Class 'PflfJ W*l Book ,<3 PRESENTED BY 3J tiloj ( % Tfocb t fc k ./ THE TAKELMA LANGUAGE OF SOUTHWESTERN OREGON BY EDWARD SAPIR 99 EXTRACT FROM HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES (BULLETIN 40), PART 2, OF BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BOAS) WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1912 Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, in the Faculty of Philosophy, Columbia University. < SEP y LC Control Number tmp96 031302 r THE TAKELMA LANGUAGE OF SOUTH WESTERN OREGON BY EDWARD SAPIR 3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 1 1 CONTENTS Page 1. Introduction 7 | 2-24. Phonology 8 § 2. Introductory 8 §§ 3-11. Vowels 10 § 3. General remarks 10 § 4. System of vowels 10 § 5. Stress and pitch-accent 15 §§ 6-11. Vocalic processes 22 § 6. Vowel hiatus 22 § 7. Dissimilation of u 24 § 8. /- umlaut 24 § 9. K-sounds preceded by it-vowels _ . . 27 § 10. Inorganic a 28 § 11. Simplification of double diphthongs 29 §§ 12-24. Consonants 31 § 12. System of consonants 31 § 13. Final consonants 35 §§ 14-17. Consonant combinations 36 § 14. General remarks 36 § 15. Initial combinations 36 § 16. Final combinations 38 § 17 . Medial combinations _ 39 §§ 18-24. Consonant processes 41 § 18. Dropping of final consonants 41 § 19. Simplification of doubled consonants 42 § 20. Consonants before x 44 § 21. Dissimilation of n to I and m 45 § 22. Catch dissimilation 47 § 23. Influence of place and kind of accent on manner of articula- tion 48 § 24. Inorganic h 51 25-115. Morphology 52 § 25. Introductory 52 §§ 26-32. Grammatical processes 55 § 26. General remarks 55 § 27. Prefixation 55 § 28. Sufnxation 56 § 29. Infixation 56 § 30. Reduplication 57 § 31. Vowel-ablaut 59 § 32. Consonant-ablaut 62 §§33-83. I. The verb _ 63 § 33. Introductory 63 §§ 34-38. 1. Verbal prefixes 64 § 34. General remarks 64 § 35. Incorporated nouns 66 § 36. Body-part prefixes 72 § 37. Local prefixes 86 § 38. Instrumental wa- 91 3 CONTENTS 25-115. Morphology — Continued. §§ 33-83. I. The verb— Continued. Page §§ 39, 40. 2. Formation of verb-stems 92 § 39. General remarks 92 § 40. Types of stem-formation 95 §§ 41-58. 3. Verbal suffixes of derivation 117 § 41. General remarks 117 § 42. Petrified suffixes 118 § 43. Frequentatives and usitatives 127 §§ 44-51. Transitive suffixes 135 § 44. General remarks 135 § 45. Causative -(a) n- 135 § 46. Comitative -(a) gw- 137 § 47. Indirective -d- (s-) 141 § 48. Indirective (a') Id- 143 § 49. Indirective -(a 7 ) md- 144 § 50. Indirective -(a)n (an)- "for " 145 § 51. Indirect reflexive -gwa- _ 148 §§ 52-57. Intransitive suffixes 149 § 52. General remarks 149 § 53. Active intransitive -xa- 150 § 54. Reflexive -gwi-. . _ : 152 § 55. Reciprocal \-an- 152 § 56. Non-agentive -x- 153 § 57. Positional -%i- 155 § 58. Impersonal -iau- 156 §§ 59-67. 4. Temporal-modal and pronominal elements 157 § 59. Introductory 157 § 60. Intransitives, class 1 160 § 61. Intransitives, class II 164 §§ 62-66. Transitives, class III 167 § 62. General remarks 167 § 63. Transitive subject pronouns 170 § 64. Connecting -x- and -i- 172 § 65. Forms without connecting vowel 177 §66. Passives 180 § 67. Verbs of mixed class, class IV 181 §§ 68-72. 5. Auxiliary and subordinating forms 184 § 68. Periphrastic futures 184 § 69. Periphrastic phrases in na(g)- ' ' do, act " 186 § 70. Subordinating forms 189 § 71. Conditionals 196 § 72. Uses of potential and inferential 199 §§ 73-83. 6. Nominal and adjectival derivatives 201 § 73. Introductory 201 § 74. Infinitives 201 §§ 75-78. Participles 204 § 75. General remarks 204 § 76. Active participle in -t" 204 § 77. Passive participle in -(a)F w , -?F W 205 § 78. Passive participle in -xap (sap') 207 §§ 79-82. Nouns of agency 208 §79. Introductory 208 § 80. Nouns of agency in -(ays 208 CONTENTS 5 §§ 25-115. Morphology — Continued. §§ 33-83. I. The verb— Continued . Page §§ 73-83. 6. Nominal and adjectival derivatives — Continued. §§ 79-82. Nouns of agency — Continued. § 81. Nouns of agency in -s#, -safl 209 § 82. Nouns of agency in -xi 210 § 83. Forms in -i'ya 210 §§84-102. II. Thenoun 210 § 84. Introductory 210 §§ 85, 86. 1. Nominal stems 214 § 85. General remarks 214 § 86. Types of stem formation 215 §§ 87, 88. 2. Noun derivation 221 § 87. Derivative suffixes 221 § 88. Compounds 225 § 89. 3. Noun-characteristics and pre-pronominal -x- 227 §§ 90-93. 4. Possessive suffixes 231 § 90. General remarks.-. 231 § 91. Terms of relationship 232 §92. Schemes II and III 235 § 93. Possessives with pre-positives 237 §§94-96. 5. Jx)cal phrases 241 § 94. General remarks 241 § 95. Pre-positives 242 § 96. Postpositions 243 §§ 97-102. 6. Post-nominal elements 246 § 97. General remarks 246 § 98. Exclusive -fa 246 § 99. Plural -Van (-han, -Man) 247 § 100. Dual -dU 249 § 101. -wi'e every 249 § 102. Deictic -=a N 250 §§ 103-105. III. The pronoun. 251 § 103. Independent personal pronouns. 251 § 104. Demonstrative pronouns and adverbs 252 § 105. Interrogative and indefinite pronouns 254 §§ 106-109. IV. The adjective 255 § 106. General remarks 255 § 107. Adjectival prefixes 256 § 108. Adjectival derivative suffixes 258 § 109. Plural formations 262 §§ 110, 111. V. Numerals 264 § 110. Cardinals 264 § 111. Numeral adverbs 266 §§ 112-114. VI. Adverbs and particles 267 § 112. Adverbial suffixes 267 § 113. Simple adverbs 270 § 114. Particles. 272 § 115. VII. Interjections 278 § 116. Conclusion 281 Appendix A : 1 . Comparative table of pronominal forms 284 2. Scheme of seven voices in six tense-modes 285 3. Forms of na(a)-"say, do" 286 Appendix B : Specimen texts with analysis 291 THE TAKELMA LANGUAGE OF SOUTHWESTERN OREGON By Edward Sapir § 1. INTRODUCTION The language treated in the following pages was spoken in the southwestern part of what is now the state of Oregon, along the middle portion of Rogue river and certain of its tributaries. It, together with an upland dialect of which but a few words were obtained, forms the Takilman stock of Powell. The form "Takelma" of the word is practically identical with the native name of the tribe, Dd a gelma' £ n those dwelling along the river (see below, § 87, 4) ; there seems to be no good reason for departing from it in favor of Powell's variant form. The linguistic material on which this account of the Takelma language is based consists of a series of myth and other texts, pub- lished by the University of Pennsylvania (Sapir, Takelma Texts, Anthropological Publications of the University Museum, vol. ii, no. 1, Philadelphia, 1909), together with a mass of grammatical material (forms and sentences) obtained in connection with the texts. A series of eleven short medicine formulas or charms have been pub- lished with interlinear and free translation in the Journal of Ameri- can Folk-Lore (xx, 35-40). A vocabulary of Takelma verb, noun, and adjective stems, together with a certain number of derivatives, will be found at the end of the " Takelma Texts." Some manu- script notes on Takelma, collected in the summer of 1904 by Mr. H. H. St. Clair, 2d, for the Bureau of American Ethnology, have been kindly put at my disposal by the Bureau; though these consist mainly of lexical material, they have been found useful on one or two points. References like 125.3 refer to page and line of my Takelma Texts. Those in parentheses refer to forms analogous to the ones discussed. 7 8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 The author's material was gathered at the jSiletz reservation of Oregon during a stay of a month and a half in the summer of 1906, also under the direction of the Bureau of American Ethnology. My informant was Mrs. Frances Johnson, an elderly full-blood Takelma woman. Her native place was the village of DaVtslasin or Daldani y V , on Jump-off- Joe creek (Dip ! olts li'lda) , a northern affluent of Rogue river, her mother having come from a village on the upper course of Cow creek (Hagwal). Despite her imperfect command of the English language, she was found an exceptionally intelligent and good-humored informant, without which qualities the following study would have been far more imperfect than it necessarily must be under even the very best of circumstances. In conclusion I must thank Prof. Franz Boas for his valuable advice in regard to several points of method and for his active interest in the progress of the work. It is due largely to him that I was encouraged to depart from the ordinary rut of grammatical description and to arrange and interpret the facts in a manner that seemed most in accordance with the spirit of the Takelma language itself. 1 PHONOLOGY (§§2-24) § 2. Introductory In its general phonetic character, at least as regards relative harsh- ness or smoothness of acoustic effect, Takelma will probably be found to occupy a position about midway between the characteristically rough languages of the Columbia valley and the North Californian and Oregon coast (Chinookan, Salish, Alsea, Coos, Athapascan, Yurok) on the one hand, and the relatively euphonious languages of the Sacramento valley (Maidu, Yana, Wintun) on the other, inclining rather to the latter than to the former. From the former group it differs chiefly in the absence of voice- less Z-sounds (l, I, 2 l!) and of velar stops (q, g, q!) ; from the latter, i What little has been learned of the ethnology of the Takelma Indians will be found incorporated in two articles written by the author and entitled Notes on the Takelma Indians of Southwestern Oregon, in American Anthropologist, n. s., ix, 251-275; and Religious Ideas of the Takelma Indians of Southwestern Oregon, in Journal of American Folk-Lore, xx, 33-49. 2 In the myths, I is freely prefixed to any word spoken by the bear. Its uneuphonious character is evi- dently intended to match the coarseness of the bear, and for this quasi-rhetorical purpose it was doubtless derisively borrowed from the neighboring Athapascan languages, in which it occurs with great frequency. The prefixed sibilant s- serves in a similar way as a sort of sneezing adjunct to indicate the speech of the coyote. Gwi'di where? says the ordinary mortal; Igwi'di, the bear; s-gwi'di, the coyote. § 2 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 9 in the occurrence of relatively more complex consonantic clusters, though these are of strictly limited possibilities, and hardly to be considered as difficult in themselves. Like the languages of the latter group, Takelma possesses clear- cut vowels, and abounds, besides, in long vowels and diphthongs; these, together with a system of syllabic pitch-accent, give the Takel- ma language a decidedly musical character, marred only to some extent by the profusion of disturbing catches. The line of cleavage between Takelma and the neighboring dialects of the Athapascan stock (Upper Umpqua, Applegate Creek, Galice Creek, Chasta Costa) is thus not only morphologically but also phonetically distinct, despite re- semblances in the manner of articulation of some of the vowels and consonants. Chasta Costa, formerly spoken on the lower course of Rogue river, possesses all the voiceless Z-sounds above referred to ; a peculiar illusive q!, the fortis character of which is hardly as prominent as in Chinook; a voiced guttural spirant y, as in North German Tags; the sonants or weak surds dj and z (rarely) ; a voiceless interdental spirant p and its corresponding fortis tp!; and a very frequently oc- curring it vowel, as in English hut. All of these are absent from Takelma, which, in turn, has a complete labial series (b, p\ p!, m), whereas Chasta Costa has only the nasal m (labial stops occur appar- ently only in borrowed words, ~bogi' cat slC is a grammatical element added on to the future stem dink.'as-; whereas in masga> the -g- belongs in all probability to the stem, and is no added suffix; at least is not felt as such. It seems evident, then, that the quas-i-mechanical juxtaposition of grammatical elements does not entirely follow the same phonetic lines as organic sound-complexes. § 10 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 29 it will suffice to say that there are three distinct sorts of inorganic or secondary a- vowels: the regular inorganic a first illustrated above, inserted between two consonants that would theoretically form a cluster; the post-consonantal constant a of certain stems (such as wism- above) that would otherwise end in more or less impracticable consonant clusters (this -a appears as -i under circumstances to be discussed below); and a connecting a employed to join consonantal suffixes to preceding consonants (such suffixes are generally directly added to preceding vowels or diphthongs). The varying treatment accorded these different secondary a vowels will become clearer in the morphology. § 11. SIMPLIFICATION" OF DOUBLE DIPHTHONGS By a double diphthong is meant a syllable consisting of an ordinary diphthong (long or short) followed by a semivowel (y, w) or by I, m, or n. Such double diphthongs are ; for instance, aiw, aiw, any, any, ain, din, aiw, a a lw; those with initial short vowel, like ain, have, like the long diphthongs (e. g. a a n), a quantitative value of 3 morae, while those with initial long vowel, like din, have a quantitative value of 4 morae and may be termed over-long diphthongs. Double diph- thongs may theoretically arise when, for some reason or other, a con- necting or inorganic a fails to lighten the heavy syllable by reducing it to two (see particularly § 65 for a well-defined class of such cases). Double diphthongs, however, are nearly always avoided in Takelma; there is evidently a rhythmic feeling here brought into play, a dislike of heavy syllables containing three qualitatively distinct sonantic elements. In consequence of this, double diphthongs are regularly simplified by the loss of either the second or third element of the diphthong; in other words, they are quantitatively reduced by one mora (the simple double diphthongs now have a value of 2 morae, the over- long diphthongs 3 morae like ordinary long diphthongs), while qualitivetatly they now involve only two sonantic elements. An exception seems to be afforded by double diphthongs in -uy (e. g. -any), which become dissyllabic by vocalizing the y to i, in other words, -any becomes -awi: &/awfF he ran fast; cf. ts!&-uya' £ s fast runner, fe/awayaY (aorist) you ran fast yawi't'e* I shall talk; cf. y&wajaY (aorist) you talked 30 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 The -awi- ( = theoretic -awy-) of these forms is related to the -away- of the aorist as the -ilw- of bilwa /£ s jumper to the -iliw- of the aorist biliwaY you jumped. Such double diphthongs as end in -w (e. g. -aiw, -a a lw) simply lose the -w: gal eat it! (=*galw); galV he ate it (=*galw¥); compare ga-iwa'n I shall eat it Other examples of this loss of w are given in § 18, 2. All other double diphthongs are simplified by the loss of the second vowel (i, u) or consonant (I, m, n); a glottal catch, if present after the second vowel or consonant, is always preserved in the simplified form of the double diphthong. Examples of simplified double diphthongs with initial short vowel are : gelhewe'ha, £ n (=*-Aau £ n) I think; compare gelhewe'TiaiU he thinks imi'hsL s n ( = *-Aam*n) I sent him; compare imi'^am he sent him mo'Zo £ ma £ n ( = *maFn) I stir it up ; mo'Z^man ( = *-maln) I shall stir it up; compare parallel forms with connecting a: mo'lo £ - mala £ n, mo'Z £ malan, and third person aorist mo'Zo^mal ma a nmsL /£ ii (=*-man £ n) I count them; compare damd a nmini' £ n (umlauted from -m&n.-i f£ n) I counted them up lc!emxa'fe e (=^/emnmTe e ) I shall make; compare Jc!emna /£ s maker and i/ema'n make it! (with inorganic a because accent is not thrown forward) Examples of simplified over-long diphthongs are : d^ldi'n ( = *^anW?i) I shall go to him for food; compare dMfe e I shall go for food el fgelxi* (=*fgel\xi i ) wagon (literally, rolling canoe); compare f ge^a^x it rolls dat!ag& £ n (=*t!agM £ n) I build a fire; compare datlag&i he builds a fire lc!eme £ n (=*Jc!emel £ n) I make it; compare Tclemhl he makes it oyo £ n ( = *o^/on £ n) I give it; compare third person oyon he gives it In the inferential, less frequently passive participle and impera- tive, forms of the verb, double diphthongs, except those ending in w, generally fail to be simplified. If coming immediately before the inferential -V- the double diphthong is preserved, for what reason is not evident (perhaps by analogy to other non-aorist forms in which the last element of the double diphthong belongs to the following syllable) : § 11 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 31 fe'/aimF (but also ts' /ay am ¥) he hid it; compare fe'/a-ima'ri I shall hide it oinF he gave it; compare oina'n I shall give it If the inferential -¥- does not immediately follow, an inorganic a seems to be regularly inserted between the second and third elements of the diphthong: gelts' I&ya'mxamVna 5 since he concealed it from us Examples of other than inferential forms with unsimplified double diphthong are: ts\ f £LimhaF w hidden oin give it! (yet ts' /ay a' m hide it! with inorganic a) Consonants (§§ 12-24) I 12. System, of Consonants The Takelma consonant system is represented in the following table : Aspirated tenuis. Voiceless media. Fortis. Spirant. Lateral. Nasal. Labial V b p! v. unv. W -w m Dental V a t! 1 n ts!, ts-! S, 8- Palatal y m Guttural fe' 9 k! X Faucal s h The spirants have been divided into two groups, those on the left- hand side of the column (labeled v.) being voiced, while those on the right-hand side (labeled unv.) are unvoiced. The rarely occurring palatal lateral I (see § 2, footnote) is also voiceless. Every one of the consonants tabulated may occur initially, except the voiceless labial spirant -* w , which occurs only with 1c at the end of a syllable. Prop- erly speaking, -¥ w should be considered the syllabic final of the labialized guttural series (Fw, gw, h!w); a consideration of the consonant-clusters allowed in Takelma shows that these labialized consonants must be looked upon as phonetic units. The catch ( £ ) as organic consonant is found only medially and finally; the I only § 12 32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 initially. In regard to the pronunciation of the various consonants, w, s, y, 7i, I, m, and n do not differ materially from the corresponding sounds in English. The first two series of stops — tenuis (p\ t' , F) and media (b, d, g) — do not exactly correspond to the surd and sonant stops of English or French. The aspirated tenues are, as their name implies, voiceless stops whose release is accompanied by an appreciable expulsion of breath. The voiceless mediae are also stops without voiced articula- tion ; but they differ from the true tenues in the absence of aspiration and in the considerably weaker stress of articulation. Inasmuch as our English mediae combine sonancy with comparatively weak stress of articulation, while the tenues are at the same time unvoiced and pronounced with decided stress, it is apparent that a series of con- sonants which, like the Takelma voiceless mediae, combine weak stress with lack of voice will tend to be perceived by an American ear some- times (particularly when initial) as surds, at other times (particularly between vowels) as sonants. On the other hand, the aspirated tenues will be regularly heard as ordinary surd-stops, so that an untrained American ear is apt to combine an uncalled-for differentiation with a disturbing lack of differentiation. While the Takelma tenuis and media are to a large extent morphologically equivalent consonants with manner of articulation determined by certain largely mechanical rules of position, yet in a considerable number of cases (notably as initials) they are to be rigidly kept apart etymologically. Words and stems which differ only in regard to the weak or strong stress and the absence or presence of aspiration of a stop, can be found in great number : da a n- ear; fd a n squirrel bo u now; p'o u - to blow ga that; Ya what dl l - on top ; tl 1 - to drift bo u d- to pull out hair; p*o u d- to mix da a g- to build fire ; dd a g- to find ; fd a g-to cry . gai- to eat; Vai- thing, what * i These two series of stops are not at all peculiar to Takelma. As far as could be ascertained, the same division is found also in the neighboring Chasta Costa, a good example of how a fundamental method of phonetic attack may be uniformly spread over an area in which far-reaching phonetic differences of detail are found and morphologic traits vary widely. The same series of stops are found also in Yana, in northern California. Farther to the east the two series are apparently found, besides a series of true sonant stops, in Ponca and Omaha (J. O. Dorsey's p, t, k, and d,), ?). The Iroquois also (as could be tested by an opportunity to hear Mohawk) are, as regards the manner of articulating the two series, abso- lutely in accord with the Takelma. A more accurate phonetic knowledge of other languages would doubt- less show a wide distribution in America of the voiceless media. § 12 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 33 The fortes (p! } t!, Tc!, ts! [ = ts'!], and £ , which has been put in the same series because of its intimate phonetic and morphologic rela- tion to the other consonants) are pronounced with the characteristic snatched or crackly effect (more or less decided stress of articula- tion of voiceless stop followed by explosion and momentary hiatus) prevalent on the Pacific coast. From the point of view of Takelma, p!, t!, and Jc! are in a way equivalent to p £ , t £ , and Jc £ , respectively, or rather to h £ , d £ , and g £ , for the fortes can never be aspirated. In some cases it was found difficult to tell whether a fortis, or a voice- less stop followed by a glottal stricture, was really heard: yap!a s and yap £ a x man ga'p!ini y and ga'pHnV two In fact, a final tenuis + a catch inserted, as between vowels, to pre- vent phonetic amalgamation, regularly become, at least as far as acoustic effect is concerned, the homorganic f ortis : ak!a y he indeed (=a¥ he + deictic £ a\- cf. ma /£ a K you indeed) sakleif you shot him ( = saV he shot him -1- ( £ )eif you are) map! a? just you [pi.] (= map' you [pi.] + £ a K ) Nevertheless, p £ , t £ , lc £ are by no means phonetically identical with p!, t!, Jc!; in Yana, for instance, the two series are etymologically, as well as phonetically, distinct. One difference between the two may be the greater stress of articulation that has been often held to be the main characteristic of the fortes, but another factor, at least as far as Takelma (also Yana) is concerned, is probably of greater mo- ment. This has regard to the duration of the glottal closure. In the case of p £ , t £ , and Jc £ the glottis is closed immediately upon release of the stop-contact for p, t, and Jc. In the case of p!, t!, and Jc! the glottis is closed just before or simultaneously with the moment of con- sonant contact, is held closed during the full extent of the consonant articulation, and is not opened until after the consonant release; the f ortis p!, e. g., may be symbolically represented as £ p £ (or £ h £ , better as £ h £ , i. e., a labial unaspirated stop immersed in a glottal catch). As the glottis is closed throughout the whole extent of the fortis articulation, no breath can escape through it; hence a fortis conso- nant is necessarily unaspirated. This explains why fortes are so apt to be misheard as voiceless mediae or even voiced mediae rather than as aspirated tenues (p! } e. g., will be often misheard as h rather than p). The cracked effect of the fortes, sometimes quite incorrectly 3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 -3 S 12 34 BUKEATT OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 referred to as a click, is due to the sudden opening of the closed cham- ber formed between the closed glottis and the point of consonant contact (compare the sound produced by the sudden withdrawal of a stopper from a closed bottle) ; the hiatus generally heard between a fortis and a following vowel is simply the interval of time elapsing between the consonant release and the release of the glottal closure. 1 That the fortis consonant really does involve an initial glottal catch is abundantly illustrated in the author's manuscript material by such writings as: dulu ,£ t!ili £ n == dulu't!ili £ n I stuff it du r lH!ilin = dv/lt!ilin I shall stuff it leme f£ 7c!ia-uda £ = leme r l:!ia-uda £ as they go off Many facts of a phonetic and morphological character will meet us later on that serve to confirm the correctness of the phonetic analysis given (see §13, end; also §§ 30,4; 40,6; 40,13a, p. 113; 40,13b). Here it is enough to point out that p!, t!, ~k!, is'! are etymologically related to h, d, g, s' as are is , u£ , £ l, £ m, £ n to i, u, I, m, n. There is no tenuis or media affricative {ts — dz; ts', tc — dz-, dj) corre- sponding in Takelma to the fortis ts!, ts! 3 though it seems possible that it originally existed but developed to x (cf. yegwexi they bite me [upper Takelma yegwe'tci]; ts'li'xi dog [from original *ts- tits'iP]) . Morphologically ts!, ts'! stand in the same relation to s, s- that p!, t!, and Tc! stand in to b, d, g. For example, Aorist stems : Uomom- kill, pUigiig- start (war, basket), k!olol- dig— are related to their corresponding Future stems : do u m-, bu^g-, goH-, — as are the Aorist stems: ts'fadad- mash, ts'telel- paint — to their corresponding Future stems : s'd a d-, s'e e l- Of the other consonants, only x, - w , and s, s' call for remark, x is equivalent to the ch of German dach, though generally pronounced further forward (x). It frequently has a w tinge, even when no it- vowel or diphthong precedes, particularly before i; examples are Tid , px w i child and 7iax w iya? (ordinarily 7iaxiya y ) m the water. -Y w , i Doctor Goddard writes me that an examination of tracings made on the Eousselot machine leads to substantially the same phonetic interpretation of the fortes as has been given above. 2 See Notes on the Takelma Indians of Southwestern Oregon, American Anthropologist, n. s., ix, 257. § 12 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 35 in which combination alone, as we have seen, - ' t' k' s X b t'b&ag- hit sbin beaver ? d s-do'i s-dagwa- put on style xdelt' flute 9 t'geib- roll sgi'si coyote ■ gw Vgwa^ thunder sgwinP raccoon s X } ■ I ? xliwi war feathers m t'mila y px smooth sma-im- smile ? n s-na mamma! xni y k' acorn mush y w t'wap.'at'wap'- blink [fc* waa gw- awaken] swat'g- pursue ? It will be noticed that only f (p* and ¥ were given mainly for contrast) and the two voiceless spirants s and x combine with fol- lowing consonants (Fw- is not to be analyzed into ¥ +w, but is to be regarded as a single consonant, as also gw- and Jc!w-, both of which frequently occur as initials) ; furthermore that s, x, and y never com- bine with preceding consonants. The general law of initial combi- nation is thus found to be: tenuis (f) or voiceless spirant (s, x) + media (b, d, g) or voiced continuant (J, m, n, w). 1 Of the combina- tions above tabulated, only fb- fg-, sb-, sg-, and perhaps sgw- and sw-, can be considered as at all common, t K m-, fw-, sd-, s?i-, xd~, xl-, and xn- being very rare, si-, sb-, xm-, and xw- have not been found, but the analogy of xl- for the first, and of sb-, sm-, and sw- f or the others, make it barely possible that they exist, though rarely ; there may, however, be a distinct feeling against the combination x+ labial (b, m, w). Only two cases have been found of f ortis or media + consonant : tlwe'ple'tfwa'px they fly about without lighting; future dwep- dwa f/ pxda a This may possibly serve to explain why the affricative ts- (to correspond to ts\') is not found in Takelma. § 15 38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY § 16. FINAL COMBINATIONS [bull. 40 Final consonant combinations are limited in possibility of occur- rence by the fact that only aspirated tenues and voiceless spirants (p\ t\ F, V w y s, and x) can stand- as absolute finals after other con- sonants. The following table will give examples of all final combi- nations of two or three consonants that have been discovered in the available material. V' V k' 1 m n • X V' dt'p'yeare - &elp' swan s-a's-anp' stand! (pi.) V - sgelewa'lt' he snouted to him ts.'elela'mV he paints it p /a 'ant' his liver k' zep'k'hedidit p'ima v t'k' my sal- mon - a Ik' silver-side salmon za^mk' grizz- ly bear douma^nk' he will kill him mlla^sk' he loved her k'wd'a e xk' he's awake li'w - l'gwe y lk' w rat ? yank'* he took it along p'k' - «-tt' £ alp'k' he sat se'nsanp'k' he whooped t-r - doumaWk.' my testicles xaaZc^mt'k' my urine bilgaWk' my breast s Za x ps blanket - 6Hs moss gums blind p.'e^ns squirrel t'geya y -px round - t'geeya^lx i t rolls ya^mx grease banx hun- ger xk' desipxk' i t closed - gii'lk.'alxk' it was blazing dats- /d v mxk' it hurt ugwa^nxk' he drank px - s^ilpx warm your back! ? No examples of -m¥ w and -npx have been found, but the analogy of -Ipx makes the existence of the latter of these almost certain (I and n are throughout parallel in treatment) ; the former (because of the double labial; cf. the absence of -mp') is much less probable, despite the analogy of -W w and -n¥ w . It is possible also that -lsk\ -msV, and -nsV exist, though their occurrence can hardly be frequent. Of final clusters of four consonants -n£p¥ has been found in s'a's'antpV he stood, but there can be small doubt that the -t- is merely a dental tenuis glide inserted in passing from the dental nasal to the labial tenuis; compare the morphologically analogous form se'nsanpY he whooped. However, the combinations -IpxV and -wpxV (if -npx exists), though not found in the available material, very probably ought to be listed, as they would naturally be the terminations of morphologically necessary forms (cf. des'ipxk*). Most, if not all, of § 16 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN" LANGUAGES TAKELMA 39 the preceding final combinations may furthermore be complicated by the addition of £ , which is inserted before the first tenuis or voiceless spirant of the group, i. e., after a possible liquid or nasal: u' i£ s'¥ he laughed ¥o' £ px dust, ashes. ts'!u'n £ s (deerskin) cap As compared to the initial combinations, the table of final clusters seems to present a larger number of possibilities. It is significant, however, that only those that consist of Z, m, or n + single consonant can ever be looked upon as integral portions of the stem (such as xcfmV and fgwe y l¥ w ) ; while those that end in -s can always be sus- pected of containing either the verbal suffix -s ( = t + x), or the noun and adjective forming element -s. All other combinations are the result of the addition of one or more grammatical elements to the stem (e. g., s'u' £ alp'¥ = s'u £ al- + p % + ¥) . Further investigation shows that only two of the combinations, -fp' (second personal plural sub- ject aorist) and -f¥ (first personal singular possessive) are suffixal units; though -f p K might be ultimately analyzed into -f (second per- sonal singular subject aorist) + -p\ It is interesting to note that these clusters are at the same time the only ones, except fgw-, allowed initially, t'b- and fg-. The constitution of the Takelma word-stem may thus be formulated as tenuis (or voiceless spirant) + media (or voiced continuant) + vowel (or diphthong) + liquid or nasal + stop (fortis or media — tenuis), any or all of the members of which skeleton may be absent except the vowel; Ji may also be found before the vowel. § 17. MEDIAL COMBINATIONS A medial combination consists simply of a syllabically final com- bination or single consonant + an initial combination or single con- sonant, so that theoretically a very large number of such medial combinations may occur. Quite a large number do indeed occur, yet there is no morphologic opportunity for many of them, such as ¥-1, np K -m, and numerous others. Examples of medial combinations are: t!omoma'n-ma £ when he was killed Ml¥-na £ when he sang da¥-tfgu' u ba £ n I put hollowed object (like hat) on top (as on head) § 17 40 BUKEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 The occurrence of such clusters as -Vn- must not for a moment be interpreted as a contradiction of the non-occurrence of the same clus- ters initially or finally, as they are not, syllabically speaking, clusters at all. Had such combinations as, say, -t K gn- (in which -f would be the final of one syllable and gn- the initial of the next) occurred, we should be justified in speaking of an inconsistency in the treatment of clusters; but the significant thing is, that such clusters are never found. A Takelma word can thus ordinarily be cut up into a definite number of syllables : galVna £ when he ate it ( = gaiV-na £ ) yo'Yyan I shall know it ( = yo'V-yan) but these syllables have only a phonetic, not necessarily a morpho- logic value (e. g., the morphologic division of the preceding forms is respectively gai-Y-na £ and yoYy-an). The theory of syllabification implied by the phonetic structure of a Takelma word is therefore at complete variance with that found in the neighboring Athapascan dialects, in which the well-defined syllable has at least a relative morphologic value, the stem normally consisting of a distinct syllable in itself. One important phonetic adjustment touching the medial combina- tion of consonants should be noted. If the first syllable ends in a voiceless spirant or aspirated surd, the following syllable, as far as initial stops are concerned, will begin with a media (instead of aspi- rated surd) or aspirated surd + media; i. e., for a cluster of stops in medial position, the last can be a media only, while the others are aspirated surds. As also in the case of single consonants, this adjust- ment often brings about a variation in the manner of articulation of the final consonant in the cluster, according to whether its position in the word is medial or final. Thus we have: xep*ga £ I did it; xep'Y he did it Contrast, with constant -Y-: alxi' £ Ya £ I saw it; alxi^Y 1 he saw it the -g- of the first form and the -Y of the second being the same mor- phological element; the -jp K of both forms is the syllabically final h of the stem xe e h- do, so that xepga £ stands for a theoretical *xebYa £ , a phonetically impossible form. Other examples are : i This form is distinct from alxl' e k' look at it!, quoted before. The imperative theoretically = *alxi'k! the text form = *alxi'k!k'. § 17 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 41 ga-iwa'fba s ye shall eat it; gayawaYp* ye ate it di'n £ xga £ I (as long object) was stretching out; di'n £ x~k' long object was stretching Consonant Processes (§ § 18-24) § 18. DROPPING OF FINAL CONSONANTS There is a good deal to indicate that the comparatively limited number of possible final consonant-clusters is not a primary condi- tion, but has been brought about by the dropping of a number of consonants that originally stood at the end. 1. The most important case is the loss of every final -f that stood after a voiceless spirant or aspirated surd. Its former presence in such words can be safely inferred, either from morphologically par- allel forms, or from other forms of the same stem where the phonetic conditions were such as to preserve the dental. Thus gwidW w he threw it represents an older reduplicated *gwidi s V w £ ( = gwid-i-gwd-) , as proven by the corresponding form for the first person, gwidi'V w da £ n I threw it and gwidi'Vdagwa he threw him (122.13). Similarly all participles showing the bare verb stem are found to be phonet- ically such as not to permit of a final -t\ and are therefore historic- ally identical with the other participial forms that show the -f : saV shooting ( = *sak t f) dox gathering ( = *doxf) Jia-t!ulV following in path ( = HluTkY) sana y p* fighting ( = *sana y p't*) Compare : yanaY going loJioY dead sebeY roasting domf having killed se'nsantf whooping yi v lf copulating with The combinations -Y W W (-V w fg-) and -V w fx-, however, seem to lose, not the -f-, but the -V w -, whereupon -fV (-fg-) remains, while -fx- regularly becomes -s- (see § 20, 2) : 1ie ee gwidaYV ( =*gwida y V w t K -V , inferential of gwidi¥ w d-) he lostit 7ie eS gwidaYga s (=*gwida'F w f-ga £ ) I lost it xamgwidi' sgwide- (=*gwidi'V w t'-x-gwi- or possibly *gwidi'V w tf- gwi-) I drown myself § 18 42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 2. Somewhat less transparent is the former existence of a -w after consonants. The following examples have been found in the material at disposal: lot she twined basket ( = *lalw) ; cf . la a lwa f£ n I twine it (that -w really belongs to the stem is shown by the forms la a wa'n I shall twine it ; leuxi twine it for me !) Jclel basket bucket ( = *Jc!elw); cf. Tchhmf* her bucket Yal penis ( = *Yalw); cf. Yalw% H his penis. sgelel e (=*sgelel £ w) he keeps shouting; cf. sgelewaY you shout, sgelwa'lfe e I shall keep shouting alsgalYa £ ( =*sgalwYa £ ) I turned my head to one side to look at him; cf. alsga a lwi r n I shall turn my head to look at him dlsgelelxi (=*sgelelwxi) he keeps turning his head to one side to look at me; cf. alsgald a liwi /£ n I keep turning my head to look at him, future alsgalwalwi'n This process, as further shown by cases like gal eat it! (=*ga/iw), is really a special case of the simplification of double diphthongs (see § 11). Perhaps such "dissimulated" cases as ld a - and le e - (for lau- and leu-), see § 7, really belong here. Other consonants have doubtless dropped off under similar condi- tions, but the internal evidence of such a phenomenon is not as satisfactory as in the two cases listed. The loss of a final -n is probable in such forms as ihegwe'haY™ he works, cf. ihegwe' 7iaV w na £ n i work, and ihegwe'7iaY w nana s Y we work. Certain verb-forms would be satisfactorily explained as originally reduplicated like gwidW w , if we could suppose the loss of certain final consonants : gini' £ Y he went somewheres ( = ^gin-i'-^Yn) gelguM¥ w he desired it {=^-gul-u K -¥ w T) In the case of these examples, however, such a loss of consonants is entirely hypothetical. 1 § 19. SIMPLIFICATION OF DOUBLE CONSONANTS Morphologically doubled consonants occur very frequently in Ta- kelma, but phonetically such theoretic doublings are simplified into single consonants; i. e., V-\-g become Y or g, and correspondingly for other consonants. If one of the consonants is a fortis, the simpli- fied result will be a fortis or aspirated surd with preceding catch, according to the phonetic circumstances of the case. If one of the i Many of the doubtful cases would perhaps be cleared up if material were available from the upper dialect, as it shows final clusters that would not be tolerated in the dialect treated in this paper; e. g. k'u'Una'ks-t' relatives (cf. Takelma k'winaxdS my kin). § 19 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 43 ~k- consonants is labialized, the resulting Tc- sound preserves the labial affection. Examples of consonant simplification are: mo'feV my son-in-law ( = mo'f- + -deV) laYwoV he gave him to eat ( = lag- + -YwoY) dek!iya'Vi e if it goes on (= deJctiya'g- + -¥i £ ) Vtfgwa'n I shall fetch them home ( = ll l g- + -gwan) ; cf . aorist ligigwa' £ n diiJiila'lc !weme £ n I make him glad (= JiilaW™ glad + Jc!eme £ n I make him) A good example of three ^-sounds simplifying to one is : gina¥wi £ if he comes (= ginag-V w -Yi £ ) The interrogative element di never unites with the -€ of a second person singular aorist, but each dental preserves its individuality, a light i being inserted to keep the two apart : xemela'fidi do you wish to eat ? ( = xemelaY + di) The operation of various phonetic processes of simplification often brings about a considerable number of homonymous forms. One example will serve for many. From the verb-stem sd a g- shoot are derived : 1. Imperative saV shoot it! 2. Potential saV he can, might shoot it 3. Participle saV shooting ( = *salcH K ) 4. Inferential saV so he shot it ( = *sag-V) The corresponding forms of the stem yana- go will bring home the fact that we are here really dealing with morphologically distinct formations : 1. yana y go! 2. yana' £ he would have gone 3. yanaY going 4. yana s V so he went Another simplification of consonant groups may be mentioned here. When standing immediately after a stop, an organic, etymo- logically significant ~h loses its individuality as such and unites with a preceding media or aspirated tenuis to form an aspirated tenuis, with a preceding fortis to form an aspirated tenuis preceded by a glottal catch (in the latter case the fortis, being a syllabic final, cannot preserve its original form). Thus, for the Jc- series, gorV+Ti becomes V , 1c! (or £ ¥) -j-Ji becomes e F; gw or V w +7i becomes Vwj Tc!w (or £ V W ) +7i becomes £ Yw. Under suitable conditions of accent § 19 44 BUKEATT OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 (see § 23) the contraction product V or Vvo may itself become g or gw, so that ail trace of the original h seems to be lost. Examples for the Tc- sounds are: t'gunuVi 5 (=fgunu¥ + quotative -hi £ ) it became warm, it is said nagana' a Vi e {=nagana' a£ V + quotative -hi £ ; see § 22) he always said, it is said gwen-he f Vwa a gw- (= reduplicated he'gw-ha a gw-) relate; with ac- cent thrown forward gwen-hegwa fa gw-an-i- (=hegw-ha /a gw-); compare, with preserved h, gwen-Jiegwe'Jiagw-an-i tell to s'o'wo £ V6p* (=s-o'wo £ V-7iap" = *s'o f wok!-hap") he jumps (6 = wa; see § 9) he jumps; compare s'owo'lc!ana £ n I cause him to jump Similarly, d or V + h becomes t\ t! (or e tf) + h becomes £ f; h or p* +h becomes p\ p! (or £ p') +h becomes £ p K : gana'Vi (=ganaY + emphatic -hi) of just that sort yo't'i (=yoY being + emphatic -hi) alive; compare plural yofi'hi he e£ sgu' u£ f 6V W {=sgu'H!-haV w ) cut away; compare he e£ sgd f H!an I shall cut it away s' and x also generally contract with h to s' and x, e. g. : no u s'i /£ (=no u£ s' +-hi £ ) next door, it is said. § 20. CONSONANTS BEFORE x No stopped consonant or spirant may stand before x, except p. The dentals, guttural stops, and sibilants all simplify with x into • single sounds; the fortes (including ts!) following the example of the ordinary stops and of the s, but leaving a trace in the vicarious £ . 1. All ~k- sounds (k\ g, lc!, Vw, gw, Jc!w) simply disappear before x without leaving any trace of their former existence, except in so far as Tel and ~k!w remain as £ ; if a? is followed by a vowel, the w of the labialized ^-sounds unites with x to form xw: alxl fi xi he saw me ( =al-xi'fg-xi) ; cf. alxl H gi £ n I saw him ¥wa' a xde £ I awoke (=~k*wd' a gw-x-de £ ); cf.i¥wa /a gwi £ n I woke him up gelgulu'xbi £ n I like you ( = -gulu' 'gw-x-bi £ n) ; cf. -gulugwa /£ n I like him ba a dini /£ x (clouds) spread out on high ( =-dini'Jc!-x) ; cf. di'ni7c!a e n I stretch it out lu £ xwa s to trap ( =luk! w -xa s ) ; cf. lo'Tclwan I shall trap (deer) yexwinV ( =yegw-xinV) he will bite me; but yexda £ ( =yegw-x-da £ ) you will bite me § 20 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 45 2. tx always simplifies to s, tlx to £ s. Whether the combination tx realty spontaneously developed into s it is naturally impossible to say; all that can safely be stated is that, where we should by mor- phologic analogy expect t + x, this combination as such never appears, but is replaced by s. Examples are numerous : lebe'sa £ she sews (=lebe f t-xa £ ); cf., for -f of stem, lebeY she . sewed it, for suffix -xa s , lobo'xa £ she pounds sgelewa'lsi he shouts to me (=sgelewa f ld-xi); cf. sgelewa/lda £ n I shout to him ddHbodoba' 'sa £ n they pull out each other's hair, with reduplicated stem bodobad- + x- xa a fbe /e£ Ffbagams it is all tied together (=-£bagami-x); cf. xa a fba ,a gamda £ n I tie it together • hansgd' u£ s he cut across, lay over (road) ( =-sgd'H!-x) ; cf . Jiansgo f H!an I shall cut it across This change of tx to s is brought about constantly in the course of word-formation, and will be incidentally exemplified more than once in the morphology. 3. sx simplifies to s, ts!x ( = £ sx) to £ s. Examples are: yimi's'a £ he dreams ( =yimi r s'-xa e , with suffix -xa £ as in lobo'xa* above lfia-uhana f£ s it stopped (raining) (=*-liana' £ sx, stem ~hanats!- + -x) § 21. DISSIMILATION" OF n TO / AND m If a (generally) final n of a stem is immediately followed, or, less commonly, preceded by, a suffix containing a nasal, it dissimilates to I. The following examples have been found: yalalanaY you lost it (cf. yalnanada' £ you will lose it, with n preserved because it forms a consonant-cluster with Z) Jia-gwd a l-a s m in the road (cf . gwan road) Dldalcfm Grant's Pass (probably =over [di-] the rocks [da K n]) xd a la x mf¥ my urine; xala'xam£e £ I urinate (cf. xdn urine) ba-is'in-xiflik!wi £ n I blow my nose, with I due to -n of prefix snn- nose (cf . xln mucus) s'inpi'l £ s flat-nosed, alongside of s'inpi f n £ s The possibility of a doublet in the last example shows that the prefix s°in- is not as thoroughly amalgamated with the rest of the word as are the suffixes ; probably, also, the analogy of forms in -pHrfs with other prefixes not containing an n would tend to restore an anomalous-sounding s'inp'i'l £ s to -pi'n £ s, § 21 46 BUBEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 A suffixed -(a)n dissimilates to -(a)l because of a preceding m in the stem: s'imiH dew (cf. such nouns as p!iyi s n deer) daV-s'b u ma"l on the mountain {s'om mountain) do u ma y lt'¥ my testicles (do u m testicles) With these compare: dd a -ts!d a wa y n by the ocean (ts!du deep water) In xd a -guima y n among oaks, the I immediately preceding the m seems to have prevented the dissimilation of the -an to -al. It is practically certain that the -am of Jiagwd a la y m, Didala s m, and xd a la s mCV is at bottom phonetically as well as functionally identical with the suffix -an (-al), seen in xd a -gulma y n (gulu'm oak) and day- s' o u ma y l, and rests on a second dissimilation of the nasal lingual (n) of the suffix to a labial nasal (m), because of the lingual (I) of the stem. The history of a word like 7iagwd a la y m is in that event as follows : An original *hagwd a na y n in the road (stem gwd a n- + nominal characteristic -an) becomes first *liagwd a la s n by the dissimilation of the first n because of the following n, then Jiagwd a la y m by the dissimi lation of this second n because of the preceding I. Similarly Didala y m and xd a la y mf¥ would go back to *D%dana s n and *xd a na^nfV respec- tively ; with the second form compare the reduplicated verb xala'xam- ( = *xanaxan-) urinate. The probability of such a dissimilation of n to m is greatly strengthened by the fact that nearly all nouns with an evidently suffixal noun-forming element -(a)m have an Z in the stem as compared to an -(a)n of nouns not so affected. Contrast: -m Jie e Wm board (cf. dVhe'liya sleeping on wooden platform) ge\& y m river tsleWm hail (cf. stem tslel- rattle) xi\sb K m sick, ghost ts'!u y \m wart 1 JiabiWm empty la^'am frog -n daga, y n turtle wigm red lizard p!iyi y n deer (-n here as suffix shown by p!iya K x fawn) yutlu^n white duck (cf. yutl- u'yidi e n I eat it greedily) yu'xgeni trout xdan eel (cf . ~hd £ -xdd' a xdagwa £ n I throw something slippery far away) wo u p!un- eyebrows 1 No other example of final -Im (cf. gulu^m oak). known, so that this form was probably misheard for ts'luWm § 21 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 47 yulvfm eagle (also yuWm is da a - n- ear found) gulvfm oak bebe x n rushes Fulum fish (sp.?) ga'JcI&n house ladder legem- kidney gwitl'm- wrist It should not be concealed that a few words (such as Jiillun ocean, t!aga y m lake, and yuk!um-a- bones) do not seem to conform to the phonetic law implied by the table ; but more exact knowledge of the etymology of these and similar words would doubtless show such disagreement to be but apparent. It is probable that in delga s n- buttocks, bilga^n- breast, and do'Win-i- anus, the g, (¥) im- mediately following upon the I prevented the expected dissimila- tion of n to m; in le'Vwan- anus the dissimilation was perhaps thwarted by a counter-tendency to dissimilate the two labials (¥ w and m) that would thus result. *yalan-an- lose (tr.), dissimilated, as we have seen, to yalal-an-, fails to be further dissimilated to *ydlal- am- because, doubtless, there is a feeling against the obscuring of the phonetic form of the causative suffix -an-. The great probability of the existence of a dissimilatory tendency involving the change of n to m is clinched by the form do'Wim-i- anus alongside of do'Win-i-. A dissimilation of an original I to n (the reverse of the process first described), because of an Z in the stem, is found in yilPnma^n I keep asking for it (= original *yili i lma /£ n[l inserted as repetition of stem -I- in iterative formation from yilima' £ n I ask him]) le e ba'nxde £ I am carrying (object not specified) (= original *le e - ba'lxde £ ) ; cf . identical suffix -al-x-, e. g., gayawa'lxde £ I eat. In u u gwa'nxde £ I drink (stem ugw-), it hardly seems plausible that -an-x- is at all morphologically different from the -al {-an) -x- of these words, yet no satisfactory reason can be given here for a change of the I to n. § 22. CATCH DISSIMILATION If to a form with a glottal catch in the last syllable is added a syn- tactic (conjunctive) element, itself containing a catch, the first catch is lost, but without involving a change in the character of the pitch- accent; the loss of the catch is frequently accompanied by a length- ening of the preceding vowel (or rather, in many cases, a restoration of the original length) . This phonetic process finds its most frequent 22 § 48 BUEEAXJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 application in the subordinate form of the third person aorist intransitive : ya' a da £ when he went (cf . ya /£ he went) ginl' i Vda £ when he went to (cf. gini' £ V he went to) yawa'ida £ when he spoke (cf . yawa' i£ he spoke) loho f ida £ when he died (cf . loho' i£ he died) The connectives -hi 6 it is said, and -s-i £ but, and are, in regard to this process, parallel to the -da £ of the preceding forms: naga'%h% £ he said, it is said (cf. naga' i£ he said) no u s'i /£ but, so (he went) next door (cf. no' u£ s' next door), a'nis'i £ but not (cf. a'nl £ not) £ %'s'is'i £ but no matter how (often) (cf. £ % f s'i £ even if) dal £ wl fi s'i £ but some (cf. dal £ wi ,£ sometimes; ~wl H s'i £ is related to -wi ,£ as is ya' a da £ to ya f£ ) § 23. INFLUENCE OF PLACE AND KIND OF ACCENT ON MANNER OF ARTICULATION The general phonetic rule may be laid down that an aspirated surd, when not immediately followed by another consonant, can, with com- paratively few exceptions, be found as such medially only when the accent immediately precedes, provided that no consonant (except in certain circumstances I, m, and n) intervene between the accented vowel and the aspirated surd; under other conditions it appears as a media. This phonetic limitation naturally brings about a con- stant interchange between the aspirated surd and the correspond- ing media in morphologically identical elements. Thus we have as doublets -da and -fa, third person possessive pronoun of certain nouns : bemt'sb 3 - his stick se /e Zt'a a his writing wila'ut* a, a his arrow ga'lVa?- his bow mo't'a a his son-in-law; but dafgax&a, his head and numerous other nouns with -x-. This consonant in itself, as we have seen, demands a following media. Another pair of doublets is -de £ and -fe £ , first person singular subject intransitive aorist (-de e and -fe e to correspond in future) : pele'xadQ £ I go to fight; p'elxa'Ve e I shall go to war yanVe £ I go; yana't'e e I shall go nagalVe £ I say; raz/t'e e I shall say § 23 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 49 but: wits- !ismade £ I keep moving; future wits'! 'e'smade e (contrast wits' !imt'e £ I move and wisma't*e e I shall move) Other examples of interchange are : sgo u fsga't*i he cut them to pieces; sgo /u fsgidi £ n I cut them to pieces ts'!umUmVa £ n I boil it, s'umVan I shall boil it (stem s'u u m-fa-) ; s'omoda' £ n I boil it, s'omda'n I shall boil it (evidently related stem s'om-d-) S'as'inipiV we stand; e e Wk % we are This phonetic rule must not be understood to mean that a media can never appear under the conditions given for the occurrence of a surd. The various grammatical elements involved are not all on one line. It seems necessary to assume that some contain a surd as the primary form of their consonant, while others contain an organic media. The more or less mechanical changes in manner of articula- tion, already treated of, have had the effect, however, of so inextri- cably interlocking the aspirated surds and mediae in medial and final positions that it becomes difficult to tell in many cases which manner of articulation should be considered the primary form of the consonant. Some of the medially occurring elements with primary tenuis are: -fa, third person possessive -fa, exclusive (as in ~k!wa'lfa }^oung, not old; younger one) -fe £ , first person intransitive aorist (future, -fe e ) -fe¥, first person singular possessive (as in ga'lfeV my bow) Such elements show an aspirated consonant whether the preceding accent be rising or falling; e. g., bemfa like Jie ,e lfa. Some of those with primary media are: -da, third person possessive with preceding preposition (corre- sponding not to first person -feV, -dek K , but to -de) -a'ld- and -a'md- indirect object -da £ , subordinating element This second set regularly keep the media whether the accent imme- diately precedes or not. The first two of these generally, if not always, require the preceding accent to be a falling one: daVwill fi da on his house Jiafgd /a da in his country xa a sa'lda between his toes x&lia'mda on his back 3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 4 § 23 50 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 4.0 Tiawa'nda under him sgelewa'lda £ n I shout to him ts!elela'mda £ n I paint it The third retains its primary character as media when the preceding verb form has the falling accent : yewe f ida £ when he returned naga'-ida £ when he said baxa'mda £ when he came liele'ldtf when he sarig xehe f nda £ when he did it On the other hand it appears as an aspirate tenuis when preceded by the rising accent : ld a lefa £ as it became s'as'inifa £ when he stood The rule first given, when interpreted in the light of a reconstructed historical development, would then mean that a rising accent preserved an immediately following aspirated surd (including always those cases in which I, m, or n intervened), and caused the change of a media to an aspirated surd; while a falling accent preserved a simi- larly situated media or aspirated surd in its original form. That the change in the phonetic circumstances defined of an original media to an aspirated surd is indeed conditioned by a preceding rising accent, is further indicated by such rather uncommon forms as hadedil-tfa everywheres. Here the -ta is evidently the same as the -da of liawili H da in his house, and the difference in manner of articulation is doubtless in direct relation to the difference of accent. A modification of the general phonetic rule as first given remains to be mentioned. After I, m, or n an original aspirated tenuis retains its aspiration even if the accent falls on the preceding syllable but one; also after a short vowel preceded by Z, m, or n, provided the accented vowel is short. Examples are : alwe f ~k!alVe e I shall shine; alwe'lclal^igam we shall shine; alw^'- ~k!alk*wa to shine Fe'p'altV I shall be absent; Ve'p'alk^wa to be absent wulii'Tiamt' ''e £ I have menstrual courses for the first time xala,'xamt*e £ I urinate 1'mliamk'arri he was sent off (i is short, though close in quality; contrast domhigam he was killed) imi'7w,mk*wit* he sent himself § 23 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 51 ts'!um\\'ts'!amVa £ n I always boil it (cf. s'omoda' £ n I boil it) s'&'s.ant*e e I shall stand; s'Si's'aiyp'igam we shall stand; s'aVan- k*wa to stand sene, f sanV e £ I whoop; se'nsant'e e I shall whoop de%wi n gank*wide s I spread (it) out for myself dasga,']it*d a (grain) will lie scattered about With -fd a and -fe £ above contrast the morphologically identical ele- ments -dd a and -de 6 of the following examples, in which the same accentual condition prevails but with a consonant other than Z, m, or n preceding the affected dental: t K ge'its'!idd a (round object) will He (there) s'u'Vdidd a (string) will lie curled up daWek!e f xade £ I smoke (but future -xa f Ve e because of immedi- ately preceding accent) §24. INOBGANIC h Whenever two morphologically distinct vowels come together within the word (verbal prefixes and postposed particles, such as deictic -a\ are not considered as integral parts of the word) , the first (accented) vowel is separated from the second by an " inorganic" -Ti-\ tt!ana'7ii e n I hold it (aorist stem t Ian a- + instrumental -i-), but future Ulani'n (stem tfan-) daV-da-liala'liin I shall answer him (future stem hala- + instru- mental -i-), but aorist daV-da-hd a li ,£ n (stem 7ia a l-) This inorganic Ji is found also immediately following an m, n, or Z preceded by the accent: wayanha £ n I put him to sleep (cf. same form with change of accent wa-ya a na /£ n) dd a£ agdnhi £ n I used to hear about it (cf . -agani /£ n I hear it) UwilJiaufe £ I kept looking (cf. liw%la r uCe £ I looked) xa-it' glHt' ga'Thi he broke it in two (cf. with identical -i- suffix xa a salfgwi'lt*gwili he broke [somebody's arm] by stepping) I'mhamVam he was sent off (also in aorist stem imiJiam-) wadomJiiV he killed him with it (stem do u m- + -i-) It will be observed that the insertion of the 7i is practically the same phonetic phenomenon as the occurrence of an aspirated tenuis instead of a media after an accented vowel. The vowel, nasal, or liquid may appropriately enough be considered as having become aspirated under the influence of the accent, just as in the case of the mediae. § 24 52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 MORPHOLOGY (§§ 25-114) § 25. Introductory Takelma conforms to the supposedly typical morphology of Amer- ican languages in that it is thoroughly incorporating, both as regards the pronominal, and, though somewhat less evidently, the nominal object. If by " polysynthetic" is merely meant the introduction into the verb-complex of ideas generally expressed by independent ele- ments (adverbs or the like), then Takelma is also polysynthetic, yet only moderately so as compared with such extreme examples of the type as Eskimo or Kwakiutl. The degree of intimacy with which the pronominal objective elements on the one hand, and the nominal objective and polysynthetic (instrumental and local) elements on the other, are combined with the internal verb-structure is decidedly different. The former combine as suffixes to form an indissoluble part, as it were, of the verb-form, the subjective elements of the transitive verb, though in themselves absolutely without independent existence, being secondarily attached to the stem already provided with its pronominal object. The latter vary in degree of independ- ence ; they are strung along as prefixes to the verb, but form no integral part of its structure, and may, as far as grammatical coherence is concerned, fall away entirely. The polysynthetic character of the Takelma verb (and by discuss- ing the verb we touch, as so frequently in America, upon the most vital element of the sentence) seems, then, a comparatively accidental, superimposed feature. To use the term " polysynthetic " as a catch- word for the peculiar character of Takelma, as of many another American language, hardly hits the core of the matter. On the other hand, the term " incorporation," though generally of m<3re value as a classificatory label than "polysynthesis," conveys information rather as to the treatment of a special, if important, set of concepts, than as to the general character of the process of form-building. If we study the manner in which the stem unites in Takelma with derivative and grammatical elements to form the word, and the vocalic and consonantic changes that the stem itself undergoes for gram- matical purposes, we shall hardly be able to find a tangible difference § 25 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 53 in general method, however much the details may vary, between Takelma and languages that have been dignified by the name "inflec- tional." It is generally said, in defining inflection, that languages of the inflectional as contrasted with those of the agglutinative type make use of words of indivisible psychic value, in which the stem and the various grammatical elements have entirely lost their single indi- vidualities, but have "chemically" (!) coalesced into a single form- unit; in other words, the word is not a mere mosaic of phonetic materials, of which each is the necessary symbol of some special concept (stem) or logical category (grammatical element) . In support of the actual existence of this admired lack of a one- to-one correspondence between a grammatical category and its pho- netic expression is often quoted the multiplicity of elements that serve to symbolize the same concept; e. g., Lat. -I, • ae, -a, -es, -us, all indicate that the idea of a plurality of subjects is to be associated with the concrete idea given by the main body of the words to which they are attached. Furthermore, variability of the stem or base itself is frequently adduced as a proof of its lack of even a relative degree of individuality apart from the forms from which by analysis it has been abstracted; e. g., German bind-, band-, bund-, band-, biind-. These two characteristics are very far indeed from constituting anything like a definition of inflection, but they are often referred to as peculiar to it, and hence may well serve us as approximate tests. As regards the first test, we find that just such a multiplicity of phonetic symbols for the same, or approximately the same, concept, is characteristic of Takelma. The idea of possession of an object by a person or thing other than the speaker