X- OPIMOXS AND AWARD OF ARBITRATORS OF WASHWi- MARYLAND @ VIRGINIA BOUNDARY LINE. M (.ILL & WITHEROW, HHINTERS, WASHINGTON, D. C. OPINION OF ARBITRATORS. The undersigned are requested by the States of Virginia and Maryland to ascertain and determine the true line of boundary between them. Having consented to do this in the capacity of arbitrators, we are about to make our award. To examine the voluminous evidence, historical, docu- mentary, and oral; to hear with due attention the able and elaborate arguments of counsel on both sides, and to con- fer fully on the merits and demerits of this ancient contro- versy, required all the time we bestowed on it. The death of Governor Graham in the midst of our labors was a great loss to the whole country; but to us it was a special misfortune, for it deprived us suddenly of the indus- try, the talent, the wise judgment, and the scrupulous in- tegrity upon which we had relied so much. Thought these high qualities were fully supplied by his distin- guished successor, the vacancy occurring when it did, set back our proce,edings nearly to the place of beginning and caused a delay of almost a year. Our first intention was to make a naked award, without any statement of the grounds upon which it rested; but after more reflection it seemed that the weight of the cause, the dignity of the parties, and the wide differences of opin- ion, grown inveterate by centuries of hostile discussion, made some explanation of our judgment desirable, if not necessary. The charter of Charles I to Cecilius, Baron of Baltimore, dated June 20th, 1G32, gave to the grantee dominion over the territories described in it, and made him Governor of the colony afterwards planted there, with succession to his heirs at law. These rights, proprietory as well as politi- cal, became vested in the State of Maryland at the Revo- lution. Inasmuch as that State claims under the charter, she must claim according to it, Virginia, by her first Constitution, as a free State (June 29th, 1776) disclaimed all rights of propertj^, jurisdiction, and government over territories contained within the char- ters of Maryland and other adjoining colonies. The force of this solemn acknowledgment is not, in our opinion, diminished by the dissatisfaction which Maryland, as well as other States of the Confederation, afterwards expressed with Virginia's claim to a Northern and Western border, including all lands ceded by France to Great Britain at the pacification of 1763. Inasmuch as both of the States are bound by the King's charter to Lord Baltimore, and both confess it to be the only original measure of their territory, it becomes a point of the first importance to ascertain what boundaries were assigned to Maryland by that instrument. By what lines was the colony ot Maryland divided from those other pos- sessions of the British Crown to which A'^irginia afterwards succeeded as a result of her independence? The original patent delivered to Lord Baltimore by the King is irrecoverably lost, and it is denied — at least it is not admitted — that we have an accurate copy. It was registered in the High Court of Chancery when it passed the seal, and an attested transcript from the Rolls Ofiice is produced. It is written in the law Latin of the period to which it belongs, and many of the words are abbreviated. Another copy nearly, if not exactly, like that from the Rolls, was deposited in tlie Colonial Ofiice, and thence removed to the British Museum. The latter copy was changed long subsequent to the date of the charter by a person who added some words, and extended others by interlining omitted terminations. This is alleged to have been done for the purpose of making it correspond with the original, which, according to the same allegation, was borrowed from a member of the Calvert family for that purpose. We reject this whole story as apocryphal. The interline- ations were unauthorized except b}' the judgment of the person who wrote them that lie was supplying elipsea or giving in full the true words meant by the contracted orthography. We are obliged to believe that the patent was enrolled with perfect accuracy. The conclusive pre- sumption of law is that the high and responsible officers charged with that duty did see it performed with all due fidelity. No doubt of this can justly be raised upon the tact that abbreviated words ar(^ found in the registry. Why should not these be in the original ? Nay, why should we expect them not to be there? That mode of writing was the universal custom of the time. It was used in all legal papers and records as long as the law spoke Latin. A deed in which these abbreviations oc- curred was not thereby vitiated. What was the harm of writing A. D. for armo domini, fi. fa. for Jieri facias, or ca. sa. for capias ad satisfaciendum? Jrlered. ei assignat. was as good as heredibus ei assignatus suis, if all legists under- stood that one as well as the other was a limitation of the fee to heirs and assigns. Adjectives and substantives without terminations to indicate gender, number, or case did not lose their meaning, and the omission of the con- cluding syllable might be some advantage to a conveyancer wlio was rusty in his syntax. This habit of contracting words pervades, not only the