbours and chan- 
 nels, as we see in the Adriatic gulph, near Illyria and Dal- 
 matia. We had no intercourse with the people, but we 
 judge that they were similar in nature and usages to those 
 we were last among. After sailing between east and north 
 the distance of one hundred and fifty leagues more, and 
 finding our provisions and naval stores nearly exhausted, 
 we took in wood and water and determined to return to 
 France, having discovered 502, that is 700 (sic) leagues of 
 unknown lands." 
 
 Verazzano states that his intention in this voyage 
 vi^as to reach Cathay on the extreme coast of Asia ; 
 not doubting that he should penetrate by some pas- 
 sage to the Eastern ocean. He proceeds to say, it 
 was the opinion of the ancients that our Oriental In- 
 dian ocean is one, and without any interposing land, 
 but that this opinion is shewn to be erroneous by ex- 
 perience. 
 
 " The country which has been discovered, and which 
 was unknown to the ancients, is another world compared 
 with that before known, being manifestly larger than our 
 Europe, together with Africa and perhaps Asia, if we right- 
 ly estimate its extent, as shall now be briefly explained to 
 your majesty. The Spaniards have sailed south beyond 
 the equator on a meridian 20 degrees west of the Fortu- 
 nate Islands to the latitude of 54, and there still found 
 land ; turning about they steered northward on the same 
 meridian and along the coast to the eighth degree of lati- 
 
CHAP, in.] VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. 317 
 
 tude near the equator, and thence along the coast more to 
 the west and northwest, to the latitude of 21"^, without 
 finding a termination to the continent ; they estimated the 
 distance run as 89 degrees, which, added to the 20 first run 
 west of the Canaries, make 109 degrees and so far west; 
 they sailed from the meridian of these islands, but this may 
 vary somewhat from truth ; we did not make this voyage, 
 and therefore cannot speak from experience ; we calculated 
 it geometrically from the observations furnished by many 
 navigators, who have made the voyage and affirm the dis- 
 tance to be 1600 leagues, due allowance being made for the 
 deviations of the ship from a straight course, by reason of 
 contrary winds. I hope that we shall now obtain certain 
 information on these points, by new voyages to be made on 
 the same coasts. But to return to ourselves ; in the voy- 
 age which we have made by order of your majesty, in ad- 
 dition to the 92 degrees we run towards the west from our 
 point of departure, before we reached land in the latitude 
 of 34, we have to count 300 leagues which we ran north- 
 eastwardly, and 400 nearly east along the coast before we 
 reached the 50th parallel of north latitude, the point where 
 we turned our course from the shore towards home. Be- 
 yond tjiis point, the Portuguese had already sailed as far 
 north as the Arctic circle, without coming to the termina- 
 tion of the land. Thus adding the degrees of south lati- 
 tude explored, which are 54, to those of the north, which 
 are 66, the sum is 120, and therefore more than are em- 
 braced in the latitude of Africa and Europe, for the north 
 point of Norway, which is the extremity of Europe, is in 
 71 north, and the cape of Good Hope, which is the south- 
 ern extremity of Africa, is in 35 south, and their sum is 
 only 106, and if the breadth of this newly discovered coun- 
 try corresponds to its extent of sea coast, it doubtless ex- 
 ceeds Asia in size. In this way we find that the land forms 
 a much larger portion of our globe than the ancients sup- 
 
318 VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. [book ii. 
 
 posed, who maintained, contrary to mathematical reason- 
 ing, that it was less than the water, whereas actual experi- 
 ence proves the reverse, so that we judge in respect to ex- 
 tent of surface the land covers as much space as the water; 
 and I hope more clearly and more satisfactorily to point out 
 and explain to your majesty the great extent of that new 
 land, or new world, of which I have been speaking. The 
 continent of Asia and Africa, we know for certain is joined 
 to Europe at the north in Norway and Russia, which dis- 
 proves the idea of the ancients that all this part had been 
 navigated from the Cimbric Chersonesus, eastward as far as 
 the Caspian sea. They also maintained that the whole 
 continent was surrounded by two seas situate to the east 
 and west of it, which seas in fact do not surround either of 
 the two continents, for as we have seen above, the land of 
 the southern hemisphere at the latitude of 54 extends east- 
 ward! y an unknown distance, and that of the northern pass- 
 ing the 66th parallel turns to the east, and has no termina- 
 tion as high as the 70th."* 
 
 The fate of Verazzano is involved in some mystery. 
 
 If Francis the First received the letter of Veraz- 
 zano, in any short time after it was written, it must 
 have been at a time when his thoughts were wholly 
 occupied by his war with Charles the Fifth. Francis 
 laid siege to Pavia in 1524, was defeated there the 
 24th of February 1525, and after having two horses 
 killed under him, and receiving himself three wounds,t 
 fell, with his principal officers, into the hands of the 
 enemy. It was on this occasion that he wrote to his 
 mother, "all is lost except our honour." He was 
 carried to Madrid and kept in confinement until after 
 
 * New York Historical Collections, new series, vol. 1, p. 52, 3. 
 t" L'Histoire de France," printed at Paris in 1775, vol. 2, p. 462. 
 
CHAP. III.] VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. 319 
 
 the treaty of the 14th of January 1526. It has been 
 suggested that Verazzano on his return to France, 
 seeing from the condition of his king no chance of 
 further employment by his government, left its ser- 
 vice.* Mr. Biddle states that Verazzano got into 
 communication with Henry the Eighth, and refers, 
 as proof of this, to the following statement in an edi- 
 tion of Hakluyt, published in 1582: 
 
 " Master John Verarzanus, which had been thrice on that 
 coast, in an old excellent map which he gave to Henry the 
 Eighth, and is yet in the custody of Master Locke, doth so 
 lay it out as is to be seen in the map annexed to the end of 
 this book, being made according to Verarzanus' plat."t 
 
 * Hawkins's Quebec, p. 29, 30. 
 t Biddle's Memoir, p. 272. 
 
320 VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1525. [book II. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Of the voyage of Stephen Gomez to the Northwest, in 1525. 
 
 Stephen Gomez, a Portuguese, who, in the brief 
 narrative which we have of Magellan's memorable, 
 but tragic expedition, occupies (Mr. Biddle observes) 
 a prominent, though not very creditable place,* fitted 
 out an expedition in the latter part of 1524, by order 
 of the Emperor Charles the Fifth. Several authors 
 of reputation, on the history of the new world, who 
 wrote prior to 1612, give accounts of his voyage. 
 
 Peter Martyr, " after describing the conference at Bada- 
 jos in 1524, says: 'It is decreed that one Stephanns Go- 
 mez (who, also, is himself a skilful navigator) shall go 
 another way, whereby bettveen the Baccalaos and Florida, 
 long since our country's, he saith he will find out a way to 
 Cataia.' He then proceeds to describe the equipment and 
 the instructions given by the council. In the Sth decade, 
 ch. X., we have an account of the return of Gomez ; of the 
 country visited by him ; and of his having, in violation of 
 the standing orders on that subject, forcibly brought off 
 some of the inhabitants."! 
 
 The account in Oviedo (Sommario, ch. x. fo. xiv.), 
 translated by Richard Eden, in his Decades, fol. 213, 
 states that Gomez "sailed to the north parts and 
 found a great part of the land continuate from that 
 which is called Baccalaos, discoursing towards the 
 
 * Memoir of Cabot, p. 264. t Id. p. 262, 3 ; also, p. 265, note. 
 
CHAP. IV.] VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1525. 321 
 
 west to the fortieth and forty-first degree ;" that he 
 arrived in November 1525, shortly after the emperor 
 came to the City of Toledo ; and that he brought 
 with him certain Indians, for so were called all the 
 natives of the new-found lands. The Indians so 
 brought home by Gomez, are described as of greater 
 .stature than others of the firm land, as they are com- 
 monly; as great archers, who go covered with the 
 skins of beasts ; and it is said, that in the land which 
 Gomez found, are many excellent furs, of which he 
 brought some with him to Spain.* An ancient map, 
 in manuscript, drawn in 1529 by Diego Ribeiro, a 
 Spanish cosmographer, has also preserved remem- 
 brance of the voyage.f 
 
 Peter Martyr, in his account of this voyage of Go- 
 mez, tells, with great glee, the jest about esclavos : 
 
 " When he came into the haven of Clunia, from whence 
 he set sail, a certain man, hearing of the arrival of his ship 
 and that he had brought esclavos, that is to say slaves, seek- 
 ing no farther, came posting unto us with panting and 
 breathless spirit, saying that Stephanus Gomez bringeth his 
 ship laden with cloves and precious stones, and thought 
 thereby to have received some rich present or reward. 
 They who favoured the matter, attentive to this man's 
 foolish and idle report, wearied the whole court with ex- 
 ceeding great applause, calling the word by aphmreses, pro^ 
 claiming that for esclavos he had brought clavos, (for the 
 Spanish tongue calleth slaves esclavos, and cloves clavos,) 
 but after the court understood that the tale was transformed 
 from clavos to slaves, they break forth into a great laughter, 
 to the shame and blushing of the favourers who had 
 shouted for joy."| 
 
 * Memoir of Cabot, p. 263. t Id. p. 267. J Id. p. 266. 
 
 41 
 
322 VOYAGE OF CABOT IN 1526. [book ii. 
 
 CHAPTER Y. 
 
 Of the voyage made by Sebastian Cabot in 1526. 
 
 The first volume of Hakliiyt's Collection contains 
 at page 214 a communication in 1527 from Robert 
 Thorne, an English merchant residing at Seville, to 
 Dr. Lee, the English ambassador at the court of 
 Spain, in relation to the discoveries made under the 
 authority of Spain and Portugal, and giving his own 
 views in respect to a northerly way to the Moluccas. 
 He says, 
 
 " In a fleet of three ships and a caravel that went from 
 this city armed by the merchants of it, which departed in 
 April last past, I and my partner have fourteen hundred 
 duckets that we employed in the said fleet, principally for 
 that two Englishmen, friends of mine, which are some- 
 what learned in cosmography, should go in the same ships 
 to bring me certain relation of the situation of the country 
 and to be expert in the navigation of those seas and there 
 to have informations of many other things and advice that 
 I desire to know especially; seeing in these quarters are 
 ships and mariners of that country and cards by which 
 they sail, though much unlike ours, that they should pro- 
 cure to have the said cards and learn how they understand 
 them, and especially to know what navigation they have 
 for those islands, northwards and northeastward ; for, if 
 from the said islands, the sea did extend without interposi- 
 tion of land, to sail from the north point to the northeast 
 point seventeen hundred or eighteen hundred leagues, they 
 should come to the new found islands that we discovered, 
 
CHAP, v.] VOYAGE OF CABOT IN 1526. 323 
 
 and so we should be nearer to the said spicerie by almost 
 two thousand leagues than the emperor or the king of Por- 
 tugal." 
 
 Before this, Christovano Jaques, a gentleman of 
 the family of King John the Third, had, in 1525, 
 founded an establishment on the coast of Brazil. 
 Bu*' ie Portuguese government occupied itself then 
 vei / little with that country; its attention was con- 
 centrated upon its possessions in the East Indias. 
 The fleet referred to by Thorne was sent from Spain 
 under Sebastian Cabot. It was intended for the Mo- 
 luccas by the straits of Magellan, but stopped at the 
 coast of Brazil, where Cabot penetrated the river 
 which has taken the name of the Rio de la Plata, or 
 river of silver, because of the silver brought from it. 
 He sailed up the river Paraguay a great distance ; 
 the number of leagues that he sailed up the La Plata 
 and Paraguay is stated variously from one hundred 
 and twenty to six hundred : it is said in some of the 
 accounts that he only stopped from a fear of en- 
 croaching on the Portuguese possessions. After hav- 
 ing remained in this country about five years, during 
 which time he lost many people in his combats with 
 the Indians, Cabot decided to return to Europe for 
 reinforcements. He gave so good an account of this 
 province that Don Pedro de Mendo^o sohcited the 
 government of it, which he obtained on his agreeing 
 to transport to it a thousand men and a hundred 
 horses, and construct there three fortresses.* 
 
 * Vol. 3 of Ilakluyt, p. 726. Biddle's ages, Relations et Menioires," published 
 
 Memoir of Cabot, p. 144, also 167 and 171. at Paris in 1637, by H. Ternaux-Compans. 
 
 Preface to " Histoire Veritable d' un Voy- Also from the preface to another ; the His- 
 
 age curieux fait par Ulrich Schmidel De tory of the Province of Sancta Cruz. 
 Straubing," which is one of the " Voy- 
 
324 VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1527. [BOOK II. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Of a voyage from England to the northwest in 1527. 
 
 Robert Thorne, besides writing to the Engli b am- 
 bassador at Spain, sent an address to Henry*aj;ie 
 Eighth of England, urging upon that monarch that 
 with a small number of ships new lands might be dis- 
 covered, and that the way of discovery was to the 
 north. This letter is in the first volume of Hakluyt's 
 Collection, page 212. 
 
 Historians often tell us that Henry the Eighth made 
 no attempt to explore or settle North America. This 
 is a mistake. In the nineteenth year of his reigxi, 
 Henry sent forth two ships on a voyage to the west : 
 one called the Samson, of which a Mr. Grubs was 
 master ; the other the Mary of Guilford, commanded 
 by John Rut. They sailed in 1527 : it was the 20th 
 of May, according to Hakluyt, that they set forth out 
 of the Thames, and the 10th of June, according to 
 Purchas, that they sailed from Plymouth. On the 
 way, they were separated by a storm. A letter is ex- 
 tant from Rut to King Henry, written the 3d of Au- 
 gust 1527, in which he states that the Mary, in fifty- 
 two degrees, fell in with the main land, and within 
 two leagues thereof met with a great island of ice, 
 and went the 21st of July into Cape de Bas, a good 
 harbour, where he stopped ten days, and then going 
 south entered the 3d of August into a good harbour 
 called St. John, where he found eleven sail of Nor- 
 mans, and one Britain and one Portugal bark, all 
 
CHAP. VI.] VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1527. 325 
 
 fishing. A letter to the same effect was written from 
 St. John on the 10th of August 1527, by Albert de 
 Prato, who we may infer is the person alluded to by 
 Hakluyt when he says, " that a canon of Saint Paul 
 in London, which was a great mathematician, and a 
 man endowed with wealth, did much advance the ac- 
 tion, and went therein himself in person." The let- 
 ter of Albert de Prato, it is supposed, was to Cardi- 
 nal Wolsey.* Hakluyt says : 
 
 " One of the ships was cast away as it entered into a 
 dangerous gulph, about the great opening between the north 
 parts of Newfoundland and the country lately called by her 
 majesty (Q,ueen Elizabeth) Meta Incognita: whereupon, 
 the other ship shaping her course towards Cape Breton and 
 the coasts of Arambec, and oftentimes putting their men 
 on land to search the stale of those unknown regions, re- 
 turned home about the beginning of October of the year 
 aforesaid." 
 
 Mr. Biddle, in his Memoir of Cabot, page 272, ar- 
 gues that Verazzano went on this voyage, and was 
 lost in the Samson. The same answer may be given 
 to this theory which has been given to the position 
 that the St. Lawrence was the scene of his death 
 previously to the second voyage of Jacques Cartier. 
 In relation to this, Mr. Francis Hawkins said that 
 Verazzano was then alive in Italy, and referred to a 
 letter of Annibal Caro, quoted by Tiraboschi, an 
 author of reputation in the Storia della Letteratura 
 Italiana, vol. 7th, part 1, p. 261,2, as proving that 
 Verazzano was living in 1537.t 
 
 *3d vol. of Purchas'3 Pilgrims, book 4, cli. 13, p. 809. 3d vol. of Ilakluyt's Collection, 
 p. 129. 
 t Hawkins's Quebec, p. 31, 3. 
 
326 VOYAGE OF PAMPHILO DE NARVAEZ j 1527. [''"OK ii. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Of the expedition of Pamphilo de Narvaez to Florida in 1527 ; and 
 Cabeca de Vaca's long and perilous journey on foot to Mexico. 
 
 Pamphilo de Narvaez, who had previously com- 
 manded the army sent by Valasquez to take from Her- 
 nando Cortez the government of Mexico, set out 
 from Saint Lucar, on the 17th of June 1527, under 
 the authority of the King of Spain, to conquer and 
 govern Florida. His fleet was composed of five ves- 
 sels, with about six hundred men and various officers, 
 amongst whom was Cabeca de Vaca, treasurer and 
 alguazil mayor. Stopping at Saint Domingo about 
 forty-five days, to procure necessaries, more than one 
 hundred and forty men abandoned the fleet in this 
 isle. The rest proceeded to Saint Jago, a port of 
 Cuba, where the governor obtained men in place 
 of those who had quitted him, and also a supply of 
 arms and horses. Here a gentleman named Vasco 
 Porcullo, made an offer of some provisions that he 
 had at Trinity, a town one hundred leagues from Saint 
 Jago. Half way to Trinity, at a port called Santa 
 Cruz, the fleet stopped, and the governor sent a cap- 
 tain named Pantoja, in one vessel, accompanied by 
 Cabeca de Vaca in another, to get the provisions ; 
 the governor remaining at Santa Cruz with four ships, 
 for he had bought one at Saint Domingo. While the 
 two vessels were in the port of Trinity, there was a 
 
CHAP. VII.] ARRIVAL OF NARVAEZ IN FLORIDA j 1528. 327 
 
 violent storin, in which they were destroyed, and se- 
 venty persons and twenty horses that were aboard ; 
 those alone surviving who had landed, (about thirty 
 in number.) These remained at Trinity until the 5th 
 of November, when the governor arrived with his 
 four ships. He passed the winter at this port ; and 
 Cabe^a de Vaca, with the vessels and company, win- 
 tered at Xagua, twelve leagues from there. The 20th 
 of February 1521, the governor arrived at Xagua, 
 with a brigantine bought at Trinity, and a man 
 named Marvelo, engaged because of his knowledge 
 of Florida. Two days after, the governor embarked 
 with four hundred men and eighty horses, in four ves- 
 sels and a brigantine. After doubling the cape of 
 Saint Anthony, they went across to Florida, which 
 they reached the 1 1th of April. Following the coast, 
 they anchored at the entrance of a bay, on which 
 they saw an Indian town.* Alonzo Enriquez landing 
 on an isle in the bay, met with Indians, who furnished 
 him with fish and meat. The next day the governor 
 went to the Indian towns, which he found abandoned. 
 The day after, he planted the royal standard, and 
 took possession of the country in the name of the 
 king ; he landed as many horses as remained ahve, 
 being forty-two. On the following day the Indians 
 came to see them. The Spaniards having no in- 
 terpreters, could not clearly understand them, but 
 thought, from their signs, that they wished them to 
 leave the country. 
 
 * In the work published at London in landed there in his unsuccessful espedi- 
 
 1763, referred to ante, p. 295, there is the tion to Florida. Some time after, Diego 
 
 following mention of Pensacola, staled to de Maldonado, one of Ferdinand de Soto's 
 
 be in thirty degrees twenty-five minntes captains, touched here and named it Port 
 
 north latitude : " Tliis place was first dis- d' Anchusi." 
 covered by Pamphilo de Narvaez, who 
 
328 TRAVELS OF NARVAEZ IN FLORIDA ; 1528. [book II. 
 
 The governor afterwards decided to penetrate into 
 the interior, accompanied by forty men, amongst 
 whom was Cabe^a de Vaca. Going in the direction 
 of the north, they arrived at a very large bay. They 
 passed the night here, and returned next day to 
 the vessels. After sending the brigantine, with the 
 pilot Marvelo, to gain a particular port, (which he 
 said he knew,) or else go to Havana and bring thence 
 a vessel loaded with provisions, the governor, with 
 the same persons (who had been on the previous 
 excursion) and some additional soldiers, penetrated 
 again into the interior. They coasted the bay which 
 they had discovered, and after making four leagues, 
 took four Indians, who carried them to their town, a 
 little distance off, at the end of the bay. Here was 
 seen a little maize, not yet ripe. There was a num- 
 ber of boxes, in each of which was a dead body, co- 
 vered with skins of stags. The commissary suppos- 
 ing these were objects of idolatry, caused the boxes 
 and bodies to be burnt. The Spaniards saw here 
 some pieces of painted cloth and plumes of feathers, 
 which seemed to have come from New Spain, and 
 some traces of gold. The Indians, by signs, informed 
 them of a province named Apalache, where would be 
 found a quantity of metal. Taking the Indians for 
 guides, they proceeded ten or twelve leagues farther, 
 when they came to a village of fifteen houses, near 
 which were large fields of maize, fit to be gathered. 
 After halting two days, they returned to the vessels on 
 the 30th of April. 
 
 Next day the governor decided that the vessels 
 should follow the coast until they found the port be- 
 
CHAP, vii.] TRAVELS OF NARVAEZ IN FLORIDA,* 1528. 329 
 
 fore referred to, and that the troops should proceed on 
 land in the same direction. Three hundred men, 
 having each but two pounds of biscuit and a half 
 pound of bacon, and no other food, marched fifteen 
 days without seeing an Indian or house. At length 
 they arrived at a river, which they passed with much 
 trouble, the current being very strong. On the other 
 side there were about twelve hundred Indians, to 
 whose houses, about half a league off, they were con- 
 ducted. In the neighbourhood was a large quantity 
 of maize, ready to be gathered. The Spaniards, fa- 
 tigued with marching, and enfeebled by hunger, en- 
 joyed here three days of rest. Then Cabe^a de Vaca, 
 with captain Alonzo Castillo and forty soldiers, set 
 out to seek a port, but finding themselves impeded by 
 the river, which they had already crossed, returned. 
 The following day, the governor ordered a captain 
 named Valen^uela, with sixty men and six cavaliers, 
 to cross the river and descend it to the sea, and disco- 
 ver a port if he could. This officer returned, after 
 two days, saying he had explored the bay, and found 
 it had shallow water and no port. The Spaniards 
 then marched for the province, called by the Indians 
 Apalache, carrying for guides those whom they had 
 taken. On the 17th of June, they saw an Indian 
 chief, (accompanied by many people,) who was made 
 to understand by signs that they were going to Apa- 
 lache. He seemed to be an enemy of this nation, 
 and willing to aid in the expedition. After an ex- 
 change of presents, he left them, and they followed 
 the route he had taken. In the evening, they arrived 
 at a river, very deep, wide and rapid. Not venturing 
 42 
 
330 TRAVELS OF NARVAEZ IN FLORIDA; 1528. C^OOK II. 
 
 to pass it upon rafts, they constructed a canoe. A 
 day was spent in gaining the other side. A cavaher 
 named Juan Velasquez, a native of Cuellar, entering 
 the river, was thrown from his horse by the force of 
 the current, and drowned. That night, we are told, 
 his horse served for supper for many of the people. 
 After a fatiguing journey, during which they suffered 
 much from hunger, and were sometimes annoyed by 
 the Indians, they at length arrived near Apalache on 
 the 25th of June. 
 
 The governor ordered Cabe^a de Vaca to take 
 more cavaliers and fifty foot soldiers, and go into the 
 village. They found there only women and children, 
 but a little while after, the men arrived. They shot 
 some arrows and then retired. 
 
 The village of Apalache contained forty small 
 houses. Two hours after the Spaniards arrived there, 
 the Indians who had fled returned peaceably to ask 
 for their women and children, which were given up 
 to them, but the governor retained a cacique who 
 had been the cause of hostilities. The next day, the 
 Indians recommenced hostilities. The Spaniards 
 were greatly annoyed, but retained possession of the 
 village twenty-five days, during which they made three 
 journeys into the interior. 
 
 Resuming their march, the Spaniards the first day 
 crossed some lakes without meeting any Indians. 
 Next day they encountered a marsh very difficult to 
 pass. When in the midst of it, a number of Indians 
 attacked them. The governor ordering the cavaliers 
 against them, the Indians went into another marsh 
 and the Spaniards remained masters of the passage. 
 
CHAP. VH.] COASTING VOYAGE OF NARVAEZ IN 1528. 331 
 
 After some further encounters with the Indians, in 
 one of which Cabeca de Vaca was wounded, the Spa- 
 niards arrived in the village of Haute, nine days after 
 their departure from Apalache. 
 
 The inhabitants of Haute had abandoned it and 
 burnt their houses. After the Spaniards had rested 
 here two days, Cabeca de Vaca set out to seek the 
 sea, accompanied by captain Castillo, Andres Do- 
 rantes, seven cavaliers and fifty foot soldiers. They 
 marched till evening and came to a bay where they 
 found a great quantity of large oysters which was a 
 treat to the soldiers. The next day, the coast was re- 
 connoitred, and then the party returned to the go- 
 vernor. 
 
 He was sick. So also was a third of the men, and 
 the rest were likely to become so. It was desirable 
 to construct vessels in which to embark. The con- 
 struction was commenced with a single carpenter, 
 but the men set to work with so much ardour, that 
 between the 4th of August and 20th of September 
 they made five vessels of twenty-two cubits in length. 
 According to their calculation they had made a jour- 
 ney of about two hundred and eighty leagues from 
 the bay where they first landed to this place. And in 
 this time about forty men had died of sickness or hun- 
 ger, without counting those who had been killed by 
 the Indians. The 22d of September, having finished 
 now (it is said) eating the horses with the exception 
 of one, they embarked, forty-nine men in the bark of 
 the governor ; the contador and the commissary with 
 a like number in another; captain Alonzo del Castillo,. 
 Andres Dorantes and forty-eight men in the third ; two 
 
332 COASTING VOYAGE OF NARVAEZ IN 1528. [book ii. 
 
 captains named Telles et Penalosa, with forty-seven 
 men in the fourth ; and Cabe^a de Vaca in the last 
 with the comptroller and forty-nine men. The bay 
 they quit was named Baya de los Cavallos. 
 
 At the end of seven days, they came to an isle, a 
 little way from the land. There they took five canoes 
 left by the Indians, and some provisions from their 
 houses. Two leagues further they passed a strait be- 
 tween the isle and the main land, to which they gave 
 the name of Saint Miguel. They continued in the 
 direction of the river of Palms ; their sufferings from 
 hunger and thirst increasing. Whilst at anchor at a 
 little isle, there was a violent storm which detained 
 them six days. The salt water they were obliged to 
 drink, killed some of the men. Again the dangers 
 of the sea were encountered. After doubhng a cape, 
 they found a shelter on the other side. They fol- 
 lowed some Indians to their houses which were near 
 the shore, and were here refreshed with food and wa- 
 ter. Half an hour after sunset the Indians made an 
 unexpected attack. They fell upon the sick, invested 
 the house where the governor was and wounded him 
 in the face. The Spaniards then carried him to his 
 bark. Fifty of the Spaniards remained on land and 
 were attacked three times during the night. When 
 it was calm they embarked and sailed three days. 
 Seeing a canoe with Indians they applied to them for 
 water. A christian and a negro went with them to 
 get water and two Indians staid in their places. The 
 two former never returned. Yet application was 
 made for the restoration of the two Indians. This 
 beinof refused, their comrades made an attack and the 
 
CHAP. VIl] SHIPWRECK OF NARVAEZ IN 1528. 333 
 
 Spaniards continued their voyage. In the evening a 
 point of land was seen, and on the other side of it a 
 very large river. The bark of Cabe^a de Vaca going 
 first in the river, he caused the anchor to be cast near 
 an isle at its mouth. The governor entered a bay a 
 little off. There Cabe9a de Vaca joined him, taking 
 sweet water where the river entered the sea. A north 
 wind driving the vessels from the land, in two or three 
 nights they were all separated. Afterwards Cabe9a 
 de Vaca saw two of the barks, one of which was that 
 of the governor, and the other that of captains Pena- 
 losa and Telles. On the 6th of November the bark 
 of Cabe^a de Vaca was driven on an island where 
 they were kindly treated by the Indians. 
 
 Having determined to continue their voyage, they 
 took off their clothes to get from the land their bark 
 which was buried in the sand. In the attempt to put 
 it afloat, the comptroller and two others were drowned. 
 The Indians came to see them in their naked and dis- 
 tressed state, and at the request of Cabe^a de Vaca 
 carried the Spaniards to their village. The precau- 
 tion was taken by them to have fires at different 
 points on the way, to warm the Spaniards. 
 
 Cabe^a de Vaca saw in the hands of an Indian 
 some article which led him to enquire whence it was 
 obtained, and was given to understand it was received 
 from men like him. To these he sent two Indians 
 and two Christians who met them coming. They 
 were captain Andres Dorantes, Alonzo Castillo and 
 the people of their bark. They related that the 5th 
 of that month their bark had run aground a league 
 and a half from there. It was resolved with one ac- 
 cord to refit their bark. Hardly was it on the water 
 
334 ADVENTURES OF CABECA DE VACA. [book II. 
 
 before it was overset. The resolution was then taken 
 to winter at this place ; and four Spaniards were sent 
 to Panuco, accompanied by an Indian from the isle. 
 Those who remained behind were constantly perish- 
 ing. Five who were lodged near the shore are said 
 to have eat one another, until only one survived, no 
 person being there to devour him. Their names 
 were Sierra, Diego Lopez, Corral, Palacios and Go- 
 zalo Ruyz. At length of eighty men only fifteen re- 
 mained. The Indians being attacked by a disease of 
 the stomach which carried off half of them, imagined 
 that the Spaniards were the cause and resolved to kill 
 them. They had come to execute this purpose when 
 an Indian who was guarding Cabe^a de Vaca told 
 them not to think the Spaniards caused them to die, 
 for if the Spaniards had such power they would stop 
 their own men from dying. This reasoning led them 
 to abandon their project. To the isle the Spaniards 
 gave the name of the Isle du Malheur (Isla del Mal- 
 hado). Until the end of April they remained on this 
 island, or on the main land near. Thirteen then fol- 
 lowed the coast. Hieronymo de Alanez and Lope 
 d'Ovicdo remained on the island. And the sickness 
 of Cabeca de Vaca prevented him for some time from 
 moving. When he got better, bad treatment made 
 him fly and take refuge with the Indians of the na- 
 tion Charruco. 
 
 The foregoing narrative is taken from the relation 
 of Cabeca de Vaca, printed at Valladolid in 1555,* 
 
 *'< Relation 6t Naufrages D'Alvar Nu- ginaux pour servir a I'histoire de la decou- 
 
 flez Cabe(ja de Vaca, Valladolid, De L'iin- verte de L'Amerique, publies poiir la pre- 
 
 primerie de Francisco Fernandez de Cor- miere fois en FranQais, par H. Ternaiix- 
 
 doue, 1555." It forms one of the volumes Compans," at Paris in 1837. 
 of " Voyages, Relations et Mfemoires Ori- 
 
CHAP. Vll] ADVENTURES OF CABECA DE VACA. 335 
 
 who gives also some account of what happened to 
 the vessels sent along the coast, of which Carvallo 
 was captain. Five leagues from the place of embar- 
 kation, they perceived a bay which entered the land 
 seven or eight leagues : it was the same that had 
 been discovered by those on the land ; the place 
 where they saw the boxes with dead bodies. Three 
 of the ships entered this port. The vessel which 
 returned from Havana with a brigantine was seeking 
 those on land for a year, and not finding them made 
 sail for New Spain. 
 
 The port just mentioned, is spoken of by Cabe9a 
 de Vaca, as the best in the world. He describes it as 
 six fathoms deep at the entrance, and five near the 
 land; a hundred leagues from Havana, and precisely 
 north of that place. 
 
 Cabe9a de Vaca states that he remained near six 
 years in Florida alone, in the midst of these Indians, 
 and as naked as they were. A desire to carry with 
 him Lope d'Oviedo, caused him to prolong his stay. 
 De Alanez, his companion, had died soon after the 
 departure of Alonzo del Castillo and the other Spa- 
 niards. Oviedo had often put off going, to the fol- 
 lowing year. At length they went with some Indians 
 to a bay, a league broad and deep every where, re- 
 cognised as that named the bay of Saint Esprit. On 
 the other side of it, an Indian told them the thirteen 
 Spaniards were all dead, except three ; and if they 
 wished it, they could see these three when the Indians, 
 who had them, came upon the shore of that river to 
 get nuts. Oviedo turned back to join the w^omen of 
 the Indians, with whom he had passed the bay. Ca- 
 
336 ADVENTURES OF CABECA DE VACA. [book II. 
 
 be9a de Vaca, unable to dissuade him from it, re- 
 mained behind, alone. Two days after, the Indians 
 who had Alonzo del Castillo and Andres Dorantes, 
 came to the river bank. An Indian, of a different 
 nation, told Cabe^a de Vaca to go to a particular 
 place in the forest, and he would conduct him to his 
 countrymen. This was done the next day. The In- 
 dians having informed Andres Dorantes that a Chris- 
 tian had arrived, he came to see who it was, and was 
 greatly astonished. Being asked where he was go- 
 ing, Cabe^a de Vaca said his design was to pass into 
 a country where there were Christians. Dorantes, 
 Castillo and the negro Estevanico, determined to fly 
 with him, but prayed him to wait six months, when 
 the Indians would be going away in quest of fruit. 
 This being agreed on, Cabe^a de Vaca remained, and 
 was given in slavery to the same Indian who already 
 had Dorantes. 
 
 Castillo and Dorantes related, that after quitting 
 the isle of Malhado, they found upon the coast a bark, 
 which had been shipwrecked : it was that on which the 
 contador and the friars were. After they had passed 
 four rivers, very large and with very strong currents, 
 this bark was pushed in the sea, at which time four of 
 their men were drowned. They sailed to the bay, 
 and crossed it with much trouble ; fifteen leagues far- 
 ther, they found another, where were some Indians, 
 who, when they saw the Spaniards, went to the other 
 shore. In a voyage of sixty leagues, two of the 
 Spaniards had perished, besides the four who were 
 drowned. Whilst occupied in finding means to cross 
 the bay, an Indian came to them with a Christian, 
 
CHAP, vn.] ADVENTURES OF CABECA DE VACA. 337 
 
 who proved to be Figueroa, one of the four sent from 
 the isle of Malhado. This man related to them how 
 he had arrived at that place with his companions ; 
 that two of them, and an Indian, died of cold and 
 hunger. With him the Indians had taken Mentes, 
 who fled with the intention of going to Panuco, but 
 was pursued by the natives and killed. Figueroa 
 heard from the Indians of a Christian who had been 
 with the Mariames, and then got to the Quevenes. 
 This Christian was Hernando de Esquivel, a native 
 of Badajos, who had been with the commissary. 
 From Esquivel, Figueroa learned the fate of the go- 
 vernor, the contador, and others. These last had 
 caused their bark to be driven on shore between the 
 rivers. Following the coast, they found on the bank 
 that of Pamphilo de Narvaez and his men. The go- 
 vernor went in his bark to the great bay. There he 
 had the company carried to the opposite shore. Then 
 he came to seek the contador, the friars, and all the 
 others. In the evening he would not go on land, but 
 remained in his bark with the captain and a cabin 
 boy, who were sick. At midnight a wind rose from 
 the north, so violent that the bark, which had no an- 
 chor but a stone, was carried out to sea, and was not 
 heard of afterwards. Those who were on land, fol- 
 lowed the shore. Meeting a great expanse of water, 
 they made a raft, with which they passed to the other 
 side. Continuing their march, they came to the end 
 of a forest, where they found some Indians, who, ha- 
 ving perceived them, left their cabins for their canoes. 
 This was in November. The Spaniards found wood, 
 water, and on the shore some crabs and shell fish : 
 43 
 
338 ADVENTURES OF CABECA DE VACA, [book ii, • 
 
 yet they were dying, one after another, of hunger and 
 cold. Pentaja, whom Pamphilo de Narvaez (before 
 he last went in the bark) had made his heutenant in 
 place of the contador, treated them badly. Soto 
 Major, brother of Vasco Porcallo, a native of the isle 
 of Cuba, turned against Pentaja, and gave him a 
 blow, which killed him. Thus the number dimi- 
 nished. Those who remained alive, it is said, caused 
 the dead to be roasted ! The last who sank, was 
 Soto Major. Esquivel, we are told, had him roasted, 
 and lived on his body till the 1st of March, when one 
 of the Indians, who had fled when the Spaniards ar- 
 rived, came to see if all were gone, and carried off 
 Esquivel. Andres Dorantes, escaping to the Mari- 
 ames, learnt from them that Esquivel having fled, they 
 pursued and killed him. Yet Dorantes fled, after re- 
 maining with these people a few days. Castillo and 
 Estevanico went into the interior of the country to 
 the Yguazes. The three had got with the same tribe 
 when Cabe^a de Vaca joined them. 
 