or person addressed is expressed by -xa, -a, -da (-fa),+f, or -,all of which are best rendered by his, hek, its, their (the ideas of gender and number do not here enter as requiring grammatical expression) . Similarly, the idea of the person speaking as subject of the action or state predicated by the main body of the verb is expressed by the various elements -fe e (-de £ ), -fe e (-de e ), - s n, -n, -¥a £ (-ga £ ), all of which are best ren- dered in English by "I." -fe £ is confined to the aorist of intransi- tive verbs; -fe e is future intransitive; - £ n is aorist transitive; -n is future transitive; and -Va £ is used in all inferential forms, whether transitive or intransitive. § 25 54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 As for the second test, it soon appears that the Takelma stem may undergo even more far-reaching changes than we are accustomed to in German or Greek. As examples may serve : do u m-, difim-, tlomom- (t!omo u -), t!ilmu' a - kill na a g-, ne e -, nagcb-, nege- say to The first form in each of these sets is the verb-stem, properly speak- ing, and is used in the formation of all but the aorist forms. The second is employed in non-aorist forms when the incorporated object of the verb is a first person singular, and in several derivative forma- tions. The third is characteristic of the aorist. The fourth is used in the aorist under the same conditions as determine the use of the second form of the stem in other groups of forms. It needs but a moment's thought to bring home the general psychic identity of such stem-variability and the " ablaut" of many German verbs, or the Latin stem-variation in present and perfect : frang- :freg- break da- : ded- give If the typical verb (and, for that matter, noun) form of Takelma is thus found to be a firm phonetic and psychic unit, and to be charac- terized by some of the supposed earmarks of inflection, what is left but to frankly call the language "inflectional' ' ? " Polysynthetic' ' and "incorporative" are not in the slightest degree terms that exclude such a designation, for they have reference rather to the detailed treatment of certain groups of concepts than to morphologic method. Everything depends on the point of view. If chief stress for purposes of classification is laid on the relative importance and fulness of the verb, Takelma is polysynthetic; if the criterion of classification be taken to be whether the verb takes the pronominal object within its structure or not, it is incorporating; if, finally, stress be laid on the general method of building up the word from smaller elements, it is inflective. Not that Takelma is in the least thereby relegated to a peculiar or in any way exceptional position. A more objective, un- hampered study of languages spoken in various parts of the world will undoubtedly reveal a far wider prevalence than has been gener- ally admitted of the inflectional type. The error, however, must not be made of taking such comparatively trivial characteristics as sex gender, or the presence of cases, as criteria of inflection. Inflection has reference to method, not to subject-matter. § 25 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 55 Grammatical Processes (§§ 26-32) § 26, General MemarJcs There are four processes employed in Takelma for purposes of grammatical modification and word-formation: affixation (pre-, in-, and suffixation) , reduplication, vocalic change (ablaut), and conso- nant change (consonant ablaut). Pitch-accent is of grammatical importance, but is most probably a product of purely phonetic causes. Of the processes mentioned, suffixation is by far the most important, while the presence of infTxation will have to be allowed or denied according to the definition given of it. § 27, Pre/location Prefixation is either of the loose polysynthetic type already referred to, or of the more firmly knit inflective type. Loose prefixation is extremely common, nominal objects, instruments, and local ideas of one kind or another finding admittance into the word-complex, as we have seen, in this manner. Examples of such loose prefixation are : gwen- £ a f l-yowo £ he looked back (gwen- in back; al- is difficult to define, but can perhaps be best described as indicative of action away from one's self, herewith clear implication of sight directed outward; yowo ,£ he was, can be used as independent word) s'in-i-lats!agi' £ n I touched his nose (s'in- nose; I- with hand; lats!agi f£ n I touched him, as independent word) gwenfge^m black necked (gwen- nape, neck; fge y m black) The first example shows best the general character of loose prefixa- tion. The prefixed elements gwen-, al-, S'in-, and %- have no separate existence as such, yet in themselves directly convey, except perhaps al-, a larger, more definitely apperceived, share of meaning than falls to the lot of most purely grammatical elements. In dealing with such elements as these, we are indeed on the borderland between independent word and affix. The contrast between them and gram- matical suffixes comes out strongest in the fact that they may be entirely omitted without destroying the reality of the rest of the word, while the attempt to extract any of the other elements leaves an unmeaning remainder. At the same time, the first example well illustrates the point that they are not so loosely attached but that they may entirely alter the concrete meaning of the word. Pre- fixation of the inflective type is very rare. There is only one SS 26-27 56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY f bull. 40 such prefix that occurs with considerable frequency, wi-, first person singular possessive of nouns of relationship : wiJia y m my father Tiami'H* your father § 28. Suffixation Suffixation is the normal method employed in building up actual forms of nouns and verbs from stems. . The suffixes in themselves have for the most part very little individuality, some of them being hardly evident at all except to the minute linguistic analyst. The notions they convey are partly derivational of one kind or other. In the verb they express such ideas as those of position, reciprocal action, causation, frequentative action, reflexive action, spontaneous activity, action directed to some one, action done in behalf of some one. From the verb-stem such adjectival and nominal derivations as participles, infinitives, or abstract nouns of action, and nouns of agent are formed by suffixation. In the noun itself various suffixed elements appear whose concrete meaning is practically nil. Other suffixes are formal in the narrower sense of the word. They express pronominal elements for subject and object in the verb, for the pos- sessor in the noun, modal elements in the verb. Thus a word like tlomoxiniV we kill one another contains, besides the aorist stem tlomo- (formed from do u m-) 3 the suffixed elements -x- (expressing general idea of relation between subject and object), -in- umlauted from -an- (element denoting reciprocal action [ -x-in- = each other, one another]), and -i¥ (first personal plural subject intransitive aorist). As an example of suffixation in the noun may be given tlibagwa^n-t'V my pancreas. This form contains, besides the stem t!iba-, the suffixed elements -gw- (of no ascertainable concrete signifi- cance, but employed to form several body-part nouns; e. g., t!iba y V w pancreas 47.17), -an- (apparently meaningless in itself and appear- ing suffixed to many nouns when they are provided with possessive endings), and -£Y (first personal singular possessive). § 29. Infixation Infixation, or what superficially appears to be such, is found only in the formation of certain aorist stems and frequentatives. Thus the aorist stem mats lag- (from masg- put) shows an intrusive or §§ 28-29 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 57 infixed -a- between the s (strengthened to ts!) and g of the stem. Similarly the aorist stem wits' Urn- (from wism- move) shows an infixed i. Infixation in frequentative forms is illustrated by: yonoina ,£ n I always sing (aorist stem yonon-) tslayaiV he used to shoot them (cf. ts!aya y Y he shot them) On examination it is found that the infixed element is invariably a repetition of part of the phonetic material given by the stem. Thus the infixed -a- and -i- of mats lag- and wits- Urn- are repetitions of the -a- and -i- of the stems masg- and wism-; the infixed -i- of yonoin- and ts lay dig- are similarly repetitions of the y- of yonon and -y- of tslayag-. It seems advisable, therefore, to consider all cases of infixation rather as stem-amplifications related to reduplica- tion. An infixed element may itself be augmented by a second infixation. Thus we have: Verb stem Aorist stem Frequentative hemg- take out Jiemeg- 7ieme e mg- ts!a-im- hide tslayam- tslaya-im- masg- put mats lag- mats!a a sg- yawl- talk yawa-i- yawa-iy- baxm- come baxam- baxd a xm- § SO, Reduplication Reduplication is used in Takelma as a grammatical process with surprising frequency, probably as frequently as in the Salish languages. The most interesting point in connection with it is probably the fact that the reduplicating increment follows the base, never, as in most languages (Salish, Kwakiutl, Indo-Germanic) , precedes it. It is, like the infixation spoken of above, employed partly in the formation of the aorist, partly to express frequentative or usitative action. Some nouns show reduplicated stems, though, as a process, redupli- cation is not nearly as important in the noun as in the verb. Some verbs, including a number that do not seem to imply a necessary repetitive action, are apparently never found in unreduplicated form. Four main types of reduplication, with various subtypes, occur : 1. A partial reduplication, consisting of the repetition of the vowel and final consonant of the stem : aorist helel- (from he e l- sing) aorist tlomom- (from do u m- kill) The reduplicated vowel is lengthened in certain forms, e. g., hele e l-, t!omo u mr. § 30 58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 1 a. A subtype of 1 is illustrated by such forms as exhibit an unreduplicated consonant after the reduplicated portion of the word, the second vowel in such cases being generally long aorist ts'!umu u mt*a- (from s'ifimfa- boil) usitative aorist tluluHg- (from verb stem t!vHg- } aorist tlulug- follow trail) usitative aorist ginl l ng- (from verb stem ging-, aorist ginig- go to ; ging-j ginig- itself is probably reduplicated from gin-) 2. A complete reduplication, consisting of the repetition of the entire base with a change of the stem-vowel to a: aorist tleutlau- (from t!eu- play shinny) aorist bofbad- (from bo u d- pull out one's hair) aorist ba a - sal- xo(x)xag come to a stand (pi.) ; aorist sal-xog-l 1 - stand (pi.) 3. A complete reduplication, as in 2, with the addition of a con- necting vowel repeated from the vowel of the stem: aorist yuluyal- (cf . verb stem yulyal- rub) aorist frequentative JiogoJiag- keep running (from 7id u g- run) aorist frequentative s'wilis'wal- tear to pieces; verb stem s'wil- s'wal- (from aorist s'wlHs'wal- tear; verb stem s'wlH-) If the stem ends in a fortis consonant, the reduplicating syllable regularly shows the corresponding media (or aspirated tenuis) : sgotlosgad- cut to pieces (from verb stem sgoH!-, aorist sgo u d- cut) 3 a. A subgroup of 3 is formed by some verbs that leave out the -a- of the reduplicating syllable: • gwidiV w d- throw (base gwid-) 4. An irregular reduplication, consisting of a repetition of the vowel of the stem followed by -( £ )a- + the last and first (or third) consonants of the stem in that order : frequentative aorist Homoamd-, as though instead of *t!omo- tlam-; cf. non-aorist do u mdam- (from aorist tlomom- kill) frequentative aorist lc!eme e amg- (from lc!eme-n- make; verb stem lc!em-n-) frequentative aorist p!uwu £ aug-, as though instead of *p!uwup!aug- (from aorist pluwuk!- name) It will be noticed that verbs of this type of reduplication all begin with fortis consonants. The glottal catch is best considered a partial representative of the initial fortis; in cases like lc!eme £ amg- an original § 30 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 59 -k!am (i. e., - £ gam) may be conceived of as undergoing partial meta- thesis to - £ amg. Other rarer reduplications or stem-amplifications occur, and will be treated in speaking of aorist formations and frequent atives. § 31. Vowel- Ablaut Vowel-ablaut consists of the palatalization of non-palatal stem- vowels in certain forms. Only o and a (with corresponding long vowels and diphthongs) are affected; they become respectively u (u) and e. In sharp contradistinction to the i- umlaut of an original a to i, this ablaut affects only the radical portion of the word, and thus serves as a further criterion to identify the stem. Thus we have we e ga/si he brought it to me (from stem wa a g-, as shown also by wa a g-iwi /£ n i brought it to him), but wege'sinV he will bring it to me (from stem waga-, as shown also by waga- wi'n i'll bring it to him), both i- umlaut and stem-ablaut serving in these cases to help analyze out the stems. Vowel-ablaut occurs in the following cases : 1. Whenever the object of the transitive verb or subject of the passive is the first person singular : mele'xi he told it to me 172.17, but mala'xbi £ n I told it to you (162.6) nege's'i he said to me 186.22, but naga'sam he said to us (178.12) dumxina £ I shall be slain (192.11), but domxbina £ you will be slain (178.15) gel-luhuigwa' 'si he avenges me, but -loJioigwa /£ n I avenge him ( 1 48 . 3) Not infrequently vowel-ablaut in such cases is directly responsible for the existence of homonyms, as in yeweyagwa' si he talks about me (from yaway-t&lk) , and yeweyagwa' si he returns with me (from 2/l% 1 fire and waya knife) occur as incorporated instrumental, for such elements as %- and Tian- can not possibly be isolated from the verb (han- does not occur as independent adverb, but only as prefix; %- is inconceivable as independent noun) ; furthermore, if, in the forms just quoted, p!& and waya be looked upon as absolutely independent nouns, they lose all semblance of grammatical form, there being, indeed, nothing but a definite position in a verb-complex that could here suggest the notion of instrumentality. It is also possible to isolate waya, but that would involve considerable readjustment of the verbal structure. To be stamped as an instrumental, waya must in that case be fol- lowed by a postposition wa with, so that the sentence then reads, Tian-swilswa'lJii wa'ya wa K (the phrase wa r ya wo* may also precede) . If we wish to incorporate the instrumental idea into the verb, and yet keep the noun outside of the verb-structure, we may let the wa, which seems properly to denote with it, occupy the place of the incor- porated waya, which, as an appositive of wa, then either precedes or follows the verb-form, wa'ya Tian-wa-swilswa'Ihi, or han-wa-swilswa'lM waya" he-across-with-it-tore-him (it, i. e.), the-knife. This con- struction is identical with the well-known appositional structure of Nahua or Chinook (e. g., i-it-killed the-dog), except that the incor- porated element is here instrumental and not objective in character. The noun and its representative can not both be incorporated in the verb, such a form as Thau-way a-wa-swilswa'lhi, for instance, being quite impossible. It becomes clear, therefore, that an incorporated instrumental noun like wa'ya is quite analogous to an instrumental body- part prefix like I- hand, with the difference that wa'ya may be isolated in that form, while I- must, when isolated, be provided with a possessive pronominal element. The form lian-%- swilswa'lhi i tore him open with my hand is strictly analogous to Jian-waya-swilswa'Thi', the sentence luxdeW Jian-wa-swilswa'lhi my- hand i-across-with-it-tore-him corresponds to wa'ya lian-wa-swil- swa'Thi; and, finally, Jian-swilswa'Thi luxde'V wa y i-across-tore-him my-hand with (-it) is parallel to han-swilswa'lJii wa'ya wa y . What- ever is true morphologically of i- must be true of wa'ya; the evident § 35 68 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 incorporation of I- involves the incorporation of wa'ya in the analogous form. As the incorporation of the noun as an instrument seems a rather important trait of Takelma, a number of further examples may be given : xa a -be e -nd fu Vwa £ n I warm my back in (really = with) the sun (Z>e e sun); cf. 188.20 ~he e£ -xi-le'me £ Vi he destroyed them with water (xi water) lie e£ -'p!l i -leme r£ Vi he destroyed them with fire (pli* fire) 98.12 xa-dan-t* glHt' ga'Thi he broke it with a rock (dan rock) 24.4 gw en-way a-sgo'H'i he cut their necks off with his knife (waya' a wa y with his knife, apart from verb-structure) 144.5, 22 xa a -be e m-lc!wd u t*lc!widi £ n I broke it with a stick (be e m stick) da a -he e l-yebebi' £ n I sing for him, literally, I engage (?) his ears with song (7ie e l song; al-yebeb-i- show to) da a -fmu u gal-lewe /£ liwi £ n I shake my ears with twisted shells (attached to them) (t K mu u gal twisted shell) 122.1 d^-Val-p'iWp'il^n I squash them with my penis (k*al penis) 73.14 de-ye'f-baxamagwanaW we came crying, literally, we came hav- ing (our) mouths with tears (yet* tears) yap!a-dauya a -ts!aya'Vi he shot people with his shaman's spirit (dauya fa V w da his shaman-spirit, apart from verb-structure); cf. 164.14 All these, except the last, begin with elements (xa a -, 7ie ee -, gwen-, dd a - f dl 1 -, de) that can not be isolated from the verb. Instrumentals, whether nouns or body-part prefixes, can occur only in transitive verbs. The forms noxwa s yana-wa-lobobi f£ n i pound acorns with a pestle and noxwa x -i-loboxagwa f£ n i pound with a pestle, as compared with lobd'xade £ i pound, will serve to illustrate this. The first sentence reads, when literally translated, pestle (noxwa y ) i-acorns (yana y ) -with-it-pound. The logical instrument (noxwa") stands outside the verb-complex and is in apposition with its incorporated instrumental representative (m-), yana y being the direct (incorporated) object. The form lobo'xade £ i pound is made intransitive by the element -xa- (hence the change in pronominal form from transitive - s n to intransitive -de e ) 3 and allows of no instrumental modification; a form like l-ldbo'xade £ could hardly mean i pound with the hand; at most it could signify i pound in the hand. If we wish, however, to express the logical instrument in some manner/ and yet neglect to specify the object, we must get around the difficulty by making a secondary transitive of § 35 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 69 the intransitive in -xa-. This is done by the suffixed element -gw- having, attended by. The grammatical object of a transitive verb in -gw- is never the logical object of the action, but always dependent upon the comitative idea introduced by this sufhx. Hence the sec- ond form is not provided with a true instrumental (with a pestle), but takes the logical instrument (noxwa y ) as a direct object, while the l- is best rendered by in the hand; to translate literally, the form really means i pound having a pestle in the hand. It sometimes happens that a verb form has two instrumentals, one, generally %- with the hand, expressing indefinite or remote instrumentality, the second, a noun or demonstrative, expressing the actual instrument by means of which the action is accomplished. In such cases the second instrument is expressed outside of the verb- complex, but may be represented in the verb by the incorporated wa with it following the first instrumental element (%-) . Examples of such double instrumentals are: gwalV ba a -%-wa-xd' u Vi wind he-up-hand-with-it-caused-them-to- fall, i. e., he caused them to fall by means of a wind (that he made go up) 168.2 ga H-wa-molo e ma'Ihi that she-hand-with-it-stirs-it-up, i. e., she stirs it up with that (incidentally, of course, she uses her hand too) 170.16 dan (object) Jclama (instr.) p!ai- £ i-wa-sga' a Vsgigi £ n rocks tongs down-hand-with-it-pick-up, i. e., I pick up the rocks with the tongs (and put them) down 2. The noun as instrument has been shown to act in a manner entirely analogous to the instrumental body-part prefix. The latter can, without phonetic change, become the direct object of the verb by occupying the proper position : s'in-i-lats!agi /e n I touched his nose with my hand (s'in- nose) but, theoretically at least, i-S'in-lats!agi /e n I touched his hand with my nose If we bear in mind that such elements as s'in- and I- are really nothing but nouns in their stem form (with possessive pronoun: s m in-i-x-da his nose; l r -u-x-da his hand), the parallelism with such noun- objects as hem and gwan (see examples on p. 65) becomes complete. The fact that they may occur independently, while s'in- and %- never do, is really irrelevant to the argument, as a body-part noun must necessarily be associated with some definite person. Entirely § 35 70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 analogous to the nominal elements -% l -x- and -u-x- of s'inixda and %'uxda is, e. g., the -am- of gwa a l-a y m-f¥ my road. Just as they drop off when the body-part nouns are incorporated, whether as object or instrument, into the verb, so, also, the -am- of gwa a l-am- ( = gwa a n-an-) drops off when the noun is used without pronominal or prepositional modification. That the -am- has nothing per se to do with the pronominal afhx, but is really a noun-forming element added to the stem, is proven by forms like Jia-gwa a la x m in the road. Thus: object hem, in hem-wa £ -l-t!oxo f xi £ n I gather sticks, is related to object s'in-, in s'in-i-lats!agi' £ n I touch his nose, as instrument hem, in xa a -he e m-lc IwoH'lc !widi £ n I broke it with a stick, to instrument s m in-, in s'in-t!ayagi' £ n I find it with my nose ( = 1 smell it) In view of the complete parallelism of noun and body-part element and the transparent incorporation of the noun as instrument, nothing remains but to look upon the simple noun without pronominal affixes, when placed immediately before the local and instrumental prefixes of the verb, as itself a loosely incorporated object. Exam- ples of noun-objects in such form and position are to be found in great number; in fact, the regularity with which the object is put before the verb, as contrasted with the freely movable subject, argues further for the close relation of the noun-object to the verb. A few further examples of incorporated noun-objects are given by way of illustration : Jie e l-gel-gulugwa' £ n I desire to sing (literally , I-song-breast-desire ; Jie e l song) 7ie e l-yununa /£ n I sing a song (106.7) wili-wa-%-t!a r nida £ you shall keep house (literally, you-house- together-hand- will-hold ; will house) 28.13 ahai £ xuma-Jc!emna' £ s cook (literally, in-the-house food-maker; xuma food) 54.3 wai-s'ugvf s'uxgwa £ n I am sleepy (literally, I-sleep-am-confused ?- having; wai sleep) r pl% i -da-tlaga% he built a fire (pli* fire) 96.17 p!l i -ha a -yan¥ w he picked up the fire (literally, he-fire-up-went- having) 96.25 xi- £ ugwa s nY he will drink water (xi water) 162.17 s'lx-ligi y ¥ w he brought home venison (s'%x venison) 134.4 § 35 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 71 In none of these would the placing of the object after the verb- form be at all idiomatic; in some (as in he e l-gel-gulugwa' £ n and wai- S'ugu's'uxgwa £ n) it would be quite inconceivable. The incorporation must be considered particularly strong in those cases in which the object is what might be called a root-noun identical in form with a verb-stem of corresponding significance : wai 1 sleep, to sleep he e l- song, to sing se e l- black paint, to paint likewise where the object gives special color to the verb, deter- mining the concrete significance of the form, as in xuma-Jc!emna' £ s and wili-wa-l-tla f nida £ . 3. Besides being used as instrumentals and direct objects, a few incorporated nouns are found employed in set phrases, apparently as subjects. Such are: ba a -be e -k li\jl' l Vda £ forenoon (literally, up-sun-going, or when-it- goes) (ba a - is never used as independent adverb, so that be e - sun must here be considered part of the verb-complex) nd u -be e -k!iyl H Vda £ afternoon (literally, down-river [i. e., west]- sun-going) mot K -wdlc K as son-in-law he visits wife's parents ( = moV- son-in- law + wo y lc\ probably identical with woV he arrived) 17.13, in which mot'- must be considered an integral part of the verb, because unprovided with pronominal affix (cf . mo't f d a his son- in-law) , and, further, because the whole form may be accom- panied by a non-incorporated subject (e. g., bo'mxi moVwb^V Otter visited his wife's parents, literally, something like: Otter son-in-law-arrived) 4. Several verb-forms seem to show an incorporated noun forming a local phrase with an immediately preceding local prefix; in such cases the whole phrase must be considered an incorporated unit, its lack of independence being evidenced either by the fact that it is itself preceded by a non-independent verbal prefix, or else differs in phonetic form from the corresponding independent local phrase. Examples are: da a -ts' !elei-sgalawi' £ n I looked at them out of the corners of my eyes (literally, I-alongside-eye-looked-at-them) 2 ; cf. dd a -ts'!e- leide alongside my eyes *wai- indeed could not be obtained as an independent noun, its existence as substantive being inferred from forms such as that cited above. 2 It may be, however, that this form is to be interpreted as i-aside- (with-the-) eye-looked-at-them, ts'.'elei- being in that case an incorporated instrumental noun. § 35 72 BTJKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Jia-fga a -gwidi y F w he threw it into the open (literally, he-in-earth- threw-it) ; cf . Jia-fgati in the earth ha-i-dak'-wili-t!a a di ,£ n I ran out of the house (Jba-i- out, adverbial prefix + dale*- on top of + will house) 24.13; cf. daV-will on top of the house ha-yau-t'ge'nets!a £ n I put it about my waist (literally, I-in [ under ?]-rib-put-it-about) ; cf. ha-yawade inside my ribs Such verbs with incorporated local phrases are naturally not to be con- fused with cases in which a local prefix is followed by an incorporated (instrumental) noun with which it is not, however, directly connected. Thus the ha- of ~ha-tga a -gwidW w is not directly comparable to the ha- of a form like: ha-p!l i -ts' !u'luk!i s n I set it on fire (pH* with fire) 73.9 Here ha-pli*- cannot be rendered in the fire. Some verb-forms show an evidently incorporated noun that has so thoroughly amalgamated with the stem that it is difficult to make out its exact share in the building up of the material content of the verb. For example: s'omlohoya f lda £ n I doctor him as s'omloho f lxa £ s doubtless contains the incorporated noun s'ofri mountain; but the implied allusion is not at all evident, except in so far as the protecting spirits of the s-omloho r lxa £ s are largely mountain-spirits. The verb itself is probably a derivative of the verb-stem loho- die (aorist lohoi-) . §36. BODY-PABT PREFIXES Having disposed of the modal prefixes, which on analysis turned out to be verbal prefixes only in appearance, and of incorporated nouns, which one would hardly be inclined to term prefixes in the narrower sense of the term, there remain for our consideration two important sets of genuine prefixes, body-part elements and adverbial, chiefly local, prefixes. The former will be taken up first. By " body- part prefix" is not meant any body-part noun in its incorporated form (many of these, such as ts'lelei- eye, tliba- pancreas, not differing morphologically from ordinary incorporated nouns), but only certain etymologically important monosyllabic elements that are used to indi- cate in a more general way what body-part is concerned in a particular action, and which may be regarded as in some degree verbal classifiers. With the exception of I- hand and s'in- nose, classed with the rest § 36 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 73 because of their very extended use, they differ fundamentally from other body-part nouns in that they have, besides their literal, also a more formal, local value; in this capacity they are regularly employed, also, as the first element of noun and pronoun local phrases, and, some of them, as the second element of local postpositions. In the fol- lowing list the second column gives the literal body-part significance; the third, the generalized local meaning ; the fourth, the correspond- ing independent noun (in a few cases, it will be observed, there is no such corresponding noun); and the fifth column, an example of a local phrase : Prefix. Body. Local. Noun. Phrase. dak'- head over, above da'g-ax- dek' my head dak'-wiU over the house \da-, de- mouth, lips dex- del:' i de- in front dW gwa m front of himself daa- ear alongside daa- n- x- de^k' daa-gela x m along the river s-in- nose s'in-ii-x-de^k' gwen- neck, nape in back,behind [bo'k' dan-x- de^k'] gwen-t' gauon east side of the land %- hand l-vrx- de y k' xaa- back, waist between,in two xaa-ha^m-Vk' xda- gwelde between my legs dU- back on top of dii-lude over my hand gel- breast facing gel- x- dek', [bilg- an -x- de y k'] gelde facing, in front of me dF- anus in rear [delg- a^n- t'k'] di'-t'gdu on west side of the land ha- woman's pri- vate parts in hau-x-dek' ha-xiya s in the water gwelr leg under gwel-x-dek' gwcl-xiya s under water la- sal- belly foot down, below Vaa- excrement sal-x-de y k' La-t'gau Uplands ( = ? front of the country) air eye, face to. at [ts-J del- t'k' my eye] [li'ugw- ax- dek' my face al-s~ o« ma K l to the mountain dU e alr forehead ( = above eye) dU £ aH-t'k' dWa'lda at his forehead gwenha-u- nape (=neck under) gwenha-u-x-de^k' gwenha-ude at my nape The last two are evidently compounded; the first of dl l - above and al- eye, face, the second of #ipgn-NECK and probably adverbial prefix lia-u- under. The noun 7iau-x- woman's private parts may possibly be connected with this prefix Jia-u-, though, in view of the fact that ha- appears as the incorporated form of the noun, it seems more probable that the resemblance in form and meaning is acci- dental. It is possible that other rarer body-part prefixes occur, but those listed are all that have been found. In not a few cases, where the body-part prefix evidently has neither objective nor instrumental meaning, it may yet be difficult to see a clearly local idea involved. This is apt to be the case particularly § 36 74 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 with many intransitive verbs, in which the share of meaning con- tributed by the body-part prefix is apparent enough but where the logical (syntactic) relation of its content to that of the verb proper is hardly capable of precise definition. Thus, from yowo /£ he is are formed by means of body-part prefixes: al- £ yowo /£ he-eye-is, i. e., he looks 62.6 dd a - £ yowo ,£ he-ear-is, i. e., he listens, pays attention 96.9 ba a -gel- £ yowo /£ he-up-breast-is, i. e., he lies belly up 140.5 In these cases it is obviously impossible, yowo- being an intransitive verb not implying activity, to translate al-, dd a -, and gel- as instru- mentals (with the eye, ear, breast) ; nor is there any clear idea of location expressed, though such translations as at the eye, ear, breast would perhaps not be too far fetched. In many verbs the body-part prefix has hardly any recognizable meaning, but seems necessary for idiomatic reasons. In a few cases prefixes seem to interchange without perceptible change of meaning, e. g., al- and dak' in: aldemxigam we shall assemble (186.7) dak' demxia u£ f people (indef.) will assemble (136.11) Where two body-part prefixes occur in a verb form, they may either both retain their original concrete significance, the first prefix being generally construed as object, the second as instrument (e. g., s'al- £ l-lats!agi' £ n i-foot-hand-touch-him, i. e., i touch his foot with my hand) ; or the first prefix may have its secondary local signifi- cance, while the second is instrumental in force (e. g., de- £ i-wl H gi £ n i-front-hand-spread-it, i. e., i spread it out) ; or both prefixes may have secondary local or indefinite significance (e. g., gwel-ge'l- £ yowo £ he-leg-bre ast-is, i. e., he faces away from him) ; rarely do we find that two body-part prefixes are concrete in significance and absolutely coordinated at the same time (see footnote to 12 below). To illustrate the various uses of the body-part prefixes it seems preferable to cite examples under each separate prefix rather than to group them under such morphologic headings as objective, instru- mental, and local, as by the former method the range of usage taken up by the various prefixes is more clearly demonstrated. The examples are in each case divided into two groups : (a) literal signifi- cation (objective, instrumental, or local) and (b) general adverbial (local) signification. § 36 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 75 1. dah K - (a) HEAD, WITH HEAD, IN HEAD! dak.'ts!aydpde z I washed my head (literally, I washed in my head dak*fbd' a gamf he tied together (their head hair) 27.1 dak" ilats!agi' e n I touched top of his head dakliagdlfe* I felt thrill in my head (as when sudden cold tremor goes through one) aldak K sd a msa y m he bumped (with) his head against it 79.7 d2^Viwi r VauYwa £ n I brandish it over my head (6) ON TOP OF, ABOVE : dakH*gu' u l)a s n I put rounded scooped-out object (like hat or canoe) on top (of head) (61.9) &akTeJc!e'xade s I smoke (literally, I raise [sc, tobacco- smoke] over[one's head]) (96.23) dak'limimxgwaf it (i. e., tree) falls on you (108.12) dak'wd a ga' £ n I finish it (literally, I bring it on top) (110.17) will dak'yd a ngwa' £ n I pass house (? literally, I go with house above me) (150.8) d&k'daM a li' s n I answer him (61.6; 180.18) d&Yt!emexiV we assembled together (43.9; 136.11) dak*Jiene e da' £ n I wait for him The last three or four examples can hardly be said to show a transparent use of daV-. Evidently the meaning of the prefix has become merged in the general verbal content, becoming unrecognizable as such; cf. under in English understand, UNDERGO. 2. da-, de- It seems possible that we have here two distinct prefixes to begin with, da- inside of mouth (cf. d&tslaydj)* he washed his mouth) and de- lips (cf. de e ts!aydp % he washed his lips and noun de e -x- lips), from the second of which developed the general local significance of in front; contrast also Jidda,' f- gwa in his own mouth with det'gwa in front of himself. The strict delimitation of the two, however, is made difficult by the fact that da-, alone in this respect among non-radical verbal elements, undergoes palatal ablaut (thus becoming de-) whenever the stem shows a palatal vowel, whether primary or itself due to ablaut; observe also the stem-change from da- to de- in Tiad&'t'gwa 170.2 and Jiadede in my mouth. These § 36 76 BUEEAtT OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 apparently secondary de- prefixes will be listed together with, and immediately following the da- prefixes, while the true, chiefly local, de-, (da)- prefixes will be put by themselves. (a 1 ) da-, (de-) mouth, in mouth, with mouth, lips, teeth, TONGUE I jda £ o#o27kihegavehim to eat (lit., he mouth-gave him) (186.25) \de £ ugu's-i he gave me to eat 186.2 dddlaya ,i£ he went to get something to eat 75.9 dsLda f Fda a F sharpen your teeth! 126.18; 128.23 d&ts!ala'ts!ili £ n I chew it ald2Lt!ele't!ili $ n I lick it dsdats!agi /£ n I taste it (literally, I mouth-touch it) ald&p'dpiwi £ n I blow at it (194.1) d&dama /£ x he was out of wind 26.5 dismay ama ,£ n I smile 1iad8b s yowo /u da £ (creek) going into (river) (literally, in- mouth- being) {ddd u l £ he lied (literally, he mouth-played) 110.23; 156.14 {delunhixi he lied to me dsiyuwo' £ s he suddenly stopped (singing, talking) (literally, he mouth-started, as in fright) 138.23 \da¥dsJid a li /£ n I answer him (180.18) [daVdehelsi he answers me (a 2 ): lie e dele'lek!i £ n I finished (story, talking) 50.4 delumu' 'sgade £ I tell truth (184.3) dexebenaY you said it (literally, you mouth-did it) 14.10; 15.6 aldets- !u f luk!i £ n I suck it dedets' !u f luk!i £ n I kiss her (first de- as object, her lips; sec- ond de- as instrument, with my lips) deliememi /£ n I taste it (cf . l-Tiemem- wrestle) ba-idehenenaY you are through eating (literally, you are out-mouth-done) (136.16) ddigia'lda £ n I fetch it for him to eat (130.9) d&he'yekli £ n I left food over da- can not stand before I- hand, because of the palatal timbre of the latter. Examples of de £ l-\ dtflda'mkHnY it will get choked de £ llats!agi' £ n I touched his mouth (de- =da- as object; I- as instrument. Contrast above da-lats!agi' £ n I tasted it, with da- as instrument) Similarly other palatal non-radical elements cause a change of da- to de-: § 36 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 77 de-his-gulu-gwa' £ n I want it in my mouth ( = I desire to eat [ Us = trying]) (b) de-,{da-) in front, ahead, at door of house: &e £ ik!ala'~k!ilin (house) was scratched on door 154.1, 2, 3 de £ ise /e V he opened door of house (cf. alse' e V he bowed to him) 63.12 de £ ip*owo' £ V he bent it ba a de' £ yeweija x V w he started traveling again (literally, he up-ahead- went-again- with it) 22.4; 24.9; 25.6 dewiliwa'lsi she is fighting me 27.3 de e gwidiW w he stuck (threw) it into (fire) 27.8 dQViwi'VauVwa £ n I brandish it before my face (172.12) gasa'llii de'hits!a a ga' £ s fast stepper (literally, quickly ahead- stepper) ba-ide £ di t nixia u£ they marched by in regular order (literally, they out-ahead-stretched) 144.14 de £ iwi H gi £ n I spread it out (120.1) tfga a de'M Telly a'Vi £ if the world goes on (literally, world ahead-goes-if) 146.4 d&matslcfV he put it point foremost (into their eyes) 27.8 As in the case of daV-, so also here, not a few forms occur in which the meaning of the prefix da-, de- is far from being clearly in evidence : dsit!aga £ n I build a fire (96.17) laldsLtc!u'lu u£ F he caught fire 98.3 Xaldstclu'lu^xi I caught fire degilWklalx it glows (142.1) ; 188.15 aldsifguyu H£ si (fire) blisters my face (25.11) de £ %£a'mdk!i £ n I put out the fire d&fama /£ x the fire goes out da,t!ahaga' £ n I finish it (176.6) deisgayana' £ n I lie down As the first seven of these examples show, da-, de- sometimes imply a (probably secondary) reference to fire. 3. da a - (a) ear, with ear (referring to hearing), in ear, cheek, sides of head: d&Hs!ayap' he washed his ear da, £ its' lamcfY he squeezed his ears d!i £ ilats!agi' £ n I touched his ear, cheek deL* £ agani' £ n I heard it (55.3; 108.16) d%?-da a gi f£ n I am able to hear it (literally, I can ear-find it) (100.12) § 36 78 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 dsL a le e lagwa' e n I listen to him (55.1; 96.2; 146.5) d&Hs- !emxde £ I hear big noise 90.21 ani £ ge d&' £ y owo £ he did not listen to it (literally, he not there ear-was) 96.9 dsi a sgek!elha s n I kept listening (102.3) dsL a yehei he went where he heard (noise of people singing or gambling) 106.10. d&^dele'p^i he stuck it across his ear dsi^dalaga'mf he made holes in his ears dtfd&rfbe' e£ ¥fhagams they had their hair tied on sides of head {dl l da a - probably as incorporated phrase, over ears) 142.17 d& £ ibo'£~bidi £ n I pull out his hair (from side of head) (194.7) (jb) ALONG, on side: wi'lau d& a wat'hd' a gamdina £ arrows shall be tied along (their length) with it (i. e., sinew) 28.1 4. S'iU- NOSE, IN NOSE, WITH NOSE! s'in £ lgile /£ sgwa he scratched his own nose 14.11 ; 15.7 s'int!ayagi ,£ n I smell it (literally, I nose-find it) (160.20) & , mdalaga'mt i he made holes in septum (cf. under da a -) 22.1 s*inZo' M Fi he stuck it into nose s'mde e le'p'gwa he stuck it up into his own nose s-'mgeycfn he turned away his nose s'myuwo' £ s he dodged with his nose (as when fly lights; cf. under da-) s'mt'uwulc'de £ I feel warm in my nose s'mxi'nl i xanfde £ I sniff s'inwiU ri Vap'de £ I blow my nose ah'mld' u xa £ n they meet each other (24.12) 5. gwen- (a) neck: gwensgd' u da £ n I cut his neck (144»2, 3, 5, 22) gwents !ayaga' £ n I washed his neck 7ia-ugwenyunu' £ yini £ n I swallow it greedily (cf. 126.10) gwenld' u Vi he stuck it in his throat (cf. under s'in-) 25 A gwen £ llats!agi /£ n I touched back of his neck gwemvayanaganlri he swung his knife over their necks 144.2 (&) back, behind: gwe'n £ alyowo £ he looked back gwenyeweife £ I went back (152.13; 188.19) gwe'nliwila u£ he looks back (on his tracks) 59.14; 94.9 gweii7iegwd /a gwanhi he related it to him 17.11 In gwena-ia ,£ s good singer, the part played by the prefix is not clear. § 36 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 79 6. t- HAND, IN HAND, WITH HAND No body-part prefix, except perhaps al-, is used with such fre- quency as i-, the scrupulousness with which verbs implying action with the hand incorporate it seeming at times almost pedantic. Only a small selection out of the great number of occurrences need here be given: its! ay dp' he washed his hand \pll i no' u Vwa £ n I warm my hands wila x u £ ihoyodagwa ,£ n I dance with arrow in hand nax ihele e lagwa f £ n I sing with pipe in hand \gl H na he took it 15.1; 31.8; 44.8; 47.9 \Vw2L a gwi e n I woke him up 16.4 igaxagixi' £ n I scratch him igis'igis'i' £ n I tickle him ihegwe'TiaV w na e n I am working xa e lts' !iwiY he split it open 26.6 iheme K m he wrestled with him 26.11; 27.10,11 lyonb ,u£ ¥ he pulled it lguyu ,£ Y she pushed her 55.14 s-ele¥ w Uu'pxagwanV she shall pound with acorn pestle 55.9 7ie e£ ileme /£ ¥ he killed them ofT 55.1; 144.6. it!a'ut!iwi £ n I caught hold of her (29.12; 140.15) \t K wl l y%li ,£ n I make it whirl up aPlyulu' f yili £ n I rub it Ifgwanye' e gi£ you enslaved her 16.14 In some cases one does not easily see the necessity for its use: wl £ \Vge r ye £ xi they are round about me (48.5) allwulu' u£ xbi he ran away from you 7. xd a - 9 (oca-) (a) back, waist: x.8b a ts!ayap K he washed his back pH* xa, a dat'guyu H£ sgwa his back got blistered 25.11 xa, £ ilats!agi /£ n I touched his back -K^p!l i nd' u Vwa he warmed his back 188.20 -x.2Md ,a da £ n I put (belt) about my waist (b) between, in two (in reference to breaking or cutting) : xsi a 'p!a-its'!iudi'n I shall split it by throwing (stone) down on it (140.7) x8L a wisd a go-between (in settling feuds) 178.11, 13, 18 x2i a sgo' u da £ n I cut, saw it (21.2, 4) xsbHsgi'tp'sgibiF™ (bodies) cut through 21.2 § 36 80 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 ■xSPdant gl l W ga'Ihi he broke it with rock 24.4 x&H'be' e£ ¥fbagams it is all tied together 27.13 x^salt'gwe'lfgwili he broke it by stepping on it 31.4, 5 xsL a be e mk!d u flc!idi s n I broke it with stick In x8Jiege'7iaVna £ n i breathe (79.2) and x2Jiuk!u'liaYna £ n i breathe, the xa- may refer to the heaving motion up from the waist. 8. dP- (a) back: The local uses of xd a - and di*- (in middle, between, and above, respectively) would indicate that, in their more literal signifi- cation, they refer respectively to the lower back about the waist and the upper back, though no direct information was obtained of the distinction. diHsIayap* he washed himself in back of body d^Jtdx his back is burning di i fbd u lc!a / lxde £ I have warts on my back 102.20 di 1 du u gwa s nk K she will wear it (i. e., skirt) 55.9 (b) above, on top: dliJie'liya sleeping on board platform 13.2 didd a fbd' a gamfgwide £ I tie my hair on sides of my head (see under dd a -) (140.11; 142.17) di i£ algelegala'mda £ n I tie his hair up into top-knot (172.2) dl £ uyu'ts!amda £ n I fool him (aorist uyutsl- laugh) dvliirixd' u gi £ n I scare him dl [ mds (earth) is lit up (78.1) dl { liili*gwa r£ n I am glad 22.2 dl l - is used in quite a number of verbs of mashing or squeezing, the primary idea being probably that of pressing down on top of something: dl { p ili'p%li e n I squash (yellow-jackets) (74.3); contrast gel-bem-pili'pili £ n I whip him on his breast (literally, I-breast-stick-whip-him) (cf. 76.1, 2, 3) dlHHytfsi^n I mash them ba-idlgwibi'tYwap' it popped all around 27.14 dlitfgumu'tfgimtfn I squeezed and cracked many insects (such as fleas) In many cases, as in some of the forms given above, the primary signification of dl l - is greatly obscured. It is not at all certain but that we are at times (as in di'uyu'ts !amda e n) dealing really with the phonetically similar prefix di £ - rear. § 36 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 81 9. gel- id) breast, with breast (mental activities) : geltsldytip* he washed his breast gel e ildts!dgi' £ n I touched his breast bd a ge f l £ yo lie down with belly up! (lit., up-belly-be!) 140.4 ge\gulugwa' £ n I desire, want it 32.5, 6, 7 gelhewe'Tidu he thought 44.11; 124.3; 142.20 gellohoigwd /£ n I avenge him (apparently = I breast-die- with him) (146.8; 148.3) ge\t!dyd K V they thought of it (see under s'in- and da a ) 152.10 ge\ydldXdldi £ n I forgot him (lit., I breast-lost him) (77.10) gelts' Idyd'mxdmV she hid (certain facts) from us 158.7 geldulu'F 'de £ I am getting lazy ge\7ieye' £ x he is stingy (literally, he breast-leaves-remaining = keeps surplus to himself) 196.8 (&) facing: geltldnd'hi she pushed him (? literally, she held him [away] facing her) 1 (25.10) gelwaydn he slept with her (literally, he caused her to sleep facing him) 26.4; (108.3; 190.2) Wd'fgwdn ge\ £ yowo' £ they faced each other (literally, to each other they breast- were) 26.15 gelk!iyi' £ V he turned around so as to face him 170.2 io. av- id) anus: di e ts!ayap % he washed his anus bd-idl £ t'gdts!d't*gisi £ n I stick out my anus (164.19; 166.1) dl £ lidx his anus is burning 94.13 &i £ JiagaU K e e I feel ticklish in my anus (as though expecting to be kicked) (cf. under ddY-) 166.1 di £ xo' u s (food) is spilling out from his anus, (acorns) spill out from hopper 94.2, 4, 5 (b) in rear, behind: dVsdlyomo'Jiin I shall catch up with him in running be e dl' £ le !iyi' £ V afternoon came (lit., sun went in rear) (124.15) dd £ o'l di £ Jiiwiliut'e £ I ran close behind As happens more or less frequently with all body-part prefixes, the primary meaning, at least in English translation, of dl £ - seems lost sight of at times: dbdidi £ yowd' u dd £ coming into house to fight (dbdi- into house; yowo' u dd £ being) 24.14 1 Though perhaps better she held him with her breast, taking gel- as instrument. 3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 6 S 36 82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 p!a-idl £ 1iana' £ s it stopped (wind, rain, snow, hail) 152.16 In a number of verbs d% £ - expresses : felling, digging under, or erecting a tree or stick, the fundamental notion being probably that of activity at the butt end of a long object: di £ sgotldlha hem he was always cutting down trees 108.8 di £ ~k!olola'n (tree) was dug under 48.5 di%sguyu' u ]c!in (tree) was made to fall by being dug under 48.7, 8, 12 p!a-idl £ ld' u gwa £ n I make (stick, pestle) stand up (by placing it on its butt end) (116.18; 176.1, 2) p!a-idi £ sgimi f sgam they set (house posts) down into ground 11. ha- (a) woman's private parts: h.dbts!ayap* she washed her private parts h.& £ ilats!agi' £ n he touched her private parts h.2b £ %wesga f haV w she spread apart her legs 26.4 (b) in: (danxdagwa) h&ts la/yak? he washed inside (of his ear) (dexda) h&ld' u lc t i he stuck it into (his mouth) (s'inlxda) heidele'pi he stuck it up into (his nose) habloJion he caught them in trap (literally, he caused them to die in) (100.8) (gwari) Y±2bt!ulugwa ,£ n I follow in (trail) (96.8,9) haZo' M F she put on (her dress), they put on (their skins, garments) 160.6 \i^ £ lhu'lu u Tial they skinned them 160.5 \i&ya-u£ge'nets!a £ n I put on (my vest) As the last examples show Jia- sometimes conveys the special notion of putting on or taking off a skin or garment. 12. gwel- (a) LEG, IN LEG, WITH LEG: gweltslayap' he washed his legs gwelle'ye e sde £ I am lame gwelld' u£ ]c Kw put on (your leggings)! gwel^wi^n I beat him in running (lit., I-leg-left-him) (184.14) gwelsalt!eyesna £ n J I have no fat in my legs and feet 102.22 Q)) UNDER, AWAY FROM VIEW: gwQ\mats!a"V they put (food) away (sc, under platforms) 124.22; (132.8) g-WQ\ge'l £ yowd u da £ he having his back to him (literally, facing him away from view) 122.7 1 This form is an excellent example of the rather uncommon coordinate use of two body-part prefixes (gwel- leg and sal- foot). § 36 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 83 13. la- id) front of body (probably belly as contrasted with gel- breast) : \a,ts!ayap* he washed himself in front of body (b) burst, rip open: \a,t*ba' a xit burst 24.17 \db £ ifba' a ~k!ifba £ you (pi.) shall rip them open (like game after roasting) 118.5 \2isalt*ba' a gi £ n I burst it with my feet (140.22) la, £ wayafba' a gi £ n I rip it open with knife (way a knife, as incorporated instrument) 14. sal' (a) FOOT, WITH FOOT I sollats!agi /£ n I stepped on it (instrument sal-: I foot-touched it) (196.18) sol £ ilatslagi /£ n I touched his foot (object sal-; instrument £-) salts lay ap* he washed his feet solxugl they are standing 63.2 Jie e£ salfgUn kick him off! (24.17) alsalfba' a F he kicked him 86.16,17,18 gelbam solgwi'fgwaf kick it way up! salyuwo' £ s he suddenly lifted up his foot (as when frightened) (cf. under da- and s'in-) 8alp!i i nd' u Jc*wa e n I warmed my feet 15« al- FACE, WITH EYE, TO, AT This is in all respects the most difficult prefix in regard to the satisfactory determination of its exact meaning. In a large number of cases it seems to involve the idea of sight, not infre- quently adding that concept to a form which does not in itself convey any such implication. In most of the verb- forms, however, many of which have already been given under other prefixes, the al- seems to have no definitely ascer- tainable signification at all. In some cases it may be consid- ered merely as an empty element serving as a support for a post-positive modal particle. For example: al-his-gulugwa /£ n I am desirous of something where Ms trying can not occupy an initial position al-di-yolcloyaY did you know him? Here alyokloyaY in itself hardly differs in content from yolcloyaY you knew him. The most satisfactory definition I 36 84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 that can be given of al- in its more general and indefinite use is that it conveys the idea of motion out from the sphere of the person concerned, whether the motion be directed toward some definite goal (object) or not; an approximate translation in such cases would be to, at. The correctness of this interpretation is borne out by the fact that al- at times replaces a more definite local phrase, as though it were a substitute for it, of the same general formal but weaker material content. wa a da lo u gwa /£ n to-him I-thrust-it, where wd a da definitely ex- presses a local pronominal idea to, at him. Compare : alld' u gwi £ n I stretched it out to him where the exact local definition of the action is not so clearly expressed; the direct object of the verb being here not the object thrust, but the person aimed at, while the indirectness of the action is interpreted by means of al- as an adverbial or local modification of the verbal content. The change of vowel in the ending, a — i, is closely connected, as we shall later see, with this change of "face" in the verb. The first form may be literally translated as to-him i-it-thrust; the second, as i-him-to-thrust (it) . Similarly, in al £ ilats!agi' £ n i touched his body, the al- is probably best considered as a general directive prefix replacing the more special prefixes (such as sal-, s'in-, and so on) that indicate the particular part of the body affected, or, as one might put it, the exact limit of motion. The use of al- in local phrases shows clearly its general local significance: als 'd u ma x l at, to the mountain; ga £ a K l to that, as postposition equivalent to to, for, from. (a) face, eye: &\ £ d u dini' £ n I look around for him (cf . o u da /£ n I hunt for him) (92.27) s\xi H gi £ n I see, look at him (-xtfg- never occurs alone) 186.7; 188.11. &\gaya x n he turned his face a\.yebebi ,£ n I showed it to him (77.8) alyowof e £ I looked (of. yowofe £ I was) (64.3) alts!ayaga' £ n I washed his face (64.5) 'manx &\nu' u Jc*wa he painted his (own) face § 36 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 85 altlayaW he found, discovered it (literally, he eye-found it; cf. under S'in-, da a -, and gel-) 47.10; 92.27; 194.13 alsgala a liwi /£ n I looked at them (moving head slightly to side) Sbl£bd u Jc!a'lxde £ I have pimples on my face (cf. 102.20) altfwap!a't*wapna s n I blink with my eyes 102.20 a\we'~k!ala £ n I shine xa e a,'lt!anahi they watched it (literally, they-between-eye- held it; xa- £ al as incorporated local phrase[?]) 136.8 (b) to, at: It is at least possible, if not very probable, that al- to, at, and al- eye, face, are two entirely distinct prefixes. As many preceding examples have incidentally illustrated the local use of al-, only a few more need be given: &lp*oup K auhi he blew on it 15.1 &\Jiuyuxde £ I go hunting (42.1; 58.14; 70.2; 126.21) vlgesegasa r l£e £ I was washing aUieme^V they met him 24.11 2l £ lxlep!e f xlap % he mashed it up into dough-like mass 94.11 &l e its-!d' u di s n I touch, reach it slse ,e gi £ n I bowed to him (172.10) 16. dx i£ al- forehead: droits! ay ap* he washed his forehead dl i£ vlgelegala'ms he tied his hair up into top-knot 172.2 dl £ &Wa' a p*gwa he put (dust) on his forehead 136.28 17. givenha-n- nape: gweiih&'-utslayaga^ I shoot off nape of neck g wenha-uf b e' e gams he has his hair tied in back of his head It will have been noticed that several of the body-part prefixes have developed special uses that almost entitle them, at times, to being considered verbal in function. Thus xa a - back:, between has been seen to develop, from its latter local use, the more strictly verbal one of cutting, splitting, breaking, or rending in two; the ideas of between and of division in two are naturally closely associated. The specialized semiverbal uses of some of the prefixes may be thus listed : da-, de- activity in reference to fire (burn, set on fire, glow) xd a - rend in two (cut, split, break) dl 1 - crushing activity (mash, squeeze) dl £ - fell, erect (long object) 7ia- dress, undress S 36 86 BUBEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 la- burst, rip open al- look, see The resemblance between this use of the Takelma body-part prefixes and the Siouan use of verb prefixes denoting instrumental activities (e. g., Ponka la- by pressing with the hand, ma- by cutting, <£a- with the mouth, by blowing) is not far to seek, although in Takelma the development seems most plausibly explained from the local, rather than the instrumental, force of the prefixes. Neither the employment of Takelma body-part nor of Siouan instrumental prefixes with verb stems is in any morphologic respect comparable to the peculiar com- position of initial and second-position verb stems characteristic of Algonkin and Yana. The same general psychic tendency toward the logical analysis of an apparently simple activity into its com- ponent elements, however, seems evident in the former as well as in the latter languages. § 37. LOCAL PREFIXES The purely local prefixes, those that are not in any way associated with parts of the body, are to be divided into two groups: (1) Such as are used also in the formation of noun and pronoun local phrases or of postpositions, these being in that regard closely allied to the body-part prefixes in their more general local use; and (2) Such as are employed strictly as verbal prefixes, and are inca- pable of entering into combination with denominating elements. The following table gives all the common prefixes of both groups, examples of noun or pronoun local phrases being added in the last column : Prefix. Translation. Local phrase. Tian- across, through hanwaxga^n across the creek ha-u- under, down hawande under me he e£ - away, off heets-oumaV beyond the mountain dal- away into brush, among, between dan gadaV among rocks Jid s ya- on both sides ha' s yade on both sides of, around me Ma £ - yonder, far off me £ - hither wl- around Jiawi- in front, still wa- together bda- up ba-i- out, out of house p!a-i- down aba-i- in house, into house bam- up into air xam- in river § 37 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 87 Of these, the first five belong to the first group, the last nine to the second. The position of hd a£ - and me £ - is somewhat doubtful; but the fairly evident etymological connection of the former with Jid a£ ya and the correlative relation in form and meaning between me £ - and he e£ -, make it probable that they are to be classed with the first group. While some of these prefixes (such as dal- and Jtan-) are inconceivable as separate adverbial elements, others (particularly dba-i, which is apparently composed of demonstrative element a- this + ba-i) are on the border-land between true prefix and inde- pendent adverb. me £ - and 7ie e£ -, though they are never used alone, stand in close etymological relation to a number of local adverbs (such as eme £ here and ge there), which also, though not so rigidly as to justify their being termed prefixes, tend to stand before the verb. The difference between local prefix and adverb is one of degree rather than of fundamental morphologic traits; in any case, it is rather artificial to draw the line between me £ - in such forms as me £ yeu come back! and ge in, e. g., ge £ yowo' £ there it is. Sometimes, though not frequently, two local prefixes, neither of them a body-part element, occur in a single verb form. See, e. g., p!ai-Jiau- under 2 below, also abai-bd a - 62.1. 1. han- through, across: h.&iiyada'fe 5 1 swim across h&ngwidi y F w he threw it across 120.22 h.2un £ wa £ alxl' i ¥ he looked through it h.Sbnyewe ,i£ he went back across 178.16 gwan-h.2Msgd' u sde £ I lie stretched across the trail (literally, I- road-across-cut) (148.8) 2. ha-u- under, down: h&-ugwenyut!u / yidi £ n I swallow it down greedily, making grunting noise (126.10) ha-usaF™ he paddled him down river (bd a - up river) h.a,-uyowo'f e £ I sweat (literally, I-under-am) ei p!a-ih.8i'-ut t gu u ])x canoe upset 60.8 h.&-\ihana' £ s it stopped (raining) 196.8 3. he e£ - off, away: h.e £ ileme' £ F he killed them off 14.13; 110.21; 144.6 he e£ sgo' u da £ n I cut it off (44.4); 72.10; (92.14,16) hB Q£ gwidi s ¥ w he threw it away he G£ iu¥wa he went away from him (23.12; 146.18) he e£ salfgunfgini £ n I kick him off (24.17) § 37 88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 he e£ iJiu'lup !i £ n I beat off bark (with stick) he e£ iFap!a'Fibi £ n I chipped them off (92.3) h.e e£ wd a ga ,£ n I buy it (literally, I carry it off) (176.17) he e£ fguyu /i£ s it is blistered 4. dal- into brush, among: d.2lyewe' i£ he ran off into brush 14.6; 110.10 d&\gwidW w he threw it into brush dsdfo /u di £ n I mix it with it (178.5) dalxabili' u£ he jumped between them 106.20 5. ha £ ya- on both sides: h.2L £ yeigini /£ F they passed each other ha £ y a,wat!emexia u£ they assemble coming from both sides 144.23 6. ha a£ far off: hsL /a£ yewe i£ they returned going far off 146.22; (47.4; 188.1) ha, £ xdd ' a xdagwa £ n I threw something slippery way off This prefix is evidently identical with the demonstrative stem 7ia a£ seen, e. g., in M' £ ga that one yonder. 7. me £ - hither: me £ gini' £ V he came here 146.24 (ge gini ,£ ¥ he went there 77.7) ha'nme £ gini £ ¥ they come from across (note two local prefixes; 7iangini £ ¥ they go across) me £ yeU come back! (^return!) (23.11,12,13,14; 96.5); 59.5 me £ 7iiwili' u£ he came running this way Not infrequently me £ - conveys the fuller idea of come to , as in: me^epxip' come (pi.) and chop for me! 90.16 8. wl- around: wl £ it*ge f ye £ xi they are surrounding me (48.13; 190.14) wlt'ge'ye e£ ¥i they put it round about 176.14 9. hawi- in front, still: \h.&wiyanfe £ I go in front I h.Siwiyana' £ s front dancer h.a,wibaxa' £ m still they come, they keep coming 146.1 ho u h.&w\degu'Tk!alxda a after a while it will blaze up (bo u = now) 10. wa- together: wsJc!oydxini¥ we go together wa s lts' lo f m £ Tc squeeze (your legs) together! (26.5) hd a w2Jwil%V w he traveled up along (river) (literally, he went up * having it together with him) 21.14 W2iyan¥ w he followed him (literally, he went having him together with him) 23.11 § 37 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 89 w&t!emexia u£ they are assembling together (110.3); 144.23 wa, £ it!oxo'xi he gathered them together 112.6 w&t!iliVni she gave them one each 130.4 wa a 7mftiY he talked to him 59.16; 63.10 da'gaxdeY wa, £ alfgeye f fgiyi £ n I tied it about my head (literally, my-head I-together-to-surround-it) p!a a s weJc!e e wa'lxgwa snow is whirling around Sometimes wa- seems to indicate simultaneity of activity, as in: wsda a la'uJii she kept twining basket (while talking) 61.5 In many cases the adverbial meaning of wa- is hardly apparent, and one is sometimes in doubt whether to look upon it as the prefix here discussed or to identify it with the instrumental element wa- with, with it; the two may indeed be at bottom identical. 