deeds, but the criminal plead- ings of that time. A public accuser, doubtful if the oft'ense he was prosecuting violated two acts of Parliament or only one, charged it as contra formam siaiut., and read the last word statuti or statutorum, as the state of the case might require. The defendant's averment of his innocence was recorded as a plea of 7ion cul. When the Attorney Gen- eral reasserted the guilt of the accused and declared his readiness to prove it, he took one Latin and one Norman- French word, truncated them both, and said — cul. prit. Even the last and most tragical part of the record in a capital case, the judge's order to hang the prisoner by the neck, was curtly, but very intelligibly written — sus. per col. We are satisfied that the office copy is true; that it is exactly like the original; and that the use of abbreviated words does not impair the validity of the instrument. Moreover, that part of the charter which defines the bound- aries of the province speaks, not equivocally, but in terms so clear and apt that the intent is readily perceived. It remains to be seen whether we can apply the description to the subject-matter by laying the lines on the ground. To that end it is necessary to ascertain how the geography of the country was understood by the King and Lord Balti- more at the time when the charter was made. In the great litigation between Penn and Lord Baltimore, a bill drawn up by Mr. Murray, (afterwards Lord Mans- field,) or by some equity pleader under his immediate direction, avers in substance that Charles I and the min- isters whom he consulted on Lord Baltimore's application had the map of Capt. John Smith before them when the boundaries of the colony were agreed on. This was neither denied nor admitted in the answer of the defendant, who, being third in descent from the applicant, had no personal knowledge about it. But we take the fact to be certainly true, not only because we have the assertion of it by Penn and his very eminent counsel, but because it is well known that Smith's map was the only delineation then extant of that region, and his History of Virginia, to which the map was prefixed, had been before, and continued for a long time afterwards, to be the only source of information con- cerning its geography. Besides, a comparison of the map with the charter will show by the similarity of names, spelling, &c., that one must have been taken from the other. The editions of Smith's History, published by himself in 1612 and 1629, have been produced, with the map thereto prefixed. Besides, we have one printed in 1819 by au- thority of Virginia from the same plate used by Smith himself two hundred years before, and found, by a curious accident, in a promiscuous heap of old metal which had been imported from England to some town in Pennsyl- vania. With tlie cliarter in one hand and the map in the other it may seem an easy task to run these lines. But there are difficulties still. The map, though a marvellous produc- tion, considering how and when it was made, is not per- fectly correct. Smith could not see and measure every- thing for himself, nor always depend upon the observations of others. With his defective instruments he could not get the latitude and longitude truly. He laid down some points and places in the wrong relation to each other, and some not unimportant to us he left out altogether. There are inaccuracies here and there in the configuration of a coast, the shape of an island, or the course of a river. Unfortunately the style of his History is so confused and obscure that it throws no light on the dark parts of the map. As a writer he had great ambition and smidl capacity. He could give some interest to a narrative of his own adventures, but any kind of description was too much for his powers. There is another trouble : scarcely any of the places marked on Smith's map are n(nv popularly known by the names he gave them. Not only the names, but the places themselves have been much changed. Consider- able islands are believed to have been washed away or divided by the force of the waters. Headlands which stretched far out into the bay have disappeared, and the shore is deeply indented where in former times the water line was straight, or curved in the other direction. Add to this a certain amount of human perversity with whicii the subject was handled in colonial days, anut it is said that Scarborough and Calvert agreed in 1668 that the line from the sea should run to the Anna- messex, and not to the Pocomoke. That is not the point of the present question. We are now inquiring where the boundaries were originally fixed. A conventional arrange- ment of those Commissioners might bind their constituents for the after time, but it could not change the pre-existing facts of the case or make that a false, which before was a true, interpretation of the charter. Nor is any opinion or conclusion expressed or acted upon by them entitled to much consideration as evidence. If Philip Calvert thought that the charter limit was at Point Ployer, he was grossly deceived, and Col. Scarborough knew very well that it was not there, for he had previously declared on his corporal oath that the "small spiral point" near the Annamessex was South of the charter call "about as