 Six months had passed since he joined them ; the 
 time had arrived for the Indians to go ; but there was 
 a quarrel among them. The Spaniards were now 
 obliged to separate, and did not meet each other 
 again for a year. At length Cabeca de Vaca fled, 
 and found his comrades. It was arranged that he 
 should wait for them till the moon was full. It was 
 now the 1st of September and the first of the moon. 
 On the 13th, Andres Dorantes and Estevanico arrived 
 where he was, having left Castillo not far oflf, with the 
 Anagados. These last Indians said, that farther on 
 the shore, there was a nation named Camons, and 
 
CHAP. VII.] JOURNEY OF CABECA DE VACA TO MEXICO. 339 
 
 they had killed all the Spaniards who were in the bark 
 with Penalosa and Telles. 
 
 Two days after all four got together, they set off. 
 In the evening, seeing some smoke, they went to the 
 place where it arose. The Indians, who called them- 
 selves Avavares, received them kindly. Dorantes and 
 the negro were lodged at the house of a physician : 
 Cabeca de Vaca and Castillo, at the house of ano- 
 ther Indian. The Spaniards gained greatly the fa- 
 vour of the Indians, by curing their sick. They went 
 about with them in their journeys, and altogether 
 were with the Avavares eight months. Then they 
 went to the Mahacones, afterwards to the Arbadoes, 
 and so on from tribe to tribe, until they saw moun- 
 tains. 
 
 Through the narrative of Cabe^a de Vaca, there 
 is manifested a great fondness for the marvellous. 
 Thus, after reminding the reader that he and his com- 
 rades were naked, he says, as they were not accus- 
 tomed to being so, they changed their skin like ser- 
 pents, twice a year. His account of many things 
 should certainly be taken with some deduction. Yet, 
 if he made the journey across the continent of North 
 America, which is ascribed to him, he must have the 
 credit of very great energy, and his enterprise be re- 
 garded as truly wonderful. 
 
 On the way, Andres Dorantes received a large bell 
 of brass or copper, with a figure on it. The next 
 day the Spaniards crossed a mountain of seven 
 leagues, and in the evening arrived at numerous ca- 
 bins on the shore of a very pretty stream. The In- 
 dians, at this place, gave them many purses, contain- 
 
340 JOURNEY OF CABECA DE VACA TO MEXICO. [book ii. 
 
 ing bags of marcosite and antimony, which last was 
 used to paint the face. The bell being shewn them, 
 they said that in the place from which that came, there 
 was found in the earth much of that metal, which 
 was greatly esteemed, and that in that country there 
 were fixed houses. Quitting these Indians, Cabe^a de 
 Vaca says they passed so great a number of people, 
 of different languages, that his memory would not 
 enable him to recall them. A party of Indians con- 
 ducted them fifty leagues into a desert country, co- 
 vered with very steep mountains, where they found 
 no game, and suffered extremely from hunger. They 
 crossed then a river, having water which came up to 
 the breast, and were conducted in a plain at the foot 
 of the mountains, where other Indians met and sup- 
 plied them. The next people were said by these to 
 be far off, and their enemies. Two women were fur- 
 nished as guides, one of whom conducted Castillo and 
 Estevanico to a river running between mountains, in 
 a place where her father dwelt. The dwellings here 
 were the first seen that merited the name of houses. 
 After speaking with the inhabitants, Castillo returned 
 to Cabeca de Vaca and Dorantes, bringing with them 
 five or six Indians. The three then set out, and 
 meeting the negro on the way with the Indians, went 
 with him to their houses, by whom, after stopping a 
 day, they were conducted to other fixed houses. This 
 country was thickly peopled, and in it were the great- 
 est number of cows. In answer to the question why 
 they didn't sow maize, they said, two years before they 
 had wanted water, and the moles ate the seed ; that 
 they couldn't cultivate it till there was a good deal of 
 
CHAP. VII.] JOURNEY OF CABECA DE VACA TO MEXICO. 341 
 
 rain. Being asked where they procured maize, they 
 said on the coast where the sun set ; that the whole 
 country was filled with it, and the shortest course to 
 get to it was the west. 
 
 After stopping two days, the Spaniards determined 
 to seek the country of the maize ; and to that end to 
 go constantly towards the west, in which way they 
 expected to pass over all the country between where 
 they then were and the South sea. For some time 
 they went back up the river. Then they crossed it, 
 and at sunset found themselves in a great valley, in 
 the midst of very high mountains. They came to a 
 people with much maize in reserve, and fixed houses, 
 some of which were constructed of earth, and others 
 of mats of reed. Then they went a hundred leagues 
 in the interior, still finding fixed houses, maize and 
 beans. The natives gave them cloths of cotton, bet- 
 ter than those of New Spain, and some corals and 
 emeralds. The women here were treated with more 
 regard than in any other place of the Indias that the 
 Spaniards had seen. They wore chemises of cotton, 
 which came down to their knees, but were cut before 
 and tied with strings. Shoes, also, were worn by 
 these Indians. This coast is described as the en- 
 trance to many provinces on the South sea. From 
 it to the villages they had left, Cabe^a de Vaca thought 
 must be more than a thousand leagues. 
 
 They stopped three days in this village. A day's 
 march from there was another, in which, in conse- 
 quence of the river being high, they stopped fifteen 
 days. During this time, Castillo saw on the neck of 
 an Indian, a buckle of the belt of a sword, in which 
 
342 JOURNEY OF CABECA DE VACA TO MEXICO. [BOOK II. 
 
 was introduced a nail of iron. The Indian said it was 
 brought in the country by men with beards, who had 
 come on that river, and had horses, lances and swords; 
 and who, with their lances, had killed two of the na- 
 tives. The farther Cabe9a de Vaca and his comrades 
 advanced, the more was learnt of the men with 
 lances. For a great distance the inhabitants had fled 
 to the mountains, abandoning tillage, from fear of 
 them. These miscalled Christians had penetrated 
 into the country, destroyed the villages, and carried 
 off* great numbers of the natives in chains. From 
 the place where Cabe(;a de Vaca first heard them spo- 
 ken of, he reckoned to be eighty leagues to the river 
 Petutan, the river on which Diego de Guzman ar- 
 rived. In all the country where the mountains ended, 
 he remarked traces of gold, iron and other metals. 
 And where the houses were fixed, he describes it as 
 warm even in January. 
 
 After seeing stakes to which horses had been tied, 
 Cabe^a de Vaca next morning took with him- the ne- 
 gro and twelve Indians, followed the traces of the 
 Christians, (as they were called,) and passed three 
 villages where they had slept. He made ten leagues 
 that day. 
 
 "Next day," says Cabe^a de Vaca, "I met four Chris- 
 tians on horseback, who were amazed at seeing me clothed 
 in so strange a manner, and in the midst of these Indians. 
 They regarded me for a long time with such astonishment 
 that they could not utter a word. I told them to conduct 
 me to their chief, and we went a half league to the place 
 where Diego de Alcaraz, their captain, was. When I had 
 spoken to him, he told me that he knew not what to do : 
 
CHAP. VII.] ARRIVAL OF CABECA DE VACA IN MEXICO, 343 
 
 that for a long time he had not been able to take any In- 
 dians; and he did not know where to go, becanse his peo- 
 ple had begun to suffer with hunger. I told him that Do- 
 rantes and Castillo were ten leagues from there, with many- 
 people that we were bringing with us. Immediately he 
 sent them three cavaliers and fifty Indians; the negro serv- 
 ing for a guide. I asked him to certify the year, month 
 and day in which he had found me, and in what condition, 
 which he did. From this river to the city of the Christians, 
 named Saint Miguel, the chief place of government of the 
 province of New Spain, they count it to be 30 leagues." 
 
 " Two days after, Andres Dorantes and Alonzo Castillo 
 came with those who had been to seek them. They 
 brought 600 persons belonging to a village, all the inhabi- 
 tants of which had fled in the forests and concealed them- 
 selves in the interior for fear of the Christians. The na- 
 tives who accompanied us, had caused all these Indians to 
 come back and had conducted them where we were." 
 
 The Indians brought to Cabe^a de Vaca a great 
 quantity of maize, of which he took some and gave 
 the rest to Alcaraz and his men to divide amongst 
 them. He was much chagrined at the wish of these 
 to make slaves of the Indians who brought this sup- 
 ply. Seeing the Indians afflicted, he told them to 
 return home, tranquilize themselves, and sow their 
 maize, but they refused to quit him, saying in his 
 company they were not afraid. The others said they 
 were masters of the country and must be obeyed ; 
 and farther that they were Christians like Cabe^a de 
 Vaca. This the Indians would not believe, but at 
 length, with much trouble, he got them to return 
 home. After which Alcaraz sent Cabe9a de Vaca 
 and his companions in a state of arrest to an alcaid 
 
344 ARRIVAL OF CABECA DE VACA IN MEXICO, [book ii. 
 
 named Zebreros and two other individuals ; carrying 
 them in forests and deserts far from the Indians. 
 
 " Their design," says Cabeca de Vaca, " was to pursue 
 the Indians whom we had just sent away composed, which 
 they did for two days. They carried us in the mountains, 
 wandering, in no way that could be traced, and without 
 water. We thought we should all die of thirst. Seven 
 men perished, and a great number of Indian friends whom 
 the Christians had with them, lived only till the middle of 
 the next day. In the evening we found water. After go- 
 ing about 25 leagues we arrived in a village of subdued In- 
 dians. The alcaid, who conducted us, left us there and 
 went three leagues further to another village named Culia- 
 ^an, where Melchior Diez, alcaid mayor and captain of 
 the province, resided." 
 
 The reception by this person, was very different 
 from that by Alcaraz. He prayed them to remain in 
 the country and use their influence with the Indians, 
 to bring about a better state of things. 
 
 " We injoined on them," says Cabeca de Vaca, '' to 
 build churches and put crosses on them ; for they had not 
 yet constructed any. We caused them to bring the chil- 
 dren of the principal inhabitants and we baptized them. 
 Then the captain promised solemnly before God, not to 
 make inroads into the country, not to permit what they had 
 been doing, not to reduce into slavery any of the inhabi- 
 tants of the country which we had pacified. He engaged 
 himself to keep his promise until your majesty* and the 
 governor Nuno de Guzman or the viceroy had decided on 
 what would be fit for the service of God and the emperor. 
 When the children were baptized, we set out for the City 
 of Saint Miguel." 
 
 * The Emperor Charles the Fifth. 
 
CHAP. VII.] ARRIVAL OF CABECA DE VACA IN MEXICO. 345 
 
 Fifteen days after, Alcaraz arrived bringing news 
 of the new manner in which the Indians were acting ; 
 that now there was a large population, where before 
 the country was abandoned ; and they were doing as 
 they had been told. 
 
 "We remained," says Cabega de Vaca, "until the 15th 
 of May in the City of Saint Miguel. We made a sojourn 
 thus long, because, wishing to go to the City of Campos- 
 telle, the residence of the governor Nuno de Guzman, we 
 were forced to go a hundred leagues in a country entirely 
 deserted and hostile. We were obliged to travel with our 
 people and twenty cavaliers who accompanied us, for forty 
 leagues. From the place where they quitted us, we conti- 
 nued our march in company of six Christians, who were 
 bringing 500 Indian slaves. Being arrived at Campostelle, 
 we were well received by the governor, who gave us cloth- 
 ing. It took me a long time to accustom myself to wear 
 clothes ; and I could only sleep on the ground. Ten or 
 twelve days after, we set out for Mexico. All the way we 
 were well treated by the Christians : a great number came 
 to us and thanked God that we had escaped from such great 
 dangers. We arrived on Sunday, the eve of Saint James. 
 The viceroy and the Marquis del Valle (Hernando Cortez) 
 received us with the greatest pleasure and treated us very 
 well. They gave us clothes, offered us whatever they pos- 
 sessed, and on the day of Saint James, had carousals and 
 bull fights." 
 
 " After we had rested two months at Mexico, I desired to 
 return to Spain. I was going to embark in October, when 
 a storm arose and made the ship run aground. Then I de- 
 termined to wait till winter was over ; this being a very 
 dangerous time for navigation. When part of the winter 
 was passed, Andres Dorantes and I went to Vera Cruz, 
 where we waited till Palm Sunday to go to sea. We re- 
 44 
 
346 ARRIVAL OF CABECA DE VACA IN MEXICO. [book ii. 
 
 mained 15 days waiting for wind. The ship went a great 
 way in the water. I quitted it and embarked in another, 
 but Dorantes remained in it. Tiie 10th of April we sailed. 
 Three vessels kept company together 50 leagues : one night 
 the two others (which let in much water) disappeared, and 
 we saw them no more." 
 
 The vessel in which Cabe^a de Vaca was, arrived 
 the 4th of May at Havana and waited there till the 
 2d of June for the other two. It then set out, not 
 without apprehension of meeting the French who a 
 few days before had taken three vessels in these parts. 
 Twenty-nine days after having quitted Havana, they 
 had made five hundred leagues, the distance which 
 separates that isle from the Azores. The next day, 
 in passing near the isle of Cuervo, they perceived a 
 French vessel with a caravel in company loaded with 
 negroes. The French would have taken them but 
 for the sight of a Portuguese fleet under command 
 of Diego de Silveira. With this fleet, the Spanish 
 vessel went to the isle of Terceira where they staid 
 fifteen days for another ship which was coming from 
 India, and was in company with three vessels escorted 
 by a squadron. Then all set out together and en- 
 tered the port of Lisbon, the 15th of August 1537. 
 
 The two Spaniards who were in company with 
 Cabe^a de Vaca in his long journey from Florida to 
 Mexico returned to Spain also. The negro Esteva- 
 nico remained in Mexico, and at a later period served 
 as a guide to Francisco Marco de Nizza, in the ex- 
 pedition to discover Cibola. The Indians took him 
 for an impostor, because he who was black announced 
 himself as the envoy of a white people, and massacred 
 him. This is mentioned in the preface to the Com- 
 
CHAP. VII.] ARRIVAL OF CABECA DE VACA IN MEXICO. 347 
 
 mentaries of Cabe9a de Vaca by a modern editor who 
 remarks, that the veracity of the recital of Cabeca de 
 Vaca is confirmed by Herrera (Decad. iii. ]iv. ii. ch. 
 4 ; decad. iv. hv. iv. ch. 4-8 ; decad. vi. hv. i. ch. 
 3-8,) and by all the Spanish historians, and adds that 
 the Spaniards who arrived after Cabe9a de Vaca into 
 Florida found traces of his passage. As to this mat- 
 ter he refers to the History of New Spain by D. Ma- 
 tias de la Moto Padilla, and to the manuscript rela- 
 tion of the voyage of Francisco Vasquez de Coro- 
 nado, by D. Pedro de Castaneda Nagera, who seve- 
 ral times speaks of the effect upon the Indians of the 
 good treatment exercised by Cabeca de Vaca. 
 
 The manuscript relation just referred to, seems 
 never to have been printed until it was published at 
 Paris in 1838 by H. Ternaux-Compans, in the Col- 
 lection of Original Voyages, Relations and Memoirs 
 to serve for the history of the discovery of America. 
 It is entitled, 
 
 "Relation du voyage de Cibola entrepris en 1540; ou 
 I'on traite de toutes les peuplades qui habitent cette con- 
 tree, de leurs moeiirs et coutumes, par Pedro de Castaneda 
 de Nagera." 
 
 It appears from this relation that in the year 1530 
 Nufio de Guzman, who was president of New Spain, 
 having raised an army of four hundred Spaniards and 
 twenty thousand Indian allies, set out from New Spain, 
 traversed the province of Tarasca, and arrived in that 
 of Culiacan where his army stopped for a long time, 
 during which period, Hernando Cortes arrived in 
 Mexico with the new title of Marquis del Valle, and 
 
348 ARRIVAL OF CABECA DE VACA IN MEXICO. [book II. 
 
 great powers ; that Guzman, being an enemy of 
 Cortes, was unwilling to return, and determined to 
 colonize the province of Culiacan ; that he estab- 
 lished himself at Xalisco, since Campostelle, and at 
 Tonala, afterwards Guadalaxara, which two provinces 
 at a later period formed the kingdom of Galicia ; that 
 eight years afterwards he was thrown into prison by 
 an envoy from Spain, the licentiate of La Torre, who 
 put himself at the head of the government of the 
 province, and after his death Don Antonio de Men- 
 do^a, viceroy of New Spain, appointed to succeed 
 him Francisco Vasquez Coronado, a gentleman of 
 Salamanca, who was established at Mexico ; that at 
 this period three Spaniards named Cabe^a de Vaca, 
 Dorantes and Castillo Maldonado, and a negro, who 
 had been shipwrecked with the fleet which Pamphilo 
 de Narvaez conducted to Florida, came to Mexico by 
 the province of Culiacan, after having traversed the 
 country from one sea to the other ; that the new go- 
 vernor proceeding to Culiacan, carried with him the 
 negro and three Franciscan friars ; that when the go- 
 vernor arrived at the province of Culiacan, he sent 
 forward for discovery, the three friars and the negro, 
 and as the latter could make himself understood by 
 the natives of the country through which he had 
 passed, the friars sent him on ir advance of them, 
 accompanied by some Indians; that on his arrival at 
 Cibola, upon being interrogated as to the end of his 
 coming into their country, he said, he preceded some 
 white men (sent by a powerful prince and) very 
 learned in heavenly things which they came to teach, 
 and the Indians thought he was the spy of some na- 
 
CHAP. Vll] AFTER LIFE OF CABECA DE VACA. 349 
 
 tion which wished to subjugate them. It was unac- 
 countable to them that he should be from a country 
 of white men who was himself black : he had besides 
 asked for their wealth and their women, and it seemed 
 to them hard to consent to it. They decided to kill 
 him, which they did, without doing the least harm to 
 those who accompanied him ; upon which the friars 
 very quickly retraced their steps. It was after this 
 that the expedition was prepared for the discovery of 
 Cibola, which is the chief subject of the relation of 
 Pedro de Castaneda de Nagera. The City of Cam- 
 postelle, the capital of New Galicia, a hundred 
 leagues from Mexico, was the place from which the 
 army was to set out for the expedition. Pedro de' 
 Alarcon was to set out from Natividad, on the coast 
 of the South sea, with two vessels, and then go to 
 Xalisco and follow the army in its march along the 
 coast. In the preface of the French editor, he says : 
 
 "I do not believe that any Spanish expedition has ever 
 gone so far towards the northeast. Almost all those which 
 took place afterwards, were directed towards the northwest. 
 It is astonishing how little they profited by the indications 
 given by Vasqnez. I will cite only a single example of it. 
 Alarcon discovered in 1539, that California was a pres- 
 qu'ile ; and in 1732, that is to say, 200 years after, this 
 point was still considered as uncertain." 
 
 It is time, however, to stop this digression from 
 Cabe9a de Vaca ; the chief purpose of referring to 
 the relation of Pedro de Castaneda, was to shew its 
 confirmation of the statement of Cabe^a de Vaca as 
 to his arrival in Mexico, and the mode by which he 
 got there ; this has now been sufficiently done. 
 
350 AFTER LIFE OF CABECA DE VACA. [book II. 
 
 After the return of Cabe9a de Vaca from Mexico, 
 he remained in Spain till 1540, when he succeeded 
 Don Pedro de Mendo^a as Adelantado and governor 
 of the La Plata, touching which country his Com- 
 mentaries were published at Valladolid in 1555, and 
 republished at Paris in 1837 by H. Ternaux, in his 
 Collection of Voyages, Relations and Memoirs. It 
 seems from his commentaries, that he was not much 
 more happy in this than in his former enterprise. As 
 to his true character there is not an agreement 
 amongst writers. Some of his cotemporaries, at least, 
 appear to have considered him arbitrary. Amongst 
 the volumes republished in the collection of H. Ter- 
 naux-Compans, is one entitled, 
 
 " Histoire veritable d'un voyage curieux, fait par Ulrich 
 Schmidel de Straubing, dans I'Ameriqne ou le nouveau 
 Monde, par le Bresil, et le Rio de la Plata, depuis I'annee 
 1534, jusqu'en 1554. Ou I'on verra tout ce qu'il a souffert 
 pendant ces dix-neuf ans, et la description des pays et des 
 peuples extraordinaires qu'il a visites. Ouvrage ecrit par 
 lui-meme, et puplie de nouveau apres corrections des noms 
 de villes, de pays et de rivieres, par Levinus Hulsiiis," pub- 
 lished at Nuremberg in 1599. 
 
 From the fortieth chapter of this volume of Schmi- 
 del, the following is extracted : 
 
 " Our commander had no consideration for any body, and 
 wished that every thing should bend before him. The en- 
 tire army, in general assembly, decided unanimously that it 
 was necessary to arrest him, send him to the emperor and 
 render an account to his imperial majesty of his fine quali- 
 ties, of the manner in which he had treated us, and of 
 every thing that had passed. Three of the principal ofR- 
 
CHAP. VII.J AFTER LIFE OF CABECA DE VACA. 351 
 
 cers, to wit : the treasurer Alonso Cabrera, Don Francisco 
 Mendoga and Grato Amiego, (Garcia Vanegas,) repaired to 
 his house at the head of 200 soldiers and took possession of 
 his person at a moment when he least expected it. This 
 was in the month of April, on the day of Saint Mark in 
 the year 1543. We kept him a prisoner for more than a 
 year, until we had prepared and furnished with supplies a 
 caravel, on board of which we sent him to Spain, with two 
 officers. It was necessary to choose another chief to ad- 
 minister the country and command the army until we 
 should receive orders from his majesty. Martin Dominique 
 de Irala, who had already been governor, was then pro- 
 claimed general, for he was greatly loved by the troops." 
 
 The French editor in the preface prefixed by him 
 to the edition of 1837, states that Cabe^a de Vaca 
 was acquitted, but he does not know what became of 
 him after he recovered his liberty. He quotes from 
 a writer who states that he died at Seville at a very 
 advanced age, after having been put in the office of 
 auditor in that city, but the editor adds that he does 
 not know whether this is very exact. 
 
352 1527 TO 1534. [«ook h. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Of the period from 1527 to 1534. 
 
 After the loss of one of the vessels sent forth from 
 England in 1527, and the unsuccessful termination of 
 the voyage the same year from Spain under Narvaez, 
 neither kingdom seems to have been disposed, in any 
 short time, to send other expeditions to the Atlantic 
 coast of North America. Indeed, even on the south- 
 ern continent, the emperor somewhat altered his man- 
 ner of proceeding ; the change, in respect to the pro- 
 vince of Coro, was most important. 
 
 " A. Dalfinger and G. Seyler, who were at Madrid, the 
 agents of Welser, rich merchants of Augsbonrg, obtained 
 from Charles the Fifth, who had often borrowed money 
 from them in moments of necessity, the cession of this 
 province in favonr of their masters, to make the conquest 
 of it, at their expense, on the following conditions. They 
 bound themselves to equip four vessels, to carry three hun- 
 dred Spaniards, and to build two cities and three fortresses 
 in the two years succeeding their arrival. They were, be- 
 sides, to send to this country fifty German miners, to bring 
 to perfection the extraction of the mineral. The emperor 
 ceded to them all the territory between the province of 
 Santa Martha and the cape of Maracapana, relinquished to 
 them four fifths of his fifth of the gold and silver, and gave 
 them in absolute property twelve square leagues of land, to 
 take where they would. He permitted them, moreover, to 
 
CHAP. VIII.] 1537 TO 1534. 353 
 
 reduce to slavery all the Indians who attempted to resist 
 them. Charles the Fifth had just abandoned at this period 
 the province of Santa Martha to Don Garcie de Lerma, a 
 gentleman of his family. Don Garcie agreed with the 
 Welsers to act in concert with them and to render assist- 
 ance on occasion : they gave him the command of the first 
 expedition, which was composed of three vessels. The 
 Welsers named for governor and lieutenant governor, Am- 
 broise Dalfinger and George Seyler, who, for a long time 
 had served them well. The governor and lieutenant go- 
 vernor arrived in 1528, and presented to Ampies the order 
 of the emperor to give up to them the command. He, 
 forced to obey, and seeing himself so badly recompensed 
 for his services, withdrew to Saint Domingo, where he 
 died of chagrin, a short time after: however, the king of 
 Spain had ceded by way of indemnity to him the isles of 
 Curacoa, of Oruba and of Bonayre, which his descendants 
 enjoyed to a later age. The Welsers were perhaps then 
 the richest merchants in the world : they had advanced to 
 Charles the Fifth near five tons of gold, and at the same 
 time at which they sent an army at their expense to con- 
 quer Venezuela, they were dispatching vessels to the West 
 Indias to extend their commercial relations and try to dis- 
 cover the Spice islands. The daughter of Bartheleme 
 Welser, the chief of this house, the beautiful Philippina, 
 married secretly the Archduke Ferdinand, son of Ferdi- 
 nand, king of Bohemia, since emperor and nephew of 
 Charles the Fifth ; and the power of the Welsers was such 
 that Charles dared not break the marriage." 
 
 This extract is from the preface of the French edi- 
 tor to the narration of the first voyage of Nicolas Fe- 
 dermann, mentioned before on page 283. It is not 
 in place here, any more than in that preface, to relate 
 the history of the dominion of the Germans in Vene- 
 45 
 
354 1527 TO 1534. [soos u 
 
 zuela ; a dominion which lasted about twenty-six 
 years. A single circumstance will be mentioned ; it 
 is from the same preface : 
 
 " The Welsers repenting the confidence they had be- 
 stowed on Dalfinger, revoked his powers and put in his 
 place George de Spire, whom Federmann accompanied as 
 lieutenant. They arrived together at Coro in 1537, and 
 set out soon after to make new discoveries to the south. 
 George de Spire was to take the route east, Federmann that 
 to the west, and they were to meet again on the coast of 
 Barquisemeto. But he who sought only to render himself 
 independent, continued his march towards the west. After 
 a journey as toilsome as dangerous, he penetrated into the 
 kingdom of New Granada and advanced to Bogota, where 
 by the most singular chance, he met Sebastian de Benalca- 
 sar and Q,uesada, who had arrived there, the one by Peru, 
 the other by the river of Madeleine. Each one asserted 
 his pretensions to this province. Not being able to agree, 
 they agreed to go together to Spain to have their rights ad- 
 judged. However, Federmann was never to return from 
 America. His conduct towards his chief had dissatisfied 
 the Welsers, who forgot all his services, and wished even to 
 commence process against him ; but he died a short time 
 after, imbrued with disgust and chagrin." 
 
 Before the close of the period embraced by this 
 chapter, Quito was conquered by the Spaniards. In 
 Ternaux's Collection, there was republished at Paris 
 in 1840, 
 
 "Histoire du Royaume de Q,uito par Don Juan de Ve- 
 lasco, natif de a royaume ;" in two volumes. 
 
CHAP. IX.] VOYAGE TO NEWFOUNDLAND IN 1534, 355 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Of the voyage of Jacques Carlhier to Newfoundland in 1534. 
 
 Several voyages were made by Jacques Carthier, in 
 the service of the King of FVance. On his first voy- 
 age,* he departed from the port of Saint Malo the 
 20th of April 1534, with two ships, and came the 
 10th of May to Newfoundland, where he entered into 
 Saint Katharine's haven,t distant about five leagues 
 from the cape of Buona Vista, J in latitude forty-eight 
 degrees and a half. On the 21st of May, he sailed 
 from that cape to the Island of Birds.^ On the 27th, 
 he came to the bay of the Castles, and entered into 
 a harbour about its entrance, called Carpunt, in lati- 
 tude fifty-one degrees, where he stayed till the 9th of 
 June. The writer of the account of this voyage, 
 found in Hakluyt, describes the land from Cape Razo 
 to Cape Degrad, as parted into islands, from the high- 
 est of which, " you may plainly see the two low 
 islands that are next to Cape Razo, from whence 
 to the port of Carpunt, they count it twenty-five 
 leagues." Jacques Carthier, it may be inferred, wrote 
 the account himself, for the writer says, that going 
 from Point Degrad, and entering into the bay to- 
 
 »T^is aecouDt is taken fiom the third | It still bears the name of Bona Vista, 
 
 volume of Hakluyt's Collection, p. 201 to $ Mr. Hawkins supposes this to be Funk 
 
 211. island, about fourteen leagues from Cape 
 
 tNow Catalina. See Hawkins's Que- Friels. See Hawkins's Quebec, p. 35. 
 bee, p. 35. 
 
356 VOYAGE TO NEWFOUNDLAND IN 1534. [book il. 
 
 wards the west by north, there is some doubt of two 
 islands on the right side, one of which he named Saint 
 Katharine's island. He describes the port of Castles 
 as about fifteen leagues from this island, and about 
 twelve and a half leagues from the port of Gutte ; 
 the road called White Sands, (Blanc Sablon,) as about 
 fifteen leagues from the port of Balances ; and Brest 
 island and the Island of Birds, as south southwest 
 from this road. 
 
 " A point of land being passed about a league from White 
 Sand, there is," he says, "a port and passage found, called 
 the Islettes, a better place than White Sand ; and there is 
 great fishing. From the said port of the Islettes unto ano- 
 ther called Brest, the circuit is about ten leagues. This 
 port is in latitude fifty-one degrees and fifty-five minutes.'' 
 
 Jacques Carthier entered the port of Brest the 10th 
 of June, and on Saint Barnabas' day, (service being 
 heard,) proceeded beyond that port towards the west ; 
 passing that day and the next through Islettes for 
 about ten leagues beyond the port. Beyond them all 
 he found a good haven, which he named Saint An- 
 thony's haven. One or two leagues farther, on a lit- 
 tle river toward the southwest coast, he set up a cross 
 and named it Saint Seruan's port. A greater river, 
 three leagues from this, wherein he took good store 
 of salmon, he named Saint James's river. In this ri- 
 ver Carthier saw a ship of Rochelle, which intended 
 to have gone fishing at the port of Brest, but had 
 passed it the night before, the mariners not knowing 
 where they were. Carthier directed them to another 
 port, a league more to the west (than the river of Saint 
 
CHAP. IX.] VOYAGE TO NEWFOUNDLAND IN 1534. 357 
 
 James,) which he, taking it to be one of the very best, 
 had named James Carthier's Sound. 
 
 " If the soil were -as good as the harbours are, it were," 
 he remarks, "a great commodity, but it is not to be called 
 the new land, but rather stones and wild crags, and a place 
 fit for wild beasts, for in all the North island I did not see 
 a cart load of good earth, yet went I on shore in many 
 places ; and on the island of White Sand, there is nothing 
 else but moss and small thorns scattered here and there, 
 withered and dry. To be short, I believe that this was the 
 land that God allotted to Cain." 
 
 On the 15th of June, Carthier sailed from Brest 
 towards the south, to view the lands there seen, that 
 had seemed to be two islands. He now knew it to 
 be firm land, where was a great double cape, one 
 above the other, and named it Double Cape. This 
 cape is about twenty leagues from Brest. On the 
 16th, he sailed along the coast towards the southwest 
 and by south about thirty-five leagues from Double 
 Cape ; and seeing on the hills some small cabins, 
 sometimes called Granges, he called these the Hills 
 of the Granges. A cape towards the southwest, he 
 named the Pointed Cape. On the 17th, he came to 
 a bay full of round islands, which, because of the re- 
 semblance, he named the Dove Houses. From the 
 bay (Saint Julian) to a cape lying south by west, 
 called Cape Royal, is seven leagues, and towards the 
 west southwest side of this cape, is another called the 
 Cape of Milk, between which two capes, in latitude 
 forty-eight degrees and a half, is a great and very 
 deep gulf. From the 1 8th until the 24th of June, the 
 weather was so stormy, that no land could be seen. 
 
3<58 VOYAGE TO NEWFOUNDLAND IN 1534. [book ii. 
 
 Then was seen a cape, that, from Cape Royal, hes 
 southwest about thirty-five leagues, and because it 
 was Saint John's day, Carthier named it Cape Saint 
 John. 
 
 On the 25th of June, he sailed in the bay north- 
 west and by west about seven and a half leagues from 
 the cape of St. John, and then southeast about fifteen 
 leagues, and came to three islands, which he named 
 the islands of Margaulx. About five leagues from 
 them, on the west, was an island about two leagues 
 in length and the same in breadth, with better soil 
 than had been seen in the new land, and many bears 
 and wolves on it, which he named Brion's island. 
 About four leagues from it towards west southwest is 
 the firm land. A cape named Cape Dolphin, is de- 
 scribed as the beginning of good grounds. 
 
 On the 27th and 28th, Carthier went along the 
 land, passing a cape called St. Peter's Cape, and an 
 island named Alezai. The 29th and 30th, the wind 
 blowing south and by east, he sailed westward with- 
 out any sight of land till evening. The cape then 
 seen was called Cape Orleans. Another, seven 
 leagues from it, lying north and by east, was called 
 Wild Men's Cape. A river wherein boats of wild 
 men were seen was called the River of Boats. Car- 
 thier entered this river, and was pleased with the tem- 
 perature of the country and the quality of the land : 
 there was here a great change from what had been 
 seen before ; nothing was now wanting but good har- 
 bours. He describes himself as being on the 3d of 
 July in a gulf or bay, the midst of which is forty- 
 seven degrees and a half in latitude. A cape south 
 
CHAP. IX.] VOYAGE TO NEWFOUNDLAND IN 1534, 359 
 
 was called the Cape of Hope, from the hope that a 
 passage would be found there ; a harbour on the north 
 side was named St. Martin's. Here Carthier's ves- 
 sels stayed from the 4th of July till the 12th, during 
 which time he and his men visited the Bay des Cha- 
 leurs, so called from its great heat, and trafficked 
 with the natives. 
 
 On the 12th of July, Carthier went from St. Mar- 
 tin's creek along the sea coast eastward about eighteen 
 leagues, to the Cape of Prato, near which he an- 
 chored that night. He went thence to a river five or 
 six leagues northward, where, because of the badness 
 of the weather, he stayed in harbour till the 25th. 
 The natives here were seen fishing for mackerel, of 
 which there was great plenty. Carthier and his men 
 went on land : the natives received them in a friendly 
 manner, and traded with them. 
 
 " Upon the 24th of the month," the account proceeds,* 
 •' we caused a fair high cross to be made of the height of 
 thirty foot, which was made in the presence of many of 
 them, upon the point of the entrance of the said haven, in 
 the midst whereof we hanged up a shield with three Floure 
 de Luces in it, and in the top was carved in the wood with 
 antique letters this posy, Vive le Roy de France. Then 
 before them all we set it upon the said point. They with 
 great heed beheld both the making and setting of it up. 
 So soon as it was up, we altogether kneeled down before 
 them, with our hands toward Heaven, yielding God thanks; 
 and we made signs unto them, showing them the Heavens, 
 and that all our salvation dependeth only on Him which in 
 them dwelleth : whereat they showed a great admiration, 
 looking first one at another, and then upon the cross. And 
 
 * 3 Hakluyt, p. 209. 
 
360 VOYAGE TO NEWFOUNDLAND IN 1534. [book ii. 
 
 after we were returned to our ships, their captain, clad in 
 an old bear's skin, with three of his sons, and a brother of 
 his with him, came unto us in one of their boats, but they 
 came not so near us as they were wont to do : there he 
 made a long oration unto us, showing us the cross we had 
 set up, and making a cross with two fingers ; then did he 
 show us all the country about us, as if he would say that 
 all was his, and that we should not set up any cross with- 
 out his leave. His talk being ended, we showed him an 
 axe, faining that we would give it him for his skin, to 
 which he listened, for by little and little he came near our 
 ships. One of our fellows that was in our boat, took hold 
 on theirs and suddenly leapt into it, with two or three 
 more, who enforced them to enter into our ships, whereat 
 they were greatly astonished. But our captain did straight- 
 ways assure them, that they should have no harm, nor any 
 injury offered them at all, and entertained them very friend- 
 ly, making them eat and drink. Then did he show them 
 with signs that the cross was but only set up to be as a 
 light and leader which ways to enter into the port, and that 
 we would shortly come again and bring good store of iron 
 wares and other things, but that we would take two of his 
 children with us, and afterward bring them to the said 
 port again ; and so we cloathed two of them in shirts and 
 ^coloured coats, with red caps, and put about every one's 
 neck a copper chain, whereat they were greatly contented : 
 then gave they their old cloaths to their fellows that went 
 back again, and we gave to each one of those three that went 
 back, a hatchet and some knives, which made them very 
 glad. After these were gone and had told the news unto 
 their fellows, in the afternoon there came to our ships five 
 boats of them, with five or six men in every one, to take 
 their farewell of those two we had detained to take with us, 
 and brought them some fish, uttering many words which 
 we did not understand, making signs that they would not 
 remove the cross we had set up." 
 