11. ba a - up (55.16; 59.10; 60.11; 63.6,12): bii a dini' £ x (clouds) were spread out in long strips (literally, they stretched up) 13.3 bsiH!ebe'fe £ I get up 186.14; (196.1) b$i a wadawaya y Jc* w he flies up with it bsi a yanF w he picked it up 15.9; 24.3; 59.15 ~kliy% l x b& a woV smoke comes out (literally, up-arrives) 29.3 (danxda) beL £ algwili y s he turned up (his ear) (daVwili) ba, a gini' £ Jc' he went up (on top of house) 30.6 bsi a s'a /£ s' stand up! bsi a yewe /i£ he got better (literally, he-up-returned) (15.2) b& a 7iawa /£ ]c' she dipped up (water) 12. ha-i- out, out of house, out of water to land, from PLAIN TO MOUNTAIN: ba,-iyewe' i£ they went out again bsi-ixodo'xaf she took off (her garment) 13.4 b&-isili'xgwa he lands with (boat) 13.5 ba-isaF w he came to land ba,-i £ a / lyowo £ he looked outside b2b-\kimima' £ n I drive him out ba-i gwidW w he threw it out 92.15,16 ; (haxiya'daf) b&-igwidi K F w he threw it (from in the water) on to land (31.2) b&-ibiliwaY you jumped out of house 24.15; (46.6) (hadede) b&-iyeweyini /£ n I took it out (of my mouth) (literally, I-out-caused-it-to-return) bai-ideJienenaY you are through eating (literally, you-out-mouth- are-finished) (132.14) ba,-it!ixi'xi he pulled (guts) out 92.17 (da¥s'd u ma / l) ba-iwoF he got up (on the mountain) 124.4; (60.9) § 37 90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 In certain idiomatic turns the primary signification of ba-i- is as good as lost: (he e l-)ba,-imats!aW he began to sing (lit., he-song-out-put) 102.17 ba,-ik!iyi' e F he comes 92.1, 2; 156.24; 168.13 13. p!a-i- down: Tp\ai e Wa,na'M s n I held him down Tplsb-igvridiW" he threw it down iplei-iwaya' £ he went to lie down, to sleep (lit., he down-slept) 25.9 p IsL-ilolioife 5 1 fell down (literally, I down-died) ph-iyewe'* 5 (arrow) fell down back 22.5; 48.14 p la,-i £ a'lyowo £ he looked down 26.14 ipl&iyowo' 5 they sat down (literally, they down-were) 56.2 p Isb-isgaya'pxde 5 1 lay down 14. aba-i- in house, into house It would perhaps be best to consider this an independent adverb (demonstrative pronoun a- this + la-i-, formed analogously to eme £ here [ = demonstrative adverb e- here + me £ ]) ; its correlative relation to ha-i- makes it seem advisable to give examples of its occurrence here : ahsiigini n F he went inside 25.8; 27.7,13; 64.3 ab&ihiwili' u£ he ran inside 16.12 aba-iwoF they went into house 29.6; (44.7); 160.19 absi-iyowot' e £ I stay at home abaife !d a JcHs !a ,£ V he stepped into house 31.3 15. bam- up into air This prefix occurs often with preposed elements gel- or dl l - as gelbam- or dtfbam-, which would seem to mean respectively WITH BELLY SIDE UP and WITH BACK SIDE UP, Or IN FRONT OF and directly over one : b&mguridW w he threw it up gelb&mgwidiW™ he threw it up di i ba,mgwidi y V w he threw it up gelbamsaF™ he shot it up 22.5 ge\babm £ a'lyowo £ he looked up gelba'mW^ he was sitting up (in tree) 48.7 16. xam- in river, into water, from mountain to plain: x&maltslayap* he washed himself in river x&mgvridiW" he threw it into river (33.6) ; 108.5 x&mhiwili' u£ he ran to river 29.13; 94.16 x&'mhilap % iauF they became in river ( = were drowned) 166.16 xeLm £ a'lyowo £ he looked down from top of mountain 124.4 (con- trast -p\a,i £ a'lyowo £ he looked down from ground 26.14) § 37 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 91 § 38. INSTRUMENTAL wa- it is somewhat difficult to classify this prefix, as it does not belong either to the body-part or the purely local group. Strictly speaking it should be considered the incorporated form of the demonstrative pronoun in its instrumental function. As was seen above, it may represent an instrumental noun, but, while the noun may itself be incorporated to denote the instrument, this is not the case with the demonstrative pronoun. For example: ga wede yap!a-wa-dom7iiga £ that not I-people-with-shall-kill ( = 1 shall not kill people therewith) In other words, it would seem likely that such a form as ga al £ wa- ts!ayagi' £ n I wash him with that is related to an al £ wats!ayagi' £ n i wash him with it as, e. g., xi al £ wats!ayagi ,£ n i wash him with water, to the form alxits!ayagi' £ n i water- wash him, i. e., the wa- rn al £ wats!ayagi ,£ n is to be regarded as an incorporated ga that, it (such forms as *algats!ayagi' £ n have never been found to occur). It will be noticed that the verb-forms with incorporated wa- are nor- mally characterized by a suffixed -i- or -hi- ; as soon, however, as the verb loses its instrumental "face," this -i- is replaced by the normal -a-. Thus: wilau wats!ayagi' £ n arrow I-shoot 1 -him- with-it (with incorpo- rated wa-, wila y u arrow being outside the verb-structure and in apposition with wa-) but: ts!ayaga f£ n wi'lau wa y I-shoot-him arrow with (in which also wa- stands outside the verb-complex, acting as an instrumental postposition to wila x u) Examples of instrumental wa- are : (salxdeV)sal £ wsilats!agi /£ n I touched him with my foot (literally, my-foot I-foot-with-it-touched-him) (xtf)wsi e u u gwa'rihi I drink (water) with it (yap!a)wsit!omomi /£ n I kill (people) with it (but yapla t!omoma' £ n I kill people) alw Sits ley e¥wide £ I washed myself with it ga his do u mia gelwsigulugwi ,£ n I try to kill him with that (literally, that trying killing-him I-with-desire-it) se e l-wdds!elelamda £ n I write with it (mxde y ¥)wsigaya-iwi /£ n I used to eat with (my hands) 1 Aorist ts.'ayag- shoot and aorist ts.'ayag- wash are only apparently identical, being respectively formed from stems smg- and tslaig-. § 38 92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 (p K im)w&sana'MnV they will spear (salmon) with it 28.15 (cf. sancfnk* they will spear it) Although, as was suggested before, the prefix wa- as instrument may be ultimately identical with the adverbial wa- together (the concepts of doing something with, by means of it and doing something together with it are not very far removed), the two can not be regarded as convertible elements. This is clearly brought out in such forms as hem w2L £ iw2it!oxo'xi $ n i picked them together with stick. Literally translated, this sentence reads, stick i- together-hand-with-it-picked-them; the first wa- is the adver- bial prefix; i-, the general instrumental idea conveyed by the character of the verb (gather with one's hands) ; and the second wa-, the incorporated representative of the more specific instrument hem stick. If preferred, I- may be interpreted, though less prob- ably, as a local element (-iwa- = with it in hand) . 2. Forfuaiion of Verb- Stems (§ § 39, 40) § 39. GENERAL REMARKS By a verb-stem will be here understood not so much the simplest possible form in which a verb appears after being stripped of all its prefixes, personal elements, tense-forming elements, and derivative suffixes, but rather the constant portion of the verb in all tense and mode forms except the aorist. The verb-stem thus defined will in the majority of cases coincide with the base or root, i. e., the simplest form at which it is possible to arrive, but not always. Generally speaking, the aorist is characterized by an enlargement of the base that we shall term " aorist stem," the other tense-modes showing this base in clearer form; in a minority of cases, however, it is the aorist stem that seems to coincide with the base, while the verb-stem is an amplification of it. Examples will serve to render these remarks somewhat clearer: Aorist stem Verb-stem Probable base t/omom- doum~ doum- kill naga- ndag- nmg-{nag-) say to haal- hala- hml- answer oud- odo- dud- hunt for lohoi- loho- loh- die yuluyaU yulyal- yul- rub 39 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 93 By far the larger number of verbal bases are monosyllabic. Where the simplest radical element that can be analyzed out remains dis- syllabic (as in dawi- fly, agan- perceive, yimi- lend), the proba- bility is always very great that we have to reckon either with ampli- fications of the base, or with suffixes that have become so thoroughly amalgamated with the base as to be incapable of separation from it even in formal analysis; in some cases the dissyllabic character of the verb-stem is due to a secondary phonetic reason (thus dawi- is for dawy-, cf. dauy-; while in agan- the second a is inorganic, the real stem thus being *agn-) . Most bases end either in a vowel or, more frequently, in a single consonant; such as end in two consonants (as yalg- dive, s'omd- boil, bilw- jump) may often be plausibly suspected of containing a petrified suffixed element. The few examples of verb and aorist stems already given suffice to indicate the lack of simple, thorough-going regularity in the forma- tion of the aorist stem from the base. Given the verb-stem, it is possible only in the minority of cases to foretell the exact form of the aorist stem. Thus, if db u m- had followed the analogy of the pho- netically parallel na a g-, we should have in the aorist not tlomom-, but domo-; similarly, the phonetic similarity of odo- and loho- would lead us to expect an aorist stem lo u Ji-, and not lohoi-, for the latter. Nor is it safe to guess the form of the verb-stem from a given aorist stem. Thus, while the aorist lohoi- corresponds to a verb-stem loho-, yewei- corresponds to yen- return; nagai-, to na- say, do; and Jclemei-, to Jclemn- do, make. Mere phonetic form has, indeed, com- paratively little to do with, determining the relation of the two stems. This is clearly evidenced by the following cases of homony- mous but etymologically distinct bases with corresponding aorist stems. Verb base Meaning Aorist stem [1. mock [2. wrestle hemeham- Jieem- hemem- fl. work [2. relate hegwehagio- heegw- hegw(h)dagw- , hegwe- hagw- J. be finished henen- heen- J2. wait for henee- jl. find t.'ayag- daag- 12. build fire t.'agdi- 39 94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 The signification of the verb-stem gives almost no information as to the form of the aorist stem, the various types of aorist forma- tion being each exemplified by a heterogeneous array of verbs, as far as any discernible similarity of meaning is concerned. It is true that, in a comparatively few cases, certain types of aorist formation can be shown to be characteristic of intransitive verbs; but in these the formation of the aorist stem involves the addition of a distinct pho- netic element that has every appearance of being a worn-down suffix. Not the least remarkable feature of tense-formation lies in the fact that the most frequently used of the tense-modes, the aorist (equivalent to immediate future, present, and past), generally shows the derived or amplified form of the base; while the far less important tense-modes, the future, inferential, potential, and present and future imperatives employ the generally more fundamental verb-stem. In its naked form the aorist stem appears as the third person subject third per- son object aorist transitive. For example: tlomom he killed him naga s he said to him -Tial he answered him o'H he hunted for him The bare verb-stem appears as the second person singular (third per- son object) present imperative intransitive and transitive. For ex- ample : do u m kill him! odo s hunt for him! na K say ! do ! and as the first element of the periphrastic future, that will later receive treatment. In striking contrast to the extensive use in Athapascan of distinct and unrelated stems for the singular and plural, only a very few such cases have been discovered in Takelma ; and even in these the singu- lar stem may, it seems, also be used in the plural. Sing, verb-stem PI. verb-stem Sing, form PI. form s-as'- stand s'u £ al- sit sal-xogw- al-xalli s-as'ini he stands baa-saasa'sde* (= saas- sas-) I come to a stand s , u e wiTit'e t (= s'u £ aU-) I am seated sal-xogwi they stand bdasal-xo'xiginak' (= xog-xag-) we come to a stand al-xallyana y k' we are seated 39 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 95 It is interesting to observe that, while stand and sit are intran- sitive in the singular, the plural stems sal-xog w - and al-xall 1 - make transitive forms with a third personal object {-ancfV first person plural aorist transitive, -i"Y intransitive; cf. tlomomancfV we kill him, but s'as'inip'iV we stand and s'u £ wilip'i¥ we are seated, dwell, stay). The great majority of verb-stems are either necessarily transitive or intransitive, or are made such by appropriate suffixes. Only a few cases occur of verbs that are both transitive and intransitive, the respective forms being kept distinct only by the varying pro- nominal suffixes. Such are : moyugw-a f n-te £ I am spoiled, and moyugw-an-a' £ n I spoil him ligi-n-£e £ I rest, and lig^-n-a^n I rest him Tc!uwu f£ they ran away in flight, and Jcluwu he sowed, threw them about Certain forms are alike for both transitive and intransitive; e. g., second person plural subject: k!uwuwaYp\ § 40. TYPES OF STEM-FORMATION In looking over the many examples of verb and corresponding aorist stems obtained, it was found possible to make out sixteen types of stem-relations. Of this large number of types about half are of frequent occurrence, while of each of the rest but few examples have been found. It is not claimed for a moment that all of these types should be regarded as being exactly on a par, but merely that they have the value of forming a convenient systematization of the some- what bewildering mass of methods of radical or base changes encoun- tered. It is very probable that some of these are ramifications of others, while some types show more or less petrified suffixes that for some reason or other became specialized in certain tenses. As com- parative linguistic material is entirely lacking, however, we can not make a genetic classification of types; a purely descriptive classifi- cation must suffice. In the following table of types of stem-formation, c means conso- nant; v, vowel; c!, the fortis correspondent of c; c 1} c 2 , and so on, other consonants; v v denotes pseudo-diphthong; other letters are to be literally interpreted. § 40 96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Table of Types of Stem-Formation [BULL. 40 ^ Formula verb-stem Formula aorist stem Example verb-stem Example aorist stem 1 v+c V»+C ob- dig up o«6- 2 v+(c) V+C+V yo-be yowo- 3 V+C+Ci v+c!+v+ci (nits'- laugh. \masg- put uyiits.'- mats.'ag- 4a VV+C v+c+v+i t'wg- cry Vagai- 46 v+c+v v+c+v+i loho- die lohoi- 5 v+c+v w+c yana- go yaan- 6 vv+c! vv+c p'ot.'- mix p'oud- la C+W+Ci c!+v+c\+v deeb- arise tlebe- 76 C+VV+Ci c.'+v+ci+v+i dfiugw. W ear t.'ugui- 8 C+VV+Ci c!+v+C\+v+ci goul- dig k'olol- 9 C+W+Ci c!+v+y+v+c\ ddag- find Hayag- 10a C+V(+Ci) C+V+C(+Ci) lou- play mi- 106 C+V+Ci C+V+C\+C{+V) sana- fight saans- 11 C+V+Ci+C C+V+Ci+V+C yawy-talk yawai- 12 C+VV+Ci c+w+ci+c+a+ci t!eu- play shinny UhiV.au- 13a c+v+Ci+c+a+ci c+v+ci+v+c+a+ci sensan- whoop senesan- 136 c+v+ci+c/+a+ci c+v+c\+v+c!+a+c\ dillt.'al- stuff with diiliit.'al- 13c C+V+Ci+V+C+Ci lobolb- be accustomed to pound (also lobolab-) 14 v+c v+c+v+n xeeb- do xeben- (15a — -H s-as-an- stand s-as-inli-) (156 -as -%i dink las- lie spread out dink !U-) (16 v+c+ci+i V+C+V+Ci k.'alsi - be lean h.'alas-) Not all forms find an exact parallel in one of the sixteen types here listed. There is a considerable number of more or less isolated cases left, particularly of frequentative or usitative forms, that it is difficult to classify ; but on closer examination some at least of these are seen to be secondary developments. Verb-stem al-sgalwal(w)- KEEP LOOKING BY TURNING HEAD SLIGHTLY TO SIDE, as Compared to aorist stem al-sgala a l(aw)-, looks anomalous because of its apparently inserted first -w-; but these two forms become explicable as frequen- tative developments, according to Type 8, of their corresponding simplexes, verb-stem al-sgalw- look by turning head to side and aorist stem al-sgalaw-. It will be convenient to dispose of such anomalous and difficult cases under such headings as allow them to appear as at least comparatively regular formations. It should not be supposed that a particular verb-stem always and necessarily involves a fixed aorist stem in all possible derivations of the verb, though in probably the larger number of cases such a fixed parallel- ism may be traced. As examples of the occurrence of more than one aorist stem to match a verb-stem may be mentioned : § 40 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 97 verb-stem -xlkl- see; aorist Type 6 -zl l q- and Type 2 -xikH-xa- see (without object) verb-stem yen- return; aorist intransitive Type 4 yewei-, causa- tive Type 2 yewe e -n-, and, according to Type &, yewew-ald- go back for some one There are few if any verbs whose verb and aorist stems absolutely coincide. If in nothing else the two differ at least in the quantity of the stem vowel, the aorist stem always tending to show a long vowel. In some cases the two (dissyllabic) stems seem identical in phonetic form because of the persistence of an inorganic a in the second syllable of the verb-stem and the presence of a repeated radical a in the second syllable of the aorist stem. Sometimes only certain of the forms built on the verb-stem exhibit the inorganic a; in such cases the secondary character of the a is directly proven by the forms that lack it. A case in point is: aorist stem ts'layam- hide; verb-stem ts' ! ay[aYm- and ts'!a-im- Other verbs, however, are phonetically so constituted as to require the presence of the inorganic a in all forms derived from the verb- stem. Such are: aorist stem agan- feel, hear; verb-stem ag[a]n- aorist stem plahan- be ripe, done; verb stem p!ah[a]n- Under such circumstances ambiguous forms may result; e. g., it>a £ agamY may be construed either as an aorist (you felt it) or as a potential (you would feel it) derived from the stem ag[a]n-. But evidence is not lacking even in these cases to prove the inor- ganic character of the second a in the non-aorist forms. One test has been already referred to in another connection — the incapability of a secondary diphthong (a diphthong involving an inorganic a) to have a rising accent. Thus: aorist <2a a£ agan (-aga N n) he heard it; but imperative cZa^agfa'Jn hear it! A second test is the failure of inorganic a to become ablauted to e. Thus: aorist plehen- a'nxi he causes me to be done; but future p!eh[a]n- a'nxinlc he will cause me to be done The various types of stem-formation will now be taken up in the order of their occurrence in the table. 1 Brackets indicate an inorganic element. 3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 7 § 40 98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN - ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Type 1. Verb-stem v + c; aorist ^ + c. In this type are embraced partly monosyllabic and partly dissyllabic verb-stems that either seem to undergo no change at all in the aorist or merely lengthen the stem-vowel. The number of verbs that follow the type does not seem to be very great. Examples: Verb-stem^ Aorist stem woga /£ f he will arrive (196.20) wo u k* he arrived 47.15 oba'n I shall dig it up o u ba' £ n I dug it up (48.7) ji y lf copulating 86.5 jVla^n I copulated with her 26.3 ugwa'n I shall drink it (162.17) u u gwa ,£ n I drank it 186.3 hogwana'n I shall make him run ho u gwana ,£ n I made him run (138.2) (79.2) 7iin £ x-mwa' £ s coward 76.5 ; M^x-n^wa^n I was afraid (17.7) (160.19) wife 6 1 shall travel (178.11) wif e £ I traveled (90.1) t!Fla/mmde e I shall go fishing t \i i la'mxade £ I went fishing yimi'Mn I shall lend it to him j^mija^n I lend it to him (98.14) (98.15) huli'nf e e I shall be tired out hu u li'nf e £ I was tired out (102.1) hagaif e e I shall have a cold thrill hagaif e £ I had a cold thrill 166.1 lohona'n I shall cause him to die loh.6 u na f£ n I caused him to die (100.8) al-ge'y&ride* I shall turn my face al- geya,na /£ n I turned my face As regards the accent of the stem syllable, the examples show that, whenever accented, it takes the rising pitch when long, the raised pitch when short (and final). Compare further: o u f he dug it up 124.5, 12 Mn £ x-niu he was afraid u¥ w he drank it 162.20 al-geya y n he turned his face Type 2. Verb-stem v + c; aorist v + c + v. If, as seems probable, the second consonant of verbal bases ending in two consonants is in many cases really a petrified suffix, a very large proportion of those verbs that might be listed under Type 3 really belong here, thus making Type 2 probably the most numerously represented of all types. In some forms it is possible to detect the derivative character of the second consonant by a comparison of etymologically related forms that lack it; e. g., in ts'Ielm- rattle (aorist ts'Ielem-), the -m- is shown to be a suffix, though of no determinable signification, because of its absence in the corresponding frequentative ts'!elets'!al-. A corroborative phonetic test lies in the treatment of the first con- sonant of the cluster, in so far as verbs following Type 3 show a fortis in the aorist as against a media or tenuis in the verb-stem, while those § 40 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 99 of Type 2 suffer no change in this respect; e. g., verb-stem wism- move has aorist according to Type 3, wits' Urn-, as contrasted with verb-stem fgism- get gkeen with aorist of Type 2 tfgisim- (t'gism- should therefore be analyzed as base t'gis- + suffix -m-). This criterion enables us to pick out an otherwise unsuspected suffix in verbs like tlapg- finish, aorist tlabag- (not Type 3, *t!ap!ag-), but can be applied only where the first consonant of the verb-stem is s, h, d, or g. A more general phonetic test would seem to be the position occupied by the inorganic vowel -a-. In those cases in which we have most reason to consider the second consonant as part of the base, this -a- follows the cluster as " constant" a; while otherwise, and indeed in the majority of cases, it is inserted between the two consonants: wisma f t' L e e I shall move (base wism-), but t'gisa f mt'e e i (as plant) shall get gkeen. An application of these various criteria, were sufficient material at hand, would probably show that but a comparatively small number of verbs follow Type 3. Examples of verbs of Type 2 are : Verb-stem Aorist stem i-tlani'n I shall hold him (28.11) S-tlanaWn I held him 73.16 wa-k \b n ya'n I shall go with him wa-k !oy 6 s n I went with him (33.15) o'sbin (= ? ok-s-) I shall give it ogu'sbi s n I gave it to you 23.3 to you (178.15) oina'n I shall give it oyona' £ n I gave it (180.20) yalxaldan I shall lose it (188.18) yaXsLxaldafn I lost it (77.10) yo'*V I shall be (33.10) yowo*V I was (42.1) nak'mF he will say to him naga N he said to him 180.7 (94.16) da-sgsiipxde e I shall lie down da-sg^y Si'pxde 5 1 amlymg down Vu u ga'H K it will get hot tufu'^F it got hot 94.15 s'omda'n I shall cook it s'omoda' e n I cooked it (58.10) Examples illustrating the intrusive -a- are : Verb-stem Aorist stem bua'ut*e e I shall jump (160.17) bflititV I jumped 1 (45.14) m&ada'n I shall love her m^da'^n I love her kliya'Fde 6 1 shall come 196.1 -k\iyi'Fde e I came (156.24) gma'¥de e I shall go somewhere gjm'Vde 8 I went somewhere 14.3 21.10 dHwa/Jc K de e I shall be good dHwuVde* I was good (146.7) 1 Perhaps best considered as belonging to Type 3 (verb-stem bilw-). § 40 100 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Verb-stem Aorist stem xuma'V de e I shall be satiated xumu'F^e 6 I was satiated (130.18) w\ya!Vde e I shall groan vriy\ f Yde £ I groaned (192.11) xuda'mf e e I shall whistle xudum^V I whistled (33.16) ts-\ela'mfe e I shall rattle ts'Ielem^V I rattled (102.13) ts'\us.a'm£e e I shall make whis- ts'Ius'um^V I made whistling tling noise by drawing in noise (78.9,10,12) breath between teeth and lower lip Wga'nf e e I shall rest ligmf e £ I rested (79.2,4) yala'nf e e I shall be lost (cf. 14.3) yala?if e £ I am lost (note differ- ence in accent between aorist and future) It is to be understood, of course, that this -a- is in no sense a characterizing future or non-aorist element, as, when the phonetic conditions allow, it drops out altogether. This takes place when the consonant following the intrusive -a- is itself followed by a vowel. Thus the second person singular future (-ada' £ ) of some of the verbs listed has no -a-: bilwada' £ , gingada f£ , du u gada ,£ , wtfgada^, yalnada f£ . Similarly the simple stem xud- whistle appears in xufma /£ s whistler. In regard to vocalic quantity it will be observed that the verbs of this type divide themselves into two classes — those with short verb- stem vowel (such as t!an-, og-, s'om-d-, gin-g-, yal-n-) and those with long verb-stem vowel (k!o u y-, yal-x-ald-, Itfg-la^n-, fu u -g-, mll-[a]d-) . The first and second stem vowels of the aorist of verbs of the first class are regularly both short (t!ana-,ogo-, s'omo-d-, gini-g-, yala-n-); the aorists of the second class seem generally to have a short first but long second vowel (k!oyo u -, yala a -x-ald, ligtf-n-, fuwu u -g-, miltf-d-) . The verb na a g- (aorist naga-) say to and perhaps a few others (sgai- p-x-, aorist sgaya-p-x-; al-ts!di-g- wash aorist dl-tslaya-g-; but al-tslai-p- wash oneself, aorist al-ts!ayd a -p-) do not follow this rule. Of the verb yo- (aorist yowo-) forms of both accent classes are found {yofe e as well as yo'fe e , yowo'£e £ as well as yowofe £ ), and indeed a lengthening of the second vowel of aorists of the first class seems to occur with considerable frequency. The rising for long and the raised for final short stem vowels seem to be the normal accents for verbs of Type 2, whether the stress falls on the first or second (in aorists) vowel. If, however, the accented vowel is followed by a § 40 boasI HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 101 glottal catch or fortis consonant the accent, as generally in such a case, is a falling one. Thus: s'o' u£ F6fde e I shall jump (148.8) ) s'ow6 ,u£ ¥6pde £ I jump (48.15 ; 49.1) Such forms as wa-Tcloyo £ n are only apparently opposed to the rule (see § 65). Type 3. Verb-stem v + c + c t ; aorist v + c! + v + c v The most satisfactory test of a verb of this type is the intervocalic fortis consonant of the aorist stem as contrasted with the correspond- ing non-fortis consonant of the verb-stem. As only the minority of base-final consonant-clusters begin with a consonant that is capable of being changed to a fortis, there are in the material available only a few verbs to which the test can be applied. Those showing an intervocalic fortis (changed from non-fortis) in the aorist stem are : Verb-stem Aorist stem I-lasgi'n I shall touch it ^lats !agi'% I touched it masga/n I shall put it (102.15) mats!aga/ £ ?i I put it 74.13 wismada ,£ you will move wits' limaY you moved 148.16 yo'k'ycm I shall know it (162.6) yok\oya' £ n I knew it 50.5 \opdia' u£ tf it will rain lop!odia' u ~ r it rained 152.11 In other verbs of this type the only characteristic of the aorist stem is the repetition between the consonants of the cluster of the stem-vowel. The following verb-forms exemplify this group, with the reservation that if in any case the second consonant of the cluster be really a suffix, the form should be assigned to Type 2. Verb-stem Aorist stem t !amy ana'n I shall go to get her t !amay ana /£ n I went to get her married (150.5,19) married (148.5) ts!a-uya /e s fast runner 138.2 ts!awaife £ I ran fast di £ -ii' its' \amf fool him! ^uyu'tsMara^a^ I fooled him baxma'f e el ( = haxm-) I shall come baxamf e £ I came (114.16) ga-iwa'Ti I shall eat it 128.18 gayaw& /£ 7i I ate it 30.11 moigwana'n I shall spoil it moyugwana /£ n I spoiled it (31.12) yo' u£ snan I shall scare him (186.10) yowo /£ sna £ n I scared him (186.10) malgim'n I shall tell him malagmi /£ n I told him (30.15) ba-i-xilgwi'n I shall snatch it fra-i-xiligwi /£ 7i I snatched it out out (33.4) i This verb clearly belongs to Type 3 because of constant -a- following -xm-. Had it belonged to Type 2 it would have assumed the form *baxa'mt'ee. § 40 102 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Verb-stem Aorist stem gwel-\eisde e I shall be lame gwelAe'ye e sde £ I am lame Jdawif e e I shall fly (166.18) dawaif e £ I flew (166.18) \d&-\iya f£ s flyer ba-i-hemga'n I shall take (food) ba-i-h.emega' £ n I took (food) out (16.10) out (58.9; 118.12) han-gVlba'n I shall put (beam) lian-g\\iba ,£ n I put (beam) across across (176.3) ba-i-klsflsi'n I shall take it out ba-i-h\siWsi £ n I took it out ^ (25.4) ip'elga'n I shall go to war against ip'elega^n I went to war against them (124.19) them (110.4) yamda/7i I shall ask him (70.6) yamada'^ I asked him (56.3) yi'ms'aldan I shall dream about yiraVs- alda £ n I dreamed about him him 186.3 Jia-u-hsi f ii £ sdd a it will stop (rain- &a-u-hana /£ s it stopped (rain- ing) (198.9) ing) 196.8 yb n ga'n I shall marry her (192.16) yowoga /£ n I married her (43.3) As long as the first consonant of the cluster is a semivowel (w, y) or a liquid or nasal (I, m, n), the question as to whether the verb belongs to Type 2 or Type 3 is a purely etymological or historical one. Descriptively it makes no difference whether a form like p'elega f£ n i went to war against them is derived from p'eleg- by the inser- tion of the stem-vowel -e- between I and g (Type 3), or from p^el-g- by the addition of the -e- to a base p'el- (Type 2). From a purely descriptive point of view, then, the most typical aorist formation in Takelma may be said to be characterized by the repetition of the stem- vowel immediately after the first consonant following the stem-vowel. From the point of view of vocalic quantity the verbs of Type 3 fall into the same two classes as those of Type 2 — such as have a short vowel in the stem (tlamy-, tslawy-, malg-, p'elg-, hants!-) and such as have a long vowel (Hits'!-, gtflb-, ]c!d a ls), these latter being apparently much less numerous than in Type 2. The quantity of both the stem vowels of the aorist is regularly short, even when the verb-stem vowel is long (gilib-, Iclalas-) ; only rarely is the second vowel of the aorist stem long (leye e s-, uyilHs'l-). The accent of stressed stem vowels follows the same rules as in the case of verbs of Type 3 (dowaife £ , han-gili^p' with rising or raised pitch; but 7iana f£ s, he /i£ x-dd a he will be left over, uyu ,ji£ s'de £ i laugh, with falling accent because of the glottal catch). § 40 boasj HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 103 Type 4. Verb-stem v v + c(+v); aorist v + c + v + i. Verbs of this type are intransitive, the -i-, though confined to the aorist, being evidently in some way connected with the intransitive character. That it is really a derivative element characteristic of the aorist is shown by its conduct in transitive forms derived from the intransitive. In the causative in -n- it drops out : t'aga a 7m /£ ?i I make him cry while in certain other transitive derivatives it is preserved: Va,g8Ljagwa' e n I cry having it The contradiction in treatment is here only apparent, as the absence or presence of the -i- would seem to depend not so much on the transitive or intransitive form of the verb as on whether the action expressed by the verb is logically transitive or not (in a causative the action is necessarily directed toward an object, in a comitative the formal object is not concerned in the action of the verb at all) . Types 4a and 4b may properly be considered subclasses of Types 2 and 1 respectively, though it should be noted that the -i- occurs nowhere except in one special tense — the aorist. Examples of Type 4a are: Verb-stem Aorist stem ye'u^V I shall return (92.24) yeweftV I returned (58.9,13) p!ak f Je* I shall bathe (58.5; 118.7) p!agai*V I bathed 58.2 Vak'de' I shall cry (29.11) t'agaftV I cried (29.13; 62.2) na'^V (irregular) I shall say, do 196.5 nagaftVIsaid,did 126.3; 180.1 Even less numerous are the examples of 4b that have been found: Verb-stem Aorist stem lohoY dead (98.10; 170.1; 186.21) lohoIJV I died 184.18 leheY drifting dead to land lehe' i£ he drifted dead to land 75.5 The aorist of verbs of Type 4 regularly have the rising accent on the i- dipthong formed by the repeated stem vowel and the i- suffix. The stressed stem-vowel of forms built on the verb-stem regularly has the rising (4a) or raised accent (second vowel of 4b) . na-, which is irregular also in other respects, has a short vowel in the verb-stem and takes the raised accent in non-aorist forms under appropriate conditions (naY saying; na y say it!). Type 5. Verb-stem v + c+v; aorist v v + c. This type of verb is morphologically very difficult to understand, as it is in effect the very opposite of Type 2. Morphologically yana- go : t!an- hold = yd a n- : § 40 104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 t!ana~; but phonetically the proportion would gain in symmetry by reversing the positions of its first and third terms. Examples are: Verb-stem Aorist stem wsL a giwi' £ n I brought it to him (176.17) we e ga'si he brought it to me (194.11) yanf e £ I went 14.7 haxde £ I burnt (98.1,4) dak'-da-ha a H /£ 7i I answered him (122.4; 146.14; 180.18) lap' he carried it 160.9 sa a gwa /s ?i I paddled it (14.6) wet* gi he took it from him 16.13 ; (76.1) le e ba /£ ?vX picked and ate it 94.5, 12 se e ba' £ n I roasted it (118.10) he e£ -ms'i he went away from me (184.14,15) liawax-xlut* e £ I am rotting (100.1) o u da' £ n I hunted for it (13.9) wo u lt* he went to get it 160.4 j) K dyamda £ n I smoked them out (76.11) ■yo u mIya' £ n I caught up with him (final -l l - of aorist stem unex- plained). (140.14) The two stem vowels of the verb-stem are always short in quantity, the second regularly having the raised accent (imperatives yana y , lebe y , odo y , woo y ) } The long stem vowel of the aorist, when stressed, takes the rising accent. To this latter rule there is one curious exception. The verb odo- hunt for always has the falling accent on the o u of the aorist (d' u f he hunted for it 13.9 ; 88.8, never *oH* ), but the non- aorist forms follow in everything the analogy of other verbs of this type. This anomaly is quite unexplained. Can it be that a leveling out of two originally distinct paradigms has taken place {*o u d- , odo y - of Type 5 and o' u d- , *d'W- of Type 6)? Type 6. Verb-stem v^ + c!; aorist v v + c. Most of the verbs that follow this type have as second consonant in the aorist one capable of 1 Such forms as lebe'n, with falling accent on the second vowel, are only apparently opposed to this rule, as in these cases the falling accent regularly goes with the personal ending -n. Practically all vio- lations of the accent rules found in the examples are of this merely apparent character and will be readily explained away when the subject of personal endings is considered. § 40 wagaici'n I shall bring it to him (45.6) wege' sink* he will bring it to me yanaY e e I shall go 14.3 haxaY e e I shall burn (92.29) daV-da-hsbWhin I shall answer him laba N carry it! (70.5); 192.8 sagwa x paddle it! 112.3,9 wede'FmF he will take it from him (16.10,11; 17.10,11) lebe'?i I shall pick it up and eat it sebe'Ti I shall roast it (44.6) lie e£ -lw\ F xink* he will go away from me 7iawax-xiwYt*e e I shall rot (194.8) o&o'n I shall hunt for it (116.7, 11) wooVF he will go to get it (162.8) ip*\iyumda'n I shall smoke them out yomo'Ti I shall catch up with him (46.7; 136.12,13) BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 105 k "wsi fa xde £ I woke up (16.3, 5) xd a -\si /a da £ n I put it about my waist la-H-Vba, ,a gi £ n I burst it (24.17) wa-sg& /!l bi £ n I made it tight (140.6) al-xi n gi £ n I saw him 188.9 becoming a f ortis ; such as do not, introduce a catch before the second consonant in non-aorist forms. There seem to be no primarily in- transitive verbs of this type. Examples of the type are : Verb-stem Aorist stem £-kVa/ a k!wmIshall wake him up vkVa /a gwi £ n I woke him up 16.4; (75.6) k*wa,' a£ xde e I shall wake up (190.5) xa a -Wtlan I shall put it about my waist la-H-Vb&'klin I shall burst it (118.5) wa-sga/p \in I shall make it tight al-xl'k\in I shall see him (146.21) de £ -l-wi'k\in I shall spread it out de £ -i-wi n gi £ n I spread it out (120.1) dak*-Ve' e k\in I shall give him to ^aF-tV e gi £ nIgavehim to smoke smoke (170.13) &'-), whether or not secondarily derived from transitives, belong to that class of verbs to be later dis- cussed as Intransitive Verbs, Class II. Among those with primarily intransitive -yf- are: al-ts!ayd^de £ I washed my face ts!ayd^de £ I hid v!ala f ^de £ I tell a myth s'in-xinixan^de £ I sniff (cf. xln mucus) s'as-a f rJia^de s I stand around (not trying to help anyone) (cf s'a's-anfe e I shall stand) s'in-wi f lV'Va^de £ I blow my nose la a -s'o'wd u£ ~k K a^de £ I jump up (48.15; 49.1) A number of Class II intransitive verbs show a suffixed -p- in all forms but the aorist. It is not possible to say whether this -p- is morphologically identical with the -p- of verbs like § 42 120 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 ts!ayap'de £ or not, but such seems likely. Intransitives with non-aoristic -p K - are : la^de e I shall become (92.11) (aorist la a Me e ) 186.19 sana'pde e I shall fight (aorist sd a nsa f nVe £ [184.13]) tgun^de e I shall be cold (aorist fgunu¥de £ [90.3]) Finally, all Class II intransitives have a -p*- before the formal elements in the first person plural and impersonal of the aorist and future and in the imperative and inferential modes: s'as'inip'iY we stand s'a's'anip'ia u£ ? they (indef.) will stand s'a f s'a7vp K stand! s-a's-an^anp do ye stand! s'a's-an^ga £ m stand! (future) s'a's'an^V he stood, it seems There is small doubt, however, that this -p K - is quite distinct from the non-aoristic -p*- of verbs like lapde e , which occurs in the entire future. A form like lap become ! is in that event perhaps to be analyzed as ld a -p K -p\ the first -p- being the non- aoristic element found also in lapde e , while the second -p'- is identical with the imperative-inferential -p'- of S'a's-anj)\ This analysis is purely theoretical, however, as contraction to a single -p*- is unavoidable in any case. 2. -pi-. This consonant is evidently a suffixed element in: lia £ -i-liu f lu-]y\i £ n I skinned them (cf. Jia^i-hu^u^Tbal they skinned them all 160.5) 3. -'in-. Apparently as transitive element ~m- appears in: ts!ayama f£ n I hide it (124.23) (cf. ts!ayapde £ I hide [24.2]) As intransitive suffix it appears in : fgisi /£ m it gets green xudumfe £ I whistle (base xud-; related to xdeif flute [?]) (33.16) ts'!us'umfe £ I make noise by drawing in breath between teeth and lower lip (78.9,10,12; 79.1,3,5; 96.9,10,12) It may not be altogether accidental that the latter two verbs both express the making of a noise. This idea is found expressed also in: ts-!elem.fe £ I rattle (102.13) (cf. %-ts'lele r ts'!ili £ n I rattle it) but the -m- of this verb may be really an older -n- dissimilated to -m- because of the preceding -Z-. The -m- corresponds to an evidently identical suffixed -am- of the related noun ts'lela^m hail 152.12,16. § 42 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 121 4. -d- ? -f- seems to be found only with transitive verbs: wa a Jiimida f£ n I speak to him (but with, unexpressed object wa a liimi' 'xade £ I was talking [to somebody]) (59.16; 63.10) daV-7iene e da' £ n I wait for him (cf. ~hene'xade £ I wait) lc!uyumida /£ n I call his name from distance, greet him (198.11) (probably derivative of lclu'yam friend! 31.6, 8) s-omoda /£ n I cook it (58.10) (cf. s-umii r xade £ I cook) ts'!umumVa £ n I cook it (170.17,19); future s'umVan 1 (170.16) (cf. s'iimxi y stirring paddle 170.14) dd a -minl¥da £ n I taught him; future da a -mini'an lawadana f£ n I hurt him (186.12) yama&a"n I ask him (70.6; 74.10; 120.16) wiyimada' £ n I "wish" to him, work supernatural power on him (57.1) mffltfda^n I love her xa £ -i-ts- !iwi\ K he split it (26.6) (cf. i-ts'liwl'Hs'Iau he split it up) It will be noticed that most of the verbs listed imply, not direct physical action, but rather the direction of one's thought or words toward another person. It is therefore highly probable that the -d- (except possibly in s'omd- cook) is identical with the -d- implied in the -s m - (= -tx-) of the indirect object (§ 47). Unlike the -d- here discussed, however, the -S'- of the indirect object can be used only if the indirect object is not of the third person. It is clear that -d- is not really quite in line with the other suffixes that we have termed "petrified," this being shown, among other things, by the fact that it may be preceded by other suffixes, as in da a -min%-V-da £ n. Evidently quite distinct from this indirective -d- suffix is the -(a)d- suffix of a few intransitive class II verbs in which the -d- is followed by -% l - in aorist, -i- in non-aorist forms (see § 40, 16). This aoristic -ad- appears always umlauted to -id-. cugwidP-, non-aorist cuVdi- lie curled up wlklidi 1 -, non-aorist wl £ Vdi- lie heaped about fgupfidi (box, canoe) lies bottom side up 5. -#/-. This consonant has been found as an evident suffix in: hd a -di' 'nlt\ana e n I strung (dentalia) on line (59.9) (cf. dinkl- stretch out) fgemet\ia u£ it gets dark 188.14 (cf. fge e mfga y mx it is quite dark [cf. 195.7]; alfge'm black 162.4; [196.6]) 1 s'orn-d- and s'uii-m-t' a- are parallel forms of one verb that seem to be used with no difference in mean- ing, though their aorist stems are formed according to different types. § 42 122 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 6. ™g-, -&'-. As in the case of -b- } it seems advisable to recognize two distinct -g- suffixes , the one appearing as a transit ivizing element, the other as a verb-making element added on to nouns or adjectives. Examples of its transitive use are: p!alaga f£ n I tell him a myth al-ts!ayaga' £ n I wash him (64.5) pl^-wa-gelegi^n I drill for fire with it (88.12) %-'k!us'gi , xinV he will pinch me (116.8,12) (cf. l-k!us'ulc! w as'i he always pinches me) da-t!abaga ,£ n I finish it (61.8; 176.6) da a -dalaga'mda £ n I put holes in his ear (22.1) (cf. dd a -dele r ^i he stuck it across his ear) swadafga £ n I run after him (59.13; 75.3; 120.19, 20) Examples of its use in adjectival intransitives are: fuwu' £ k" he feels hot, it is hot 94.15 (cf. fu hot 57.15) duwu' £ k* it is good, he does right 180.11 (cf. du good, beautiful 58.7,8) fgunuk'de 6 1 feel cold (90.3) (cf. t'gun^ia u£ t K it will be cold) xuma n &de e I shall be full, satiated (128.11) (cf. xu'ma food 54.4 &nds'ix-xu y m dried venison 43.12,13) gel-dulu n &de £ I am lazy Further examples of -F- that are difficult to classify are: de-lumu' 'sgade £ I tell the truth (184.3) s'in-willk'ap'dam you blow your nose yala ; k'de £ I dive (connected with yal- lose [?]) (60.10,11; 61.11) In wa-t!illk r ni £ n i gave each one (130.4) (future wa-dilnhin) and in the morphologically analogous dd a -minzk'da £ n I taught him (future dd a mint*an), the -V- is confined to the aorist. In wefgi he took it from him 16.13, the -g- is found only in the third personal object of the various tense-modes (wet* gin it was taken from him 13.11; wede'YinY he will take it from him (17.10,11) . All other forms of the aorist stem we e d- (verb- stem wede-) lack it : wesi (from *wefsi) he took it from me (17.3) wede'shinV he will take it from you (16.10,11) 7. -/£/-, -k!w-. These elements seem to be characteristic of tran- sitives. Examples are: w% £ -%-t K ge'ye e \.\in he is surrounded on all sides (transitives and" passives are closely related) 48.5,13; (176.14) al-'p!i i -ts'!u , luk.\i £ n I burn it (73.9,12; 96.26) (cf. al- Thus the suffixed -i- of Iclemel he made it and -n- of Icleme'nxa* he makes, also the aorist characteristic of dl-t!ugu% he wore it, are not found in their corresponding frequentative forms. 4. v + c + W + c. The large number of verbs whose frequent atives follow this formula (la of types of reduplication) always have another consonant, whether part of the stem or a petrified suffix, after the non- fortis repeated consonant characterizing the frequentative, so that the appearance at least of infixation is often produced. Externally, frequent atives of this type resemble aorists of verbs of Type 8, but differ from them in the consistent length of the repeated vowel. In signification these verbs are generally continuative or usitative rather than properly frequentative or iterative. As examples may be given: Aorist stem Repetitive i-lclos'ds'g i he is always pinch- ing him wat-Mmtfmda'tn I used to talk to him baxaxmia us they keep coming (194.13) ha-tluluHga^n I keep follow- ing in (trail) al-sgald a liwi' £ m I keep turning my head to look at them gaydiwa /s n I used to eat it 7iene € nda /s n I keep waiting for him / p!ala a lgafn the myth is always told ba-i-7ieme e mga' £ n I always took them out uyvf $ l i s-de s (dissimilated from *uyu'H ie s'- [?]) I keep laugh- ing tslayag- shoot tslayalY he used to shoot them 154.14 yilim- ask for yill i nma' e n I keep asking for it (see § 21) § 43 Jc!os'o-g- pinch Jdmi-d- talk to baxam- come t!ulu-g- follow al-sgal-aw- turn head to look at gaya-w- eat hene-d- wait for plalag- tell a myth Jiem-g- take out uyu £ s-- laugh 132 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Aorist stem Repetitive ts!aya-m- hide ts!aya-ima' £ n I always hide it (134.8) gini-g go to ginlnF they went there one after another 46.11 mats lag- put matslasga they always put it away 132.9 wits'lim- move wits'! ismade 5 1 keep moving sgelew- shout sgelelt K e s (see § 18) I keep shouting (59.3) Mwiliw- run to Jiiwililfe e (see § 18) I keep running The verb yewei- return seems to form its frequentative according to method 4, but with added -g-: yewe'oV he used to come back 47.4; 116.2; yeweogaY you used to come back; yeweo'Fde £ , yeweu¥de £1 1 used to come back There is not enough material available to determine in every case the non-aoristic forms of the frequent atives of this group. As a gen- eral rule, however, it seems that the non-aoristic stem of the frequen- tative is formed by repeating a consonant or semi-vowel, but in such a manner as to indicate the non-aoristic simplex back of it. Thus the frequentative of the inferential ts'lalmV he hid it is ts'!a-imik K he was always hiding it; of Ml[a]u¥ he jumped 160.17 it is bilwalF (? = HilwalwF) they always jumped 160.16. From gaiF (inferential) he ate it 142.19 is formed gayalF (if really inferential in form; per- haps third person subject aorist gayaig- in contrast to -gaydiw of other persons, see above) he used to eat it 54.6, which, though resembling the aorist in the repetition of the stem-vowel, differs from it, probably for phonetic reasons, in the absence of the -w-. The form wits' !e's- made e he will keep moving, given as the future of wits'!ismade £ , can not, for want of parallel forms, be accounted for. From sgaHw-. non-aorist of sgalaw-, is formed the frequentative sgalw-alw- (perhaps according to Type 8, Iw- being a consonatic unit) . 5. Vowel lengthening. Many verbs, particularly such as be- long to Type 2, obtain a usitative signification by merely lengthening the short repeated vowel of the stem, this vowel, when stressed, as- suming the falling accent. Examples of this simple process are : !It is not at all certain that the -o- (-u-) of these forms really represents the -w- of the stem. It is quite probable that there is a distinct type of frequentative in repeated vowel+-og-, in which case wagao'- ~k'na*n i used to bring it (see above under 1) would be another example. § 43 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 133 Simplex yimi's'a e lie dreams luk!u'xa £ he sets traps geyewa f lxde e da £ ba-iJc!iyi f£ ¥ when I ate he came V ewe'V awa £ l he barks Repetitive yiml fi s'a £ he is always dreaming luk!u' u xa £ he used to set traps geye e wa r lxde e da £ ba-i-k!iyl' i£ V whenever I used to eat he came Vewe' e Vawa £ l he is always bark- ing As the last example shows, by this method verbs which are already frequentative in form can be made to take on a usitative meaning. 6. v + (c + ) ha. The accented vowel (v) of frequentatives con- forming to this formula is either the second vowel of the stem of the simplex or the repeated vowel of the stem not found in the simplex, and is followed by the last consonant (semi-vowel) of such verb-stems as end in two consonants. The forms that belong to this group seem in some cases to have rather a continuative than iterative force. Ex- amples are: Repetitive lolionha he keeps killing them liwllhaufe £ I kept looking (144. 19) wo £ o u ha she used to go for wood 43.15; 158.18 dd a -sgeJc!elha he listened around 102.3 da a -aganJii £ n I used to hear about it " ls'u ,£ alJia £ they always stayed (to- gether) 112.2 \s'u ,£ aTh%biY we always stay to- gether S'as'a'n7iap'de £ I stand around The last two examples do not show a rising pitch-accent, because the vowel (-a-) preceding the -I- and -n- respectively is inorganic and therefore incapable of carrying a rising or raised accent (cf. as parallel oila'ut'e e i shall jump, not *bilaut'e e , because of inorganic -a-). They also illustrate the loss in the frequentative of a non- radical element (-¥-) of the simplex; in s'u /£ alha £ the loss of the -% l - involves also the transfer of the verb to the first class of intransitives (second person singular, Class I, s'u f£ alJiaf you stay around; Class II, s-u £ wilifam you sit). § 43 Simplex lohon he caused them to die (100.8) UwiWufe* I looked (59.14) wo u lf she went for (wood) (non- aorist woo-) (162.8); 186.6 da a -sgek!l he listened 102.8 da a -agani /£ n I heard it (55.3) s-u £ will he sits, stays 21.1 s-as-inife £ I stand (34.1) 134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 7. v + lha. It is very probable that the verbs that belong here contain the continuative -l- treated, under the head of petrified suffixes (see § 42, 9). The formula may then be considered morphologically identical with that listed as method 5, except that the continuative -Z- is introduced before the -Jia. Examples of this group are : Aorist (or verb) stem Repetitive tloxox- gather wa- £ i-t!oxdIhi £ n I always gather them ba a -felc!elMxia u£ they all /x-„ ^ 7 , n emerged 60.11 (oa a -t ekl-x emerge) -, _„ ,< 7 ° lr . , . T , fe J ba a -t ek!elhixde £ I keep emerging (60.14) (sgip!- cut) xa-H-sgipIilJii he cut them all through 26.11 k! otic lad- break xa- £ i-ya a -k!odoThi he always just broke them in two 29.1 (al-xikl- see) al-xik!iThi £ n I used to see him gwidi(¥ w d)- throw gwidilha he kept throwing it (164.11) (Jtok!- trap) lokfolha he was always trapping them 78.4; 100.4 The non-aoristic forms of these frequent at ives dispense with the re- peated vowel (v) characteristic of the aorist, so that the introduction of an inorganic -a'- is necessitated : gwida'Ihan I shall keep throwing it al-xikla'Thilc I used to see him (inferential) The remarks made under method 1 in regard to the formation of frequent atives directly from the verb-stem rather than the aorist stem apply also here (sgotlolha 108.8 from verb-stem sgotl- cut, aorist sgo u d-, like sgotl o'sgat). 8. v + w + v+Uia. Only two verbs have been found that follow this very irregular formula for the frequentative: Simplex . Repetitive 7 „ < , i«^«'i [lawa'Thiv always become! (78.5) Lav become! 25.2 \ \ J ' 7 _5 7 _x .. -, ^„r idahoxa lawa lriida £ whenever it la a le y it became 22.7 1 , . ,,. .„. ; I became evenmg 44.1; 78.6 ligigwa /£ n I fetch (game) liwi'Viagwa £ n I always come home (70.3,5; 164.4) home with (game) (136.2) The latter of these shows at the same time an unaccountable loss of the -g- of the stem; the future of the simplex, fflgwa'n, probably does not exhibit an absolute loss of the -g-, but rather a contraction of Itfg-gw- to Itfgw-. § 43 boas] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 135 TRANSITIVE SUFFIXES (§§ 44-51) § 44. General Remarks Under this head may be conveniently listed a number of suffixes that either transitivize intransitives (causative, comitative, indirective -amd-, -old-) or are characteristic of transitive verbs (indirective -s- = -tx-TO, indirective -an (an) -for, indirect reflexive). It must be confessed, however, that the various suffixes may be so thoroughly interwoven among themselves and with the purely formal elements that follow, that a certain amount of arbitrariness can hardly be avoided in treating of them. The suffixes will now be taken up in order. § 45. Causative -(a)n~ Causatives are formed from intransitives by the addition of -n- to the intransitive form, minus, of course, its formal pronominal ele- ments. If the final sound preceding the -n- is a vowel, the suffix can be directly appended, the vowel being generally lengthened ; a final consonant (or semivowel), however, generally, though not always, requires a connective -a- (-% when umlauted) between it and the suffix ; doublets (with and without connective -a-) sometimes occur, the com- bination of consonant + -n- then taking a constant -a (-i) after it. If the accented vowel (v) of the aorist immediately precedes the -n- in all forms, an inorganic -Ji- must be introduced, the combination -nil- then necessitating a following constant -a; doublets, conditioned by the position of the accent, here also occur. Certain suffixed ele- ments (-i-, -¥-) characteristic of intransitives drop off before the caus- ative -n-, yet in some forms they are retained ; intransitivizing ele- ments naturally remain, for without them the verb would itself be transitive and incapable of becoming a causative. The aorist and non- aorist forms of the causative, with the qualification just made, are built up on the corresponding tense-mode forms of the primitive verb. Examples of causative -(a)n- are: Intransitive Causative yelnada ,£ you will be lost (a yalnsaiada /£ you will lose it palatalized by preceding y to -e-) 14.3 yowo ,£ he is 21.1 ha £ -l-yowom f£ n I woke him up (literally, I caused him to be up with my hand) 16.4 H 44-45 .136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Vuwu' £ Y he is hot 94.15 ba-i-biliwa y t you ran out 24.15 Jiax it burns 94.18 faga' i£ he cries 62.2 ilioyo f£ f he dances 46.12 I hoida'H' he will dance yd a n- go (aorist) yana- go (non- aorist) Intransitive Causative ba-i-yowona ,£ n I miss him in shooting (? = I cause him to be out) (138.5) . ba-i-yowdnhsi s n t'uwugeLTia' £ n I make him hot ba-i-biliweniaY he ran him out {JiaxnsL he burned it 98.8 hax&nk^wa he burned him. up 27.16 U'aga a na ,£ n I make him cry I fegenxi he makes me cry 7ioyodsaia f£ n I make him dance hoideLiia'n I shall make him dance yd a na, y n he made him go ; yd a - nsaia /£ n I made him go ydnhsi (= *yan-nha) he made him go; yanhtfrb I made him go. yanavna'n 1 I shall cause him to go Jiene' £ n they were used up 184.6 i-7ienenim' £ n I used them up ,. i i , j , xi j {ydwo /u ts!sLiixbi e n I startled you yowo' £ s he started, was startled * _, c . , , e ,. , J : 1 Q R 1 n i yowo' u£ smxbi £ n (for change of a 1800 I to 4 see § 42, 12) J yo'HsI&nan I shall startle him 1 i/6 Me snan t!obiginh.2L £ n I make him lie like dead tlobaga'snsin I shall make him lie like dead (s'as'ininh.3L £ n I make him stand s'as'dnh.Si e n s'a's'anhsai I shall make him stand de-gulv!lc!alxn& £ n I make fire blaze p'ele r xana £ n I make him go to war daV-limlmxgwadmi £ n I chop (tree) on to him yo' u£ sdd a he will start 186.10 tlobigl he lies like dead tlobaga' 'sdd a he will lie like dead (148.8) S'as'inl he stands 144.14 s'a's'an£d a he will stand de-giilu f ~k!alx it blazes 188.15 p'ele'xa £ he goes to war 126.13 daV-limimxgwa £ (tree) falls on him (108.12) 1 Also yana'k'nan I shall make him go, with inserted and unexplained suffix -k'-. 45 BOAS I HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 137 Intransitive Causative yewe' i£ he returned 4 9.10; ba £ -i-yewen he cured him (lit- 88.5 erally, he caused him with his hand to return up) 15.2 The causative in -vnha- is sometimes usitative in meaning: lohonhsL he used to kill them; lohon he killed them 142.9 Examples occur of transitives in -n- formed from intransitives in which no causative notion can be detected : da-ldnha £ n I lied to him; de-lunhixi he lied to me (intransitive da-lofe e I shall lie [110.23]) gel-way a a na' £ n I slept with her (26.4) ; gel-wa-ina'n I shall sleep with her (108.3) (intransitive wayanfe £ I sleep [188.22]; walfe e I shall sleep [188.20]); but wayanhtfn I cause him to sleep (162.1); wainhsin I shall cause him to sleep, wamha put him to sleep! 