far as a man could see on a clear day." Some stress is laid upon another fact. In 1851 the Fashion, a vessel of which dohn Tyler, a Marylander, was 14 owner and master, was arrested for dredging in Marjdand waters. The justice of the peace before whom the pro- ceeding was instituted condemned her, but on appeal to the County Court the judgment was reversed. The record, does not show the grounds of the condemnation or the reasons of the reversal; but Tyler himself deposes from memory that he was finally cleared on the testimony of two old men, who swore to a State line running across Smith's Island about three-quarters of a mile above Horse Hammock, and over the Buy to the mouth of the Anna- messex, which would throw the locus in quo of the ofiense within the jurisdiction of Virginia. If we assume that the issue, the evidence, and the legal reasons of the judgment, are correctly reported by an unlearned man a quarter of a century after the trial, the inference is a fair one that the court of Somerset county believed the line to be where the witnesses said it was, and not at Horse Hammock on one side of Tangier Sound, or at Watkins' Point on the other. But are we now bound to accept that evidence as infallibly true? If it were delivered before us in the pending cause by the witnesses themselves, we would take it at its worth. Its probative force is certainly not increased by being fished up from the oblivion of twenty-five years and pro- duced to us at second hand. We do not understand that anybody supposes the judgment itself to be binding as a determination of the subject-matter between the two States. The traditionary line of Tyler's grandfather and old Mr- Lavvson must stand or fall by the natural strength of the facts which support and oppose it. Now it is perfectly ascertained that Virginia in 1851 did not pretend ro have any claim on Smith's Island above Horse Hammock, nor within the limits of Somerset county on the Bay shore above Watkins' Point. This record of the Fashion case, considered as evidence of a line at Annamessex, is illegal, insufficient, and unsatisfactory, while the proofs which show that in truth the line was at Watkins' Point are irresistible and overwhelming. If we are right thus far, it follows that the original line 15 as fixed and agreed by the Kino; and Lord Baltimore rnnH from CiuQLiack bv a strais'ht line to the extreme soutii- western part of Somerset count}', Maryland, which we lind to be the true Watkins' Point of the charter, and thence by a straight line to the Atlantic ocean. These lines will be seen on the accompanying map, marked and shaded in blue. But this is not the present boundary. How firmly so- ever it may have been fixed originally, a compact could change it, and long occupation inconsistent with the charter is conclusive evidence of -a concession which made it lawful, Usucaption, prescription, or the acquisition of title founded on long possession, uninterrupted and undisputed, is made a rule of property between individuals b}' tlu; law of nature and the municipal code of every civilized coun- try. It ought to take place between independent States, and according to all authority it does. There is a supreme necessity for applying it to the dealings of nations with one another. Their safety, the tranquility ot" their peoples, and tlie general interests of the human race do not allow that their territorial rights should remain uncertain, sub- ject to dispute, and forever ready to occasion bloody wars. (See Vattel, Book II, chap. 11, and Wheaton, Part II, chap. 4, sec. 4, citing Grotius PufFendorf and Uiitherforth.) The length of time which creates a right bj- prescription in a private party raises a presumption in favor of a State, that is to say, twenty years. (Knapp's Rep., 60 to 73.) It is scarcely necessary to add that the exercise of a privi- lege, the perception of a profit, or the enjoyment of what the common law calls an easement, has the same efiect as the possession of corporeal property. It behooves us, then, to see whether the acts or omissions of these States have or have not materially changed their original rights and modi- fied their boundaries, as described in the charter. We will look first at the Potomac. The evidence is sufficient to show that Virginia, from the earliest period of her history, used the South bank of the Potomac as if the soil to low water-mark had been her own. She did not give this up by her Constitution of 16 1776, when she surrendered other claims within tlie churter limits of Maryland; but on the contrary, she expressly re- served " the property of the Virginia shores or strands bordering on either of said rivers, (Potomac and Poco- raoke,) and all improvements which have or will be made thereon." By the compact of 1785, Maryland assented to this, and declared that *' the citizens of each State respect- ively shall have full property on the shores of Potomac and adjoining their lands, with all emoluments and advan- tages thereunto belonging, and the privilege of making and carrying out wharves and other improvements." We are not authority for the construction of this compact, because nothing which concerns it is submitted to us ; but we can- not help being influenced by our conviction (Chancellor Bland notwithstanding) that