CHAP. IX.] VOYAGE TO NEWFOUNDLAND IN 1534. 361 
 
 On the 25th of July, Carthier, coming out of the 
 river, sailed east northeast. He proceeded along the 
 land which lay southeast and northwest till the 29th, 
 when he saw another cape where the land began to 
 bend toward the east. This cape was in latitude 
 forty-nine degrees and a half: he named it Cape St. 
 Aluise, because it was his day. From St. Aluise Cape 
 to another called Cape Memorancie, about fifteen 
 leagues, the land begins to bend northwest. 
 
 Carthier went along the land to the latitude of fifty 
 degrees, still bending northwest. From the 1st to the 
 5th of August, he was between high lands, distant 
 from one to the other about fifteen leagues : the mid- 
 dle between them both was fifty degrees and a half 
 in latitude. Because, on St. Peter's day he entered 
 this strait, he named it St. Peter's Strait. A cape 
 lying southward, where the land begins to bend south- 
 west he named Cape Tiennot, after the captain of 
 the people who were on that cape, some of whom 
 came to the ships. It was now determined to pro- 
 ceed homeward. On the 15th of August, he de- 
 parted from the port of White Sands, and on the 5th 
 of September was again at the port of St. Malo. 
 After the return of Carthier, the land which he had 
 visited was, by the French, generally called New 
 France. 
 
 46 
 
362 DISCOVERY or the ST. LAWRENCE : 1535, [book n. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Of the second voyage of Jacques Carthier, wherein he explored the St. 
 Lawrence in 1535. 
 
 Jacques Carthier commenced his second voyage 
 from St. Malo, on the 19th of May, with three ships. 
 There was stormy weather on the way, which sepa- 
 rated the ships. That of Carthier arrived in New- 
 foundland the 7th of July, and came to the island of 
 Birds in forty-nine degrees forty minutes. On the 
 8th he came to the port of White Sands in the bay 
 of Castles, where on the 26th he was joined by the 
 other two ships. On the 29th, sailing along the 
 northern coast, that runs northeast and southwest, he 
 passed two islands which he called St. William's 
 islands ; they are described as twenty leagues or more 
 from the port of Brest. On the 30th he sailed west- 
 ward to other islands which he named St. Martha's 
 islands. The last of July, he came to other islands 
 distant about seventeen leagues and a half from St. 
 German's cape ; and seven leagues further to Cape 
 Thiennot. Seven leagues and a half beyond this 
 cape, he found amidst four islands that stretch into 
 the sea, a haven which he named St. Nicholas haven, 
 where he rested till the 7th of August, having in the 
 mean time set up on one of the islands a wooden 
 cross. Charlevoix says, this harbour was on the north 
 shore, neai- the mouth of the St. Lawrence ; and he 
 
CHAP. X.] DISCOVERY OF THE ST, LAWRENCE J 1535. 363 
 
 describes it as being in latitude forty-nine degrees 
 twenty-five minutes, and as the only place which pre- 
 served to his time the name originally given by Jacques 
 Carthier.* On the 7th Carthier came toward land on 
 the south side, toward Cape Rabast distant fi'om the 
 haven just mentioned about twenty leagues north 
 northeast and south southwest. 
 
 •' The next day there rose a stormy and contrary wind, 
 and because we could find no haven there toward the 
 south, thence we went coasting along toward the north, 
 beyond the above said haven about ten leagues, where we 
 found a goodly great gulf, full of islands, passages, and en- 
 trances, toward what wind soever you please to bend : for 
 the knowledge of this gulf, there is a great island that is 
 like to a cape of land, stretching somewhat further forth 
 than the others, and about two leagues within the land, 
 there is a hill fashioned as it were an heap of corn. We 
 named the said gulf Saint Lawrence his bay. The twelfth 
 of the said month we went from the said Saint Lawrence his 
 bay, or gulf, sailing westward, and discovered a cape of 
 land toward the south, that runneth west and by south, 
 distant from the said Saint Lawrence his bay, about five 
 and twenty leagues. And of the two wild men which we 
 took in our former voyage, it was told us, that this was part 
 of the southern coast, and that there was an island, on the 
 southerly part of which is the way to go from Honguedo 
 (where the year before we had taken them,) to Canada, 
 and that two days journey from the said cape and island, 
 began the kingdom of Saguenay, on the north shore ex- 
 tending toward Canada; and about three leagues athwart 
 the said cape, there is about a hundred fathom water."! 
 
 ♦Hawkins's Ciucbec, p. 39,40. 
 
 fProm Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. 3, p. 213. 
 
364 DISCOVERY OF THE ST. L.AWKENCE ; 1535. [BOOK 11. 
 
 The name of St. Lawrence appears to have been 
 given by Carthier to a bay, between the island of An- 
 ticosti and the northern shore, and in after time to 
 have been extended to the whole of the gulf and 
 river. 
 
 On the 1 5th of August, having passed the strait, 
 he named a land toward the south the island of the 
 Assumption. The English afterwards called this island 
 Anticosti, as being somewhat similar in sound to its 
 Indian name Natiscotec* The countries lying north 
 of it appeared to be higher than those south. 
 
 " We bended toward the north purposing to go and see 
 the land we before had spied. Being arrived there, we 
 found the said lands as it were joined together, and low 
 toward the sea. And the northerly mountains that are upon 
 the said lov/ lands stretch east and west and a quarter south. 
 Our Yv^ild men told us that there was the beginning of Sa- 
 guenay, and that it was land inhabited, and that thence 
 Cometh the red copper, of them named Caignetclaze. There 
 is between the southerly lands and the northerly about 
 thirty leagues distance, and more than two hundred fathom 
 depth."! 
 
 The breadth of the gulf seems to have been accu- 
 rately determined by Carthier. Cape Rosier, a small 
 distance to the north of the point of Gaspe is the 
 place which marks the opening of the river ; and es- 
 timated from this cape the breadth is ninety miles. 
 Measured from the eastern extremity of Gaspe, the 
 width is one hundred and twenty miles, which corres- 
 ponds with what Carthier says in his eleventh chapter, 
 
 * Hawkins's Q,uebec, p. 40, 41. 
 
 t From Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. 3, p. 213. 
 
CHAP, x] DISCOVERY OF THE ST, LAWRENCE ] 1535. 365 
 
 to wit : that the distance from one side to the other 
 is about thirty-five or forty leagues.* 
 
 " The said men did moreover certify unto us, that there 
 was the way and beginning of the great river of Hoche- 
 laga and ready way to Canada, which river the further it 
 went the narrower it came, even unto Canada, and that 
 then there was fresh water, which went so far upwards, 
 that they had never heard of any man who had gone to 
 the head of it, and that there is no other passage but with 
 small boats. Our captain hearing their talk, and hov/ they 
 did affirm no other passage to be there, would not at thai 
 time proceed any further, till he had seen and noted the 
 other lands and coast toward the north, which he had omit- 
 ted to see from Saint Lawrence his gulf, because he would 
 know, if between the lands toward the north any passage 
 might be discovered."! 
 
 On the 18th of August the captain caused his ships 
 to wend back and bend toward the other shore. The 
 next day, he came to seven very high islands which 
 he named The Round Islands. On the 21st he came 
 to the island of Assumption ; and on the 24th to a 
 haven on the southerly coast about eighty leagues 
 from the Round islands. This haven is over against 
 three flat islands which he named St. John's islets. 
 
 About fifteen leagues from this haven, towards the 
 wCvSt and west southwest are three islands, over 
 against which the two wild men said was a river that 
 run into the country of Saguenay ; and about five 
 leagues beyond this river was another island on the 
 north side. On the 6th of September, Carthier as- 
 
 * Hawkins's Quebec, p. 40. 
 
 t Hakliiyt's Voyages, vol. 3, p. 213. 
 
366 DISCOVERY OF THE ST. LAWRENCE ; 1535. [book a. 
 
 cended the river about fifteen leagues, to an island 
 about three leagues long and two broad, which, from 
 the filbert trees on it, he called the Isle aux Coudres, 
 or Island of Filberts. On the 7th, he went seven or 
 eight leagues higher to fourteen islands, one of which, 
 twelve leagues long and five #road, he called the Isle 
 of Bacchus. It is now the Island of Orleans, and 
 greatly enhances the beauty of the prospect from the 
 high grounds of Quebec* Here, says Carthier, "the 
 country of Canada beginneth." He went on land to 
 see the natives, and took with him the two that he 
 had, whose names were Targnoagny and Domagaja. 
 The next day the Lord of Canada, whose name was 
 Donnacona, came to the ship where those two natives 
 were and spoke with them. They told him what they 
 had seen in France, and the good entertainment they 
 had had, at which he seemed to be very glad, and 
 praying the captain to reach out his arm, kissed it 
 and laid it about his own neck, to shew that he made 
 much of him. Then the captain distributed bread 
 and wine to the lord and his company, with which 
 they were much pleased. 
 
 Carthier passed up the river about ten leagues far- 
 ther, at the end of which was a goodly and pleasant 
 sound, where was a little river and haven fit to har- 
 bour the ships in, which he named Santa Croix, (the 
 Holy Cross.) Near to it was a village called Stada- 
 cona, of which Donnacona was lord. Mr. Hawkins 
 thinks there can be no doubt that the " goodly and 
 pleasant sound," above mentioned, is the beautiful 
 basin of Quebec, and that Santa Croix is the little 
 
 •Hawkins's Quebec, p. 43. 
 
CHAP. X.] DISCOVERY OF THE ST. LAWRENCE; 1535. 36T 
 
 river St. Charles to the north of the city. His idea 
 is, that Stadacona stood on that part of Quebec now 
 covered by the suburbs of St. Roch, and part of those 
 of St. John, looking towards the St. Charles.* 
 
 The two natives refused to accompany Carthier 
 any further up the river. Nevertheless, Carthier, 
 with a pinnace and two boats sailed up it from the 
 19th until the 28th, and " saw as goodly and pleasant 
 a country as possibly can be wished for." He had 
 stopped on the way at a place called Hochelai, about 
 twenty-five leagues from Canada, where the river be- 
 ing narrow and running swiftly, was dangerous for 
 that reason, and also because of the large stones in it. 
 On the 28th of September he came to a great lake 
 five or six leagues broad and twelve long, at the head 
 of which were four or five branches, which, about fif- 
 teen leagues beyond, all came into one. This was 
 the Lake St. Peter.f 
 
 It not being possible for the pinnace to go further, 
 Carthier, having put on the boats as much as they 
 could well bear, proceeded with the boats forty-five 
 leagues, to a point near the town of Hochelaga. 
 
 It was on the 2d of October that he arrived at this 
 place, supposed by Mr. HawkinsJ to have been about 
 six miles from the town, below the current of St. 
 Mary. The next day, Carthier, having gorgeously 
 attired himself, went to see the town and the moun- 
 tain near it, which he named Mount Royal ; a name 
 since extended to the city beneath and to the fertile 
 island. All of it is now called Montreal. The city 
 which preceded that of Montreal is thus described : 
 
 * Hawkins's auebec, p. 45, 6. fid. p. 49. t Id. p. 50. 
 
368 DISCOVERY OF THE ST. LAWRENCE j 1535. [book li. 
 
 " The City of Hochelaga is round, compassed about with 
 timber, with three courses of rampircs. one within another, 
 framed like a sharp spire, but laid across above. The mid- 
 dlemost of them is made and built as a divert line, but per- 
 pendicular. The rampires are framed and fashioned with 
 pieces of timber, laid along on the ground, very well and 
 cunningly joined together after their fashion. This enclo- 
 sure is in height about two rods. It hath but one gate or 
 entry thereat, which is shut with piles, stakes and bars. 
 Over it, and also in many places of the wall, there be places 
 to run along, and ladders to get up, all full of stones, for the 
 defence of it. There are in the town about fifty houses, 
 about fifty paces long and twelve or fifteen broad, built all 
 of wood, covered over with the bark of the wood as broad 
 as any board, very finely and cunningly joined together. 
 Within the said houses, there are many rooms, lodgings 
 and chambers. In the midst of every one, there is a great 
 court, in the middle whereof they make their fire. They 
 live in common together: then do the husbands, wives 
 and children each one retire themselves to their chambers. 
 They have also on the top of their houses certain garrets, 
 wherein they keep their corn."* 
 
 After experiencing a very kind reception from the 
 inhabitants of Hochelaga, Carthier returned on the 
 4th of October to his pinnace, and the next day de- 
 parted with his pinnace and boats for Santa Croix, 
 where he arrived on the 11th, and the day after was 
 visited by the natives. In the description of their 
 usages it is said, 
 
 " They keep and observe the rites of matrimony, saving 
 that every one weddeth two or three wives, which (their 
 husbands being dead) do never marry again, but for the 
 
 * Hakluyt's Collection, vol. 3, p. 220. 
 
CHAP. S.] DISCOVERY OF THE ST. LAWRENCE J 1535. 369 
 
 death of their husbands wear a certain black weed all the 
 days of their life, besmearing all their faces with coal dust 
 and grease mingled together as thick as the back of a knife, 
 and by that they are known to be widows."* 
 
 In December, that pestilence, the scurvy, seems to 
 have been among the people of Stadacona, and to 
 have spread to the French. So that by the middle of 
 March, of one hundred and ten persons eight were 
 dead, and the rest so sick that it was thought they 
 would not recover, except three or four. The cap- 
 tain then walking out met Domagara, who had been 
 very sick, and was now cured by drinking a decoction 
 of the bark and leaves of sassafras, and putting the 
 dregs upon his legs. The French tried this remedy, 
 and found it very efficient both for the scurvy and 
 some other diseases. f 
 
 Hitherto the relations between Carthier and the In- 
 dians had been those of amity and confidence ; so 
 much so that Donnacona, on the 17th of September, 
 presented him a female child (his sister's) about ten 
 or twelve years old, and two male children yet 
 younger ; and when he was at Hochelai, one of the 
 chief lords offered him two of his children, a daughter 
 seven or eight years old, and a son only two or three, 
 of which Carthier only took the former, considering 
 the other too young. Now, however, some suspicion 
 and distrust seem to have arisen. And Carthier de- 
 termined to take some prisoners to France to shew to 
 the king. It may be questioned whether this deter- 
 mination was not as much the cause as the effect of 
 the course of the natives. On the 3d of May, being 
 
 *Hakluyt's Collection, vol. 3, p. 223. f Id. p. 225, 6, 7. 
 
 47 
 
370 DISCOVERY OF THE ST. LAWRENCE ; 1535. [book II. 
 
 Holyrood day, he had a cross of thirty-five feet in 
 height set up, under which was hung a shield, whereon 
 was the arms of France, and over them was written 
 Franciscus primus, Dei Gratia, Francorum Rex reg- 
 nat. The same day, many of the natives visited the 
 French, and Carthier had Donnacona, Targnoagny 
 and Domagia, and two more of the chief men taken. 
 At this Donnacona's men were greatly distressed, but 
 they were told that Donnacona would be rewarded 
 by the King of France, and return to them again in 
 ten or twelve months. They returned thanks for this, 
 and said if it should be so they would give many 
 things. 
 
 On the 6th of May, Carthier departed from the 
 port of Santa Croix. It was the 2ist, before he could 
 leave the Isle of Filberts. Then he passed to Hon- 
 guedo ; a passage not before discovered. On the 
 16th of June, he went from St. Peter's islands, and 
 came to Cape Ruse, to a port called Rognoso. This 
 port was left by Carthier the 19th of June; and he 
 had so good a voyage that on the 6th of July 1536, 
 he was again at St. Malo. 
 
CHAP. XI.] VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1530. 371 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Of a voyage of Mr. Hore aud others from England to the nortliwest 
 
 in 1536. 
 
 The following account is from the third volume of 
 Hakluyt's Collection, page 129 to 131. Mr. Biddle, 
 in his Memoir of Cabot, page 278, referring to this 
 voyage, says it evidently contemplated an adventurous 
 range of research. Members of the bar will be at- 
 tracted by the name of Mr. Rastall, Sergeant RastalPs 
 brother : 
 
 •' The master Hore of London, a man of goodly statnre 
 and of great courage, and given to the study of cosmogra- 
 phy, in the twenty-eighth year of King Henry the Eighth, 
 and in the year of our Lord 1536, encouraged divers gen- 
 tlemen and others, being assisted by the king's favour and 
 good countenance, to accompany him in a voyage of dis- 
 covery upon the northwest parts of America: wherein his 
 persuasions took such effect, that within short space many 
 gentlemen of the inns of court and of the chancery, and 
 divers others of good worship, desirous to see the strange 
 things of the world, very wilHngly entered into the action 
 with him, some of whose names were as followeth : Mr. 
 Weekes, a gentleman of the west country, of five hundred 
 marks by the year living ; Mr. Tucke, a gentleman of Kent ; 
 Mr. Tuckfield; Mr. Thomas Buts, the son of Sir William 
 Buts, knight, of Norfolk, which was lately living, and from 
 whose mouth I wrote most of this relation ; Mr. Hardie ; 
 Mr. Biron ; Mr. Carter ; Mr. Wright ; Mr. Rastall, Sergeant 
 
372 VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1536. [book ii. 
 
 Rastall's brother ; Mr. Ridley, and divers others, which all 
 were in the Admiral, called the Trinity, a ship of seven 
 score tons, wherein Mr. Hore himself was embarked. In 
 the other ship, whose name was the Minion, went a very 
 learned and virtuous gentleman, one Mr. Armigil Wade, af- 
 terwards clerk of the councils of King Henry the Eighth 
 and King Edward the Sixth, father to the worshipful Mr. 
 William Wade, now clerk of the privy council ; Mr. Oliver 
 Dawbeney, merchant of London ; Mr. Joy, afterward gen- 
 tleman of the King's Chapel, with divers other of good ac- 
 count. The whole number that went in the two tall ships 
 aforesaid, to wit, the Trinity and the Minion, were about 
 six score persons, whereof thirty were gentlemen, which 
 all we mustered in warlike manner at Gravesend, and after 
 the receiving of the sacrament, they embarked themselves 
 in the end of April 1536. 
 
 " From the time of their setting out from Gravesend, 
 they were very long at sea, to wit, about two months, and 
 never touched any land until they came to part of the West 
 Indias about Cape Breton, shaping their course thence 
 northeastwards, until they came to the island of Penguin, 
 which is very full of rocks and stones, whereon they went, 
 and found it full of great fowls, white and grey, as big as 
 geese, and they saw infinite numbers of their eggs. They 
 drove a great number of the fowls into their boats upon 
 their sails, and took up many of their eggs : the fowls they 
 flayed, and their skins were very like honey combs full of 
 holes, being flayed off": They dressed and eat them and 
 found them to be very good and nourishing meat. They 
 saw also store of hares both black and white, of whom 
 they killed some, and took them for no bad food. 
 
 " Mr. Oliver Dawbeney, which (as it is before mentioned) 
 was in this voyage, and in the Minion, told Mr. Richard 
 Hakluyt of the Middle Temple, these things following, to 
 wit : That after their arrival in Newfoundland, and having 
 
CHAP. XI.] VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1536. 373 
 
 been there certain days at anchor, and not having yet seen 
 any of the natural people of the country, the same Daw- 
 beney walking one day on the hatches, spied a boat with 
 savages of those parts, rowing down the bay toward them, 
 to gaze upon the ship and our people, and taking view of 
 their coming aloft, he called to such as were under the 
 hatches, and willed them to come up if they would see the 
 natural people of the country that they had so long and so 
 much desired to see : whereupon they came up, and took 
 view of the savages rowing toward them and their ship, 
 and upon the view they manned out a ship boat to meet 
 them and to take them. But they spying our ship boat 
 making towards them, returned with main force and fled 
 into an island that lay up in the bay or river there, and our 
 men pursued them into the island, and the savages fled and 
 escaped : but our men found a fire, and the side of a bear 
 on a wooden spit left at the same by the savages that were 
 fled. 
 
 '•' There in the same plilce, they found a boot of leather 
 garnished on the outward side of the calf with certain 
 brave trails, as it were of raw silk, and also found a certain 
 great warm mitten ; and these carried with them, they re- 
 turned to their ship, not finding the savages, nor seeing any 
 thing else besides the soil, and the things growing in the 
 same, which chiefly were store of fir and pine trees. 
 
 " And further the said Mr. Dawbeney told him, that ly- 
 ing there they grew into great want of victuals, and that 
 there they found small relief, more than that they had from 
 the nest of an osprey, that brought hourly to her young 
 great plenty of divers sorts of fishes. But such was the 
 famine that increased amongst them from day to day, that 
 they were forced to seek to relieve themselves of raw herbs 
 and roots that they sought on the main : but the famine in- 
 creasing, and the relief of herbs being to little purpose to 
 satisfy their insatiable hunger, in the fields and deserts here 
 
374 VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1536. [book ii. 
 
 and there, the fellow killed his mate while he stooped to 
 take np a root for his relief, arid cutting out pieces of his 
 body whom he had murdered, broiled the same on the coals 
 and greedily devoured them. 
 
 " By this mean the company decreased, and the officers 
 knew not what was become of them ; and it fortuned that 
 one of the company driven with hunger to seek abroad for 
 relief found out in the fields the savor of broiled flesh, and 
 fell out with one for that he would suffer him and his fel- 
 lows to starve, enjoying plenty as he thought : and this mat- 
 ter growing to cruel speeches he that had the broiled meat, 
 burst out into these words : If thou wouldst needs know, 
 the broiled meat that 1 had was a piece of such a man's 
 buttock. The report of this brought to the ship, the cap- 
 tain found what became of those that were missing, and 
 was persuaded that some of them were neither devoured 
 with wild beasts, nor yet destroyed with savages; and 
 hereupon he stood up and made a notable oration, contain- 
 ing, how much these dealings %)ff'ended the Almighty, and 
 vouched the Scriptures from first to last, what God had in 
 cases of distress done for them that called upon him, and 
 told them that the power of the Almighty was then no less 
 than in all former time it had been, and added, that if it 
 had not pleased God to have helped them in that distress, 
 that it had been better to have perished in body and to have 
 lived everlastingly, than to have relieved for a poor time 
 their mortal bodies and to be condemned everlastingly, both 
 body and soul, to the unquenchable fire of Hell. And thus 
 having ended to that effect, he began to exhort to repent- 
 ance, and besought all the company to pray, that it might 
 please God to look upon their miserable present state, and 
 for his own mercy to relieve the same. The famine in- 
 creasing, and the inconvenience of the men that were mis- 
 sing being found, they agreed amongst themselves rather 
 than all should perish, to cast lots who should be killed : 
 
CHAP. XI.] VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1536. 375 
 
 And such was the mercy of God, that the same night there 
 arrived a French ship in that port, well furnished with vic- 
 tual, and such was the policy of the English, that they be- 
 came masters of the same, and changing ships and victual- 
 ing them, they set sail to come into England, 
 
 "In their journey they were so far northwards, that they 
 saw mighty islands of ice in the summer season, on which 
 were hawks and other fowls to rest themselves, being weary 
 of flying over far from the main. They saw also certain great 
 white fowls with red bills and red legs, somewhat bigger 
 than herons, which they supposed to be storks. They ar- 
 rived at St. Ives in Cornwall about the end of October. 
 From thence they departed unto a certain castle belonging 
 to Sir John Luttrell, where Mr. Thomas Buts and Mr. Rastall 
 and other gentlemen of the voyage were very friendly en- 
 tertained : After that they came to the Earl of Bath at Bath, 
 and thence to Bristol, so to London. Mr. Buts was so 
 changed in the voyage with hunger and misery, that Sir 
 William his father and my Lady his mother knew him not 
 to be their son, until they found a secret mark which was 
 a wart upon one of his knees, as he told me, Richard 
 Haklnyt of Oxford, himself, to whom I rode two hundred 
 miles only to learn the whole truth of this voyage from his 
 own mouth, as being the only man now alive that was in this 
 discovery. 
 
 " Certain months after, those Frenchmen came into Eng- 
 land, and made complaint to King Henry the Eighth : The 
 king causing the matter to be examined, and finding the 
 great distress of his subjects, and the causes of the dealing 
 so with the French, was so moved with pity, that he pu- 
 nished not his subjects, but of his own purse made full and 
 royal recompence unto the French. 
 
 "In this distress of famine, the English did somewhat 
 relieve their vital spirits, by drinking at the springs the fresh 
 water out of certain wooden cups, out of which they had 
 drunk their aqua composita before." 
 
376 EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO IN 1539. [BOOK II. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Of the expedition of Ferdinand de Soto to Florida in 1539, and his 
 march thence to the Mississippi ; his death in 1541 ; and the subse- 
 quent progress of his ti'oops. 
 
 On Ferdinand de Soto, who had served with repu- 
 tation under Pizarro in Peru, Charles the Fifth con- 
 ferred the government of Cuba, with the rank of 
 General of Florida, and the title of Marquis of the 
 lands which he should conquer there. After making 
 a short stay at Havana, he sailed thence on the 18th 
 of May 1339. A letter of the 9th of July following, 
 from De Soto to the municipal body of the City of 
 Santiago of the Isle of Cuba, and a relation of Luis 
 Hernandez de Biedma, who went as factor to the ex- 
 pedition, are in the volume of Pieces on Florida, 
 published at Paris in 1841, in Ternaux's Collection 
 of Voyages, Relations and Memoirs. From these 
 sources, and from the account of the expedition found 
 in the volume of Roberts, mentioned already on page 
 295, this chapter is derived. 
 
 De Soto is stated in one account to have sailed 
 with nine vessels, having on board three hundred and 
 fifty horse and nine hundred foot, together with a 
 great number of mariners ; in another he is stated to 
 have disembarked six hundred and twenty men and 
 two hundred and twenty-three horses. He reached 
 the coast of Florida on the 25th, and anchored in 
 
CHAP. XIl] EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO IN 1539. 377 
 
 Baya Honda : the Bay of Spiritu Sancto. The Spa- 
 niards took possession of a village on this bay, which 
 the Indians deserted on their arrival. On one side of 
 the village was a sort of temple to an idol. The idol 
 was placed over the entrance, and was in the shape 
 of a bird, made of wood and gilded over. 
 
 De Soto sent Baltasar de Gallegos with forty ca- 
 valiers and as many foot soldiers, to seek a country- 
 man who he learnt was with one of the caciques. 
 On the^way, they met nine Indians coming with the 
 European. He had in his hand a bow and arrows, 
 and was naked and painted like the Indians. 
 
 " This man, whose name was John Ortiz, was a native of 
 Seville, and born of a noble family. He had served in the 
 expedition under Narvaez about twelve years before, and 
 had the good fortune to escape back again to Cuba. Hence 
 he returned to Florida in a brigantine, by the desire of the 
 lady of Narvaez, in quest of her husband. At his arrival 
 upon this coast, meeting with some Indians, who pretended 
 to have a letter for him from Narvaez, he and another were 
 rash enough to land, at their invitation, in opposition to the 
 advice of the people on board. The Indians immediately 
 surrounded them, killed his companion, who offered to 
 make resistance, and carried off Ortiz to their chief, called 
 Ucita; none on board daring to land, to give him any as- 
 sistance. The Indian sentenced him to be burnt alive, 
 which had surely been his fate, but that a sudden emotion 
 of pity touched the heart of Ucita's daughter, who pre- 
 vailed upon her father to give him his life. Ortiz was then 
 set to guard the temple above mentioned from the wolves, 
 which often came to carry off the bodies that were laid 
 there. It happened, that these animals seized the body of 
 the son of an Indian of considerable rank : Ortiz pursued 
 48 
 
378 EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO IN 1539. [BOOK II. 
 
 them, and had the good fortune to kill one of the wolves, 
 and recover the carcase. This action endeared him to 
 Ucita, who began to treat him more kindly. Three years 
 passed thus, when an Indian chief, called Mocoso, attacked 
 Ucita, burnt his village, and forced him to fly to another 
 place he had by the sea-shore. These wild people have a 
 custom of sacrificing the lives of strangers that fall into 
 their hands to evil spirits, whom they suppose to be pleased 
 with such victims. This fate Ucita destined Ortiz to ; but 
 the same girl, who had saved him from the fire, counselled 
 him to fly to Mocoso, who, she said, would treat him well, 
 and wanted to see him. As he was unacquainted with the 
 way, she put him into the road, and returned unperceived 
 herself. Ortiz travelled till he came to a rivulet on the 
 frontier of the dominions of Mocoso, where he found two 
 Indians fishing. As these people were at war with those 
 he came from, he was apprehensive they would treat him 
 as an enemy, and the more so because he was unable to ex- 
 plain his design, and what brought him thither to them, 
 neither understanding the language of the other; to pre- 
 vent this, he ran to the place where their arms lay, and in- 
 stantly seized them. The Indians, alarmed, flew imme- 
 diately to the town, whence their cries presently brought 
 numbers of Indians, who surrounded Ortiz, and were upon 
 the point of killing him, in vain crying out that he was the 
 Christian of Ucita; when, providentially, an Indian joined 
 them who happened to understand his language, and ap- 
 peased his companions by explaining the words of Ortiz 
 to them. Upon this, four of the savages were sent ofl" with 
 the news to Mocoso, who received Ortiz very cordially, and 
 promised, if any Christians should arrive in that country, 
 he would give him leave to retire with them. Among 
 these Indians Ortiz resided for the course of twelve years, 
 and had long despaired of ever seeing another European, 
 when Mocoso informed him that the Christians had made 
 
CHAP, xri.] EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO IN 1539. 379 
 
 a descent at the town of Ucita. Ortiz, at first, showed a 
 difficulty of believing him; but the cacique seriously in- 
 sisted upon the truth of this intelligence, and permitted 
 him to go to join them : adding, that if he did not, he 
 must blame himself alone when the Christians were gone, 
 since the promise made to him had been performed. Ortiz 
 thanked the Indian in the gratefullest terms, who, at his 
 departure, sent several of his people to escort him ; and 
 these were they whom the above mentioned party, from 
 Soto's army, met."* 
 
 The little party that came to escort Ortiz home did 
 not escape being attacked ; one of them was wound- 
 ed; and a horseman was running with his lance at 
 their companion, when he cried out : " Gentlemen, I 
 am a Christian, do not kill me nor these poor people 
 who have given me life." He and those with him 
 were then taken by the cavaliers on their horses ; on 
 his arrival in the camp, the general presented him 
 with clothes, arms, and a good horse. He had been 
 so long accustomed to the Indian language, that it 
 was more than four days before he could speak two 
 consecutive words of any other. If he spoke one in 
 Spanish, he would add four or five in the language of 
 the Indians. 
 
 De Soto also dispatched Gallegos with eighty lan- 
 cers and one hundred foot soldiers to reconnoitre the 
 country. They first marched west ; then northeast. 
 Arriving near a cacique named Hurripacuxi, distant 
 twenty leagues from the coast, he sent some Indians 
 to treat with the Spaniards. De Soto writes, that 
 after having concluded with the Spaniards, he did not 
 
 * Roberts, p. 35 to 37. 
 
380 EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO IN 1539. [BOOK 11. 
 
 keep his promises ; and that for this reason, Gallegos 
 caused him to be arrested, with seventeen Indians, 
 among whom were some chiefs. Roberts states that 
 the Spanish officer put the Indian messengers in irons 
 and sent information of his proceedings to De Soto, 
 who leaving part of his men to guard the post, 
 marched with the rest and joined Gallegos. After 
 passing with some difficulty a very rapid river, they 
 arrived at a small village called Cale or Ocale or Eto- 
 cale, ^hich was found deserted. Here they stopped 
 seven or eight days and took three or four Indians to 
 serve as guides in the province of Apalache. Leav- 
 ing Cale on the 11th of August, Soto took the direc- 
 tion of New Spain, marching along at a distance of 
 ten or twelve leagues from the coast. He lay first at 
 Hara, next at Potano, then at Utimana, and on the 
 fourth day at a place called by the Spaniards Mala- 
 paz, whence he came to a village named Aguacale- 
 cuen. Here it was intimated to Soto, that Narvaez 
 had not penetrated into the country beyond where 
 they now were, but the general determined to go 
 farther. The Spaniards stopped here five or six- 
 days and possessed themselves of ten or twelve wo- 
 men, one of whom was daughter of the cacique. 
 The cacique presented himself in a friendly way, but 
 he too was carried off. Leaving Aguacalecuen on 
 the 20th of September, in five days Soto arrived at 
 Napetaca. About this place the Indians attempted to 
 regain their cacique ; Biedma puts the number of the 
 Indians at one hundred and fifty ; Roberts, it will be 
 perceived, states the number larger ; his account is as 
 follows ; 
 
CHAP. XII.] EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO IN 1539. 381 
 
 "John Ortiz learned from an Indian, that they had re- 
 solved to assemble and attack the army, in order to set their 
 chief at liberty by force. The general being apprised of 
 this, ordered all the infantry and cavalry to arm, and to re- 
 main so prepared in their quarters, not to give the Indians 
 any suspicion, who, to the number of four hundred, in arms, 
 were posted in a wood a little way from the camp. Thus 
 stationed, they sent two men to demand their cacique of 
 the governor; who, taking him by the hand, and talking 
 to him, the better to satisfy the Indians, advanced near the 
 place where they had posted themselves ; but, observing 
 them to be preparing for battle, he commanded an alarm to 
 be sounded; at which all the Spaniards rushed out with 
 such fury, that the Indians, surprised and thrown into con- 
 fusion, thought only of flight. Forty of them were killed 
 on the spot by the spear, and the rest threw themselves 
 into two neighbouring lakes, where the Spaniards fired upon 
 them as they were swimming, though to little effect. Soto 
 not having people enough for both, surrounded only one of 
 the lakes, out of which the Indians endeavoured to escape 
 by swimming softly to the banks in the night, covering 
 their heads with water-lilies; but the horse, perceiving the 
 water to be put in motion, pushed up to the belly in the 
 lake, and drove them back again. A great part of the 
 night having thus passed, without any repose on either side, 
 Ortiz called out to them to submit to the governor, since 
 there was no possibility of escaping : which they at last 
 agreed to do, compelled by the severe cold they felt in the 
 water. They all surrendered, except about twelve, who 
 resolutely determined rather to die in the lake ; but the In- 
 dians of Paracoxi threw themselves in, dragged them out 
 by the hair, and they were immediately chained together. 
 All the rest were divided amongst the Spaniards, to serve 
 as slaves. The misery of this slavery was so intolerable 
 to those savages, that they resolved to free themselves from 
 
382 EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO IN 1539. [book II. 
 
 it ; and, for that end, one of them, who acted as inter- 
 preter, undertook to strangle the general whilst he was 
 talking with him, by throwing both hands at once suddenly 
 upon his neck ; but, in the instant of attempting it, Soto 
 struck the Indian upon the face so furiously, as, in a mo- 
 ment, to cover it over with blood. All the Indians were 
 roused at this signal, and a terrible battle ensued ; each sa- 
 vage using for a weapon, the club with which they bruised 
 the maize, or the sword or lances of their masters that 
 happened to lie near them, and managed them with as 
 much dexterity as the Spaniards themselves could do: till, 
 at last, after having given wonderful proof of valour and in- 
 trepidity, they were overpowered by numbers, and the whole 
 body, consisting of about two hundred, taken ; several of 
 whom were fastened to stakes, and shot to death by the 
 arrows of the Paracoxi Indians."* 
 
 The Spaniards marched from Napetaca on the 23d 
 of September, and in a province named Veachile, or 
 Uzachil, passed a river on which were some villages 
 that had been abandoned. In scouring the country, 
 about one hundred Indians were picked up and di- 
 vided among the soldiery, to be used for servile offices. 
 Of these, we are told that " the chain they were fas- 
 tened with, by the neck, did not much hinder them ;" 
 and that " as for the women and children they were 
 suffered to go unchained, whenever they had come 
 sixty or a hundred miles from their respective homes." 
 