106.4,8 The connective a of the causative suffix -an- in the aorist is treated differently from the a of the non-aorist forms in so far as in the former case the -an- diphthong, when stressed, receives a raised accent, while in the latter the a, as a strictly inorganic element, takes the falling accent. Thus: Aorist Non-aorist Jid u gweL K ii he made him run hogw&'n make him run! (yewen he caused him to return) ye e wa,'Ti make him return! (plagan he bathed him [186.25]) p!a a gsi ; ii bathe him! 186.24 In other words, the phonetic relation between aorist and non-aorist illustrated by several verb types (e. g., agan- : ag[a]n-) is reflected also in the causative suffix (-an- : ~[a]n-) . The same is true of other -[a]n- suffixes not causative in signification (see § 42, 10): Aorist Non-aorist %-'k\u u ma s n he fixed it 150.13 %-~k!uma f n fix it! (k!emenxbi £ n I make you 27.9) Wema'n make it! 186.24 § 46. Comitative -(a) gw- Comitatives, i. e., transitive forms with the general meaning of to do some action (expressed by verb-stem) together with, at- tended by, having something (expressed by object of verb), may be formed only from intransitives by the suffix -gw- (final -Y w , rarely -Ywa in monosyllables) ; after a consonant (including semivowel) a connective -a- appears before the -gw-, though in a few cases (as in aorist ya a n- go) the -gw- is directly appended. Dissyllabic stems ending in vowel + -g- or -w- often add the comitative -gw- directly, in § 46 138 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 which case the preceding vowel is generally lengthened; doublets, however, are sometimes found with connecting a. The second vowel of aorist stems is apt to be lengthened in comitative forms, yet not as consistently as in the case of causatives. Differing in this respect from the causative -n-, the comitative suffix does not require the loss of a final aoristic intransitive element (e. g., -%-). From aorist lohoi- die are formed loho u -n- cause to die, but lohoy-agw- die togethee with. The reason seems clear. While the action of a causative verb is logically transitive, that of a comitative is really intransitive, and the verb is only formally transitive. In the former case the subject of the verb does not undergo the action that would be expressed by the intransitive stem QoJioi-) ; in the latter it does. Examples of the comitative are: ya a n- Intransitive go (aorist) from hunt yana- (non-aorist) ligi- come home (aorist) Itfg- (non-aorist) gini(g)~ go to dal-yewey- run away wl*- travel lo u l- play daway- fly henen- use up, be satiated yewey- return yaway- talk QieH- sing (non-aorist) [helel- (aorist) § 46 Comitative yank 1 ™ he takes it along Git., he goes having it) 17.13 yanagwa y n¥ he will take it along ligi s k* w he fetched game home 70.3 ItfgwcfnF (=ll i g-gwa s nY) he will fetch game home (130.6) gintfgwa'tn I take it to (31.11); also giniy8igwa' £ n (13.12); fu- ture ginagwa'n (=ginag- gwa'n with inorganic a be- cause of preceding n) (146.6) dal-yewey& y k* w he ran away with it wik'wa, he travels around with it 14.2 lo u la,gwa' s n I play with him (124.14) bd a -wa- daway a?k' w he flies with it ~henen2bgwa /£ n I eat it all (43.12) yewey&gwa /£ n I fetch them back (30.1; 47.13) yawaysLgwa /£ n I talk about it (lit., I talk having it) 108.12 nax-i-he e la,gwa'n I shall sing with pipe in hand l-liele e leigwa ,£ n I sing with it in hand boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 139 Intransitive Comitative ttobagas- lie like dead (non- nax-da-t!obaga' 'sgwanV he lies aorist) like dead with pipe in mouth uyu s s'- laugh uyu /s s'gwa s n I laugh at him baxam- come da-yawix lax&m^V™ they came talking (literally, mouth-talking they - came- with) 126.2 lo u x MliwsigwanaW we play at fighting (literally, play we- fight-having) warbilPgwa^n I jump having it ( = *biliugwa' e n, see §7) biliw- fight, jump If the object of the comitative verb is other than a third person, the suffix -gw- is followed by the indirective -d-, which does not ordinarily appear as such, but unites with the immediately following transitive connective -x- to form -s-; a connective -a- is inserted between the -gw- and the -s-, so that the whole comitative sufhx for a first or second personal object is -{a)gwas~. Examples are: uyu' £ s'gw&si he laughs at me Jienen&gw&'sam he ate us up (192.15) bd a -wa-dawiy8Lgw2b' 'sbinJc* he will fly up with you The form -gwad- of the comitative suffix appears as such preceding -in- (umlauted from -an-) in the third personal object of indirect for- f orms built up on intransitive verbs derived from transitives : lillc!vfxagw2idini £ n I trap for him (probably = I cause [-in] him to be having [-gwad-] [some one] to trap [luk!il-xa-] [for him]) ; but luklu'xagwsisi he traps for me p'ele'xagw£Ldini £ n I go to war for him; but p*ele r xagw&si he goes to war for me It is highly probable, however, that in such cases the -gwad- is to be definitely analyzed into a comitative element -gwa- + an indirective element -d- (-f-) to, for; this seems to be pointed out by the fact that when the for - object becomes identical with the subject, i. e., when the verb becomes an indirect reflexive (for one's self), the -d- immediately precedes the regular reflexive suffix -gwi-, leaving the causative suffix ~(a)n- between it and the comitative suffix -gw-: luk!ii'xagwanVgwide e I trap for myself (probably = I cause [-an-] myself [-gwi-] to be having [-gw-] [some one] to tr SL])[lu7c!ii-xa-] for [-*'-] [me]) § 46 140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Comitatives in -gw- are formed not only from intransitivized tran- sitivesin -xa- (e. g., %-lubu'xa¥ w she pounds with it in hand [55.10]; 56.1), but also from non-agentive intransitives in -x- (see below, § 56). Examples are: Non-agentive Comitative sgo' u sde £ ( = sgo' u d-x-de £ ) I cut sgo' u sgwa £ n I got tired 1 of it (without implied object), (21.6) am across (148.8) ~he £ -me £ -t K bo' u Y£bwx. he lay 7ie e£ -wa-t K bd u Vt % ba'xg'w& he lay down with his arms folded, down with it clasped in his lay rolled up and put away arms 154.6 (cf. lie £ -me £ -£bd ,u Yt % baga £ n I roll it up and put it away) fge e ya y lx it runs around, rolls wa-t K ge e ya'lxgwa £ n I roll with it wa-i-s'ugu's-uxgwa £ n I am sleepy (literally, something like: I am confused having sleep) ba-i-s'ilVx he landed ba-i-s-ili'xgwa> he landed with (his canoe) 13.5 The obverse, as it were, of these transitive forms in -x-gwa-, is given by certain rather curious Class I intransitive forms in -x-gwa- built up on intransitive, not, like normal -x- derivatives, on transitive stems; they may be literally translated as to be with (or having) (something) doing or being. Thus from the intransitive aorist daY-limim- (tree) falls on top of is formed the intransitive daV- limimxgwade £ it falls on top of me (108.12), in which the logical subject (tree) becomes an implied object, while the real object or goal of motion (me) is treated as the grammatical subject. The form quoted would have to be literally translated as i am with (or having) (it) falling on top of (me), i (as tree) fall having it, together with it would probably be something like *da¥- limtfmgwa^n. Morphologically similar to da¥-limlmxgwade £ are doubtless : 7iewe'7idxgwside £ I yawn (literally, I am having — [ ? ]) yele' £ sgw£ide £ (= yelet! -x-gwa-) I am sweating (literally, I am — having it, i. e., perspiration [?]) With such an interpretation, the form da¥-limimxgwadini £ n i chop it on to him becomes readily intelligible as a causative built i sgo'usde? and sgo'usgwa £ n are morphologically quite clearly related, though in signification the latter form has widely departed from what must have been its primary meaning. § 46 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 141 up on an intransitive in -xgwa-; literally translated it would read I cause (-in) him to be with (-gwad-) (it) falling (limVm-x-) ON top of (daV-) (him) . This chimes in well with the interpretation given above of the really very perplexing "for" forms in -gwadin- and -gwanfgwi. As will have been noticed from some of the examples already given (yawayagw- talk about, uyu i£ s-gwa- laugh at, sgo u sgwa- be tired of, Tienenagw- consume), the primarily comitative meaning of the -gw- suffix is sometimes greatly obscured, at times practically lost. Other examples illustrating this weakening of the fundamental signification are: Intransitive Comitative hoyod- dance Jioyod-agw- dance (a particular kind of) dance 100.15; 102.9 bd a -yd a n- go up bd a -yd a n-gw- pick up 24.3; 59.15 ba-i-ginig- go out to, come ba-i-ginl i -gw- take out (no leg motion necessarily implied) xeben- do (so) xebe^j-agw- 1 hurt, destroy 136.23 § 47. Indirective -d-(-$-) The -d- of the indirect object never appears in its naked form (except, as we have seen, in certain forms in -gwad-; see also under -d- in petrified suffixes) , but always combined into -s- with the follow- ing element -x- that serves to bind pronominal objects of the first and second persons to the verb-stem with its derivative suffixes (see §64). The indirect object of the third person is not normally expressed by this -d-, but, like an ordinary direct third personal object, is left unexpressed, the general character of the verb being impliedly indi- rective. As a matter of fact, an incorporated pronominal indirect object is used only when the direct object is of the third person, never of the first or second; and, since the pronominal object of the third person is never expressed in the verb, this means that what is trans- lated as the indirect object is in reality morphologically the direct object of the verb. The indirective idea is merely a derivative development; or, more correctly, certain transitive verbs with indi- rective " face" require an -s- (=-d-+-x-) instead of -x- with an incor- porated object of the first or second person, i give it to him is, then, really rendered in Takelma by i-him-give; i give it to you, by i- 1 For the change of non-causative -n- to -y- (-i-) cf. k.'emti- and k.'emeen- make. § 47 142 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 you-give; i give him FOOD, by i-him-food-give, in which the logically indirect object him must be looked upon as the direct object of the verbal complex food-give (food, not being a pronominal object, is loosely incorporated as a prefix in the verb) ; i give you food, by i-you-food-give, the pronominal combination i you being expressed at the end of the verb-complex in the same form as in a simple transitive like i-you-see, except that it is preceded by -s- instead of -x-; such combinations as i give you to him, me and he gives me to you, him can not be expressed by one verb-form. In these latter cases the grammatical object of the verb is no longer in- directly affected by the action ; hence another, though probably ety- mologically related, verb-stem is employed, while the indirect object is expressed by a local phrase outside the verb : i give you to him ( = i- you-give [not indirective "face"] him-to), -x-, not -s-, preced- ing the combination i you. The idea of to in intransitives like go, run, and so on, is regularly expressed by such an extra-verbal local phrase. Many verbs that, from our point of view, seem ordinary transitives, are in Takelma provided with the indirective -s-. Ex- amples illustrating the use of this -s- are : Aorist Future iogoyi^n 1 I give it to him 180.11 o'Vin (170.13; 180.9,16) | ogu f sbi s n I give it to you 23.3 o'sbin (178.15) I (oyonxbi £ n I give you) {oinxbin I shall give you) !wet K gi £ n (for -g- see §42, 5) I wede'Vin (17.10,11) took it from him 76.1 wesbi £ n I took it from you (17.3) wede'shin (16.10,11) jal-da-p'd u p*iwi £ nlblew&tit(15.1) \al-da-p*up*ausbi £ n I blew at you wa a giwi /£ n I brought it to him wagawi'n I shall bring it to (for -w- see §42, 11) (176.17) him wa a ga'$am 2 he brought it to us wege'sinV he will bring it to me (194.11) (eiyi /£ n I hurt him | e%sbi £ n I hurt you jgayau he ate him 54.5 ga-iwa y n¥ 130.5 \gayausbi £ n I ate you gaisbinV he will eat you 26.8 f al-yehebi' £ n I showed it to him (77.8) al-ye e bi'n I shall show it to him 1 al-yebe' psbi £ n I showed it to you al-yepsi show it to me! i The -y- is peculiar to aorist forms of this verb with a third personal object (ogoyiY you to him; ogoihi he to him 122.11) and to the third personal passive aorist (ogoyi'n he was given it 15.2) 2 With connecting a before s. In o'sbin above -g- + -s-gives -s-, but *wesdam (=weeg-sdam) would be- come confused with wesdam (=weed-sdam) you took it from me. § 47 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 143 Some verbs that belong here show the -s- only in the aorist, other forms having only -x-. Examples are : Aorist Future he^-Vwi^n I went away from he e£ -iwi'n him 23.12 he e£ -iusbi £ n I went away from Tie e£ -lwi'xbinV you (184.14,15) yimi'xi lend it to me! 98.14, 21 %-t!a a wi'n (33.8) i-UaUxbinV (140.15) na a gi'n (15.15; 196.20) naxbin (60.3) dak *-da-hala'~hin yl i m%d)i e n I lent it to you 98.15 [%-t!aUt!iwi £ n I catch him 33.4 \%-t!aut!a f usbi he caught you \naga ,£ n I said to him 72.9 \naga f sbi £ n I said to you 108.4 da¥-da-Jia a li /£ n I answered him (61.6) dak'-da-7ialsbi £ n I answered you dak*-da-7iala'x.bin (134.20) \sa a nsa' £ n I fight him (110.20) sana'n (28.15; 33.9) \sa a nsaf nsbi £ n I fight you sana'xbin § 48. Indirective -(a')ld- This suffix is probably composed of the continuative -I- (see § 42, 9) and the indirective -d-, though, unlike the latter suffix, it is always employed to transitivize intransitives, a characteristic intransitive element of the aorist (e. g., -i-) regularly remaining. After vowels, the suffix appears simply as -Id-; after consonants and semivowels, a con- nective -a- is generally introduced, which, when accented, receives a falling pitch. The general idea conveyed by the suffix is that of purposive action toward some person or object, so that it may be con- veniently translated by moving at or toward, in order to reach, going to get. Examples of its use are : Jiiliufe £ I climb ]iiliwsi'lda £ n I climb for it (77.8) {yadaddf\Aa £ n I swim for him (to save him from drowning) yeded&'lsi he swims for me l)iliw&'\sa £ n they fought (liter- ally, they jumped at, for each other) 27.4 'da-t!aya ris they went to get da-t!aya\di f£ n I went to get it to yada'fe £ I swim {yadad-) Mli' u£ he jumped 32.13; 78.11 (something) to eat 75.9 da-da a ya f£ £ (future) (33.9) sgele' u£ he shouted 59.4; 90.8 eat ; da-t!ayalV he went to get it to eat (a shows by its accent that it is part of stem) 76.9 da-da a \di'n (future) (33.9) sgelewsL f lV he shouted to, for him 59.4; (94.1) § 48 144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 wiliw- go, run xudu' £ m he whistled UgW w he fetched home (game) 70.3; 128.12; ligi' £ he came home (with game) 124,22 jwiliw&'\da e nl go and show it to him [de-wiliwaf\da e n I fight him (27.3) xudum2J\da £ n I whistled to him (33.16) de-ligi&'W he fetched it for him to eat 126.9; 130.9 yonob a'lt' they held nets waiting for fish 32.1 InwoHt' he went after it 29.12 the -Id- is confined to the aorist; non-aorist forms have the stem woo- without suffix: woo'n i shall go after it (162.8,10). § 49. Indirective -(a^mcf- There hardly seems to be any significant difference between this and the preceding suffix, except that the indirective force of -(a')md- seems in many cases to be much less clear and that it may be appended to transitive as well as to intransitive stems. It is quite probable that in some of the examples the -m- of the suffix is really the dissimi- lated product of an original -I- because of an -I- of the stem (see § 21) ; yet this explanation could not be made to apply to all the cases. Those forms that contain a radical -l-r are given first: Simple form. -(a-')md- tliH&'mdafn I fish for (salmon) ts'!eleWmda s n I paint him ( = 1 put paint — s'e /e l — on to him) s'in-deleg&'msdam you put holes in my nose 22.2 malagafmsbi e n I am jealous of you malagia' ue they are jealous (cf. malag-, malagan- tell) yala'Vde £ I dive (61.8) (Jagag- feed) legwel he sucked it (186.18) (geleg- twirl) uyuts!- laugh ya^mtf ask him! 70.6 ~k!emen- make da¥-fgu ,u ba s n I put (hat-like object) over as covering § 49 yalageL f mda £ n I dive for it (60.10) lagag^mda^n I paid him (184.17) legweWm.da £ n I sucked it out of him dl u -al-gelegal2Jmda £ n I tie his hair up into top-knot (172.3) di s -uyu'ts!8Lmda £ n I fool him yamd&'mV (go and) ask of him 174.10 p*oy&mda £ n I smoke them out (76.11) Qd a -Jc!emendL f mda £ n I make him ready to go (76.13) daV-Vgu fu b&mV she covered it (basket) over 61.9 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 145 §50. Indirective -(a)n(an)- "for" From transitives, never from intransitives, are formed verbs in -(a)n or -(a) nan- (the first -a- is the connective vowel already spoken of) signifying to do (the act expressed by the verb-stem) for, in behalf of (the object of the verb). No rule can be given as to when -(a)n- or -(a) nan- is to be used, the two suffixes being frequently found to interchange in the same form. It is not likely that -{a)nan- is a mere duplication of the simpler -(a)n~, as no other case of suffix- reduplication could be shown to exist in Takelma, but rather a compound suffix consisting of two distinct elements that happen to be homonymous. Neither of the -{a)n- elements in- (a) ram-, however, can be identified with either the causative -{a)n- or the petrified -(a)n- of certain transitive verbs (see § 42,10), for the full -{a)nan- suffix is found suffixed to them (e. g., loho u ninini ,£ n I killed him for him [ = i caused him to die for him]) . As in the case of the ordi- nary indirect object-suffix -s-, only the third person (and that, as far as the pronoun is concerned, by implication) is tolerated as the logical object, the grammatical object being always the person in whose behalf the action is done. If the formal (i. e., indirect) object of the verb is of the third person, the -(a)n- or -{a)nan- is nearly always followed by the " instrumental " i (see § 64), an umlaut of the suffix to -(i)n- or -{i)nin- necessarily resulting (see § 8, 3c). The longer form of the suffix -(a)nan is apt to be limited to the aorist forms with third personal object; non-aorist forms and aorist forms with first or second personal object generally have the shorter form of the suffix, -{a)n-. What was said above of a phonetic character in regard to the causative -(a)n- applies also here. Examples are: Transitive Indirective wa £ -i-t!oxoxmi £ n I gather them for him wa £ -i-t!uxux&nxi he gathers them for me i-Jc!u u minmmi' £ n I fixed it for him i-Jc!uminimni x n~k' he will fix it for him !l-lc!u u mansiJi r xi he fixed it for me l-TclumandJnhi fix it for him! 3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 10 § 50 wa £ -l-t!oxoxi £ n I gather them (192.4) i-Jc!u u ma y n he fixed it (150.13; 186.16,18) 146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Transitive ld a ba' e n I carry it (178.4,5,6) [BULL. 40 o' u ga £ n I trap them (78.5) Tcfaddi- pick (aorist) ~k!a a d- pick (non-aorist) de £ -l-wl ri gi £ n I spread it out (120.1) Jc!emen- make limimana /£ n I fell tree (cause it to fall) (108.11) lolio u na /£ n I cause him to die (142.9) do u mVwanV he will kill him (116.18) sa a gwa /£ n I paddle it (60.1; 112.9) ])!ahanana' £ n I cause it to be cooked, done Indirective jla a bmmi' £ n I carry it for him [la a WTJia £ n le e b2Jw.xi he carries it for me {ld u gmmi' £ n I trap them for him lb fu gmi £ n (pHyiri) lu' u g&nxi he traps (deer) for me lo'lclmin I shall trap them for him lc!adaymi /£ n I pick them for him Jc!adalhmi £ n Jcledeyei'nxi he picks them for him Jc!d a dinm.i'n I shall pick them for him de £ -i-wi fi g&iixi he spreads it out for me ]c!emenmi' £ n I make it for him Tclemnmi'n I shall make it for him limimwmi' e n I fell it for him lohd u nmmi' £ n I killed him for him lo7id u na,nsi / jihi he killed him for him luhu u na,'iixi he killed him for me dd u meni2i / ii¥wan¥ he will kill him for him han-se e gw^nsin I am paddled across (literally, it, i. e., canoe, is paddled across for me) plahayinim^n 1 I make it done for him A number of transitive verbs in -(a)n(an)- in which the for (in behalf of) idea is not clearly apparent nevertheless doubtless belong here. Such are: § 50 1 For the change of suffixed n to y see § 46, second footnote. boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 147 (o u da /£ n I hunt for him [116.8]) al £ -d u dmi /£ n I look around for him (92.27) l £ -odom f n I shall feel around for it malagsiTiSb'iihi he told him 30.15 (mala'xbi he told you [162.6]) It not infrequently happens in verbs where the logical relation exist- ing between the subject and a first or second personal object can hardly be other than an indirect one, that the for idea is expressed by means of the simple transitive form with -x- or -s- instead of the more explicit indirective -(a)n(an)-, as shown in the following examples : Icledeisi he picks them for me (literally, he picks to me, along- side of Jdedeysb'nxi he picks them for me) 1 me £ bep'xip* come and chop out (a hole) for me (to enable me to get out) (literally, come and chop me!) 90.16 gel-ts!eye'mxi he hid it from me (158.7) ; but gel-ts!ayammi' £ n I hid it from him The idea of doing something for some one when the action is an intransitive one can not be expressed in the verb itself, so that peri- phrases of one kind or another are resorted to; e. g., i go for him is expressed by i go, he having sent me. In verbs that are intransi- tive only in form, but logically still transitive, that is, in transitive verbs with unexpressed object, the for idea is expressed by the com- plex suffix -gwa'dan- (with first or second personal object -gwas-), the analysis of which has been attempted above (see § 46). Thus we have (pHyin) lo /u gin(in)i £ n i trap (deer) for him built up on a tran- sitive in both form and meaning (i. e., ld fu ga £ n), but luklvfxagwa- dini £ n i trap for him built up on a formal intransitive (luk!u f xa £ ). The idea of for, in behalf of one's self is rendered in transitive verbs by adding to the indirective suffix -(a)n(an)- the regular reflexive suffix -Vwi- (-gwi-) : dd u mana'n¥widd a he will kill them for himself t!umu¥wan¥wide e I kill them for myself de £ -l-wl fi gank'wide £ I spread it out for myself Ti.an-se e gwa f 7ik'wide £ I paddle myself across, really, I paddle (canoe) across for myself 1 There must be a difference in signification, however, between Tcledhlsi and 7:!edeya'nxi. The former probably means "he picks them for me, i. e., in order to give them to me; " the latter "he picks them in my behalf (perhaps because I am sick and can not do so myself.)" Compare also d^lse'&xi he opened the door foe, me (i. e., in order to let me in) (63.12) with d&lse'eganxi he opened the door on my behalf (perhaps because I was unable to do so myself). § 50 148 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 In intransitive verbs with implied transitive force a -f- is inserted between the indirective -(a)n(an)- and the reflexive -gwi-: luk!u'xagwanfgwit K he traps for himself Also this form in -gwanfgwi- was explained above. § 51. Indirect Reflexive -gwa- By indirect reflexive is here meant action in reference to something belonging to one's self, not action in behalf of one's self. From the latter idea (expressed, as we have seen, by -[a]n[an]Ywi- and -[a]n[an]- fgwi-) the indirect reflexive in -gwa- differs in being always found in a transitive setting; from the comitative -(a)gw(a)- it differs phonet- ically in being formed only from transitive verbs with expressed object and in the constancy of the final -a- (third person aorist -Ywa, not -Y w ). Examples of its use are: s-m-H-fgili^sgwa, 1 he scratched his own nose 14.11; 15.7 manx al-mt' M kVa ( = gw-Ywa) he painted his own face (cf . no u 'gw- i £ n I paint it) i-gaxaga'xgwtfn I scratch myself, i. e., my own (cf. %-gaxagixi ,£ n I scratch him) l-p!i i -no /u k.'wa, warm your nands! (188.20) (cf. i- / p!i i -nd fu Ywi £ n I warm his hands) s-in-c^Ze'p'gwa he stuck it into his own nose (cf. dd a -dele' 'p'i he pierced his — another's — ear) Ills £ a\-giliga r lk'weL s n I covered myself with moss (48.14) (cf. His %-giligiW £ n I covered him with moss) Mis £ l-giliga'l^w& £ n I covered my hands with moss gwen-p!iyi'nk*wa, he lies on pillow (probably = he causes his neck to lie) 2 Jc!edelk'wa, £ n I pick them for myself (literally, I pick my own) de-yiuVauk'w&V he brandished it before his face 172.11 i-Tc!u u ma'nk'wa, he prepared himself, got ready 172.2 (cf. i-lc!u u - ma x n he fixed it, got it ready 114.7) It will be noticed that whenever what in English we are accustomed to consider a direct reflexive is really such only in form, not in fact, the Takelma idiom requires the indirect -Ywa- form, not the direct reflexive in -gwi-. Thus, i see or scratch myself is not logically a reflexive in the same sense as i kill, drown, or hang myself, the former involv- ing strictly action on what belongs to the subject, not on the subject itself: i see or scratch my own (flesh). Still such distinctions can iThe object, generally a body-part, to which the action refers is printed in Roman characters. 2 p. 'iyin- connected with -p ley en- lie? § 51 60AS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 149 hardly be insisted upon; much depends on idiomatic usage. The indirect reflexive suffix, it would seem, is employed only when the direct object is incorporated in the verb; if the direct object is taken out of the verb-complex and provided with a possessive pronoun, all ambiguity as to the relation between subject and object is removed and the -gwa- falls out. Thus we have da a -de e le' 'p gwa he pierced his own ear with indirect reflexive -gwa- to show the possession of the object (dd a - ear) by the subject; da a dele'pi would mean he pierced another's ear. The former sentence can also be expressed more analytically by danxdagwa Tiadele'^i his-own (-dagwa) -ear he- in-pierced-it ; ddnxda Tiadele'pi would then have reference to the piercing of another's ear. In other words, the reflexive idea is expressed in the verb or in the noun according to whether the latter is incorporated or independent. INTRANSITIVE SUFFIXES (§§ 52-57) § 52. General Remarks Under this head are included such suffixes as intransitivize a transi- tive verb by removing the object (-xa-), transferring the object from without to within the sphere of the subject (reflexive, reciprocal), or changing the character of the action altogether (non-agentive, posi- tional). The passive intransitivizes by removing, not the object, but the subject, the former remaining in exactly the same form in which we find it in the corresponding transitive; the voice is characterized by peculiar suffixes that differ for the various tense-modes, and which, following as they do the pronominal elements of the verb, will receive appropriate treatment in discussing the purely formal verbal elements. The normal transitive, its ' ancillary passive, the active intransitive (-xa-), the reflexive, the reciprocal, the non-agentive, and the posi- tional may be looked upon as the seven voices of a transitive verb, of which only the first five (possibly also the sixth), however, can be freely formed from any transitive stem. Of the seven voices, the first two are provided with a distinct set of pronominal object (and transitive subject) suffixes; the third and the fifth, with Class I intransitive subjects; the remaining, with Class II intransitive subjects. Before giving examples of the intransitive suffixes, it may be useful to rapidly follow out a particular transitive stem (dink!- stretch out [ = base din- + transitive petrified suffix -&/-]) inits various voices. First § 52 150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 of all, we may form an ordinary active transitive verb with expressed object by attaching to the verb or aorist stem the appropriate pro- nominal suffixes: ba-i-de-di' n%kla £ n i stretch it out (like a rubber band or the like) (62.1). Secondly, from this may be formed a pas- sive by the addition to the stem (dinilc!-) of the pronominal object and characteristic passive suffix: ba-i-de-di f nilc!an it is or was (actively) stretched out. Thirdly, the transitive stem may be made intransi- tive by a failure to specify the object: ba-i-de-di' ni £ xade £ i stretch (something) out. Fourthly, a direct reflexive is formed by the suffix -gwi-: ba-i-de-di'ni £ Vwide £ i (actually, if such were possible) stretch myself out, in as literal a sense as in, e. g., i kill myself. Fifthly, the transitive form may be made reciprocal by the compound suffix -x-(ov -s-)an-: ba-i-de-di' ni £ xa s n they (actively and literally) stretch one another out. Sixthly, the non-agentive voice is formed by a suffixed -x-: ba-i-de-dini ,£ x it stretches out (144.14), in the sense in which a sore might be supposed to spread, without voli- tion and without apparent agency; this particular form is idiomati- cally employed to refer to the stretching out, advancing, marching, of a single column, the figure here being evidently that of a long string- like line moving out without distinctly sensed agency. Similarly, ba a -dini /£ x (clouds) spread up in long strips 13.3 are not actively spread out by some one, do not spread out some unexpressed object, are not conceived of as actually spreading themselves out, and are not conceived of as being in the static, purely positional condition of lying extended. Seventhly, the last, positional voice is expressed by an aoristic -i 1 -, non-aoristic -as-: dinktl it lies spread out, referring to a long string or other elongated body extended on the ground; future dink!a'sda a . A synopsis for the second person singular (and reciprocal plural) of dinlc!- (dinilc!-) spread of the seven voices in the six tense-modes is given in Appendix A. The intransitive suffixes will now be taken up in order. § 53. Active Intransitive -xa- The -a- of this suffix is a constant element except before a per- sonal ending beginning with a vowel: p % ele'xiV we go to fight. Like other non-radical -a- vowels it may be umlauted to i : s'om-lil- Jiuixiya u£ they (indef.) operate as s'omloho f lxa £ s (class of medicine men) 172.14. The final consonant of the aorist stem of verbs of Type § 53 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 151 8 falls out before the -xa-, also an indirective d (including the -d- of -[a]md-, [a]ld; a final radical -d-, however, unites with -xa- to form -sa-). Verbs of Type 5 employ not the aorist, but the verb-stem, in the aorist of the -xa- derivative (cf. the parallel phenomenon in the formation of the frequentative, § 43, 1 and 6; for exceptions see § 40, 5), inserting the repeated stem-vowel between the fortis conso- nant of the stem and the suffix; -xa- derivatives of Type 5 verbs thus belong to Type 2. For the vocalism of the stem of -xa- forms, see § 31, 5. Verbs in -xa- of Types 2 and 3 regularly have a short second stem vowel, even if the quantity in the primitive verb is long; this short vowel may, however, be secondarily lengthened, with fall- ing accent, to express a frequentative idea. In non-aorist forms the stress tends to fall on the -xa-. Verbs in -xa- can be formed, of course, only from transitives, and, although in form they are strictly intransitive, they always logically imply an object. Examples of -xa- are: lubiL'xa, 5 she pounded 16.9; i-lu'pxsigwank* she will pound having it (pestle) 55.10 (aorist transitive lobo s p she pounded them 16.9) t!l i la'mx&de £ 1 went fishing (t!l i la r mda £ n I fished for them) ~k!a a wa 'wxa £ she sifts 57.15 (k!a a wa f nda £ n I sift acorn meal [16.10]) da¥-fek!e'x& £ he smokes 96.23 (Type 5 da¥-t'e' e gi £ n I give him to smoke [170.13]) p!ebe'xa, £ h.e beat off (bark) 55.6 (plabab- chop [90.11]) lebe's&de £ I sew (leoeda' £ n I sew it) sgut!u'xsi £ he is cutting 92.2 (Type 5 aorist sgo u d- 72.10) al-x%kl%'x& £ he looked around 102.12 (Type 5 aorist al-xVg- 124.8) liiklu'xtf he traps (Type 5 aorist lo u g w - 78.5) ; future lil f£ x w Sigwa- dinin I shall trap for him wa a -himi f xside £ I was talking to somebody (wa a -Jiimida f£ n I talked to him [59.16]) daV-da-hele'halx&de £ I alwavs answer (daV-da-7ia a li' £ n I answer him [146.14]) daV-7iene'xsL £ he waits; future daV-7ienxeL'Ve e I shall wait {daV- Jiene e da ,£ n I wait for him) yimi's'2i £ (= -s*-xa £ ) he dreams; future yims'dJVe e ; imperative yims'a? In Ideme'nx&de 5 i was making, working (future Tc!emxdJfe e ) the loss of the -n- in the non-aorist forms (cf. ~klemna f n i shall make it [28.14]) may be due to a purely phonetic cause (see § 11) § 53 152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 § 54. Reflexive -gwi- The final consonant of the aorist stem of some verbs of Type 8 is eclipsed, with lengthening of preceding vowel, also before the reflex- ive -gwi- (see § 40, 8), in the case of others it is preserved. Where the -gwi- reflexive is derived from indirect transitives in -d- (-amd-, -gwadan-), there is often practically no difference in signification between it and the indirect reflexive -gwa-. Examples of -gwi- are : t!omok'wide £ I kill myself (from tlomom-) al-yebe'pgwif he showed himself (yebeb-) al-xi H k'wit K he looked at himself p!agank"wide £ I bathed (literally, I caused myself to bathe; cf. p!agd a na' £ n I bathe him) se e la ; 7nfgwide e I shall paint myself (se e la'mdan I shall paint him) jfgwaxdlk *wide £ I tattooed myself (Vgwaxai he tattooed him) \£gwd a xa r nVg-w\de e I shall tattoo myself ( = for myself) i-gis'iga's'gwide 5 1 tickle myself al-wa-ts!eyek t wide £ I washed myself with it dd a -delega'mVgw\de £ ( = dd a -dele'p'gwa £ n) I pierce my ears {yuV) Idemenk'witf they made themselves (strong) 27.12 xuma ogoik\vide £ I give food to myself ( = 1 food-give myself) i-lesgi'k*wide e 1 shall touch myself Before the imperative endings -p\ -p'anp' the reflexive suffix be- comes lengthened to -gwi 1 -: Iclefgw^p" * pick them for yourself ! deegwa'ltgwVpanp take care of yourselves! 126.20; (128.24) The reflexive of naga- say to is irregular in that is is formed not from the transitive stem, but from the corresponding intransitive nagai- say: nagaiYwif he said to himself 104.1 (cf. nagaiYwa, §62). 55. Reciprocal^ " x V an- The -x- and -s- preceding the characteristic reciprocal -an- (umlauted -in- ) suffix are nothing but the connective consonant of direct and in- direct transitive verbs respectively, the choice in the reciprocal form between the two depending entirely upon which is used in the cor- responding simple transitive. A difference, however, in the use of this -x- (s-) between the transitive and reciprocal is found in so far as in the latter it appears with a third as well as first and second 1 Indirect reflexive (for onesell) in signification, though without indirective suffix of any kind. The form is thus analogous to such as kledhlsi mentioned above (see §59). That the reflexive action is thought of as indirective in character seems to be indicated by the ablaut of the stem (k.'dad-) ; see §31, 6. §§ 54-55 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 153 personal object. The phonetic form of what precedes the -x- (s-) is the same as in the transitive from which the reciprocal is derived. The reciprocal element -an- is the only one of the verbal suffixes that is placed between the connecting -x- and the personal endings, so that it may rightly be looked upon as in a way equivalent to the incor- porated objective pronouns. Examples of -x-an- are: leloyoxiniY we go together, accompany one another (33.15) t!euxmiba £ ni let us play shinny! %-lats!a f xmiV we touch one another al-s'in-ld ,u xQ, £ B. they meet each other (literally, they thrust noses to one another) t!omdx& £ n they kill one another (33.10) gel-wayanxtfn they were sleeping together (literally, they caused each other to sleep facing each other) 190.2 al-xi H x& s n they looked at each other Examples of -s-an-, i. e., of indirect reciprocals, are: naga' stfji they said to each other 31.9 (cf. naga'sbi £ n I said to you [100.1]); future nax&n £ t" (cf. naxbin [60.3]) sa a nsa'nsa, £ n they fight one another (23.14; 184.13) (cf. sa a nsa'ns- bi £ n) ; future sana/xanH' (23.15) (cf. sana'xbiri) Jie e£ -ius'£b £ n they went away from one another (cf. Jie e£ -lusbi £ n [184.14]); future Jie^-iwi'xemH" (cf. 7ie ee -iwi' 'xbiri) Zd°ma7sa £ n they quarreled with each other 27.2; 86.10 wd a -7iimi' sa £ n they talked to one another 124.14(cf . wa a -liimi f sbi £ n) ld u gwa's'miba £ let us play 32.5 (cf. ld u gwa'sbin future) t!u / lt!als'in.iba £ let us play at gambling-sticks (t!ih y T) 31.9 al-sege'saFsmiF we keep nodding to one another; se e Ysa'Y- sanF they nodded to one another (inferential) 172. 10 (but unre- duplicated al-se' e xmiY we nodded to each other) § 56. Non-agentive -x- The difference in signification between the non-agentive -x- and the intransitive -xa- may be well brought out by a comparison with the distinctly double signification of English intransitively used transi- tives. If such a transitive word as split be relieved of its object, it may be employed in two quite distinct senses, either to indicate the same sort of action that is expressed by the transitive, but without ex- plicit direction (as, the caepenter can split, i. e., can split beams, boards) ; or to indicate a spontaneous non-volitional activity resulting in a static condition identical with that induced by the corresponding transitive action (as, the beams, boards, split, i. e., spontaneously § 56 154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 undergo motion resulting in that condition which is brought about by corresponding activity from without : the carpenter splits the beams 7 boards) . split in the former case is rendered in Takelma by xa a -ts'!iwi'xa £ (aorist transitive ts'!iwi-d-); in the latter, by xa a - ts'HwVs- (= -ts' !iwi s d-x) . It is true that in some cases the use of -x- does not seem to be logically justified (e. g., al-huyuxde £ i hunt 136.18; al-ho-yoiya' £ n i hunt them) ; but something must be allowed for idio- matic, not literally translatable usage. Such petrified suffixes as -d- do not drop out before the -x-; the repeated consonant of Type 8 verbs falls off as usual (yet cf. forms like limim-x-gwa- , §46). Ex- amples of the non-agentive are : Transitive Non-agentive i-¥wa' a gwi £ n I awakened him Ywa! a xde £ I awoke (16.3) (future 16.4 (future l-Vwa'lclwin) Fwd' a£ xde e [190.5]) leme /£ ¥ they took them along leme' £ x they all went 136.7 144.17 l-fge e yili' £ n I roll it t K ge e ya y lx it rolls de-ts' !ibi y p* he closed door de-ts'!ibi y x (door) shut p!a-i-7ia-u-fgu' u ])* he upset it p!a-i-Jia-u-fgu fu px it upset 60.8 wa £ -i-t!eme x m he assembled them wa-t!emexia u£ people assembled 110.3 144.23 7ia £ w-i-lia f nats!i £ n I made it stop ha-u-7iana /£ s( = -a'ts!x) it stopped (152.15; 198.9) dl-sgv! yuk !i £ n I knock it down di-sgu' i£ xk K it fell (nobody push- (48.7,8) ing) (59.11; 62.1) i-gwidigwa'fi he threw them huHu'nYwa (tiredness) gwidig- (108.21; 138.3) wa's (= -a y tx) he was plumb tired out (probably = he tot- tered with tiredness) 120.12 i-smili' 'smili £ n I swing it smili' 'smalxde £ I swing 1 (73.2) ba a -t"e fe gi £ nllihitwp (Type 5) ~ba a -t K ek!e't*ax it bobs up and down (60.11,13,14) In some verbs -alx- ( = continuative -al- + non-agentive -x-) seems to be quite equivalent to the intransitive -xa-: geyewa!\xde £ I am eating (31.3) (but, hortatory, gelxsiba £ let us eat) le e bsL f jixde £ I carry (178.6) (la a la /£ n I carry it [178.3,4]) u u gw2Jnxde £ I drink (see § 21). The non-agentive character of verbs in -x- may be reflected in transitives (causatives) derived from them, in that in such causatives i It maynot be uninteresting to note, as throwing lighton the native feeling for -x-, that this form sounded somewhat queer to Mrs. Johnson, for, as she intimated, one can't very well be swinging without either actively swinging one's self or being swung by some one. § 56 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 155 the subject is not thought of as being the direct cause of the state or activity predicated, but is rather considered as indirectly responsible for it. Thus, from the aorist stem fgwilikfw- (t'gwili ,£ -x water, blood drops, drips 58.1) are formed: p!a-i-t gwili f k!w&n.a e n I (voluntarily) drop, spill it p!a-i-fgwili' e xn& £ n I have it drop (unavoidably), spill it (72.8,16) § 57. Positional-/ >'- As we have already seen (§ 40, 15), this suffix, though of clearly derivational character, is generally, probably always, confined to the aorist. A positional verb in -l l - may be defined as expressing the state or condition resulting from the completed action of a transitive or non-agentive ; e. g., p!a-i-ha-u-£gup!idi it (box-like object) lies upside down is a verb expressing the result of the action defined in p!a-i-Jia-u-fgu /u ha £ n i upset it and p!a-i-lia-u-fgu' u px it upset 60.8. From one point of view the suffix -% l - serves to mark off a class of purely positional verbs, a different verb-stem being used for each general form-category of the object described. Such verbs of position are: dink !i long, stretched out object lies (transitive aorist dinik!-) fgeits'H round object lies (138.24) (t'geyets'!-) p*ildi flat object lies tlobigl corpse, dead-looking body lies s'eini box-like object with opening on top lies p!a-i-Jia-u-fgup!idl box-like object with opening below lies (fgu u h-) s'ugwidi curled-up object (like bundle of rope) lies da-sgali scattered objects (like grain on floor) lie wiklidi several objects heaped together lie (wi l g-) s'as'ini erect object is, he stands 34.1; 45.12;. 77.9 s'u s will sitting object (person) is, he sits, dwells 21.1; 57.2 Vebill absent object is, he is long absent 124.20 Not so clearly positional are: la a ll (generally heard as Za a Ze r ) it becomes 33.17; 45.3 yamll he looks pretty Of these verbs those that are directly derived from transitives, it will be observed, use in the aorist the verb-stem, not the aorist stem, of their simplex (thus dink!-, not dinik!-). The derivational -{a)d- (see § 42, 4) that seems to characterize a number of positional verbs can not be explained. 57 § 156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Certain Takelma place-names in -4 (or -l-k ' , -i y -F with suffix -F characteristic of geographical names) can hardly be otherwise explained than as positional verbs in -&-, derived from nouns and provided with local prefixes defining the position of the noun. Such are : Di £ -dani 1 Table Rock (probably = vock[da^n] is[-l] west [di £ -]) ; west of the rock would be di £ -dana s (cf. danaYF my rock) DaF-fgami-F (cf. DaF-fgamiya' £ person from D.) (— place where [-F] e\ks[fga y m] are [2] above, on toip[daF-]) Dal-dani y F (cf. Dal-daniya f£ one from D.) ( = place where [-F-] in brush, away from creek [ dal-] is [ -%\ rock [ dcfrifi Jian-xilml ghost land ( = across river [ Jian-] are [ -%] ghosts [ xila y m]) de-d^wi near the falls of Rogue River ( = in front [-de-] are [-%] falls [diu]) § 58. IMPERSONAL -iau- Verging toward the purely formal (pronominal) elements of the verb is the suffix -iau-. Forms in -iau- are intransitive, and may be formed from all intransitives and all transitives with incorporated pronominal object, the function of the suffix being to give an indefi- nite, generalized collective, or impersonal, signification (cf. German man, French on) to the always third personal pronominal (Class I intransitive) subject. Examples are: ya a nisL /u£ people go 58.14; 152.5 future yanayei' n£ f wa £ -l-t!emexia u£ people assem- future wa £ -l-demx'm u£ f ble 144.23 e e MeL /u£ people are 192.7 (cf. e e bV¥ we are 180.13) tsfau yo u y& y uV there was (infer- ential) deep water (cf. 188.14) sa a nsa' 7isinm n£ fighting is go- future sana'xinieL u£ f ing on 23.14 domxbiyeL u£ f people will kill you (intransitive; but transitive with definite third personal subject domxbinF they will kill you) (33.10) In particular, states of the weather or season, necessarily involving indefmiteness of subject, are referred to by forms provided with the indefinite suffix -iau-. Examples are : iThis example is due to Mr. IT. H. St. Clair 2d, from whose Manuscript Notes on Takelma it was taken. It is there written Di'tanV. I 58 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 157 lop!odieL /n£ it is raining, hailing, or snowing 90.1; 152.11 (but definitely nox loploY it rains 90.1; (198.9); ts'lelam loploY it hails; p!a' a s loploY it snows 90.2; 196.7) lepniy2L y uV it has gotten to be winter samgm'^H' it will be summer (92.9) samgisiugulugwa'n it is about to be summer (literally, it is sum- mer-intended, see § 68) (cf. 48.13) fuwugm ,u£ it is hot (i. e., it is hot weather; but tuwu' E V it, some object, is hot [25.10]; 94.15) we fe g'm-vida £ when it is daybreak 73.6; 126.13 4. Temporal- Modal and Pronominal Elements (§§59-67) § 59. INTRODUCTORY Every Takelma verb except, so far as known, the defective copula elfe £ i am, has forms of six tense-modes — aorist, future, potential, inferential, present imperative, and future imperative. Of these, all but the aorist, which is built up on a derived aorist stem, are formed from the verb-stem. A special tense or mode sign, apart from the peculiar stem of the aorist, is found in none of the tense-modes except the inferential, which, in all the voices, is throughout charac- terized by a -¥-(-g-) following the objective, but preceding the sub- jective, pronominal elements. Each of the tense-modes except the potential, which uses the personal endings of the aorist, is, however, characterized by its own set of pronominal endings. It is for this very reason that it has seemed best to use the term tense-modes for the various modes and tenses, instead of attempting a necessarily artificial classification into tenses (aorist and future) and modes (indicative, potential, imperative, and inferential), the method of distinguishing the latter being fundamentally the same as that employed to form the former, i. e., the use of special pronominal schemes. The purely temporal idea is only slightly developed in the verb. The aorist does duty for the preterite (including the narrative past), the present, and the immediate future, as in now i shall go; while the future is employed to refer to future time distinctly set off from the present, as in i shall go this evening, to-morrow. A similar distinction between the immediate and more remote future is made in the imperative. The present imperative expresses a command which, it is intended, is to pass into more or less immediate fulfill- ment, as in go away! while the command expressed by the future § 59 158 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 imperative is not to be carried out until some stated or implied point of time definitely removed from the immediate present, as in come to-morrow!, give her to eat (when she recovers). The uses of the potential and inferential will be best illustrated by examples given after the forms themselves have been tabulated. In a general way the potential implies the ability to do a thing, or the possibility of the occurrence of a certain action or condition (i can, could go if I care, cared to), and thus is appropriately used in the apodosis of an unfulfilled or contrary-to-fact condition; it is also regularly employed in the expression of the negative imperative (prohibitive). The peculiar form of the potential (verb-stem with aorist pronoun endings) seems in a measure to reflect its modal signification, the identity of its stem with that of the future indicating apparently the lack of fulfillment of the action, while the aoristic pronominal elements may be interpreted as expressing the certainty of such fulfillment under the expressed or implied circumstances by the person referred to. The inferential implies that the action expressed by the verb is not directly known or stated on the authority of the speaker, but is only inferred from the circumstances of the case or rests on the authority of one other than the speaker. Thus, if I say the bear killed the man, and wish to state the event as a mere matter of fact, the truth of which is directly known from my own or another's experience, the aorist form would normally be employed : mena s (bear) yajpla (man) tlomoVwa (it killed him) If I wish, however, to imply that it is not definitely known from unmistakable evidence that the event really took place, or that it is inferred from certain facts (such as the finding of the man's corpse or the presence of a bear's footprints in the neighborhood of the house), or that the statement is not made on my own authority, the inferential would be employed : mencf yajpla domYwaY it seems that the bear killed the man; the bear must have, evidently has, killed the man Inasmuch as mythical narration is necessarily told on hearsay, one would expect the regular use of the inferential in the myths; yet, in the great majority of cases, the aorist was employed, either because the constant use of the relatively uncommon inferential forms would have been felt as intrusive and laborious, or because the events related in the myths are to be looked upon as objectively certain. § 59 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 159 The inferential is also regularly employed in expressing the negative future. Not only do the pronominal elements vary for the different tense- modes, but they change also for the two main classes of intransitive verbs and for the transitive (subject and object), except that in the present imperative and inferential no such class-differences are discernible, though even in these the characteristic -p*~ of Class II intransitives brings about a striking formal, if not strictly personal, difference. We thus have the following eleven pronominal schemes to deal with: Aorist subject intransitive I. Aorist subject intransitive II. Aorist subject transitive. Future subject intransitive I. Future subject intransitive II. Future subject transitive. Inferential subject. Present imperative subject. Future imperative subject intransitive I and transitive. Future imperative subject intransitive II. Object transitive (and subject passive). The transitive objects are alike for all tense-modes, except that the combination of the first person singular object and second person singular or plural subject (i. e., thou or ye me) always agrees with the corresponding subject form of intransitive II. Not all the per- sonal forms in these schemes stand alone, there being a number of intercrossings between the schemes of the three classes of verbs. The total number of personal endings is furthermore greatly lessened by the absence of a dual and the lack of a distinct plural form for the third person. The third person subject is positively characterized by a distinct personal ending only in the aorist subject intransitive I, the future subject intransitive I, the future subject intransitive II, and the future subject transitive; as object, it is never characterized at all, except in so far as the third person object, when referring to human beings, is optionally indicated by a special suffix -Vwa- (-gwa-) . In all other cases the third person is negatively characterized by the absence of a personal ending. The second singular subject of the present imperative is similarly negatively characterized by the absence of a personal ending, though the -p of the present imperative intransitive II superficially contradicts this statement (see § 61). § 59 160 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 The pronominal schemes, with illustrative paradigms, will now be taken up according to the verb-classes. § 60. INTRANSITIVES, CLASS I This class embraces most of the intransitives of the language, particularly those of active significance (e. g., come, go, run, dance play, sing, die, shout, jump, yet also such as be, sleep), verbs in -xa-, indefinites in -iau-, and reciprocals. The tense-modes of such verbs have the following characteristic subjective personal endings: Aorist Future Inferential Present imperative Future imperative Singular: First person . . -f e 6 , -tie* -fee, -dee -V-a* Second person . ■w -(a)da'e -k' £ eW -(ayr Third person . . _£ -(ay? - y k' Plural: First person . . . -w -(i)ga'm -k'-ana^k' -(o)&0*e Second person . -(a^t'p- -(a')t'bat -k' £ eit'p' (-(a^)np' ? lit is possible that this suffix is really -k'a s n; -n after a catch is practically without sonority, and very easily missed by the ear. The first person singular and plural inferential endings are then both transitives in form (cf. -a e n and -ana^k' as first person singular and plural subject of transitives) ; the third person is without ending in both. The ending -k'-a s n is made particularly likely by the subordinate in -k'-a'n-da* (see § 70). The imperative is necessarily lacking in the first person singular and third person. The first person plural in -(a)ba ,£ of the present imper- ative is used as a hortatory: yanaba /£ let us go! 158.11; (cf. 168.11). This -(a)l>a /£ is not infrequently followed by emphasizing particles : -ni s (e. g., yubd fa£ ni K let us be! [cf. 158.8]) ; -hi (e. g., ye e ba' £ M let us re- turn! 63.1; see § 114, 2), or -Jia^n (e. g., ya' 'naba £ lia y n let us go 64.1), the last of these being clearly identical with the nominal plural ele- ment -Jian (see § 99) ; -nihan is also found (ya'naba a£ niha s n let us all go, pray! [cf. 150.24; 152.6]). No true future hortatory and second person plural imperative seem to exist; for the latter, the ordinary indicative form in -fba £ (-daba £ in the other classes) was always given. The connective -a- is used with most of the consonantal endings, as indicated in the table, when the preceding part of the word ends in a consonant, otherwise the ending is directly attached; in the reciprocal -t*p\ -H\ and -f ba £ are directly added to the suffix -an-. Before the only vocalic ending, -i s ~k\ a glide -y- is introduced if the preceding sound is a vowel (e. g., al-yowoyi K ¥ we look). In the first person plural of the future -iga'm (-aorist -ig- + -a'm; cf . -da'm in possessive § 60 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 161 pronouns, §§ 91-3) is used after consonants, -ga'm after vowels. The first form of the second person plural imperative (-a^np*) is used to follow most consonants {- y np K to follow a " constant" -a- of the stem), - y f being found only after vowels and probably m and n (e. g., yu s p K be ye!; yancfp* go ye!). In regard to the etymology of the endings, it is clear that the second person plural aorist is derived from the corresponding singular form by the addition of a characteristic -p (cf. the imperative), that the second persons of the future are differentiated from the aorist forms by an added -a £ , and that the first person singular future is identical with the corresponding form in the aorist, except for the lack of a catch. The second persons of the inferential are peri- phrastic forms, consisting of the third personal form in -V (mode- sign, not personal ending) plus elf thou art, eifp* ye are. As paradigmatic examples are chosen a stem ending in a vowel (aorist yowo- be) , one ending in a consonant (aorist baxam- come) , a reciprocal (aorist sa a nsan-san- fight with one another), and an indefinite in -iau- (aorist fuwu-g-iau- be hot) . AORIST Singular: First person , Second person Third person , Plural: First person Second person yowo't'e 1 1 run yowo^V yowo' £ yowoy\ y K yowoVj)' baxafiiVe £ come ftaxamaY baxa' £ m baxamVk' baxama^t'j)* sdansa'nsa £ n they fight sdansa'nsinik' sdansa'nsanV-p' t'uwiigia'u* it is hot FUTURE Singular: First person . . yu't'e e baxma't'e e Second person . . yud&'e baxmada,' 5 Third person . . yu' s V baxma ,£ t' sana'xan^V t'uugia'utt' Plural: First person . . yug&'m baxmag&'m sana'xinigam Second person . . yu'Vhte baxma'Vbae sana'xant'b&t POTENTIAL Singular: First person Second person Third person Plural: First person Second person yu'Ve s yuV yu'e yuwVk' yu x t'p* baxma't'e s baxma^V baxma'e baxmVk* baxma^V-p' sana'xinik' sana'xanVip' Vuugia'ue 3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 11 60 162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY INFERENTIAL Lbull. 40 Singular: First person Second person Third person Plural: First person Second person yu'Weit' J yu'k' yw'k'anaV 2/w'kleit'p' 6axma'k'a £ baxma r k.leit' baxma^ baxma'k' ana'k' 6axma'k!eit'p' sana'xarik' sana'ia7ik'ana v k' sana'xarikleiV-p' t'uugiau^k' i-fc'+«=fc/ See §12. PRESENT IMPERATIVE Singular: Second person . . yu y baxma y Plural: First person . . yuba'e baxmab&'e sana'xinib& s 1 Second person . . yu^ K ftaima^np* (?)sarea'xananp t i The -i- of -iba £ evidently corresponds to the -i- in the first person plural aorist -ik', future -igam, but appears, so far as known, only in the reciprocal, and, of course, in such cases as require connective -i- instead of -a- (see below, § 64) : ha £ w-i-k!emniba' s let us sweat, with -i- because of instrumental 1-. FUTURE IMPERATIVE Singular: Second person yw /£ k' baxma'^k' A few intransitives of this class add the consonantal pronominal endings directly to the final semi-vowel (-y-) of the stem, instead of employing the connective vowel -a-. Such are: elf 1 thou art 108.2, elfp ye are 14.10 (contrast yewey&Y thou returnest [58.13], but yewelfe £ I return [188.4] like ei£e e I am 198.2) nagaif thou sayest 56.5, nagalfp ye say 170.4 (contrast fagay&H* thou criest, but fagai£e £ I cry [180.5] like nagaife s I say 180.1) To this somewhat irregular group of verbs belongs probably also lo u - play, though, not ending in a semi-vowel in either the verb or aorist stem, it shows no forms directly comparable to those just given; its third person aorist, however, shows a rising accent before the catch: lo u l £ 2 70.4 (not *lo' u l £ ), a phenomenon that seems connected (see below, § 65) with the lack of a connecting vowel before the personal endings. A few stray verbs, otherwise following the normal scheme of intransitive Class I endings, seem to lack a catch in the third person aorist : 1 This verb is defective, having only the three forms given above, the first person plural eebPk' 180.13, and the (cf. class II) indefinite eebia'ue 192.7, the latter two with loss of i and intrusive -6-. The third person and the non-aorist forms are supplied by yo- be. 2 c~l £ appears also in certain usitatives: hiwiRl s he used to RUN,s<7eZeZ £ HE kept shouting, in which the rising accent is probably radical (see § 43, 4); these forms, furthermore, have lost a w, § 18 (cf. hiwiliut'c* I run, sgeleut'e 1 1 shout). S 60 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 163 lop!oY l it rains 90.1, 2 (yet lopIodaH' you are raining 198.9; lopda'H* it will rain; lop'da^x to rain, § 74, 1) Mx it burns 98.1 (yet fiaxa'H' it will burn) Several intransitive Class I usitatives seem to lack the catch of the third person aorist also : ginin¥ he always went to 46.11 (from gini' £ ¥ he went to) witdlsma he keeps moving (from witc!i' e m he moves 148.12) yeiveo y ¥ he is wont to return 47.4; 116.2 (yet yeweogcff you are wont to return) No explanation can be given of this irregularity. The inferential endings, as has been already remarked, are iden- tical for all classes of verbs, so that the following applies to Class II intransitives and to transitives as well as to Class I intransitives. The mode-sign -¥ is added directly to the final vowel or consonant of the verb-stem (or stem with its added derivative and pronominal object suffixes) without connecting a. All combinations of conso- nants are here allowed that are at all possible as syllabically final clusters (see § 16) ; indeed some of the final consonant clusters, as -s¥, -p'¥, -np¥, -lp"k \ hardly occur, if at all, outside the inferential. If the resulting consonant combination would be phonetically impos- sible an inorganic a is introduced between the two consonants that precede the inferential -¥ ; secondary diphthongs with raised accent may thus arise : ~k!ema s n¥ he made it (verb-stem Jdemn-) bila s u¥ he jumped 160.17 (verb-stem lilw-) Double diphthongs are often allowed to stand unaltered before -¥ (e.g.,olnFHE gave them; also imperative oin give them!) ; sometimes doublets, with double diphthong or with inorganic a. are found (e. g., ts!aim¥ or ts!aya y m¥ he hid it; also passive participle ts!almlia¥ w hidden, but tslaya'm hide it! tsleya'raxi hide me! ts!aya'mxam¥ he hid us [158.7]). TVith a final -g- or -gv;- the inferential -Jc' unites to form -£' or -¥ lc , but with lengthening of the preceding vowel; -Tc!--\--¥ becomes - /c 7j\ Examples are: he e nak' w { = -a s gw-¥) he consumed them (cf. 48.10); but lie e n¥) he ran after them 98.10; but war yana K ¥ w run after them! 1 This form can not possibly have been misheard for *lop.'o'-t', the form to be expected, as the subor- dinate is lop.'ot'a-, not *lop!o'uda £ , which would be required by a *lop.'o' s f (see §70). $ 60 164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 yo u ¥ w ( = yogw-¥) she married him 192.16 7ie £ -i-le f m £ ¥ (=lerrik!-V) he destroyed them (146.20); 154.11; also imperative ( = *lemk!) § 61. INTRANSITIVE S, CLASS II Most verbs of Class II intransitives, unlike those that are most typical of Class I, are derived from transitives, the majority of examples falling under the heads of non-agentives in -x-, reflexives in -gwi-y positionals in -%*-, and verbs with intransitivizing -p'~ either in all their tense-modes or in all but the aorist (see § 42, 1). Besides these main groups there are a straggling number of not easily clas- sified verbs that also show the peculiarities of the class ; such are : sene'sanf e £ I whoop (110.20; 180.15) wife' I go about (90.1; 92.29; 122.23) liglnfe £ Irest (48.11; 79.2,4; 102.1) MHi'nfe* I am tired (48.4, 11; 102.1, 8; 120.11) In a rough way the main characteristic of Class II intransitives, as far as signification is concerned, is that they denote conditions and processes, while Class I intransitives are in great part verbs of action. Following is the scheme of subjective pronominal endings character- istic of Class II: Aorist Future Inferential Present im- perative Future im- perative Singular: First person . ■Vet, -de* fee, -dee (-p'Ha £ Second person . -Vara, -dam -fat, -da £ (-p')-k' E e\V (-ZO (-p K )-ga £ m Third person . !