it applies to the whole course of the river above the Great Falls as well as below. Taking all together, we consider it established that Virginia has a proprietory right on the south shore to low water-mark, and, appurtenant thereto, has a privilege to erect any structures connected with the shore which may be necessary to the full enjoyment of her riparian ownership, and which shall not impede the free navigation or other common use of the river as a public highway. To that extent Virginia has shown her rights on the river eo clearly as to make them indisputable. Her efforts to show that she acquired, or that Maryland lost, the islands or the bed of the river, in whole or in part, have been less successful. To throw a cloud on the title of Maryland to the South half of the river, the fact is proved that in 1685 the King and Privy Council determined to issue a Quo Warranto against the Proprietary of Maryland, " whereby the powers of that charter and the government of that province might be seized into the King's hands " for insisting on " a pre- tended right to the whole river of Potowmack" and for other misdemeanors. This was a formidable threat, considering what a court the King's Bench was at that time; but it never was carried out, and we can infer from it only that 17 tlie then Lord Baltimore was not in fuvor with the ministry of James II. Wliat is called the llopton grant was confirmed to the Earl of St. Albans and others in 1667 by Charles II. It included all the land between the Rappahanock and the Potomac, together with the islands within the banks of those rivers and the rivers themselves. The rights of the original grantees became vested in Lord Fairfax and his heirs, who sold large portions of it, and as to the rest, the Common- wealth first took it by forfeiture and afterwards bought out the Fairfax title from the alienees of his heirs. It is not pretended that this grant could, proprio vigore, transfer the title of the Potomac islands from Lord Baltimore to the Earl of St. Albans ; but it is argued that, as Lord Balti- more must have known of it, and did not protest or take any measure to have it cancelled, his silence, if not con- clusive against him by way of equitable estoppel, was at least an admission that he did not own the islands or the bed of the river in which they lay. We answer that he had a right to be silent if he chose; his elder and better title, which was a public act, seen and known of all men, spoke for him loudly enough. Besides that, his subse- quent possession of the islands was the most emphatic contradiction he could give to any adverse claim, or pre- tense of claim, under the Hopton grant. But these conflicting grants of the islands increased the importance of knowing how and by whom they had been occupied. The exclusive possession of Maryland was affirmed and denied upon evidence so uncertain that we thought it right to postpone our determination for several weeks, so as to give time for the collection of proper proofs. When these came forth they showed satisfactorily that Maryland liad granted all the islands, taxed the owners, and otherwise exercised proprietary and political dominion over them. Three Virginia grants were pro- duced which purported to be for islands in the Potomac, but on examination of the surveys it appeared that they were not in, but upon, the river. One is in Nomini Bay, and 3 18 the other two are called islands only because they He with one side on the shore, while the other sides are bounded by inland creeks. All are on the Virginia side of the low water-mark, which we have said was the bo-undary between the States. It being thus shown that there is nothing to deflect the line from the low-water mark, we are next to see whether its eastern terminus has been changed. That it certainly has. Cinquack was quietly ignored so long ago that no recollection, nor even tradition, exists of any claim by Maryland on the Bay Shore below the Potomac. When the Compact of 1785 was made, Smith's Point, precisely at the mouth of the river, on the south side, was assumed by both States to be the starting place of the line across the bay. Nor does the line now run from Smith's Point, per lineam brevissimam., to Watkins' Point. It holds a course far north of that, so as to strike Sassafras Hammock, on the western shore of Smith's Island, and take in Virginia's old possession there. It reaches Watkins' Point, not by the one straight line called for in the charter, but by a broken line, or rather by several lines uniting at angles more or less sharp. Before we explain how this came about it is necessary to observe some facts in the general history of the eastern-shore boundary. While the situation of Watkins' Point at the mouth of Pocomoke was not doubted, nobod}' knew where the lines running to and from it would go, or what natural objects they would touch in their course. East and west, where- ever the solitary landmark could not be seen, a search for the boundary was mere guess-work, and some of the con- jectures were amazingly wild. The people there seem to have had none of that ready perception of courses and dis- tances which an Indian possesses intuitively, and which a pioneer of the present day acquires with so much facility. Almost