 The general proceeded to a village named A guile, 
 or Axille, on the frontier of the province of Apalache, 
 separated from the former by a river. Over this the 
 Spaniards threw a bridge built of a great number of 
 barks attached to one another. They crossed the ri- 
 
 * Roberts, p. 39, 40. 
 
CHAP, xn] EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO IN 1539. 383 
 
 ver with much trouble ; for the Indians on its bank 
 forbid its passage. When the Spaniards had gotten 
 over, the Indians went to a neighbouring village 
 named Ivitachuco. To this they set fire as the Spa- 
 niards were approaching it. 
 
 The Spaniards having arrived at a village called 
 Iniahico, distant a hundred and ten leagues from the 
 port where the rest of the men had been left, went 
 nine miles to the place on the coast where Narvaez 
 had his barks constructed. They saw a great num- 
 ber of bones of horses, and recognized the place 
 where a forge had been established. The Indians 
 related that some other Christians had built barks 
 in this place. 
 
 Juan de Aiiasco, by the orders of the general, went 
 back to the port and sent thence the troop to this 
 place, and brought hither the foot soldiers in two bri- 
 gantines. He arrived at Paleche the 25th of De- 
 cember. After the arrival of the brigantines, the go- 
 vernor made them set out again to seek a neighbour- 
 ing port. Francisco Maldonado of Salamanca hav- 
 ing embarked for this purpose, came in a province 
 called Ochuse to a good port ; described as sixty 
 leagues from Paleche. When Maldonado returned 
 after an absence of two months, the governor told 
 him that he was going to seek a country on another 
 sea. Maldonado was directed to go to Cuba with the 
 brigantines (on board of which was Dona Isabella de 
 Bobadilla, wife of the governor,) and to come back 
 with them to the river of Saint Esprit. De Soto left 
 Paleche the 3d of March 1540, and marched towards 
 the north to search for gold ; being induced to do so 
 
384 MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. [book ii. 
 
 by information received from a young Indian taken 
 at Napetaca. The men were ordered to take provi- 
 sion for sixty leagues of desert, which they were ob- 
 Hged, we are told, to carry themselves, " as the Indian 
 prisoners had for the most part perished through the 
 winter's fatigue." In five days they came to a very 
 rapid river on which they could not construct a bridge 
 because of the force of the current. They made a 
 canoe ; and it took them a day and a half to cross in 
 this. They arrived on the 11th of March at Acapa- 
 chequi, or Capachiqui, and on the 21st at Toalli, hav- 
 ing been a good deal annoyed on the way by the In- 
 dians. They encountered two rivers over which they 
 had to make bridges of pine trees attached to one 
 another ; came to a province named Otoa, where they 
 found the most considerable village that they had yet 
 seen ; and were five or six days crossing a province 
 named Chesi. They marched then three days with- 
 out finding any habitation, and came to a province 
 called Altapaha. 
 
 "We found there," says Biedma, -'a river which does 
 not run towards the south, like those we had already passed ; 
 it came from from the east and enters the sea on the coast 
 where the Licentiate Lucas d'Aillon arrived." 
 
 The troops proceeded to Ocute and to Cofoqui, 
 the caciques whereof furnished eight hundred Indians 
 to carry provisions and baggage. The guides took 
 immediately the direction of the east. The Spa- 
 niards marched so for three days, and then in half a 
 league came to a large river. Juan de Anasco being 
 told to descend it in the direction of the south south- 
 
CHAP. XII.] MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. 385 
 
 east, returned in four days, saying he had found a Ut- 
 tle hamlet and some provisions. The general pro- 
 ceeded thither and stayed there three or four days. 
 
 " We set out," continues Biedma, "for the village of Co- 
 fitachyque, which was in two days march from this hamlet, 
 situate on the bank of a river which we believed to be that 
 of Saint Helena, where the Licentiate Ayllon went. When 
 we arrived there, the queen sent us one of her nieces, who 
 was carried on a litter by the Indians, and seemed to have 
 much authority. She said she was well content that we 
 had arrived at her house, and would give us all in her power. 
 She offered to the governor a necklace of pearls of five or 
 six rows, procured for us some canoes to pass the river, and 
 gave us for lodgings half the village. After three or four 
 days, she fled to the forest. The governor had search 
 made for her, but she could not be found. He caused to 
 be opened a temple wherein the chiefs of the country were 
 interred. We took from it a large quantity of pearls." 
 
 Biedma goes on to say, 
 
 " We found interred two hatchets from Spain, for cutting 
 wood, a chaplet of berries of the wild olive tree and some 
 small pearls like those which they bring from Spain to use 
 in exchanges with the Indians. We thought that they had 
 procured all these objects in trafficking with the people 
 who had accompanied the licentiate Ayllon. Afterwards 
 these Indians told us the sea was thirty leagues from them. 
 We learnt that the company of Ayllon had advanced very 
 little into the interior ; that it had followed almost always 
 the sea coast until his death, and that his companions killed 
 one another, not being able to agree amongst themselves 
 upon the choice of a chief A large number died of hun- 
 ger, as was related by one of the soldiers who remained in 
 49 
 
386 MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. [BOOK II. 
 
 the country. Of six hundred men whom Ayllon had dis- 
 embarked, there escaped only fifty-seven."* 
 
 While the Spaniards remained in the village of this 
 queen, the young Indian before mentioned was bap- 
 tized by the name of Pedro, and loosed from the 
 chain which he had dragged all the way hither. After 
 staying here ten or twelve days, the Spaniards pro- 
 ceeded north. They marched for eight days in a 
 poor country, in which they found but few provisions, 
 and came to a province named Xuala. Cofitachyque 
 is mentioned to be about one hundred and thirty miles 
 from Ocute, and Xuala about two hundred and fifty 
 miles from Cofitachyque. In Xuala they were in a 
 mountainous country. Biedma speaks of going to 
 the source of the great river which they had followed. 
 Thence they passed to a village called Guasuli or 
 Tuaxulla, and in four days more came to a village 
 called China or Chiaha ; mentioned by Biedma as in 
 an isle of the river. Roberts describes Chiaha as 
 situated on a river which dividing into two branches 
 formed an island somewhat more than a mile long and 
 two bow shots across. The army rested here twenty- 
 six or twenty-seven days. 
 
 " The cacique of Acoste came to offer his services to 
 Soto, who enquired of him whether he knew of any rich 
 or fertile country ? He answered, that more to the north,, 
 there lay the province of Chisca, where copper was found, 
 and another metal purer and livelier, which, though more 
 beautiful than the former, was yet not much used, because 
 it was softer. Charmed with this relation, Soto determined 
 
 * See ante, chapter 1, p. 299. 
 
CHAP. XII.] MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. 387 
 
 to make forChisca; but, being informed that mountains 
 interposed, craggy and impenetrable to cavalry, he thought 
 of avoiding the direct road, and to pass some way about, if 
 possible, through a peopled country, where both men and 
 horses might find better subsistence, and he more perfect 
 intelligence. To accomplish this the easier, he dispatched 
 two Spaniards to Chisca, with an interpreter, and some In- 
 dians acquainted with the country, who were to meet him 
 at an appointed place. 
 
 " Soto now took leave of the cacique of Chiaha, and 
 having made him some presents, with which he was greatly 
 pleased, marched for Acoste, where he arrived on the 12th 
 of July ; and, having pitched his camp at a small distance 
 from the town, entered it himself with eight guards. The 
 cacique received him with much civility ; but, as they 
 were conversing, a few Spanish soldiers entered the town, 
 in quest of maize, and not finding any to their liking, they 
 began to ransack for it in the houses ; which so provoked 
 the Indians, that they fell upon the soldiers with clubs, and 
 beat them severely. Soto saw his danger; the natives 
 were enraged, and his person in their hands. On this oc- 
 casion, therefore, he deigned to dissemble, though very dis- 
 agreeable to his nature; and, snatching up a stick, ran im- 
 mediately and assisted the Indians to beat the Spaniards, 
 dispatching at the same instant, a man to the camp, with 
 orders for the horse to advance, well armed. Then, taking 
 the hand of the cacique very afiectionately, he drew him 
 insensibly, while conversing, into a path in sight of the 
 army ; during which, the horse, advancing in file, sur- 
 rounded and carried both him and his Indians into the 
 camp, where the general confined them, and declared they 
 should not regain their liberty until they had furnished the 
 army with guides, and those Spaniards who were sent to 
 Chisca. should have returned in safety. 
 
388 MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. [BOOK ii. 
 
 " Three days after, they returned with news that the 
 way wherein the Indians conducted them, as the best, was 
 so miserably rugged, and the country so barren, that no 
 army could possibly march through it ; and, therefore, see- 
 ing it would be to no purpose to proceed, they had re- 
 solved to turn back again."* 
 
 The cacique was set at liberty on furnishing guides 
 to the army, which then marched to Tali, where it 
 arrived the 9th of July. For six days Soto marched 
 over the lands of the cacique of Coca or Cosa, where 
 he arrived the 16th of July. Leaving Cosa on the 
 20th of August, he took the direction of the west 
 and southwest. The account in Roberts is, that he 
 marched first to Tallimuchase and thence to Itava, 
 where he had to wait a few days for the water of the 
 river to fall. He then marched to Ulliballi, a town 
 situated on a rivulet, and palisadoed around. He 
 marched hence to Toasi, proceeding at the rate of 
 about five or six leagues a day, when in a peopled 
 country, but with all possible expedition when travers- 
 ing a desert. From Toasi, in five days, he came to 
 Tallise, a large town, with a well cultivated country 
 about it. After reposing here twenty days, he set out 
 for Tascaluca, whence he took the cacique with him. 
 Biedma's narrative of the journey on leaving Cosa is 
 more brief. It is, that for five or six days they found 
 villages belonging to the cacique of Cosa, and then 
 arrived in another province named Italisi, at setting 
 out from which they directed themselves towards the 
 south, in the direction of New Spain ; that they passed 
 
 * Roberts, p. 49 to 51. The name in Biedraa is not Acoste, but Costehe. He describes 
 the villages of this province as built also in isles of the river. 
 
CHAP. XII.] MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. 389 
 
 some villages and arrived in a province named Tas- 
 caluca or Faszalusa. The army came to Piache, a 
 town situated on a large river. Biedma says : 
 
 " We believed it to be that which empties into the bay 
 of Chiise. We learnt that the barks of Narvaez arrived 
 there in want of water, and that a Christian named Teo- 
 doro and an Indian remained with the Indians. They 
 shewed us a poignard which had belonged to the Christian. 
 We were two days constructing rafts to pass the river. 
 During this time the Indians killed one of the governor's 
 guard. He, greatly dissatisfied, maltreated the cacique and 
 told him he would cause him to be burnt alive if he did not 
 deliver him the murderers ; the cacique replied that he 
 would deliver them at Mavila." 
 
 Mavila is called in Roberts, Maville. Biedma de- 
 scribes it as " a little village built on a plain, sur- 
 rounded by walls, and very strong." On entering 
 this village, he says, they saw only three or four hun- 
 dred Indians, but there were many more concealed. 
 The Indians feasted them and had a dance, in which 
 fifteen or twenty women figured. After they had 
 danced some time, the cacique arose. The governor 
 said something to him at his going out, and was not 
 satisfied with his answer. The captain of the guard 
 following the cacique to his house, saw there a great 
 number of warriors ; the houses were filled with In- 
 dians armed with bows and arrows. Biedma conti- 
 nues as follows : 
 
 " The governor caused another cacique to be called, who 
 was passing by, but this man refused to come. A gentle- 
 man, who was near him, took him by the arm to bring 
 
390 MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. [book ii. 
 
 him, but this man made a movement by which he disen- 
 gaged himself. Then the gentleman drew his sword and 
 gave him a blow, which cut his arm. No sooner was the 
 Indian wounded, than all the others began to lance their 
 arrows from the interior of the houses, through the nume- 
 rous holes which they had in use. As we were not on our 
 guard, for we believed them our friends, we experienced so 
 considerable a loss that we were compelled to flee out of 
 the village. All the baggage which the Indians had been 
 carrying, remained in the place where they had put it down. 
 As soon as the Spaniards got out, the Indians closed the 
 gates of the village, and began to beat the drum, to raise 
 their colours and make great cries. They opened our 
 coff"ers and our packets, and from the top of the walls, 
 shewed us our effects, of which they had taken possession. 
 On coming out of the village, we mounted on horseback 
 and surrounded the walls, so as to stop the Indians from 
 going out. The governor ordered on foot sixty or eighty 
 of our men, all well armed, and he direc.ted us to divide 
 ourselves into four platoons, and go to attack the village in 
 four different places. The first who entered had orders to 
 fire the houses, to stop the besieged from doing us harm. 
 The cavaliers, and the other soldiers who were not armed, 
 had orders to guard the exterior of the city, so that no In- 
 dian should escape. We penetrated it, and set fire to it. 
 A great number of Indians were burnt, and all of our bag- 
 gage. We fought all day and till evening, without any 
 Indian's asking quarter : they defended themselves like fu- 
 rious lions. All perished ; some by the sword, others by 
 the fire ; those who attempted to fly, were killed with 
 blows from lances. When night came, there remained only 
 three Indians, who were guarding the twenty women that 
 they had brought us for the dance : they placed the wo- 
 men before them ; these crossed their hands and made signs 
 to the Spaniards as if to tell them to take them ; then they 
 
CHAP. XII.] MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. 391 
 
 retired, and the three Indians lanced arrows at us. We 
 killed two of them ; and the only one who remained, not 
 being willing to surrender, mounted a tree by the wall, de- 
 tached the cord from his bow, passed it around his neck, 
 and hung himself there." 
 
 The account in Roberts is, that twenty-five hun- 
 dred Indians perished on this occasion by fire and 
 sword. Of the Spaniards, Biedma says, more than 
 twenty were killed, and more than two hundred and 
 fifty wounded. They remained here twenty-seven or 
 twenty-eight days, for the wounded to get better; 
 those most severely injured had the women divided 
 amongst them to serve them ; all recovered. From 
 the natives they learnt that they were now eighty 
 leagues fi-om the sea. The governor was much 
 pressed to go thither to get some news of the brigan- 
 tines, but decUned doing so. It was now the middle 
 of November, and was very cold. On the 18th, he 
 proceeded towards the north. In a march of ten or 
 twelve days, the army suffered extremely from the 
 cold, and from having to ford rivers. At one river 
 the Indians wished to prevent the passage : the Spa- 
 niards made a halt of three days and then passed it in 
 a canoe. They were now in an extensive and fertile 
 province, where they could winter until the most se- 
 vere cold was passed ; for, says Biedma, " there falls 
 in this country more snow than in Spain." The 
 name of this province was Chicaza or Chicaca. The 
 cacique and his subjects visited the Spaniards and 
 made presents. In March 1541, when it was near 
 the time for departing, they were surprised in the 
 night. 
 
392 MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. [BOOK ii. 
 
 '' Three hundred Indians," says Biedma, "entered two 
 by two or four and four in the village, bringing fire, which 
 they had put in small pots, so that they should not be per- 
 ceived. When these Indians arrived, we heard another 
 troop with war cries : the first had already set fire to the 
 village. We experienced a great loss. That night they 
 killed fifty-seven horses, more than three hundred hogs and 
 thirty or forty men." 
 
 The Spaniards removed a league from the place of 
 this action ; they were now without saddles, lances or 
 bucklers ; all had been burnt ; and it was necessary 
 at once to go to work to supply their places. Five 
 days after, the Indians made a new attack; but this 
 being no surprise, many of them were killed and the 
 rest put to flight. After a stay of six or seven weeks, 
 in which time the Spaniards were labouring to make 
 saddles, lances and bucklers, they set out towards the 
 northwest on the 25th of April and went to the pro- 
 vince of Alibanio or Alimamu. In this province the 
 Spaniards encountered a very strong palisade and 
 three hundred warriors, who seemed determined to 
 die rather than let them pass. In carrying the pali- 
 sade, seven or eight of the Spaniards were killed and 
 twenty-five wounded. Marching onward, they en- 
 tered unexpectedly a village named Quizquiz, where 
 they took more than three hundred women ; the in- 
 habitants, as well as many others in the neighbour- 
 hood, were tributary to the sovereign of Pacaha. 
 When the Indians were informed of the capture of 
 their women, they came in a friendly way to reclaim 
 them ; and the governor restored them ; the Indians 
 promising to furnish some canoes to pass the great 
 
CHAP. XII.] THE MISSISSIPPI CROSSED, 393 
 
 river. But this was not done. The Spaniards en- 
 camped on the bank of the river and determined to 
 make four barks, to contain each sixty or seventy men 
 and five or six horses ; twenty-seven or twenty-eight 
 days were employed in their construction. Roberts 
 speaks of the river as " the largest of Florida," de- 
 scribes it as " about a mile and a half over, very 
 deep and very rapid." He calls it the Rio le Grand. 
 Biedma says, 
 
 " The river was about a league wide. We passed it 
 with much order; it was nineteen or twenty fathoms 
 deep." 
 
 It was the Mississippi. On the other side of it 
 were some good villages. The Spaniards going up the 
 stream, came to a province, the cacique of which was 
 named Ycasqui, and was at war with him of Pacaha. 
 Ycasqui told the Spaniards he had heard them spoken 
 of for a long time, and he did not wish to be at war 
 with them, but to do them service. The Spaniards 
 encamped on a plain in sight of his village and made 
 a halt here of two days. The cacique asked the go- 
 vernor to give him a sign by which he could ask for 
 assistance during his wars and obtain water for tillage. 
 The governor ordered a large cross to be made, and 
 told the cacique he would want nothing if he had 
 faith in it. After it was made, the Spaniards march- 
 ed with the cacique and his men in procession to the 
 village. 
 
 " The caciques of this country," says Biedma, " were 
 accustomed to raise near their houses, hills quite elevated ; 
 some even have their dwellings high on these hills. It 
 50 
 
394 DE SOTO's MARCH BEYOND THE MISSISSIPPI. [BOOK II. 
 
 was on one of these little hills that we planted the cross. 
 We all with much devotion kneeled at the foot of it. 
 After having imitated us, the Indians brought a great num- 
 ber of reeds, with which they made a wall quite around it. 
 That evening we returned to our camp, and the next day 
 we set out for Pacaha, which was situated higher. We 
 marched two days and came to a village in the middle of a 
 plain, surrounded by walls and a ditch filled with water, 
 dug by the hand of man." 
 
 From this village the Indians had nearly all fled. 
 The cacique at whose house the cross was planted 
 coming hither with his men, the governor gave him 
 all that was found in this village. The governor so- 
 journed in this place to learn if he could take a route 
 to the north and pass over to the South sea. After 
 a stay of twenty-six or twenty-seven days (during 
 which various excursions were made), some of the 
 Spaniards advanced towards the northeast. They 
 travelled for eight days in a desert covered with very 
 large marshes, and in which nothing was seen but 
 high and thick grass or herbs which it was difficult 
 for the horses to pass. Returning to Pacaha, where 
 the governor had remained, the cacique of this pro- 
 vince was found on friendly terms both with the go- 
 vernor and Ycasqui. 
 
 De Soto now marched towards the southeast to a 
 province named Quiquata, where was the greatest 
 village he had seen in Florida ; it was upon an arm 
 of the great river. Their arrival here was the 4th of 
 August, and they stopped eight or nine days. Then 
 they set out for the province of Cohgua, distant about 
 forty leagues ; and passed over vast plains and high 
 
CHAP. XII.] DE SOTO's MARCH BEYOND THE MISSISSIPPI. 395 
 
 mountains. Their route was now towards the west 
 southwest. They came to some scattering villages 
 which had the name of Tatil Coya. Here was seen 
 a large river which empties into the Rio Grande. 
 Ascending the former, they came to a province called 
 Cayas; the population of which was considerable. 
 It was composed of several villages ; the country was 
 mountainous. 
 
 The governor leaving the rest of his men in Cayas, 
 set out with twenty horse for the province of Tula, 
 spoken of by some of the Indians they had taken. 
 They crossed steep mountains to get there, and upon 
 their arrival began to take some Indians. 
 
 " They defended themselves," says Biedmaj " and 
 wounded that day seven or eight Spaniards and nine or 
 ten horses. They were so brave that they would reassem- 
 ble in troops of eight or ten and set upon us like enraged 
 dogs. We killed of them about thirty or forty." 
 
 The governor returning to his troop found the In- 
 dians which had been taken had fled, and those be- 
 longing to the province the interpreter could not com- 
 prehend. After a rencounter with the Indians, in 
 which some of them were killed, De Soto took a route 
 southeast and went to a province named Quipana, si- 
 tuate at the foot of very high mountains. Then turn- 
 ing east, he crossed these mountains and descended 
 in a plain. Near by, was a village on the bank of a 
 large river which emptied into that by which he had 
 come. The province was named Viranque, or Au- 
 tiamque. The troops wintered here and suffered 
 greatly from the cold and snow. 
 
396 DE SOTO's MARCH BEYOND THE MISSISSIPPI. [BOOK 11. 
 
 " The Christian," says Biedma, '' whom we had found 
 with the Indians that Narvaez had visited, and who had 
 served us as interpreter, died in this place." 
 
 Setting out from this village in March 1542, they 
 descended the river and arrived in a province called 
 Anicoyanque, which appeared one of the best they 
 had seen. Then they went to the village of Guacho- 
 yanque, or Guachoya, on the bank of the great river ; 
 it was surrounded by walls and fortified. The gover- 
 nor sent a captain to the south to seek a way to the 
 sea ; he returned, saying that he could not pass the 
 vast marshes which the great river formed. 
 
 "This disheartening news," says Roberts,* "affected 
 the general so deeply, as to throw him into a fever ; which 
 did not, however, prevent him from sending to the cacique 
 of Q,uigaltan, to require his submission, and the pleasure of 
 seeing him, which, he acquainted this chief, was a homage 
 hitherto paid him by all the caciques whose dominions he 
 had yet passed through. To this message duigaltan re- 
 plied, that it was not his custom to visit any, but that all 
 his neighbours visited, served and paid him tribute, either 
 willingly or by force; that if Soto had any thing to offer, 
 he was welcome to come to him as a friend, but if he 
 should chuse to act as an enemy, he waited for him in his 
 town, whence he would never stir an inch, either for him 
 or any one else. 
 
 " Although Soto was suffering under the violent attack 
 of a fever, when the Indian brought this answer, he still 
 felt more, from a sense of his present inability, to chastise 
 this haughty cacique, who not only despised his summons, 
 but, as was reported, intended to attack the Spaniards. Ap- 
 
 * Page 70 to 73. 
 
CHAP. XII.] DE sOTO's MARCH BEYOND THE MISSISSIPPI. 397 
 
 prehending this circumstance to be no vague intelligence, 
 the general redoubled his guards and kept a good watch. 
 The horse patrolled nightly round the camp, and the cross- 
 bow-men guarded the river in canoes, to prevent any sur- 
 prise on that side. Soto, to render himself still more 
 dreadful to the Indians, detached a party to Nilco, whither, 
 as he was told by the natives of Guachoya, the inhabitants 
 were returned ; the cacique of the latter also sent several 
 canoes upon the same expedition, laden with armed In- 
 dians, This party, which consisted both of horse and foot, 
 advanced to the town with such rapidity as to surprise the 
 inhabitants, in number about five thousand souls, before 
 they could escape, who, pressing in crowds out of their 
 houses, there was hardly one horseman that did not see 
 himself surrounded by many Indians. As the Spanish 
 commander had ordered his people to give no quarter to the 
 men, a horrible carnage ensued, wherein more than a hun- 
 dred of the Indians fell, besides numbers which were 
 wounded, by the Spaniards, some of whom carried their 
 cruelty so far as to murder the innocent women and chil- 
 dren. The Indians of Guachoya halted peaceably at a dis- 
 tance from the town, while this inhuman scene was trans- 
 acting, to see the event ; but as soon as they perceived the 
 Indians were broken, and the Spaniards chasing them, they 
 ran to pillage the houses ; and having loaded their canoes 
 with the booty, returned before the Spaniards to Guachoya, 
 where they related all that had happened, with dread and 
 astonishment to their cacique. 
 
 "Meanwhile, the general perceiving his dissolution near, 
 assembled the officers and the bulk of the soldiery, to 
 whom he made a very moving address, acknowledging the 
 great goodness of Providence, in granting him a full pos- 
 session of his faculties to the last, thanking all the com- 
 manders and soldiers for their faithful services, fidelity, and 
 the affection that they had, upon every occasion, testified 
 
398 DEATH OF DE SOTO. 1^°°^ "• 
 
 for his person, and recommending to them the choice of 
 some leader, to command them in his stead, as the last re- 
 quest he should ever make, and which would, in some 
 measure, alleviate the uneasiness he felt at being obliged 
 to leave them in a barbarous and unknown country. When 
 he had spoken thus, all that were present broke into most 
 pathetic demonstrations of sorrow, and earnestly requested 
 himself to chuse a successor for them. This he readily 
 complied with, and named Luis Moscoso d'Alvarado, who 
 being universally approved of, they all swore fidelity to him 
 immediately. 
 
 "On the morrow, the 21st of May, the brave, the virtu- 
 ous and magnanimous captain Don Ferdinand de Soto, go- 
 vernor of Cuba and general of Florida, yielded up his soul 
 to God. His death the Spaniards endeavoured to conceal 
 from the Indians, who entertained so high an opinion of 
 his abilities, that they looked upon him to be immortal ; 
 and, lest a conviction to the contrary might encourage them 
 to revolt, the body was buried by night, just within one of 
 the town gates; but the Indians, who had conceived some 
 suspicions of his death, were observed to eye the earth that 
 had been newly removed there, with much curiosity ; for 
 which reason, the Spaniards removed the body on the night 
 following, and wrapping it up with a great deal of sand, 
 carried it into the middle of the river, and buried it there. 
 
 " During these events, the cacique of Guachoya fre- 
 quently enquired concerning Soto, whom he called his lord 
 and brother ; and Moscoso having assured him that he was 
 only gone a journey to heaven, which he often had done, 
 and that, intending to make some stay, he had appointed 
 himself to act in his room, the cacique no longer doubted 
 of his death, but sent two handsome young Indians, who 
 he desired might be slain, to accompany him during his 
 journey, according to the custom of this country. Moscoso 
 desired the cacique to send for the young men again, for 
 
CHAP. XII.] JOURNEY OF DE SOTO's MEN. 399 
 
 the governor was not dead, but gone to heaven, and had 
 chosen from among his own people some to attend him, 
 and besought the cacique to forego so cruel a custom. He 
 then delivered up the Indians, charging them to return, 
 which one of them refused to do, declaring he would ne- 
 ver leave Moscoso, who had saved his life, but live and die 
 with him." 
 
 The route now taken was to the west, in the hope 
 of reaching Mexico by land. The army quitted Gua- 
 choya on the 5th of June, and after marching seven- 
 teen days, arrived in the province of Chavite or Cha- 
 guate, where the Indians manufactured much salt. 
 The Spaniards remained here six days, and then 
 passed to the province of Aguacay, which, after a 
 march of three days north, they reached. on the 4th 
 of July. The Indians telling them that on the coast 
 where they wished to go, there was only a great ex- 
 tent of sand, without any village or any kind of food, 
 the Spaniards turned from the coast and came to a 
 province named Nisione, then into those of Nanda- 
 caho and Lacame ; but the country became more 
 and more sterile ; the cacique of Nandacaho had 
 given them a guide, who told them that his master had 
 ordered him to carry them in a place where they would 
 die of hunger. Then they took another guide, who 
 conducted them in the province of Hais, where they 
 killed some cows, and were attacked by the natives 
 for it. This province was quit for that of Xacatin. 
 Such is the account of Biedma, who adds : 
 
 " We took the direction of the south, well determined to 
 die or gain New Spain. We marched then six days in the 
 route of south southeast, after which we halted. We sent 
 
400 JOURNEY OF DE SOTO's MEN. [book ii. 
 
 a detachment of six cavaliers, with orders to advance for 
 eight or nine days as far as they could, and see if they 
 could discover any village where they could get a supply of 
 maize." 
 
 On their return, says Biedma, it was decided to go 
 back to the village where the governor Soto had died, 
 thinking that there some facilities would be found for 
 building ships, with which they could get out of the 
 country. In Roberts, many other particulars are re- 
 lated. After mentioning the arrival at Aguacay on 
 the 4th of July, he says : * 
 
 " The Spaniards left Aguacay on the same day, and four 
 days after, were in the province of Maye, and encamped on 
 the 20th in a very pleasant wood, between that place and 
 Naguata. Soon after their arrival here, some Indian spies 
 were observed hovering about the camp ; two of them 
 were taken, and the rest slain. By this accident, the Spa- 
 niards got intelligence that the cacique of Naguata, in 
 league with other chiefs, intended to attack the Spaniards 
 that day ; and, indeed, while these Indians were under ex- 
 amination, the enemy appeared in two bodies, and perceiv- 
 ing themselves to be discovered, charged the Spaniards 
 most furiously ; but the latter, sustaining the shock vigo- 
 rously, they fled with precipitation, and were pursued by 
 the cavalry. While these things were in agitation, a great 
 cry was heard at a small distance from the camp, towards 
 which Moscoso detached twelve horsemen, to know the 
 cause, who found there six Spaniards surrounded by a great 
 number of Indians, to which superiority, without assistance, 
 the former must have fallen a sacrifice, though they fought 
 like lions. However, this reinforcement turned the scale 
 so much, that the greater part of the Indians were slain, 
 
 * Page 74 to 79. 
 
CHAP. XII.] JOURNEY OF DE SOTO's MEN, 401 
 
 and one of them taken, whom Moscoso, after cutting off 
 his right arm and nose, sent, in that condition, to the ca- 
 cique of Naguata, to give him notice, that on the morrow 
 he would enter his country and lay it waste with fire and 
 sword ; and that, if the cacique should be desirous of pre- 
 venting it, he must meet him at his entrance. The army 
 marched next day towards the township of Naguata, the 
 houses of which were separated from each other. The re- 
 sidence of the cacique was on the opposite side of a river, 
 where the Indians stood ready to oppose the Spaniards in 
 passing over; which, however, the latter accomplished, in 
 spite of all obstacles, and entered into a country well fur- 
 nished with provisions and all the necessaries of life. Mos- 
 coso had not been here long, before the cacique of Na- 
 guata sent a party of Indians to observe the behaviour of 
 the general and his people, and to acquaint the former that 
 he intended to visit him, which he did presently afterwards, 
 attended by a large body of the natives, all in tears, ac- 
 cording to the fashion of Tulla, which is not far distant. 
 He made a profound reverence to the general, and de- 
 manded pardon for his offence, throwing all the blame upon 
 the bad counsels of one of his brothers, who fell in the 
 battle. He enlarged much in the praise of Moscoso and 
 the Spaniards, whom he professed to regard as a people 
 something more than human, and concluded with offers of 
 service and obedience. When he had finished, the general 
 received him into his favour, and promised to consider him 
 as his friend, provided his behaviour should correspond with 
 his words. 
 
 " The army soon after decamped, but was obliged to 
 turn back, upon account of the swelling of the river, 
 which appeared the more extraordinary, because no rain 
 had fallen; but, as it frequently happened, and always at 
 the increase of the moon, it should seem to be owing to 
 the tide, though the Indians had no knowledge of any sea ; 
 51 
 
402 JOURNEY OF DE SOTO's MEN. [book ii. 
 
 nevertheless, they found means to pass it eight days after, 
 and in three days arrived at a village belonging to the ca- 
 cique of Missobone, a barren and an ill-peopled province ; 
 thence they wandered through a wild district, called La- 
 cane, and soon after arrived at the province of Mondacao, 
 the cacique of which presented the general with a quan- 
 tity of fish. He was received very kindly, and as soon as 
 the army had provided themselves with subsistence, they 
 received a guide and marched towards Soacatino. In jour- 
 neying thither, they passed through the province of Aays, 
 the fierce inhabitants of which harassed the Spaniards con- 
 tinually, during their march to Guasco, where they arrived, 
 after having suffered incredible hardships and fatigues ; and 
 finding maize sufficient for their use here, they loaded their 
 horses and marched to Nagiscosa. 
 
 " In fine, having travelled long to no purpose, through 
 miserable deserts, frequently bewildered and quite at a loss 
 which way to proceed, perpetually engaged in perils and 
 alarms, and uncertain still whether famine would not be 
 their destruction at last, the general called a council, 
 wherein it was determined to return to Nilco, and there 
 build vessels to carry the troops down the river, and so to 
 some of the Spanish settlements by sea. This resolution 
 was far from giving content to all ; many there were among 
 the Spaniards that would rather have taken the highest 
 probability of perishing in Florida, through want, than 
 have returned thence poor and disappointed ; nevertheless, 
 these not having number or force to oppose, were obliged 
 to submit to the general determination. 
 
 " The troops had already marched one hundred and fifty 
 leagues to the west of the great river, and now they re- 
 pented of having laid waste the country through which 
 they were to return ; but the inconveniency was less than 
 the expectation of it, for they found the town of Naguata, 
 which had been burnt, now rebuilt by the Indians, and the 
 
CHAP. XU.j JOUKNEV OF DE SOTo's MEN. 4<J3 
 
 houses well stored with maize, the country being both fer- 
 tile and well peopled. They make here earthen dishes, 
 not much unlike those of Estremos and Montemor. The 
 Spaniards left Naguata, and came to Chaguete, and at 
 length arrived at Nilco ; but found so little maize there, 
 that they were entirely thrown into a dejection, nearly bor- 
 dering upon despair, seeing no means of subsisting during 
 the time requisite for building the vessels to carry them 
 out of Florida ; not owing to sterility of soil, but to the 
 neglect of the Indians, who had been too much frightened 
 to employ themselves in tillage while the troops resided at 
 Guachoya: for the province is extremely fertile, which 
 made the Spaniards confident of finding subsistence here. 
 The soldiers now began to curse the resolution, to push on 
 their discoveries no farther westward, and to look upon the 
 design of putting to sea, as absurd and chimerical to the 
 last degree, they being totally unprovided with every ne- 
 cessary preparation for shipping. The unfortunate Narvaez 
 was frequently recalled to their minds, who was lost upon 
 this coast ; but the heaviest of all their misfortunes was 
 the want of food, without which, it was impossible for the 
 men to labour. 
 
 " They had now no resource left but to recommend 
 themselves to Divine Providence in prayer, for his imme- 
 diate assistance, and He heard them, sending the Indians of 
 Nilco, with great submission, to inform them that there 
 were, at the distance of two days journey from them, upon 
 the banks of the great river, towns of which the Spaniards 
 had no knowledge. The country was called Minoya, and 
 very fertile, Moscoso, upon tbis, dispatched a captain with 
 a party of horse and foot, attended by the Indians of Nilco, 
 who were at war with the people of these towns, one of 
 which they instantly seized, and entrenched themselves in 
 it, having found a great quantity of maize there. Great 
 was the joy in the camp at hearing these tidings, and all 
 the troops set forward immediately, though the weather 
 
404 JOURNEY OF DE SOTO's MEN. [BOOK II. 
 
 was very bad, being rainy, attended with a cold north wind, 
 and the ways very full of water ; yet they surmounted all 
 difficulties, and lodged themselves in the best of the towns, 
 at a quarter of a league from the great river. Hither they 
 brought all the maize from the other towns, amounting to 
 six thousand bushels. The place also afforded wood, bet- 
 ter for the building of vessels than any thing they had yet 
 seen in F^'lorida. 
 