~l -t'aa, -daA (-p')-fc' Plural: First person . (-p')-jfc' (-p % )-igam (-p')-g-ana y k' (-p')-a&a £ Second person . -t' ap\ -dap % -t'aba £ , -daba£ (-p')-k' £ elt'p' (-p')-awp' In comparing these endings with those of Class I intransitives, it is seen that the characteristic peculiarities of Class II intransitives are: the -am of the second person singular aorist and future im- perative (-fam[ = -f + -am], -ga £ m [ ? = - £ ¥ + -am]) ; the -a- between the -f- and the -p*- (-&-) in the second person plural aorist and future; the lack of a catch in the third person aorist ; the ending -f a a of the third person future ; and the presence of a -p- (-&-) in the first person plural aorist and future and in the inferential, present imperative, and future imperative forms. The last feature is, however, absent in the non-agentive -x- verbs and in the future of reflexives. The labial in § 61 BOAS] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 165 the first person plural of the aorist and future is evidently connected with the-&- of e e bi y ¥ we are (see § 60, fourth footnote) ; the parallel- ism is made complete by the fact that impersonal forms in -iau- derived from Class II intransitives (except non-agentives) show a -p- before the suffix, analogously to e e Ma' ue : sene'sanpia u£ there is whooping, se'nsanpia u£ £ there will be whooping In the third person of the aorist, positionals in -l 1 -, non-agentives, and verbs in -p- and other consonants (except n and probably I, m) lack a positive ending, while reflexives and most of the miscellaneous verbs (ending in a vowel or n, I, and m) show a final -t\ There is every reason to believe that the absence of a -£ in the former group of forms is due to phonetic conditions that brought about its loss (see § 18). As examples of verbs of this class will serve a non-agentive (aorist ha-u-Jiana £ s- stop), a reflexive (aorist i-lets!e¥wi- touch one's self), a positional (aorist s'as'ini*- stand), and one of the miscellaneous verbs (wi*- go about). AORIST. Singular: First person . hana'esd& I stop lets!ek'wid& I touch myself s-as-inlt'&I stand wlt'e £ I go about • Second person hana' s isdam. lets.'ek'wid&m s-as-mit'am wit' am Third person hana' s s lets.'ek'wit' s-as-ini wit' Plural: First person . hana' s $ik' lets.'ek'wibik* s-as-mjp'ik* wp'ik' Second person ftema' £ sdap* lets!ek'wid?L-p' s-as-wwt'ap' wit'ap' FUTURE Singular: First person . ha'ntsdep lesgi'k*wide e s-a's-ant'ee wlt'e e Second person ha'n e sda, s lesgi'k'widat s-a's-ant'& e wt'a £ Third person . fta'w £ sda a lesgi'k'widw s-a's-anVa,* wiit'a 3 Plural: First person . ha'n-sigaxa lesgi'k'wigam S'c's-awp'igam wp'igam Second person ha'ntsd&ba? lesgi'k'wid&bafi s-a's-ant'ab&s wnt'aba 5 POTENTIAL. Singular: First person . ha'n s sd& lesgi'k'wide* $-a's-ant'e $ wife 5 Second person ha'n s sdam lesgi'kwidam s-c's-cnt'am wit' am Third person . ha'n s s lesgi'k'wit' s-a's-ant" (?) wit" Plural: First person . ha'n £ sik x lesgi'k'wibik' s-a's'anp'ik" wp'ik' Second person ha'n £ sd&p' lesgi'k'wid&p* s-a's-cmt'ap' wt'ap' § 61 166 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY INFERENTIAL [BULL. 40 Singular: First person . ha'n e sga s lesgi'k'wip* ga s s-a's-anp'gtf wnp'ga 5 Second person M'n^skleiV lesgi'k'wip'kleif s-a's-cmp'klelt' wp'k.'eit* Third person . Jia'n e sk" lesgi'k'wijfk'' s-a's'cmp'k' wip'k' Plural: First person . fta'^sgana^k' lesgi'k x wvp % gana^k* s-c's-anp'gana^k* wp'gana v k' Second person fta'wsskleit'p' Zes^i'fc'wip'kleit'p' s-a's-cnp'kleit'p' wnp'kleit'p' PRESENT IMPERATIVE Singular: Second person ha'n £ s lesgi'k'wlty s-a's-anp' wij> % Plural: First person . ha'n s saba s lesgi'k*w¥p' aba s s-a's-emp'aba £ wup'aba 6 Second person Jia'n^sairp' lesgi'k'wiij)' anf)' s-c's-cwp'anp' wp'anp' FUTURE IMPERATIVE Singular: Second person 7ia / K«sga £ ni lesgi'k' wlij> ' gafm •a's-awp'gasni wp'gafm Those verbs of this class that are characterized, either throughout their forms or in all non-aorist forms, by a suffixed ft have this ele- ment coalesce with the -ft of the first person plural, inferential, and imperative, but with lengthening of an immediately preceding vowel. In the imperative this lengthened vowel seems to take on a falling accent : ftala fa ft tell a myth! (cf. ftala'ftde e I shall tell a myth, with inorganic second a) sana! a ft fight! (cf. sana'ftde e I shall fight, with radical second a) The verb wog- arrive is peculiar in that the aorist is formed after the manner of Class II verbs (woF he arrives 47.15; woFdam you arrive), while the non-aorist forms belong to Class I (e. g., woga'H* he will arrive). It is further noteworthy that many, perhaps most, Class II intransitives form their usitative and frequentative forms according to Class I. Examples, showing the third person aorist catch, are: s'u' £ alha e they always dwell 112.2 (from s'ufwili 21.1; but first person plural s'u' e alhibiF) ; contrast Class II s'as'a'rihaft he keeps standing (from s'as'inl 34.1) wogowaf e F they keep arriving 112.2 (from woF) s'o'wd u s'a uS they keep jumping (112.5,10) (from s'owo' u£ Faft 48.15) § 61 boas J HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 16 V Several non-agentives in -x- drop the -x- and become Class I intran- sitives in the frequentative: pla-i-t'gwiWH'gwal 5 (water) keeps dripping down (cf. p!a-i- £gwili' i£ x it drips down 58.1) xaP-sgotlo'sgaH" it breaks to pieces 62.1 (cf. xa a -sgo' u s = -sgb u d-% it breaks [61.13]) xa a -sgd' uS £sgada £ f it will break to pieces (cf. xd a -sgd ,u£ sda it will break [148.8]) TRANSITIVES, CLASS III (§§ 62-66) § 62. General Remarks The subject pronominal elements of the transitive verb combine with the objective elements to form rather closely welded compound endings, yet hardly ever so that the two can not separately be recog- nized as such; the order of composition is in every case pronominal object + subject. It is only in the combinations thou or ye me that such composition does not take place ; in these the first person singular object is, properly speaking, not expressed at all, except in so far as the stem undergoes palatalization if possible (see § 31, 1), while the second person subject assumes the form in which it is found in Class II of intransitive verbs. The pronominal objects are decidedly a more integral part of the verb-form than the subjects, for not only do they precede these, but in passives, periphrastic futures, nouns of agency, and infinitives they are found unaccompa- nied by them. For example : ddmxbina e you will be killed (178.15) domxbigulu x ¥ w he will kill you domxbi £ s one who kills you domxbiya to kill you are analogous, as far as the incorporated pronominal object (-hi-) is concerned, to: domxbinV he will kill you; t!omoxbi £ n I kill you The pronominal objects are found in all the tense-modes, as far as the meaning of these permits, and are entirely distinct from all the subjective elements, except that the ending of the second person plural coincides with one form of the second person singular present imperative of the intransitive, -anp\ These elements are: Singular: First person, -xi (with third subjective); second person, -hi; third person, ; third person (human), -Viva. Plural: First person, -am; second person, -anp (-anb-). § 62 168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 It does not seem that -Vwa-, which is optionally used as the third personal object when reference is distinctly had to a human being (or to a mythical animal conceived of as a human being), can be com- bined with other than a third personal subject (at least no other examples have been found) ; nor can it be used as an indirect ob- ject if the verb already contains among its prefixes an incorporated indirect object. These restrictions on the use of -Vwa- enable us effectually to distinguish it from the indirect reflexive -Vwa- which has already been discussed, this element normally requiring an incor- porated object prefixed to the verb. Examples of the objective -Vwa- are: tlomoVwa 1 it killed him 15.16; 28.11 Jie e$ -mVwa he went away from him JiaxanVwa he burnt him 27.16 sa a nsa'nVwa he fought with him 28.10 nagalVwa he said to him 152.3 (with very puzzling intransitive -%-; contrast naga y he said to him) wefgigwa she took (it) away from him (49.6) laVwaV (inferential) he gave him to eat In several respects this -Vwa differs fundamentally from the other object suffixes. It allows no connective -x- to stand before it (see § 64) ; the indirective -d- of -a'ld- (see § 48) drops out before it: gayawa'TVwa he ate him; cf. gayawa'lsbi he ate you (26.8) and, differing in this respect from the suffixless third person object, it allows no instrumental i to stand before it (see § 64) : l-t!ana'~kagwa he held him (25.10) ; cf. %-tfana'lii he held it 27.4 daV-da-halVwa he answered him 180.18; cf. daV-da-ha a li' s n I answered him (146.14) It is thus evident that forms with suffixed -Vwa approximate in- transitives in form (cf . nagalVwa above) . With a stem-final g, gw the suffix unites to form -Vwa, the preceding vowel being lengthened and receiving a rising accent; with a stem-final 1c! it unites to form - £ Vwa, the preceding vowel being lengthened with falling accent. Examples are: tfayaVwa he found him 71.14; cf. t!aya s V he found it 43.4; 134.17 malaVwa he told him 22.8; (72.14); cf. malagana'nhi he told it to him (see § 50) 30.15 1 The final consonant of the aoristic stem of Type 8 verbs is regularly lost before -k'wa. § 62 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 169 da-lc!os'o u Vwa they bit him 74.5 (aorist stem -kfos'og-) Jie e£ -ileme' e£ Vwa he destroyed them (50.2) ; cf. 7ie e£ -lleme']c!i £ n I destroyed them (110.2) mul'u^Vwa he swallowed him 72.16; cf. mulu'V.a £ n I swallowed him (73.1) Verbs that have a suffixed comitative -{a)gwa- show, in combina- tion with the objective -Vwa-, a probably dissimilated suffix -giVwa (-gigwa), the connecting a preceding this compound suffix being of course umlauted to i: xebeyigi'Vwa he hurt him (cf. xebeyagwa' £ n I hurt him [136.23]) uyu' i£ sgigwa he laughed at him 27.5 (cf. uyu' £ sgwa £ n I laugh at him [71.7]) It is rather interesting to observe how the objecth e -Vwa- may serve to remove some of the ambiguities that are ap'j to arise in Takelma in the use of the third person, he gave it to him is expressed in the inferential by the forms o'ViV and o'VigwaV, the latter of which necessarily refers to a human indirect object. If a noun or inde- pendent pronoun be put before these apparently synonymous forms, sentences are framed of quite divergent signification. In the first sentence (noun + o'FiF) the prefixed noun would naturally be taken as the object (direct or indirect) of the verb (e. g., ne'Vdi o'Vik^ he who-gave it ? [ = to whom did he give it ?]) ; in the second (noun + o'VigwaV), as subject, a doubly expressed object being inad- missible (e. g., ne'Vdi o'VigwaV who gave it to him?), to whom did he bring it? with incorporated object 'ne'Vdi reads ne'Vdi me £ -waV literally, he-who-hhher-brought-it ? who brought it to him? with subject ne'Vdi reads (as inferential form) ne'Vdi wagawo'VwaV (-o- unexplained), he found the ants is expressed by tlibis'i 1 tlaycfV, but the ants found him by tlibis'i 1 tlayaVwa. The usage illustrated may be stated thus : whenever the third personal object refers to a human being and the subject is expressed as a noun, suffixed -Vwa must be used to indicate the object; if it is not used, the expressed noun will most naturally be construed as the object of the verb. An effective means is thus present in Takelma for the distinction of a personal subject and object. § 62 170 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 § 63. Transitive Subject Pronouns The various tense-modal schemes of subject pronouns in the tran- sitive verb are as follows : Singular: First person . Second person Third person . Plural: First person . Second person Aorist (a')% dam (1st sing, obj.) -(a)na¥ -k' £ elt'p' Present imperative -(a) ba' £ ■V' ■(a)np' Future imperative \-ga £ m (1st sing. 1 obj.) Setting aside the peculiar second personal subject first personal singular object terminations, it will be observed that the subjective forms of the transitive are identical with those of the intransitive (Class I) except in the first person singular and plural aorist and future, and in the third person aorist and future. The loss in the future of the catch of the first person singular aorist (~fe £ : fe e = - £ n: -n) and the addition in the future of -am to the first person plural aorist {-%¥: -igam = -naV : -nagam) are quite parallel phe- nomena. It will be observed also that the first person plural, probably also singular, aorist of the transitive, is in form identical, except for the mode-sign -F-, with the corresponding form of the inferential, so that one is justified in suspecting this tense-mode to consist, morphologically speaking, of transitive forms with third personal object (see § 60, first footnote). The forms of do u m- (aorist tlomom-) kill will show the method of combining subjective and objective pronominal elements. AORIST Objective Subjective First person singular Second person singular Third person First person plural Second person plural Singulai : 1st per. t.'omoxWn t!omoma' £ n t.'omoxanba s n 2d per. t.'umUxdam t!omomd>t' t.'omoximit' 3d per. t.'umuxi t.'omoxhi tfomdm tfomoxara tfomoxanp' i Plural: Jstper. tlomoxhinak' £/omomana v k' t.'omoxanbana^'k.' 2d per. f/uTOuidap' t!omoma, y t'p' t.'omoxixmt'ip' J Not to be confused with t.'omoxant'p' ye ake killing each other! § 63 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA FUTURE 171 Objective Subjective First person singular Second person singular Third person First person plural Second person plural Singular: 1st per. ddmxb'm douma'n doTOxanban 2d per. dumxda s doumada' s domximida £ 3d per. Mraxink' domxhink' douma^nk' domxamank' domxanbank" Plural: 1st per. domxbinagam doumanaga'm dowxambanagam 2d per. diimxd&ba? dduTna't'ba s do?7mmit'ba £ i PRESENT IMPERATIVE Singular: 2d per. dumxi doum domxam Plural: 1st per. doumaha' £ 2d per. diimxip' doum-p' {al-xV- fc/anp* seebim!) (Zomxamp'i FUTURE IMPERATIVE Singular: 2d per. dumxga £ m douma'^k' i These forms were not actually obtained, but can hardly be considered as doubtful. 2 Probably expressed by simple future ddmximida e . It is not necessary to give the transitive potential and inferential forms, as the former can be easily constructed by substituting in the future forms the aorist endings for those of the future : dumxi he would kill me do u ma' £ n I should, could kill him do u m he would, could kill him The inferential forms can be built up from the corresponding future forms by substituting for the subject endings of the latter those given in the table for the inferential mode : dumxiV he killed me domxamklelf you killed us dom¥a £ I killed him domxanp gancfV we killed you The only point to which attention need be called in the aorist and future forms is the use of a connecting vowel -i- instead of -a- when the first personal plural object (-am-) is combined with a second singular or plural subject (-if, -ifp 1 , -ida £ , -ifba £ ) ; this -i- naturally § 63 172 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Tbull. 40 carries the umlaut of -am- to -im- with it, but -am- reappears when -i- drops out, cf. inferential domxamkletf. With the -i- of these forms compare the -i- of the first person plural intransitives -ik\ -iga'm, -iba £ (§ 60 and § 60, second footnote). § 64. Connecting -x- and -/'- It will have been observed that in all forms but those provided with a third personal object the endings are not directly added to the stem, but are joined to it by a connecting consonant -x- (amalga- mating with preceding -t- to -s'-) . This element we have seen to be identical with the -x- (s-) of reciprocal forms ; and there is a possi- bility of its being related to the -xa- of active intransitive verbs, hardly, however, to the non-agentive -x-. Though it appears as a purely formal, apparently meaningless element, its original function must have been to indicate the objective relation in which the immediately following pronominal suffix stands to the verb. From this point of view it is absent in a third personal object form simply because there is no expressed pronominal element for it to objectivize, as it were. The final aoristic consonant of Type 8 verbs regularly disappears before the connecting -x~, so that its retention becomes a probably secondary mark of a third personal pronominal object. The fact that the third personal objective element -Vwa- (-gwa-) does not tolerate a preceding connective -x- puts it in a class by itself, affiliating it to some extent with the derivational suffixes of the verb. There are, comparatively speaking, few transitive stems ending in a vowel, so that it does not often happen that the subjective personal endings, the third personal object being unexpressed, are directly attached to the verb or aorist stem, as in: naga' s n I say to him 72.9, cf. naga s he said to him 92.24 sehe'n I shall roast it (44.6) ; future imperative odo' e V hunt for him! (116.7) Ordinarily forms involving the third personal object require a con- necting vowel between the stem and the pronominal suffix. Not all verbs, however, show the purely non-significant -a- of, e. g., t!omoma' s n, but have a to a large extent probably functional -i-. This -i- occurs first of all in all third personal object forms of verbs that have an instrumental prefix: ts!ayaga' £ n I shoot him (192.10), but wa-ts!ayagi /£ n I shoot (him) with it 1-latslagiY you touched it § 64 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 173 The greater number of cases will probably be found to come under this head, so that the -i- may be conveniently termed instrumental -%-. Not all forms with -i~, by any means, can be explained, how- ever, as instrumental in force. A great many verbs, many of them characterized by the directive prefix al- (see § 36, 15), require an -i- as their regular connecting vowel : lagagi ,£ n I gave him to eat (30.12) ld a liwi f£ n I call him by name (116.17) lo u ginini' £ n I trap them for him (and most other roR-indirec- tives in -anan-) Examples of -i-verbs with indirect object are: ogoyi /£ n I give it to him 180.1 1 (contrast oyona ,£ n I gave it [180.20]) wd a giwi ,£ n I brought it to him (176.17) (contrast wa a ga' £ n I brought it [162.13]) A number of verbs have -a- in the aorist, but -i- in all other tense- modes : ytfmiya/tn I lend it to him, but yimi'hin I shall lend it to him naga' £ n I said to him (second -a- part of stem) 72.9, but na a gi'n I shall say to him; na a gi /£ ¥ say to him! (future) 196.20; naViY he said to him (inferential) 94.16; 170.9; 172.12 The general significance of -i- seems not unlike that of the prefixed directive al-, though the application of the former element is very much wider; i. e., it refers to action directed toward some person or object distinctly outside the sphere of the subject. Hence the -i- is never found used together with the indirect reflexive -Ywa-, even though this suffix is accompanied by an instrumental prefix: xa a -'p!l i -nd ru ¥wa £ n I warm my own back (188.20) In a few cases the applicability of the action of the verb can be shifted from the sphere of the subject to that of another person or thing by a mere change of the connective -a- to -i-, without the added use of prefix or suffix: xa a -la/H!an I shall put it about my waist, but xa a -ld' a t!in I shall put it about his waist In the form of the third personal subject with third personal object of the aorist, the imperative with third personal object, and the inferential with third personal object, the -i- generally appears as a suffixed -M- (-%-) , incapable of causing umlaut : malagana 'nhi he told him 30.15, but malagini /£ n I told him (172.1) wa-t!omomhi he killed him with it § 64 174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 i-k!u u manana'nhi he fixed it for him i-Tc!umana'rihi ^jl it for him! i-Jc!umana 'nhiV he fixed it for him (infer.), but l-k!umininini"nV he will fix it for him It should be noted, however, that many verbs with characteristic -i- either may or regularly do leave out the final -i : alx% fi ¥ he saw him 124.6, 8 (cf. al-xl fi gi e n I saw him, 188. II) 1 i-lats!a y V he touched him (cf. i-lats!agi' £ n I touched him) ~ba £ -i-ye e wa'n revive him! (15.2) (cf. ba £ -i-yewe e ni ,£ n I revived him) he £ -l-Jele f£ ¥ he let him go (13.6) (cf. he £ -i-le'lek!i £ n I let him go [50.4]) he £ -l-le'V £ Y let him go! 182.15 (cf. he^-le'Tklin I shall let him go) ba-i-di-t"ga' £ s£gd a s stick out your anus! 164.19; 166.6 (cf. ba-i-di-tgats!a't'gisi £ n I stuck out my anus [166.8]) i-Tc!u u mcfn he prepared it 190.22 (cf. i-lc!u u mini' £ n I prepared it) It must be confessed that it has not been found possible to find a simple rule that would enable one to tell whether an i-verb does or does not keep a final -hi (-%) . Certain verbs, even though without instrumental signification, show an -i- (or -hi-) in all forms with third personal object. Such are: aorist ogoy- give to (ogolhi he gave it to him 156.20) aorist we e t'-g- take away from (wefgi he took it from him, 16.13) aorist lagag- feed (laga'Vi he gave him to eat 30.12; laYi give him to eat! laVigana y Tc we seem to have given him to eat) and indirective verbs in -anan-. Irregularities of an unaccountable character occur. Thus we have : he e£ -iu he left him (cf. he^-tfwi^n I left him); but imperative he e£ -iwi'hi leave him! (not *-iwi y , as we might expect) In many cases the loss or retention of the final -hi seems directly connected with syntactic considerations. A large class of verbs with instrumental prefix (generally %-) drop the final -hi, presumably because the instrumentality is only indefinitely referred to (cf. § 35, 1) . Examples of such have been given above. As soon, however, as the instrument is explicitly referred to, as when an instrumental noun is incorporated in or precedes the verb, the -hi is restored. Thus: i The -i- of these verbs regularly disappears, not only here but in every form in which the normal con- necting vowel -a- fails to appear in other verbs: al-xl' £ k' (inferential) he saw htm (*al-xtk!-k' like dnmk' he killed him), homonymous with al-xl' € k' (imperative) see him! (=*alxl'k!). As soon, however, as the verb becomes distinctly instrumental in force, the -i- is a constant element: al-wa-xi'k!ik' (inferential) he SAW IT WITH IT. § 64 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 175 la- e l-t"ba fa ¥ he burst it (cf. -fba' a gi £ n I burst it) i-s'wili's'wal he tore it to pieces (cf. -s'wili f s'wili e n I tore it to pieces) %-s'wi'ls'wal tear it to pieces! i-s°w% i h'wa < l he tore it (once) i-heme^m he wrestled with him 22. 10 (cf . -hememi' e n I wrestled with him despite the prefixed -%-; but: la-waya-tbaf a ¥i he burst it with a knife han-waya-s'wils'wa'lhi tear it through in pieces with a knife! (73.3) Similarly: ba-H-sga a ¥sga s ¥ he picked him up 31.11 (cf. -sga¥sgigi e n I picked him up) but: lc!a'md a dan ba a -sga a ¥sga f ¥i tongs rocks he-picked-them-up-with ( = he picked up rocks with tongs) 170.17 despite the lack of an instrumental prefix in the verb. Explicit in- strumentality, however, can hardly be the most fundamental func- tion of the -hi. It seems that whenever a transitive verb that primarily takes but one object is made to take a second (generally instrumental or indirective in character) the instrumental -i- (with retained -hi) is employed. Thus: ma'xla Jcluwu he threw dust but: ma'xla £ alk!uwuhi dust he-threw-it-at-him (perhaps best trans- lated as he-bethrew-him-with-dust) cf. 184.5 where the logically direct object is ma'xla, while the logically indirect, perhaps grammatically direct, object is implied by the final -hi and the prefix al~. Similarly, in: ¥o £ px bababa'fi wa a di'xda ashes he-clapped-them-over his-body (perhaps best rendered by : he-beclapped-his-body-with-ashes) 182.9 the logically direct obiect is ¥o £ px, the logically indirect object, his- body, seems to be implied by the -H. This interpretation of the -hi as being dependent upon the presence of two explicit objects is con- firmed by the fact that most, if not all, simple verbs that regularly retain it (such as give to, say to in non-aorist forms, bring to, verbs in -anan-) logically demand two objects. § 64 176 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 As soon as the verb ceases to be transitive (or passive) in form or when the third personal object is the personal -Vwa, the instrumental -i- disappears: gel-yala fa xaWgwi£ he forgot himself 77.10 (cf. gel-yala' a xaldi £ n I forgot him) ogollcwa, he gave it to him 96.18 (cf. ogoihi he gave it to him 188.12) It is possible that in weVgigwa he took it from him the -gi- is a peculiar suffix not compounded of petrified -g- (see § 42, 6) and instrumental -i-; contrast i-t!ana f M he held it with l-t!ana f Tiagwa he held him. Any ordinary transitive verb may lose its object and take a new instrumental object, whereupon the instrumental -i- becomes necessary. Examples of such insfrumentalized transitives are: ga'l £ wa-ts!ayagi f£ n bow I-with-shoot-it (cf . ts!ayaga' £ n I shoot him) wa- £ u u gwi t£ n I drink with it (cf . u u gwa /£ n I drink it) If, however, it is desired to keep the old object as well as the new instrumental object, a suffix -an- seems necessary. Thus: yap!a wa-sd a gimna' s people they-will-be-shot-with-it xl H wa- £ u u gwmi /£ n water I-drink-it- with-it It is not clear whether or not this -an- is related to either of the -cm- elements of -anan- (§ 50). A final -i is kept phonetically distinct in that it does not unite with a preceding f ortis, but allows the f ortis to be treated as a syllabic final, i. e., to become £ + aspirated surd: lie e£ -i-le'me £ lc'ihe killed them off, but -le'meJc!i e n I killed them off Forms without connective vowel whose stem ends in a vowel, and yet (as instrumentals or otherwise) require an -%-, simply insert this element (under proper phonetic conditions as -M-) before the modal and personal suffixes: wa-woo'Tiin I shall go to get it with it (contrast woo'n I shall go to get it) l-t!ana f Jii £ n I hold it; l-tlana'~k% he holds it 27.4 di-s'al-yomo'liin I shall run behind and catch up with him; di-s-al-yomo'M catch up with him! (contrast yomo'n I shall catch up with him) wa-sana'Mnk* they will spear them with them 28.15 (verb-stem sana-) A constant -a- used to support a preceding consonant combination is, in -i- verbs, colored to -i- : %-lasgi s touch him! (cf. masga y put it! [104.8]) § 65 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN" LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 177 It is remarkable that several verbs with instrumental vocalism lose the -i- and substitute the ordinary connective -a- in the frequentative. Such are: %-go'yok!\ £ n I nudge him; i-goyogiysi' £ n I keep pushing him d&4!&8i"n I crush it; dlHliyl' tliytfn I keep crushing them It can hardly be accidental that in both these cases the loss of the -i- is accompanied by the loss of a petrified consonant (-&/-, -#•). The following scheme of the instrumental forms of do u m- kill (third personal object) will best illustrate the phonetic behavior of -i- : Aorist Future Potential Inferential Present imperative Future imperative Singular: First person . . t!omomi' £ n doumi'n doumi' £ n domhiga' Second person . . t.'omomVt' ' he'k'waagwa^np' 2. Practically a sub-group of the preceding set of verbs is formed by a very few verbs that have their aorist like l-7iegwe'haV w na B n, § 67 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 183 but their non-aorist forms like Class II intransitives. They evidently waver between Class II, to which they seem properly to belong, and the semi-transitive -n- forms. Such are: di-Jc!ala'swi e Ji (but also : future dl-k!a f lside, e di-Jc!ala'sde £ ) I am lean in my rump di-ldola'sdum (second per- : future di-lda'lsidsi* son) gwel-sal-t!eyesnsi £ n I have : future-/ !elside e no flesh on my legs and feet It may be observed that the existence of a form like *gwel-sal-t!ei- sinan was denied, so that we are not here dealing with a mere mis- taken mixture of distinct, though in meaning identical, verbs. 3. The most curious set of verbs belonging to Class IV is formed by a small number of intransitives, as far as signification is concerned, with a thoroughly transitive aorist, but with non-aorist forms belonging entirely to Class II. This is the only group of verbs in which a difference in tense is associated with a radical difference in class. Examples are: ' dd a -sgek!iy&' £ n I listened dd a -sgelc!iysi y V you listened .da a -sgek!l he listened 102.8 al-we'ldaltfii I shine al-we'lcIalsiV you shine aZ-we'fc/aZana^k' we shine al-geyano, f£ n I turn away my face ' da-smayama,' £ n 1 T ... 7 ~ 7 ' (I smile da-smayamh& £ w future dav-sge'ldit'ef future al-we'~k!alV& i future aZ-we'fc/aZp'igam (third person inferential al-we'- &/aZp'k') future al-ge'yandtf future da-sma-ima' 'sde e )da-smayam he smiles [da-smayamenie^k' we smile To these should probably be added also da-sgayana' £ n I lie down (3d da-sgayan) , though no future was obtained. Here again it may be noted that the existence of *da-sma-ima'n as a possible (and indeed to be expected) future of da-smayama r£ n was denied. 1 i There are in Takelma also a number of logically intransitive verbs with transitive forms throughout all the tense-modes: al-xallyana y k' we are seated (56.2; 150.20); passive al-xallya'n people are seated 152.18. Similar is sal-xogwl they stand; cf. also gel-hew e'Uau he thinks, p. 179, note 1. As these, how- ever, have nothing to mark them off morphologically from ordinary transitives, they give no occasion for special treatment. It is probable that in them the action is conceived of as directed toward some implied third personal object. § 67 184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 5. Auxiliary and Subordinating Forms (§§ 68-72) § 68. PERIPHRASTIC FUTURES Periphrastic future forms are brought about by prefixing to the third personal (unexpressed) objective forms of the aorist stem -gulug w - desire, intend the verb-stem (if transitive, with its appended pronominal object) of the verb whose future tense is desired. The pronominal subject of such a form is given by the transitive subject pronoun of the second element (-gulug w -) of the compound; while the object of the whole form, if the verb is transitive, is coincident with the incorporated pronominal object of the first element. The form of the verb-stem preceding the -gulug w - suffix is identical with the form it takes in the inferential. Thus: ba-i-liema'YulifY™ he will take it out (cf. inferential ba-i-Jie- ma y Y = -hemg-Y) , but imperative ba-i-Jie^mY 16.10 but, without inorganic a: i-hemgulu y Y w he will wrestle with him (cf. inferential JiemY) Indeed, it is quite likely that the main verb is used in the inferential form, the -Y of the inferential amalgamating with the g- of -gulug w - to form g or Y. This seems to be proved by the form: loho'Y-di-gulugwaY do you intend to die? (di = interrogative par- ticle) Morphologically the verb-stem with its incorporated object must itself be considered as a verb-noun incorporated as a prefix in the verb -gulug w - and replacing the prefix gel- breast of gel-gulugwa' £ n i desire it 32.5, 6, 7. Alongside, e. g., of the ordinary future form do u ma'n i shall kill him may be used the periphrastic dd u m-gulugwa' £ n literally, i kill (him) -desire, intend. This latter form is not by any means a mere desiderative (i desire to kill him would be expressed by do u mia y gel-gulugwa /£ n [ = to-kill-him i-it-desire]), but a purely formal future. Similarly, dumxi-gulvSY" is used alongside of the simpler dumxinY he will kill me. As a matter of fact the third personal subjective future in -gulu s Y w is used about as frequently as the regular paradigmatic forms here- tofore given: yana'-Yulu y Y w he will go (128.9) sana'p-gulu y Y w he will fight (cf. 48.10) yomo'Ywagulu y Y w she was about to catch up with him 140.18 alxi' £ xbi-gulu y Y w he will see you § 68 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 185 The reason is obvious. The normal futures (yana'H* he will go; sana'pda a ; alxi' e xbirik') imply a bald certainty, as it were, of the future action of a third person, a certainty that is not in ordinary life generally justifiable. The periphrastic forms, on the other hand, have a less rigid tone about them, and seem often to have a slight intentive force : he intends, is about to go. The difference between the two futures may perhaps be brought out by a comparison with the English i shall kill him ( = dd u ma f n) and i'm going to kill him (dd u m-gulugwa ,£ n) . Though a form like dumxi-gulu y ¥ w he will kill me is in a way analogous to s'in-l-lets!e f xi he touches my nose, the incor- porated object dumxi- kill-me of the former being parallel to s'in- nose of the latter, there is an important difference between the two in that the object of the periphrastic future is always asso- ciated with the logically (do u m-), not formally (-gulug w -), main verb. This difference may be graphically expressed as follows: he-[kill- me]-intends-it, but he-[ nose-hand] -touches-me; strict analogy with the latter form would require *dd u m-gulu'xi he-[ kill]-intends- me, a type of form that is not found. It is not necessary to give a paradigm of periphrastic future forms, as any desired form can be readily constructed from what has already been said. The incorpo- rated pronominal object is always independent of the subject-suffix, so that you will kill me, for example, is rendered by dumxi-gulugwaY , the ordinary you — me forms (singular -dam, plural -dap') finding no place here. Inasmuch as all active periphrastic futures are transitive in form, passive futures of the same type (all ending in -gulugwa'n) can be formed from all verbs, whether transitive or intransitive. When formed from transitive stems, these forms are equivalent to the normal future passives in -(a)na £ : do u m-gulugwa f n he will, is about to, is going to be killed dumxi-gulugwa' 'n I am to be killed, it is intended to kill me As the intransitive stem in the periphrastic future is never accom- panied by pronominal affixes, there is only one passive future form that can be constructed from an intransitive verb. This form always refers to the third person, generally to the intended or immi- nent action of a group of people : lioida-gulugwa'n (verb-stem Ttoid- + inorganic -a-) there will be dancing § 68 186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 ld u -gulugwa'n people are going to play (literally, it is play- intended) The passive future in -gulugwa'n can also be used with the indefinite form in -iau- : sana'xiniau-gulugwa'n it is intended, about to be that people fight one another ; there will be fighting The extreme of abstract expression seems to be reached in such not uncommon forms as : we' e giau-gulugwa'n it was going to be daylight (literally, it was being-daylight intended) 48.13 As the suffixed pronominal objects of reciprocal forms are intran- sitive in character, the first element of a periphrastic future of the reciprocal must show an incorporated intransitive pronoun, but of aorist, not future form : i-di-lasgi'xanfp"-gulugwaYp K are you going to touch one another? (aorist i-lats!a'xan£p K ; future l-lasgi' 'xanfba s ) § 69. PERIPHRASTIC PHRASES IN na{g)- do, act The verbal base naig) 1 (intransitive na-; transitive na a g-) has hitherto been translated as say (intransitive), say to (transitive). This, however, is only a specialized meaning of the constantly recurring base, its more general signification being do, act, be in motion indefinitely. It is really never used alone, but is regularly accompanied by some preceding word or phrase with which it is connected in a periphrastic construction; the na(g)- form playing the part of an auxiliary. As a verb of saying, na(g)- is regularly preceded by a quotation, or else some word or phrase, generally a demonstrative pronoun, grammatically summarizing the quotation. Properly speaking, then, a sentence like i shall go, he said (to me) ( = yana'£e e [ga] naga' i£ [or nege's'i]) is rendered in Takelma by i shall go (that) he did (or he did to me), in which the quotation yana'fe* i shall go, or else its representative ga that, is incorpo- rated as prefix in the general verb of action. The most interesting point in connection with periphrastic phrases in na(g)- is the use of a number of invariable, generally monosyl- labic, verbal bases as incorporated prefixes. The main idea, logic- ally speaking, of the phrase is expressed in the prefix, the na(g)- 1 Most of its forms, as far as known, are listed, for convenience of reference, in Appendix A, pp. 286-90. It will be seen to be irregular in several respects. Examples of its forms are to be found in great number in " Takelma Texts." § 69 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 187 element serving merely to give it grammatical form. This usage is identical with that so frequently employed in Chinookan dia- lects, where significant uninflected particles are joined into peri- phrastic constructions with some form of the verb-stem -x- do, make, become (e. g., Wasco Iglu'b itciux he cut it [literally, cut he-it- made]), except that in Takelma the particles are identical with the bases of normally formed verbs. It is not known how many such verb-particles there are, or even whether they are at all numerous. The few examples obtained are : na £ do (cf. na't'e e I shall say, do) s'as' come to a stand (cf. s'as'inl he stands 144.14) s'il paddle canoe (cf. ei-ba-i-s'ili'xgwa he landed with his canoe 13.5) fgel £ fall, drop ts'lel rattle (cf. ts'ele' £ m it rattles 102.13) t'ho fu x make a racket (cf. £bo' u xde £ I make a noise) liwa' a look (cf. liwila'ufe* I looked [60.7]) le'yas lame (cf. gwel-le'ye e sde £ I am lame) p*i'was jumping lightly (cf. piwits!ana ,£ n I make it bounce) we'~k!alV shining (cf. al-we r ~k!ala £ n I shine) sgala'uV look moving one's head to side (cf. al-sgalawi'n I shall look at him moving my head to side) The last two are evidently representatives of a whole class of quasi- adverbial -F-derivatives from verb-stems, and, though syntactically similar to the rest, hardly belong to them morphologically. The -lc of these invariable verb-derivatives can hardly be identified with the inferential -F, as it is treated differently. Thus: we f lc!al-¥ shining 126.3; 128.14, but inferential al-we'lcldl-p-Y (Class IV, 3) he shone Most frequently employed of those listed is na £ , which is in all probability nothing but the base na- do, to forms of which it is itself prefixed; its function is to make of the base na(g)- a pure verb of action or motion in contradistinction to the use of the latter as a verb of saying : ga-nalc*i say that to him! 55.8, but ga-na £ nak'i do that to him! 182.4; 184.4 ga-naga' i£ he said that' 72.12, but ga-na £ naga' i£ he did that 58.3 gwalf a-na £ na f£ t K the wind will blow as it is blowing now (liter- ally, wmdigwalf] this [a-]-do [na £ ]-&ct- will [na' £ f]) (152.8) ga-na £ ne x x thus, in that way (literally, that do-acting, doing) 71.6; 110.21; but ga-ne^x that saying, to say that 184.10 § 69 188 BUKEAXJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Examples of the other elements are : ei-s'i'l-naga H£ x he paddled his canoe (literally, he canoe-paddle- did) 13.5 s'as'-naga' is he ca,me to a stand 22.6; 31.14, 15; 55.12; 96.23 s'as'-na a gi'n I shall bring him to a halt (literally, I shall s'as-- do to him) liwa' a -nagaife £ I looked (55.6; 78.10, 13; 79.5) fge'l £ -nagaife £ I fell, dropped down fgel £ naga £ na' a£ F he always fell down 62.8 tsle'l naga H£ (bones) rattled (literally, they did ts!el) 79,8 fbo' u x naga K they made a racket so as to be heard by them 192.9 we f ]c!al¥-naga /i£ he shines sgala f uY-nagana! a£ V he looked continually moving his head from side to side 144.14, 17 gwelxda a le'yas-na s V his leg was laming 160.17 pi'was-naga' i£ he jumped up lightly 48.8 Syntactically analogous to these are the frequent examples of post- positions (see § 96), adverbs, and local phrases prefixed to forms of the undefined verb of action na(g)-, the exact sense in which the lat- ter is to be taken being determined by the particular circumstances of the locution. Examples are: gada'F-naga' i£ they passed over it (literally, thereon they did) 190.21 ganau-nagana f£ ¥ he went from one (trap) to another (literally, therein he kept doing) 78.5 Tiawi-naFi tell him to wait! (literally, still do to him!) Jiagwa a la y m (in the road) -naga' i£ (he did) ( = he traveled in the road) 7iaxiya y (in the water) -naga' i£ ( = he went by water) daV-s'ini fi da (over his nose) -nabd' a£ Jia y n (let us do) (= let us [flock of crows] pass over him!) 144.11 da r ¥da a da (over him) -na y " (do!) (= pass over him!) da¥-yawade (over my ribs) -naga' i£ ( =he passed by me) ge (there) -naga' i£ (= they passed there) 144.18 ~he e£ -wila! mxa-hi (beyond Mount Wila'mxa) -na¥ w (do having it!) (= proceed with it to beyond Mount WuVmxa!) 196.14 These examples serve to indicate, at the same time, that the particles above mentioned stand in an adverbial relation to the na(g)- form: s'as'-naga ,i£ he come-to-a-stand-did, like ge naga' i£ he there-did Compare the similar parallelism in Wasco of: l s-il has been found as a prefix also in the comitative ei-s-il-ydangwa' £ ni come in a canoe (literally, I-CANOE-PADDLIN G-GO-HAVING). § 69 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 189 Iclwa'c gali'xux afraid he-made-himself (= he became afraid) (see "Wishram Texts/' 152.9) Tcwo'la gali'xux there he-made-himself ( = he got to be there, came there) Here may also be mentioned the use of verb-stems prefixed to the forms of Iclemn- make and na a g- say to. Such locutions are causa- tive in signification, but probably differ from formal causatives in that the activity of the subject is more clearly defined. Examples are: wede wo s ¥ JdemnaY do not let him arrive! (literally, not arrive make-him!) wo K ¥ Tcfemana'nxi let me come! (literally, arrive make-me!) gwel-lels Iclemna'n I shall make him lame (literally, be-lame I-shall-make-him) yana naVi let him go (literally, go say-to-him) The forms involving Jclemen- are quite similar morphologically to periphrastic futures in -gulug w -, the main point of difference being that, while h f emen- occurs as independent verb, -gulug w - is never found without a prefix. The forms involving na a g- are probably best considered as consisting of an imperative followed by a quotative verb form. Thus yana naVi is perhaps best rendered as "go! " say it to him! The form 7ioida-yo'¥ya £ s (hoid- dance + connective -a-) one who knows how to dance suggests that similar compound verbs can be formed from yoVy- know. § 70. SUBORDINATING FORMS A number of syntactic suffixes are found in Takelma, which, when appended to a verbal form, serve to give it a subordinate or depend- ent value. Such subordinate forms bear a temporal, causal, condi- tional, or relative relation to the main verb of the sentence, but are often best translated simply as participles. Four such subordinating suffixes have been found: -da £ (-fa e ), serving to subordinate the active forms of the aorist. -ma e , subordinating those of the passive aorist. -na £ , subordinating all inferential forms in -Jc\ Periphrastic infer- ential forms in elf and elf jf are treated like aorists, the form-giving elements of such periphrases being indeed nothing but the second person singular and plural aorist of ei- be. -¥i e (-gi £ ), appended directly to the non-aorist stem, forming dependent clauses of unfulfilled action, its most frequent use being § 70 190 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 the formation of conditions. Before examples are given of subordi- nate constructions, a few remarks on the subordinate forms themselves will be in place. The aoristic -da £ - forms of an intransitive verb like hog w - run are: Singular : Independent Subordinate First person . . ho'Fde £ I run ~ho'Fde e da £ when I ran, I running Second person . JidgwaY 7idgwada' £ Third person M £ F U'Fda* Plural: First person . . JiogwVF liogwiga'm Second person . hogwaYp' hdgwa'tfba £ Impersonal . . . Jiogwia' u£ liogwia' -uda £ Of these forms, that of the first person plural in -a'm is identical, as far as the suffix is concerned, with the future form of the cor- responding person and number. The example given above Qio- gwiga'm) was found used quite analogously to the more transpa- rently subordinate forms of the other persons (alxi H xam liogwiga'm he saw us run, like alxl H xi hd'Fde e da £ he saw me run) ; the form of the stem is all that keeps apart the future and the subordinate aorist of the first person plural (thus liogwiga'm we shall run with short o) . No form in -i'Fda £ , such as might perhaps be expected, was found. The catch of the first and third person singular of class I verbs dis- appears before the -da £ (see § 22). The falling accent of the stem, however, remains, and the quantity of the stressed vowel is length- ened unless followed by a diphthong-forming element. Thus: ya' a da £ when he went 58.8 (ya' £ he went 96.8); cf. 188.17 ba-i-Fiyl ri F da £ when he came (ba-i-Jc!iyi /£ F he came 156.24) yawa'ida £ as they were talking 130.13 (yawa' i£ they talked) xebe'nda £ when he did so 142.10 (xebe' £ n he did so 118.14) The subordinate form of the third person aorist of class II intransi- tives ends in -fa £ if the immediately preceding vowel has a rising accent. Thus: s'as'inifa £ when he stood (s'as'inl he stood 120.12) lop!ot'a £ when it rained (lop!o y f it rained 90.1) In the second person singular the personal -f and the -d- of the subordinating suffix amalgamate to -d-. The subordinate second per- son plural in -t* ba £ is not improbably simply formed on the analogy of the corresponding singular form in -da £ , the normal difference § 70 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 191 between the singular and plural of the second person consisting simply of the added -b- (-£>') of the latter; similarly, e-ida' £ when thou art and eifba £ when ye are. Judging by the analogy of the subordinates of transitive forms in -dam and -dap" the subordinate forms of the second persons of class II intransitives end in -fa £ (-da £ ) and -faba £ (-daba £ ) : s'as'inifa £ when you stood (s'as'inltfam you stood) s'as'inltba £ when ye stood (s'as'inifaft ye stood) Note the ambiguity of the form s'as'ini£a s when he or you stood; compare the similar ambiguity in naga'-ida £ when he said and naga-ida' £ when you said 130.14; 132.23. The transitive subordinates of the aorist are also characterized by a suffixed -da £ , except that forms with a third personal subject invariably substitute -(a)na' £ (-ina' £ with first person plural object), and that the personal endings -dam (thou — me) and -daft (ye — me) become simply -da £ and -daba £ respectively. The latter forms are thus distinguished from non-subordinate futures merely by the aoristic stem (al-xl n xda £ when you saw me, but al-xl' £ xda £ you will see me). Analogously to what we have seen to take place in the intransitive, -t % yf becomes -t*ba £ . The subordinate aorists of tlomom- kill are: * Objective Subjective First person singular Second person singular Third person First person plural Second person plural Singular: 1st per. 2d per. 3d per. Plural: 1st per. 2d per. t!iimuxda £ (t.'umuxdam) t!umuxina s (tMmuxi) t.'umtixdaba 3 (t.'umuxdap') t.'omb'xbinda 1 (t!omoxbi s n) t!omoxbina s (tlomoxbi) t.'omoxbinagam (t.'omoxbinak) t!omoma'nda s (t!omoma' s n) t!omomada' s (tlomomaH') t!omomana' s {tfomom) tlomomanaga'm (t.'omomana^k') t!omoma't'ba s (t.'omomaH'p') t!omoximida e (tlombximif) t!omoximina £ (t.'omoxam) t!omoximit'ba s (t.'omoximit'p') t!omoxanbanda £ (t!omdxanba*n) t!omoxanbana £ (t/omoxanp') Homoxanbanagam (t.'omoxanbanak') The forms with first personal plural subject (-na y ¥) and second personal object were not obtained, but the corresponding forms in -iga'm (first person plural intransitive) and -anaga'm (first person plural subject third person object) leave no doubt as to their cor- rectness. These forms differ from ordinary futures of the same i The corresponding non-subordinate forms are given in parentheses. § 70 192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 number and person only in the use of the aorist stem. Only very few examples of subordinate -anaga'm have been found : aga'M ligigwanaga' m just- these which- we-brought-home 134.18; contrast Itfgwanaga'm we shall bring them home yewe xebe e yagwanaga' m if we should slay him (literally, perhaps that- we-slay-him) 136.23 ; contrast xe e hagwanaga' 'm we shall slay him The use of the aorist stem in the subordinate, it will be observed, is also the only characteristic that serves to keep distinct the third personal subjective subordinates and the future forms of the passive: al-xi fi xbina £ when he saw you, but al-xl' £ xbina £ you will be seen It may be noted that the third personal subjective aorist forms of the transitive may be mechanically formed, like the passives of the same tense, from the first person singular subject third person object aorist by merely dropping the glottal catch of the latter form and adding -a £ . Thus: gel-7iewe'7iana £ when he thought 45.2; 142.10, 13, 16 (cf. gel- Jiewe r Tia £ n I thought); but gel-Tiewe'Tiau he thought 44.11 The subordinate of the form with personal object -Ywa is formed by adding -na s : malaYwana £ when he told him 72.14 (malaWwa he told him 142.4) The aorist passive subordinates cause no trouble whatever, the characteristic -ma £ being in every case simply appended to the final -n of the passive form: t!omoma'nma £ when he was killed 146.22 (from tlomoma'n he was killed 148.3) t!omoxanhanma £ when you (plural) were killed The complete subordinate inferential paradigm is rather motley in appearance; -na £ is suffixed to the third personal subject in -Y: p!aYna £ when he bathed la~ba!Yna £ when he carried it 126.5 galYna £ when he ate it dumxiYna £ when he killed me The first person singular in -Ya £ (n) becomes -Yanda £ ; the first person plural subordinate was not obtained, but doubtless has -Yanaga'm as ending. The subordinate of the passive in -Yam is regularly formed by the addition of -na £ : gaiYamna £ when it was eaten domxamY amna £ when we were killed § 70 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 193 The periphrastic forms in elf and elfp* become -V + eida /£ and eit"ba £ in the subordinate; e. g., wa a ~Kl i mt K ~kl eida' £ when you answeked him. The active inferential subordinates of do u m- with third personal object thus are: Singular : First person, domVanda £ Second person, do u mk!eida f£ Plural: First person, domVanaga'm Second person, dd u mJc!etfba £ Third person, domJc*na e ; personal, dom¥wak x na £ Impersonal do u miau¥na £ The subordinating element -na £ also makes a subordinate clause out of a -t* participle (see §76): gwi na'Vna? ga £ a'ldi naga'n how-he-looked (gwi naY how-look- ing) that all he-was-called 60.5; (cf. 78.3) yapla ga na't K na £ that number of people 110.15 Also adjectives and local phrases may be turned into subordinate clauses by the suffixing of -na £ : xilam-na' £ when she was sick 188.10 aga do u ¥ gwelda-na' £ this log under-it when ( = while he was under this log) 190.20 Examples will now be given of constructions illustrating the use of subordinate forms. It is artificial, from a rigidly native point of view, to speak of causal, temporal, relative, and other uses of the subordinate; yet an arrangement of Takelma examples from the view-point of English syntax has the advantage of bringing out more clearly the range of possibility in the use of subordinates. The subordinate clause may be directly attached to the rest of the sentence, or, if its temporal, causal, or other significance needs to be clearly brought out, it may be introduced by a relative adverb or pronoun (where, when, how, who). Both constructions are sometimes possible; e. g., a sentence like i do not know who killed him may be rendered either by not i-it-know who he-him-killing or not i-whom-know he-him-killing. Subordinate constructions with causal signification are: ts'lolx (1) vfs'i (2) t!umuxda £ (3) give me (2) dentalia (l),for you have struck me (3) (cf. 15.8) a'ni £ (1) gel-gulu'xi (2) gayawa'nda 8 (3) he does not (1) like me (2), because I ate it (3) 3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 13 § 70 194 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 guxde £ (1) gayawana /£ (2) goyo s (3) yap! a (4) ald% (5) 7ie s -fc leme'1c!itf (6) you killed off (6) all (5) the people (4), because shamans (3) ate (2) your wife (1) 146.11 a'ni* (1) ya' £ (2) gl l (3) me £ -wo u Fde e da £ (4) ga £ a K l (5) he did not (1) go (2), because I (3) came (4); ga £ a y l (on account of, for) is employed to render preceding subordinate unambiguously causal a'ni £ (1) s'in-lio'Vwal (2) yu'Vna £ (3) ga (4) ga £ al (5) sb%n £ a (6) xa'm-hi (7) lapV (8) not (1) being (3) nose-holed (2), for (5) that (4) (reason) Beaver (6) got to be (8) under water (7) 166.18 A temporal signification is found in : lia a£ -yewe H£ (1) aldil (2) t!omoma'nma £ (3) they all (2) returned far off (1), after (many of them) had been slain (3) 146.22 goyo (1) gel-lohoigwa'nma £ (2) when shamans (1) are avenged (2) 148.2 ~ba-i-k!iyi' £ V (1) pirn (2) gayawa f nda £ (3) he came (1) when I was eating (3) salmon (2) al-x% H gi £ n (1) gwi £ ne (2) ya! a da £ (3) I saw him (1) when (2) he went (3) Relative clauses of one kind and another, including indirect ques- tions, are illustrated in : a!nl £ (1) neV (2) yokloya' £ n (3) lege'xina £ (4) I do not (1) know (3) who (2) gave me to eat (4) (literally, not I-whom- know he-giving-me-to-eat) yok!oya ,£ n (1) neY (2) laga'ximina £ (3) I know (1) who (2) gave us to eat (3) man (1) mi'xal (2) Jia-loJid u nana /£ (3) he counted (1) how many (2) he had trapped (3) 100.8 a'n% £ (1) yoklol (2) gwi (3) giniyagwa'nma £ (4) he did not (1) know (2) where (3) she had been taken to (4) 13.12 ga'lii (1) duY (2) dl-t!ugul (3) wa-Jc!ododi'nma £ (4) they wore (3) the same (1) garments (2) with which they had been buried (4) 96.16 gl l (1) na £ nagai£e e da £ (2) na £ na f£ ¥ (3) do (future imperative) (3) what I (1) am doing (2) %-Ywe' e xi (1) ulum (2) walVanda 5 (3) they awoke me (1) who (or while, when I) before (2) was sleeping (3) 74.5; 75.6 Purpose may be implied by the subordinate in: pirn (1) gayawana f£ (2) laga'Vi (3) he gave them (3) salmon (1) to eat (2) 30.11 The subordinate serves very frequently as a clause of indirect dis- course after such verbs as know, see, discover. With a regular § 70 boas]" HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 195 verb of saying, such as na(g)~, it is nearly always necessary to report the exact words of the speaker. al-xi fi gi e n (1) xebeyigi'Vwana £ (2) I saw him (1) hurt him (2) yok!oya r£ n (1) pirn (2) gal¥na £ (3) I know (1) that he has been eating (3) salmon (2) (literally, I-know-him salmon he- having-eaten) al-xl' l xi (1) t!omoxanbanda £ (2) he saw me (1) strike you (pi.) (2) al-xl fi gi £ n (1) dal-yewe'ida e (2) I saw him (1) run away (2) Not infrequently an adverb is to be considered the main predicate, particularly when supported by the unanalyzable but probably verbal form wala' £ si(na £ ), while the main verb follows as a subordi- nate clause. Compare such English turns as it is here that i saw him, instead of here i saw him : eme £ (1) wala ,£ si (2) eife e da £ (3) I am (3) right (2) here (1) (literally, here it-is really [ ? ] that-I-am) eme £ (1) wala ,£ si (2) eida' s (3) you are (3) right (2) here (1) ml 1 (1) wala' £ si (2) l-lclumanana'rihiVna? (3) he had already fixed it for him (literally, already (1) it-was-really (2) that- he-had-fixed-it-f or-him (3) ) Examples of subordidates depending on predicatively used adverbs without wala f£ si are: a/nl £ (1) wana (2) eme £ (3) ne'ida £ (4) [it is] not (1) even (2) here (3) that they did (4) (probably = even they did not get here) 61.3 liop!e' £ n (1) p!a' a s (2) M y s (3) lop!ofa £ (4) it used to snow long ago (long ago [1] that snow [2] almost [3] stormed [4]) all (1) ~ke £ -%-leme'ldinda £ (2) [it is] right here (1) that I destroy them (2) 108.20 An example of a subordinate depending on a demonstrative pro- noun is: i'daga (1) yapla (2) s'as'inifa £ (3) that man is standing (literally, [it is] that [1] man [2] that is standing [3]) The form wala /£ sina £ is in all probability a third personal aorist transitive subordinate form in -na £ , as is shown by its use as a sub- stantive verb for the third person when following an adverb, appar- ently to supply the lack of a third person in the regular substantive verb ei-: eme £ (1) wala £ sina £ (2) a'Tcla (3) he (3) is right (2) here (1) (literally, something like: [it is] here that-it-really-is he) ge (1) wala f£ s'ina £ (2) he is over there (literally, [it is] there [1] that-he-really-is [2]) § 70 196 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Most astonishing is the use of wala' £ s'ina £ as a modal prefix of a subordinate verb (of the movable class treated above, see § 34) to assert the truth of an action in the manner of our English did in sentences like he did go. Thus, from daV-da-lialsbi he answered you, is formed the emphatic da¥-da-wala ,£ sina £ -Jialsbina £ he did answer you. The only analysis of this form that seems possible is to consider the verbal prefixes dale -da- as a predicative adverb upon which wala f£ sina £ is syntactically dependent, the main verb -halsbina £ itself depending as a subordinate clause on its modal prefix. The fact that daV-da- has as good as no concrete independent existence as adverb, but is idiomatically used with the verbal base hal- to make up the idea of answer, is really no reason for rejecting this analysis, strange as it may appear, for the mere grammatical form of a sen- tence need have no immediate connection with its logical dismem- berment. The above form might be literally translated as (it is) ABOVE (ddV-) WITH-HIS-MOUTH (da-) THAT-IT-REALLY-IS THAT-HE- ANSWERED-YOU. § 71. CONDITIONALS Conditionals differ from other subordinate forms in that they are derived, not from the full verb-form with its subject-affix, but, if intransitive, directly from the verb-stem; if transitive, from the verb- stem with incorporated pronominal object. In other words, the con- ditional suffix -¥i £ (-gi £ ) is added to the same phonetic verbal units as appear in the inferential before the characteristic -k\ and in the periphrastic future before the second element -gulug w -. The phonetic and to some extent psychologic similarity between the inferential (e. g., dumxiV he evidently struck me) and the conditional (e. g., dumxigi £ if he strikes, had struck me) makes it not improbable that the latter is a derivative in -i £ of the third personal subjective form in -F of the latter. The conditional, differing again from other subordinates in this respect, shows no variation for pronominal sub- jects, the first and second personal subjective forms being periphras- tically expressed by the addition to the conditional of the third per- sonal subjective of the appropriate forms of ei- be. From verb-stem yana- go, for example, are derived: Singular : First person, yana'Vi £ eitfe £ Second person, yana'Yi £ elf Third person, yana'Yi £ § 71 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 197 Plural: First person, yana'Yi £ e e bW Second person, yana'Vi £ eifp* Impersonal: yanayauk r i £ The conditional is used not merely, as its name implies, to express the protasis of a condition, but as the general subordinate form of unrealized activity ; as such it may often be translated as a temporal or relative clause, an introductory adverb or relative pronoun serving to give it the desired shade of meaning. Examples of its use other than as a conditional, in the strict sense of the word, are: yok!oya' £ n (1) nek* (2) laxbigi £ (3) I know (1) who (2) will give you to eat (3) dewe'nxa (1) al-xi'le!in (2) gwi £ ne (3) yana'Vi £ (4) I shall see him (2) to-morrow (1), when (3) he goes (4) al-xi' £ xinV (1) gwi £ ne (2) yana'¥i £ elfe £ (3) he will see me (1) when (2) I go (3) gwen-£gd a -lo'Fdanda (1) ts'!o' u t!igi £ (2) ya! a (3) he £ ne (4) ya' a (5) xe e ~bagwa'n (6) just (3) Hvhen they touch (2) the eastern extremity of the earth (1), just (5) then (4) I shall destroy them (6) 144.15 It has a comparative signification (as though) in: fh* (1) de-gv!~k!alxgi £ (2) na £ naga' i£ (3) it was (3) as though fire* (1) were glowing (2) 142.1 Conditional sentences are of two types : (1) Simple, referring to action of which, though unfulfilled, there yet remains the possibility of fulfillment. (2) Contrary to fact, the hypothetical activity being beyond the possibility of fulfillment. Both types of condition require the conditional form in the protasis, but differ in the apodosis. The apodosis of a simple conditional sen- tence contains always a future form (or inferential, if the apodosis is negative) , that of a contrary-to-fact condition, a potential. Examples of simple conditions are: ga (1) na £ na¥i £ elf (2) ~haxada' £ (3) if you do (2) that (1), you'll get burnt (3) aV (1) yana'Yi* (2) gi* (3) 7iono £ (4) yana'fe* (5) if he (1) goes (2), I (3) go (5) too (4) wede (1) yana'Yi £ (2) gl l (3) Jiono £ (4) wede (5) yana f Ya £ (6) if he does not (1) go (2), I (3) won't (5) go (6) either (4) gwalf (1) mahai (2) wo'Yi* (3) ga (4) na a gi f£ ¥ (5) if a great (2) wind (1) arrives (3), say (5) that! (4) 196.19 1 Just when = as soon as. § 71 198 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 The apodosis of such conditions is sometimes introduced by the de- monstrative pronoun ga that, which may be rendered in such cases by then/ in that case: aga (1) xa a -sgo' u sgi £ (2) ga (3) loho't % e e (4) if this (1) string parts (2), in that case (3) I shall be dead (4) 59.10, (11) Of this type are also all general conditions referring to customary action that is to take place in time to come, such as are often intro- duced in English by words like whenever, wherever, and so on. 1 Examples of such general conditions are : wi'lau (1) Tc!emniyau¥i £ (2) wa-fba' a gamdina £ (3) whenever peo- ple will make (2) arrows (1), they (arrows) will be backed (literally, tied) with it (3) (with sinew) 28.2 wa a di fi (1) du (2) ba-i-gina¥wi £ 2 (3) goyo s (4) ~ke £ ne (5) do u - mana ,£ (6) whenever a shaman (4) goes out with 3 (3) one whose body (1) is good (2), then (5) he shall be slain (6) 146.6 goyo (1) gel-lohogwiau¥i £ (2) 7ie £ ne (3) ya' a s-% £ (4) yap la (5) gama'xdi (6) ple /£ f (7) whenever one takes vengeance for (2) a shaman (1), just (4) then (3) ordinary (6) people (5) will lie (7) (i. e., be slain) 146.8 wede (1) hono £ (2) ne y ¥ (3) a\-xl' £ ¥wa¥ (4) yap! a (5) loho'¥i £ (6) no (1) one (3) will see him (4) again (2), when a person (5) dies (6) 98.10 gana £ ne"x (1) yo'H K (2) yap la (3) gai¥i £ (4) thus (1) it shall be (2) as people (3) grow, multiply (4) 146.15 Examples of contrary-to-fact conditions are: aldl (1) yu¥ya'¥% £ eife £ (2) mala'xbi £ n (3) if I knew (2) all (1), I should tell it to you (3) 162.5 ne¥ (1) yo'¥i £ (2) da¥-llmxgwa £ (3) if it were (2) anyone else (1), it (tree) would have fallen on him (3) 108.11, 13 %'daga (1) ge (2) yu'¥i £ (3) wede (4) do u ma /£ n (5) if that one (1) had been (3) there (2) , I should not (4) have killed him (5) gl l (1) ge (2) yu'¥i £ eU'e £ (3) ho u (4) yana ,£ (5) haga" (6) if I (1) were (3) there (2), he would have gone (5) in that event (4) In the last example, haga y is a demonstrative adverb serving to summarize the protasis, being about equivalent to our in that event, under those circumstances. This word may be the adverbialized 1 General conditions, however, that apply to past time, or that have application without reference to time-limit, are constructed by the use of the subordinate for the protasis, and aorist for the apodosis, both verbs being, if possible, frequentative or continuative in form : ts- Hxi (1) k'ewe' ek'awalda* (2) he-ne (3) yap.'a (4) al-t!ayalk' (5) whenever the dog (1) barked (2), then (3) he found (5) a person (4). 2 = -ginak'w + -k'i s . 3 Causes the death of. § 71 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 199 form of the demonstrative pronoun lia' £ ga that one; it is used also with persons other than the third : yana , £e £ Tiagcf I should have gone in that event § 72. USES OF POTENTIAL AND INFERENTIAL The potential and inferential modes differ from the aorist in the negative particle with which they may be combined. An indicative non-future statement, such as is expressed by the aoris # t, is negatived, without change of the verb-form, by means of the negative adverb a'ni £ : ydnfe £ I went; a'nl £ yanfe £ I did not go An imperative or future form, however, can not be directly negatived, but must be expressed by the potential and inferential respectively, the non-aoristic negative adverb wede being prefixed. Thus we have: Negative future: yana' £ £ he will go : wede yana y ¥ he will not go yanada' £ you will go : wede yana'lcleif you will not go yana'fe 6 1 shall go : wede yana f ¥a £ I shall not go domxbin I shall kill you : wede domxbiga £ I shall not kill 178.15 you (cf. 178.15) dd u mcfnV he will kill him : wede (1) ne'V (2) yap!a (3) gama'xdi (4) do u m¥ (5) no (1) one (2) will slay (5) a person (3) who is no shaman (4) 146.16 Negative imperative: yancf go! (sing.) : wede yanaY do not go! yana y np* go! (pi.) : wede yanaYp' do not go! (156.9) do u m kill him! : wede do u maY do not kill him! ga na £ na s do that ! : wede ga na £ naY do not do that ! The particle wede is used with the inferential and potential, not only to form the negative future and imperative, but in all cases in which these modes are negatived, e. g., wede do u ma' £ n i should not have killed him, i would not kill him. There is thus no morpho- logic distinction between a prohibitive do not go ! and a second person subject negative apodosis of a contrary-to-fact condition, you would not have gone. It is probably not a mere accident that the negative particle wede is phonetically identical with the verb-stem wede- take away. This plausible etymology of wede suggests that the origin of § 72 200 BUREAU OF AMERICAN" ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 the negative future and imperative constructions lies in such peri- phrastic sentences as : Remove (all thought from your mind) that I (inferentially) go (i. e., I shall not go) Remove (all thought from your mind) that you might, would go (i. e., do not go!) The inferential, as we have seen above (see § 59), is used primarily to indicate that the action is not directly known through personal experience. An excellent example of how such a shade of meaning can be imparted even to a form of the first person singular was given in §70; s' £ V-Ywe fe xi ulum waiYanda 5 they woke me up while i was sleeping! 74.5 In the myth from which this sentence is taken, Coyote is represented as suffering death in the attempt to carry out one of his foolish pranks. Ants, however, sting him back into life; whereupon Coyote, instead of being duly grateful, angrily exclaims as above, assuming, to save his self-esteem, that he has really only been taking an intentional nap. The inferential form waiYanda £ is used in preference to the matter-of-fact aorist wayanfe e da £ I sleeping, because of the implied inference, i wasn't dead, after all, ELSE HOW COULD THEY WAKE ME? I WAS REALLY SLEEPING, MUST have been sleeping. Closely akin to this primary use of the inferential is its frequent use in rhetorical questions of anger, sur- prise, wonder, and discovery of fact after ignorance of it for some time. Examples from the myths, where the context gives them the necessary psychological setting, are: geme f£ di (1) gi* (2) wayauxagwaf (3) yu'Ya £ (4) how (1) should I (2) be (4) daughter-in-lawed (3) (i. e., how do I come to have any daugher-in-law ?) 