immediately after the planting of the Maryland colony, some of its officers claimed jurisdiction on the Eastern Siiore, nearlv twelve miles south of a true east 19 Sine from Watkins' Point. Sir John Harvey, tlicn Gov- ernor and Captain-General of Virginia, with the advice of the council, conceded the claim, and on the 14th of Octo- ber, 1638, issued a proclamation, declaring the boundary to be on the Anancock, and commanding the inhabitants of his colony not to trade with the Indians north of that river. We discredit the allegation that this was a fraudu- lent collusion between the Governor of Virginia and the agents of the Maryland proprietary. It was a mutual mis- take — a very gross one to be sure — and not long persisted in. It serves now only to show how loose were the notions of that time about these lines. Soon after tiiis (but tlie time is not ascertained) a similar blunder was made westward of Watkins' Point. This was not a claim by Maryland below the true line, but by Vir- ginia above it. Smith's Island lies out in the Chesapeake Bay, quite north of any possible line called for by the charter. But the relative situation of that island being misapprehended, Virginia took quiet and unopposed pos- session upon it, and holds a large part of it to this day, No wilful transgression of the charter boundary took place before 1664. Then rose Col. Edmond Scarborough, the King's Surveyor General of Virginia. His remarkable ability and boldness made him a power in Virginia, and gave him great mental ascendency wherever he went. He had no respect for Lord Baltimore's rights, and, when he could not find an excuse for invading them, he did not scruple to make one. At the head of forty horsemen, "for pomp and safety," he made an irruption into the territory of Maryland, passing Watkins' Point and penetrating as far as Monoakin, where he arrested the officers of the Proprie- tory and harried the defenseless people. To justify this proceeding he referred to an act of the Grand Assembly of Virginia, (passed without doubt by his influence,) which declares Watkins' Point to be above Man- oakin, authorizes the Surveyor General to make publi- cation commanding all persons south of Watkins' Point to render obedience to His Majesty's Govornmcnt of Virginia, 20 and requiring Col. Scarborough, vvitli Mr. John Catlett and Mr. John Lawrence, or one of them, to meet the Maryland authorities upon due notice, (if they were not fully convinced of their intrusions,) and debate and determ- ine the matter with them. Scarborough did none of these things. His conduct throughout violated the act of the Virginia assembly as grossly as it violated the Maryland charter. To vindicate the claim for a boundary as high up as Man- oakin, he put in his own affidavit and that of seven others that the place described in Capt. Smith's map for Wat- kins' Point, was not at the Pocomoke nor at the Annames- sex, but as far above the small spiral point at the mouth of the latter river as a man could see in a clear day, and that the Pocomoke was never called or known by the name of V/ighco. This was sworn to in the very face of the map itself, where Watkins's Point was described as lying on the Poccfraoke, and where the Pocomoke was distinctly named the Wighco. In June, 1664, Charles Calvert, Lieutenant Governor of Maryland, sent Philip, the Chancellor, on a special mission to Sir William Berkeley, then Governor of Virginia, to de- mand justice upon Scarborough for entering the Province of Maryland in a hostile manner, for outraging the inhab- itants of Annamessex and Manoakin by blows and impris- onment, for attempting to mark a boundary thirty miles north of Watkins' Point, and for publishing a proclama- tion at Manoakin wholly unauthorized. Col. Scarborough was too great a man to be punished, but his acts were re- pudiated, the claim for his spurious boundary was disa- vowed, Watkins' Point was again fully acknowledged to be where it always had been, and so the laud had rest for a season. But the quiet time did not last long. The very next year we find Colonel Scarborough on the east side of the Pocomoke, north of the boundary, cutting out a large body of Lord Baltimore's land, and dividing it by surveys to himself and iiis friends. The necessitv was manifest 21 for having the true line traced and marked on the ground between Watkins' Point and the sea. To do this Colonel Scarborough was appointed a commissioner on one side, and Philip Calvert on the other. But, instead of closing the controversy as their respective constituents intended, tbeir work was done so imperfectly that it has been a principal cause of error and misunderstanding ever since. Their instructions, as recited by themselves, required them to "meet upon the place called Watkins" Point." That they did meet there does not appear, but they say that, '"after a full and perfect view of the point of land made by the north side of Pocomoke Bay and the south aide of Annamessex, we have and do conclude the same to be Watkins' Point, from which said point, so called, we have run an east line, agreeable with the extremest part of the western angle of said Watkins' Point, over the Poco- moke river, to the land near Robert Ilolston's, and there have marked certain trees which are continued