 " The general now set every person that could be useful, 
 to work. He collected all the iron that could be gotten, 
 even the chains from the prisoners, and wood was immedi- 
 ately felled for timber. Providentially there was found 
 among their number some one artificer qualified to serve for 
 every use. In fine, after great fatigue and perseverance, 
 seven brigantines were finished in the month of June, but 
 a difficulty, very hard to be overcome, yet remained, and 
 that was, to set them afloat : for the Indians had declared, 
 that the great river rose only once a year, at the time when 
 the snows were melting ; which had already happened, and 
 no rain had fallen for a long space. However, it pleased 
 God that the river swelled suddenly, upon the increase of 
 the moon, and came, as it were, to fetch the brigantines 
 away; so that they were floated into the bed of the river 
 with great ease. A thing which, but for this event, would 
 have been effected, not without great labour and the hazard 
 of straining them, and opening their seams in hauling them 
 down to the water. And thus, on the second day of July, 
 in the year 1543, the Spaniards were all embarked, and 
 departed from Minoya. Moscoso appointed a captain to 
 each brigantine, and made tbem swear to obey him in the 
 same manner as they did when ashore. This being done, 
 they proceeded to Guachoya. Leaving this place, they 
 found the current very strong, and advanced at a great rate 
 by the help of their oars, till they came to Quigaltam. 
 Moscoso sent, from time to time, parties ashore, and found 
 great quantities of maize in the houses, which were after- 
 
CHAP. XII.] JOURNEY OF DE SOTO's MEN. 405 
 
 wards embarked on board of the vessels. While they were 
 passing through this province, frequent attacks were made 
 upon them by the Indians, in one of which the Spaniards 
 lost about twenty-five men, with their commander, John 
 Gasman, who was detached with this party in canoes, to 
 attack the enemy ; by whose canoes, much larger and more 
 numerous than his, he was soon surrounded, when the In- 
 dians, throwing themselves in multitudes into the water, 
 and laying hold upon the Spaniards' canoes, overturned 
 them all in an instant. These brave men all perished, be- 
 ing carried to the bottom by the weight of their armour. 
 
 " This success so encouraged the Indians, that they 
 omitted no opportunity of annoying the vessels during the 
 whole time of their falling down the river, sometimes ma- 
 king a shew, as if they intended to board them, and con- 
 stantly kept up a continual discharge of their arrows from 
 the banks of the river. The Spaniards lost a considerable 
 number of men upon this occasion. They at last lined the 
 gunnels and quarter-decks with a breast-work made of dou- 
 ble mats, so thick as to prevent the arrows from pene- 
 trating. 
 
 " When they had arrived at about half a league's dis- 
 tance from the mouth of the river, the general landed his 
 men, in order to refresh them, as they had been greatly fa- 
 tigued by rowing. Here they staid two days only, as the 
 Indians still continued to alarm them. The ISth of July 
 they put to sea, with a favourable wind, and after a passage 
 of fifty-two days, arrived at the mouth of the river Panuco, 
 on the continent of Mexico, on the 10th of September 
 1543, having undergone various fatigues, dangers and diffi- 
 culties, as well by sea as by land, and lost above one-half 
 of their number in this unfortunate expedition." 
 
 Biedma returned soon after to Spain, for it is stated 
 that in 1544 he presented his relation to the king 
 and his council of the Indias. 
 
406 VOYAGE TO CANADA IN 1540. [book II. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Of the voyage of Jacques Carthier to Canada in 1540. 
 
 Francis the First saw and talked with Donnacona, 
 and the other people brought by Carthier from Ca- 
 nada, ten in number ; they were baptized and were 
 some time in France, but never returned to their na- 
 tive country ; all save one little girl, about ten years 
 old, died in Bretaigne before Carthier's third voyage. 
 
 He sailed from St. Malo with five ships the 23d of 
 May 1540, but owing to stormy weather had a tedious 
 voyage, and did not reach the haven of Santa Croix 
 until the 23d of August. He was visited immediately 
 by the people, among whom was Agona, appointed 
 king by Donnacona when he went to France. The 
 death of Donnacona was at once communicated, but 
 the truth was concealed as to the rest. Of them, it 
 was said that they staid in France as great lords, and 
 were married, and would not return to their country. 
 
 Carthier went up to a river and haven about four 
 leagues higher, which he thought better for his ships 
 to ride in, and there he kept three of them : the other 
 two departed on the 2d of September for St. Malo, 
 with letters to the king to give information of Car- 
 thier's proceedings, and communicate the fact that 
 Sir John Francis de la Roche, Lord of Roberval, who 
 was appointed the king's lieutenant and governor, 
 had not yet arrived. Carthier, after his fort was 
 
CHAP. XIII.] VOYAGE TO CANADA IN 1540. 407 
 
 begun at the place which he had selected, called 
 Charlesbourg Royal, went up the river to see the Lord 
 of Hochelai, who in the former voyage gave him a 
 little girl, and had been in other things friendly. In 
 return, Carthier gave him two young boys, and left 
 them with him to learn his language, " and bestowed 
 upon him a cloak of Paris red, which cloak was set 
 with yellow and white buttons of tin and small bells," 
 and also made him some other presents. Carthier 
 afterwards visited the Saults, which form what is now 
 called the Sault St. Louis, between Montreal and 
 Lachine, and then returned to Charlesbourg Royal. 
 On his way back, he called at the dwelling of the 
 Lord of Hochelai, but he was absent. There being 
 some reason to apprehend hostilities from the natives, 
 Carthier caused all things in the fortress to be set in 
 good order. At this point, the relation of Carthier's 
 third voyage abruptly breaks off; and nothing is 
 known of his proceedings for a considerable time. 
 He arrived in the harbour of Saint John in June 
 1542, and thence departed home for Bretaigne.* 
 
 *Hakluyt's Collection, vol. 3, p. 232 to 240. Hawkins's auebec, p. 55 to 64. Mr. Haw- 
 kins says that Charlesbourg Royal is Cap Rouge, and that Hochelai is Richelieu. 
 
408 VOYAGE TO CANADA IN 1542. [book li. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Of the voyage of Sir John Francis de la Roche, Lord of Roberval, to 
 Canada in 1542. 
 
 Carthier had, in his third voyage, only the appoint- 
 ment of captain general and leader of the ships, and 
 may have been embarrassed in his proceedings by the 
 absence of the knight, who was the king's lieutenant 
 and governor. This person did not sail from Ro- 
 chelle till the 16th of April 1542 : on the 8th of June 
 he entered the road of Saint John, where he found 
 seventeen ships of fishers. In the account of his 
 voyage, there is the following statement : 
 
 " While we made somewhat long abode here, Jacques 
 Carthier and his company returning from Canada, whither 
 he was sent with five sail the year before, arrived in the 
 very same harbour. Who, after he had done his duty to our 
 general, told him that he had brought certain diamonds, and 
 a quantity of gold ore, which was found in the country. 
 Which ore, the Sunday next ensuing, was tried in a fur- 
 nace and found to be good. 
 
 " Furthermore, he informed the general that he could 
 not, with his small company, withstand the savages, which 
 went about daily to annoy him, and that this was the cause 
 of his return into France. Nevertheless, he and his com- 
 pany commended the country to be very rich and fruitful. 
 But when our general, being furnished with sufficient 
 forces, commanded him to go back again with him, he and 
 his company, moved as it seemed with ambition, because 
 
CHAP. SIV.J VOYAGE TO CANADA IN 1543. 409 
 
 they would have all the glory of the discovery of those 
 parts themselves, stole privily away the next night from us, 
 and without taking their leave, departed home for Bre- 
 taigne." 
 
 The lofty promontory of Quebec has since re- 
 ceived the name of Cape Diamond, because of its 
 striking productions. What Carthier obtained in Ca- 
 nada, was of little avail. He sacrificed his fortune in 
 the cause of discovery, and died soon after his return 
 to France. 
 
 The Lord of Roberval left the harbour of Saint 
 John the last of June. Of his course from Belle Isle, 
 Carpont and the Grand Bay, up the river for two 
 hundred and thirty leagues, there is a full account by 
 his chief pilot, John Alphonso of Xanctoigne. Pro- 
 ceeding four leagues westward of the Isle of Orleans, 
 he there built a fort, which he called the Fort of 
 France-Roy. It was, the pilot states, in forty-seven 
 degrees and one sixth part of a degree. Mr. Haw- 
 kins thinks it was the same place that Jacques Car- 
 thier chose the year before. Of RobervaPs proceed- 
 ings, while in Canada, but little is known. We see 
 that on the 5th of June 1543, he departed on an ex- 
 pedition to Saguenay, but there are no particulars of 
 it, except that one of the barks was lost and eight 
 men drowned. 
 
 "Roberval returned to France in 1543; and animated 
 by the duty which he owed to the king, on the war again 
 breaking out between the Emperor Charles V. and Fran- 
 cis I. his active disposition led him back to the profession 
 of arms. He distinguished himself in this war, as he had 
 done on many previous occasions. 
 52 
 
410 VOYAGE TO CANADA IN 1542. [book II. 
 
 " After the death of his royal patron, in 1547, having 
 got together a band of enterprising men, he embarked again 
 for Canada in 1549, with his brother Achille, who was re- 
 puted one of the bravest warriors in France, and who was 
 honourably named by Francis I., Le Gendarme d'Annibal. 
 In this voyage, all these gallant men perished, or were ne- 
 ver afterwards heard of."* 
 
 *This chapter is from Hakluyt, vol. 3, p. 237 to 242, and from Hawkins's Quebec, p. 64 
 to 70. 
 
CHAP. XV.] VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1549. 411 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Of the voyage of Gregorio de Beteta ou the Florida coast in 1549 ; aud 
 of Sebastian Cabot from his return to England in 1548, until his 
 death in 1557. 
 
 Gregorio de Beteta must have been to Florida be- 
 fore the voyage related in the Collection of pieces 
 on Florida, published by H. Ternaux-Compans, at 
 Paris in 1841. Of the voyage so related, his state- 
 ment is, that when they came in sight of land, in 
 about twenty-eight degrees, not seeing there any ap- 
 pearance of the port they were seeking, they went to 
 twenty-eight degrees and a half or twenty-nine de- 
 grees. After mentioning that the boat went ashore, 
 and what happened, he says, 
 
 " We employed eight days to arrive at the entrance of 
 the bay, and eight other days were taken to enter it ; it 
 was from six to seven leagues wide : we entered it for wa- 
 ter, and we had much trouble to find it. The day of the 
 Fete-dieu we went on land." 
 
 Indians were seen who could repeat some words in 
 Spanish, which they had learnt from the Spaniards 
 who had before been to this country. 
 
 " We commenced," says Gregorio, " by making them 
 understand by signs that we desired that they should re- 
 store the friar, the christians and the interpreter." 
 
412 VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1549. [BOOK li. 
 
 In the absence of those who went on land there 
 came aboard a man named Juan Munoz ; he was in 
 the expedition of Soto, and described his chief. This 
 man said, 
 
 " The Indians who had received the friar and his com- 
 panions had killed them the instant that I quitted theni; 
 but they preserved the mariner's life. I asked him how 
 he had knowledge of it. He replied to me, I have often 
 heard it repeated by the Indians who have killed them."' 
 
 On this second visit of Beteta he had with him 
 four friars. When they landed the Indians made 
 signs to them to return to the boat. One of them, 
 more resolute on staying here than the rest, went 
 ashore a second time and was massacred. It was 
 wished to go to another place but the ship was not 
 proper for navigating the coast, being unable to ap- 
 proach the land nearer than five or six leagues. On 
 the 28th of June 1549, they quit the port of Vendredi 
 Saint ; it was decided at first to go to Havana, but 
 afterwards they directed themselves towards New 
 Spain ; on Sunday the 14th of July, they found them- 
 selves at Yucatan in twenty degrees; on the 19th 
 they arrived at San Juan de Lua. 
 
 From 1549 to 1557 but little appears to have been 
 done towards settling the Atlantic coast of North 
 America. It was otherwise in Mexico and the pro- 
 vinces of South America. The titles of books then 
 put forth are not a little curious. 
 
 Hans Staden of Hombourg, in Hesse, who arrived 
 the 28th of January 1548, in view of the cape of 
 St. Augustin and entered the port of Pernambouc, 
 
CHAP. XV.] SEBASTIAN CABOT FROM 1548 TO 1557. 413 
 
 published at Marbourg in 1557 a volume with this 
 title, 
 
 " Veritable histoire et description d'uii pays habite par 
 des hommes saiivages, nus, feroces et anthropophages, sitae 
 dans le nouveau monde, nomme Amerique, inconnu dans le 
 pays de Hesse avant et depuis la naissance de Jesus-Ohrist, 
 jusqu'a I'annee derniere que Hans Staden de Homberg-, en 
 Hesse, I'a connu par sa propre experience et le fait connaitre 
 actuellement par le moyen de I'impression." 
 
 This veritable history and description is again given 
 to the world by Mr. Henri Ternaux along with the 
 other voyages, relations and memoirs published by 
 him at Paris in 1837. 
 
 Edward the Sixth ascended the throne the 28th of 
 January 154i; Sebastian Cabot returned to England 
 soon afterwards.* On the 6th of January, in the se- 
 cond year of Edward's reign, (154f,) letters patent 
 were issued, whereby, in consideration of the service 
 done and to be done by Cabot, and by the advice of 
 the king's uncle Edward, Duke of Somerset, protec- 
 tor of his kingdom, and of the rest of his council, 
 there was granted to Cabot, from the preceding feast 
 of St. Michael, the archangel, (29th of September,) 
 an annuity of £165. 13. 4. during his life.f It is 
 said that Cabot built a house at Blackwall ; that his 
 place was called Poplar ; and that it retains the name. J 
 
 He became governor of the company of mer- 
 chants, adventurers for the discovery of places un- 
 known. In 1553, when the company sent out a fleet, 
 Cabot prepared instructions for the voyage, which 
 
 * Biddle's Memoir, p. 17-2. f 3 Hakluyt, p. 10, 11. J Hawkins's Quebec, p. 23. 
 
414 SEBASTIAN CABOT FROM 1548 TO 1557. [book II. 
 
 may be seen in the first volume of Hakluyt, page 226 
 to 230 : they have been commended as giving strong 
 proof of his sagacity. Sir Hugh Willoughby, the 
 captain general of the fleet, and such of his men as 
 were in two of the ships, perished from cold in Lap- 
 land, in or after January 155|.* The other ship was 
 in charge of the pilot general, (Richard Chancellor,) 
 who has given an account of his travels in Russia, 
 Muscovy and the adjoining countries ; it is in 1 Hak- 
 luyt, page 237 to 255, and in Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. 
 3, book 2, ch. 1, page 211. 
 
 Stephen Burroughs, who was dispatched to the 
 north upon another enterprise in 1556, mentions an 
 entertainment at Gravesend, just before the departure 
 of his ship, and tells the following anecdote of Ca- 
 bot.f 
 
 " The 27th of April, being Monday, the right worshipful 
 Sebastian Caboto came aboard our pinnace at Gravesend, 
 accompanied with divers gentlemen and gentlewomen, 
 who, after they had viewed our pinnace and tasted of such 
 cheer as we could make them, aboard, they went on shore, 
 giving to our mariners right liberal rewards : and the good 
 old gentleman master Caboto gave to the poor most liberal 
 alms, wishing them to pray for the good fortune and pros- 
 perous success of the Serch-thrift, our pinnace. And then 
 at the sign of the Christopher, he and his friends banqueted, 
 and made me and them that were in the company great 
 cheer : and for very joy, that he had to see the forward- 
 ness of our intended discovery, he entered into the dance 
 himself, amongst the rest of the young and lusty company : 
 which being ended, he and his friends departed most gent- 
 ly, commending us to the governance of Almighty God.'" 
 
 * 1 Hakluyt, p. 237. 1 1 Hakluyt, p. 274, 5. Biddle's Memoir, p. 213, 14. 
 
CHAP. XV.] PORTRAIT OF CABOT. 415 
 
 When Cabot was thus dancing with the rest of the 
 young people, it is to be remembered, he was nearly 
 four score years. He died the next year (1557) in 
 London, at the advanced age of eighty, leaving a 
 high character both as a navigator and a man of ge- 
 neral ability. He was attended in his last moments 
 by his friend Richard Eden,* and from Eden's pre- 
 sence, it is inferred London was the place of his 
 death. " He gave," Mr. Biddle remarks, " a conti- 
 nent to England, yet no one can point to the few feet 
 of earth she has allowed him in return." In Boston 
 and Philadelphia, there are respectable families with 
 the name and arms of Cabot, who are supposed to be 
 his descendants.! 
 
 Purchas (vol. 4, p. 1812,) refers to a picture of Se- 
 bastian Cabot in the privy gallery at Whitehall, with 
 this inscription : 
 
 " Effigies Seb. Caboti Angli, filii Johannis Caboti Veneti 
 Mililis Aurati, &c. ; he was born at "Venice, and serving 
 Henry VII., Henry VIII., Edward VI., was accounted En- 
 glish — Galpano saith he was born at Bristol." 
 
 "This picture," Mr. Biddle says,! "now belongs to the 
 representatives of the late Charles Joseph Plarford, Esq. of 
 Bristol. The inscription which Purchas curtails by an 
 '&c.' is this : 
 
 "' * Effigies Seb. Caboti Angli, filii Johannis Caboti Veneti 
 Militis Aurati, Primi Inventoris Terrm Nova, sub Henrico 
 VII. Anglim Rege.^ 
 
 " The manner in which the portrait came to the know- 
 ledge of Mr. Harford, and finally into his possession, is very 
 minutely stated in a memoir prepared by him and left with 
 
 *Biddle's Memoir, p. 219. f Hawkins's Quebec, p. 23. J Biddle's Memoir, p. 317 
 
416 PORTRAIT OF CABOT. [book ii. 
 
 his family. Without needlessly introducing names, it may 
 suffice to state that whilst travelling in Scotland, in 1792, 
 he saw it for the first time at the seat of a nobleman ; and, 
 many years afterwards, his friend the late Sir Frederick 
 Eden was enabled to gratify his anxious wishes by procu- 
 ring it for him. 
 
 " The work of Purchas was published in 1625, at the 
 close of the reign of James I. That the picture was not 
 in the gallery in the time of Charles II., would appear from 
 the following circumstances: 
 
 " There is a tract by Evelyn, the celebrated author of 
 Sylva, &c. entitled " Navigation and commerce, their ori- 
 ginal and progress, containing a succinct account of traffic 
 in general, its benefits and improvements ; of discoveries, 
 wars and conflicts at sea, from the original of navigation to 
 this day ; with special regard to the English nation ; their 
 several voyages and expeditions to the beginning of our late 
 differences with Holland ; in which his majesty's title to 
 the dominion of the sea is asserted against the novel and 
 later pretenders, by J. Evelyn, Esq. S.R.S. London, 1674.' 
 It is dedicated to Charles II. to whom the author expresses 
 his gratitude for an appointment to the council of com- 
 merce and plantations. The object of it, as may be infer- 
 red from the title, is to shew the early and diffusive influ- 
 ence of England at sea. Referring to the triumphant con- 
 flicts with France in the time of Henry VIII., he says, (p. 
 73,) 'see also that rare piece of Holbein's in his majesty's 
 gallery at Whitehall.' He adverts (p. 57) to Sebastian Ca- 
 bot, ' born with us at Bristol,' and hazards a conjecture as 
 to his having, with his father, ' discovered Florida and the 
 shores of Virginia, with that whole tract as far as New- 
 foundland, before the bold Genoese.' Had the portrait in 
 question been in the gallery at Whitehall in Evelyn's time, 
 "he would not have omitted to notice the remarkable asser- 
 tion which its inscription conveys. 
 
CHAP. XV.] PORTRAIT OF CABOT. 417 
 
 " The disappearance of the picture, therefore, from White- 
 hall, and its getting into private hands, may be referred to 
 the intermediate period. It was, probably, bought at the 
 sales which took place after the death of Charles I., and of 
 which the following account is found in Walpole's Anec- 
 dotes of Painting in England : 
 
 " ' Immediately after the death of the King, several votes were passed 
 for sale of his goods, pictures, statues, &c. 
 
 " ' Feb. 20, 1648. It was referred to the committee of the navy to 
 raise money by sale of the crown jewels, hangings and other goods of 
 the late king. 
 
 " ' In the ensuing month the house proceeded to vote, that the perso- 
 nal estate of the late king, queen and prince, should be inventoried, ap- 
 praised and sold. This vote, in which they seem to have acted ho- 
 nestly, not allowing their own members to be concerned in the sale, 
 was the cause that the collections fell into a variety of low hands, and 
 were dispersed among the painters and officers of the late king's house- 
 hold ; where many of them remained on sale with low prices affixed. 
 
 " 'All other furnitiu-e from all the king's palaces was brought up and 
 exposed to sale ; there are specified, particularly, Denmai'k or Somer- 
 set-house, Greenwich, Whitehall, Nonsuch, Oatlands, Windsor, Wim- 
 bleton-house, St. James's, Hampton-court, Richmond, Theobalds, Lud- 
 low, Carisbrook and Kenilworth castles; Bewdley-house, Holdenby- 
 house, Royston, Newmarket and Woodstock manorhouse. One may 
 easily imagine that such a collection of pictures, with the remains of 
 jewels and plate, and the furniture of nineteen palaces, ought to have 
 amounted to a far greater sum than one hundred and eighteen thousand 
 pounds. 
 
 " ' The sale continued to August 9, 1653. The prices were fixed, but 
 if more was offered, the highest bidder purchased; this happened in 
 some instances, not in many. Part of the goods were sold by inch of 
 candle. The buyers, called contractors, signed a writing for the seve- 
 ral sums. If they disliked the bargain, they were at liberty to be dis- 
 charged from the agreement on paying one fourth of the sum stipula- 
 ted. Among the purchasers of statues and pictui-es, were several pain- 
 ters, as Decritz, Wright, Baptist Van Leemput, Sir Balthazar Gerbier, 
 &c. The Cartoons of Raphael were bought by his highness (Crom- 
 well) for £ 300.' " 
 
 53 
 
418 PORTBAIT OF CABOT. [book ii. 
 
 " The circumstances which refer this portrait to Holbein 
 seem to be conclusive. Cabot is represented as in extreme 
 age. Now he had not been in England from 1517 until 
 his return in 1548. The portrait, therefore, must have 
 been taken after the last mentioned date. Holbein enjoyed 
 the continued patronage of Henry YHI. after Sir Thomas 
 More had introduced his works to the king's notice in the 
 manner so familiarly known. He lived through the reign 
 of Edward VI. and died at Whitehall, of the plague, in 
 1554. It is not probable, under such circumstances, that a 
 portrait of Cabot, destined for the king's gallery, would 
 have been taken by any other hand. 
 
 " Such seems to be the curious history of a picture in it- 
 self so interesting. Painted for Edward VI. in compliment 
 to this great seaman and national benefactor, and the pro- 
 perty, in succession, of two queens and two kings of Eng- 
 land, its retirement to private life may probably be dated 
 from a sale at which Oliver Cromwell was a bidder. 
 
 " Cabot was evidently, as has been said, at a very ad- 
 vanced age when the portrait was taken. His stature, 
 though somewhat lost in a slight stoop, must have been 
 commanding. Holbein would seem to have wished to 
 catch the habitual, unpremeditated expression which he 
 had doubtless, from engagements about the Court, had fre- 
 quent opportunities of remarking. It is that of profound, 
 and even painful thought ; and in the deeply marked lines, 
 and dark hazel eye, there yet linger tokens of the force 
 and ardour of character of this extraordinary man. The 
 right hand exhibits an admirable specimen of the painter's 
 minute, elaborate finish. Of the compasses which it holds 
 one foot is placed on a great globe resting on a table, on 
 which are an hour-glass and writing materials. The richf 
 robe and massy gold chain, are probably badges of his of- 
 fice as governor of the society of merchant adventurers. 
 It is impossible not to gaze with deep interest on this me- 
 
CHAP. XV.] 
 
 PORTRAIT OF CABOT. 
 
 419 
 
 morial, heightened, perhaps, by a reflection on its present 
 humble position — emblematic, indeed, of the slight on the 
 closing years of the great original."* 
 
 *A catalogue of the pictures, &c. be- 
 longing to Charles I., drawn up in his life- 
 time, and apparently for his use, is found 
 amongst the Harleian MSS. No. 4718. 
 Amongst those enumerated as then in the 
 privy gallery at Whitehall, that of Cabot 
 is not mentioned. This might lead to the 
 inference that it had got into private hands 
 sooner than is above suggested, particular- 
 ly as it appears by the catalogue that some 
 of the pictures had been recently obtained 
 in the wa}' of exchange. Again, it may 
 have been sent or taken away by the king. 
 In the MS. work of Richard Symonds, 
 (Harleian MSS. No. 991,) it is said, " The 
 committee at Somerset-house, valued the 
 king's pictures and other movable goods at 
 £200,000., notwithstanding that both himself 
 and the queen had carried away abundance.'" 
 The painting in question is not specially 
 
 mentioned in a list of the sales during the 
 protectorate, found in the Harleian MSS. 
 No. 7359, though this is by no means deci- 
 sive, as several of the entries are mere 
 charges against individuals for "a pic- 
 ture," " two pictures," " three pictures," 
 &c. (fol. 222, et seq.) Cabot's portrait has 
 recently been seen, in London, by the most 
 eminent artists, and instajitly recognized 
 as a Holbein. However we may balance 
 between probabilities as to its intermedi- 
 ate history, a doubt as to its identity with 
 the picture referred to by Purchas, seems 
 to involve not only the necessity of ac- 
 counting for the disappearance of the lat- 
 ter, but also the extravagant supposition 
 that two portraits of Cabot, bearing the 
 same remarkable inscription, were execu- 
 ted by the great artist of his day. 
 
420 EXAMINATION OF FLORIDA COAST; 1558. [^0°^ H. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Of an examination of the coast of Florida iu 1558, wherein was seen 
 a bay, described as " the largest and most commodious bay of all on 
 these shores," which was named then Philipina, and afterwards Santa 
 Maria Philipina; also of an expedition in 1559 to the port of Y'chuse 
 in thirty degrees twenty minutes, about twenty leagues south of the 
 bay of Santa Maria ; and of a reconnoissance in 1561 to about thirty- 
 five degrees. 
 
 Don Louis de Velasco, viceroy of Mexico, sent 
 Guido de las Bazares with some marines and other 
 persons to reconnoitre the coasts of Florida, for the 
 greater safety of the persons who were going there 
 to colonize the country and the point of St. Helena. 
 He set out from the port of Saint Juan de Lua, the 
 3d of September 1558, with sixty soldiers and ma- 
 rines in a large bark, a galley and a shallop. He ar- 
 rived at the river of Panuco on the 5th, set out from 
 it on the 14th, and went to land on this coast in 
 twenty-seven degrees and a half. Going along the 
 coast, he discovered a bay at twenty-eight degrees 
 and a half of latitude, which he named San Fran- 
 cisco. Setting out from this place he went to recon- 
 noitre the Alacranes, to direct himself thence towards 
 Florida. Contrary winds having prevented him from 
 approaching where he wished, he landed at twenty- 
 nine degrees and a half upon the coast of east south- 
 east, where he found an isle, four leagues from Terra 
 Firma ; he passed within that isle, Terra Firma and 
 
CHAP. XVI.] EXAMINATION OF FLORIDA COAST j 1559. 421 
 
 Other isles of the continent, and gave to this place 
 the name of the bay of Bas-Fonds. Thence he made 
 ten leagues to the east ; he saw a bay which he 
 named Philipina ; it is described as the largest and 
 most commodious bay of all on these shores ; pene- 
 trated, passing by the point of an isle seven leagues 
 long; and distant from the port of Saint Juan de 
 Lua about two hundred and seventy leagues.* After 
 having quitted it, he tried twice to reconnoitre the 
 coast, extending more to the east; he followed it 
 more than twenty leagues. Quitting the coast of 
 Florida on the 3d of December, he entered the port 
 of San Juan de Lua the 14th. 
 
 On the 24th of September 1559, Velasco wrote to 
 the king a letter upon his affairs in Florida, in which 
 he mentions that a fleet fitted out for the colonization 
 of Florida, from the point of Saint Helena, sailed on 
 the 11th of June of that year from San Juan de Ulua, 
 and that on the 9th of September, there arrived a gal- 
 lion dispatched by the governor Don Tristan d'Arel- 
 lano ; that it had made in fourteen days the passage 
 from the place whence the disembarkation was effec- 
 ted ; and that it brought the following information of 
 the progress of the fleet. At the end of seventeen 
 days, it found itself on the shores of the river of Saint 
 Esprit, about twenty leagues from this river and in 
 twenty-seven degrees and a quarter of latitude. From 
 this place they made six leagues to the southeast, to 
 the south southwest, and to the south, until they made 
 to the height of the Alacranes, at twenty-seven de- 
 
 * The account of Bazares is that " I'entree est a 29 degres et demi de latitude sud ;" 
 those who saw it in the succeeding year (it will be seen) place it in rather a higher lati- 
 tude. 
 
432 DISCOVERY OF BAY OF SANTA MARIA. [book ii. 
 
 gre6s to the southwest of these last. From this point 
 they ran another course to the northeast to reconnoi- 
 tre the coast. Eight days after, they perceived the 
 coast at eight leagues from the bay of Mervelo in the 
 direction of the west, about twenty-nine degrees and 
 a half On the 1 7th of July the fleet sailed for the 
 port of d'Ychuse. This is described as twenty leagues 
 from the bay Philipina, and about thirty leagues from 
 the bay of Mervelo ; as between these bays, and in 
 about thirty degrees twenty minutes. The pilot on 
 board a frigate which went on before, not perceiving 
 this port, the frigate passed beyond and cast anchor 
 in the bay Philipina discovered by Guido de las Ba- 
 zares. The horses were disembarked in this bay, and 
 some companies of infantry repaired with them by 
 land to d'Ychuse. The army quitted the bay of Phih- 
 pina for the port of d'Ychuse, the day of Notre-Dame 
 d'Aout, which caused to be given to it the name of 
 Santa Maria Philipina. 
 
 Notwithstanding what was said by Bazares of the 
 port of Philipina, the governor, we are told, knew 
 that the port d'Ychuse " was the best and the most 
 sure on all this coast." Yet, in the dispatch, we find 
 afterwards this language : 
 
 "Guide arrived in this bay Philipina. The fleet ran 
 some danger in entering it, because of the small depth at 
 the bar, which hinders the entrance of large vessels, the 
 strong current that is there, and the bad time that it caused. 
 The army quitted the bay of Philipina for the port of 
 d'Ychuse, the day of Notre Dame d'Aout, which caused to 
 be given to it the name of Santa Maria Philipina. It is 
 one of the best ports which they have discovered in the 
 
CHAP. XVI.] EXAMINATION OF COAST IN 1561 TO 35°. 423 
 
 Indias : the lowest depth is not less than twelve cubits ; it 
 has seven or eight fathoms in the interior ; the width is 
 three leagues; the Spaniards are still there ; the bar is half 
 a league wide." Again, it is said : " The ships can cast 
 anchor in four or five fathoms, at a shot of the cross-bow 
 from the shore ; the port is so sure that no wind can occa- 
 sion there any misfortune. We saw there some cabins, 
 which appeared to belong to Indian fishers ; the soil seemed 
 very fertile ; there grew there many vines, nuts, and other 
 fruit trees ; there were numerous woods, much game, many 
 birds, excellent fish and of all kinds. We found there also, 
 a field of maize." 
 
 If we consider this as intended to describe the port 
 and bay of Santa Maria, the description was well cal- 
 culated to encourage a subsequent settlement there. 
 
 Velasco, in his letter of September 1559, writes 
 that he is going to send promptly the supplies of 
 which the governor has ne^d. It was contemplated 
 to explore the country, to choose a place for coloniz- 
 ing, and to build a fortress ; after this, to penetrate 
 into the interior, and put in execution a plan for pro- 
 pagating the Catholic religion. 
 
 On the 27th of May 1561, Angel de Villafane, go- 
 vernor and captain general of the provinces of Flo- 
 rida, entered, with a frigate, into the river of Saint 
 Helena, and proceeded to thirty-three degrees. He 
 made four or five leagues, and disembarked ; not 
 deeming the place suitable for colonizing, he regained 
 the sea and followed the coast, to seek a port. After 
 having doubled the Cape San Roman, at thirty-four 
 degrees, he went upon land the 2d of June, and saw 
 a great river, of which he took possession. The 8th 
 
424 EXAMINATION OF COAST IN 1561 TO 35°. [book n. 
 
 of June he entered, on board of the frigates, the river 
 Jordan, which runs near this cape. Again he put to 
 sea. He sent the treasurer Alonzo Velasquez, to the 
 river of Canoes, situated near thirty-four degrees and 
 a half. The reconnoissance of the coast was conti- 
 nued until the 14th of June, when the cape of Tra- 
 falgar was found in about thirty-five degrees. A tem- 
 pest prevented the reconnoissance from being prose- 
 cuted farther. They reached the port of Monte 
 Christo, in the isle of Hispaniola, the 9th of July 
 1561. 
 
 The relations, from which this chapter is taken, are 
 in a volume of pieces on Florida, published at Paris 
 in 1841, in Ternaux's collection of original voyages, 
 relations and memoirs, to serve for the history of the 
 discovery of America. On comparing the degrees 
 with the best maps of the present day, it is very ob- 
 vious that the degrees, as understood by the writers of 
 these relations, vary, to some extent, from the degrees 
 as now understood. 
 
CHAP. XVii] VOYAGE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA: 1563. 425 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Of the dissensions existing in France in 1562 ; and the voyage thence 
 to Florida this year under captain John Ribault. 
 
 Francis the First of France, died in March 1547, 
 about two months after Henry the Eighth of England. 
 He was succeeded by Henry the Second, who died 
 the 10th of July 1559. Francis the Second, a son of 
 Henry and of Catharine de Medici, had the year be- 
 fore he ascended the throne married Mary Stuart, 
 only child of James the Fifth of Scotland, by Maria of 
 Lorraine, daughter of Claude the first duke of Guise. 
 During his short reign of seventeen months were 
 sown the seeds of evils which afterwards desolated 
 France. The uncles of his wife, Francis duke of 
 Guise, and the duke's brother Charles, the cardinal 
 of Lorraine, held the reigns of government. Antony 
 of Bourbon, King of Navarre, and his brother Louis, 
 Prince of Conde, unwilling to see them govern the 
 kingdom while princes of the blood were removed 
 from the administration, united with the Protestants 
 to overthrow the Guises who were protectors of the 
 Catholics. Ambition was the cause, religion the 
 pretext, and the conspiracy of Amboise the first 
 symptom of the civil war which broke out in March 
 1560. In relation to this subject, reference has been 
 made to the second volume of " Nouvel abrege 
 chronologique de I'histoire de France," printed at 
 54 
 
426 VOYAGE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA; 1562. [book ii. 
 
 Paris in 1775, the author of which remarks at page 
 515, that "the difference of commencing the year 
 in the month of January, or at Easter, has occa- 
 sioned sometimes a diversity in dates ; some placing, 
 for example, the conspiracy of Amboise in 1559, and 
 others in 1560." 
 
 The Prince of Conde, as the head of the Hugue- 
 nots, was already condemned to die by the hands of 
 the executioner, when Francis the Second died the 
 5th of December 1560, in the eighteenth year of his 
 age. He was succeeded by his brother Charles the 
 Ninth, who ascended the throne at the age of ten 
 years. His mother, Catharine de Medici, without 
 having the title of regent, undertook to administer 
 the government, with the counsel of the King of Na- 
 varre, who was appointed governor general. In the 
 beginning of this reign the Prince of Conde was set 
 at liberty. 
 
 There were in England, after the death of Henry 
 the Eighth, as many different sovereigns within a short 
 number of years, as in France after the death of 
 Francis the First. The reign of Edward the Sixth 
 ended the 6th of July 1553; then Mary was queen 
 till her marriage with Philip the 25th of July 1554; 
 and Philip and Mary reigned till her death on the 
 17th of November 1558, when Elizabeth ascended 
 the throne. 
 
 In the mean time, to Avit, in 1555, the Emperor 
 Charles the Fifth had abdicated his crown in favour 
 of Philip. After the death of Mary, who had been 
 induced by Philip to declare war against France, he 
 made peace with that kingdom in 1559, and soon af- 
 
CHAP. XVII.] VOYAGE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA ; 1562. 427 
 
 ter married a daughter of Henry the Second. The 
 arrival of PhiUp in Spain this year was celebrated by 
 the inquisition ; he received from the Protestants the 
 appellation of Demon of the South. 
 