56.10 I didn't know that you, my son, were married! gl l (1) di" (2) 7ia'mi £ fban (3) do u mYa £ (4) did I (1) kill (4) your father (3) ? (2) 158.2 s'-gwi dl' (1) le'mkHauY (2) where (1) have they all gone (2), any way? 90.25, 27 says Coyote, looking in vain for help o+(l) ml* (2) di' (3) s'amgicfuY (4) Oh! (1) has it gotten to be summer (4) already (2) ? (3) says Coyote, after a winter's sleep in a tree-trunk 92.9 ga (1) di' (2) xepY (3) go, (4) di' (5) gu u xde'Y (6) galY (7) so it is those (1) that did it (3) ? (2) those (4) that ate (7) my wife (6) ? (5) 142.18 is- e - merely marks the Coyote (see footnote, § 2). § 72 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 201 e'me £ (1) daba' £ x (2) di (3) £ el £ a (4) yu'F (5) are (5) canoes (4) (to be found) only (2) here (1) ? (3) 114.7 (i. e., why do you bother me about ferrying you across, when there are plenty of canoes elsewhere?) ga (1) di' (2) p!a' a nf (3) gai¥a £ (4) so that (1) was their livers (3) that I ate (4) ? (2) 120.14 says Grizzly Bear, who imagined she had eaten not her children's, but Black Bear's children's, livers, on discovering her mistake A peculiar Takelma idiom is the interrogative use of gwl £ ne when, how long followed by wede and the inferential, to denote a series of repetitions or an unbroken continuity of action. Examples are : gwl £ ne (1) di' (2) wede (3) walV (4) he kept on sleeping (literally, when [1] did he not [ 3] sleep [ 4] ?[2]) 142.11; 152.24 gwi £ ne' (1) di (2) wede (3) h(fV (4) he ran and ran (literally, how long [1] did he not [3] run [4] ? [2]) 78.14. gwi £ ne (1) di' (2) wede (3) dak" am (4) he kept on being found, they always stumbled upon him again (literally, when[l] was he not [3] found [4] ?[2]) 110.15 Similar psychologically is the non-negative future in: ge'me £ di (1) Jiono £ (2) al-da a gVn¥ (3) they never found him again (lit., when [1] will they find him [3] again? [2]) 190.25 6. Nominal and Adjectival Derivatives (§§ 73-83) § 73. INTRODUCTORY Although such derivatives from the verb-stem as infinitives and nouns of agency should logically be treated under the denominating rather than the predicative forms of speech, they are in Takelma, as in most other languages, so closely connected as regards morphology with the latter, that it is much more convenient to treat them imme- diately after the predicative verb-forms. The number of nominal and adjectival forms derived from the Takelma verb-stem is not very large, comprising infinitives or verbal nouns of action, active and passive participles, nouns of agency, and a few other forms whose function is somewhat less transparent. The use made of them, how- ever, is rather considerable, and they not infrequently play an important part in the expression of subordinate verbal ideas. § 74. INFINITIVES Infinitives, or, as they are perhaps better termed, verbal nouns, may be formed from all verbs by the addition of certain suffixes to the stem or stem + pronominal object, if the verb form is transitive. § 73-74 202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Inasmuch as infinitives, being nothing but nouns in form, may take possessive affixes, forms may easily result that combine a transitive object and a possessive pronoun; e. g., domxbiyafY my (-fY scheme in § 92) killing you (-hi-), for me to kill you (cf. yexbiyaxdeY my biting you 116.9; -x-deY scheme n § 92). The classification of verbs into classes is reflected also in the infinitive forms, each of the three main classes being distinguished by a special infinitive suffix. The suffixes are: Intransitive I -(a y )x. Intransitive II -Ywa (-gwa). Transitive -ia (-yd) . The peculiar sub-classes that were grouped together as Class IV all form their infinitives in -Ywa (-gwa). Besides these three main suffixes, -(d) epx- (-apx-) with possessive suffixes is employed to form infinitives from reflexives in -gwi-, while active intransitives in -sea- form their infinitives by employing the bare stem-form with verbal derivative -xa. Infinitives in -xa'Ywa also occur. The infinitive often shows the stem in a purer form than the non-aorist finite forms; in particular the non-aoristic -p- of Class II intransitive verbs regularly disappears before the -gwa of the infinitive. Examples of infinitives are : 1 . From Class I intransitives : waixde* your sleeping yandex to go ba a -dawi s x to fly up Jioida K x to dance Jiogwa^x to run lo u x to play 31.7 t!e e wa y x to play shinny na £ ne y x doing 94.10; 72.4; 148.13 nelx saying 108.16; 184.10 gina y x to go (176.8) (from sim- ple base gin-; contrast third person future ging-a'H*) Stems ending in long diphthongs either take -x or -ax. Thus we have either 7ia-yeu-x-da a da or ~ha-ye e w-dx-da a da in their RETURNING 124.15. 2. From Class II intransitives: Ywa /a£ xgwa to wake up (in- tgelxgwa to run around, roll transitive) geiwa'lxgwa to eat oa-i-di'n e xgwa to march laYwa to become s-ds'anYwa to stand p I dial 'Ywa to tell a myth sand Ywa to fight § 74 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 203 3. From Class IV verbs: %-he e gwa f ¥wa ( = -lie e g w ~hag' Fwa) to work 4. From -xa- verbs : lu f£ xwa y ( = luk!-xa?) to trap 5. From reflexives : fgwd a xa r nfgwidepxdagwa to tattoo himself lu' £ xagwan£gwiapxde^F to trap for myself al-we f ~k!aWwa to shine da-bo £ ¥ba'xgwa to bubble under water (observe verb- suffix -x- of infinitive; but da-bok!oba'Vna £ n I make bubbles) pe'lxa to go to war (but also pelxa'Vwa 1 ) se e la r mfgwidepxde¥ to paint myself Jian-se e gwa , nfgwiapxdeV to paddle myself across From non-reflexive verbs are derived ga-iwiapxde^V my eating 6. From transitives : plala'xbiya to tell you a myth wuxiapxda a his coming to get me i-gaxga' 'xgwia to scratch one's self \i-Fwd /a ~k!wia to wake him i-gi's-gis'ia 2 to tickle him \i-Ywe f e£ xiya to wake me (164.20) wayanagwicf to run after him dd a -agania y to hear about it lo u gwia y to play with it wa £ -i-ddxia to gather them domVwia 3 to kill him The syntactical usage of verbal nouns of action is illustrated in the following examples: Jiuli'n¥wafV ~k!emncfnV he will make me tired (literally, my- tiredness he-will-make-it) t!omoxd a da wiyina f£ n I help him kill (literally, his-killing [ no ob- ject] I- aid-it) Tio'gwax gel-gulugwa /£ n I like to run (lit., running I-like-it) (196.8) a'nl £ yokldl nexde^V he does not know what I said (literally, not he-knows-it my-saying) xi- £ ugwia ga £ a y l in order to drink water (literally, water-drinking for) ba-i-k!iyi' £ V al-xi' £ xbiya ga £ a% he came to see you (literally, he- came seeing-you for) i Infinitives in -k'wa seem sometimes to be formed from other Class I intransitives, e. g., wisma'k'wa to move; haxa'k'wda to burn (also haxa'xgwaa). 1 Umlauted from H-gi's-ga-ria. 3 -k'wi- here represents objective -k'wa- umlauted by infinitive ending -{y)a (see § 8). Similarly s-umt'ia to boil it 170.16 from -t'aya. I 70 204 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 The normal method of expressing purpose, as the last two examples show, is by the use of an infinitive followed by the general locative postposition ga £ a y l to, at. tor. The infinitive, as its inclusion of the object shows, preserves its verbal character almost completely, and may itself govern another infinitive : 7c!emnia s al~we , Jc!al¥wd a to make it shine (literally, to-make-it its-shining) Not a few infinitives have become more or less specialized as regular nouns, though it is extremely doubtful if the transparently verbal origin of such nouns is ever lost sight of. Such nouns are : plala'Fwa myth 50.4; 172.17 ts'!ipna y x speech, oration (cf. ts'H'pnan I shall make a speech to them [146.11]) fge e mfga'mxgwa darkness sana'Ywa fight, battle gina y x passage-way 176.9 ts'!e e ma s x noise (cf. da a -ts!em- xde £ I hear a big noise 90.21) ye'l £ sgwix sweat (cf. ye'l £ sgwade e I shall sweat [140.1]) PARTICIPLES (§§ 75-78) § 75. General Remarks Participles are either active or passive, and may be formed with considerable freedom from all verbs. They have not been found with incorporated pronominal objects, the active participles being more adjectival than verbal in character, while the passives naturally hardly allow of their incorporation. The passive participle is often provided with possessive affixes that correspond to the transitive subjects of the finite verb; the active participle, on the other hand, undergoes no modification for person, but, like any adjective, is brought in con- nection with a particular person by the forms of the copula ei- be. § 76. Active Participle in -f This participle is formed by simply appending a -t\ one of the characteristic adjectival suffixes, to the verb-stem. Inferential and imperative -jf- of Class II intransitives disappears before this ele- ment (e. g., se'nsantf whooping), but not the non-aoristic -p*~, which is characteristic (see § 42, 1) of some of the verbs of the same class; e. g., sancfp* fight t ng (from *sana y p*f). Participles in -f never denote particular action, but regularly indicate that the action predi- § 75-76 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 205 cated of a person is one that in a way marks him off from others, and that may serve as a characteristic attribute. Not infrequently, there- fore, a -f- participle has the value of a noun of agency; the fact, how- ever, that it never appears with pronominal elements, but is always treated as an adjective, demonstrates its attributive, non-substantival character. It is possible to use it with a preceding nominal object, so that sentences may result that seem to predicate a single act definitely placed in time ; yet an attributive shade of meaning always remains. For example, wiliin domf eife s (literally, my-mothee hav- ing-killed i-am) and wiliin t!omoma f£ n both mean I killed my mother, but with a difference. The latter sentence simply states the fact, the emphasis being on the act itself; the former sentence, on the other hand, centers in the description of the subject as a matri- cide, i am one who has killed his mother. The latter sentence might be a reply to a query like what did you do? the former, to who are you? Examples of -f participles are : (gwi-na y V how constituted, of what kind? (gwi- [how, where] + naY [from no- do, act]) 14.4, 9, 10; 15.6 ga-ncfV of that kind, so in appearance 63.12; 192.7 wunt K ~k!eme e n I make him old (cf. wununfe 5 1 grow old) fgd a JiaxaY burnt field (not passive, but really = field that has at one time burned) 92.29 JtelV eife £ I know how to sing (literally, singing I am) yap!a lolidnV eife s I have killed (many) people (literally, people causing [ or having caused]-to-die I am) lohoY having died, dead 148.13 Tiawa' x-xiwi\' (it is) rotting xuda'mt* elfe e I am whistler ni'xa yi K lt K having copulated with his mother (insulting epithet applied to Coyote) 86.5, 6, 16 Examples of participles with lost -f have been given above (see § 18). § 77. Passive Participle in -{a)k'w t -M'w Nominal participial forms in -F w of passive signification can be freely formed from all transitive verb-stems, the stem invariably undergoing palatalization (see § 31). The suffix -Y w ordinarily requires a pre- ceding connective -a- replaced, as usual, by an instrumental -i- in such passive participles as are derived from verb-forms themselves provided with -i-. Participles in -ale"* tend to be accented on the § 77 206 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 syllable immediately preceding the suffix, in which case an inorganic -h- generally appears before the -a-; -7ia¥ w is also regularly used. with preceding fortis (see § 19). It is not unlikely that the suffix is organ- ically -7ia¥ w , the -Jia- implying continuity (see § 43, 5). Instrumental passives in -i¥ w , on the other hand, are generally accented, with raised pitch, on the -i- of the suffix. For example, dumlia¥ w (always) KILLED or STRUCK PERSON, but Wa-du u mV¥ w THING WITH WHICH ONE kills (literally, killed- with thing). Inasmuch as -¥ w - participles, differing in this respect from active participles in -f, are distinctly nom- inal in character, they may be provided with possessive suffixes; e. g., dumha¥ w -de¥ my struck one. Forms thus arise which, like -f -par- ticiples supplemented by forms of ei- be, have independent predicative force. What we have seen to apply to -f -participles, however, in regard to particularity of action, applies with equal if not greater force to predicatively used passives in -¥ w . While a sentence like I'daga tlomoma'n (dom¥am) that one was slain, with finite passive, implies the fulfillment of a single act, a sentence whose predicate is supplied by a passive participle (like I'daga dumha¥ w that one is [regularly] slain, struck) necessarily refers to habitual or regularly continued activity: I'daga dumha¥ w de s ¥ that one is my (regu- larly) struck one thus approaches in signification the finite frequentative I'daga t!omo'arnda e n that one i (always) strike, but differs radically in signification from both i'daga t!omoma' £ n i killed that one and i'daga domf elfe £ i am one that has killed THAT ONE. Examples of -¥ w - participles are: gwen-sgu' u£ f ok' w (those) with their necks cut off (21.2, 4, 5) xa-l-sgl' 4£ p'sgibik" w (bodies) cut in two 21.2; 22.3 (ml 4 ) gela'p'ak' w x something which is (already) twisted guhak* w na £ ne y x like something planted, sown wa £ -l-duxik' w de¥ I have been gathering them (literally, my gathered ones) dal £ -wa-pu't!ik* v (manzanita) mixed with (sugar-pine nuts) 178.5 fan fgwll gufdk' w da a squirrel has been burying (go u d~) hazel- nuts (literally, squirrel hazel-nuts [ are] his-buried-ones) 2 se¥ak' w de^¥ I (always) shoot (sa a g-) him (literally, my shot one) mlla'sliak tw de¥ I love her (literally, my loved one) 1 Cf. galdba' e n I twist it; -a'- above is inorganic, hence unpalatalized to -e-. 2 t'gwil (hazel-nuts) is the grammatical subject; gut'ok'wdaa predicates the subject; fan (squtbeel) is outside the main core of the sentence, being merely in apposition with the incorporated -daa (his) of the nominal predicate. § 77 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 207 As the last example shows, the indirective -s- of verbs with indirect object is preserved in -ha¥ w participles (contrast mllaH K -¥ he loved her [inferential]). Participles of instrumental signification in -V¥ w are freely employed to make up instrumental nouns, such as names of implements. Examples are: do u ¥-sgu' u t!i¥ w log-cut- with ( = saw) se e l-wa-se e la r mdi¥ w black paint (writing) - therewith - painted (written) ( = pencil) l-smi'lsmiliV w (thing) swung ( = swing) du¥ w -wa-sgu f H!i¥ w dress-therewith-cut ( = scissors) ~k!wal-ba a -sge¥sgigi¥ w grass-up-pitched-with ( = pitchfork) yap!a-wa-do u mV¥ w people-therewith-killed, e. g., arrow, gun da £ ma/xau al £ -wa-xi /i lc!i¥ v ' far therewith-seen, e. g., telescope mulmili y ¥ w something to stir (mush) up with It is interesting to note that forms in -¥ w may be formed from the third person possessive of nouns, chiefly terms of relationship. These are shown by the palatalized form of the stem to be morpholog- ically identical with passive participles in -F w . Examples are: Noun Participle ts'lele'i his eye 86.7, 9 ts'!ele'ik' w eye-having 27.9 ni'xa his mother 17.11 ; 126.7 ni'xak^ he has a mother ma'xa his father 17.12; 126.6 me'xak.' w he has a father ¥aHa' p%~k IVhis woman (178.8) ¥e ie le'pik!ik fw he has a wife 142.6 tllHa'pikfl 1 her husband 46.1 t!i ie le'p%Jc!ik. Kyr she has a hus- band Such forms in -¥ w may well be compared to English adjectives of participial form in -ed; e. g., left-handed, four-cornered. They may be further adjectivalized by the addition of -af (see below, § 108); e. g., me'xagwaf father-having. § 78. Passive Participles in -xap* {-sap 1 ) Less common than passive participles in -(a)¥ w are certain forms in -xap {-sap), which, like the former, show a palatalized form of the stem, and seem to be identical in function with them. Like -Y w - participles, again, they may be provided with possessive pro- nominal suffixes, though these belong to another scheme of endings : gel-gula'¥a¥ w -de'¥ my liked one, I like him { = gel-gula'xab-af¥) gel-gula f ¥a¥ w -da they like him { = gel-gula r xap) $ 78 208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Forms in -xap K are in particular use as names of articles of clothing. Examples are: gwen-wi' i£ x&])' handkerchief, neckerchief 188.5 (cf. gwen-wi H lc!an I shall wind it about my neck) daY-w%' i£ x&$ something wound about one's head m a -Z¥ (4) then (3) he dis- covered (4) a burnt-down (2) field (1) 92.26 yapla (1) do u mi'ysb (2) £ al-tlayalc (3) he discovered (3) killed (2) people (1) Both of these forms in -i'ya, it will be observed, are derived from transitive stems (haxani'ya from causative haxa-n- cause to burn, burn) , and would seem to be best interpreted as attributive passives corresponding to the attributive actives in -t\ To these forms belongs probably also : dtf-he'liya, (1) wa-iwl' 1 (2) girl (2) who sleeps on a raised board platform (1) (literally, perhaps, up-boarded girl [cf. he e la?m board]) 13.2 II. The Noun (§§ 84-102) § 84. Introductory Despite the double-faced character of some of the nominal deriva- tives of the verb-stem (e. g., the passive participles), there is formally in Takelma a sharp line of demarcation between denominating and predicative elements of speech. This is evidenced partly by the distinct sets of pronominal suffixes peculiar to noun and verb, partly by certain nominal elements appearing before the possessive affixes and serving, perhaps, to distinctly substantivize the stem. Only a i Not to be confused with transitive infinitives in -za\ § 83-84 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 211 small number of stems have been found that can, without the aid of nominal (or verbal) derivative elements, be used as both nouns and verbs. Such are: Noun Verb se fe l black paint, writing se e l-a'md-a s n I paint it lie' e l song 106.7; (164.16) Ml sing! (170.12) liw-a fa naga' i£ he looked (per- liwila' u-t' e £ I looked (152.17) haps = his-look he-did) 55.6 (imperative liu 14.11 ; [60.2]) du¥ w shirt 96.16 di-du¥ w wear it! (55.9; 96.16) tlilH gambling-sticks in grass- tlu'ltlal-siniba* let us gamble game at grass-game 31.9 xle /eS p* dough-like mass of i-xlep!e'xlil)-i £ n I mash it into camass or fat dough (94.11) xan urine xala f xam-f e e I urinate A number of cases have been found of stem + suffix serving as noun and verb (e. g., wilHJia^n menstkual " round" dance 100.10, 16: wilHJia r mt { 'e e i shall have first courses 162.7, 8); but in these it is probable that the verb is a secondary derivative of the noun. Even in the first two examples given above, a difference in pitch- accent serves to distinguish the noun from the verb-stem: ~kel-gulu < Y v ' he will sing, but lie' e l gel-gulu y ¥ w he likes, desires, a song. The use of a stem as both noun and verb in the same sentence may lead to such cognate accusative constructions as the English to live A LIFE, DREAM A DREAM: se' ' e l-se e la' 'msi write to me! du u gw% ri dl-du u gwa s n¥ she shall wear her skirt 55.9 If we analyze noun forms like t!ibagwa x nf¥ my pancreas and da a nxde x ¥ my ear, we find it necessary to consider fsx& more or less distinct elements that go to make up a noun with possessive suffix, though all of these but the radical portion of the word may be absent. First of all we have the stem (tliba-; da a -) which may or may not be similar in form to a verbal base, and which occurs either as an absolute noun unprovided with a pronominal suffix (body-part nouns and terms of relationship, however, do not ordinarily appear in their naked stem-form) , or as an incorporated noun; e. g., tliha-wesin I AM PANCREAS-DEPRIVED, MY PANCREAS HAS BEEN TAKEN FROM ME. Appended to the stem are the purely derivational or formative elements of the noun. Takelma is characterized rather by a paucity than an abundance of such elements, a very large proportion of its nouns being primitive, i. e., non-derivative, in character. Of the § 84 212 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 two nouns that we have chosen as types dd a nxde y Y shows no forma- tive element in the proper sense of the word, while the -gw- of tliba- gwa y nf¥ is such an element (cf . from stem llu- look liu-gw-ax-de K ¥ MY FACE) . More characteristic of the Takelma noun than derivational suffixes is a group of elements that are never found in the absolute form of the noun, but attach themselves to it on the addition of a pronominal suffix or local pre-positive. The -n- and -{a)n- of da a nxde s Y and tHbagwcfnfV, respectively, are elements of this kind (cf. ha-da-n-de in my ear; 7ia-t!ihagw-an-de in my pancreas), also the -a- of danaY¥ my rock (cf. Jia-dan-a y in the rock [from dcfn rock]), and the -u of Jia-fgau in the earth 33.7 (from fga earth). The function of these elements, if they have any and are not merely older formative suffixes that have become crystallized in definite forms of the noun, is not at all clear. They are certainly not mere connective elements serv- ing as supports for the grammatical suffixes following, as in that event it would be difficult to understand their occurrence as absolute finals in nouns provided with pre-positives ; nor can they be plausibly explained as old case-endings whose former existence as such was conditioned by the preceding pre-positive, but which now have entirely lost their original significance, for they are never dependent on the pre-positive itself, but vary solely with the noun-stem : ha-dan-a x in the rock; dd a -dan-a K beside the rock; dal-dan-a s among the rocks; dan-a y -f¥ my rock; daV-dan-a-de over my rock (with constant -a- from da y n rock 16.12) Jia-gwa°i-a y m in the road 62.6; da a -gwa a l-a x m along the road; gwa a l-a y m-£V my road (96.8) ; da¥-gwd a l-am-de over my road (48.6, 8) (with constant -am- from gwan road 148.7) For want of a better term to describe them, these apparently non- significant elements will be referred to as noun-characteristics. Not all nouns have such characteristics : ha-gelcfm in the river (from gela K m river 21.14) as opposed to xa a - gulm-cfn among oaks (from guWm oak 22.10, 11) Whether such nouns were always without them, or really preserve them, but in a phonetically amalgamated form, it is, of course, impossible to decide without other than internal evidence. A fourth nominal element, the pre-pronominal -x-, is found in a large number of nouns, including such as possess also a characteristic § 84 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 213 (e. g., da a -n-x-de s V) and such as are not provided with that element (e. g., sal-x-de^V my foot) ; a large number, on the other hand, both of those that have a characteristic (e. g., t!ibagw-a y n-£V) and of those that lack it (e. g., bem-fa a his stick) do without the -x-. A considerable number of nouns may either have it between the characteristic and the pronominal ending or append the personal endings directly to the characteristic, no difference in signification resulting. In such doublets, however, the pronominal suffixes be- long to different schemes : bilg-an-x-de K V and bilg-a^n-fV my breast se e ns-i-x-da' s and se e ns-i'- £ ? your hair wa a d-i'-x-da (92.24) and wa a d-l H his body 146.6 The characteristic -a- never tolerates a following -x-. Where doublets occur, these two elements seem to be mutually equivalent: ey-a x -£Y (112.6) and ei-x-de s ¥ my canoe (from el canoe 114.3). Such doublets, together with the fact that nothing ever intervenes between it and the personal suffix, make it possible that this -x- is a connective element somewhat similar in function to, and perhaps ultimately identical with, the connective -x- of transitive verbs. This, however, is con- fessedly mere speculation. What chiefly militates against its inter- pretation as a merely connective element is the fact of its occurrence as a word-final in phrases in which no possessive element is found : dagax wo'Vi- head without ha-da a -n-x moThiY in-ear red (i. e., red-eared) 14.4; 15.13 If the local phrase involves a personal pronominal element, the -x- disappears : dd a -n-x-de x ¥ my ear, but Jia-da-n-de in my ear This treatment marks it off sharply from the noun-characteristics. Fifthly and lastly, in the integral structure of the noun, comes the possessive pronominal suffix (the first person singular of terms of relationship, however, is a prefixed wi-) . The following tabulated summary shows the range of occurrence of the various elements of the noun: 1. Stem. Occurs as absolute noun (gwan), or incorporated in verb (da a -). 2. Derivative element. Occurs as ending of absolute form of noun whose stem appears only in incorporation: t!ibcf-V'° pancreas. § 84 214 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Lbull. 40 3. Noun characteristic. Occurs with all increments of absolute form of noun; i. e., with pronominal suffix (gwa a l-a y m-f¥) , with pre-positive Qia-gwa a l-a x m) , and with pre-positive and pronominal element Qia-gwa a l-am-de) . 4. 'Pre-pronominal -x-. Occurs with pronominal suffix (dd a -n-x- delc*) and pre-positive (ha-da a -n-x) , but never with pre-positive and pronominal element. 5. Pronominal suffix. Occurs in two distinct forms: one for nouns without pre-positives (da a -n-x-de y ¥) , and one for nouns accompanied by pre-positive (ha-da-n-de) . A tabulated analysis of a few typical words follows: Stem Derivative Character- istic Pre-pro- nominal Pronominal Meaning (ha-) wax.- 1 g-a^n in the creek W- ¥w- an- VIC my anus da-uyd'a- k'w.- de^k' my medicine-spirit da,o~ »n- X- de x k' my ear bo'k'd- an.- X- de x r my neck fc'a#- la'p'a.-k!- i- i'w my woman lou- si\- w my plaything sge'ee- xab.- a- t'k % my hat li'u- gw- ax- de s k x my face xaa- Tia'm- da on his back ts-.'e'k'tS'Hg- i- X- del? my backbone (ha-) yaw- a- de in my ribs doum.- a K l- t'k' my testicles xwl-(xan.) a s m- t:r my urine 1- u- X- deW my hand | (ftae-) l- u- de in my hand] 1 A point (.) shows the absolute form of the word. 1. Nominal Stems (§§ 85, 86) § 85. GENERAL REMARKS The stem is in a very large number of cases parallel in form to that of a verbal base (e. g., with da y n rock, s'om mountain, mex crane, cf. tlan- hold, s'om- boil, 7ie e m- wrestle). An extensive number of noun-stems, however, are apparently amplifications of a simpler monosyllabic base, and have all the outward appearance of an aorist stem in the verb. It becomes, then, not only possible, but fundamentally important, to classify noun-stems into types that seem, and ultimately doubtless are, entirely analogous in form to cor- responding verbal types. The noun-stem will- house, for example, can be conceived of as formed from a base wil- in the same manner § 85 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 215 as the aorist naga- is formed from the verb-stem na a g- say to some one. Similarly, the noun yele^x burden-basket is phonetically related to a hypothetical base *yelx-, as is the aorist leme-kl- to the non-aorist lem-k!-. A small number of nouns appear in two forms, one corresponding to the aorist stem, the other to the verb-stem of a verb: gulu y m oak, but with characteristic - (a) n-:gulm-an- (the non- aorist gula K m with inorganic -a- also occurs). Similarly, yulu^m and yula y m eagle. In such variable nouns we have a complete morpho- logic analogy to Type 2 (or 3)) verbs like aorist xudum- whistle, verb-stem xufm- (with inorganic -a-\ xudam-) . In both gulu s m and xudum- the -m- is almost certainly a suffixed element. It must be carefully noted, however, that, while in the verb we very often have both the aorist stem and the base (as verb-stem) in actual existence, in the case of nouns we rarely can go beyond the stem as revealed in an absolute or incorporated form. It is true that sometimes a hypothetical noun-base phonetically coincides with a verbal base, but only in the minority of cases can the two be satisfactorily connected. Thus, yut!-, abstracted from yut!u y n duck, is very probably identical with the yut!- of aorist yutluyad- swallow greedily like hog or duck. On the other hand, little is gained by comparing the yul- of yulu s m eagle with the yul- of aorist yuluyal- rub; the p!iy- of pli'yin deer and pli'yax fawn with the aorist -p!iyin-(¥wa~) lie on pillow (cf. gwen-pllxap' pillow), unless the deer was so called, for reasons of name-taboo, because its skin was used for the making of pillows (or, more naturally, the reverse) ; * the way- of way a? knife with way- sleep ; or the noun-stem yaw- rib (occurring as ya-u- when incorporated) with the verb-stem yaw- (yiw-) talk. It is not justi- fiable to say that noun-stems of apparently non-primitive form are necessarily amplified from the bases that seem to lie back of them (e. g., will- from wil-; yulu-m from yul-), but merely that there is a strong tendency in Takelma for the formation in the noun of certain typical sound-groups analogous to those found in the verb. § 86. TYPES OF STEM FORMATION Though it is probably impossible to duplicate all the various types of aorist and verb stem found in the verb, most of those that are at all frequent occur also in the noun. ^Improbable, however, if aorist p.'eyen- lie and p.Hyin-k'wa- lie on pillow are radically connected (see § 31). § 86 216 BUEEAXJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 1. The most characteristic type of noun-stem in Takelma is the monosyllabic group of consonant (less frequently consonant-cluster) + vowel (or diphthong) + consonant (less frequently cluster) . This type may be considered as corresponding to the normal monosyllabic verb-stem. Out of a very large number of such primitive, underived noun-stems are taken a selection of examples. Occurring as naked stems only when incorporated: s m in- nose da a - ear gel- breast gwen- neck dag- head S'al- foot Occurring as absolute nouns: nox rain 90.1 plitire 62.10; 78.13 he sun 54.3; 122.15; 160.20 hem tree, stick 25.5; 48.7 xi s water 15.1; 57.14 Zealand 49.12; 73.9 fgwa s thunder 55.8 p!a/- a s snow 90.2, 3; 152.16 fi>m salmon 17.12; 30.10 Ian salmon-net 31.2; 33.4 mat salmon-spear shaft 28.7 tfgwa s n slave 13.12 gwan trail 148.7 bus fly del yellow- jacket 73.7, 10 mex crane 13.1 xe^m raven 162.8, 12 s-em duck 55.2; 166.10 sel kingfisher mel crow 144.9; 162.7 ya¥ w wildcat 42.1; 46.9 xa y mV grizzly bear 106.14 dtp" camass 108.18; 124.12 'klwal grass 31.8 Ihlx roasted camass 178.4 6'V tobacco 194.1 Tclwal pitch 88.13; 158.9 yup~ woman's basket-cap 178.3 §86 gwel- leg yaw- rib %- hand xa a - back de e - lips, mouth Tia- woman's private parts mo x grouse fgweW w rat (spJ) t K i H s gopher 78.4, 7 sUn beaver 112.1; 166.12 s-ux bird 22.4; 166.10 da s n rock 13.6; 16.12 la' a p K leaves S'lx venison 16.6; 55.1 xln mucus Za v excrement 122.2 fga'm elk 158.4; 196.6 t!a¥ mussel 26.7 bo u n acorn-hopper xo'fir 24.10; 54.6 Jiul¥ panther 42.1 olV w skunk 164.2 fan squirrel 94.2, 4 S'om mountain 43.6 xan urine do u m testicles 130.20 do u m spider Jidu jack-rabbit 108.8 ga'l £ bow Jiai cloud 13.3 blu grasshopper 92.28, 29 xni y ¥ acorn dough 16.12 gm thick brush 71.1 fgwil hazelnut 116.5, 11, 14 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 217 Occurring generally with possessive suffix: ma ham 1 Ifather 17.12; 70.7; 158.3 146.6 xu u l- brains wa a d- body 92 24; 130.24; m- 1 se e n- skm Atn-J mother 17 - 9; 76 - 10 ' 13; delg- buttocks 45.9; 72.10; 172 - 17 94.15 gu u x-wiie 13.2; 45.3; 64.5; 142.12 bilg- breast th l - male, husband 45.14; 126.14 ¥u u l- hair 24.8; 162.4 nl l - teats 30.14 {nV found as o-is*- property 23.2; 154.13 absolute form 130.9) p!a a n- liver 120.15 (plan found as absolute form 57.9, 13) These lists might be very greatly increased if desired. It will be noticed that a considerable number of the nouns given are such as are generally apt to be derivative or non-primitive in morphology. In regard to accent monosyllabic nouns naturally divide themselves into two classes: — those with rising or raised accent, embracing the great majority of examples, and those with falling accent. Of the latter type a certain number owe their accent to a glottal catch of the stem. Besides ga'l e } already given above, may be cited: fgo' ie leggings Icla'l's sinew 27.13; (28.1) p!e' e l e basket-plate 168.15 ¥o f£ x tar- weed seeds 26.15 These offer no special difficulty. There is a fairly considerable num- ber of monosyllabic nouns, however, in which the falling accent can not be so explained, but appears to be inherently characteristic of the nouns. Besides d' U/ p\ p!a' a s, tfi H s, and la' a p\ may be mentioned: ae' e l song 106.7 */e /g F w yellowhammer 90. 18; 194.15 se' e l black paint, writing fbe' e ¥ w shinny-ball ge'tf xerophyllum tenax a'l¥ silver-side salmon ye'*C tears p!e fe s (with derivative -sf see § 87, wa ,a s bush (sp.?) 25.12 8) flat rock on which acorns are pounded 74.13; 75.2; 118.17 For two of these nouns (he' e l and se te l) the etymology is obvious. They are derived from the verb-stems Jie e l- sing and se e l-(amd-) paint; it may well be that the falling accent here characterizes sub- stantives of passive force (that which is sung, painted). Possibly la' a p and o' Ur p % are to be similarly explained as meaning those that 1 Most nouns of relationship show monosyllabic stems; none can be shown to be derivative in character. § 86 218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 ARE CARRIED (BY BRANCHES) and THAT WHICH IS DUG UP 1 (cf. aorist stems ld a b- carry and o u h- dig up). 2. A very considerable number of noun-stems repeat the vowel of the base, corresponding to aorist stems of Type 2 verbs. Such are: wi'li house 13.1; 14.8; 192.6 gwit!\-{n)- wrist fcr/i'xidog Fa&a- son 23.2; 128.5; 138.14 moxo v buzzard 105.23 cca^a- maternal aunt sgi' s\ coyote 13.1; 70.1; 108.1 xli'wi war-feathers 110.18 sgvArif raccoon wa^/a' knife 73.3; 144.20; 172.12 L'a'ma spit for roasting 170.17 #oyo'shaman47.11;142.7;188.7 ya^/a v person 14.12; 96.2; 128.2 wo u p!u-(n)- eyebrows y&n^ acorn 15.16; 16.9; 58.9 With probably derivative final consonant are : lege^m- kidney da,g& y n turtle Zap'am frog 102.10; 196.3 te'7axa/ a n blue-striped lizard yxrtxfm eagle 77.2; 122.15;164.8 wigln red lizard gulu'm oak 22.10 li'bin news 108.20; 194.9 Vvlu.m fish (sp.?) yi'win speech 126.10; 136.12 loxo^m manzanita 126.17; 178.5 te*/amaZ mouse 102.10; 104.9; 142.4 yutlvCn white duck 55.5 S'imi v Z dew pti'yin deer 17.1; 42.2; 54.2 (Jc!el)mehel-^ /i basket for cook- g&'Jc!a,n ladder 176.8 ing 178.4 Here again it will be observed that the rising or raised accent is the normal one for the second syllable of the stem. But here also a well-defined, if less numerous, group of noun-stems is found in which the repeated long vowel bears a falling accent. Examples are: fgwdsL' 3 - hooting owl 194.9 t!ibis'I n ant 74.4; 75.5 M u s'u' u chicken-hawk 142.6 da-iM/a/ a shaman's spirit (? from dawy- fly) 164.14 s'iihii ,u quail 70.2, 5; 71.4 maya' a -F w - orphan 154.5 Compare also Honors' below (Type 3); ts'HM fi Tc!- and fbele f£ s (Type 3) owe their falling accent to the presence of a glottal catch. Very remarkable is the stem formation of the noun tluxu'i drift- wood 75.5. It is evidently formed from the verb-stem do u x- (aorist stem tfoxox-) gather (wood) according to aorists of Type 7b, at the same time with vowel ablaut (cf. theoretic t!uxu-xi he gathers me) and falling accent, perhaps to give passive signification (see § 86, 1); its etymologic meaning would then be that which is gathered. No other noun of similar stem formation has been found. 1 If this etymology of 6'up' is correct, Pit River op' tobacco must be borrowed from Takelma. § 86 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 219 3. It is not strictly possible to separate noun-stems corresponding to aorists of verbal Type 2 from those that are to be compared with aorists of Type 3. The doubt that we found to exist in the verb as to the radical or sumxal character of certain consonants is present also in regard to the final consonant of many dissyllabic nouns. The following nouns with repeated vowel show final consonants that are not thought to be elements of derivation. If this view is correct, they are to be compared with Type 3 aorist stems. libis crawfish 30.2 ii'liik!- hair 27.1; 140.6; 158.1 nihwi K ¥ w black bear 116.1; deges 1 - sifting basket-pan 118.1 196.13 tS'!ili n Tc!- elbow Jcl&bs^s porcupine-quills s-idib-i- (house) wall 176.4, 9 fgw2Ly?L y m lark 22.1; 160.3 leples cat-tail rushes Jiiilun ocean 60.8; 154.14 £bele /£ s pine-nuts oho^p' black shells (sp. ?) 55.9 tlewex flea moi/oy seed-beater S'eleV™ pestle 56.1 yuklum- salmon-tail 198.9 s'uZuF cricket dugvfm baby 126.9 Honors- humming-bird (per- haps with derivative -s) 4. Analogous to aorist stems of Type 4 verbs (e. g., yewei-) are a few nouns with repeated vowel and following -i- to form a diphthong. Of such nouns have been found: ts-.'elei- eye 27.8 ; 86.7 ; 92.20 da-Jc!olo'i-da-x- cheek Fwedei- name 100.21 msJisfi (adjective) large 196.10 fc/eZei- bark 54.6 (cf. plural mahml 130.4 for Tclolol storage basket 61.5; base) 138.17 That the final -i- of these nouns is not an added characteristic, but an integral part of the noun-stem, is proven by the facts that no examples have been found of vowels followed by noun-characteristic -i- (ordinarily -n- or -m- is employed), and that ts'lelei- has been found incorporated in that form. 5. A few nouns are found that show a repeated initial consonant; they may be compared to Type 10 aorist stems. Examples are: . se e ns- hair 136.28 (cf. se e n- bo v p' alder (94.17) skin) 1#"1- throat 25.2 (? cf. aorist ts*!uVs (fe* lunts' !-) deer- lomol choke) skin cap embroidered with woodpecker-scalps 1 Absolute form dega"s 178.4; cf. yula^m 164.3 alongside of yulu'm 77.8? § 86 220 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 suns thick, deep (of snow) 90.3 ts'\e'n s s' (ts'Ients'!-) wild-rose berry 92.23 bebe y -n rushes bap' seeds (sp.?) (34.1; 79.9; 94.19) bu u h-a y n arm 23.2, 4; (172.4) ts'Ia^V 1 bluejay (onomato- poeic) 22.14; 102.10; 166.11 sens bug (sp.?) b^p* 2 swan 102.10; 104.14 Here may also be mentioned Tc!a f mak!a a his tongs (also ]c!a'ma a ). 6. Reduplicated nouns are not frequent in Takelma, particularly when one considers the great importance of reduplication as a gram- matical device in the verb. Examples corresponding in form to Type 12 aorists (i. e., with -a- [umlauted to -i-] in second member) are: fgwi'nfgvnn-i- shoulder (also ts'!e'Vts'!ig-i- backbone 112.4; t K gw%' l nCgw-%-) 198.6 gelgcfl fabulous serpent (cf. gi f xgap K medicine, poison aorist gelegal-amd- tie hair (irreg.) 188.12 into top- knot 172.3) sl { nsa K n decrepit old woman gwi'sgwas chipmunk yuVya'Yw-a (place name) p'dH'p 'icH- salmon-liver (with 188.13 dissimilated catch) 120. 19,20 £ ga'lt" gil-i- belly bo u fbid-i- orphans (&lsobofba) Also wa-iwl' 1 girl 55.7; 96.23 doubtless belongs here; the -vol' 1 of the second syllable represents a theoretic -wi'y, umlauted from -wa'y, the falling accent being due to the inorganic character of the repeated a. A very few nouns repeat only the first consonant and add a, leaving the final consonant unreduplicated. Such are: ba'Vba a red-headed woodpecker (onomatopoetic) 92.2, 6 ha' e Fd a ( = *Jia}c!-M a ) goose 102.10; 106.2, 5 hot* bd a orphan 122.1, 5 A few nouns, chiefly names of animals, show complete duplication of the radical element without change of the stem-vowel to -a- in the second member. This type of reduplication is practically entirely absent in the verb. Examples are: ts'!e fe ts'!e s small bird (sp.?) dl-k!ok!o y ¥ (adj.) ugly-faced 60.5 daldaH dragon-fly 21.1; 28.6 bobo y p* screech-owl 194.1 p'aba' a p' manzanita-flour t K ga'nCgan fly (upper dialect) Even all of these are not certain. Those with radical -a- might just as well have been classified with the preceding group (thus iThat -ts- is felt to be equivalent to -ts\> is shown by Bluejay's song: ts- la'its- !l-a gwa'tca gwatca 104.7. *bel-is felt as the base of this word, cf. Swan's song beleldo+ wa'inha 104.15, which shows reduplication of bel- like aorist helel- of hel- skg. § 86 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 221 dalda!l may be very plausibly connected with aorist tfalatlal- from tlalal-, non-aorist dattdal from da a l- crack); while p K aba! a p' and bobo^p* may, though improbably, show Type 1 reduplication (pab-a a b- like p!ab-ab- chop). This latter type of reduplica- tion seems, however, to be as good as absent in the noun (but cf. sgwogw6 s Tc w robin; mele y lx burnt-down field 92.27 may be morpho- logically verbal, as shown by its probably non-agentive -x). The fullest type of reduplication, that found exemplified in the aorists of Type 13 verbs, has not been met with in a single noun. 2. JSoun Derivation (§§ 87, 88) § 87. DERIVATIVE SUFFIXES The number of derivative suffixes found in the noun, excluding those more or less freely employed to form nominal derivatives from the verb-stem, are remarkably few in number, and, for the most part, limited in their range of application. This paucity of live word- forming suffixes is, of course, due to a great extent, to the large num- ber of nominal stems in the language. The necessity of using such suffixes is thus greatly reduced. The various derivational affixes found in the Takelma noun will be listed below with illustrative examples. 1. t\a)-. This is the only derivational prefix, excluding of course such considerably individualized elements as the body-part prefixes of the verb, found in Takelma. It is employed to form the words for the female relationships corresponding to elder brother and YOUNGER BROTHER. waxa his younger brother 54.1, 5 tfawaxa his younger sister 55.2 wi- £ obl my elder brother 46.10 wi-fobl my elder sister (55.14) 2. -la'p K a(k!-). This suffix is found only in a number of nouns denoting ranks or conditions of persons; hence it is not improbable that it was originally a separate word meaning something like per- son, people. That it is itself a stem, not a mere suffix, is shown by its ability to undergo ablaut (for- le'pi- see § 77). -Jc!- is added to it in forms with possessive or plural affix. For example, homt!l ie la r pa 178.7 male, husband are formed tll u la!pikli£W my husband (142.7) and V.lHa!p"aklan husbands, men (130.1, 7). The fact that the stem preceding -la! pa appears also as a separate word or with other elements indicates that words containing -la! pa may be best considered as compounds. § 87 222 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY • [bull. 40 Examples are: W £ la/p'a male, husband 178.7 (cf. til 1 - husband, male) &V e la'p'a woman 25,9, 12; 108.4, 5 (cf. Fa ic S'o'Fda girl who has already had courses) rao%ola/p*a old woman 26.14, 16; 56.3 (cf. mologo% old woman 168.12; 170.10) bd u t'bd a Wpeik!ari orphans (cf. botfba orphan and bo u fbid-i-fF my orphaned children) lomtll^Si'-p'siklan old men 128.11 ; 130.1 (cf . lomt!l H old man 24.1 1 ; 126.19) os*6 M la/p'a poor people 3. -7c\ A number of place-names with suffixed -F have been found : La'mhiV: Klamath river Sbink* Applegate creek (cf. sbln beaver) Gwen-funY village name 114.14 (cf. pu y n rotten 140.21) Ha-t!dnk" village name DaF-fgamlk' village name (cf. £ga x m elk) Gel-ydlY village name 112.13; 114.8 (cf. yal pine) Somolu^ * village name Dal-danVk. K village name (cf. da y n rock) 4. -a' £ (n). Nouns denoting person coming from are formed by adding this suffix to the place-name, with loss of derivative -F. Examples are: Ha-gwd a l&' £ person from Ha-gwal, Cow creek Lam~hl l y%! £ person from La'mhik', Klamath river Sbl l ndf £ person from Sbink', Applegate creek Dal-sa'lsana? person from Dal-salsan, Illinois river Dl £ -ldmiya> /£ person from DlMomi Gwen-p*u'n& £ person from Gwen-p'unk' Dal-daniya, ,£ person from Dal-dani x k' S'omolaJ £ person from S'omolu^k* (see footnote) Ha-t!o u ndJ £ person from Ha-t!onk* La-fga a wa,' £ person from La-t ? gau, uplands 192.14 DaF-fgamiy&' £ person from Dak'-t'gamik' Ha-fiHsi' 5 person from Ha-t'il Gel-ya a la, /£ person from Gel-yalk' 1Da¥-ts!d a wansL /£ person from dak'-ts !a a wa N n, i. e., above the lakes ( = Klamath Indian) DaF-ts !d a malsi /£ i The -u s - of this word is doubtless merely the pitch-accentual peak of the -1-, the -u- resonance of the liquid being due to the preceding -o-. The word is thus to be more correctly written as Somolk' (similarly, wulx enemy was often heard as wulu^x), as implied by S-omola' s one from Somolk'. In that event s-omo'l- is very probably a frequentative in v+l (see § 43, 6) from s-om mountain, and the place-name means very mountainous region. § 87 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 223 Dd a -gelma,' £ n person from Da a -gela x m, Rogue river (= Takelma Indian) Di-dalam&' ,£ n person from Didalam, Grant's Pass Judging from the material at hand, it seems that -a f£ n is used only when the place-name ends in -m, though the ease with which -a' e n may be heard as -a' £ (see first footnote § 60) detracts from the cer- tainty of this generalization. 5. -gw-. This element occurs as a suffix in a number of terms relating to parts of the body. Examples are # : ttibcf'k*™ pancreas 47.17; t!ibagw-a s n-f¥ my pancreas (47.5, 6, 7, 13) (incorporated t!iba- 46.1, 9) Wugw-ax-deY my face (cf. verb-stem llu- look) da £ madagw-a y n-f¥ my shoulder da-uya' a k.' w -de¥ my medicine-spirit (incorporated da-uya a - 164.14) le'k.'w-an-t'V my rectum (cf. Za v excrement 122.2) ma'p!agw-a-£Y my shoulder-blade' 6. -{ci)n- (or -m-, -l~). There are so many nouns which in their absolute form end in -{a)n or its phonetic derivatives -(a)m- and -(a) l- (see § 21) that there is absolutely no doubt of its suffixal character, despite the impossibility of ascribing to it any definite functional value and the small number of cases in which the stem occurs without it. The examples that most clearly indicate its non-radical character will be conveniently listed here : he e lsb y m board 176.5 (cf.dtf-he'liya sleeping on board platform 13.2) ts'leWm. hail 152.12, 16 (cf. verb-stem ts'Iel- rattle) pH'yiii deer 13.10; 42.2 (cf. pli'yax fawn 13.11; 49.11) yi'win speech 126.10; 138.4 (cf. verb-stem yiw- talk) li'bin news 194.9 (? cf. verb-stem laba- carry) yutlu^n white duck 55.5 (cf . verb-stem yutl- eat greedily) ido'lFeLm-a- anus (also do f lY-i- as myth form 106.4, 8) do f l¥\m-i- doWm-i- 106.6, 9 xdan eel (cf . reduplicated ~ha s -xdd' a xdagwa £ n I throw away some- thing slippery, nastily wet [49.7]) s'ugw^n. root basket 124.5 (cf. s'ugwidl it lies curled up like bundled roots or strings) dan ye' e wald-m-i l rocks returning-to- them, myth name of Otter 160.10, 13 (cf. verb-stem ye e w-ald- return to) Other examples, etymologically untransparent, will be found listed in § 21. The difference between this derivational -n (-m) and S 87 224 BUKEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 noun-characteristic -n- (-m) lies in the fact that the former is a neces- sary part of the absolute form of the word, while the latter appears only with grammatical increments. Thus the -am of lie e la y m board can not be identified with the -am of Jia-gwd a la y m in the road, as gwa°ia y m has no independent existence. The exact morphologic cor- respondent of gwa a l-am- is Jie e lam-a- (e. g., Jie e lam£a x -f¥ my board). A doubt as to the character of the -n- can be had only in words that never, or at least not normally, occur without possessive suffix: lege y m-t K ¥ my kidneys wo U/ p!u x n-t¥ my eyebrows * 7. -a* There are a rather large number of dissyllabic nouns or noun-stems with final -a, in which this element is to outward ap- pearance an integral part of the radical portion of the word. The number of instances in which it occurs, however, is considerable enough to lead one to suspect its derivational character, though it can be analyzed out in an even smaller number of cases than the suffix -n above discussed. The most convincing proof of the exist- ence of a suffix -a is given by the word xu'ma food, dry food, 54.4; 188.1, a derivative of the adjective xu s m dry 168.15 (e. g., pirn xu y m dried salmon; cf. also xumu'¥de £ i am sated [132.1]). Other pos- sible examples of its occurrence are: yoleS fox (? cf. verb-stem yul- rub) 70.1, 4, 5; 78.2, 3, 9 men^ bear 72.3; 73.2, 3, 4, 5; 106.7, 10 yields slug 105.25 noxwa? small pestle fe'lma, small pestle 62.1; 116.18, 19; 118.2 ma'xleL dust 172.3; 184.5, 9 fdeda? grass for string (sp.?) t!el& y shinny-stick (? cf. verb-stem t!eu- play shinny) t!eU K louse (? cf. verb base t!el- lick) 116.3, 6, 7, 8, 11 tlibsu- pancreas 46.1, 9; 49.7 eZa- tongue (characteristic -a- ?) dol& s old tree 24.1 yan^ oak 22.11; 168.1, 2, 3, 6, 7 (cf. yangwa^s oak sp.; with -gwas cf . perhaps al-gwa's-i- yellow) It is of course possible that some of the dissyllabic nouns in -a listed above (§ 86, 2) as showing a repeated vowel (e. g., ya'pla) really belong here. i These seem to be parallel to gwit!i y n-t'k' my wrist, in which -n-, inasmuch as it acts as the equivalent of the characteristic -u- (cf. givit!iuxde"k' my weist with luxdeW my hand), is itself best considered characteristic element. § 87 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 225 S. -s. This element is in all probability a derivational suffix in a fairly considerable number of words, as indicated particularly by the fact of its frequent occurrence after a consonant. Examples are: p!e' e s mortar-stone fastened in ground (cf. verb-stem pie- lie) 74.13; 120.17 la K ps blanket (? cf. base lab- carry on shoulder) 98.14 ; 15, 19, 21 p!e s ns squirrel gums (adj.) blind 26.14 (? cf. gomha y ¥ w rabbit) bels moccasin ~k!u y ls worm (? cf. verb-stem go u l-, aorist Iclolol- dig) yols steel-head salmon ( ? cf . yola s fox) bits moss 43.16; 44.1; 47.15 bami^s sky 79.7 (cf. verb-prefix bam- up) bah (adj.) long 14.5; 15.12, 15 (? cf. da-balni'-xa [adv.] long time) Also some of the dissyllabic nouns in -s with repeated vowel listed above (§ 86, 3) may belong to this set. A few other stray elements of a derivational aspect have been found. Such are: -ax in pli'yax fawn 13.11; 16.8; 17.1, 2 (cf. pli'yin deer) -xi 1 in bomxi s otter 13.5; 17.13; 154.13; 156.14; u' e xi seed-pouch; M a pxV child 13.8, 13 (cf. Mp'da his child 98.13 and ]ia a p- incorporated in Jia a p'-lc!emna ,£ s Children-maker 172.15) pluralic -x- in Tiapxda his children 16.3; 118.1, 14 -x- varies with -s- in adjective liapsdi small; Jia a pxi / Jiapsdi little children 30.12 A large number of dissyllabic and polysyllabic nouns still remain that are not capable of being grouped under any of the preceding heads, and whose analysis is altogether obscure: laxdiswotflS.l; 16.10; 17.10 domxa y u Chinook salmon yi¥aY red deer yiba'xam small skunk bixa y l moon 196.1 Jc!a'nak!as basket cup (probably reduplicated and with deriva- tive -s) § 88. COMPOUNDS Of compounds in the narrower sense of the word there are very few in Takelma. Outside of personal words in -la'p^a, which we have suspected of being such, there have been found : lomtn'* old man 24.11, 12; 126.19 (cf. ill 1 - male) ¥a i£ s-o'Vda girl who has had courses (cf. VaHa'p'a woman) i Cf. -xi above, § 82. 3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 15 § 88 226 BUEEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 Independent nouns may, however, be juxtaposed without change of form to make up a descriptive term, the qualifying noun preceding : Jiapxi-t!i' i fa a child male-person ( = boy) 14.1, 6; 17.3,6; 156.10 Jiapxi-wa-iwi'* child female-person ( = girl) 29.7; 30.1; 71.3 Jiapxi-£a a ga' s s child crier ( = cry-baby) da'n mologoH rock old-woman 170.10, 15, 20; 172.1 dan liapxi-t!i ;i fd a rock boy 17.8 dan wiHi H his rock knife 142.20 gwa's' will brush house (for summer use) 176.14 yax will graveyard house 14.8, 9; 15.5, 6 will* 7ie e Ia s m house boards 176.5 xamV wa-iwi H grizzly-bear girl 124.10; 130.6, 7, 26 mena dap!a'la-ufan bear youths 130.11 yapla goyo s Indian doctor 188.12 Examples of compounds in which the first element is modified by a numeral or adjective are: will ha e igo' yap!a s house nine people ( = people of nine houses) 150.16 yapla £ aWgu He s' goyo y person white doctor ( = white doctor) 188.11 A certain number of objects are described, not by a single word, but by a descriptive phrase consisting of a noun followed by an adjective, participle, or another noun provided with a third personal possessive suffix. In the latter case the suffix does not properly indi- cate a possessive relation, but generally a part of the whole or the fabric made of the material referred to by the first noun. Such are : lasgu'm-iuxgwaY snake handed ( = lizard) 196.4 fgwilts'H^Vda hazel its-meat ( = hazel-nut) fgwa he e lama fa thunder its-board ( = lumber) 55.8, 10 fliyin sge' eS xaba a deer its-hat (not deer's hat, but hat of deerskin) pliyin ts'lu'nts'li 1 deer its-cap-embroidered- with woodpecker- scalps Yai mologola' f p K axdd a what its- woman ( = what kind of woman?) 122.3 wi'li gwala s houses many ( = village) ts'li'xi mahaH dog big ( = horse) fim s'inlxda salmon its-nose ( = swallow) (perhaps so called because the spring run of salmon is heralded by the coming of swallows) mena s £ alfguna s px bear + ? ( = dormouse [ ? ]) xi'lam sebeY dead-people roasting ( = bug [sp.?]) 1 98.13, 15 yfun-yi s lC rotten copulating- with ( = Oregon pheasant) 1 See Appendix B, note 2 of first text. boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 227 § 89. 3. JVoun- Characteristics and Pre- Pronominal -x- As noun-characteristics are used four elements: ~(a)n (including -am and -at), -a-, -i-, and -u-. Although each noun, in so far as it has any noun-characteristic, is found, as a rule, to use only one of these elements, no rule can be given as to which of them is to be appended to any given noun. Nouns in suffixed -(a)n, or -(a)m, for" example, are found with characteristic -i- (bu u bin-i- [from bu u -ba K n arm]), -a- (he e lam-a- [from 7ie e la y m board]), -{a)n (gulm-an- [from gula^m oak]), and without characteristic (Jbo'Ydan-x-deV my neck [frombo'Fdan 15.12, 15]). 1. -(a)n. Examples of this characteristic element are : gwit!i-n- wrist (cf. variant gwit!l-u-) tlibagw-an- pancreas 45.15; 46.5 (absolute t!iba y Y w 47.17) da s madagw-em- shoulder ZeFw-an- rectum da a -n-x- ear 14.4; 15.13 (incorporated da a -) ts!a a w-QJi- lake, deep water 59.16 (absolute ts!au 162.9; 166.15) gulm-a,ii- oak (absolute gula y m) bob-in- 1 alder 94.17 (absolute bo y p') Its phonetic reflexes -al and -am occur in : S'd u m-al- mountain 124.2; 152.2 (absolute s-orn 43.6; 122.16) do u m-al- testicles 130.8 (absolute do u m 130.20) ts!a a m-dl- (in DaV-ts!a a mala /£ Klamath Indian, parallel to DaY-ts !a a wana' e ) gwa a l-&m.- trail 48.6, 8; 96.8, 9 (absolute gwan 148.7) xa a l-&m- urine (absolute xan) -am- is also found, though without apparent phonetic reason, in xa a - liam- back (incorporated xa a -) . Certain nouns add -g- before taking -an- as their characteristic: wax-gan- creek (absolute wa K x) del-gan-(x-) anus 45.9; 72.10; 94.15 bil-gan-(x-) breast gel-gan- breast (cf. variant gel-x-) 2. -a-. More frequently occurring than -{a)n- is -a-, examples of which are: dan&- rock (absolute da y n 17.8; dal-am- as possible variant in place-name Di-dala y m over the rocks [?]) ey-Si- canoe 112.6; 114.5, 13; 156.2 (cf. variant ei-x-) fgwan-o,- slave (absolute t'gwa y n 13.12) he e lam-Si- board 55.8, 10 (absolute 7ie e la^m 176.5) yd u l!w-&- bone 186.1; 196.17 (absolute yo u£ F w ) i This word happened to occur with following emphatic ya'a, so that it is probably umlauted from bob-an-. § 89 228 BTJEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 pim-Sb- salmon 31.1; 32.4 (absolute p*i y m 30.10, 11; 31.3.) do'l¥am-&- rectum (cf. variant do'l¥im-i~) ma'p!agw-&- shoulder blade (absolute ma'p!a¥ w ) yaw-Si- rib 194.10 (incorporated ya-u-) xiy-s,- water 58.6; 156.19; 162.13 (absolute xi s 162.7, 8, 14) 2?.%-a-fire 118.4; 168.19 (absolute ptt 88.12, 13; 96.17) All nouns in -xab- take -a- as their characteristic, e. g., sge f e£ xab-a-t¥ my hat (from sge' e£ xap' hat) 3. -i-. Examples of nouns with -i- as their characteristic are: du u gw-i- shirt 13.4; 96.26; 192.4 (absolute du¥ w 96.16) bu u bin-i- arm 31.4; 172.4, 5, 6 (absolute bu u ba y n 23.2, 4, 9) f gwi' 'no gwin-i- shoulder ts'!ugul-i- rope (cf. absolute ts'lu¥) ¥u u b-i- hair, skin 24.8; 160.6 uluk!-\- hair 27.1, 4; 126.11; 136.20; 158.1; 188.4, 5; 194.7. Tc!aUs!-\- sinew 28.1 (absolute Jc!a'l e s 27.13) ba a b-i- seeds (sp.?) 34.1; 79.9; 94.19 (absolute baf) Tclelw-i- basket bucket 170.14, 16, 18, 19 (absolute Jc!e y l 186.17) ma a l-\- spear-shaft 156.1 (absolute mat 28.7, 9, 10) duH-\- spear-point (absolute dul 28.8, 9; 156.19, 20) lvH-\-{x-) throat 25.2 mu u l-i- lungs t!egilix-i- skull 174.3 fgalfgil-i-(x-) belly ts'!e¥ts'!ig-i-(x~) backbone 112.4 tiam-i- father 158.3 (e. g., ham-i'- £ tf your father, but wi-7ia y m my father 138.19) A number of terms of relationship show an -i- not only in the second person singular and plural and first person plural but also, unlike Jiam-i- father, in the first person singular, while the third person in -xa(-a) and the vocative (nearly always in -a) lack it. They are: wi-¥abal my son (23.2, 3) : Fa6a/-xa his son 138.16 iwi £ -obl my elder brother : o'^-xahis elder brother 48.3; 62.2 (46.10) wi-fobi my elder sister : V o'^-xa his elder sister 55. 14 ; 56.6 m-L'a'si my maternal : Ar/aVa his maternal grandparent grandparent 14.2; (15.12) 16.1, 2; (154.18) wi-xddl my paternal uncle : xda-xa, his paternal uncle wi-hasi" my maternal uncle : Tia's-a, his maternal uncle wi-fadi" my paternal aunt : fa'd-a, his paternal aunt (63.9; 22.14 77.14) wi-xagai my maternal aunt : xaga'-x& his maternal aunt wi-ts!al my (woman's) : ste/a'-xa her brother's child; his brother's child 22.1 ; 23.8, sister's child 10; my (man's) sister's child 148.19; 150.4 § 89 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 229 Still other terms of relationship have an -i- in all forms but the voca- tive. It is probable, though not quite so certain for these nouns, that the -i- is not a part of the stem, but, as in the preceding group, an added characteristic element. Such nouns are: Vocative gamdi'-xa his paternal grand- gamda parent (170.21; 188.13) siw\'-xa her sister's child; his siwa brother's child waYdi'-xa his mother's broth- waYda 77 A er'sson 77.6; 88.14; (188.9) tlomxi'-xa 1 his wife's parent tlomxa lamtsli'-xa her brother's wife lamtsla yidY-xa her husband's sister yida nanbi'-xa his brother's wife; nanba his wife's sister ximni'-xa his relative by mar- ximna riage after linking member has died The -i- has been found in the vocative before the -a (but only as a myth-form) in obiya o elder brother! 59.3; 62.4 (alongside of oba), so that it is probable that the vocative -a is not a mere transfor- mation of a characteristic vowel, but a distinct element that is normally directly appended to the stem. Other examples of myth vocatives in -a appended to characteristic -i- are tsfaya o nephew! 23.1 (beside ts!a) and wb'Ydia> o cousin! 88.14, 15 (beside waYda). The stem Jiam- with its characteristic -i- is used as the vocative: Tiami o father! 70.5; 71.7; also o son! Quite unexplained is the not otherwise occurring -i- in the vocative of motf- son-in-law: mofia^ 166.6, 7. As already noted (see § 88, 2), nouns in -la'p'a regularly take an -i- after the added -1c!- of possessive forms : -Id'pHlcI-i-. 4. -u-. Only a few nouns have been found to contain this element as their characteristic. They are : i-u-x- hand 58.2; 86.13 (incorporated %-) gwit!i-\i-x- wrist 2 (cf. variant gwit!i-n-) Tia-u-x- woman's private parts 108.4; 130.8 (incorporated Tia-) Vga-u- earth, land 55.3, 4; 56.4 (absolute fga 73.9, 11, 13) -Homxa^u wife's parent (cf. tlomxi'xa his wife's parent 154.16; 164.19; see footnote, sub 3). i The first person singular shows -u as characteristic: wi-t!omza>u. 2 It is highly probable that this word has been influenced in its form by lux- hand, which it resembles in meaning, if it is not indeed a compound of it. § 89 230 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 The pre-pronominal element -x- is in some words appended directly to the stem or stem + derivational suffix; in others, to one of the noun-characteristics -(a)n, -i, and -u (never -a) . A considerable num- ber of words may or may not have the -x- after their characteristic; a few show variation between -a- and -x-; and but a very small number have -x- with or without preceding characteristic (e. g., gel-x-, gel-gan-, and gel-gan-x- breast) . Examples of -x- without preceding characteristic are: dag-a,x- head 1 90.12, 13; 116.8; 188.4, 5 (incorporated dale'-) sal-x- foot 120.18 (incorporated sal-) gwel-x- leg 15.15; 86.18; 122.10; 160.17 (incorporated form gwel-) de e -x- lips (incorporated de e ~) 186.18 gwen-tia-u-x- nape (incorporated gwen-ha-u-) 'ei-x- canoe (absolute el) dl £ mo-x- hips (incorporated dl e mo-) Kugw-SiX.- face bo¥dan-x- neck (absolute bo'Vdari) 7ia a n-x- 2 brothers 136.7 Rather more common than nouns of this type seem to be ex- amples of -x- with preceding characteristic, such as have been already given in treating of the noun-characteristics. A few body- part nouns in -x- seem to be formed from local third personal pos- sessive forms {-da) ; e. g., di' £ alda-x-deY my forehead from dl ,£ alda at his forehead (but also d% is aH-£~k\ with first personal singular pos- sessive ending directly added to stem or incorporated form dl u al~) ; da-klolo'ida-x-deY my cheek is evidently quite parallel in formation. Body-part nouns with pre-pronominal -x- end in this element when, as sometimes happens, they occur absolutely (neither incorporated nor provided with personal endings). Examples of such forms fol- low: haux woman's private parts 130.19 da'gax head yu'TcIalx teeth 57.4 dayawa'ntHxi %u s x other hand 86.13 gwelx dayawa'ntlixi other leg 86.18 l -ax- contains inorganic -a-, and is not to be analyzed as characteristic -a- + -x- (parallel to -i- + -x-). This is shown by forms in which -x- regularly disappears; e. g.,dak'-de over me (not *dag-a-de as parallel to -s-in-i-de). 