by an east line to the sea," k,c.; and they agreed that this should be received as the bounds of the two provinces "on the eastern shore of the Chesapeake Bay." Whosoever shall try to get at the sense of this document, will find himself "perplexed in the extreme." What was it that they con- cluded to be Watkins' Point? Not the whole body of the territory between the Annamessex and the Pocomoke. jSTobody understands it in that way. Not Prtint Ployer; for they both knew, and one of them swore, it was not there. Did the}' actually run any line west of the Pocomoke? If yes, they must have known with perfect certainty where the true line would cross the river; and in that case, what was the necessity for founding a mere conclusion about it upon the lay of the land between the two ba^'s? If it was then ascertained by actual demonstration with the com- pass that a western extension of the marked line would strike Watkins' Point, why does it not strike that point now, instead of terminating, where it does, far above, at the Annamessex? Again, why was it not marked? Wh}' was it never recognized, acknowledged, or claimed by 22 either party afterwards? Our rendering may seem a strain upon tlie words, but we infer from the paper and the known facts of the case, that the commissioners, instead of meeting at Watkins' Point, came together on the east bank of the Pocomoke, from thence took a view of the country on the other side, and thereupon erroneously con- cluded that an east line running from Watkins' Point would cross the Pocomoke at the place near Holston's, where they marked certain trees. This being satisfactory to themselves, they proceeded, without further prelimi- nary, to mark the eastern end of the line between the river and the sea. Scarborough may have known that he was not on the true line, but if so, he kept his knowledge to himself. It is very certain that Calvert had full faith in the correctness of his work. No doubt he lived and died in the belief that the marks he assisted to make were on a due east line from the westerniost angle of Watkins' Point, properly so called. If any one thinks this a blunder too gross to be credited, let him remember by whom it was shared. Herr- man and all subsequent raapmakers place the marks on the straight line where Calvert thought it was. All the public men of the colonies had the same opinion. The error was not discovered, nor even suspected, for more than a hundred years. But it is argued that the call of the charter is for a straight line; that commissioners were appointed to ascer- tain where it ran ; that they did ascertain it, and marked a part of it; that their judgment being conclusive, the whole line is established as certainly as if it had been marked. So far as this is a geometrical proposition, it is undoubtedly true. But mathematics cannot determine this ca-^e against law and equity. Their own description of the line they agreed upon is in- consistent with itself. They call it an east line from Wat- kins' Point, and give it an outcome by a course corres- ponding with Holston's tree. If this be a straight line, how shall we find it? If we begin at Watkins' Point and 23 run east to the sea, we go far below the marked line; if we begin at the marks and run west to the bay, we reach the Annamessex, which is equally wide of the fixed ter- minus at that end. Yet by one way as much as by the other, we follow the agreed line of the commissioners. We reconcile these contradictions, and carry out the whole agreement, if we run the east line from Watkins' Point until it begins to conflict with the marked line, and from there to the ocean let the marked line be taken for the exclusively true one. Plainly, it never was intended by the commissioners, or anybody else, that the territory west of the Pocomoke should be divided by a line extending westward from IIol- ston's to the mouth of the Annamessex. If that was the technical effect of the agreement it was instantly repudi- ated by the common consent of both provinces. Maryland had held before, and continued afterwards to hold and possess, all the territory between the Pomoke and the Bay down to the latitude of Watkins' Point, granting the lands, taxing them in the hands of her grantees, and ruling all the inhabitants according to her laws and customs. Her jurisdiction was not intermitted, nor any of her rights sus- pended, for a moment. Virginia never expressed a suspi- cion that this possession of Maryland was inconsistent with any right of hers under the agreement. Scarborough himself acquiesced in it to the day of his death as a true construction of his covenants with Calvert. Our conclusion is that Virginia, by the agreement and her undisturbed occupancy, has an undoubted title to the land east of the Pocomoke, as far north as the Scarborough and Calvert line, while Maryland, by the charter and by her continued possession under it, has a perfect right to the territory west of the Pocomoke and north of Watkins' Point. We must now go back to Smith's Island. That island is clearly north of the charter line, and all the rights which Virginia has there must depend on the proofs which she is able to give of her possession. The commissioners, agents, 24 and counsel on both sides have, with Infinite