 Mary Stuart, whom Catharine de Medici loved not, 
 and who loved her no more, returned to Scotland in 
 1561 by the advice of her uncle, the cardinal of Lor- 
 raine, after having relinquished the arms and the title 
 of Queen of England, to avoid being stopped by the 
 vessels of Ehzabeth. 
 
 In France, there were now two strong parties : On 
 the side of Conde were the Protestants and Gaspard 
 de Coligny, admiral of France ; on the side of Fran- 
 cis Guise, now duke of Lorraine, were the constable 
 of Montmorenci and the marshal of Saint Andre. 
 To these the King of Navarre joined himself; and 
 the fear that his junction would make the party of 
 the Catholics too powerful, it is said, caused the edict 
 of January 1562, which granted to the Huguenots 
 the public exercise of their religion. This was with 
 a proviso that they should advance nothing opposed 
 to the Council of Nice, to symbols, or to the Old or 
 New Testament.* The domestic dissensions which 
 existed were probably not without their influence in 
 leading the French now to take measures for coloni- 
 zing in America. 
 
 The admiral of Chastillon caused two ships to sail 
 for America in 1562 under captain John Ribault, a Hu- 
 guenot, accompanied by several gentlemen, amongst 
 whom was Mons'r Rene Laudonniere who has given 
 an account of the voyage. It will be found in the 
 
 * " L'histoire de France," printed at Paris in 1775, vol. 2, p. 525. 
 
428 VOYAGE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA; 1562. [BOOK II. 
 
 third volume of Hakluyt's Collection, page 303 to 
 319. They went to sea the 18th of February, and 
 after sailing two months, arrived in Florida, landing 
 near a cape distant from the equator about thirty de- 
 grees, which they called Cape Francois. Coasting 
 north, they discovered a great river where they landed 
 and saw many Indians, men and women, by whom 
 they were kindly received. Not far from the mouth 
 of this river they planted a pillar of stone on which 
 were the arms of France. Then they crossed over 
 to the other side of the river and offered up a prayer 
 of thanksgiving for having been so far safely con- 
 ducted. Several Indians were present, observing at- 
 tentively this proceeding. When it was over, there 
 was an exchange of presents between their king and 
 Ribault. After which the French went back to the 
 shore where they first were, and exchanged presents 
 with the king that was on that side. The river, they 
 called the river of May, because they discovered it 
 the first of that month. 
 
 Returning to the ships they weighed anchor and 
 hoisted their sails, to discover the coast farther north. 
 They discovered and partly explored another river 
 which they called the Seine. They had not sailed 
 much farther along the coast before they discovered 
 a third river and an isle. They saw here a king, no 
 less affable than the rest, and named this river the 
 Somme. Sailing then about six leagues, they viewed 
 a fourth river which they named the Loyre, and there 
 discovered five others, whereof the first was named 
 Cherente, the second Garonne, the third Gironde, the 
 fourth Belle, the fifth Grande ; having thus in less 
 
CHAP. XVII.] VOYAGE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA; 1562. 429 
 
 than sixty leagues, discovered many things along nine 
 rivers. Yet they sailed further north, following, says 
 Laudonniere, " the course that might bring us to the 
 river of Jordan, one of the fairest rivers of the north." 
 Fogs and tempests constrained them to leave the 
 coast and bear to sea, but when the weather became 
 better, they saw a river which they called Belle a Voir, 
 and afterwards arrived at a mighty river in thirty-two 
 degrees, which, because of its fairness and largeness, 
 they named Port Royal. Here they cast anchor at 
 ten fathoms of water ; the depth being such " when 
 the sea beginneth to flow that the greatest ships of 
 France, yea the arguses of Venice, may enter in 
 there." The captain and his soldiers went ashore, 
 he being the first to land. 
 
 "The river," says Laudonniere, '-'at the month thereof, 
 from cape to cape, is no less than three French leagues 
 broad : it is divided into two great arms, whereof the one 
 runneth towards the west, the other towards the north. 
 And I believe in my judgment that the arm which stretch- 
 eth towards the north, runneth up into the country as far 
 as the river Jordan : the other arm runneth into the sea, as 
 it was known and understood by those of our company 
 which were left behind to dwell in this place. These two 
 arms are two great leagues broad, and in the midst of them 
 there is an isle which is pointed towards the opening of the 
 great river." 
 
 They sailed in the ships three leagues up the river, 
 and cast anchor. After which, Ribault, accompa- 
 nied by some of the soldiers, went further up, into the 
 arm that runs towards the west. Having sailed 
 twelve leagues, they perceived a troop of Indians, 
 
430 VOYAGE OF BIBAULT TO FLORIDA J 1562. [book II. 
 
 who, SO soon as they saw the pinnaces, fled into the 
 woods, leaving behind a young Lucerne they were 
 turning on a spit; for which reason the place was 
 called Cape Lucerne. Finding another arm of the 
 river, which run towards the east, the captain deter- 
 mined to sail up that. A little while after, they saw 
 Indians in the woods, who at first were dismayed, but 
 afterwards made signs to the French to come on shore. 
 After exchanging presents with the Indians, and ta- 
 king aboard their pinnace a pillar of hard stone, fash- 
 ioned like a column, whereon were engraved the arms 
 of the King of France, they sailed three leagues to- 
 wards the west, where, says Laudonniere, " we disco- 
 vered a little river, up which we sailed so long, that 
 in the end we found it returned into the great cur- 
 rent, and in his return to make a little island, sepa- 
 rated from the firm land, where we went on shore ; 
 and by commandment of the captain, because it was 
 exceeding fair and pleasant, there we planted the pil- 
 lar upon a hillock, open round about to the view, and 
 environed with a lake, half a fathom deep, of very 
 good and sweet water." The little river they named 
 the river of Liborne. Then they embarked to search 
 another isle, not far distant, whereon finding nothing 
 but tall cedars, they called it the Isle of Cedars. 
 
 A few days afterwards, Ribault, with a body of sol- 
 diers, returned to that arm of the river which runs 
 towards the west, and at the same place at which they 
 first saw the Indians, took, by permission of their 
 king, two Indians to carry to France, as the queen 
 had commanded. While these Indians were on board 
 the ship, they spoke to Laudonniere of the greatest 
 
CHAP. XVli] VOYAGE OF RIBAULT TO TLORIDA ', 1562. 431 
 
 lord of their country, whom they called Chiquola, 
 who dwelt in an enclosure, within which were many 
 houses. 
 
 "I began," says Laudonniere, "to shew them all the 
 parts of Heaven, to the intent to learn in which quarter 
 they dwelt. And straightway, one of them, stretching out 
 -his hand, shewed me that they dwelt towards the north, 
 which makes me think that it was the river of Jordan. 
 And now, I remember that in the reign of the Emperor 
 Charles the Fifth, certain Spaniards, inhabitants of Saint 
 Domingo, (which made a voyage to get certain slaves to 
 work in their mines.) stole away by subtlety, the inhabi- 
 tants of this river, to the number of forty, thinking to carry 
 them into their New Spain. But they lost their labour, for, 
 in despite, they died all for hunger, saving one, that was 
 brought to the emperor, which, a little while after, he 
 caused to be baptized, and gave him his own name, and 
 called him Charles of Chiquola, because he spake so much 
 of tiiis lord of Chiquola, whose subject he was. Also, he 
 reported continually that Chiquola made his abode within 
 a very great enclosed city. Besides this proof, those which 
 were left in the first voyage, have certified me, that the In- 
 dians shewed them, by evident signs, that farther within 
 the land, towards the north, there was a great enclosure, or 
 city, where Chiquola dwelt. 
 
 "After they (the Indians) had staid awhile in our ships, 
 they began to be sorry, and still demanded of me when 
 they should return. I made them understand that the cap- 
 tain's will was to send them home again, but that first he 
 would bestow apparel on them, which four days after was 
 delivered unto them. But seeing he would not give them 
 license to depart, they resolved with themselves to steal 
 away by night, and to get a little boat which we had, and 
 by the help of the tide, to sail home toward their dwellings, 
 
433 VOYAGE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA; 1562. [book ii. 
 
 and by this means to save themselves ; which thing they 
 failed not to do, and put their enterprise in execution, yet 
 leaving behind them the apparel which the captain had 
 given them, and carrying away nothing but that which 
 was their own." 
 
 At the mouth of the river, Ribault having com- 
 manded that all the men of his ship should come 
 upon deck, made an oration to encourage some of 
 his men to dwell there, which was well received. He 
 embarked next morning to select a fit place for the 
 habitation, and was followed by those disposed to in- 
 habit there. 
 
 " Having," says Laudonniere, "sailed up the great river 
 on the north side, in coasting an isle which ended with a 
 sharp point towards the mouth of the river, having sailed 
 awhile, he discovered a small river, which entered into the 
 island, which he would not fail to search out : which done, 
 and finding the same deep enough to harbour therein, gal- 
 lies and galliots in good number, proceeding fiu'lher he 
 found a very open place, joining upon the bank thereof, 
 where he went on land ; and seeing the place fit to build a 
 fortress at, and commodious for them that were willing to 
 plant there, he resolved incontinent to cause the bigness of 
 the fortification to be measured out. And, considering that 
 there staid but twenty-six there, he caused the fort to be 
 made in length but sixten fathoms, and thirteen in breadth, 
 with flanks according to the proportion diereof. The mea- 
 sure being taken by me and captain Salles, we sent unto 
 the ships for men, and to bring shovels, pick-axes and other 
 instruments necessary to make the fortification. We tra- 
 vailed so diligently, that in a short space the fort was made 
 in some sort defencible : in which meantime John Ribault 
 caused victuals and warlike munition to be brought, for the 
 defence of the place." 
 
CHAP. XVII.] VOYAGE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA; 1562. 433 
 
 They called the fort Caroline or Charles Fort, and 
 the river Chenondeau. Kibault made an exhortation 
 to Captain Albert, whom he left in his place, and to 
 the men who staid behind, and then departed, says 
 Laudonniere, " with good hopes, if occasion would 
 permit, to discover perfectly the river of Jordan." 
 Saihng towards the north, after going about fifteen 
 leagues thence, they saw a river, and sent the pinnace 
 to it, which, finding not more than half a fathom of 
 water in its mouth, it was called the Base or Shallow 
 river. As they went on sounding, they found not past 
 five or six fathoms of water, although six good leagues 
 from the shore ; and at length not past three fathoms. 
 Stopping for the night, when morning came, Ribault 
 referred to the company what was best to be done. 
 Some answered that he had occasion fully to content 
 himself, since he had discovered more in six weeks 
 than the Spaniards had done in two years, in the con- 
 quest of New Spain ; and that he should do the king 
 great service if he did bring him news in so short a 
 time, of his happy discovery. Others set forth the 
 loss of food, and likewise the inconvenience that 
 might arise from the shallow water found continually 
 along the coast. " Which things," says Laudonniere, 
 " being well and at large debated, we resolved to leave 
 the coast, forsaking the north to take our way toward 
 the east, which is the right way and course to our 
 France, where we happily arrived the 20th day of 
 July, the year 1562." 
 
 Albert became on good terms with the Indian kings 
 in his vicinity, and visited the country of Stalame, 
 distant fifteen great leagues from Charles Fort; it 
 55 
 
434 VOYAGE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA) 1562. [book II. 
 
 was situate to the north, and Albert sailed up the ri- 
 ver to get to it. On each side of them the Indians 
 were very friendly : supplying them with provisions, 
 and when their house was burnt by accident, assisting 
 to rebuild it. After a time, however, there was a mu- 
 tiny, and Albert was killed. The men then built a 
 small pinnace, wherein they might return to France, 
 if no succour came to them ; the Indians supplied 
 them with cordage. Their voyage was tedious, and 
 they suffered greatly for want of food and water ; so 
 much that, it is said, they eat their shoes and leather 
 jerkins, and some of them died from hunger. In their 
 despair, some among them urged that it was better 
 one should die than so many perish ; and it was agreed 
 one should die to sustain the others : the agreement 
 was executed, and his flesh divided among his fellows. 
 At last land was seen, and they were boarded by an 
 English bark, in which was a Frenchman, who had 
 been with Ribault in Florida. It was determined by 
 the Englishmen to land the most feeble, and carry the 
 rest to their queen, who purposed at that time to send 
 to Florida. 
 
CHAP, xviu ] VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. 435 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Of the Hugueuots in France from 1562 to 1564 ; and the voyage of M. 
 Ren6 Laudonniere in 1564 from that country to Florida. 
 
 In 1562, the duke of Guise determined to pursue 
 the Protestants, sword in hand. Having passed the 
 borders of Champagne, he found them at Vassi, the 
 first of March 1562, singing psalms in a barn. His 
 party insulted them ; they came to blows ; and of the 
 Protestants nearly sixty were killed and two hundred 
 wounded. The duke of Guise was wounded also. 
 A civil war now raged throughout the kingdom. 
 This was the state of things when Ribault returned 
 to France in July ; and this the cause of no immedi- 
 ate succour being sent to the men left in Florida. 
 
 The prince of Conde was now the declared chief 
 of the Protestants : he surprised Orleans, which 
 thenceforth became their headquarters. The Hu- 
 guenots, encouraged by his example, took possession 
 of several cities, among others of Rouen. On the 
 15th of October, when the army of the king retook 
 Rouen by assault, the king of Navarre received a 
 wound, of which he died the 17th of November. 
 On the 19th of December was the battle of Dreux, 
 where the generals of both armies were made priso- 
 ners ; the prince of Conde and the constable of 
 Montmorenci. There the marshal of St. Andre was 
 killed. The duke of Guise, though he had not the 
 
436 VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. [BOOK II. 
 
 command, gained the victory. That night, his priso- 
 ner the prince of Conde slept in the same bed with 
 him : next day the prince related that he had not 
 closed his eyes, but that the duke had slept at his side 
 as profoundly as if they had been the best friends in 
 the world. At the siege of Orleans, on the 24th of 
 February 1563, the duke was killed by a pistol shot, 
 fired by Poltrot de Mercy, a Huguenot nobleman. 
 On the 19th of March, there was an edict of peace : 
 which so far as it gave advantages to the Huguenots, 
 resulted from the fear of their being assisted by Eng- 
 land. 
 
 In 1564, the plague in several of the cities caused 
 the king to go to the chateau of Roussillon in Dau- 
 phiny. There he made an edict, by which he dimi- 
 nished the advantages before granted to the Hugue- 
 nots. There, too, " the famous ordinance of Roussil- 
 lon was made, importing that the year should there- 
 after begin on the first of January, instead of on Holy 
 Saturday, after vespers ; the parliament consented to 
 this change only towards the year 1567. It is to be 
 remarked on this subject, that the Romans com- 
 menced the year on the first of January, and gave 
 presents on that day ; and M. Ducange observes that 
 in France, even when the year commenced at Easter, 
 they still gave presents the first of January."* 
 
 This year, (1564,) through the influence of the 
 Lord Admiral De Chastillon, three ships were fur- 
 nished, one of six score tons, another of one hundred 
 and the third of sixty, to seek out and succour the 
 men left in Florida, of whom nothing had been 
 
 * " L'Histoire de France," vol. 2, p. 529, 30. 
 
CHAP, xviii.] VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. 437 
 
 heard. M. Rene Laudonniere was made chief cap- 
 tain, and has given an account of his proceedings at 
 great length. It is in the third volume of Hakluyt's 
 Collection, page 319 to 349. He embarked at New 
 Haven, the 22d of April 1564, and arrived at Florida 
 (which he calls New France) on the 22d of June, and 
 landed near a little river which is described as thirty 
 degrees from the equator and ten leagues above Cape 
 Francois, drawing toward the south, and about thirty 
 leagues above the river of May. At the moulh of 
 the river, the channel was found to be very shallow, 
 although farther within the water was found reasona- 
 bly deep, which separated itself into two great arms, 
 whereof one runs towards the south and the other to- 
 wards the north. He named it the river of Dolphins. 
 On the 23d, he weighed anchor and sailed toward the 
 river of May, where he arrived two days after. Here 
 he was entertained by the same king who had been 
 met with in the voyage of Ribault : the pillar there 
 erected was still standing and appeared to be treated 
 by the Indians with great reverence. 
 
 Laudonniere sailed three leagues up the river, 
 where he was treated with great kindness. He re- 
 marks that " more than six great leagues off, near 
 the river Belle, a man may behold the meadows divi- 
 ded asunder into isles and islets, interlacing one ano- 
 ther. Briefly," he says, " the place is so pleasant, 
 that those which are melancholic would be enforced 
 to change their humour." 
 
 Returning to the ships, Laudonniere sailed toward 
 the river of Seine, distant from the river of May 
 about four leagues, and then to the Somme not past 
 
438 VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. [book ii. 
 
 five leagues distant from the Seine. Here, after he 
 had visited the king and returned to the ships, there 
 was a conference, in which it was agreed to be more 
 expedient to seat on the river of May than to go fur- 
 ther north to Port Royal ; and so sailing again, he ar- 
 rived at the river of May the 29th of June. He went 
 to the place which had been discovered before, when 
 he sailed up the river. 
 
 " On the morrow, about the break of day," proceeds Lau- 
 donniere, " I commanded a trumpet to be sounded, that 
 being assembled, we might give God thanks for our fa- 
 vourable and happy arrival. There we sang a psalm of 
 thanksgiving unto God, beseeching liim that it would 
 please him of his grace to continue his accustomed good- 
 ness towards us, his poor servants, and aid us in all our en- 
 terprises, that all might turn to his glory and the advance- 
 ment of our king. The prayer ended, every man began to 
 take courage. 
 
 "Afterward, having measured out a piece of ground, in 
 form of a triangle, we endeavoured ourselves of all sides, 
 some to bring earth, some to cut fagots, and others to raise 
 and make the rampire, for there was not a man that had not 
 either a shovel, or cutting hook, or hatchet, as well to make 
 the ground plain by cutting down the trees, as for the 
 building of the fort, which we did hasten in such cheerful- 
 ness, that within few days the effect of our diligence was 
 apparent ; in which mean space the Paracoussy Satouriona, 
 our nearest neighbour, and on whose ground we built our 
 fort, came, usually accompanied with his two sons and a 
 great number of Indians, to offer to do us all courtesy. 
 And I likewise, for my part, bestowed divers of our trifles 
 frankly on him, to the end he might know the good will 
 we bare him, and thereby make him more desirous of our 
 
CHAP. XVIll] VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. 439 
 
 friendship, in such sort, that as the days increased, so our 
 amity and friendship increased also, 
 
 " After that our fort was brought into form, I began to 
 build a grange to retire my munition and things necessary 
 for the defence of our fort : praying the Paracoussy to com- 
 mand his subjects to make us a covering of palm leaves ; 
 and this to the end, that when that was done, 1 might un- 
 freight my ships, and put under coverture those things that 
 were in them. Suddenly, the Paracoussy commanded, in 
 my presence, all the Indians of his company to dress the 
 next day morning so good a number of palm leaves, that 
 the grange was covered in less than two days ; so that bu- 
 siness was finished. For in the space of these two days, 
 the Indians never ceased from working, some in fetching 
 palm leaves, others in interlacing of them : in such sort that 
 their king's commandment was executed as he desired. 
 
 "Our fort was built in form of a triangle. The side to- 
 ward the west, which was toward the land, was inclosed 
 with a little trench and raised with trusses made in form of 
 a battlement of nine foot high : the other side, which was 
 toward the river, was inclosed with a palisado of planks of 
 timber, after the manner that gabions are made. On the 
 south side there was a kind of bastion, within which I caused 
 an house for the munition to be built: it was all builded 
 with fagots and sand, saving about two or three foot high 
 with turfs, whereof the battlements were made. In the 
 midst I caused a great court to be made, of eighteen paces 
 long and broad : in the midst whereof, on the one side 
 drawing toward the south, I builded a corps de gard, and 
 an house on the other side toward the north, which I 
 caused to be raised somewhat too high: for within a short 
 time after, the wind beat it down ; and experience taught 
 me, that we may not build with high stages in this coun- 
 try, by reason of the winds, whereunto it is subject. One 
 of the sides that inclosed my court, which I made very fair 
 and large, reached unto the grange of my munitions : and 
 
440 VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. [book ii. 
 
 on the Other side, toward the river, was mine own lodg- 
 ing, round about which were galleries, all covered. The 
 principal door of my lodging was in the midst of the great 
 place, and the other was toward the river. A good dis- 
 tance from the fort I built an oven, to avoid the danger 
 against fire, because the houses are of palm leaves, which 
 will soon be burnt after the fire catches hold of them, so 
 that, with much ado, a man shall have leisure to quench 
 them. Lo, here, in brief, the description of our fortress, 
 which I named Caroline, in honour of our prince, King 
 Charles." 
 
 On the 28th of July, the ships departed for France ; 
 the 4th of September, Captain Bourdet arrived with 
 other soldiers. About the 10th, Bourdet determined 
 to return to France, and carried with him, at the re- 
 quest of Laudonniere, six or seven soldiers whom the 
 latter could not trust. 
 
 From time to time excursions were made up the 
 river to make discoveries of the interior. But these 
 were checked after a while, by some of the mariners 
 and other men stealing away with the barks for the 
 purpose of going to the Antilles. Two larger barks 
 were directed to be built, but when they were nearly 
 ready, a large number of the men mutinied, took 
 the captain into custody, and having armed the ves- 
 sels, compelled him to sign a passport. The men 
 who went in one of the barks, after committing seve- 
 ral piracies, amongst which they took a brigantine 
 and went aboard of it in lieu of their bark, returned 
 to the river of May, where four of them were shot as 
 an example to those whom they had suborned. In 
 the absence of these men, two other barks had been 
 built. 
 
CHAP, xvm] VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. 441 
 
 " Two Indians," says Laudonniere, '-' came unto me one 
 day to salute me on the behalf of their king, whose name 
 was Marracou, dwelling from the place of our fort some 
 forty leagues toward the south, and told me that there was 
 one in the house of King Onathaqua, which was called 
 Barbu or the bearded man, and in the house of King Ma- 
 thiaca, another man whose name they knew not, which 
 was not of their nation : whereupon I conceived that these 
 might be some Christians, Wherefore I sent to all the 
 kings my neighbours, to pray them, that if there were any 
 Christian dwelling in their countrys, they would find 
 means that he might be brought unto me, and that I would 
 make them double recompense. They, which love re- 
 wards, took so much pains that the two men whereof we 
 have spoken, were brought to the fort unto me. They 
 were naked, wearing their hair long, unto their hams, as 
 the savages used to do, and were Spaniards born, yet so 
 well accustomed to the fashion of the country, that at the 
 first sight they found our manner of apparel strange. After 
 that I had questioned of certain matters with them, I 
 caused them to be apparelled and to cut their hair ; which 
 they would loose, but lapped it up in a linen cloth, saying 
 that they would carry it into their country to be a testi- 
 mony of the misery that they had incurred in the Indias. 
 In the hair of one of them was found a little gold hidden, 
 to the value of five and twenty crowns, which he gave 
 unto me. And examining them of the places where they 
 had been, and how they came thither, they answered me 
 that fifteen years past, three ships, in one of which they 
 were, were cast away over against a place named Calos, 
 upon the flats which are called the Martyrs, and that the 
 king of Calos recovered the greatest part of the riches 
 which were in the said ships travelling, in such sort that 
 the greatest part of the people was saved and many wo- 
 men : among which number there were three or four wo- 
 56 
 
442 VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. [book ii. 
 
 men married, remaining there yet, and their children also, 
 with this king of Calos. I desired to learn what this king 
 was. They answered me that he was the goodliest and 
 the tallest Indian of the country, a mighty man, a warrior, 
 and having many subjects under his obedience. They told 
 me, moreover, that he had great store of gold and silver, so 
 far forth, that in a certain village, he had a pit full tliereof, 
 which was at the least as high as a man and as large as a 
 ton : all which wealth the Spaniards fully persuaded them- 
 selves that they could cause me to recover, if I were able 
 to march thither with an hundred shot, besides that which 
 I might get of the common people of the country, which 
 had also great store thereof They further also advertised 
 me, that the women going to dance, did wear about their 
 girdles plates of gold as broad as a saucer, and in such 
 number, that the weight did hinder them to dance at their 
 ease ; and that the men wear the like also. The greatest 
 part of these riches was had, as they said, out of the Spa- 
 nish ships which commonly were cast away in this strait ; 
 and the rest by the traffic which this king of Calos had 
 with the other kings of the country : finally that he was 
 had of great reverence by his subjects ; and that he made 
 them believe that his sorceries and charms were the causes 
 that made the earth bring forth her fruit : and that he 
 might the easier persuade them that it was so, he retired 
 himself once or twice a year to a certain house, accompa- 
 nied with two or three of his most familiar friends, where 
 he used certain enchantments; and if any man intended 
 himself to go to see what they did in this place, the king 
 immediately caused him to be put to death. Moreover, 
 they told me, that every year,- in the time of harvest, this 
 savage king sacrificed one man, which was kept expressly 
 for this purpose, and taken out of the number of the Spa- 
 niards which by tempest were cast away upon that coast. 
 One of these two declared unto me that he had served him 
 a long time for a messenger ; and that often times, by his 
 
CHAP. XVlit] VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. 443 
 
 commandment, he had visited a king named Oathcaqua, 
 distant from Calos four or five days journey, which always 
 remained his faithful friend; but that in the midway, there 
 was an island situate in a great lake of fresh water, named 
 Sarrope, about five leagues in bigness, abounding with 
 many sorts of fruits, specially in dates, which grow on the 
 palm trees, whereof they make a wonderful traffic ; yet not 
 so great as of a kind of root, whereof they make a kind of 
 meal, so good to make bread of, that it is impossible to eat 
 better, and that for fifteen leagues about, all the country is 
 fed therewith : which is the cause that the inhabitants of 
 the isle gain of their neighbours great wealth and profit ; 
 for they will not depart with this root without they be well 
 paid for it. Besides that, they are taken for the most war- 
 like men of all that country, as they made good proof when 
 the king of Calos, having made alliance with Oathcaqua. 
 was deprived of Oathcaqua's daughter, which he promised 
 to him in marriage. He told me the whole matter in this 
 sort : As Oathcaqua, well accompanied with his people, car- 
 ried one of his daughters, exceeding beautiful, according to 
 the colour of the country, unto king Calos, to give her unto 
 him for his wife, the inhabitants of this isle, advertised of 
 the matter, laid an ambush for him, in a place where he 
 should pass, and so behaved themselves, that Oathcaqua 
 was discomfited, the betrothed young spouse taken, and all 
 the damsels that accompanied her ; which they carried unto 
 their isle ; which thing, in all the Indian country, they es- 
 teem to be the greatest victory: for afterwards, they marry 
 these virgins and love them above all measure. The Spa- 
 niard that made this relation, told me, that after this defeat, 
 he went to dwell v/ith Oathcaqua, and had been with him 
 full eight years, even until the time that he was sent unto 
 me. The place of Calos is situate upon a river which is 
 beyond the cape of Florida, forty or fifty leagues towards 
 the southwest: and the dwelling of Oathcaqua is on this 
 side the cape, toward the north, in a place which we call, 
 
444 VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. [book u. 
 
 in the chart, Cannaveral, which is in twenty-eight de- 
 grees." 
 
 In another place he says : 
 
 " The Indians are wont to leave their houses and to re- 
 tire themselves into the woods, the space of three months, 
 to wit, January, February and March : during which time 
 by no means a man can see one Indian. For when they 
 go on hunting, they make little cottages in the woods, 
 whereunto they retire themselves, living upon that which 
 they take in hunting. This was the cause that during this 
 time, we could get no victuals by their means : and had it 
 not been that I had made good provision thereof, while my 
 men had store, until the end of April (which was the time 
 when at the uttermost, we hoped to have succor out of 
 France) I should have been greatly annoyed. This hope 
 was the cause that the soldiers took no great care to look 
 well unto their victuals, although I divided equally among 
 them that which I could get abroad in the country, without 
 reserving unto myself any more than the least soldier of all 
 the company. The month of May approaching, and no 
 manner of succor come out of France, we fell into extreme 
 want of victuals, constrained to eat the roots of the earth 
 and certain sorrel which we found in the fields. For al- 
 though the savages were returned by this time unto their 
 villages, yet they succored us with nothing but certain fish, 
 without which assuredly we had perished with famine. 
 Besides they had given us before, the greatest part of their 
 maize and of their beans for our merchandise. This fa- 
 mine held us from the beginning of May until the middle 
 of June. During which time the poor soldiers and handi- 
 craftsmen become as feeble as might be, and being not able 
 to work did nothing but go one after another in centinel 
 unto the clift of an hill, situate very near unto the fort, to 
 see if they might discover any French ship." 
 
CHAP. SVlli ] VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. 445 
 
 It was now resolved to trim up a bark and build a 
 larger ship wherein to return to France ; the calcula- 
 tion was that the ships would be ready by the 8th of 
 August. In the mean time food was wanted to sus- 
 tain the company ; and the plan was suggested of 
 seizing on an Indian king, those in favour of it saying 
 that if they had the king, his subjects would not let 
 them suffer for want of food. Laudonniere did not 
 at first agree to this, but in the end consented, to 
 avoid the sedition which he foresaw would ensue if 
 he refused. Departing with fifty of his best soldiers, 
 in two barks, he arrived in the dominions of Utina, 
 distant from the fort about forty or fifty leagues. Then 
 going on shore he drew towards Utina's village, situ- 
 ated six great leagues from the river, and took him 
 prisoner. Yet very small supplies were obtained ei- 
 ther by this or any other measure until he sent to the 
 river of Somme. There a great many of the lords 
 of the country had assembled to make merry, and the 
 men got good cheer and their boats laden with meal. 
 In the mean time hostihties had ensued from taking 
 Utina, in which two of the carpenters were slain. The 
 master carpenter then declared himself unable, for 
 want of men, to make the ship by the time he had 
 promised, " which speech caused such a mutiny 
 among the soldiers that very hardly he escaped kil- 
 ling." However, the captain appeased them, and in- 
 stead of working longer on the ship, repairs were 
 commenced on the brigantine. The men began to 
 beat down the houses without the fort, so that they 
 might have the timber ; they beat down also the pali- 
 sade which was toward the water's side. 
 
446 SIR JOHN HAWKINS, [book li. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Of Sir John Hawkins ; his voyages from London to Africa, to take ne- 
 groes and sell them ; his visit to Laudonni^re in Florida, in 1565 ; 
 and his going home by Newfoundland. 
 
 On the 3d of August, Laudonniere descried four 
 sails ; it was the fleet of John Hawkins of England, 
 afterwards made a knight ; he was on a voyage in 
 which he had taken negroes in Africa, and had been 
 selUng them. For the better understanding of this 
 matter, we must go some years back. 
 
 It was stated in the twenty-ninth chapter of the 
 first book, page 266, that Diego Columbus departed 
 from Hispaniola the 9th of April 1515. It was not 
 until 1520 that he obtained a decision from the Em- 
 peror Charles the Fifth, as to his rights. He sailed 
 in September, and found that, during his absence, 
 considerable changes had taken place. The sugar 
 cane was cultivated in place of working the mines ; 
 and slaves had been imported in great numbers from 
 Africa, being found more serviceable in the culture of 
 the cane than the feeble Indians.* 
 
 Hawkins having ascertained " that negroes were very 
 good merchandise in Hispaniola, and that store of negroes 
 might easily be had upon the coast of Guinea, resolved 
 with himself to make trial thereof, and commnnicated that 
 device with his worshipful friends of London, namely, with 
 
 * living's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 220, 21, Appendix No. 2. 
 
CHAP. XIX.] TRAFFIC IN NEGROES. 447 
 
 Sir Lionel Diichet, Sir Thomas Lodge, Mr. Gunson his 
 father-ill-law, Sir William Winter, Mr. Bromfield, and 
 others ; all which persons liked so well of his intention, that 
 they became liberal contributors and adventurers in the ac- 
 tion ; for which purpose there were three good ships imme- 
 diately provided : the one called the Solomon, of the bur- 
 then of one hundred and twenty tons, wherein M. Haw- 
 kins himself went as general ; the second the Swallow, of 
 one hundred tons, wherein went for captain M. Thomas 
 Hampton ; and the third, the Jonas, a barque of forty tons, 
 wherein the master supplied the captain's room. In which 
 small fleet, M. Hawkins took with him not above one hun- 
 dred men, for fear of sickness and other inconveniences, 
 whereunto men in long voyages are commonly subject. 
 
 "With this company he put off and departed from the 
 coast of England in the month of December 1562, and in his 
 course touched first at Teneriffe, where he received friendly 
 entertainment. From thence he passed to Sierre Leone, 
 upon the coast of Guinea, which place, by the people of 
 the country is called Tagarin, where he stayed some good 
 time, and got into his possession, partly by the sword and 
 partly by other means, to the number of three hundred ne- 
 groes at the least, besides other merchandises which that 
 country yieldeth. W^ith this prey, he sailed over the Ocean 
 sea unto the island of Hispaniola, and arrived first at the 
 port of Isabella : and there he had reasonable utterance of 
 his English commodities, as also of some part of his ne- 
 groes, trusting the Spaniards no further than that by his 
 own strength he Was able still to master them. From the 
 port of Isabella he went to Puerto del Plata, where he made 
 like sales, standing always upon his guard ; from thence, 
 also, he sailed to Monte Christi, another port on the north 
 side of Hispaniola, and the last place of his touching, where 
 he had peaceable traffic, and made vent of the whole num- 
 ber of his negroes : for which he received in those three 
 
448 TRAFriC IN NEGROES. [book ii. 
 
 places, by way of exchange, such quantity of merchandise 
 that he did not only lade his own three ships with hides, 
 ginger, sugars, and some quantity of pearls, but he freighted 
 also two other hulks with hides and other like commodities, 
 which he sent into Spain. And thus, leaving the island, 
 he returned and disembogued, passing out by the islands of 
 the Caycos, without further entering into the bay of Mex- 
 ico, in this his first voyage to the West Indias. And so, 
 witli prosperous success, and much gain to himself and the 
 aforesaid adventurers, he came home, and arrived in the 
 month of September 1563."* 
 
 About a year after, Hawkins commenced a second 
 voyage. He sailed from Plymouth on the 18th of 
 October 1564, with four ships and one hundred and 
 ninety men, furnished with ordnance and provisions. 
 The business in which he had embarked, was not one 
 which it would be creditable to an English knight to 
 engage in now, but from the way in which his pro- 
 ceedings are related, it is apparent that they were not 
 regarded, at that day, as at all disgraceful. There is 
 no occasion to speak of them till the 12th of Decem- 
 ber, when he reached Sambula. 
 
 "In this island we stayed certain days, going every day 
 on shore to take the inhabitants, with burning and spoiling 
 their towns, who before were Sapies and were conquered 
 by the Samboses, inhabitants beyond Sierra Leone. These 
 Samboses had inhabited there three years before our coming 
 thither, and in so short a space have so planted the ground 
 that they had great plenty of millet, rice, roots, pumpkins, 
 also poultry, goats, small fry dried, and every house full of 
 the country fruit planted by God's providence, as palmetto 
 
 » Third vol. of Hakluyt, p. 500. 
 