2 Perhaps with pluralic -x- as in hdap-x- children, p. 225. § 89 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 231 4. Possessive Suffixes (§§ 90-93) § 90. GENERAL REMARKS The possessive suffixes appended to the noun embrace elements for the first and second persons singular and plural and for the third person; the form expressing the latter is capable of further ampli- fication by the addition of an element indicating the identity of the possessor with the subject of the clause (corresponding to Latin suus as contrasted with eius). This element may be further extended to express plurality. Altogether four distinct though genetically related series of possessive pronominal affixes are found, of which three are used to express simple ownership of the noun modified ; the fourth is used only with nouns preceded by pre-positives and with local adver- bial stems. The former set includes a special scheme for most terms of relationship, and two other schemes for the great mass of nouns, that seem to be fundamentally identical and to have become differentiated for phonetic reasons. None of these four pronominal schemes is identical with either the objective or any of the subjective series found in the verb, though the pronominal forms used with pre- positives are very nearly coincident with the subjective forms found in the future of Class II intransitives : ha-wilide in my house, like s'a's-ante e I shall stand 7ia-will fi da in his house, like s-a's'antd a he will stand The following table gives the four possessive schemes, together with the suffixes of Class II future intransitives, for comparison: x Terms of relation- ship Scheme II Scheme III With pre- positives Future in- transitives II Singular: First person . . . wi- -d'ek' -rr -de -dee Second person . . . -'h' -de* -'H' -da* -da- Third person . . . -xa, -a -da -', -'C -'da -da Plural: First person . . . -da'm -da'm -da'm -da'm -(p')igam Second person . . . -H'ban -daba*n -'H'ban ^-daba^n {-'H'ban \-daba s Singular reflexive: Third person . . . -xagwa, -agwa -dagwa -'t'gwa \-'dagwa \-'t'gwa Plural reflexive: Third person . . . -xagwan, -agwan -dagwan -'t'gwan {-'dagwan {-'t'gwan A complete comparative table of all pronominal forms is given in Appendix A. 90 232 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 It will be observed that the main difference between the last two schemes lies in the first person plural; the first scheme is entirely peculiar in the first person singular and third person. The first person plural possessive suffix (-da'm) resembles the endings of the sub- jective future of the same person (-iga'm, -anaga'm) in the falling accent; evidently there is a primary element -a'm back of these various endings which has amalgamated with other suffixes. As seen from the table, reflexive suffixes exist only for the third person. The plural reflexive in -gwan has often reciprocal significance : wu'lxdagwan their own enemies ( = they are enemies) The suffixes of the first and second person plural may also have reciprocal significance : wulxda'm e e bW we are enemies (lit., our enemies we are) cf. 180.13 §91. TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP ham- (ma-) father, hin- (ni-) mother, Idas- maternal grand- parent, and oeyan- daughter may be taken as types of the nouns that form this group. 1 Singular: First person . Second person Third person Plural: First person . Second person Singular reflexive: Third person . Plural reflexive: Third person . Vocative .... wiha y m hami' s t' ma'xa hamida'm hami'H'ban ma'xagwa ma'xagwan harm wihVn M'nfl? ni'xa hinda'm M'nH'ban ni'xagwa ni'xagwan hinde) [s-na]\ wik.'asi* kfasi'U* kfa'sa k.'asida'm klasi'H'ban k.'a'sagwa k! a' sag wan k.'asa wibeya x n beya'nH' beya'n beyanda'm beya'nH'ban beya'nfgwa beya'nfgwan [hinde s -na\ The first two of these are peculiar in that they each show a double stem; the first form (ham-, hin-) is used in the first and second persons, the second (ma-, ni-) in the third person. Despite the phonetically symmetrical proportion ham- : ma- — hin- : ni-, the two words are not quite parallel in form throughout, in that hin- does not show the characteristic -i- found in certain of the forms of ham-. i Out of thirty-two terms of relationship (tabulated with first person singular, third person, and vocative in American Anthropologist, n. s., vol. 9, pp. 268, 269) that were obtained, twenty-eight belong here. S 91 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 233 Of the other words belonging to this group, only that for friend shows, or seems to show, a double stem: wiJc!u u ya y m my friend £Lii&Jc!u'yam o friend! 31.6, 8; 32.4, 6 but Jc!u u ya''pxa his friend 190.2, 4 and JcIuyaba'H* (with inorganic rather than characteristic a) your friend 198.2. Irregular is also wi-k!b u xa y my son's wife's parents: Jc!o u xa'm-xa his son's wife's parents 178.9, in which we have either to reckon with a double stem, or else to consider the -m- of the latter form a noun-characteristic. Other terms of relationship which, like Mn-, append all the personal endings without at the same time employing a characteristic are : wa a - younger brother 42.1; 64.4 (also fawa a - younger sister 58.1, 5; 188.10) lc!e e h- husband's parent wayau- daughter-in-law ([ ? ] formed according to verb-type 1 1 from way- sleep) 56.8, 9 S'iyd s p'- woman's sister's husband or husband's brother Jiasd- 1 man's sister's husband or wife's brother 152.22 Jcluyal™.'] friend 180.13; 196.19; 198.2 bey an- daughter 13.2; 70.1, 4; 118.1, 4 belongs, morphologically speaking, to the terms of relationship only because of its first per- sonal singular form; all its other forms (the vocatives really belong to Mn-) are built up according to Scheme III. As far as known, only terms of relationship possess vocative forms, though their absence can not be positively asserted for other types of nouns. The great majority of these vocatives end in -a, which, as in wa o younger brother! may be the lengthened form with rising accent of the final vowel of the stem, or, as in Tclasa o grandmother! 16.3, 5, 6; 17.2; 154.18 added to the stem, generally with loss of the characteristic -i-, wherever found, wayau- and s'iya £ p'-, both of which lack a characteristic element, employ as vocative the stem with rising accent on the a- vowel: wayau o daughter-in-law! and s'iyoZ s p K o brother-in-law ! (said by woman) . This method of forming the vocative is in form practically equivalent to the addition of -a. s-na 2 mamma! and Jiaikla o wife! husband! are vocatives without corre- sponding noun-stems provided with pronominal suffixes, beyan- daughter and Yaba- son, on the other hand, have no vocative i wiha y st' my wife's brother is the only Takelma word known that terminates in -st'. 2 Inasmuch as there is hardly another occurrence of s-n- in Takelma, it is perhaps not too far-fetched to analyze S'nd into s'- (cf. second footnote, p. 8) +na (vocative of ni- in ni'xa his mother). § 91 234 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 derived from the same stem, but employ the vocative form of mother and father respectively. Of other vocatives, Tclu'yam 1 o friend! 31.6, 8; 32.4, 6 is the bare stem; Jiami 70.5; 71.7, the stem with added characteristic -i- ; Jiinde o mother! daughter! 56.7; 76.10, 13; 186.14 is quite peculiar in that it makes use of the first personal singular ending (-de) peculiar to nouns with possessive suffix and pre- ceding pre-positive. Only two other instances of a nominal use of -de without pre-positive or local adverb have been found: mo't'e e my son-in-law! (as vocative) 164.19; and Vwi'naxde my folks, rela- tions, which otherwise follows Scheme II (e. g., third person ¥wi'naxdd a ). The normal pronominal suffix of the third person is -xa; -a is found in only four cases, ~k!a'sa his maternal grandparent, lia'sa his MATERNAL UNCLE, f a' da HIS PATERNAL AUNT, and Tia'sdo, HIS BROTHER- IN-LAW. The first two of these can be readily explained as assimi- lated from *Jc!a'sxa and *Jia'sxa (see § 20, 3); *Vadxa and *7iasdxa, however, should have become *fa'sa and *1ia'sa respectively. The analogy of the first two, which were felt to be equivalent to stem + -a, on the one side, and that of the related forms in -d- (e. g., f add and Jiasda) on the other, made it possible for fa' da and lia'sda to replace *fa'sa and *lia'sa, the more so that a necessary distinction in form was thus preserved between lia'sa his maternal uncle and lia'sda (instead of *~ka'sa) his brother-in-law. The difference in signification between the third personal forms in -xa and -xagwa (similarly for the other pronominal schemes) will be readily understood from what has already been said, and need not be enlarged upon: ma'xa wd a -liimiY he spoke to his (some one else's) father ma' xagwa wa a -himiY he spoke to his own father There is small doubt that this -gwa is identical with the indirect reflexive -gwa of transitive verbs with incorporated object. Forms in -gwan seem to refer to the plurality of either possessor or object possessed: Yaoa'xagwan their own son or his (her) own sons eixdagwan their own canoe or his own canoes The final -n of these forms is the indefinite plural -an discussed below (§ 99). Plural (?) -gwan is found also in verb forms (144.12; 150.24). 1 k.'uyam- is perhaps derived, by derivational suffix -(a)ra, from verb-stem klouy- go together with one. § 91 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA § 92. SCHEMES II AND III 235 As examples may be taken dagax- head, which follows Scheme II, and will- house, dana- rock, tUbagwan- liver, and xa a 7iam- back, which follow Scheme III. Singular: 1st person da'gaxdek' wiliYk' dana^t'k* t.'ibagwa^nt'k' xaaha^mt'k' 2d person da'gaxde? wili'n dana' s t' t!ibagwa'n=t* xdaha'mW 3d person da'gaxda will'i dana'a t.'ibagwa'n x&aha'm Plural: 1st person da'gaxdam wilida'm danada'm t.'ibagwa'ndam xdaha'mdam 2d person daga'xdaba^n wili'H'ban dana' s f ban t!ibagwa'n-t*ban xaaha'raH'ban Singular reflex- ive: 3d person daga'xdagwa wili't'gwa dana't'gwa t.'ibagwa'nCgwa xmha'mt'gwa Plural reflex- ive: 3d person daga'xdagwan wili't'gwan dana't'gwan t.'ibagwa'nt' gwan xdaha'mt'gwan A third person plural -dan also occurs, as in dumha¥ w dan his SLAIN ONES Or THEIR SLAIN ONE 180.2. Scheme II is followed by the large class of nouns that have a pre- pronominal -x-, besides a considerable number of nouns that add the endings directly to the stem. Noun-characteristics may not take the endings of Scheme II unless followed by a -x- (thus -a y nf¥ and -anxde x ¥; -iYJc* and -ixde y V). Examples of Scheme II nouns with- out preceding -x- are : a-is'de y Y my property (though -■§•- may be secondarily derived from -s'x- or -tx-) 23.2, 3; 154.18, 19," 20; 158.4 mo'VeY my son-in-law (152.9) (incorporated mot'-) se' e lt'e¥ my writing, paint (absolute se' e l) Jie'WeV my song (164.16; 182.6) (absolute Jie fe l 106.7) U'H H ¥de¥ my meat (44.3, 6; 170.6) wila/uVek* my arrow (45.13; 154.18) (absolute wilcfu 22.5; 28.1,2; 77.5) ga'WeV my bow (154.19; 190.22) (absolute ga'l e ) la'psdeV my blanket (absolute la S/ ps 98.14, 15, 19, 21) ts'Uxi-maha'it'eV my horse (absolute ts- !i' 'xi-mahaH) Scheme III is followed by all nouns that have a characteristic immediately preceding the personal suffix or, in nearly all cases, whose stem, or stem + derivative suffix, ends in -a- (e. g., tlelaYV my shinny-stick [from Mela?]), -i-, -ei- (e. g., ts-!elelf¥ my eye [from ts'lelei-]), -n (e. g., sent'F my skin), -m, or -I 1 (e. g., dl is a y lt'V 1 In most, if not all, cases the -n, -m, or -Z is a non-radical element. It is not quite clear in how far stems ending in these vowels and consonants follow Scheme II or Scheme III. § 92 236 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Tbull. 40 my forehead [from dl ie al-]) . The third person is, at least super- ficially, without ending in all nouns of this group whose pre-pro- nominal form is not monosyllabic. The third personal form is characterized by a falling accent on the final syllable, -a- and -i- being lengthened to -d' a and -l H respectively. Other forms are : ts'lele'i his eye 27,8; 86.7, 9; (cf. 54.6) dd u ma'l his testicles 130.8; 136.5 xaHa'm his urine gwitli'n his wrist There is no doubt, however, that these forms without ending origi- nally had a final -f f as indicated by the analogy of third personal forms in -da in Scheme II, and as proved by the preservation of the -f - before the reflexive suffix -gwa and in monosyllabic forms : p!a' a nf his liver 120.2, 15 m!H K her teats 30.14; 32.7 tli'H* her husband (17.13) sa/H" his discharge of wind 166.8 Though the conditions for the loss of a final -f are not fully under- stood, purely phonetic processes having been evidently largely inter- crossed by analogic leveling, it is evident that the proportion will'* his house: m'H* her teats = s-as'inl he stands: wit he travels about represents a by no means accidental phonetic and morphologic correspondence between noun and verb (Class II intransitives) . The falling pitch is peculiar to the noun as contrasted with the verb- form (cf. 7ie' e l song, but Ml sing!). Monosyllabic stems of Scheme III seem to have a rising accent before -tfgwa as well as in the first person. Thus : lafgwa his own excrement 77.1 tllfgwa her own husband (despite t!i fi f) 45.14; (59.16; 60.2); 128.22 Nouns with characteristic -i- prefer the parallel form in -i'-x-dagwa to that in -i'-tgwa. Thus: lu u bini'xdagw& his own arm, rather than bu u hini'£gwa, despite hu u biniH*F my arm The limitation of each of the two schemes to certain definite pho- netically determined groups of nouns (though some probably merely apparent contradictions, such as ga'l-H^eY my bow and di i£ a y l-flc* 1 -t'k' always requires preceding rising or raised accent. As gal- bow seems to be inseparably connected with a falling accent (very likely because of the catch in its absolute form), it is, after all, probably a phonetic reason that causes it to follow Scheme n rather than ILL § 92 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN" LANGUAGES TAKELMA 237 my forehead, occur), together with the evident if not entirely sym- metrical parallelism between the suffixes of both, make it practi- cally certain that they are differentiated, owing to phonetic causes, from a single scheme. The -a- of -da (-dagwa) and -daba £ n (as con- trasted with -f and -H'ban) may be inorganic in origin, and intended to support phonetically difficult consonant combinations : guxda his wife (from *gih%-t') 13.2; 43.15; 49.6, like %-lasga? touch it (from stem lasg-) The -e-, however, of -de¥ 32.6 and -de £ 31.1; 59.3 can not be thus explained. It is not improbable that part of the endings of Scheme III are due to a loss of an originally present vowel, so that the primary scheme of pronominal suffixes may have been something like : Singular: First person, -d-e¥; second person, -d-e £ ; third person, -f. Reflexive : Third person, -f-gwa. Plural : First person, -d-a'm,; second person, -t-ba £ n. It can hardly be entirely accidental that all the suffixes are char- acterized by a dental stop ; perhaps an amalgamation has taken place between the original pronominal elements and an old, formerly significant nominal element -d-. § 93. POSSESSIVES WITH PRE -POSITIVES As examples of possessive affixes attached to nouns with pre- positives and to local elements may be taken da¥- over, wa- 1 to, liaw-an- under, and 7ia- £ lu- in hand. Singular: First person . . . Second person . . Third person . . Plural: First person . . . Second person . . Singular reflexive: Third person . . Plural reflexive: Third person . . dak'de over me dak'da* da'k'ddada dak'da'm da'k'daba s n da'k'dagwa da'k'dagwan wade to me wada' s wa'ada wada'm wd'atfban wa'Vgwa wa'fgwan hawande under me haivanda' £ haica'nda hawanda'm Mwa'nH'ban Jiawa'nfgwa hawa'nt'gwan haHude in my hand haH'uda e haH'uda haHuda'm hazi'uH'ban haH'ut'gwa haH'uf The apparently double ending -dd a da of the third person of daY- is not entirely isolated (cf. Tia-ye e wa'x-da a da in their time of return- ing; 7ie' e£ ~da a da beyond him), but can not be explained. The use of i It is possible that this wa- is etymologically identical with the verbal prefix wa- together. The forms of wa- given above are regularly used when reference is had to persons, the postposition ga-a K l being employed in connection with things: wa'ada gini' s k' he went to htm (56.11); 148.6; s-om ga-a'l gini' £ k' HE WENT TO THE MOUNTAIN (43.6). § 93 238 BUEEATJ OF AMEBIC AN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 -dagwa and -daha £ n on the one hand, and of -fgwa and - £ fban on the other, is determined by the same phonetic conditions as differentiate Schemes II and III. A third personal plural in -fan (apparently = -d- + -Jian) is also found: de /e fan in front of them 190.13 (but de' e da before him 59.14); xa a -s-ogw% ri fan between them (see below, p. 240); wa' a fan to them 160.15. A form in -xa seems also to occur with third personal plural signification: wa'xa ts'!inl'Hs m !anx he got ANGRY AT THEM; dihatiXd AFTER THEM, BEHIND THEIR BACKS 132.13. The number of local elements that directly take on possessive suf- fixes seems fairly considerable, and includes both such as are body- part and local prefixes in the verb (e. g., da¥~) and such as are used in the verb only as local prefixes (e. g., wa- y dal-) ; a few seem not to be found as verbal prefixes. Not all adverbially used verbal pre- fixes, however, can be inflected in the manner of daVde and wade (e. g., no *hade can be formed from ha-) . A number of body-part and local stems take on a noun-characteristic: 7iaw-an- under (from Tia-u-) xa a -'ham-de L about my waist (from xa a -) The local elements that have been found capable of being followed by pronominal affixes are : daFde over me (56.9; 110.18); 186.4, 5 wade to me (56.15; 60.1; 63.14; 88.13; 150.18; 194.1) xa a liamde about my waist gwelda" under it 190.17 gwe'nda (in Gwenda yu f sa a = being at its nape, i. e., east of it) d% H da close in back of him, at his anus 138.2 dinde behind me (? = verb-prefix dl £ - anus, behind + noun-char- acteristic -n-) (86.9; 138.3; 170.1) hawande under me (71.1, 5, 12) gelde in front of me, for (in behalf of) me dede in front of me (59.14; 124.20) hd £ yade around me M e£ da a da beyond him 148.9 Jia'nda across, through it da'lfgwan among themselves 98.2 gwen-Jia-ude at my nape; gwen-Jiautfgwa in back of his own neck 75.2 di-Jia-ude after I went away, behind my back (132.10; 186.8; 192.4) i It is only the different schemes of personal endings that, at least in part, keep distinct the noun xaaham- back and the local element xaaham- on back, about waist: xdaha'm his back, but xdaJia'mda on his back, at his waist; xwha'mdam our backs and on our backs. § 93 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 239 di i£ -a'lda over his eyes, on his forehead (172.3) nb'tsladam neighboring us (= stem notsi- next door -f noun- characteristic -a-) (98.13) When used as local pre-positives with nouns, these local stems drop their characteristic affixes, and thus appear in the same form in which they are found in the verb (e. g., xa a -gwelde between my legs), except that ha-u- under as pre-positive adds an -a-: Jiawa- (e. g., hawa-salde under my feet). The various pre-positives found pre- fixed to nouns with possessive suffixes are : 7ia- in liawa- under daV- over dl l - above da a - alongside al- to, at de-, da- in front of xa a - between, in middle of gwen- at nape, east of di s - at rear end, west of dot- away from Jian- across (?) gel- facing gwel- under, down from The noun itself, as has already been seen, appears with its charac- teristic, f ga earth, however, perhaps for some unknown phonetic reason, does not retain its characteristic -u- before the possessive suffixes (Jia-fgdu in the country 33.7, but 7ia-fga a de in my country 194.4) Examples of forms of the type haHude in my hand are: 7ia-dl'fgwa in back of him, in his anus (incorporated dl e ~) 94.11 da a -yawade * aside from me (literally, alongside my ribs) daF-s-alde on top of my feet 198.6; (cf. 44.8) Tiawa-luHide under my throat daY-s-inl H da over his nose 144.11 al-guxwida'm woY we have enough of it (literally, to-our-hearts it-has-arrived) 128.1 Jia-wilide in my house (64.2; 88.18; 120.14) ha-ye e waxde in my returning (= when I return) (124.15) dl-delga'nfgwa behind himself, at his own anus (72.10) al-wa a di'Vgwan at one another (literally, to each other's bodies: wd a d-i- body) (96.22; 146.2; 190.19) i Also dal-yawade aside from me (with verb of throwing) (=literally, away from my ribs). § 93 240 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 lia-sa'lda (thinking) of her (literally, in her footsteps) 142.13. dtf-dande over my ear dtf-ts'ldeide over my eyes ha-dede in my mouth (170.2; 182.17) gwen-boYdande at my nape xd a -s'inide resting on my nose (like spectacles) gwel- £ wa a dide down from my body 198.4 Several such forms with apparently simple local signification contain after the pre-positive a noun stem not otherwise found : xa a -S'ogwida'm between us Jia- £ winide inside of me (73.1; 92.17) di-bo u wide at my side da £ oldide close to me (124.9) (cf. adverb da £ o y l near by 102.6) Such a non-independent noun is probably also Jia-u- in gwen-lia-u- and di-7ia-u-, both of which were listed above as simple local elements. Instances also occur, though far less frequently, of pre-positives with two nouns or noun and adjective; the first noun generally stands in a genitive relation to the second (cf., § 88, the order in juxtaposed nouns), while the second noun is followed by the third personal possessive -da. Such are: gwen-tga a -ho'¥ dan-da at nape of earth's neck (= east) 79.6; 102.4 dl-t' 'gd a -yu'lc !uma a -da at rear of earth's tail (= west) 146.1; 198.9 Jia-f ga a -yawa' a -da in earth's rib ( = north) (cf. 194.9) dd a -xi-ts- !e¥ts- !igi H -da alongside water's backbone ( = not far from shore) xa a -xi-ts' ! 'ekHs' !igl H da in middle of water's backbone (= equally distant from either shore) 112.4 Ha-ydH-ba'ls-da 1 in its long (i. e., tall) (hols) pines (yal) (= place- name) 114.9 Dl-flol-tsli'l-da over (dl 1 ) its red (tslil) bed (p!ol ditch) ( = Jump-off Joe creek) Al-dan-lclolo'i-da 1 to its rock (da y n) basket (kfoloi) ( = name of mountain) Rather difficult of explanation is de-de-vrili H -da door, at door of house 63.11; 77.15; 176.6, which is perhaps to be literally rendered in front of (first de-) house (will) its (-da) mouth (second de-) (i. e., in front of doorway). The difficulty with this explanation is that it necessitates the interpretation of the second noun as a genitive in relation to the first. 1 Observe falling accent despite rising accent (bals, Jtiolol) of independent noun, -da with pre-positives, whether with intervening noun or noun and adjective, consistently demands a falling accent before it. § 93 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 241 5. Local Phrases (§§ 94-96) § 94. GENERAL REMARKS Local phrases without possessive pronouns (i. e., of the type in the house, across the river) may be constructed in three ways. A local element with third personal possessive suffix may be used to define the position, the noun itself appearing in its absolute form as an appositive of the incorporated pronominal suffix: da'n gwelda x rock under-it (i. e., under the rock) da'n handa through the rock dan Jia' as ya a da around the rock dan da £ oldi fi da near the rock dan ge'lda in front of the rock dan di'nda behind the rock There is observable here, as also in the method nearly always employed to express the objective and genitive relations, the strong tendency characteristic of Takelma and other American languages to make the personal pronominal affixes serve a purely formal purpose as substi- tutes for syntactic and local cases. The second and perhaps somewhat more common method used to build up a local phrase is to prefix to the noun a pre-positive, the noun itself appearing in the form it assumes before the addition of the normal pronominal suffixes (Schemes II and III) . Thus some of the preceding local phrases might have been expressed as : gwel-dana s under the rock Jian-dana K through the rock M' a£ ya-dana^ around the rock gel-dana s in front of the rock dl s -dana s behind the rock These forms have at first blush the appearance of prepositions fol- lowed by a local case of the noun, but we have already seen this explanation to be inadmissible. A third and very frequent form of local phrase is the absolute noun followed by a postposition. The chief difference between this and the preceding method is the very considerable amount of individual freedom that the postposition possesses as contrasted with the rigidly incorporated pre-positive. The majority of the postpositions consist of a pre-positive preceded by the general demonstrative ga- that, da'n gada s ¥ over the rock is thus really to be analyzed as rock that-over, an appositional type of local 3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2— 12 16 § 94 242 BTJEEAU OF AMEBIC AN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 phrase closely akin in spirit to that first mentioned: dan da'Vdd a da rock over-it. da¥-dana x , according to the second method, is also possible. § 95. PRE-POSITIVES The pre-positives employed before nouns without possessive suf- fixes are identical with those already enumerated (§ 94) as occurring with nouns with possessives, except that Jiawa- under seems to be replaced by gwel-. It is doubtful also if Jie es - beyond (also Jian- across ?) can occur with nouns followed by possessive affixes. Examples of pre-positives in local phrases are : 7ian-gela K m across the river 7ian-waxga y n across the creek Tian-pHycf across the fire 168.19 ~ka f -waxga s n in the creek Jia-xiya s in the water 58.6; 60.3; 61.11; 63.16 Jia-bini" in the middle 176.15 (cf. de-bi s n first, last 150.15) ha-p!ola y in the ditch lia-gwa a lcfm in the road 62.6; 158.19 ha-s'ugwan in the basket (cf. 124.18) xa r -s'd u ma"l halfway up the mountain xd a -gulma y n among oaks xd a -xo (yd' a ) (right) among firs (cf. 94.17) gwel-xi'ya under water 156.19 gwel-tgdu down to the ground 176.8 dd a -ts!d a wa y n by the ocean 59.16 dd a -fgdu alongside the field gwen-tfgdu east of the field 55.4; 56.4 gwen-waxga s n east along the creek Gwen-p K un¥ place-name ( = east of rotten [p'u y n]) 114.14 de-wili in front of the house ( = out of doors) 70.4 daV-s'd u ma s l on top of the mountain 188.15 daV-will over the house 59.2; 140.5 da¥-p!iya s over the fire 24.6, 7 he ee -s-d u ma x l beyond the mountain 124.2; 196.13 al-s'd u ma V Z at, to the mountain 136.22; 152.8; 192.5,7,8 Jid /£ ya-p!iya^ on both sides of the fire 176.12 Jid ,$ ya-S'd u ma y l on both sides of the mountain 152.2 di-fgdU west of the field 55.3 dl-waxga s n some distance west along the creek di-s'd u ma y l at foot ([ ?] = in rear) of the mountain Dl il -dala y 'm place-name ( = over the rock [ ? ]) Gel-ydW place-name ( = abreast of pines) 112.13 i Perhaps really DV-dakfm west of the rock (?). § 95 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 243 A few cases of compound pre-positives occur : 7ia-gwel-p !iya y under the ashes (literally, in-under-the-flre) 118.4 Jia-gwel-xiya* at bottom of the water 60.12, 14 Tia-gwel-fge /e mfgam down in dark places 196.7 An example of a pre-positive with a noun ending in pre-pronominal -x is afforded by ha-dd a nx molJiiH' in-ear red 14.4; 15.13; 88.2 (alongside of dd a molhi y f red-eared 15.12; 86.6). It is somewhat doubtful, because of a paucity of illustrative material, whether local phrases with final pre-pronominal -x can be freely used. § 96. POSTPOSITIONS Not all pre-positives can be suffixed to the demonstrative ga- to form postpositions; e. g., no *gaha K , *gaha y n, *gagwe y l are found in Takelma. Very few other words (adverbs) are found in which what are normally pre-positives occupy the second place: me /£ al toward this direction 58.9; ye'Vdal in the brush 71..3. Instead of -ha in, -na y u is used, an element that seems restricted to the postposition gancfu in. The ^a-postpositions that have been found are: gada'F on 48.15; 49.1 gidl* (= ga-dl 1 ) on, over 49.12 gidi /£ {=ga-di' £ ) in back gana'um ±7.2; 61.13; 64.4; 110.9 gada y l among 94.12 gtfcfl to, for, at, from 43.6; 44.4; 55.6; 58.11 gada a by, along 60.1 gaxa a between gede in front (?) 28.8, 9 and possibly : gasal in adverb gasaflhi quickly 28.10; 29.14; 160.1 Examples of their use are : wi'li gadcfY on top of the house 14.9; 15.5 da'n gada^Y on the rock £ga a gidi upon the land 49.12 p!l* gada^l in between the fire 94.12 da'n gada y l among rocks da'n gadd alongside the rocks (cf. 60.1) wuHham-Jioidigwia gadd a gini ,£ V he went right by where there was round-dancing (literally, menstruation-dancing-with by he-went) 106.13 el gana y u in the canoe 96.24; 112.3 § 96 244 BUEEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 dola' gono x u in the old tree 24.1 wo-iwl H fo'go £ o s l to the female 15.14 go! go £ o y l for that reason 50.2; 124.6; 146.20, 21; 188.6; 194.11 bixal wi £ in-wi' £ ga £ al yo! £ he goes every month (literally, month different-every at he-goes) do!n goxd a between the rocks dm gede y right at the falls 33.13 YuYyo'Ywo gede 1 right by Ytik'ya'kVa 188.17 Postpositions may be freely used with nouns provided with a pos- sessive suffix; e. g., elo'tfY godo!Y on my tongue; will' 1 gano!u in his house, cf. 194.7. There is no ascertainable difference in significa- tion between such phrases and the corresponding pre-positive forms, doY-elode and 7ia-wili fi da. Sometimes a postposition takes in a group of words, in which case it may be enclitically appended to the first: IcHyi'x gan y ou ha-igina' 'xdd a smoke in its- going- out ( = [hole] in which smoke is to go out) 176.7 Although local phrases involving a postposition are always pro- nounced as one phonetic unit, and the postpositions have become, psychologically speaking, so obscured in etymology as to allow of their being preceded by the demonstrative with which they are them- selves compounded (cf. go go £ o!l above), they have enough individu- ality to render them capable of being used quasi-adverbially without a preceding noun : godo'Y s'u £ wil%fe £ I sat on him godoY ts!o a Yts!o'Yde £ I step on top of it (148.17) gidl 1 golxgwo thereon eating ( = table) gidi' £ -M closer and closer (literally, right in back) godd a yeweyo!Y w he got even with him (literally, alongside he- returned-having-him) 17.5 mol yoxo oboH dul gede" salmon-spear-shaft only in-house, spear- point thereby 28.7, 9 gl 1 gono!u I am inside go'nau nogo! i£ wiliYY he went through my house (literally, in he-did my-house[for nogo! i£ see § 69]) cf. 78.5 Other postpositions than those compounded with go- are : do £ oH near (cf . do £ ol- as pre-positive in do £ oldide near me) : wili'VY do £ o y l near my house wo with (also as incorporated instrumental wo-, § 38) 25.5; 47.5 i Yuk'ya'k'wa gadavras said to be preferable, whence it seems possible that gede is not really equivalent to go. that + de- in front, but is palatalized as adverb (see below, § 104) from gadaa. § 96 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 245 lia-bini K in the middle: will Jia f -bini Sl in the middle of the house; ha-be e -binV noon (literally, in-sun [ = day]-middle) 126.21; 186.8 -di s s away : eme' £ dis away from here ; dedewili H dadi K s ( ? outside of) the door 176.6 It is peculiar that mountain-names generally have a prefix al- and a suffix -dis: al-dauya' a Ywa-dis (cf. dauya' a Y w supernatural helper) 172.1 al-wila' 'mxa-dis al-sawent' a-dis That both al- and -dis are felt not to be integral parts of these mountain-names is shown by such forms as Jie^-wila'mxa beyond Alwila'mxadis 196.14 and aI-dauya /a Y w . In all probability they are to be explained as local phrases, at, to (al-) . . . distant (-dis), descriptive of some natural peculiarity or resident supernatural being. Differing apparently from other postpositions in that it requires the preceding noun to appear in its pre-pronominal form (i. e., with final -x if it is provided with it in Scheme II forms) is wa'Yi e with- out, which would thus seem to occupy a position intermediate between the other postpositions and the pre-positives. Examples are : ts-lelei wa'Yi £ without eyes 26.14; 27.6 dagax wa'Yi e without head yuklalx wa'Yi B without teeth 57.4 nixa wa'Yi s motherless As shown by the last example, terms of relationship whose third personal possessive suffix is -xa (-a) use the third personal form as the equivalent of the pre-pronominal form of other nouns (cf. also § 108, 6), a fact that casts a doubt on the strictly personal character of the -xa suffix. No third personal idea is possible, e. g., in maxa wa'Yi £ eltfe £ i am fathekless. waYi £ is undoubtedly related to wa with; the -Yi e may be identical with the conditional particle (see § 71). On the border-line between loosely used preposition and inde- pendent adverb are nogwa s below, down river from (? =no u down river + demonstrative ga that) : nogwa will below the house 76.7; and hinwa^ above, up river from (cf. Mna y u up river) : Tii'nwa will above the house 77.1. i Properly speaking, ha-bini y is a pre-positive phrase from noun-stem bin- (cf. de-bin first, last, and [?] bilgan-x- breast [ ? = middle part of body-front]) with characteristic -i-. bee-bin- sun's middle is compounded like, e. g., t'gda- bok'dan- earth's neck above (§ 93). § 96 246 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Tbull. 40 6. Post-nominal Elements (§§ 97-102) § 97. GENERAL REMARKS Under the head of post-nominal elements are included a small group of suffixes which, though altogether without the distinct indi- viduality characteristic of local postpositions, are appended to the fully formed noun, pronoun, or adjective, in some cases also adverb, serving in one way or another to limit or extend the range of appli- cation of one of these denominating or qualifying terms. The line of demarcation between these post-nominal elements and the more freely movable modal particles discussed below (§ 114) is not very easy to draw; the most convenient criterion of classification is the inability of what we have termed post-nominal elements to attach themselves to verb-forms. § 98. EXCLUSIVE -fa The suffix -fa is freely appended to nouns and adjectives, less fre- quently to pronouns, in order to specify which one out of a number is meant; the implication is always that the particular person, object, or quality mentioned is selected out of a number of alternative and mutually exclusive possibilities. When used with adjectives -fa has sometimes the appearance of forming the comparative or superlative ; e. g.j aga (1) t!os'd' u fa (2) this (1) is smaller (2), but such an inter- pretation hardly hits the truth of the matter. The sentence just quoted really signifies this is small (not large like that). As a matter of fact, -fa is rather idiomatic in its use, and not susceptible of adequate translation into English, the closest rendering being generally a dwelling of the voice on the corresponding English word. The following examples illustrate its range of usage : hapxit !i fi t*& child male (not female) (i. e., boy) 14.1; 156.8 wa-iwi fi Va, ga £ al yewe' i£ the- woman to he-turned (i. e., he now proceeded to look at the woman, after having examined her husband) 15.14 mdha'iVa, a'nl £ gwi na £ naga' i£ the-big (brother) not in-any-way he-did (i. e., the older brother did nothing at all, while his younger brother got into trouble) 23.6; (58.3) aga waxaVa, xebe' £ n this his-younger-br other did-it (not he him- self) ~k!wa f lV& younger one 24.1; 58.6 §§ 97-98 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 247 a'Fdn duVa, gV-s-i* l'lts!a¥ w eife £ he (a¥) (is) handsome (du) I-but ugly I-am ft's-i naxdeY dl-ts!i'lVa, & give-me my-pipe red-one (implying others of different color) waga'Va, 3 - di which one? aga t!os-d fu t*& I'daga yaxa maha'iVeL this (is) small, that but large (cf 128.7) I'daga s'd u£ maha'iV& that-one (is) altogether-big ( = that one is biggest) It seems that, wherever possible, -fa keeps its f intact. To prevent its becoming -da (as in a'Vda above) an inorganic a seems to be added in: IcIulsa'VsL* soft 57.9 (cf. ~k!u s h worm; more probably directly from JcIulsaY 130.22) § 99. PLURAL {-fan, -han, -k!an) As a rule, it is not considered necessary in Takelma to specify the singularity or plurality of an object, the context generally serving to remove the resulting ambiguity. In this respect Takelma resembles many other American languages. The element -(a)n, however, is not infrequently employed to form a plural, but this plural is of rather indefinite application when the noun is supplied with a third personal possessive suffix (compare what was said above, § 91, in regard to -gwan) . The fact that the plurality implied by the suffix may have reference to either the object possessed or to the possessor or to both (e. g., beya'nhan his daughteks or their daughter, their daughters) makes it very probable that we are here dealing, not with the simple idea of plurality, but rather with that of reci- procity. It is probably not accidental that the plural -{a)n agrees phonetically with the reciprocal element -an- found in the verb. In no case is the plural suffix necessary in order to give a word its full syntactic form; it is always appended to the absolute noun or to the noun with its full complement of characteristic and pronominal affix. The simple form -(a)n of the suffix appears only in the third per- sonal reflexive possessive -gwa-n (see § 91) and, apparently, the third personal possessive -fan of pre-positive local phrases (see p. 238). Many absolute nouns ending in a vowel, or in I, m, or n, also nouns with personal affixes (including pre-positives with possessive suffixes) other than that of the third person, take the form -han of the plural § 99 248 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 suffix; the -h- may be a phonetically conditioned rather than mor- phologically significant element. Examples are : Noun slnsan decrepit old woman ts'H'xi dog ya'pla person 176.1, 12 el canoe 13.5; 112.3, 5 wiJc!u u ya y m my friend wits' !ai my nephew 22.1 bo u fbidif¥ my orphan child no'tslade neighboring to me UndeO mother! 186.14 Plural slnsanh&n ts'!ixi'h&n. yap!a'h.SLii 32.4 6lhan wik luuyti'mh&ii wits-laihun 23.8, 10; 150.4 bdH'bidifFh&n no' 'ts fade e han hindehsm O mothers! 76.10, 13 A large number of chiefly personal words and all nouns provided with a possessive suffix of the third person take -fan as the plural suffix; the -fan of local adverbs or nouns with pre-positives has been explained as composed of the third personal suffix -f and the pluralizing element -han: no f ts!a a fan his neighbors. In some cases, as in wa-wl H fan girls 55.16; 106.17, -fan may be explained as composed of the exclusive -fa discussed above and the plural -n. The fact, however, that -fan may itself be appended both to this exclusive -fa and to the full third personal form of nouns not pro- vided with a pre-positive makes it evident that the -fa- of the plural suffix -fan is an element distinct from either the exclusive -fa or third personal -f. -fa a fa-n is perhaps etymologically as well as phonetically parallel to the unexplained -da a da of da'Vda a da over him (see §93). Examples of -fan are: Noun lomt.'i'* old man 112.3,9 126.19 mologoH old woman 170.10 wa-iwl' 1 girl 124.5, 10 Plural 114.10; lomtfl^Vsm 168.11; mologo'lV&n a'i-M" just they (cf. 49.11; 138.11) ts' Hxi-mahaH horse lo u si ;i his plaything 110.6, 11 mo' u fa a his son-in-law t!ela x louse (116.3,6) hapxi-tn /i fa a boy 14.6; 156.8, 10 \dap!a'la-u youth 132.13; 190.2 \bala y u young wo u na'V w old 57.1; 168.2 wa-iwl H V a,n 106.17 a'it'an they ts ' !ixi-maha'it ' an Zd M s^Van md' u fa a t'&ii their 55.16; 60.2; sister s husband 1 150.22; 152.4, t!ela /a Vsm 7iapxi-t!l H fd a Vsni 160.14 dapla'la-uVem 132.12 bala'ut'eLii wd u na'F w dim 1 mot'- seems to indicate not only the daughter's husband, but also, in perhaps a looser sense, the rela- tives gained by marriage of the sister. § 99 boas] HANDBOOK; OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — -TAKELMA 249 The plural form -Tclan is appended to nouns in -la' pa and to the third personal -xa{-a) of terms of relationship. As -7c!- 1 is appended to nouns in -la'pa also before the characteristic -i- followed by a possessive suffix, it is clear that -k!an is a compound suffix consisting of an unexplained -kl- and the plural element -{a)n. Examples of -Iclan are: tftHa'paklsLU men 128.11; 130.1, 7, 25; 132.17 V aHa' p oM&tl women 184.13 mologola'p'akl&n old women 57.14; 128.3, 10 (also rnologo'lfari) o'pxakl an her elder brothers 124.16, 20; 134.8; 138.7 Vaba' mk!an his, their sons 132.10; 156.14 ma'mklan their father 130.19, 21; 132.12 fawaxaklan their younger sister 148.5 Jcla'saklsm their maternal grandmother 154.13; 156.8, 15, 18, 21 § 100. DUAL -dil The suffix -dil(-diH) is appended to a noun or pronoun to indicate the duality of its occurrence, or to restrict its naturally indefinite or plural application to two. It is not a true dual in the ordinary sense of the word, but indicates rather that the person or object indicated by the noun to which it is suffixed is accompanied by another person or object of the same kind, or by a person or object mentioned before or after; in the latter case it is equivalent to and connecting two denominating terms. Examples illustrating its use are: gd u mdV\ we two (restricted from go u m we) gadll gb u m ihemxinigam we two, that one and I, will wrestle (literally, that-one-and-another [namely, I] we we-shall- wrestle) 30.5 sgi'sidVl two coyotes (literally, coyote-and-another [coyote]) waxadVl two brothers (lit., [he] and his younger brother) 26.12 sgisi ni'xadVl Coyote and his mother 54.2 The element -dil doubtless occurs as an adjective stem meaning all, every, in aldil all 134.4 (often heard also as aldl 47.9; 110.16; 188.1); TiadediWa everywhere 43.6; 92.29; and hafga a dilfa in EVERY LAND 122.20. § 101. -wi'e every This element is freely appended to nouns, adjectives, and adverbs, but has no independent existence of its own. Examples are : 5e e wi /£ every day (literally, every sun) 42.1; 158.17 xu f£ nwi £ every night (xu' £ n, xu /£ ne y night, at night) i It was found extremely difficult, despite repeated trials, for some reason or other, to decide as to whether -fc/- or -g- was pronounced, -k.'i- and -k.'an may thus be really -gi- and -gan. H 100-101 250 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 bixal wi £ inwi ,£ ba-i-wili' u£ month comes after month (literally, moon different-each out-goes) gwel- £ wa¥wiwi £ every morning (gwel- £ wak K wi £ morning 44.1) da-7io u xawi' £ every evening ha-be e -biniwi' £ every noon Yaiwi ,£ everything, something (Fa-, Yai- what, thing) 180.5, 6 ada' fwi £ everywhere, to each 30.12; 74.2; 120.13 As illustrated by ¥aiwi /£ , the primary meaning of -wi £ is not so much every as that it refers the preceding noun or adverb to a series. It thus conveys the idea of some in: dal £ wi' £ sometimes, in regard to some 57.12 xa £ newi ,£ sometimes 132.25 With pronouns it means too, as well as others: gl { wi /£ I too ma a wi' £ you too 58.5 Like -dll, -wi £ may be explained as a stereotyped adjectival stem that has developed into a quasi-formal element. This seems to be indicated by the derivative wi £ i y n every, different 49.1; 160.20; 188.12. § 102. DEICTIC -^ It is quite likely that the deictic - £ a v is etymologically identical with the demonstrative stem a- this, though no other case has been found in which this stem follows the main noun or other word it qualifies. It differs from the exclusive -fa in being less distinctly a part of the whole word and in having a considerably stronger con- trastive force. Unlike -fa, it may be suffixed to adverbs as well as to words of a more strictly denominative character. Examples of its occurrence are extremely numerous, but only a very few of these need be given to illustrate its deictic character: ma £ ^ you ([I am ,] but you ) 26.3; 56.5; (cf. 49.8, 13) maha'i £ a, K big indeed #aV ge will'* that one's house is there (literally, that-one there his-house [ that house yonder belongs to that fellow Coyote, not to Panther, whom we are seeking]) 55.4; cf. 196.19 bo u£ 2b x but nowadays (so it was in former da3 T s, but now things have changed) 50.1; 194.5 ge'-hi gi i£ a? yok!oya ,£ n that-far I-for-niy-part know-it (others may know more) 49.13; 154.7 pVm £ a v gayau he ate salmon (nothing else. § 102 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 251 in. The Pronoun (§§ 103-105) § 103, Independent Personal Pronouns The independent personal pronouns of Takelma, differing in this respect from what is found to be true of most American languages, show not the slightest etymological relationship to any of the various pronominal series found incorporated in noun and verb, except in so far as the second person plural is formed from the second person sin- gular by the addition of the element -p* that we have found to be characteristic of every second person plural in the language. The forms, which may be used both as subjects and objects, are as follows : Singular: First person, gl 56.10; 122.8; second person, ma s (md a ) 26.7; 98.8; third person, aV 27.5; 156.12. Plural: First person, go u m 30.5; 150.16; second person, map*; third person di 49.11; xilamana s 27.10; 56.1 Of the two third personal plural pronouns, di is found most fre- quently used with post-positive elements; e. g., dyd' a just they (= ai yd' a ) 160.6; d f£ ya s they (= di- £ a y ) 49.11. When unaccom- panied by one of these, it is generally pluralized: d'itfan (see § 99). The second, xilamana^, despite its four syllables, has not in the slightest yielded to analysis. It seems to be but little used in normal speech or narrative. All the pronouns may be emphasized by the addition of -wi £ (see §101), the deictic - £ a y (see §102), or the post-positive particles yd' a and enclitic -hi and -s'i £ (see § 114, 1, 2, 4): mayd' a just you 196.2 ma'M you yourself dihi" they themselves 104.13 (cf. 152.20) gl i s'i ,£ I in my turn 47.14; 188.8; (cf. 61.9) A series of pronouns denoting the isolation of the person is formed by the addition of -da £ x or -da /£ xi ( = -da £ x + -hi) to the forms given above : gVda^xii) only I md a da ,£ x{i) you alone d¥da £ x{i) all by himself 61.7; 90.1; 142.20; 144.6 go u mda /£ x(i) we alone mdp K da £ x(i) you people alone dida ,£ x{%) they alone 138.11 § 103 252 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 The third personal pronouns are not infrequently used with pre- ceding demonstratives : 7ia' £ ga (or i'daga) a¥da £ x that one by himself (a¥ used here apparently as a peg for the suffixed element -da £ x by one's self) ~hd £ d'iCan and %da £ d'itan those people 7id £ - and Ida-, it should be noted, are demonstrative stems that occur only when compounded with other elements. The independent possessive pronouns (it is) mine, thine, his, ours, yours, are expressed by the possessive forms of the substan- tival stem ais'- having, belonging, property: a-is'de y Y it is mine 23.2; 154.18, 19, 20; a-is'de f£ yours ;• a'-is-da his 23.2, 3; (156.7) and so on. These forms, though strictly nominal in morphology, have really no greater concreteness of force than the English transla- tions mine, thine, and so on. § 104. Demonstrative JPronouns and Adverbs Four demonstrative stems, used both attributively and substan- tively, are found: a-, ga, Ida-, and Jid a£ -. Of these only ga that occurs commonly as an independent word ; the rest, as the first ele- ments of composite forms. The demonstratives as actually found are: Indefinite, ga that 60.5; 61.2; 110.4; 194.4,5 Near first, a'ga this 44.9; 186.4; all this here 110.2; 188.20 Near second. I'daga that 116.22; Idall that there 55.16 Near third. 7ia' a£ ga that yonder 186.5; JiaHl that over there a- has been found also as correlative to ga- with the forms of na(g)- do, say: ana £ ne s x like this 176.13 (ga-na £ ne K x that way, thus 114.17; 122.20) ana £ na' £ t it will be as it is now cf. 152.8 (ga-na £ na /£ f it will be that way) perhaps also in: ada't'wi £ everywhere ( = adaH ' this way, hither [see § 1 12, 1] + -wi /£ every) 30.12; 74.2; 120.13 Ida- (independently 46.5; 47.5; 192.6) seems to be itself a compound element, its first syllable being perhaps identifiable with %- hand. ida £ a'ifan and ~ka a£ a'it K an, referred to above, are in effect the sub- stantive plurals of i'daga and ha' a£ ga. 7ia a£ - as demonstrative pro- noun is doubtless identical with the local Jid a£ - yonder, beyond, found as a prefix in the verb. § 104 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 253 By far the most commonly used of the demonstratives is that of indefinite reference, ga. It is used as an anaphoric pronoun to refer to both things and persons of either number, also to summarize a pre- ceding phrase or statement. Not infrequently the translation that or those is too definite; a word of weaker force, like it, better serves the purpose. The association of %'daga and lia' a£ ga with spa- cial positions corresponding to the second and third persons respec- tively does not seem to be at all strong, and it is perhaps more accu- rate to render them as that right around there and that yonder. Differing fundamentally in this respect from adjectives, demonstra- tive pronouns regularly precede the noun or other substantive ele- ment they modify: a'ga sgi'si this coyote 108.1 %'daga yap!a y that person ga £ aldil all that, all of those 47.12 A demonstrative pronoun may modify a noun that is part of a local phrase : %'daga Jie e£ s'd u ma y l beyond that mountain 122.22; 124.1 Corresponding to the four demonstrative pronoun-stems are four demonstrative adverb-stems, derived from the former by a change of the vowel -a- to -e-\ e-, ge, %de-, and he e£ -. Just as ga that was found to be the only demonstrative freely used as an independent pronoun, so ge there, alone of the four adverbial stems, occurs outside of compounds, e-, %de-, and lie e£ -, however, are never compounded with ge, as are a-, Ida-, and Jia a£ - with its pronominal correspondent ga; a fifth adverbial stem of demonstrative force, me £ (hither as verbal prefix), takes its place. The actual demonstrative adverbs thus are: Indefinite, ge there 64.6; 77.9; 194.11 Near first. eme' £ here 112.12, 13; 194.4; me £ - hither Near second. %'deme £ right around there 46.15 Near third. he' e£ me £ yonder 31.13 Of these, me £ ~, the correlative of Jie e£ -, can be used independently when followed by the local -al : me' £ al on this side, hither wards 58.9; 160.4. Tie e£ - away, besides frequently occurring as a verbal prefix, is found as a component of various adverbs : lie e dada' £ , he e da' £ over there, away from here, off 46.8; 194.10 -fo'W then, at that time 120.2; 146.6; 162.3 Jie' £ daY on that side, toward yonder § 104 254 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 me £ - can be used also with the adverb ge of indefinite reference pre- ceding; the compound, followed by di, is employed in an interroga- tive sense: geme ,£ di where? when? 56.10; 100.16; 190.25. The idea of direction in the demonstrative adverbs seems less strong than that of position: ~he' e£ me £ haxa' £ m he comes from over there, as well as he' e£ me £ gini' £ ~k K he goes over there . me £ - and he e£ - (Jia a£ -) , however, often necessarily convey the notions of toward and away from the speaker : me' £ -yewe i£ ha' a£ -yewe i£ he came and went back AND FORTH. Demonstrative adverbs may take the restrictive suffix -da £ x or -daba f£ x (cf. -da £ x with personal pronouns, §103): eme £ da' £ x 114.4, 5 , here alone eme £ daba £ x 114.14J § 105. Interrogative and Indefinite Pronouns As independent words, the interrogative and indefinite stems occur with adverbs or adverbial particles, being found in their bare form only when incorporated. The same stems are used for both inter- rogative and indefinite purposes, a distinction being made between persons and things: neF who? some one 86.2, 23; 108.11 Fai what? something 86.5; 122.3; 128.8 As independent adverb also perhaps : Fai tlumuxi perhaps he'll strike me 23.3 As interrogatives, these stems are always followed by the interroga tive enclitic particle di, Fai always appearing as Fa- when di imme- diately follows: ne'F-di who? 46.15; 86.4; 142.9 Fa'-di whatl 47.9; 60.11; 86.8 Fa'i . . . di occurs with post-positive ga £ a y l: Fa'i ga £ al di" what for? why? 71.15; 86.14; 98.8 As indefinites, they are often followed by the composite particle -s'i £ wa'Fdi: neF-s'i £ wa'Fdi I don't know who, somebody 22.8 FoA-s'i £ wa'Fdi I don't know what, something 96.10 As negative indefinites, neF and Fai are preceded by the negative adverb a'n% £ or wede, according to the tense-mode of the verb (see §72): § 105 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 255 a'ni s ne y F nobody 63.4; 90.8, 25 a'ni'Fa'i nothing 58.14; 61.6; 128.23 we'de neF u's'iF nobody will give it to me (cf. 98.10) we'de Fai u's'dam do not give me anything With the post-nominal -wi' £ every, Fai forms Faiwi' £ everything, something. No such form as *neFwi' £ , however, occurs, its place being taken by aldil, aldl all, everybody. In general, it may be said that Fai iias more of an independent substantival character than neF ; it corresponds to the English thing in its more indefinite sense, e. g., Fa'i gwala many things, everything 96.15; 102.11; 108.8 The adverbial correspondent of Fai is gwi how? where? 46.2; 78.5. In itself gwi is quite indefinite in signification and is as such often used with the forms of na(g)- do, act 47.11 ; 55.7: gwi'di nagaif how are you doing? (e. g., where are you going?) 86.17; (138.25) As interrogative, it is followed by di: gwi'dihowt where? 44.5; 70.6; 73.9; 190.10 as indefinite, by -s'i $ wa'Fdi (cf. 190.4) : gwis'i £ wa'Fdi in someway, somewhere 54.7; 96.8; 120.21 (also gwi'Jiap* somewhere) as negative indefinite, it is preceded by a'ni £ or wede: a f ni e gwi 1 in no way, nowhere 23.6; 62.11; 192.14 we'de gwi naY do not go anywhere! As indefinite relative is used gwi'lia wheresoever 140.9, 13, 15, 19. IV. The Adjective (§§ 106-109) § 106. General Remarks Adjectives can not in Takelma without further ado be classed as nouns or verbs, as they have certain characteristics that mark them off more or less clearly from both; such are their distinctly adjectival suffixes and their peculiar method of forming the plural. In some respects they closely approach the verb, as in the fact that they are frequently preceded by body-part prefixes, also in the amplification of the stem in the plural in ways analogous to what we have found in the verb. They differ, however, from verbal forms in that they can not be predicatively used (except that the simple form of the adjective may be predicatively understood for an implied third per- son), nor provided with the pronominal suffixes peculiar to the verb; § 106 256 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 a first or second personal relation is brought about by the use of appropriate forms of the copula ei~ be. They agree with the noun and pronoun in being frequently followed by the distinctly denomi- native exclusive suffix -fa (see § 98) and in the fact that, when forming part of a descriptive noun, they may take the personal end- ings peculiar to the noun: is' lixi-maha'if eV dog-big-my ( = my horse) As adjectives pure and simple, however, they are never found with the possessive suffixes peculiar to the noun; e. g., no such form as *maha f i£ey alone ever occurs. It thus appears that the adjective occupies a position midway between the noun and the verb, yet with characteristics peculiar to itself. The most marked syntactic feature of the adjective is that, unlike a qualifying noun, it always follows the modified noun, even when incorporated with it (see § 93) . Ex- amples are: wa-iwl H du girl pretty 55.7; 124.5 yap! a daldi" person wild 22.14 sgi' 'si da-sga' 'xif Coyote sharp-snouted 86.3, 20; 88.1, 11 p'im xu s m yele s x debii ,£ salmon dry burden-basket full ( = burden- basket full of dry salmon) 75.10 Karely does it happen that the adjective precedes, in which case it is to be predicatively understood : gwa'la yap!a s many (were) the people 180.16 (but ya'pla gwala s people many 194.10) Even when predicatively used, however, the adjective regularly fol- lows the noun it qualifies. Other denominating words or phrases than adjectives are now and then used to predicate a statement or command : yv!~klalx (1) wa'¥i £ (2), ga (3) ga s al (4) deligia'lfi (5) gwas (6) [as they were] without (2) teeth (1), for (4) that (3) [reason] they brought them as food (5) intestines (6) 130.22 masi ,£ (1) al-na a na f£ n (2) naga-ida' e (3) [do] you in your turn (1) [dive], since you said (3) " I can get close to him " (2) 61.9 § 107. Adjectival Prefixes Probably all the body-part prefixes and also a number of the purely local elements are found as prefixes in the adjective. The material at hand is not large enough to enable one to follow out the prefixes of the adjective as satisfactorily as those of the verb; but § 107 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 257 there is no reason to believe that there is any tangible difference of usage between the two sets. Examples of prefixes in the adjective are: 1. dak'-, dedz'-mafiaH big on top dak'-du'l £ s big-headed 2. da"-. d^-molhiY red-eared 14.4; 15.12; 96.13 dsf-Tio'Tc' wal with holes in ear 166.13, 19 dsf-mahaH big-cheeked 3. S'in-. s'm-7io'¥wal with holes in nose 166.13, 18 s-m-hii's-gal big-nosed 25.1; 27.5, 13; 28.6 s'in-p'i'l £ s flat-nosed 4. de-. de-ts'!ugilH\ de-ts'!ugu' u sharp-pointed 74.13; 126.18 de-fulu' £ p' dull de- £ winiY proceeding, reaching to 50.4 5. da-, d&-sga'xi(V) long-mouthed 15.13; 86.3; 88.1, 11 d&sgulV short 33.17 da,-Jio'Vwal holed 176.7 do,-maJia y i big-holed 92.4 dsL-t!os-d' u small-holed 6. given-, gwen-xdi'l £ s slim-necked gwen-f ge s m black-necked 196.6 7. %-. i-ts'!o'p'al sharp-clawed 14.4; 15.13; 86.3 l-ge'wa £ x crooked-handed l-k!ok!o x V ugly-handed 8. xd a -. xsL^-mahaH big-waisted, wide x.&^-xdi'tfs slim-waist ed, notched 71.15; 75.6 9. dP-, ■ dV-JcIelix conceited 10. dl £ -. di s ^maJiaH big below, big behind 3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 17 . § 107 258 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 di £ -~k!a y ls lean in rump 11. gwel-. ha-gwel-bila^m empty underneath, like table (cf. Jia-bila y m empty) gwel-Jio'Vwal holed underneath 43, 9. 12. ha-. h.dL-bila y m empty (literally, having nothing inside, cf. bila y m having nothing 43.6, 8, 14) 13. sal-. sal-t!a'i narrow s&\-ts' !una y px straight 14. al-. (Referring to colors and appearances) al-f ge s m black 13.3; 162. 4 &\-ts'!i s l red &-fgu' ie 8- white 55.2; 188.11 &l-sgenUY black 92.19 %X-gwa'si yellow sX-fgisa y mt* green (participle of fgisi' s m it gets green) al-Jdiyi'x-natf blue (literally, smoke-doing or being) &\-k!oJc!oW ugly-faced 47.2; 60.5 el-to's'W little-eyed 94.3; (94.6, 14) al-fgeya y px round al-fmilcfpx smooth 15. han-. h.3bii-hogwa y l with hole running through 56.9, 10 A few cases have been found of adjectives with preceding nouns in such form as they assume with pre-positive and possessive suffix: da'7c!oloi-ts'!il red-cheeked gwitlm-tla'i slim- wrist ed An example of an adjective preceded by two body-part prefixes has already been given (Jia-gwel-bilcfm) . Here both prefixes are coordi- nate in function (cf. Tia-gwel-pHya? , § 95). In: xa a -sal-gwa'si between-claws-yellow (myth name of Sparrow- Hawk) 166.2 the two body-part prefixes are equivalent to an incorporated local phrase (cf. § 35, 4) § 108. Adjectival Derivative Suffixes A considerable number of adjectives are primitive in form, i. e., not capable of being derived from simpler nominal or verbal stems. Such are: § 108 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 259 Jio's'au getting older mahaH big 23.1; 74.15; 146.3 bus' wiped out, destroyed, used up 42.2; 140.19 du good, beautiful 55.7; 58.7; 124.4; 146.6 fU hot 57.15; 186.25 p'u y n rotten 140.21 , yo'fi alive ([?] yoY being + enclitic -hi) (128.16) and many others. A very large number, however, are provided with derivative suffixes, some of which are characteristic of adjectives per se, 1 while others serve to convert nouns and pre-positive phrases into adjectives. Some adjectival stems seem capable of being used either with or without a suffix (cf. da-sga'xi and de-ts'!ugilY above, § 107): mahaH and mahaStf big al-gwa'si and al-gwa f sit x yellow 1. ~(i)t\ Probably the most characteristic of all adjectival suffixes is -(i)£, all -f participles (see § 76) properly belonging here. Non-participial examples are: al-gwa/s\V yellow al-sgenhi\' black 92.19 al-t!e e s'iX little-eyed 94.3 (?) hctnt* half ([ ?] cf. han- through) 146.22; 154.9; 192.7 V.olV one-horned 46.7; 47.7; 49.3. da a -mdhiX red-eared 14.4; 15.12; 88.2; 96.13 de-ts' !ilgu y V sharp-pointed 126.18 TcIulsaV soft (food) (cf. Tc!u y ls worm) 130.22 plala/Ywa-goyo'H' el£e £ I am story-doctor (cf. goyo s shaman) 2. -al. Examples of adjectives with this suffix are: l-ts\ f o f p'al sharp-clawed 14.4; 86.3 (cf.de-ts'MguY sharp-pointed; for-/-: -g-ct § 42, 1,6) tti'fal thin (?) deh&l five ([ ?] =being in front 2 ) 150.19, 20; 182,21 s'in-ho'Vw&l with holes in nose 166.13, 18; (56.9; 166.19; 176.7) s*m-MV#al big-nosed 25.1; 27.5, 13; 28.6 hi'j>*&\ flat imi'xsil how much, how many (used interrogatively and relatively) 100.8; 182.13 mix&'lha numerous, in great numbers 92.28; 94.1 i A few adjectives in -am (= -an) are distinctly nominal in appearance; bila x m having nothing; xila x m sick (but also as noun, dead person, ghost). It hardly seems possible to separate these from nouns like heela^m board; ts-.'ela>m hail. 2 Cf. American Anthropologist, n. s., vol. 9, p. 266. § 108 260 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 3. -di. A few adjectives have been found with this suffixed element : hapsdi" little 192.6; to'p di 24.12; 60.15; 61.5 (cf. M a pxi y child 128.16) yapla daldi y wild man (cf. dot- in the brush) 22.14 gama' xdii&w 94.3, 6; 144.5; 182.4 gweld? finished (cf . gwel- leg) 34.1; 79.8; 94.18 4. ~ts!