labor, col- lected a great volume of evidence on this part of the case, and discussed it at much length. In early times Virginia granted lands high up on the island; and Maryland, without expressl}^ denj'ing the right of Virginia, made grants of her own in the same region. The lines of these grants are so imperfectly defined by the surveys that it is not at all easy to tell where they are, and some of them are believed to lie afoul of others. The oc- cupancy, like the titles, was mixed and doubtful. The inhabitants did not know which province they belonged to; at least that was a subject on which there were divers opinions. A line running nearly across the middle of the island was at first claimed by Virginia as being the old boundary ; but a subsequent personal examination and a more careful reconsideration of the evidence brought the counsel them- selves to the opinion that a claim by that line could not be supported. They insisted, however, and do still insist, that another line, which runs about three-quarters of a mile above that from Sassafras Hammock to Horse Ham- mock was and is the true division. There is some evidence that tiiis was once thought to be the boundary. Two grants, one by Maryland and one by Virginia, each calling for the divisional line between the States, without describing where the divisional line was, were so located on the ground that they met on the line in question. It is inferred from this that a line had been previously run at that place, which vras understood to be the division be- tween the provinces or the States. But this argument a priori is all that supports the theor}' of a State line there. If it ever was actually run, it cannot now be told by whom, when, for w^hat purpose, by what authorit}', or precisely where. All the evidence relating to it is very doubtful. It dates back to what may be called the prehistoric times of the island. Some witnesses affirm and others deny, on the authority of their forefathers, that this was the divid- 25 ing line of the States. But none of them can give any substantial grounds for his belief. Out of this contradictory evidence and above the ob- scnrity of vague tradition there rises one clear and decisive fact, which is this : That for at least forty years last past Maryland has acknowledged the right of Virginia up to a line which, beginning at Sassafras Hammock, runs eastward across the island to Horse Hammock, and Vir- ginia has claimed no higher. By that line alone both States have limited their occupancy for a time twice as long as the law requires to make title by prescription. By that line Maryland has bounded her election district and her county. North of it all the people vote and pay taxes in Maryland, obe\^ her magistrates, and submit to the process of her courts. South of it lies, undisturbed and undisputed, the old dominion of Virginia. We have no doubt whatever that we are bound to regard that as being now the true boundary between the two States. There are not two adjoining farms in all the country whose limits are better settled by an occupancy of forty years, or whose owners have more carefully abstained from all in- trusion upon one another within that time. We have thus ascertained to our entire satisfaction the extent and situation of the territory which each State has held long enough to make a title by prescription, and the boundary now to be determined must conform to those possessions, no matter at what expense of change in the original lines. We know therefore how the land is to be divided. But how does prescriptive title to land affect the right of the parties in the adjacent waters? It has been argued with great force and ingenuity that a title resulting merely from long possession can apply only to the ground which the claimant has had under his feet, together with its proper appurtenances; that a river, a lake, or a bay is land covered with water; that land cannot be appurtenant to land; that therefore title by prescription stops at the shore. But this is unsound, because the water in such a case is not claimed as nppurienajit to the dry land, 4 20 but Jis jjarl of it. One who owns hiiul to a river owns to tlie middle of the channel. Upon the same principle, if one State has the territory on both sides the whole river be- longs to her. Nor docs it make any difference how large or how small the body of water is. The Romans called the Mediterranean Mare Nostrum, because her territory surrounded it on all sides. This construction a[>piies with equal certainty to every kind of title, whether it be acquired by express concession, by lawful conquest, or by tlie long continuance of a possession which, at first, may have been but a naked tres[)ass. In the last case the silent derelic- tion of the previous proi)rietor implies a grant of his whole right as fully as if it had been given b^' solemn treaty. A few observations upon the several sections of the broken line which we ;idopt in place of the straight line of the charter will sufiice to apply the principles we have endeavored to set forth. We run to Sassafras Hammock and from that to Horse Hammock, because we cannot in any other possible way give Virginia the part of Smith's Island to which she shows her right by long possession. We go thence to the middle