CHAP. XIX,] TRAFFIC IN NEGROES, 449 
 
 trees, fruits like dates, and sundry other in no place in all 
 that country so abundantly, whereby they lived more deli- 
 ciously than other. These inhabitants have divers of the 
 Sapies which they took in the wars, as their slaves, whom 
 only they kept to till the ground, in that they neither have 
 the knowledge thereof, nor yet will work themselves, of 
 whom we took many in that place, but of the Samboses 
 none at all, for they fled into the main. All the Samboses 
 have white teeth as we have, far unlike to the Sapies which 
 do inhabit about Rio Grande, for their teeth are all filed, 
 which they do for a bravery, to set out themselves, and do 
 tag their flesh, both legs, arms and bodies, as workmanlike 
 as a jerkinmaker with us pinketh a jerkin. These Sapies 
 be more civil than the Samboses : for whereas the Sam- 
 boses live most by the spoil of their enemies, both in taking 
 their victuals, and eating them also, the Sapies do not eat 
 man's flesh unless in the war they have been driven by ne- 
 cessity thereunto, which they have not used but by the ex- 
 ample of the Samboses, but live only with fruits and cat- 
 tle, whereof they have great store. This plenty is the oc- 
 casion that the Sapies desire not war, except they be there- 
 unto provoked by the invasions of the Samboses, whereas 
 the Samboses for want of food are inforced thereunto, and 
 therefore are not wont only to take them that they kill, but 
 also keep those that they take, until such time as they 
 want meat, and then they kill them. There is also ano- 
 ther occasion that provoketh the Samboses to war against 
 the Sapies, which is for covetousness of their riches. For 
 whereas the Sapies have an order to bury their dead in cer- 
 tain places appointed for that purpose, with their gold about 
 them, the Samboses dig up the ground, to have the same 
 treasure : for the Samboses have not the like store of gold, 
 that the Sapies have. In this island of Sambula we found 
 about fifty boats called almadyes, or canoas, which are 
 made of one piece of wood, digged out like a trough, but 
 57 
 
450 TRAFFIC IN NEGROES. [book II. 
 
 of a good proportion, being about eight yards long, and one 
 in breadtli, having a beak head and a stern very proportion- 
 ably made, and on the outside artificially carved, and painted 
 red and blue : they are able to carry twenty or thirty men, 
 but they are about the coast able to carry three score and 
 upward. In these canoas they row standing upright, with 
 an oar somewhat longer than a man, the end whereof is 
 made about the breadth and length of a man's hand, of the 
 largest sort. They row very swift, and in some of them 
 four rowers and one to steer make as much way as a pair 
 of oars in the Thames of London. 
 
 " Their towns are prettily divided with a main street at 
 the entering in, that goeth through their town, and another 
 overthwart street which maketh their towns crossways : 
 their houses are built in a rank very orderly in the face of 
 the street, and they are made round like a dove-cote, with 
 stakes set full of palmetto leaves, instead of a wall : they 
 are not much more than a fathom large, and two of heighth, 
 and thatched with palmetto leaves very close, other some 
 with reed, and over the roof thereof, for the better garnish- 
 ing the same, there is a round bundle of reed, prettily con- 
 trived like a tower : in the itmer part, they make a loft of 
 sticks, whereupon they lay all their provision of victuals: 
 a place they reserve at their entrance for the kitchen, and 
 the place they lie in is divided with certain mats artificially 
 made with the rind of palmetto trees: their bedsteads are 
 of small staves laid along, and raised a foot from the ground, 
 upon which is laid a mat, and another upon them when 
 they list : for other covering they have none. In the mid- 
 dle of the town there is a house larger and higher than the 
 other, but in form alike, adjoining unto which there is a 
 place made of four good stanchions of wood, and a round 
 roof over it, the ground also raised round with clay a foot 
 high, upon the which floor were strewed many fine mats : 
 this is the consultation-house, the like whereof is in all 
 
CHAP. XIX.] TRAFFIC IN NEGROES. 451 
 
 towns, as the Portugals affirm : in which place, when they 
 sit in council the king or captain sitteth in the midst, and 
 in the elders upon the floor by him, (for they give reve- 
 rence to their elders,) and the common sort sit round about 
 them. There they sit to examine matters of theft, which 
 if a man be taken with, to steal but a Portugal cloth from 
 another, he is sold to the Portugals for a slave. They con- 
 sult also, and take order what time they shall go to wars : 
 and as it is certainly reported by the Portugals, they take 
 order in gathering of the fruits in the season of the year, 
 and also of palmetto wine, which is gathered by a hole cut 
 in the top of a tree, and a gourd set for the receiving there- 
 of, which falleth in by drops, and yieldeth fresh wine again 
 within a month, and this divided part and portion like to 
 every man, by the judgment of the captain and elders, 
 every man holdeth himself contented : and this surely I 
 judge to be a very good order: for otherwise, whereas scar- 
 city of palmetto is, every man would have the same, which 
 might breed great strife : but of such things as every man 
 doth plant for himself, the sower thereof reapeth it to his 
 own use, so that nothing is common, but which is unset 
 by man's hands. In their houses there is more common 
 passage of lizards like evets, (newts,) and other greater, of 
 black and blue colour, of near a foot long, besides their 
 tails, than there is with us of mice in great houses. The 
 Sapies and Samboses also use in their wars, bows and ar- 
 rows made of reeds, with heads of iron poisoned with the 
 juice of a cucumber, whereof I had many in my hands. 
 In their battles they have target-men, with broad wicker 
 targets, and darts with heads at both ends, of iron, the one 
 in form of a two edged sword, a foot and an half long, and 
 at the other end, the iron long of the same length made to 
 counterpoise it, that in casting it might lie level, rather 
 than for any other purpose that I can judge. And when 
 they espy the enemy, the captain to cheer his men, cries 
 
452 TRAFFIC IN NEGROES. [BOOK II. 
 
 Hungry, and they answer Heygre, and with that every 
 nrian places himself in order, for about every target-man 
 three bow-men will cover themselves, and shoot as they 
 see advantage : and when they give the onset, they make 
 such terrible cries, that they may be heard two miles off. 
 For their belief, I can hear of none that they hat^e, but in 
 such as they themselves imagine to see in their dreams, and 
 go worship the pictures, whereof we saw some like unto 
 devils. In this island aforesaid we sojourned unto the one 
 and twentieth of December, where having taken certain 
 negroes, and as much of their fruits, rice and millet, as we 
 could well carry away, (whereof there was such store, that 
 we might have laden one of our barks therewith,) we de- 
 parted, and at our departure divers of our men being desi- 
 rous to go on shore to fetch pompions, which having proved 
 they found to be very good, certain of the Tiger's men 
 went also, amongst the which there was a carpenter, a 
 young man, who with his fellows having set many, and 
 carried them down to their boats, as they were ready to de- 
 part, desired his fellow to tarry while he might go up to 
 fetch a few which he had laid by for himself, who being 
 more lickerous than circumspect, went up without weapon, 
 and as he went up alone, possibly being marked of the ne- 
 groes that were upon the trees, espying him what he did, 
 perceiving him to be alone, and without weapon, dogged 
 him, and finding him occupied in binding his pompions to- 
 gether, came behind him, overthrowing him and straight 
 cut his throat, as he was afterwards found by his fellows, 
 who came to the place for him, and there found him naked. 
 " The two and twentieth the captain went into the river, 
 called Callowsa, with the two barks, and the John's pin- 
 nace and the Solomon's boat, leaving at anchor, in the ri- 
 ver's mouth, the two ships, the river being twenty leagues 
 in, where the Portugals rowed : he came thither the five 
 and twentieth, and dispatched his business, and so returned 
 with two caravels, loaded with negroes. 
 
CHAP, XIX.] TRAFFIC IN NEGROES. 453 
 
 " The 27th the captain was advertised by the Portugals 
 of a town of the negroes, called Bymba, being in the way 
 as they returned, where was not only great quantity of gold, 
 but also that there were not above forty men and an hun- 
 dred women and children in the town, so that if he would 
 give the adventure upon the same, he might get an hundred 
 slaves; with the which tidings he being glad, because the 
 Portugals should not think him to be of so base a courage, 
 but that he durst give them that, and greater attempts : and 
 being thereunto also the more provoked with the prospe- 
 rous success he had in other islands adjacent, where he had 
 put them all to flight, and taken in one boat twenty to- 
 gether, determined to stay before the town three or four 
 hours, to see what he could do : and thereupon prepared 
 his men in armour and weapon together, to the number of 
 forty men, well appointed, having to their guides certain 
 Portugals in a boat, who brought some of them to their 
 death : we landing boat after boat, and divers of our men 
 scattering themselves, contrary to the captain's will, by one 
 or two in a company, for the hope that they had to find 
 gold in their houses, ransacking the same, in the mean time 
 the negroes came upon them, and hurt many, being thus 
 scattered : whereas if five or six had been together, they 
 had been able, as their companions did, to give the over- 
 throw to forty of them ; and being driven down to take 
 their boats, were followed so hardly by a rout of negroes, 
 who by that took courage to pursue them to their boats, 
 that not only some of them, but others standing on shore, 
 not looking for any such matter by means that the negroes 
 did flee at the first, and our company remained in the town, 
 were suddenly so set upon that some, with great hurt, re- 
 covered their boats ; othersome not able to recover the 
 same, took the water, and perished by means of the ooze. 
 While this was doing, the captain, who, with a dozen men, 
 went through the town, returned, finding two hundred ne- 
 
454 TRAFFIC IN NEGROES. [BOOK II. 
 
 groes at the water side, shooting at them in the boats, and 
 cutting them in pieces which were drowned in the water, 
 at whose coming they ran all away : so he entered his 
 boats, and before he could put off from the shore, they re- 
 turned again, and shot very fiercely, and hurt divers of 
 them. Thus we returned back, somewhat discomforted, 
 although the captain, in a singular wise manner, carried 
 himself with countenance very cheerful outwardly, as 
 though he did little weigh the death of his men, uor yet 
 the great hurt of the rest, although his heart inwardly was 
 broken in pieces for it ; done to this end, that the Portugals 
 being with him, should not presume to resist against him, 
 nor take occasion to put him to further displeasure or hin- 
 drance for the death of our men : having gotten by our go- 
 ing ten negroes, and lost seven of our best men, whereof 
 Mr. Field, captain of the Solomon, was one, and we had 
 twenty-seven of our men hurt. In the same hour while 
 this was doing, there happened at the same instant, a mar- 
 vellous miracle to them in the ships, who rode ten leagues 
 to seaward, by many sharks or tiburons, who came about 
 the ships: among which, one was taken by the Jesus, and 
 four by the Solomon, and one very sore hurt escaped ; and 
 so it fell out of our men, whereof one of the Jesus's men, 
 and four of the Solomon's were killed, and the fifth, hav- 
 ing twenty wounds, was rescued, and escaped with much 
 ado. 
 
 " The 28th they came to their ships, the Jesus and the 
 Solomon, and the 30th departed from thence to Taggarin. 
 
 " The 1st of January, the two barks and both the boats 
 forsook the ships, and went into a river called the Casse- 
 noes ; and the 6th, having dispatched their business, the two 
 barks returned, and came to Taggarin, where the two ships 
 were at anchor. Not two days after the coming of the 
 two ships thither, they put their water cask ashore and 
 filled it with water, to season the same, thinking to have 
 
CHAP. XIX.] TRAFFIC IN NEGROES. 455 
 
 filled it with fresh water afterward : and while their men 
 were some on shore and some at their boats, the negroes 
 set upon them in the boats and hurt divers of them, and 
 came to the casks and cut off the hoops of twelve bntts, 
 which lost us four or five days time, besides great want we 
 had of the same. Sojourning at Taggarin, the Swallow 
 went up the river about her traffic, where they saw great 
 towns of the negroes, and canoas that had threescore men 
 in apiece ; there they understood by the Portugals of a 
 great battle between them of Sierra Leone side and them 
 of Taggarin : they of Sierra Leone had prepared three 
 hundred canoas, to invade the other. The time was ap- 
 pointed not past six days after our departure from thence, 
 which we would have seen, to the intent we might have 
 taken some of them, had it not been for the death and sick- 
 ness of our men, which was caused by the contagiousness 
 of the place, which made us to make haste away."* 
 
 The writer of the narrative seems to have consi- 
 dered that they were engaged in a very holy work ; 
 one acceptable to the Almighty God. His account is, 
 
 "The 29th of this same month, (January,) we departed 
 with all our ships from Sierra Leone, towards the West In- 
 dias, and for the space of eighteen days, we were becalm- 
 ed, having now and then contrary winds, and some torna- 
 dos amongst the same calm, which happened to us very ill, 
 being but reasonably watered for so great a company of ne- 
 groes and ourselves, which pinched us all, and that which 
 was worst, put us in such fear that many never thought to 
 have reached the Indias, without great death of negroes 
 and of themselves: but the Almighty God, who never suf- 
 fers his elect to perish, sent us the sixteenth of February, 
 the ordinary breeze, which is the northwest wind, which 
 
 * Third vol. of Hakluyt, p. 504 to 506. 
 
456 TRAFFIC IN NEGROES. [BOOK II. 
 
 never Jeft us till we came to the island of the Canibals, 
 called Dominica, where we arrived the ninth of March."* 
 
 Hawkins found some difficulty in trading in the 
 Spanish islands. The governor of the island of Mar- 
 garita refused him license to traffic, and sent w^ord to 
 St. Domingo, to the viceroy, who gave orders to 
 places along the coast prohibiting such traffic. On 
 the third of April, Hawkins anchored at a town call- 
 ed Burborata. There he was at first told that they 
 were forbidden by the king to traffic with any foreign 
 nation upon the penalty of forfeiting their goods ; but 
 in the end the governor granted his request for a li- 
 cense. There was another thing, the abating the 
 king's custom, being upon every slave thirty ducats, 
 which he still refused to grant. 
 
 " Whereupon the captain perceiving that they would nei- 
 ther come near his price he looked for by a great deal, nor 
 yet would abate the king's custom of that they offered, so 
 that either he must be a great loser by his wares, or else 
 compel the officers to abate the same king's custom, which 
 was too unreasonable, for to a higher price, he could not 
 bring the buyers: Therefore the sixteenth of April, he 
 prepared one hundred men, well armed with bows, arrows, 
 arquebusses and pikes, with the which he marched to the 
 townwards, and being perceived by the governor, he straight 
 with all expedition sent messengers to know his request, 
 desiring him to march no farther forward until he had an- 
 swer again, which incontinent he should have. So our 
 captain declaring how unreasonable a thing the king's cus- 
 tom was, requested to have the same abated, and to pay 
 seven and a half per centum, which is the ordinary custom 
 
 * Third vol. of Hakluyt, p. 507. 
 
CHAP, xix] TRAFFIC IN NEGROES. 457 
 
 for wares through his dominions there, and unto this if 
 they would not grant, he would displease them. And this 
 word being carried to the governor, answer was returned 
 that all things should be to his content, and thereupon he 
 determined to depart, but the soldiers and mariners finding 
 so little credit in their promises, demanded gages for the 
 performance of the promises, or else they would not depart. 
 And thus they being constrained to send gages, we depart- 
 ed, beginning our traffic and ending the same without dis- 
 turbance."* 
 
 On the 19th of May, Hawkins came to the Rio de 
 la Hacha, where, as at Burborata, he told them they 
 might determine either to give him license to trade or 
 else to stand to their arms. 
 
 " So upon this, it was determined he should have license 
 to trade, but they would give him such a price as was the 
 one half less than he had sold for before, and thus they 
 sent word they would do and none otherwise, and if it 
 liked him not, he might do what he would, for they were 
 not determined to do otherwise with him. Whereupon the 
 captain weighing their unconscionable request, wrote to 
 them a letter that they dealt too rigorously with him, to go 
 about to cut his throat in the price of his commodities, 
 which were so reasonably rated, as they could not by a 
 great deal have the like at any other man's hands. But 
 seeing they had sent him this to his supper, he would in 
 the morning give them as good a breakfast. And therefore 
 in the morning, being the 21st of May, he shot off a whole 
 culverin to summon the town, and preparing one hundred 
 men in armour, went ashore, having in his great boat two 
 falcons of brass, and in the other boats double bases in 
 their noses, which being perceived by the townsmen, they 
 
 * Hakliiyt, vol. 3, p. 510. 
 
 68 
 
458 TRAFFIC IN NEGROES. [book II. 
 
 incontinent in battle array, with their drum and ensign dis- 
 played, marched from the town to the sands, of footmen to 
 the number of one hundred and fifty, making great brags 
 with their cries and waving us ashore, whereby they made 
 a semblance to have fought with us indeed. But our cap- 
 tain perceiving them so brag, commanded the two falcons 
 to be discharged at them, which put them in no small fear 
 to see (as they afterward declared) such great pieces in a 
 boat. At every shot, they fell flat to the ground, and as 
 we approached near unto them, they broke their array and 
 dispersed themselves so much for fear of the ordnance that 
 at last they went all away with their ensign. The horse- 
 men, also, being about thirty, made as brave a show as 
 might be, coursing up and down with their horses, their 
 brave white leather targets in the one hand and their jave- 
 lins in the other, as though they would have received us at 
 our landing. But when we landed, they gave ground and 
 consulted what they should do, for little they thought we 
 should have landed so boldly : and therefore as our captain 
 was putting his men in array and marched forward to have 
 encountered with them, they sent a messenger on horse- 
 back with a flag of truce to the captain, who declared that 
 the treasurer marvelled what he meant to do to come ashore 
 in that order, in consideration that they had granted to 
 every reasonable request that he did demand : but the cap- 
 tain, not well contented with this messenger, marched for- 
 wards. The messenger prayed him to stay his men, and 
 said if he would come apart from his men, the treasurer 
 would come and speak with him, whereunto he did agree 
 to commune together. The captain only with his armour, 
 without weapon, and the treasurer on horseback with his 
 javelin, was afraid to come near him for fear of his armour, 
 which he said was worse than his weapon, and so keeping 
 aloof, communing together, granted in fine to all his re- 
 quests. Which being declared by the captain to the com- 
 
CHAP. XIX.] VISIT OF HAWKINS TO FLORIDA IN 1565. 459 
 
 pany, they desired to have pledges for the performance of 
 all things, doubting that otherwise v/hen they had made 
 themselves stronger, they would have been at defiance 
 with us: and seeing that now they might have what they 
 would request, they judged it to be more wisdom to be in 
 assurance than to be forced to make any more labours about 
 it. So upon this, gages were sent, and we made our traffic 
 quietly with them."* 
 
 Hawkins had with him a Frenchman, Martin Ati- 
 nas of Diepe, who had been in Florida in 1562 with 
 Ribault, and now guided the English along this coast. 
 They ranged along it, seeking for fresh water, and en- 
 quiring of the Floridians where the French inhabited ; 
 they were disappointed at not seeing any habitation 
 of the French in twenty-eight degrees, but found the 
 ship and two pinnaces at the river of May, in thirty 
 degrees and better, and sent Atinas as messenger to 
 Laudonniere, at the fort, two leagues up. Two fla- 
 gons of wine and some wheat bread, brought by Atinas, 
 were very acceptable. Next day, a visit was paid by 
 Hawkins, who seeing the wants of the French, sup- 
 plied them with meat and other provisions, and of- 
 fered them a bark, for which they paid him in ord- 
 nance. f 
 
 "Moreover," says Laudonniere, "for as much as he saw 
 my soldiers go barefoot, he offered me besides fifty pair of 
 shoes, which I accepted and agreed of a price with him, and 
 gave him a bill of mine hand for the same, for which until 
 this present I am indebted to him. He did more than this : 
 for particularly he bestowed upon myself a great jar of oil, 
 a jar of vinegar, a barrel of olives, and a great quantity of 
 
 * Hakluyt, vol. 3, p. 512. f Id. p. 347, 8, and p. 516 to 520. 
 
460 VISIT OF HAWKINS TO FLORIDA IN 1565. [book ii. 
 
 rice and a barrel of white biscuit. Besides, he gave divers 
 presents to the principal officers of my company, according 
 to their qualities : so that I may say, that we received as 
 many courtesies of the general as it was possible to receive 
 of any man living. Wherein, doubtless, he hath won the 
 reputation of a good and charitable man, deserving to be es- 
 teemed as much of us all as if he had saved all our lives." 
 
 In returning, owing to the nature of the winds, 
 Hawkins was as far north as the bank of Newfound- 
 land, where he obtained a great number of fresh cod 
 fish, which gave great relief. After this, with a good 
 wind, he came the 20th of September to Padston, in 
 Cornwall, with the loss of twenty persons in the voy- 
 age, but with profit to the adventurers.* 
 
 *3 Hakluyt, p. 520, 21. 
 
CHAP. XX.] VOYAGES TO FLORIDA IN 1565. 461 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Of the voyage of Ribault from France to Florida in 1565 ; and the 
 massacre there of the French by the Spaniards, under Menendez. 
 
 x\fter the departure of Hawkins from the fort, Lau- 
 donniere proceeded to get every thing necessary on 
 board his vessel ; he was ready to sail, when, on the 
 28th of August 1565, certain ships were seen. Ribault 
 came in them, bringing a letter from Chastillon, sta- 
 ting his appointment as governor, and desiring Lau- 
 donniere to return to France. The ships of Ribault 
 were brought into the river the 4th of September. 
 
 In the meantime, the proceedings of the French in 
 Florida, had attracted the attention of the court of 
 Spain. On the 5th of May 1565, the secretary Gon- 
 zalo Perez presented to the president of the council 
 of the Indias, some lines from the king, in relation to 
 his rights to Florida, where the French had built a 
 fort. The council was of opinion that the right of 
 the King of Spain was very clear; that it resulted 
 from the donation of Alexander the Sixth, and the 
 taking possession by Angel de Villafane, on the same 
 shores and in the port which the French were now 
 occupying; and that besides, Guido de las Bazares 
 had pursued the same formality in 1558. 
 
 A fleet, (composed of eight ships,) of which Pedro 
 Menendez de Abiles was general, sailed from the bay 
 of Cadiz the 28th of June 1565. Before it set out, 
 
462 VOYAGES TO FLORIDA IN 1565. [book II. 
 
 three caravels were sent, at different times, to trans- 
 mit to Saint Domingo and Havana the orders of the 
 king, as to the conduct to be observed on the arrival 
 of the fleet. When the second of these caravels ar- 
 rived near the isle of Mona, it is said to have met a 
 French vessel, the men on board of which, forced the 
 caravel to surrender ; took possession of its papers, 
 and read the orders given for the conquest of Florida. 
 The Spaniards arrived upon the Florida coast the 
 28th of August ; on the 5th of September, five Spa- 
 nish encountered four French ships at the mouth of 
 a river. The Spanish general said to a French cap- 
 tain : "What are you doing upon the lands of King 
 Philip ? Leave them, for I do not see what you are 
 doing here, nor what you wish to do." The captain 
 dispatched a shallop to his admiral. What the former 
 said, was not known, but the admiral was heard to 
 say in reply : " I am the admiral ; I would rather die." 
 Then the French cut their cables, directed themselves 
 towards the full sea, displayed the foremast sails, and 
 passed in the midst of the Spaniards. The Spanish 
 followed the French admiral, summoned him to lower, 
 and soon after directed a small culverin to be fired. 
 Again there was a summons to surrender, and again 
 the reply, rather die than surrender. There was a 
 second fire, which carried off five or six men. One 
 of the French shallops was taken, and during the 
 night the Spanish admiral and captain gave chase to 
 the French admiral and captain. Next morning there 
 was a great tempest; the Spaniards were afraid to 
 continue out at sea, and regained the shore. They 
 went to a river, described as about fifteen leagues 
 
CHAP. XX.] VOYAGES TO FLORIDA IN 1565. 463 
 
 above that of the French ; took possession of the 
 country in the name of the king, and built a fort. 
 Three shallops were sent out to seek provisions and 
 some troops which were on board a galhon and another 
 vessel, that had not arrived. Two French ships 
 came behind one of the shallops, with the intention 
 of attacking it, but the wind enabled the shallop to 
 enter a port where the water was not deep enough 
 for the French to follow. The gallion and the other 
 vessel referred to, sailed, one of them for Spain, and 
 the other for Havana. In a severe storm, most of 
 the French vessels were lost at sea. 
 
 On the 1 7th of September, the general set out with 
 five hundred men, to attack the French. The chap- 
 lain, well supplied with that bigotry which it was the 
 fashion of the times to mistake for Christianity, ex- 
 presses the hope that God will do what is necessary, 
 that the Spaniards may propagate his holy Catholic 
 religion, and destroy the heretics! On the 22d, there 
 arrived a Frenchman, who said that he was one of 
 sixteen who had been sent from the French fort eight 
 days before, to observe what the Spaniards were do- 
 ing ; that the frigate was wrecked at the mouth of a 
 river, four leagues more to the south, where fi . '^ ^'°- 
 rished then, and the next day three were killed by the 
 Indians ; that one of his comrades had attempted to 
 regain the port, but he did not know what had be- 
 come of the rest. He said there were in all seven 
 hundred men in the fort, of whom a third were Lu- 
 therans, and they had two priests who preached the 
 Lutheran doctrine ; that of the seven hundred, more 
 than two hundred had embarked in the four vessels ; 
 
464 MASSACRE OF THE FRENCH IN 1565. [book II. 
 
 that there were in the camp eight or ten Spaniards, 
 of whom three had been found quite naked among 
 the Indians, having belonged to a vessel which was 
 shipwrecked on the coast long before. The Spa- 
 niards afterwards got the fHgate afloat, and brought 
 it to their port ; there were seen fifteen bodies of the 
 French, who had belonged to the frigate. An hour 
 after the frigate arrived, news came of the victory 
 over the French. 
 
 " The enemy did not perceive them until the moment 
 that they were attacked. As it was a heavy morning and 
 rained in torrents, the most part were in bed ; some arose 
 in their shirts, others were quite naked and asked for quar- 
 ter : notwithstanding, a hundred and forty-two of them 
 were killed. The others, who were to the number of 
 about three hundred, scaled the walls ; some gained the fo- 
 rest ; others took refuge in the ships which were in the ri- 
 ver, loaded with wealth ; so that in an hour, the fort was 
 in our power, without our having lost a single man and 
 without even one being wounded. There v/ere six ships 
 in the river: we took one brigantine; and a galliot which 
 was not yet finished, as also another ship which had dis- 
 charged rich merchandize, were run aground." 
 
 O-^ the 28th of September, they learnt from the 
 signs of some Indians, that on the coast towards the 
 south, they had seen a vessel which was wrecked. 
 The admiral was immediately ordered to arm a shal- 
 lop, and go with fifty men thither : the general fol- 
 lowed with twelve men, in another shallop. Upon 
 reaching the French, one of them came to speak to 
 the general. 
 
CHAP. XX.] MASSACRE OF THE FRENCH IN 1565. 465 
 
 •'He told him of their shipwreck and of the extremity 
 in which they were ; that they had not eaten bread for 
 eight or ten days. He admitted that all or at least the 
 most part of them were Lutherans. Immediately the ge- 
 neral sent him back to his comrades to tell them to surren- 
 der and bring their arms ; that otherwise, he would put 
 them all to the sword. A French serjeant came with the 
 response of the enemy : he said, they would surrender on 
 condition that their lives were spared. After a good deal 
 of talking, our general replied that he would not give his 
 word ; that they ought to surrender at discretion and put 
 down their arms, because if he granted to them life, he 
 wished them to make acknowledgment of it, and if on the 
 contrary, he put them to death, they could not complain. 
 Seeing they had no other resource, the serjeant returned to 
 his camp, and a little time after, all brought their arms and 
 their clothes : they gave them to the general and surren- 
 dered at discretion." 
 
 It is curious to see in what manner the chaplain re- 
 lates the cruel massacre which then occurred. 
 
 " Seeing that all were Lutherans, his lordship took the 
 resolution of condemning them all to death ; but as I was 
 a priest, and as I had the bowels of a man, I prayed him to 
 grant to me one favour, that of not putting to death those 
 whom we should find to be Christians. He granted it to 
 me. I made some examination. I found of them ten or 
 twelve whom we carried away ; all the others were execu- 
 ted because they were Lutherans, enemies of our Holy Ca- 
 tholic faith. All this took place on Saturday, the day of 
 Saint Michael, the 22d of September 1565. A hundred 
 and twelve Lutherans were there put to death without 
 counting fourteen or fifteen prisoners." 
 59 
 
466 MASSACRE OF THE FRENCH IN 1565. [BOOK ll. 
 
 Such is the account of this inhuman transaction, 
 as told by the Spaniards themselves ; such the rela- 
 tion of Francisco Lopes de Mendoza, chaplain of the 
 expedition of Pedro Menendez, as it is found in a vo- 
 lume of pieces on Florida, published at Paris in 1841, 
 in the collection of H. Ternaux-Compans. 
 
 In the same volume is the French account ; a re- 
 publication of a small book, printed at Lyons in 1566, 
 by Jean Saugrain, (a bookseller,) in which the follow- 
 ing statements are made : 
 
 On the 3d of September there arrived near our 
 shipping, five Spanish ships. At night they spoke to- 
 gether. The French asked why, and to what end 
 they were seeking them ? They replied that they con- 
 sidered them enemies ; that the war was sufficiently 
 declared. The French raised their sails, and the Spa- 
 niards made chase ; after which, the Spaniards retired 
 to the river of the Dauphins. Three of the French 
 ships afterwards returning to the road, Ribault dehbe- 
 rated on going with these three to find the Spaniards, 
 and concluded that he ought to shew himself against 
 them on the waters. On the 10th of September, the 
 captain embarked, taking not only the soldiers, newly 
 arrived, but also the best of those who were there be- 
 fore. On the 11th, when the French ships were near 
 some of the Spanish, a tornado arose, which separated 
 them ; the tempest lasted till the 23d. 
 
 Those who remained in the fort, were composed 
 partly of the sick, partly of artizans, and partly of 
 women and little children ; the whole numbering two 
 hundred and forty souls. Most of these were in the 
 fort asleep ; and the guard, having had a bad time all 
 
CHAP, xs.j MASSACRE OF THE FRENCH IN 1565. 467 
 
 night, had lain down to refresh themselves, when on 
 the 20th day of September, in the morning, the Spa- 
 niards entered the fort without resistance, and did 
 horrible execution : cutting the throats of the healthy 
 and the sick, the women and the httle children, so 
 that it is not possible to conceive a massacre which 
 could exceed it in cruelty and barbarity. Some of 
 the French escaped to the ships, in the river. Some 
 having reached the woods, six of them thought it 
 might be the least of evils to return and surrender 
 themselves to the Spaniards. But these six, on com- 
 ing out of the woods, meeting some of the Spaniards, 
 were seized and treated no better than the rest. The 
 French, from whom the six parted in the woods, one 
 of whom is the writer of this relation, after much dif- 
 ficulty, joined Laudonniere and his party of twenty- 
 six persons, and with them reached the ship of cap- 
 tain Maillard, near which was another ship. The 
 company being divided between the two vessels, they 
 sailed on the 25th of September, but were soon sepa- 
 rated, and did not meet again. The vessel in which 
 the author of this narrative sailed, encountered on the 
 way a Spanish ship, but the French got the better of 
 it. They landed on the coast of Rochelle. 
 
 Jean Ribault, during five days that he was seeking 
 the Spaniards, did not find them, but met the admiral 
 of his fleet named the Trinity. In the tempest, these 
 two ships W€re driven on the coast below the river of 
 May, about fifty leagues by sea and twelve by land ; 
 the vessels were broken, and their munitions lost. 
 Captain La Grange having thrown himself upon a 
 mast, was swallowed up by the waters ; the rest of 
 
468 MASSACRE OF THE FRENCH IN 1565, [BOOK li. 
 
 the men reached the land. For eight days they suf- 
 fered greatly from hunger and thirst. The river of 
 the Dauphins, very deep and about a quarter of a 
 league wide, was between them and the fort ; they 
 could not pass it without a vessel. On the 9th, they 
 found a small bark. Ribault, ignorant of the mas- 
 sacre at the fort, was of opinion that some of the 
 men should go thither in the bark, to inform the peo- 
 ple there of the wreck and their condition. Sixteen 
 were selected for the purpose. The same day the 
 Spaniards came. 
 
 " Our French in such an abyss of anguish, as a last re- 
 source, sent some of the company to make an offer to sur- 
 render if their lives were spared. The delegates were ap- 
 parently received with humanity. The captain of this Spa- 
 nish company, whose name was Vallemande, protested on 
 the faith of a gentleman, a chevalier and a christian, of his 
 good will towards the French ; that they should be treated 
 according to the usage which had been in all time practised 
 in war when the Spaniards were victorious. He declared so 
 that all might be persuaded of this fair promise, that he 
 would never do in this place what nations could afterwards 
 resent, and immediately caused to be accoutred a bark in 
 which five Spaniards passed beyond our people. Captain 
 Jean Ribault entered among the first in the bark with others 
 to the number of thirty. The reception of him was suffi- 
 ciently humane, but the others which were in his company 
 were carried far behind him and all tied, two and two, their 
 hands behind the back. Then the rest passecl thirty at a 
 time, whilst Vallemande was discoursing in fair but hypo- 
 critical words with this good captain John Ribault, who re- 
 lied simply on the faith of this Vallemande to whom he 
 had surrendered. Our men being all passed, were thus tied 
 
CHAP. XX.] MASSACRE OF THE FRENCH IN 1565. 469 
 
 together two and two, and all went together, French and 
 Spaniards, towards the fort. The captain Jean Ribault and 
 others, particularly Signer d'Ottigny, when they saw our 
 men thus coupled together, began to change colour and 
 commended themselves to the faith of Signer de Vallemande 
 who assured them saying that the tying was only to carry 
 them to the fort in safety, and that there he would keep to 
 them what he had promised. As they came very near the 
 fort, he began to inquire concerning those who were sailors, 
 ship carpenters, gunners and others who would be useful 
 for offices of the marine. These being chosen were found 
 to number thirty men. Soon after was seen coming from 
 the fort a company to meet our people, whom they made 
 march behind Vallemande and his company, as you would 
 see a troop of beasts which they were driving to slaughter. 
 Then to the sound of fifes, drums and trumpets, the cou- 
 rage of these furious Spaniards was displayed against the 
 poor French who were tied with cords : Then it was to 
 whom they should give the best blow with an axe, halberd 
 or sword, so that in half an hour, they gained the field and 
 bore off this glorious victory, killing villainously those who 
 had surrendered and been received on their faith and safe- 
 guard. During this cruelty, captain John Ribault made 
 some remonstrances to Vallemande to save his life ; even 
 Signor d'Ottigny, throwing himself at his feet, reminded 
 him of his promise : but all this availed nothing ; for the 
 backs being turned, he marched behind them and one of 
 his executioners struck from behind with a dagger captain 
 Jean Ribault. He fell on the ground and soon after there 
 were two or three other blows which ended his life." 
 
 This relation, appears to have been gathered in 
 part, at least, from one of the French sailors named 
 Christopher Le Breton, of Havre de Grace, who after 
 making the voyage with the Spaniards from Florida 
 
470 MASSACRE OF THE FRENCH IN 1565. [book ii. 
 
 to Spain secretly withdrew from the City of Seville 
 to Bordeaux. 
 
 There is a further account of this massacre by Lau- 
 donniere, in the third volume of Hakluyt's Collection, 
 page 352 to 355. 
 
 Such conduct would scarcely have been ventured 
 upon by the Spaniards towards citizens of France in 
 time of peace but for the strength of the Catholic 
 party in the latter kingdom, and their hostility to the 
 Protestants. In this year Philip the Second, in con- 
 sequence of the revolt in the low countries, having 
 sent thither the Duke of Alba, there was an interview 
 at Bayonne of the king and Catharine of Medicis, 
 with Philip's queen and the Duke of Alba. Catha- 
 rine, under the pretext of the passage of the duke 
 into the low countries, caused troops to be raised, by 
 way of precaution, she said, against him. The Hu- 
 guenots of France as well as of the low countries 
 viewed this with distrust. They wished to prevent 
 the establishment of the inquisition, and the King of 
 Spain was disposed to punish them. The measure 
 of Catharine, just mentioned, it has been said, irrita- 
 ted those in France and gave rise to the second civil 
 war. 
 
CHAP. XXI.] THE CHEVALIER DE GOURGUE. 471 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Of the chevalier de Gourgue ; his chivah'ous enterprise ; the manner 
 in whicii the massacre of the French in Florida by the Spaniards in 
 1565 was avenged by him at the same place in 1568. 
 
 In 1567 the Duke of Alba had arrived in the low 
 countries and arrested the Count of Egmont and the 
 Count de Horn. In France the Huguenots with the 
 Prince of Conde and the Admiral de Coligni at their 
 head, wished to take possession of the person of the 
 king who was at Monceaux ; the queen was informed 
 of it and withdrew to Meaux, whence the Swiss, com- 
 manded by their colonel, carried the king to Paris.* 
 
 It was in this year that the chevalier de Gourgue 
 carried out his singular and chivalrous enterprise, of 
 which there is an account in a volume of pieces on 
 Florida, published at Paris in 1841, in Ternaux's Col- 
 lection ; in the third volume of Hakluyt's Collection, 
 page 356 to 360 ; and in Hawkins's Quebec, page 78 
 to 85. 
 
 Gourgue was born at Mount Marsan in Gascony, 
 and was in the armies of different princes for twenty- 
 five or thirty years. When a captain near Sienna in 
 Tuscany, he sustained with thirty soldiers the brunt 
 of a part of the Spanish army ; here, when his men 
 had been cut to pieces, he was taken and put into a 
 galley, which going towards Sicily was taken by the 
 
 * " L'histoiie de France," printed at Paris in 1775, vol. 2, p. 533. 
 
472 EXPEDITION OF GOURGUE IN 1568. [book ii. 
 
 Turks, carried to Rhodes and then to Constantinople. 
 It was shortly afterwards recovered by Romeguas, 
 commander of the army of Malta. Returning home, 
 Gourgue made a voyage on the coast of Africa, 
 whence he went to Brazil and the South sea. 
 
 "He had," says Hawkins, "just returned to France from 
 one of his voyages, with the reputation of the bravest and 
 most able among her navigators, when he heard of the dis- 
 astrous tale of La Caroline, and the disgraceful manner in 
 which his countrymen had been put to death by the Spa- 
 niards. Like a patriot, he felt keenly for the honour of his 
 country ; and as a man, he burned for an opportunity of 
 satiating his long dormant revenge on the perfidious Spa- 
 niards, for their unworthy treatment of himself. At this 
 time, too, there was circulated in France a narrative inti- 
 tuled, the 'Supplication of the widows and children of 
 those who had been massacred in Florida.' calculated to 
 rouse the national feeling to the highest pitch. These uni- 
 ted motives urged De Gourgue to a chivalrous underta- 
 king — no less than to chase the murderous invaders from 
 the coasts of Florida at the sword's point, or to die in the 
 attempt." 
 
 With funds obtained by borrowing from his friends 
 and selling part of his property, he fitted out three 
 ships, with from one hundred to one hundred and fifty 
 soldiers and eighty mariners, and set forth in August 
 1567. At the end of the isle of Cuba, about two 
 hundred leagues from Florida, his intention, hitherto 
 concealed from his men, was disclosed to them ; their 
 ready assent and purpose to cooperate with him, 
 were immediately expressed, and they soon reached 
 Florida. The Spaniards saluted them with cannon, 
 
CHAP. XXI.] ASSAULT ON THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 473 
 
 supposing them of their nation, and Gourgue re- 
 turned the salute, that they might retain this impres- 
 sion, and he the more easily surprise them. Sailing 
 out of their sight, he landed at the mouth of the Seine, 
 fifteen leagues from the Spanish fort. The shore 
 here was covered with the natives, with whose chief 
 Olocatara, a league was quickly formed ; the outrages 
 of the* Spaniards upon the Indians, causing a desire 
 in them no less than in the French, to be avenged. 
 Gourgue, too, had an opportunity of examining Peter 
 de Bre, a stripling who had escaped out of the fort, 
 while the Spaniards murdered the rest of the French, 
 and was brought up by the Indians. All met at the 
 river of Sarauaki. Gourgue learned that the Spa- 
 niards were four hundred strong, divided into three 
 forts upon the river of May, one where the French 
 had theirs, and two leagues nearer the mouth, a fort 
 on each side of the river. One of these last was the 
 subject of the first assault. As soon as Gourgue and 
 his comrades had passed over the small river that falls 
 down thereby, they prepared for the assault. It was 
 on Sunday eve next after Easter day, in April 1568. 
 
 Gourgne "gave twenty shot to his lieutenant Cazenove, 
 and ten mariners laden with pots and balls of wild fire to 
 burn the gate ; and then he assaulted the fort on another 
 side, after he had made a short speech unto his men of the 
 strange treasons which the Spaniards had played their com- 
 panions. But being descried as they came holding down 
 their heads within two hundred paces from the fort, the 
 gunner being upon the terrace of the fort,v after he had 
 cried 'arm, arm, these be Frenchmen,' discharged twice 
 upon them a cnlverin whereon the arms of France were 
 60 
 
474 ASSAULT ON THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. [BOOK II. 
 
 graven, which had been taken from Laudonniere. But as 
 he went about to charge it the third lime, Olocatara, which 
 had not learned to keep his rank, or rather moved with 
 rage, leapt on the platform, and thrust him through the 
 body with his pike and slew him. Whereupon Gourgue 
 advanced forward, and after he had heard Cazenove cry, 
 that the Spaniards which had issued out armed at the cry 
 of the alarm, were fled, he drew to that part and so hemmed 
 them in between him and his lieutenant, that of three score, 
 there escaped not a man, saving only fifteen reserved unto 
 the same death which they had put the French unto. The 
 Spaniards of the other fort in the meanwhile ceased not to 
 play with their ordnance, which much annoyed the assail- 
 ants : although to answer them they had by this placed 
 and oftentimes pointed the four pieces found in the first 
 fort. Whereupon Gourgue being accompanied with four- 
 score shot went aboard the bark which met him there to 
 good purpose, to pass into the wood near unto the fort, out 
 of which he supposed the Spaniards would issue to save 
 themselves through the benefit of the woods in the great 
 fort, which was not past one league distant from the same. 
 Afterward the savages not staying for the return of the 
 bark, leapt all into the water, holding up their bows and 
 arrows in one hand and swimming with the other, so that 
 the Spaniards seeing both the shores covered with so great 
 a number of men, thought to flee toward the woods: but 
 being charged by the French and afterwards repulsed by 
 the savages toward whom they would have retired, they 
 were sooner than they would, bereft of their lives. To 
 conclude, they all there ended their days, saving fifteen of 
 those which were reserved to be executed for the example 
 of others. Whereupon captain Gourgue having caused all 
 that he found in the second fort to be transported unto the 
 first, where he went to strengthen himself to take resolu- 
 tion against the great fort, the state whereof he did not un- 
 
CHAP. XXI.] ASSAULT ON THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 475 
 
 derstand : in fine a sergeant of a band one of the prisoners 
 assured him that they might be there very near three hun- 
 dred well furnished under a brave governor, which had for- 
 tified there, attending farther succours. Thus having ob- 
 tained of him the platform, the height, the fortification and 
 passages unto it, and having prepared eight good ladders, 
 and raised all the country against the Spaniard, that he 
 might neither have news, nor succours, nor retract on any 
 side, he determined to march forward. In the meanwhile 
 the governor sent a Spaniard disguised like a savage to spy 
 out the state of the French. And though he were disco- 
 vered by Olocatara, yet he used all the cunning he could 
 possibly to persuade them that he was one of the second 
 fort, out of which having escaped, and seeing none but 
 savages on every side, he hoped more in the Frenchmen's 
 than their mercy, unto whom he came to yield himself dis- 
 guised like a savage, for fear lest if he should have been 
 known, he should have been massacred by those barbarians : 
 but the spy being brought face to face with the sergeant of 
 the band, and convicted to be one of the great fort, was 
 reserved until another time : after that he had assured Gour- 
 gue that the bruit was that he had two thousand French- 
 men with him, for fear of whom the two hundred and 
 threescore Spaniards which remained in the great fort were 
 greatly astonished. Whereupon Gourgue being resolved to 
 set upon them while they were thus amazed, and leaving 
 his standard-bearer and a captain with fifteen shot to keep 
 the fort and the entry of the river, he caused the savages 
 to depart by night to lie in ambush within the woods on 
 both sides of the river ; then he departed in the morning, 
 leaving the sergeant and the spy fast bound along with him, 
 to show him that indeed which they had only made him un- 
 derstand before in painting. As they marched, Olocatara, a 
 resolute savage which never left the captain, said unto him 
 that he had served him faithfully, and done whatsoever he 
 
476 ASSAULT ON THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. [book ii. 
 
 had commanded him, that he was assured to die in the con- 
 flict at the great fort, wherein nevertheless he would not 
 fail, though it were to save his life : but he prayed him to 
 give that unto his wife, if he escaped not, which he had 
 meant to bestow on him, that she might bury the same 
 with him, that thereby he might be better welcome unto 
 the village of the souls or spirits departed. To whom cap- 
 tain Gourgue answered, after he had commended his faith- 
 ful valour, the love toward his wife, and his noble care of 
 immortal honour, that he desired rather to honour him alive 
 than dead, and that by God's help he would bring him 
 home again with victory. After the discovery of the fort, 
 the Spaniards were no niggards of their cannon shot, nor 
 of two double culverins, which being mounted upon a bul- 
 wark, commanded all along the river, which made captain 
 Gourgue to get to the hill covered with wood, at the foot 
 whereof the fort beginneth, and the forest of wood conti- 
 nueth and stretcheth forth beyond it : so that he had suffi- 
 cient coverture to approach thereunto without offence. He 
 purposed also to remain there until the morning, wherein 
 he was resolved to assault the Spaniards by scaling their 
 walls on the side toward the hill, where the trench seemed 
 not sufficiently flanked for the defence of the curtains, and 
 from whence part of his men might draw them that were 
 besieged, which should show themselves to defend the ram- 
 part while the rest were coming up. But the governor has- 
 tened his unhappy destiny, causing threescore shot to sally 
 forth, which passing through the trenches, advanced for- 
 ward to descry the number and valour of the French, 
 whereof twenty under the conduct of Cazenove, getting 
 between the fort and them which now were issued forth, 
 cut off their re-passage, while Gourgue commanded the rest 
 to charge them in the front, but not to discharge but near 
 at hand, and so that they might be sure to hit them, that 
 afterwards with more ease they might cut them in pieces 
 
CHAP, xsi] ASSAULT ON THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 477 
 
 with their swords. So that turning their backs as soon as 
 they were charged and compassed in by his lieutenant, they 
 remained all slain upon the place. Whereat the rest that 
 were besieged, were so astonished, that they knew none 
 other mean to save their lives, but by fleeing into the woods 
 adjoining, where nevertheless being encountered again by 
 the arrows of the savages which lay in wait there for them, 
 (whereof one ran through the target and body of a Spa- 
 niard, which therewithal fell down stark dead,) some were 
 constrained to turn back, choosing rather to die by the hand 
 of the French, which pursued them : assuring themselves 
 that none of them could find any favour neither with the 
 one nor the other nation, whom they had alike and so out 
 of measure cruelly intreated, savitig those which were re- 
 served to be an example for the time to come. The fort 
 when it was taken, was found well provided of all neces- 
 saries : namely of five double culverins and four minions, 
 with divers other small pieces of all sorts, and eighteen 
 gross cakes of gunpowder, all sorts of weapons, which 
 Gourgue caused with speed to be embarked, saving the 
 powder and other moveables, by reason it was all consumed 
 with fire through the negligence of a savage, Avhich in 
 seething of his fish, set fire to a train of powder which 
 was made and hidden by the Spaniards to have feasted the 
 French at the first assault, thus blowing np the storehouse 
 and the other houses built of pine trees. The rest of the 
 Spaniards being led away prisoners with the others, after 
 that the general had showed them the wrong which they 
 had done without occasion to all the French nation, were 
 all hanged on the boughs of the same trees whereon the 
 French hung ; of which number five were hanged by one 
 Spaniard, which perceiving himself in the like miserable 
 estate, confessed his fault and the just judgment which 
 God had brought upon him. But instead of the writing 
 which Pedro Menendes had hanged over them, importing 
 
478 ASSAULT ON THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. [book ii. 
 
 these words in Spanish, '7 do not this as unto French- 
 men, hut as unto Lutherans,'' Gourgue caused to be im- 
 printed with a searing iron, in a table of firwood, ' / do 
 not this as unto Spaiiiards, nor as unto mariners, hut as 
 unto traitors, rohhers and murderers.^ Afterwards consi- 
 dering he had not men enough to keep his forts which he 
 had won, much less to store them, fearing also lest the Spa- 
 niard, which hath dominions near adjoining, should renew 
 his forces, or the savages should prevail against the French- 
 men, unless his majesty would send thither, he resolved to 
 raze them. And indeed after he had assembled, and in the 
 end persuaded all the savage kings so to do, they caused 
 their subjects to run thither with such affection that they 
 overthrew all the three forts flat, even with the ground, in 
 one day. This done by Gourgue, that he might return to 
 his ships, which were left in the river of Seine, called Ta- 
 catacouro, fifteen leagues distant from thence he sent 
 Cazenove and the artillery by water: afterwards with four- 
 score arquebussiers, armed with corslets and matches light, 
 followed with forty mariners bearing pikes, by reason of 
 the small confidence he v^^as to have in so many savages, he 
 marched by land always in battle array, finding the ways 
 covered with savages, which came to honour him with pre- 
 sents and praises, as the deliverer of all the countries round 
 about adjoining. An old woman among the rest, said unto 
 him, that now she cared not any more to die, since she had 
 seen the Frenchmen once again in Florida and the Spa- 
 niards chased out. Briefly being arrived, and finding his 
 ships set in order, and every thing ready to set sail, he 
 counselled the kings to continue in the amity and ancient 
 league which they had made with the king of France 
 which would defend them against all nations : which they 
 all promised, shedding tears because of his departure, Olo- 
 catara especially: for appeasing of whom, he promised 
 them to return within twelve moons, (so they count the 
 
CHAP. XXI.] ASSAULT ON THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 479 
 
 years,) and that his king would send them an army, and 
 store of knives for presents, and all other things necessary. 
 So that after he had taken his leave of them, and assembled 
 his men, he thanked God of all his success since his setting 
 forth, and prayed to him for an happy return. The third 
 day of May 1568, all things were made ready, the rendez- 
 vous appointed, and the anchors weighed to set sail so pros- 
 perously, that in seventeen days they ran eleven hundred 
 leagues : continuing which course, they arrived at Rochelle 
 the sixth of June, the four and thirtieth day after their de- 
 parture from the river of May, having lost but a small pin- 
 nace and eight men in it, with a few gentlemen and others 
 which were slain in the assaulting of the forts. After the 
 cheer and good entertainment which he received of those 
 of Rochelle, he sailed to Bordeaux to inform Monsieur 
 Monluc of the things above mentioned, albeit he was ad- 
 vertised of eighteen pinnaces and a great ship of two hun- 
 dred tons, full of Spaniards, which being assured of the de- 
 feat in Florida, and that he was at Rochelle, came as far as 
 Che-de Bois, the same day that he departed thence and fol- 
 lowed him as far as Blay, (but he was gotten already to 
 Bordeaux,) to make him yield another account of his voy- 
 age than that wherewith he made many Frenchmen right 
 glad. The Catholic being afterwards informed that Gour- 
 gue could not easily be taken, offered a great sum of mo- 
 ney to him that could bring him his head, praying moreover 
 King Charles to do justice on him as of the author of so 
 bloody an act contrary to their alliance and good league of 
 friendship. Insomuch as coming to Paris to present him- 
 self unto the king to signify unto him the success of his 
 voyage, and the means which he had to subdue this whole 
 country unto his obedience, (wherein he offered to employ 
 his life and all his goods,) he found his entertainment and 
 answer so contrary to his expectation, that in fine he was 
 constrained to hide himself a long space in the court of 
 
480 SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA DESTROYED IN 1568. [''OOK Ji. 
 
 Roan, about the year 1570. And without the assistance 
 of president Marigny, in whose house he remained certain 
 days, and of the receiver of Vacquieux, which always was 
 his faithful friend, he had been in great danger. Which 
 grieved not a little Dominique de Gourgue, considering the 
 services which he had done as well unto him as to his pre- 
 decessors, kings of France."* 
 
 The preceding extract is from Hakluyt, who con- 
 cludes his account by saying that Gourgue " died in 
 the year 1582, to the great grief of such as knew 
 him." Champlain seems also to have been a great 
 admirer of his conduct. The account given of the 
 expedition, in Champlain's Voyages, closes in these 
 terms : 
 
 " Thus did this brave knight repair the honour of the 
 French nation, insulted by the Spaniards ; which otherwise 
 had been an everlasting subject of regret to France, if he 
 had not avenged the affront received from the Spanish peo- 
 ple. A generous enterprise, undertaken by a gentleman, 
 and executed at his own cost, for honour's sake alone, with- 
 out any other expectation ; and one which resulted in ob- 
 taining for him a glory far more valuable than all the trea- 
 sures of the world."! 
 
 * Vol. 3 of Hakluyt, p. 358. 1 Hawkins's Quebec, p. 85. 
 
CHAP, sxii] GREENHOW'S COMMUNICATION. 481 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 Communication from Robert Greenhovv, Esq., stating that the Spaniards 
 in 1566, had knowledge of, and in 1573 visited a bay called Santa 
 Maria, in the latitude of thirty-seven degrees ; and suggesting that 
 this bay must have been the Chesapeake. 
 
 The following communication to the Historical So- 
 ciety of Virginia, from one of its corresponding mem- 
 bers, imparts matter of much interest, and new, it is 
 believed, to most Virginians : 
 
 " Washington City, May 1848. 
 
 " I have the honour to address to the Virginia Histori- 
 cal Society, the accompanying ' Memoir on the first Dis- 
 covery of Chesapeake Bay^'' embracing some information 
 on that subject, obtained in the course of researches among 
 the old Spanish Chroniclers of the New World, for my 
 ^ History of Florida, Louisiana and Texas,'' now in the 
 press. Those works have been most lamentably neglected 
 by our historians ; few of whom have, indeed, possessed a 
 knowledge of the language in which they are written, suf- 
 ficient for such investigations ; and innumerable are the 
 facts relating to the countries now included, as well as to 
 those about to be included, within the limits of our re- 
 public, which still remain unnoticed, though recorded in 
 full in those venerable volumes. Some of these works 
 have, it is true, been long since translated into English, and 
 abstracts of others have been made ; but all so imperfectly, 
 that it would be difficult to suppose from them, that the 
 61 
 
482 GREENHOW'S COMMUNICATION. [BOOK II. 
 
 pages of Cortes, Bernal Dias and Herrera, were not less in- 
 teresting than those of Froissart, Joinville and Comines. 
 
 " The facts stated in the accompanying memoir, may 
 serve to exemplify this assertion ; and I may add, that 
 proofs, undeniable, exist of the discovery of the Mississippi 
 by the Spaniards, many years before the expedition of Her- 
 nando de Soto in 1541 ; notwithstanding which, a picture 
 is now in progress, by order of our government, m com- 
 memoration of the discovery of the great river hy that re- 
 nowned captain, destined to adorn the rotunda of the ca- 
 pitol. 
 
 " I will take the liberty, in conclusion, to recommend to 
 the Society, in the publication of the Annals of Virginia, 
 which is soon to be commenced, while preserving the exact 
 words of the old historians, in quotations or extracts, to 
 give them in the modern orthography ; as I know, from 
 observation, that the ancient orthography will repel a large 
 proportion of the ordinary readers, to whom such extracts 
 would present all the difficulties of a new language, unless 
 this rule should be observed. 
 
 " With the hope that the Society may succeed in the ob- 
 jects for which it has been instituted, in rescuing from de- 
 struction the historical monuments and records of our An- 
 cient Dominion, and in bringing to light those which lie 
 hidden in obscurity, 
 
 " I remain, with great respect, 
 
 "Its unworthy corresponding member, 
 
 ROBERT GREENHOW. 
 
 " To the Virginia Historical Society, 
 
 Richmond, Virginia, ' ' 
 
CHAP, xxii] GREENHOW'S COMMUNICATION. 483 
 
 Memoir on the first discovery of the Chesapeake Bay. 
 Communicated to the Virginia Historical Society, by 
 Robei^t Greenhow. May 1848. 
 
 " The Bay of Chesapeake is usually supposed to have 
 been first seen, and entered by the English, under Gosnold, 
 Smith and Newport, who founded the earliest European 
 settlement on its waters in 1607, The only allusion to it, 
 in any English account of anterior date, appears in the nar- 
 rative, by Ralph Lane, of the proceedings of the colonists 
 sent by Sir Walter Raleigh in 1585, to occupy the country, 
 then first named Virginia, bordering upon the two bays 
 now known as Albemarle and Pamlico Sounds. He there 
 relates, that an exploring party of English had penetrated 
 northward from their settlement on Roanoke island, be- 
 tween the two sounds, one hundred and thirty miles, to the 
 country of the Chesepians or of Chesepiook ; and he had 
 been at the same time told by an Indian king, '*that going 
 three days journey in a canoe, np his river of Chawanok, 
 (the Chowan,) and then descending to the land, you are 
 within four days journey, to pass over land, northeast to a 
 certain king's country, whose province lieth upon the sea ; 
 but his place of greatest strength, is an island, situate, as 
 he described unto me,Mn a bay, the water about the island 
 very deep.' The country of the Chesepiooks, here men- 
 tioned, we afterwards learn from Smith (page 65) to have 
 been on Elizabeth's river, near the southernmost shore of 
 Chesapeake bay ; as, indeed, its position and distance with 
 reference to Roanoke island, plainly indicate. The bay 
 described by the King of Chawanok, could have been no 
 other than the Chesapeake ; Lane laments that he had 
 not been able to explore it by way of the river, as well as 
 
 *Hakluyl'3 Collection of Voyages, &c. imperfect. Smith's History of Virginia 
 
 original edition of 1589, page 738, or edi- lias been consulted in the original edition 
 
 tion of IGOO, vol. iii. page 255. The copy of 1624. 
 of the narrative in Smith's History is very 
 
484 GREENHOW's COMMUNICATION. [BOOK II. 
 
 by vessels sent along the coast to its entrance ; particularly 
 as he was assured, that it yielded ' great store of pearls,' 
 and that it received a large river called Moratnc, running 
 from the west. 
 
 " This is all that appears on record, concerning the bay, 
 in any English authority, earlier than 1607 : nor is any in- 
 dication of its existence given, in any map, anterior to that 
 date, except in that of the New World, attached to the sixth 
 part of Debry's celebrated collection, (1596,) containing 
 Lane's narrative, on which a bay is represented, as extend- 
 ing to some distance westward from the Atlantic, under the 
 thirty-seventh degree of latitude, with a river called Mora- 
 tuc entering its upper extremity. The accounts of Ra- 
 leigh's colonies had been carefully studied by Gosnold, 
 Smith and the other projectors of their expedition ; and it 
 is therefore possible, that they may have intended on leav- 
 ing England to make the bay mentioned by Lane their 
 place of disembarkation. Smith calls it (page 42) their 
 ' desired port ;' yet he at the same time states, that they 
 were driven into it, through the providence of God, by an 
 'extreme storm,' after Ratcliffe, one of their captains, had 
 proposed to abandon the enterprise, and return to England, 
 because they had ' three days passed their reckoning, and 
 found no land :' which seems rather to show, that they 
 were bound for Wocokon inlet, the entrance to Roanoke 
 island. 
 
 "Accordingly in all our histories, the discovery of the 
 Chesapeake is attributed to the English, at one or the other 
 of the periods here mentioned. When and by whom that 
 name was given to the bay. is not directly stated. Stith 
 had been informed (page 13 of his History of Virginia,) 
 'that Chesapeake signified in the Indian language, the mother 
 of loaters, implying that it was the parent and grand reser- 
 voir of all the great rivers within it. But this,' he properly 
 observes in continuation, ' was a dark and uncertain guess ,• 
 
CHAP. XXII.] GREENHOW'S COMMUNICATION. 485 
 
 especially considering the unstableness and vast mutability 
 of the Indian tongues, and that nobody at present can pre- 
 tend to understand their language at that time.' Barbarians 
 in fact, very seldom have fixed specific names for places, 
 unless they are marked by strong peculiarities. ' The best 
 authority,' adds Stith, ' that I have met with for this deri- 
 vation, is what a gentleman of credit once assured me, that 
 in a very old Spanish map which he had seen, our bay was 
 laid down under the name of Madre des acquas [Madre 
 de agiias] or some expression to the like purpose.' More 
 probably, however, the Chesapeake Indians, inhabiting the 
 country on the southernmost side of the bay, between Cape 
 Henry and Hampton Roads, were the first people met by 
 the English in 1607; and their name may have been trans- 
 ferred to the bay, as those of Pamunkey, Potomac and Sus- 
 quehannock, were subsequently assigned to the rivers, on 
 which the nations so called, respectively dwelt. 
 
 "It would, however, have been strange, that this great 
 basin should have remained thus long unknown to the 
 Spaniards, who had, as early as 1526, not only explored 
 the whole coast, from the Mexican gulf northward, to and 
 beyond the thirty-fifth degree of latitude, but had even at- 
 tempted to form a settlement about that parallel : consi- 
 dering, moreover, that their vessels on the way from Mex- 
 ico, and the West Indies to Europe, sailed in the vicinity 
 of the main land nearly as far as Cape Hatteras, before 
 striking across the Atlantic, and must have been often dri- 
 ven much farther in the same direction. But without 
 dwelling on these probabilities, there is evidence apparently 
 incontrovertible, that the Chesapeake was known to the 
 Spaniards, and that an expedition had been made by them 
 for the occupation of its coasts, at least twenty years before 
 any attempt of the English to establish themselves in any 
 part of the American continent. 
 
 " The evidence here mentioned, is contained in the Chro- 
 nological History or Annals of Florida, published at Madrid 
 
486 GREENHOW'S COMMUNICATION. [book ii. 
 
 in 1723, under the title of ' Ensayo Chronologico Para la 
 Historia de la Florida. Par Don Gabriel de Cardenas 
 Z. Cano.^ The name thus given on the title page of the 
 work, is fictitious, being an anagram of that of its real au- 
 thor, Don Andres Gonzales Barcia, who did such good ser- 
 vice in the cause of American history, by the republication 
 of Herrera, Torqnemada, and many other narratives of the 
 early discoveries and proceedings of his countrymen in the 
 New World, then nearly out of print. The work now in 
 question, was composed in great part from original docu- 
 ments in the archives of the council of the Indies, and of 
 the Franciscan order in Spain, to which he had access ; 
 and its extreme minuteness on all points, with little regard 
 to their importance, while rendering the book intolerable to 
 the general reader, gives it at the same time the highest va- 
 lue as evidence, where accuracy is required. On the point 
 now under consideration, he says indeed but little ; so lit- 
 tle as entirely to dispel all idea, that he could have fabri- 
 cated or exaggerated in any respect ; yet that little is suffi- 
 ciently clear for the establishment of the fact asserted in 
 the preceding paragraph. 
 
 " Every one is acquainted with the dreadful circum- 
 stances which attended the foundation of St. Augustine, 
 the oldest settlement of Europeans in our Republic, which 
 has subsisted to the present day. The blood of the six 
 hundred French Protestants, who had sought an asylum in 
 that country from persecution in their own land, has sanc- 
 tified the ground at the entrance of St. John's river, and of 
 Matanzas inlet, where they were coolly murdered, 'not as 
 Frenchmen, but as heretics,' by the ruthless Adelantado* 
 of Florida, Pedro Menendez, in 1565. But Menendez was 
 no common man. He foresaw the absolute necessity of 
 extending the dominion of Spain over the adjoining coasts, 
 
 * The title of Adelantado was originally discover, conquer and possess unknown 
 
 assigned to the governors of frontier pro- countries. Menendez was the last who 
 
 vinces in Spain ; in the New World it was bore it. 
 held by those who received commissions to 
 
CHAP. XXII.] GREENHOW'S COMMUNICATION. 487 
 
 in order to prevent them from being occupied by her rivals; 
 and having himself explored the peninsula of Florida, with 
 that object, he ordered surveys to be made of the countries 
 farther north, which were for some years prosecuted by sol- 
 diers and missionaries, though with but little advantage. 
 In the meantime, however, while lying with his squadron 
 in the river of San Matheo, now the St. John, in the sum- 
 mer of 1566, 'he dispatched, writes Barcia, (page 119,) a 
 captain with thirty soldiers and two monks of the order of 
 St. Dominick, to the bay of Santa Maria, which is in the 
 latitude of thirty-seven degrees, together with the Indian, 
 brother to the cacique of Axacan, (who had been brought 
 by the Dominicans from that province, and baptized at 
 Mexico, by the name of the Viceroy Don Luis de Velasco,) 
 to settle in that region, and to endeavour to convert its in- 
 habitants to Christianity.' 
 
 " This province of Axacan, comprised the lower part of 
 the present state of North Carolina, towards which the Spa- 
 niards were endeavouring to extend their settlements, from 
 Santa Helena, near the mouth of the Combohee river, 
 where they had formed a large establishment in the pre- 
 ceding year. It may be observed, that the Spanish sound 
 of this name is scarcely distinguishable from Wocokon, the 
 name of the place according to its English pronunciation, 
 at which the colonists of the latter nation landed in 1685. 
 The result of the Spanish expedition is thus related by 
 Barcia (page 123) : 
 
 " ' The captain, who went with the Indian Luis de Ve- 
 lasco, to the bay of Santa Maria, was overcome by his 
 crew, acting under the influence of the two monks, who, 
 accustomed to the delights of Peru and Spain, were not in- 
 clined to enter upon a life of labour, privation and dangers : 
 and the soldiers needing little persuasion to induce them to 
 turn back, made false depositions to the effect, that they 
 had been prevented by storms from reaching the bay of 
 
488 GREENHOW'S COMMUNICATION. [book n. 
 
 Santa Maria. So they sailed with a fair wind for Seville, 
 abusing the King and the Adelantado for attempting to set- 
 tle in that country, of which they spread the worst ac- 
 counts, though none of them had seen it.' 
 
 "Thus it appears, that the bay of Santa Maria, joining 
 the Atlantic Ocean, in the latitude of thirty-seven degrees, 
 in which the entrance of the Chesapeake is situated — the 
 thirty-seventh parallel running just midway between Cape 
 Henry and Cape Charles — was so well known to the Spa- 
 niards in 1566, that an expedition was made for the pur- 
 pose of taking possession of the surrounding country. We 
 do not learn that the attempt was repeated. It appears, 
 however, from Barcia, (page 146,) that 
 
 " 'In 1573, Pedro Menendez Morquez, governor of Flo- 
 rida, for his uncle the Adelantado, reduced many Indian 
 nations to obedience, and took possession of their provin- 
 ces, for the king, in presence of Rodrigo de Carnon, the 
 notary of the government of Santa Helena. Being, more- 
 over, himself a good seaman, he had been admiral of the 
 fleet, according to Francisco Cano — he, by order of the 
 Adelantado, examined the coasts from the cape of Martyrs 
 [Cape Sable] and the peninsula of Tequesta, [the southern- 
 most portion of Florida,] where it begins to run north and 
 south, at the outlet of the Bahama channel, along tjie land, 
 to and beyond the port and bay of Santa Maria, which is 
 three leagues wide, and is entered towards the northwest. 
 In this bay are many rivers and harbours, on both sides, in 
 which vessels may anchor. Within its entrance, on the 
 south, the depth is from nine to thirteen fathoms,* and on 
 the north side, from five to seven : at two leagues from it. 
 in the sea, the depth is the same, on the north and the 
 south, but there is more sand, within. In the channel, 
 there are from nine to thirteen fathoms ; in the bay fifteen, 
 
 * The Spanish braia, or fathom, contains six Spanish feet, equal to about five feet nine 
 inches English. 
 
CHAP. XXII J GREENHOW'S COMMUNICATION. 489 
 
 ten and six fathoms, and in some places the bottom cannot 
 be reached with the lead.' 
 
 " Farthermore, after relating the particulars of the go- 
 vernor's voyage from the cape of Martyrs to Santa Helena, 
 Barcia proceeds thus, (page 148,) with regard to the course 
 from the latter place 'to the bay of Santa Maria, in the 
 latitude of thirty-seven degrees and a half. He steered 
 northeastward, and after sailing a hundred and ten leagues, 
 in water of from sixteen to twenty fathoms deep, he passed 
 over the edge of a shoal running directly northward, the 
 point of which is in thirty-four degrees and three quarters, 
 having between it and the land, a passage two fathoms 
 deep, but of little width. Continuing towards the east, 
 one quarter northeast, he found another shoal, with a good 
 passage on the land side ; it is in thirty-five degrees, and 
 runs six leagues in the sea, northwest and southeast, to the 
 distance of thirty leagues, from the bay of Santa Maria. 
 The coast is thereabouts very clear, so that you may sail 
 near to the land, and anchor at some distance from it. 
 There are on it three or four rivers, one of them very good, 
 and three sand islets, like turtle shells or shields, about six 
 leagues from the bay of Santa Maria, all three being with- 
 in the space of a league. And he [the governor] thus 
 went, as I have said, beyond the port and bay of Santa 
 Maria.' 
 
 •' This is all that Barcia says of the bay of Santa Maria ; 
 and nothing has been found with regard to it elsewhere. 
 Those who are familiar with the old historians of America, 
 will admit, that the descriptions thus given, are more than 
 usually clear and definite, and correspond in a remarkable 
 degree, with the true state of the places to which they refer. 
 The shoal mentioned in the last quoted paragraph, in lati- 
 tude of thirty-four degrees and three quarters, is evidently 
 the same which runs out from Cape Look Out in North 
 Carolina; and the other shoal, twenty-two leagues farther 
 62 
 
490 GREENHOW'S COMMUNICATION. [book ii. 
 
 northeast, and thirty leagues from the Bay of Santa Maria, 
 may be at once identified with that which renders the pas- 
 sage around Cape Hatteras so much dreaded by our mari- 
 ners. Cape Hatteras is thirty-four leagues from Cape Hen- 
 ry, the southern point of the entrance to the Chesapeake : 
 that entrance is four leagues in width : the depth of its 
 channel varies from six to thirteen fathoms on the south 
 side, being much shallower towards the northern point. 
 Cape Charles : and as the thirty-seventh parallel runs 
 through the middle of this entrance, it appears unnecessary 
 to adduce any farther arguments to show that the Bay of 
 Santa Maria could have been none other than the Chesa- 
 peake. 
 
 "Admitting the identity of the two bays, the question 
 occurs, as to the first discovery of the Bay of Santa Maria, 
 which was known to the Spaniards in 1566. On this 
 point, nothing has been learned. Gomara, in the twelfth 
 chapter of his General History of the Indias, published in 
 1554, in which he describes the coasts of the New World, 
 passes over the whole space between the Cabo de Arenas, 
 near the thirty-ninth degree of latitude, probably Cape May, 
 and a river situated one hundred leagues farther south. No 
 allusion to such a bay is made in any account of any voy- 
 age of either of the Cabots, or in the narrative of Verraz- 
 zano's expedition, though he certainly passed in the vicinity 
 of the entrance of the Chesapeake, and landed not far from 
 it on the south, in 1524 ; nor is it mentioned by Herrera, 
 whose history ends with the year 1556, nor by Torque- 
 mada, nor by any other Spanish historian except Barcia, as 
 above quoted. 
 
 " To the utilitarian the question will appear of no impor- 
 tance ; nor can any direct advantage be derived from spe- 
 culations as to the change which might have been made in 
 the fate of the countries bordering upon Chesapeake Bay, 
 had the Spanish expedition for their occupation, in 1566 
 
i, 
 
 i 
 
 CHAP, xxu.] GREENHOVV's COMMUNICATION. 491 
 
 proved successful. The wretched colonies of that nation, 
 at St. Augustine and Santa Helena, long prevented the es- 
 tablishment of any other people in their vicinity, by main- 
 taining a semblance of possession and dominion on the part 
 of Spain, which her rivals did not consider it politic to dis- 
 turb : and it may reasonably be assumed, that James the 
 Second of England, \vould not have readily granted a com- 
 mission to his subjects to encroach npon territories held un- 
 der similar circumstances, by a power which he was always 
 anxious to conciliate. 
 
 'ROBERT GREENHOW. 
 
 " Washington City, May 1848." 
 
 Mr. Greenhow is understood to have been engaged 
 tor many years, laboriously, on a history of Florida, 
 Louisiana and Texas, and the adjoining countries, 
 and to have procured for it a large amount of mate- 
 rials ; some of them manuscripts, and others, though 
 printed, rare and little known. There is reason to 
 hope, that a volume of his history will shortly be made 
 public. Any further remarks on the subject of his 
 communication, are reserved for the first volume of 
 " The Annals of Virginia." 
 

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