of Tangier Sound and from thence downward we divide Tangier Sound equally be- tween the two States, because the possession of Virginia to the shore is proof of a title whose proper boundary is the middle of the water. We give Maryland the other half of the sound for the same or exactly a similar reason, she being incontestibly the owner of the dvy land on the opposite shore. The south line dividing the waters stops where it inter- sects the straight line from Smith's Point to Watkins' Point, because this latter is the charter line, as modified l»y the compact, and Maryland has no rights south of it. From that point of intersection to Watkins' Point we follow the stiaight line from Smith's Point, there being no j)Ossession or agreement wdiich has changed it since 1785. At Watkins' Point the charter line has stood unchanged since 1632, and the call for a due east line from thence 27 must be followed until it meets the middle thread of tlie Pocomoke. At the place last mentioneed through the middle of the Pocomoke, the boundary follows the marki'd line of Scar- borough and Calvert to the seashore. It will be readil}' perceived that we have no i'aith in any straight-lij)e theory wliicli conflicts with the contracts of the parties, or gives to one what the other has peaceably and continuously occupied fora very long time. The broken line which we have adopted is vindicated by cei'tain prin- ciples so simple, so plain, and so just, that we are compelled to adopt them. They are briefly as follows: 1. S(^ far as the original charter boundary has been uni- formly observed and tiie occnpanc}' of both lias conformed thereto, it must be recognized as the l)onndar_y still. 2. Whereever one State has gone over the charter line taken territory which originally belonged to the other and kept it, without let or hindrance, for more than twenty years, the boundary must now be so run as to include such territory within the State that has it. 3. Where any compact or agreement has changed the charter line at a particular place, so as to make a new di- vision of the territoi-y, such agreement is binding if it has been followed by a corresponding occupancy. 4. But no agreement to transfer territory or change boujidaries can count for anything now, if the actual pos- session was never changed. Continued occupancy of the granting State for centuries is conclusive proof that the agreement was extinguished and the parties remitted to their original rio^lits. 5. The waters are divided by the charter line where that line has been ujidisturbed by the subsequent acts of the parlies; but where accjiiisilions have been made by one 28 from the other of territory bounded b}' bays and rivers, such acquisitions extend constructively to the middle of the water. Maryland is by this award confined everywhere within the original limits of her charter. She is allowed to go to it nowhere except on the short line running east from Wat- kins' Point to the middle of the Pocomoke. At that place Virginia never crossed the charter to make a claim. What territory we adjudge to Virginia north of the charter line she has acquired either by compacts fairly made or else by a long and undisturbed possession. Her right to this ter- ritory, so acquired, is as good as if the original charter had never cut it off to Lord Baltimore. We have nowhere given to one of these States anything which fairly or legally belongs to the other; but in dividing the land and the waters we have anxiously observed the Roman rule, saum cuique tribuerc. J. S. Black, Pen?isylvania. Chas. J. Jenkins, Georgia. A. W. Graham, Secretary. AWARD. And now, to wit, January 16, Anno Domini 1877, tlie undersigned, being a majority of the arbitrator^ to whom the States of Virginia and Maryland, by acts of their re- spective Legislatures, submitted the controversies concern- ing their territorial limits, with authority to ascertain and determine the true line of boundary between them, jjaving heard the allegations of the said States and examined the proofs on both sides, do find, declare, award, ascertain, and determine that the true line of boundary between the said States, so far as they are conterminous with one an- other, is as follows, to wit: Beginning at the point on the Potomac river where the >i line between Virginia and West Virginia strikes the said river at low-water mark, and thence following the mean- derings of said river by the low-water mark to Smith's Point at or near the mouth of the Potomac, in latitude 37° 53^08" and longitude 76° 13' 46" ; thence crossing the waters of the Chesapeake Bay, by aline running ISTorth 65° 30' East, about nine and a half nautical miles, to a point on the western shore of Smith's Island, at the North end of Sassafras Hammock, in latitude 37° 57' 13", longitude 76° 02' 52"; thence across Smith's Island South 88° 30' East five thousand six hundred and twenty yards, to the center of Horse Hammock, on the eastern shore of Smith's Island, in latitude 37° 57' 08", longitude 75° 59' 20"; thence South 79° 30' East four thousand eight hundred and eighty yards, to a point marked ">4 " on the accom- panying map, in the middle of Tangier Sound, in latitude 37° 56' 42", longitude 75° 56' 23", said point l)earing from Jane's Island light South 54° West, :in