~ (- £ s). In a small number of adjectives this element is doubt- less to be considered a suffix : i'ltaldk*" bad, ugly 182.1; 186.22; 198.4 (cf. pi. il £ a'lsaF w ). s'in-pi'l £ s flat-nosed xa a -xdi f l £ s slim-waisted 71.15; 75.6 (cf. inferential passive xa-%- xdi'lxdalYam they have been notched in several places) A few adjectives in -s, evidently morphologically connected with the scattering nouns in -s, also occur: gums blind 26.14 fcaZslong 14.5; 33.16; 158.1 s'uns' thick 90.3 5. -(a)x. This suffix disappears in the plural (see below, § 109), so that no room is left for doubt as to its non-radical character. Whether it is to be identified with the non-agentive -x of the verb is somewhat uncertain, but that such is the case is by no means improbable; in some cases, indeed, the adjective in -x is connected with a verb in -x. The -a y fx of some of the examples is without doubt composed of the petrified -b- found in a number of verbs (see § 42, 1) and the adjectival (or non- agentive) -x. al-£gey& y px. round (cf . al-£geye s px it rolls) sal-ts' /itna x px straight da-ts'lamx sick 90.12, 13, 21; 92.5; 150.16 al-fmilefipx smooth da-po'a £ x crooked (cf. p*owo' £ x it bends) l-ge ; wa £ x crooked-handed More transparently derivational in character than any of those listed above are the following adjectival suffixes: 6. -gwat having. Adjectival forms in -gwaY are derived partly by the addition of the adjectival suffix -(a)f to third personal reflexive possessive forms in -'t K gwa (-xagwa), or to palatalized passive participial forms in - s ~k* w , themselves derived from nouns (see § 77), partly by the addition of -gwaY to nouns in § 108 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKEE-MA 261 their pre-pronominal form (-a;) . The fact that these various -gwaH' forms, despite their at least apparent diversity of origin, clearly form a unit as regards signification, suggests an ultimate identity of the noun reflexive -gwa (and therefore verbal indirect reflexive -gwa-) with the passive participial -¥ w . The -gwa- of forms in -x-gwat' is not quite clear, but is perhaps to be identified with the comitative -gwa- of the verb. An adjective like yu f lc!al-x-gwaf teeth-having presents a parallel- ism to a verbal participle like dak'-lim-x-gwaf with (tree) falling over one (from aorist dale ' -limim-x-gwa-de £ 1 am with it falling over me, see § 46) that is suggestive of morphologic identity. Examples of -gwaH' adjectives are: waya'uxagsx&t' having daughter-in-law 56.10 (cf. waya'uxagwa her own daughter-in-law) fgwana'fgw&V slave-having (cf. fgwana'fgwa his own slave) Da-fan-ela'H'gw&t' 1 Squirrel-Tongued (literally, in-mouth squirrel his-tongue having [name of Coyote's daughter]) 70.6; 72.4; 75.11 ?ii':ragwat' mother-having (cf. ni'xa¥ w mothered) me'zagwat' father-having (cf. me'xak' w fathered) Ve ie le'p'igig^2it'~ wife-having (cf. ¥ e i£ W p' 'igilc' w wived 142.6) #u w zgwaY wife-having 12S.4 (cf. gu u -x-de x ¥ my wife 142.9) dagaxgwSiY head-having (cf. da'g-ax-deV my head 90.13) ts'lu'lxgw&t 1 having Indian money (cf. ts-Julx Indian money 14.13) A form with -gwaf and the copula ei- (for persons other than the third) takes the place in Takelma of the verb have : ts'lu'lxgwaf eit'e s I have money (literally money-having or moneyed I-am ts' !ulx-gwaY he has money Aside from the fact that it has greater individuality as a distinct phonetic unit, ■ the post-positive wa'~k' is without is the mor- phologic correlative of -gwaf having: dagax wa'lc'i* elf head without you-are da'gaxgwaf elf head-having you-are Similarly : nixa wa'Vi* elfe £ mother without I-am ni'xagwaf elfe s mother-having I-am 1 The fact that this form has a body-part prefix (da- mouth) seems to imply its verbal (participial) character, -t'gwat' in it, and forms like it, may have to be analyzed, not as -t'gwa his own+ -f, but rather as -t' m.s+-gwa- having-M' . In other words, from a noun-phrase fan da'a (older ela'af) squiebel his. tongue may be theoretically formed a comitative intransitive with prefix: * da-fdn-eld'af-gwade* I am having sqtjteeel's tongue in my mouth, of which the text-form is the participle. This explanation has the advantage over the one given above of putting forms in -'t'gwat' and -xgwat on one line; cf. also 73.15. § 108 262 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 7. -imikM. A few adjectives have been found ending in this suffix formed from temporal adverbs : hop !e £ nimik\i (men) of long ago 168.1 (hop!e £ n long ago 58.4, 7, 11) oo u£ i'mik\i (people) of nowadays (bo u now 188.8; 194.5) 8. -(i)7eH. This suffix, evidently closely related to the preceding one, forms adjectives (with the signification of belonging to, always being) from local phrases. Examples are: Jia-wili' yikli belonging to good folks, not "common" (fcomlia-wili in the house) xd a -bemik\i £ being between sticks ha-bami' 'sik\i £ dwelling in air xa a -da'mk\\ belonging between rocks (e. g., crawfish) daV-p!i f yak\i £ staying always over the fire ha-p!i'yak\i £ belonging to fire 9. - £ xi. A few adjectival forms in - £ xi, formed from local phrases, seem to have a force entirely coincident with adjectives in-(i)&/i: ha-p!i'ya £ xi belonging to fire ha-xi'ya £ x\ mink (literally, always staying in the water [from ha-xiya s in the water 33.4]) 10. - £ % H xi. This suffix seems to be used interchangeably with -(i)lc!i and - £ xi. Examples are: ha-bami f sa £ i n xi £ belonging to the air, sky xa a -da'ni £ l n xi £ belonging between rocks ha-wili £ i fi xi belonging to the house ha-xi'ya £ l n xi belonging to the water ha-p!iya £ l n xi belonging to fire The following forms in - £ i l xi, not derived from local phrases, doubt- less belong with these : ge £ l n xi belonging there 160.24 goyo £ l n xi belonging to shamans (used to mean: capable of wish- ing ill, supernaturally doing harm, to shamans) 170.11 § 109. Plural Formations A few adjectives form their plural or frequentative by reduplica- tion: Singular * Plural de-lu ,ji£ full 49.14; 116.5 de-bu £ ba K x (dissimilated from -bu £ ba £ x) 122.17 l'lts!a¥ w bad 182.1; 198.4 %l £ a'lsaV w (dissimilated from il £ alts!-) maha\ large 23.1; 74.15 mahml 32.15; 49.10; 130.4 § 109 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 263 Of these, the first two are clearly verbal in type. The probably non- agentive -x of de-bu £ ba y x (also singular de-bu' U£ x from *de-bu /u lc!-x [cf. de-bu'^klin i shall fill itJ) and the apparently passive participial -a¥ w of i'lts!aF w strongly suggest that the first two of these adjec- tives are really adjectivally specialized verb-forms, mahml is alto- gether irregular in type of reduplication. t!os'o' u little 56.15 ; 74.16 forms its plural by the repetition of the second consonant after the repeated vowel of the singular: dakloloi-tlos'u's'gwaf he has small cheeks. In regard to fuf 170.18. the plural of fti hot 57.15, it is not certain whether the -f is the repeated initial consonant, or the -f characteristic of other adjective plurals. Most adjectives form their plural by repeating after the medial consonant the vowel of the stem,, where possible, and adding to the amplified stem the element -it' (probably from -hit\ as shown by its treatment with preceding fortis), or, after vowels, -fif; a final non-radical -{a)x disappears in the plural, lio's'au getting bigger (with inorganic -a-) forms its plural by the repetition of the stem- vowel alone, hos'd u 156.11; 158.11; similar is du e u s 58.10 which seems to be the plural of du pretty 58.8. yo'ti ([?] yot'-M) alive forms the plural yotfi'Jii ([?] yofi-M) 128.16. Examples of the peculiarly adjectival plural in -(t')if are: Singular Plural al-t'geya K px round al-£geye'p'iV al-fmila y px smooth • al-fmili'p' it' sal-ts' lunofpx straight sal-ts' !v/nupit x sal-t!a r i narrow sal-tla'y&t' 'it' da-po'a s x crooked ( = -ak!-x) gwif-p'o'oty'it* crooked- armed i-ge'wa £ x crooked- handed i-ge'we e£ Fit* (= -ak!-x; cf. aorist gewe- Iclaw- carry [salmon] bow- fashion) de-ts'!uguY sharp-pointed 126.18 de-ts' luguhit' de-£ulu n p dull de-£ulu' £ p'iV al-ts'!i s lied da'Tdoloi-ts'H'lit'it" he has red cheeks al-fgu' ie s- white 55.2; 188.11 da'lcloloi-t'guyvfs'iV he has white cheeks al-fge^m black 13.3; 162.4 da'lcloloi-fge'meVit' he has black cheeks bats long 14.5; 15.12,15 s'inlxdd a fan ba a l&'s\t K their noses are long § 109 264 BUKEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 That these plurals are really frequentative or distributive in force is illustrated by such forms as da'Tcloloi-ts' li'lifif red-cheeked, which has reference not necessarily to a plurality of persons affected, but to the frequency of occurrence of the quality predicated, i. e., to the redness of both cheeks. V. Numerals (§§ 110, 111) § 110. Cardinals Cardinals 1. mV i£ sga £ 13.2; 192.8; mi' £ s Adverbs mu^xda'n once 182.20; 188.13 >. r: 116.1J ga f£ mun twice xi s nf gamga'man deJialdan Jia £ lmi r ts!ada y n Jia £ lgd' £ mada s n Jia £ lxinda s n Jia £ igo u gada\i ixdilda y n 188.9 ga /£ m 22.7; 110.11 ga'plini" 1 55.7,12: 3. xi'Uni s 150.8 4. gamga'm 148.5; 184.17 5. deJial 150.19, 20; 182.21 6. ha £ imi' £ s 150.12 7. Jia £ lga f£ m 8. Jia £ ixi y n 9. JiaHgo" 150.14 10. i'xdll 13.1; 150.5; 182.22 11. i'xdll m%' i£ sga £ gada y V ten one on-top-of 12. i'xdll ga f£ m gada s Y 20. yap!ami' £ s 182.23 30. xi'n ixdil 40. gamga'mun ixdi y l 50. deJialdan ixdl s l 60. Jia £ lmi r ts!adan ixdlH 70. Jia £ lgd' £ madan ixdi x l 80. Tia £ ixi'ndan ixd%% 90. haHgogada f n ixdtl 100. t!eimi' £ s 23.2, 4, 9, 12, 13 200. gaf £ mun t!eimi' £ s 300. xin t!eimi' £ s 400. gamga'mun t!eimi' e s 1, 000. %'xdlldan tleimi ,£ s 2, 000. yaplami'tsladan t!eimi' s s ml' i£ sga £ is the usual uncompounded form of one. In compounds the simpler form mi f£ s (stem mlts!-) occurs as the second element: JiaHmi /£ s six ( = one [finger] in the hand) yap! ami' £ s twenty ( = one man) § no i Often heard as ga'pHni y 55.2, 5. boas J HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 265 t!eimi' £ s one hundred (probably = one male [£/$*-]) me e l fgd a -mi /£ s crows earth-one ( = land packed full of crows) 144.9, 11, 12, 13 de e mi /£ s in-front-one ( = marching in single file) almi' £ s all together 92.23, 24; 190.17 Of the two forms for two, gd'p!ini y seems to be the more frequently used, though no difference of signification or usage can be traced. gd'pIinV two and xi'bini* three are evident compounds of the simpler gd ,£ m and xi y n (seen in Tia £ lxi y n eight) and an element -hini^ that is perhaps identical with -hini y of Tia'-linV in the middle. gamga'm four is evidently reduplicated from gd f£ m two, the falling accent of the second syllable being probably due to the former presence of the catch of the simplex. An attempt has been made 1 to explain delial five as an adjectival form in -al derived from de e - IN front. The numerals six, seven, eight, and nine are best con- sidered as morphologically verbs provided with the compound prefix ha £ i- in the hand (see § 35, 4), and thus strictly signifying one (finger) is in the hand; two, three, four (fingers) are in the hand. No explanation can be given of -go s in 7ia £ igo s nine, except that it may be an older stem for four, later replaced, for one reason or another, by the composite gamga'm two + two. i'xdil ten is best explained as compounded of %-x- hand (but why not lux- as in mx-de y ¥ my hand?) and the dual -di y l, and as being thus equivalent to TWO HANDS. It thus seems probable that there are only three simple numeral stems in Takelma, ml H£ s one, gd' £ m two, and xi y n three. All the rest are either evident derivations from these, or else {delial probably and i'xdil certainly) descriptive of certain finger-positions. While the origin of the Takelma system may be tertiary or quinary (if -go y is the original stem for four and delial is a primary element), the decimal feeling that runs through it is evidenced both by the break at ten and by the arrangement of the numerals beyond ten. The teens are expressed by ten one above (i. e., ten over one), ten two above ; and so on. ga e a y l thereto may be used instead of gada y ¥ over. Twenty is one man, i. e., both hands and feet. One hun- dred can be plausibly explained as equivalent to one male person. 2 The other tens, i. e., thirty to ninety inclusive, are expressed by i American Anthropologist, loc. cit., where five is explained as being in front, on the basis of the method of fingering used by the Takelma in counting. 2 Loc. cit. § no 266 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 multiplication, the appropriate numeral adverb preceding the word for ten. xi'n ixdll thirty, however, uses the original cardinal xin, instead of the numeral adverb xint\ The hundreds (including two hundred and one thousand) are similarly expressed as multiplications of one hundred (t!eimi' £ s), the numeral adverbs (xin instead of xVnf in three hundred) preceding t!eimi' £ s. Numerals above one thousand ( = 10X100) can hardly have been in much use among the Takelma, but can be expressed, if desired, by prefixing the numeral adverbs derived from the tens to t!eimi f£ s; e. g., dehaldan ixdildan t!eimi /£ s 5X10X100 = 5,000. As far as the syntactic treatment of cardinal numerals is concerned, it should be noted that the plural of the noun modified is never em- ployed with any of them : wa-%wl H gapHni girl two (i. e., two girls) 55.2, 5, 7, 12 (wa-iwl H - tfan girls 56.11) mologola! p a ga' plini old- woman two 26.14 (mologola'pakfan old women 138.10) ha'p'da gd'pHni his child two 154.17 Qia'pxda his children) Like adjectives, attributive numerals regularly follow the noun. § 111. Numeral Adverbs The numeral adverbs denoting so and so many times are derived from the corresponding cardinals by suffixing -an (often weakened to -tin) to ga f£ m two and its derivative gamga'm four; -t\ to xin three; -da s n, to other numerals (-ada y n f to those ending in - £ m and -ts!- = - £ s). 7ia £ lgaf £ m seven and TiaHxVn eight, it will be observed, do not follow ga ,£ m and xin in the formation of their numeral adverbs, but add -(a)da y n. It is not impossible that mu^x- in mu^xda^n once is genetically related and perhaps dialectically equivalent to mi i£ s~, but no known grammatic or phonetic process of Takelma enables one to connect them. 7ia £ igo u gada y n nine times seems to insert a -ga- between the cardinal and the adverbial suffix -dan. The most plausible explanation of the form is its interpretation as nine (ha £ igo y ) that (ga) number-of-times (-da s n) , the demonstrative serving as a peg to hang the suffix on. From the numeral adverbs are derived, by prefixing ~ha- in, a further series with the signification of in so and so many places : Jia-ga^mHn in two places 7ia-gamgama y n 176.2, 3 in four places 7ia-JiaHgd u gada y n in nine places § 111 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 267 Cardinals with prefixed ha- are also found, apparently with an approximative force, e. g., ha-dehal about five 194.2. No series of ordinal numerals could be obtained, and the prob- ability is strong that such a series does not exist. debi y n occurs as first (e. g., will deli'n-hi first house), but may also mean last 49.2; 150.15, a contradiction that, in view of the probable etymology of the word, is only apparent, debi^n is evidently related to ha-binV in the middle, and therefore signifies something like in front of the middle; i. e., at either end of a series, a meaning that com- ports very well with the renderings of both first and last. It is thus evident that no true ordinal exists for even the first numeral. VI. Adverbs and Particles (§§ 112-114) A very large number of adverbs and particles (some of them simple stems, others transparent derivatives, while a great many others still are quite impervious to analysis) are found in Takelma, and, particu- larly the particles, seem to be of considerable importance in an idio- matically constructed sentence. A few specifically adverbial suffixes are discernible, but a large number of unanalyzable though clearly non-primitive adverbs remain; it is probable that many of these are crystallized noun or verb forms now used in a specialized adverbial sense. § 112. Adverbial Suffixes Perhaps the most transparent of all is : 1. -da y t\ This element is freely added to personal and demonstra- tive pronouns, adverbs or verbal prefixes, and local phrases, to impart the idea of direction from or to, more frequently the former. Examples of its occurrence are : (/MaY in my direction (g% I) waded&V from my side (wade to me) adaY on, to this side 112.17; 144.2 5'efadaY in that direction, from that side (Ida- that) M' a£ daY from yonder (ha a£ - that yonder) gwi'd&V in which direction? 190.18 (gwi how? where?) gede^V from there 144.8 eme ,e dsiV from here me'MaY hitherwards 32.10, 11; 55.3 (me s - hither) he /e d&t* thitherwards (Jie e - away) noMaY from down river 23.9 (no u down river) § H2 268 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 TwmdaY (going) across Qian- across) 30.4; 31.16 ha a ndad&\* from across (the river) (ha'nda across it) 112.17; 114.17 habamd&\* from above (ha- in + bam- up) Jiaxiya' 'dat* from water on to land Qia-xiya s in the water) da¥-witi fi d2bt* from on top of the house (daV-will over the house) 27.5; 62.5 gwen-fga a - bo'Vdandad&\* from the east (gwen-fgd a -bo'Fdanda east) 144.23; (cf. 146.1) More special in use of -dot* are : honoxd&V last year (honox some time ago) dewe' 'nxadaV day after to-morrow (dewe'nxa to-morrow) de e daY first, before others 110.5 2. -xa. A fairly considerable number of adverbs, chiefly temporal in signification, are found to end in this element. Such are: ho u xei" yesterday 76.9; 98.21 da-ho u xa, y this evening 13.3; 16.15; 63.8; 78.4 dabalni'xa, for a long time (cf. bal-s long and lep'ni'xa in winter) 54.4; 108.16 ya'xa, continually, only, indeed (cf. post-positive ya' a just) 54.5; 63.3; 78.10 dewe'nxa to-morrow 77.14; 112.15; 130.17; 194.1 dap!a'x& toward daylight, dawn 45.4 in its meaning of like, §112, 3) § 114. Particles By particles are nere meant certain uninflected elements that have little or no meaning of their own, but that serve either to connect clauses or to color by some modal modification the word to which they are attached. They are never met with at the beginning of a clause or sentence, but occur only postpositively, generally as enclitics. Some of the elements listed above as modal adverbs (§ 113, 4) might also be considered as syntactic particles (e. g., wana, Tia'ga, ndk!a s , which never stand at the beginning of a clause); these, however, show no tendency to be drawn into the verb-complex. Whenever particles qualify the clause as a whole, rather than any particular word in the clause, they tend to occupy the second place in the sen- tence, a tendency that, as we have seen (p. 65), causes them often to be inserted, but not organically incorporated, into the verb- complex. The most frequently occurring particles are those listed below : 1. ya' a just. This element is not dissimilar in meaning to the post-nominal emphasizing - £ a s (§ 102), but differs from it in that it may be embedded in the verb-form : i-ya' a -sge e fsgaY he just twisted it to one side 31.5 It only rarely follows a verb-form, however, showing a strong tendency to attach itself to denominating terms. Though serving generally to emphasize the preceding word, it does not seem to involve, like - £ a y , the idea of a contrast : xa a -xo ya' a right among firs (cf. 94.17) he £ neya' a just then, then indeed 63.13; 128.22; 188.1, 18 dd u mxbin ya' a I shall just kill you 178.15 It has at times a comparative force: gl l ya' a na £ nada' £ you will be, act, just like me (cf. 196.2) 2. hi. This constantly occurring enclitic is somewhat difficult to define. With personal pronouns it is used as an emphatic particle: ma' hi you yourself (cf. 104.13; 152.20 § H4 boas] HANDBOOK OF I1\JIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 273 Similarly with demonstratives : ga' hi just that, the same 64.6; 96.16; 144.3; 190.21 In such cases it is rather difficult to draw the line between it and yd'* 1 , 1 to which it may be appended: ga yd' a hi gwelda? just under that 190.17 7ian-ya' a -hi ba a -£e' e x just across the river she emerged 58.3 As emphasizing particle it may even be appended to sub- ordinate verb forms and to local phrases: yanfe e da £ W just as I went (cf. 138.23; 152.5, 7) diha-ude hi y right behind me, as soon as I had gone It may be enclitically attached to other particles, yaf a -hi 192.1 being a particularly frequent combination: gl l yaxa'-M I, however, indeed 71.8 Its signification is not always, however, so specific nor its force so strong. All that can be said of it in many cases is that it mildly calls attention to the preceding word with- out, however, specially emphasizing it; often its force is prac- tically nil. This lack of definite signification is well illustrated in the following lullaby, in the second line of which it serves merely to preserve the rhythm -'« : mo'xo wa'inhd buzzard, put him. to sleep ! s' I' mhi wa'inhd (?) put him to sleep! pe'lda wa'inhd slug, put him to sleep! The most important syntactic function of hi is to make a verbal prefix an independent word, and thus take it out of its proper place in the verb : de'-M ahead (from de- in front) 33.15; 64.3; 196.1; 198.12 ha'n-hi ei-saY w across he-canoe-paddled but: ei-han-sa¥ w he-canoe-across-paddled 112.9, 18; 114.11 where 7ian~, as an incorporated local prefix, takes its place after the object el. A number of adverbs always appear with suffixed hi; e. g., gasaflhi quickly 16.10. Like - £ a y , fromwhichit differs, however, in its far greater mobility, hi is never found appended to non-subordinate predicative forms. With hi must not be confused: i The various shades of emphasis contributed by ~a^,ya'a, hi, and-s-i £ , respectively, are well illustrated in ma s cf you, but you (as contrasted with others); ma yd'a just you, you indeed (simple emphasis with- out necessary contrast); ma' M you yourself; mas-'i' s and you, you in your turn (108.13) 3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 18 § 114 274 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 3. -hi £ . This particle is found appended most frequently to intro- ductory words in the sentence, such as mi*, gane, and other adverbs, and to verb-forms: mtf-M* faga' i£ then he returned 62.2; (cf. 188.15) gane-hi £ aba-i-gini /£ V and then he went into the house 55.16 naga'-i-M £ = naga' i£ he said + -U £ (see § 22) 22.6; 57.1; 128.15; 192.9 As no definite meaning can be assigned to it, and as it is found only in myth narration, it is highly probable that it is to be interpreted as a quotative : ga naga'sa £ n-7ii £ that they said to each other, it is said 27. 1, 3 ; 31.9 -M £ is also found attached to a verbal prefix (22.1; 140.8, 22, 23). 4. -s*i £ and, but. This is one of the most frequently occurring par- ticles in Takelma narration, its main function being to bind together two clauses or sentences, particularly when a contrast is involved. It is found appended to nouns or pronouns as deictic or connective suffix: aks'i £ he in his turn 61.11; (cf. 47.14; 104.8, 13) JiulV sgi'sidiH mexs'i £ Panther and Coyote, also Crane An example of its use as sentence connector is : ga naganhan ha-£ga a de Jiop!e £ n, bd u -s'i ,£ eme' £ a r ni £ ga naga'n that used-to-be-said in-my-country long-ago, now-but here not that is-said 194.4; (cf. 60.9; 118.3; 122.17) -s'i £ is particularly frequently suffixed to the demonstratives ga that and aga this, gas'i £ and agas'i £ serving to connect two sentences, the second of which is the temporal or logical resultant or antithesis of the second. Both of the connected or con- trasted sentences may be introduced by gas'i £ , agas'i £ , or by a word with enclitically attached -s'i £ . In an antithesis agas'i £ seems to introduce the nearer, while gas'i £ is used to refer to the remoter act. Examples showing the usage of gas'i £ and agas'i £ are: gas'i ,£ de e l Jia-de-dil£a di-buma' a F (I smoked them out), and- then (or so-that) yellow- jackets everywhere swarmed 73.10 ¥aiwi' s t!omoma'nda £ gas'i f£ gayawaYp* something I-having- killed-it, thereupon you-ate-it 90.8 gas'i' £ guxda hulifin wa-iwi'* t!omxi f xas'i £ abaH on-one-hand his- wife (was a) sea woman, her-mother-in-law-but (lived) in-the- house 154.15 § 114 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 275 agas'i £ yo u Jc! w at*V yd' a xu f ma-s'i £ a'm £ de £ ugu's'i now my-bones just (I was) (i. e., I was reduced to a skeleton), food-and not she-gave-me-to-eat 186.1 agas'i £ a'nl £ ml' £ wa al-tleye'xi naga' ie yulum £ a s aga's'i* xamY wa- iw% fi ml 1 al-t!ayd¥wa on-one-hand "Not probably she-has-dis- covered-me," he-said Eagle-for-his-part, but Grizzly-Bear girl now she-had-discovered him 124.9 gas'i £ and agas'i £ as syntactic elements are not to be confused with the demonstratives ga and aga to which a connective -s'i s happens to be attached. This is shown by: ga-s'i' £ ga £ al that-so for ( = so for that reason) where ga £ al is a postposition to ga. There is nothing to pre- vent post-nominal -s'i £ from appearing in the same clause: aga f s'i £ mels'i £ but Crow-in-her-turn 162.14 When suffixed to the otherwise non-occurring demonstrative £ l- (perhaps contained in Ida- that) it has a concessive force, DESPITE, ALTHOUGH, EVEN IF 60.1: £ i's'i £ -~hi S'om ga £ al Jia-de-dllfa wit' a'ni £ al-t!aya y F p!iyi y n although-indeed mountain to everywhere he-went, not he- found deer 43.6 i's'i e ts!aya y ¥ a'nl £ tlomom guxdagwa although he-shot-at-her, not he-killed-her his-own-wife 140.17 -M £ (see no. 3) or connective -s'i £ may be added to £ i's'i £ , the resulting forms, with catch dissimilation (see § 22), being £ l r s'%hi £ and £ i's'is'i £ 47.11; 148.12. When combined with the idea of unfulfilled action, the concessive £ %s-% £ is supplemented by the conditional form in -¥i £ of the verb: £ i's'i £ Va'i gwala ndxbiyau¥i £ , wede ge ItfwaY even-though things many they-should-say-to-you (i. e., even though they call you names), not there look! 60.3 Compounded with -s'i £ is the indefinite particle : 5. -s*i £ wa'h*di 64.5. When appended to interrogatives, this parti- cle brings about the corresponding indefinite meaning (see § 105), but it has also a more general syntactic usage, in which capacity it may be translated as perchance, it seems, PROBABLY : ma's-i £ wa¥di lienenagwaY perhaps (or probably) you ate it all up 26.17 § H4 276 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 The uncompounded waFdi also occurs : ulu s m wo'Vdi Vai naVam formerly I-guess something it-was said to him 166.1 ga wa'Vdi hogwa' £ sda a that-one, it-seems, (was) their-runner 49.3 Similar in signification is : 6. mH i£ wa probably, perhaps 45.8; 63ol5. This enclitic has a con- siderable tendency to apparently be incorporated in the verb : %-mi'* £ wa-t!dut!iwin maybe he was caught (i-t!dut!iwin he was caught) xtf-i-ml'^wa-sgi'ibtfn mii^xdcfn hi I'11-probably-cut-him-in-two once just 31.13 7. his, hits nearly, almost, trying 44.7; 56.14. This element implies that the action which was done or attempted failed of success : ml* Jiono £ tlomoVwa-his mat then also he-killed-him nearly spear- shaft (personified), i. e., spear-shaft almost managed to kill him, as he had killed others 28.11; (cf. 188.20) A frequent Takelma idiom is the use of hi y s with a form of the verb of saying na{g)~ to imply a thought or intention on the part of the subject of the na(g)- form that fails to be realized: "ha-xiya' ml £ wasgd' a £ap'de £ " naga' i£ -hi s s "in-the-water probably I-shall-jump," he thought (but he really fell among alder- bushes and was killed) 94.17 Sometimes his seems to have a usitative signification; prob- ably the main point implied is that an act once habitual has ceased to be so: dalc-his-£ek!e' e xade £ I used to smoke (but no longer do) 8. wis, wPs it seems, doubtless. This particle is used to indicate a likely inference. Examples are: mi*-wis dap £ d'la-u moyugwana'n now-it-seems youth he's-to-be- spoiled (seeing that he's to wrestle with a hitherto invincible one) 31.12 ml* wi'*s akla tlomoma'n now apparently he-for-his-part he-has- been-killed (seeing that he does not return) 88.9,(6) 9. yaxa continually, only. The translation given for yaxa is really somewhat too strong and definite, its force being often so weak as hardly to allow of an adequate rendering into English. It § 114 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 277 often does not seem to imply more than simple existence or action unaccompanied and undisturbed. It is found often with the scarcely translatable adverb ganga only, in which case the idea of unvaried continuance comes out rather strongly, e. g. : ga'-lii yaxa ganga naga' i£ that-indeed continually only he-said (i. e., he always kept saying that) 24.15 From ganga it differs in the fact that it is often attracted into the verb-complex: ganga ge'l-yaxa-hewe'liau only he-is-continually- thinking (i. e., he is always thinking) (cf. 128.18; 146.15) 10. wala' £ (sina s ) really, come to find out 45.11; 170.8. As indicated in the translation, wala' £ indicates the more or less unexpected resolution of a doubt or state of ignorance : ga liaga wala f£ will wa £ -i-t!a f niY that-one so really house he-kept- it (i. e., it was Spear-shaft himself who kept house, no one else) 28.10 Certain usages of wala ,£ si{na £ ) , evidently an amplification of wala ,£ , have been already discussed (§ 70). 11. dl interrogative. The interrogative enclitic is consistently used in all cases where an interrogative shade of meaning is present, whether as applying to a particular word, such as an interrogative pronoun or adverb, or to the whole sentence. Its use in indirect questions is frequent : man fi H s mixal dV t!omomana ,£ he-counted gophers how-many had-been-killed The use of the interrogative is often merely rhetorical, imply- ing an emphatic negative : Ya-di' ma will wa £ -l-t!a f nida £ literally, what you house you- will- keep? ( = you shall not keep house) 27.16; (cf. 33.1; 47.9) Ordinarily di occupies the second place in the sentence, less fre- quently the third : yu'lc!alxde £ ml 1 di s £ a'nl £ YaH your-teeth now (inter.) not any (i. e., have you no teeth?) 128.23 Besides these syntactically and modally important enclitic par- ticles, there are a few proclitics of lesser significance. Among these are to be included ml 1 now and gane then, and then, which, though they have been included among the temporal adverbs and may § 114 278 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 indeed, at times, convey a definite temporal idea, are generally weak unaccented introducers of a clause, and have little determinable force: gane ya' £ then he went 92.26; 118.19; 152.7 ml 1 ldho fi£ then he died 71.13; 98.19; 122.13 The proclitic ne e well! is used chiefly as introductory to a hor- tatory statement: ne e go u m-s'i f£ da¥-s'im H da naba /a£ 7ia y n let us-in-our-turn over- his-nose let-us-do (i. e., let us pass over him!) 144.11 ne e t!omoma' £ n let me kill him. (cf. 96.4) § 115. VII. Interjections Of interjections and other words of an emotional character there are quite a number in Takelma. Some of them, while in no sense of definite grammatical form, are based on noun or verb stems. Not a few involve sounds otherwise foreign to the language (e. g., nasal- ized vowels [expressed by n ], a as in English bat, a as in saw, dj as in judge, voiceless palatal I [written I], final fortis consonant) ; pro- longation of vowels and consonants (expressed by + ) and repetition of elements are frequently used. The material obtained may be classified as follows: 1. Particles of Address: ama n come on! 96.24 Tiene' away from here! get away! 148.8, 10, 11, 13, 14 difgwalam O yes! (with idea of pity) 29.13; dit'gwd' a£ lam wi £ wa my poor younger brother! 64.4 lia-i" used by men in talking to each other Tid'Hda* used by women in talking to each other (cf . Tia-ikla wife! husband!) 2. Simple Interjections (expressing fundamental emotions): a+ surprise, generally joyful; weeping 28.5; 58.2; 150.2 a; a; £ d; £ d" sudden surprise at new turn ; sudden resolve 28.6 ; 29.7 ; 55.7; 78.9 a £ sudden halt at perceiving something not noticed before 26.12 o y doubt, caution 136.23 o+ sudden recollection; admiration, wonderment; call 92.9; 138.19; 188.17, 19 d+ fear, wonder 17.3 £ e e ; V displeasure 27.16; 32.9; 33.6; 122.12 £ e; Jie+ (both hoarsely whispered) used by mythological char- acters (crane, snake) on being roused to attention 122.10; 148.17, 18 § 115 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 279 lie+; e + call 59.2; 73.7; 75.10; 76.8 e e n*. e e n disapproval, "what's up?", sarcasm 28.11; 32.10 £ E n£ E n protest 112.6, 11; 114.3,6, 13; V w , £ E ,n decided displeasure 198.2 he n scorn, threat 140.9; 152.14 e n% sniffing suspiciously 160.20 jg»* E n " e 71 ' E n " smelling suspiciously 124.23 dja K disapproval, warning 156.18 m+ m+ gentle warning, pity 29.8; 31.11, 14 7im+ 7im+ reviving hope (?) 32.3 wa + wd + (loudly whispered) cry for help 29.12 ha-i alas! 62.4, 7 A n + groan 182.11 Jio f£ (hoarsely whispered) on being wounded 190.24 Tid' 7id Tid groans on being wounded 192.10 "he' lie Tie Tie laughter 118.22; 120.6 Those that follow have a prefixed s'- frequently used by Coyote. They are probably characteristic of this character (see also 71.14; 90.12). s' £ e'~kehehe derisive laughter 71.7; 72.11; 73.15; 74.15 s'Wp sharp anger 86.6, 22, 24 s'be' + u call for some one to come 92.1 c s a'i say there, you! 92.18, 21 s'gd+ sorrow 100.3 3. Set Calls (including cries in formulas and myths): pa+ (loudly whispered) war-whoop 190.15 bd+ bd+ (loudly whispered and held out long) war-whoop 136.26 bd wa' du wd' du (loudly whispered) war-whoop 110.19 gwd' Id Id Id Id (loudly whispered) war-whoop on slaying one of enemy wd wd wd cry to urge on deer to corral &o+ yelling at appearance of new moon 196.5 "hd + ; bd+ (both loudly whispered) urging on to run 46.5, 7 ; 47.6 ; 48.1, 3, 9; 49.3 Jb w + blowing before exercising supernatural power 96.19, 20, 22; 198.7 p t + blowing in exercising supernatural power 77.9 p w + blowing water on person to resuscitate him 170.3 M blowing preparatory to medicine-formula addressed to wind 198.4 do' do do do do do cry (of ghosts) on catching fire 98.4 (cf . Yana du' du du du' du du) ximi' + ximi cry of rolling skull 174.5, 6 § 115 280 BUBEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 6' + da da da da da cry of people running awajr from rolling skull 174.9, 10 do'Thi dolM K taunt (of Pitch to Coyote) 86.2, 8, 10, 17, 21, 23; 88. 1, 2 da'ldalwaya da Idalwaya da'ldalwaya formula for catching craw- fish (explained in myth as derived from dalda y l dragon-fly) 29.14, 16 wi'liklisi "cut off!" (cf. vM% H his stone knife 142.21) Chicken- Hawk's cry for revenge 144.1 sgilbibi' + { x "come warm yourself!" 25.7 (cf. sgili'pxde 5 I warm myself 25.8) gewe' e lc!ewe e (cf . gewe'1c!iwi £ n I hold [salmon] bow-fashion) said by Pitch when Coyote is stuck to him 88.5, 9, 11, 12 p!idi-l-p'a /£ tp'idit¥ " O my liver! " (cf . p*a $ tp K id-i- salmon liver) cry of Grizzly Bear on finding she has eaten her children's livers 120.19, 20 The last three show very irregular types of reduplication, not other- wise found. 4. Animal Cries and Imitative Sounds: wa'yanl cry of Jack-Rabbit 108.9, 14, 17 (s')Tia'u, ha'u cry of Grizzly Bear 106.12, 19; 140.12 wa' + u (hoarse) death-cry of Grizzly Bear woman 142.3 M u Bear's cry 72.15 p!a¥ p!a¥ "bathe! bathe!" supposed cry of crow ba¥ ba¥ ba¥ ba¥ ba¥ ba¥ sound made by Woodpecker 90. 1 1 ; 92.2 (cf. ba'¥ba a red-headed woodpecker 92.2) plan p!au plau plan plau p!au sound made by Yellowhammer 90.19 bum + bum+ noise made by rolling skull 174.4 tde'lelelele (whispered) sound of rattling dentalia 156.24 (cf. aorist stem tcfelem- rattle) tul tul tul noise made by Rock Boy in walking over graveyard house 14.8 dEm+ dEm+ dEm+ noise of men fighting 24.1 xa'-u (whispered) noise of crackling hair as it burns 24.8 tgi'l imitating sound of something breaking 24.4 (cf.xa-da a n-tgil- tga'Thi he broke it in two with rock 24.4) tut tut tut noise of pounding acorns 26.12 bA~kl "pop! " stick stuck into eye 27.8 7iu n + confused noise of people talking far off 190.7 Jc!i' 'didididi sound of men wrestling 32.14 5. Song Burdens: wa'yawene ld' u wana medicine-man's dance 46.14 wainha round dance; lullaby (cf. walnha put him to sleep!) 104.15; 106.4, 8; 105 note § 115 boas] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 28 1 JcH'xinhi round dance (said by Frog) 102.18 £ o f cu £ o'cu round dance (said by Frog) 102.23 gwa'tca gwalca round dance (said by Bluejay) 104.7 tc!a r itc!ia round dance (play on tc!a' ie c bluejay) 104.7 be'bebinibi' 'a round dance (said by Mouse; play on bebe y n rushes) 104.10 beleldo round dance (play on belp* swan) 104.15 bi'gi bi'gi bi r gi + Skunk's medicine-man's dance ([?] play on bi¥ w skunk) 164.18, 22; 166.5 hd /$ gwatci Jia' e gwatci said by s'omlohoTxa £ s in doctoring § 116. CONCLUSION The salient morphologic characteristics of Takelma may be summed up in the words inflective and incorporating, the chief stress being laid on either epithet according as one attaches greater impor- tance to the general method employed in the formation of words and forms and their resulting inner coherence and unity, or to the par- ticular grammatical treatment of a special, though for many Ameri- can languages important, syntactic relation, the object. Outside of most prefixed elements and a small number of the post-nominal suffixes, neither of which enter organically into the inner structure of the word-form, the Takelma word is a firmly knit morphologic unit built up of a radical base or stem and one or more affixed (gen- erally suffixed) elements of almost entirely formal, not material, signification. It would be interesting to compare the structure of Takelma with that of the neighboring languages ; but a lack, at the time of writing, of published material on the Kalapuya, Coos, Shasta, Achomawi, and Karok makes it necessary to dispense with such comparison. With the Athapascan dialects of southwest Oregon, the speakers of which were in close cultural contact with the Takelmas, practically no agreements of detail are traceable. Both Takelma and Atha- pascan make a very extended idiomatic use of a rather large num- ber of verbal prefixes, but the resemblance is probably not a far- reaching one. While the Athapascan prefixes are etymologically distinct from the main body of lexical material and have reference chiefly to position and modes of motion, a very considerable number of the Takelma prefixes are intimately associated, etymologically and functionally, with parts of the body. In the verb the two lan- guages agree in the incorporation of the pronominal subject and § 116 282 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 object, but here again the resemblance is only superficial. In Athapascan the pronominal elements are phonetically closely com- bined with the verbal prefixes and stand apart from the follow- ing verb-stem, which never, or very rarely, loses its monosyllabic individuality. In Takelma the pronominal elements, together with the derivative affixes, enter into very close combination with the preceding verb-stem, but stand severely aloof from the verbal prefixes. The radical phonetic changes which the verb-stem under- goes for tense in both languages is perhaps the most striking resemblance between the two; but even in this regard they differ widely as to the methods employed. Neither the very extended use of reduplication in Takelma, nor the frequent use in Atha- pascan of distinct verb-stems for the singular and plural, is shared by the other. Add to this the fact that the phonetic systems of Athapascan and Takelma are more greatly divergent than would naturally be expected of neighboring languages, and it becomes clear that the opinion that has generally been held, though based on practically no evidence, in regard to the entirely distinct character- istics of the two linguistic stocks, is thoroughly justified. The entire lack of nominal cases in Takelma and the lack of pro- nominal incorporation in Klamath indicate at the outset the funda- mental morphologic difference between these stocks. In so far as nominal cases and lack of pronominal incorporation are made the chief morphologic criteria of the central Californian group of linguistic families, as represented, say, by Maidu and Yokuts, absolutely no resemblance is discernible between those languages and Takelma. As far, then, as available linguistic material gives opportunity for judg- ment, Takelma stands entirely isolated among its neighbors. In some respects Takelma is typically American, in so far as it is possible at all to speak of typical American linguistic characteristics. Some of the more important of these typical or at any rate wide- spread American traits, that are found in Takelma, are: the incor- poration of the pronominal (and nominal) object in the verb; the incorporation of the possessive pronouns in the noun; the closer association with the verb-form of the object than the subject; the inclusion of a considerable number of instrumental and local modifi- cations in the verb-complex; the weak development of differences of tense in the verb and of number in the verb and noun; and the impossibility of drawing a sharp line between mode and tense. § H6 boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 283 Of the more special grammatical characteristics, some of which are nearly unparalleled in those languages of North America that have been adequately studied, are: a system of pitch-accent of fairly con- siderable, though probably etymologically secondary, formal sig- nificance; a strong tendency in the verb, noun, adjective, and adverb toward the formation of dissyllabic stems with repeated vowel (e. g., aorist stem yowo- be; verb-stem loho- die; noun moxo y buzzard; adjective Tios'd u [plural] getting big; adverb 0Z0V1 formerly); a very considerable use of end reduplication, initial reduplication being entirely absent ; the employment of consonant and vowel changes as a grammatical process; the use in verbs, nouns, and adjectives of pre- fixed elements, identical with body-part noun stems, that have refer- ence now to parts of the body, now to purely local relations; the complicated and often irregular modifications of a verbal base for the formation of the most generalized tense, the aorist; the great differentiation of pronominal schemes according to syntactic rela- tion, class of verb or noun, and tense-mode, despite the comparatively small number of persons (only five — two singular, two plural, and one indifferent) ; the entire lack in the noun and pronoun of cases (the subjective and objective are made unnecessary by the pronominal and nominal incorporation characteristic of the verb ; the possessive, by the formal use of possessive pronoun affixes; and the local cases, by the extended use of pre-positives and postpositions) ; the existence in the noun of characteristic suffixes that appear only with pre- positives and possessive affixes ; the fair amount of distinctness that the adjective possesses as contrasted with both verb and noun; the use of a decimal system of numeration, tertiary or quinary in origin ; and a rather efficient though simple syntactic apparatus of subordi- nating elements and well-modulated enclitic particles. Altogether Takelma has a great deal that is distinct and apparently even isolated about it. Though typical in its most fundamental features, it may, when more is known of American languages as a whole, have to be considered a very specialized type. § H6 £84 BUREAU OE AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 ft , -3 ©4 rt o o 0Q r* & x -s r- "a « « egg-. «Si, I .§ * -» * lc? «" ^ § e e 2 "3" e -' £ § § £ S S« -§ s s ■? ^ *& "& « 8 w M t-i M u u H +3 +J +J .2 £ £ la la S 3 pi s www ■a 8 3 If S o •r4 ^ ■s g • www ■s ^s -;? www S "2 pQ O O O fr fl O Ph Ph Ph BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN .LANGUAGES TAKELMA 285 I ! if a! 8 1 * g « 8 8 8 'S -3 'S > 1 a s Ph ^ s s 8 ^3 Hs 'S 'S is © o Ph !•» § ■*- .5 v, g 8 e *> *i H »? » J? i? ^ 8 Ji s 8 8 8 "^ ^3 -3 ^3 'S 'S *3 'S 3 a CD a is "©. ~ £ '§ . 'I I I ? * fc 3 £ ^ 8 8 8 8 8 8 ^3 ^3 -3 'o -3 *3 'S Ph « «• I OB P- 0) c 1 1 Ph 286 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 3. Forms of na(g)- say, do A. Intransitive [bull. 40 Aorist Future Potential Inferential Present imperative Future imperative Singular: 1st per. nagaU'e* na't'ee na't'e £ na'k'a £ 2d per. nagaW nada'e naH' na'k.'eit na % na' £ k' 3d per. naga'i* na'H % na' £ na y k l Plural: 1st per. nagayVk' naga'm C!)nayi y k t na'k'anaW ndbd'a£(ha*n) * 2d per. nagaiVp* na't'ba £ naH'p* na'k'&t'p' na^np* Imper. neeye'e (sub- o r dinate neye'eda* or nb'idafi) neeyauk'te (conditional) FMEQ ZTEJVTJLTIVE Aorist Future Inferential Present imperative Future imperative Singular: 1st per 2d per 3d per Plural: 1st per 2d per Imper. naga £ na'k l de £ naga £ nigiH % naga £ nd'a £ k' naga £ nigi y k K naga £ nigiYp* neenia'us nant'ee nanada' £ i nana'H' i nanaga'm 1 nana't'ba £ * nank'a £ nank.'elf nank't nank'ana^k' nank/tifp* nanha nanaba' £ nanhanp* nanhaW 1 These forms are to be carefully distinguished from na £ -nada' £ , na £ -na' £ f , and so forth (see §69). It is of course possible to have also na £ -nant'ee, na £ -nanada' £ , and so forth. 2 Also nankak' is found, so that it is probable that doublets exist for other non-aorist forms, e. g., nanhada £ , nanhaba £ . B. Transitive A.orist Object Subject First person singular Second person singular Third person First person plural Second person plural Singular: 1st per. 2d per. 3d per. Plural: 1st per. 2d per. nege's-dam nege's-i nege's-dap' naga'sbi £ n naga'sbi nagasbina^k" naga' £ n nagaY naga x nagana^k' nagaYp' naga'simit' naga'sam naga'simit' p' naga'sanba £ n naga'sanp' naga' saribana y V BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 287 3. Forms of na{g)~ say, do B. Transitive — Continued Future Object Subject First person singular Second person singular Third person First person plural Second person plural Singular: 1st per. naxbin ndagi'n naxanban 2d per. nexda? nak'ida* naximidae 3d per. nexink* naxbink' nak'ink' naxamank' naxanbank' Plural: 1st per. naxbinagam naaginaga'm naxanbanagam 2d per. nexdabaz ndagi't'ba* naximit'ba* Imper. condit. nexiauk'i £ naxbiauk'i* Inferential Singular: 1st per. naxbigae nak'iga* naxanp'ga s 2d per. nexik.'df nak'ik.'dt' naxamk.'dt' 3d per. nexik K naxbik' nak'ik* naxamk' naxanp'k' Plural: 1st per. naxbigana % k' nak*igana s k' naxanp'gana y k' 2d per. nexik.'elt'p' nak'ik.'elt'p' naxamk.'dt' p x Potential Singular: 1st per. naxbin ndagi'zn naxanba^n 2d per. nexdam nak'it' naximit' 3d per. nexi naxbi nak'i naxam naxanp' Plural: 1st per. naxbinak' nak'inak' naxanbana y k' 2d per. nexdap' nak'it'p' naximit'p' Present Imperative Singular: 2d per. nexi nak'i naxam Plural: 1st per. . nak'iba* 2d per. nexip' nak'ip' naxamp' Future Imperative Singular: 2d per. nexga^m ndagi'ek' 288 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 3. Forms of na(g)- say, do B. Transitive — Continued Singular: 1st per, 2d per. 3d per. Plural: 1st per. 2d per. nege's-m naga'sbin naga'n naga'simin naga'sanban Future nexina s naxbina s ndagina'e naximina s naxanbana £ Potential nexm naxbin nak'in naximin naxanban Inferential nexigam naxbigam nak'am naxamk'am naxanp'gam FJEtEQ TTENTA.TIVM A-orist Object Subject First person singular Second person singular Third person First person plural Second person plural Singular: 1st per. . . . 2d per. . . . 3d per. . . . Plural: 1st per. . . . 2d per. . . . negens-dam negens-i negens'dap' nagansbten nagansbi nagansbinak' naganha^n naganhat naganha naganhanak' naganhat' p' nagansimit' nagansam nagansimit' p' nagansanba s n nagansanp' nagansanbana^k' Future Singular: 1st per. . . . nansbin nanhan nansanban 2d per. . . . nens-da* nanhada 6 nansimida s 3d per. . . . nens-ink' nansbink' nariharik* nansamank' nansanbank' Plural: 1st per. . . . nansbinagam nanhanagam nansanbanagam 2d per. . . . nensdabae nanhat'ba £ nansimit'ba e Aorist Future Singular: 1st per. 2d per. 3d per. Plural: 1st per. 2d per. negens-m nagansbin naganhan nagansimin nagansanban nens'ina* nansbinae nanhana* nansimina e nansanbana s boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 3. Forms of na(g)- say, do C. Causative in -n- l Aorist 289 Object Subject First person singular Second person singular Third person First person plural Second person plural Singular: 1st per. . . . nagdnxWn nagdana' £ n (nagdani' s n) 2 naganxanba e n 2d per. . . . negenxdam nagdmaH* (nagdanVV) nagdnximiV 3d per. . . . negenxi naganxbi nagan (naganhi) nagdnxam nagdnxanp* Plural: 1st per. . . . nagdnxbinak' nagdmana y k' (nagdanina % k') nagdnxanbanaW 2d per. . . . negenxdap' nagdanaH' p' (nagdanVfp') nagdnximit'p* Future Singular: 1st per. . . . nanxbin ndana'n nanxanban 2d per. . . . 3d per. . . . nenxda s nenxink' ndnxbink" Si o Pi a Si ndnximidat nanxamank" nanxanbarik' Plural: 1st per. . . . 2d per. . . . nenxdaba* nanxbinagam ndmanaga'm (ndaninaga'm) ndana'Vba* (ndani't'ba*) nanximit'ba* nanxanbanagam Passive Aorist Future Singular: 1st per. 2d per. 3d per. Plural: 1st per. 2d per. negenxin nagdnxbin nagdana'n (nagdmi'n) naganximin naganxanban nenxina e nanxbina* ndanana'e (naanina'*) nanximina* nanxanbana' i Though these forms are simply derivatives of intransitive aorist naga(i)- } verb-stem na-, they have been listed here because of their great similarity to transitive frequentatives, with which they might be easily confused. In the aorist, the two sets of forms differ in the length of the second (repeated) vowel, in the connecting consonant, and to some extent in the place of the accent, though this is probably a minor con- sideration. In the future, they differ in the connecting consonant and partly again in the place of the accent. 2 Forms in parentheses are instrumental. 3 Imperative (sing. subj. and third person object): nanha. 3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 19 290 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 3. Forms of na(g)- say, do D. Reciprocal Forms [BULL. 40 Aorist ' Future Plural: 1st per naga'sinik" naga'sanVp* naga'sa^n (frequentative sa s n) nagan- naxinigam naxanfba* 2d per . . . . 3d per E. Nominal Derivatives INFINITIVES Intransitive: ne y x Object First person singular Second person singular Third person First person plural Second person plural Transitive .... nSxiya n&xbiya ndagia y naximia naxanbia JPARTICIPIE Active: naH' Other forms derived from verb-stem na{g)- than those given above are of course found, but are easily formed on evident analogies. Observe, however, intransitive aorist stem nagai- in transitive deriva- tives nagaiFwa he said to him (personal) and nagaiVwitf he said to himself. Comitatives in - (a)gw- are not listed because their forma- tion offers no difficulty; e. g., second person singular present impera- tive na¥ w do so and so having it! It is possible that ho u - nexada £ immediately is nothing but adverb bo u now + subordinating form *nexada £ of -xa- derivative from na a g- with regular palatal ablaut (see §31,5); literally it would then mean something like when it is BECOMING (DOING) NOW. APPENDIX B THE ORIGIN OF DEATH xi'lam 1 sebeY 2 hap'da 3 loho r k\ 4 sgi'sidlT 5 no'tslat'gwan® Roasting-Dead-People his child it died. He and Coyote neighboring each other yu v k\ 7 ga-s'i £8 nak'ik': 9 "laps 10 yimi'xi 11 kap'dek' 12 loho'iday 3 they were. And that he said to "Blanket lend it to me my child since it died, him: laps 10 yimi'xi," 11 naga'-ihi £ 14 xilam 1 sebeY. 2 "ani £15 laps 10 blanket lend it to me," he said, it is said, Roasting-Dead-People. "Not blanket i xi'lam. Used indifferently for sick, dead (as noun), and ghost, -am (= -an) is probably noun-forming suffix with inorganic -a- (cf. han-xilml abode of ghosts, literally , across-river are ghosts as verb with positional -t). As base is left xil- or xin- (-n- of radical syllable dissimilates to -I- before nasal suffix); xi'lam from* xin-an or * xil-an. This xin- is perhaps etymologically identical with xin mucus (verb-base zs?i-sniff). 2 sebeH'. Participle in -t' of verb seeba'-n Type 5 1 roast it; aorist stem seel-, verb-stem sebe-. roast- ing-dead-people is Takelma name for species of black long-legged bug. He is supposed to be so called because responsible for death, as told in this myth. s hap'da. Base haflp'- small, child (cf. hap-s-di s small). This is one of those comparatively few nouns that add possessive pronominal suffixes of Scheme II directly to stem. With suffixed ([?] pre-pronominal) -i- it becomes plural in signification: hapxda ms children. This sort of plural formation stands, as far as known, entirely isolated in Takelma. In its absolute form haap'- takes on derivative suffix -xi, Mpxi y CHILD. *hho % k'. Third personal inferential of verb lohoit'e* Type 4b I die; aorist stem lohoi-, verb-stem loho-. -k' inferential element. Inferential mode used because statement is here not made on personal authority, but only as tradition or hearsay. According to this, all myth narrative should employ inferential forms instead of aorist. This myth employs partly inferentials and partly aorists; but in most other myths aorists are regular^ employed, probably because they are more familiar forms, and perhaps, also, because myths may be looked upon as well-authenticated fact. 5 sgi'sidVl. sgi'si coyote, formed by repetition of base- vowel according to Type 2. -dVl is dual suffix sgi'sidVl by itself might mean two coyotes, but -diH is never properly dual in signification, meaning rather he (indicated by preceding noun) and some one else (indicated by context). tno'ts.'at'gwan. From local adverbial stem nots!- next door, neighboring; it is formed by addition of characteristic -a- and third personal plural reflexive pronominal suffix -t'gwan (= -V- [third person]+-^a- [reflexive] + -n [plural]). First person singular notslade; second person singular nots!ada' £ . i yu*k'. Third personal inferential of verb yowo't'e 1 Type 2 I am; aorist stem yowo-, verb-stem yo- (yu-). -k' inferential element as in loho y k'. Corresponding aorist, yowo' £ . s gas-i s . ga is general demonstrative that, here serving to anticipate quotation: "laps (2) . . . yimi'xi- (3). ' ' -s'i £ as general connective indicates sequence of nak'ik' upon loho K k' (1). v nak'ik'. Third personal inferential of verb naga' £ n Type 2 i say to him; aorist stem naga-, verb-stem nwg-. Corresponding aorist, naga\ Non-aoristic forms of this transitive verb show instrumental -i- (see §64). w laps. Noun of uncertain etymology, perhaps from base lab- carry on one's back, -s nominal deriva- tive suffix of no known definite signification. " yimi'xi. Present imperative second person singular subject, first person singular object (-xi) of verb yiimiya' £ n Type 1 1 lend it to htm; aorist stem yiimii-, verb-stem yimi-. Non-aoristic forms show instru- mental -i- as in nak'ik'; e. g., yimi'hin i shall lend it to htm. whap'dek'. See hap' da (1). -del:' first person singular possessive pronominal suffix according to Scheme II. 13 loho'ida £ . Subordinate form, with causal signification, of loho'i £ he died. Aorist stem lohoi- =verb- stem loho- + intransitive element -i- characteristic of aorist of Type 4; - s , third personal aorist subject intran- sitive Class I, dissimilated because of catch in subordinating suffix -da £ . Syntactically loho'ida £ is subordi- nated to yimi'xi. unaga'-ihi £ . =naga'i £ he satd+ quotative enclitic -hi £ . naga'i £ third person aorist of irregular verb nagait'e £ Type 4a i say; aorist stem nagai-, verb-stem no-. Both transitive and intransitive forms of na(g)- say incorporate object of thing said; ga in gas-i £ (2) is incorporated as direct object in nak'ik' (it would be theoretically more correct to write ga [-s-i £ ]- nak'ik'); while quotation " laps . . . yimi'xi'" is syntactically direct object of naga'-ihi £ which, as such, it precedes, ga-nak'ik' anticipates "laps . . . yimi'xi" naga'- iW. Observe use of aorist instead of inferential from naga'-ihi £ on. 15 a'nl £ . Negative particle with following aorist. True negative future would be wede yimi'hixbiga s . 291 292 bureau or American ethnology [bull. 40 yFmlsbi^n 16 gwidi'-s*i £17 yo ,£ t ? 18 xila'm 1 yeuk'iV' 19 naga'-ihi £14 I lend it to you for where they will be dead people if they return? " he said, it is said, sgi'si. 5 no u s'i £2 ° yewe /i£21 xilam 1 sebeY. 2 klodoY 22 hap'dagwa 23 Coyote. And next door he returned Roasting-Dead-People. He buried it his own child loho'ida*. 24 ganehi £25 dabalni'xa 26 la a le\ 27 mPhi 528 sgi'si 5 hap'da 3 who had died. And then, it long time it became. Now, it is Coyote his child is said, said, xi'lam 1 la a le\ 27 ml i28 loho' i£ . 29 ml i28 no' u£ 8' 20 gini' £ k ?30 xilam 1 sebet* 2 sick it became. Now it died. Now next door he went Roasting-Dead-People 5 wa' a da. 31 "laps 10 yimi'xi 11 ha a p*deV 12 loho'idaV 13 — "k'adi' 32 to him. " Blanket lend it to me my child since it died." "What nagaitY' 33 xilam 1 sebe't' 2 ga 8 naga' i£ . 14 u ho u xa £ a V34 ma £ a 35 you said?" Roasting-Dead-People that he said. "Last time you is yiimlsbi s n. First person singular subject (- e rc) second personal singular object (-M-) of verb yUmiya'*n (see yimi'xi above), -s- indirect object used only in aorist of this verb, elsewhere -x-; e. g., future yimi'xbin I shall lend it to you. Aorist is used because idea of futurity is here immediate; i. e., time of action is not put definitely forward. " gwidi'-s-i s . gwi- general interrogative and indefinite adverb where? somewhere, di interrogative enclitic serving to give gwi- distinct interrogative signification. -s-« £ has here slight causal tinge: for where WOULD THEY ALL BE, IF THEY RETURNED? is yo'H' . Third personal future of verb yowo't'e* i am (see yu K k' above). -H' third personal subject future intransitive Class I. is yeuk'i s . Third personal conditional (-fc'i £ ) of verb yeweit'e- Type 4a i return; aorist stem yewei-, verb-stem yeu- (ye«w-). 20 no'us-i £ . =n6'i^s % (stem nots!- next door) 4- connective -s-i s . no'u £ s- may best be considered as local adverbial prefix to yewe'i*. 21 yewe'tf. Third person aorist of verb yeweit'e 1 (see yeuk'i e above {-i and - £ as in loho'i* and naga'tf above) 22 klodoH'. Third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb k!ododa' £ n Type 8 i bury him aorist stem k/odod-, verb-stem goud-. ™hap'dagwa. See hap' da (1). -gwa reflexive suffix. k.'odoY hap' da would have meant he (Roasting- Dead-People) buried his (Coyote's) child. 24 loho'ida 1 . In this case subordinate form serves merely to explain hap'dagwa, and may thus be rendered as relative, who had died. ^ganehi e . =gane and then (compound of demonstrative ga), used to introduce new turn in narrative, + quotative -hi*. 26 dabalni'xa. Temporal adverb long time. Like many other adverbs, it is difficult of satisfactory analysis, da- is local body-part prefix, as in several other temporal adverbs; but its application here is quite obscure, bal- radical element, cf. adjective bal-s long, -xa adverbial (chiefly temporal) suffix- •ni- = ? (cf. lep'ni'xa winter). *>IoaW. Third person aorist intransitive Class II of verb loAlit'e* Types 10a and 15a i become; aorist stem laale-, verb-stem laa-p'-. -I- = U- of positional verbs. Corresponding inferential lap'k'. 28 miihi s . =mli weak temporal adverb now, then, serving generally to introduce new statement, + quo- tative -hi*. Mloho'i*. Seeloho'ida* (2). 3o gini' £ k'. Third person aorist of verb gini'k'de? Type 2 I go (somewhere); aorist stem ginig-, verb-stem ging-, ginag- (present imperative gink' ; future gina'k'de «). - £ third person aorist intransitive Class I. Inas- much as forms occui derived from base gin- (e. g., reduplicated giniginia'u £ ), . g . mus t be considered as either petrified suffix, or as trace of older reduplication with vanished vowel in second member: gin-i-g- from (?) gin-i-gn-. ginig- can be used only with expressed goal of motion (in this case no'u £ s- an a w a'ada). he went without expressed goal would have been ya' £ . Similarly: baxam- come, me £ -ginig- come here; Uogw- run, hiwiliw- run (somewhere); s-owo'u £ k'ap'- jump, biliw- jump at. si wa'ada. Formed, like no'ts.'at'givan (1), by addition of third personal pronominal suffix -'da to local stem wa-; first person wade. These forms are regularly used when motion to some person or persons is meant: if goal of motion is non-personal, postposition ga £ aH to, at is employed. 32 k'adi'. k'a (before di, otherwise k'ai) is substantival indefinite and interrogative stem (thing), what, corresponding to adverbial gwi- (4). di serves also here to give k'a distinct interrogative force. 33 nagalV. Second person singular aorist of verb nagalt'e* (see naga'-iW above). This is one of those few intransitives that take personal endings directly after stem ending in semi-vowel (nagay-), without connective -a- (see § 65 end). si houxa^. =houxa s yesterday, (here more indefinitely as) last time, formerly + deictic - £ a\ -xa is adverbial (temporal) suffix (cf. dabalni'xa above). - £ a y serves to contrast last time with now. 85 ma £ a. = ma second person singular independent personal pronoun + deictic - £ a\ which here contrasts you (as former object of supplication) with i (as present object of supplication). boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 293 ga ' 6{i nege's 'dam 37 ' laps 10 y imi'xi ' " naga'sbinda £ : 38 ' yap !a 39 that you said to me ' Blanket lend it to me ' when I said to you: ' People gwidr il7 yo' £ t' 18 yemViV 19 ml i28 hawa'xi u£ 40 h^p'de'k'," 12 naga'-ihi £14 where they will be if they return?' Now it is rotting my child," he said, it is said, xilain 1 sebeV. 2 no' u s'i £20 sgisi 5 yewe' i£ . 21 "sga 41 +" t'aga' i£ . 42 ga 8 Roasting-Dead-People. And next Coyote he returned. "Sga +" he cried. That door ga £ al 43 bo u44 £ a'nl £15 yap!a 39 yewe' i£21 loho'ida 5 . 13 because of nowadays not people they return when they die. *6 ga. Anticipates quotation " yap.'a (10) . . . ybuk'i e (11)." 37 nege's- dam. Second personal singular subject, first personal singular object (-dam) of verb naga' s n (see nakik' above), nege- shows palatal ablaut characteristic of forms with first person singular object. S'- indirect object in aorist only, elsewhere -x-; e. g., nexda^ you will say to me. Direct object is ga. 3 » naga'sbinda e . Subordinate form, with temporal force, of naga'sWn I say to you. naga'sWn = aorist stem naga- + indirect object -s- + second personal singular object -hi- + first personal singular subject -*n. naga'sbinda* is subordinated to main verb nege's'dam; its direct object is quotation "laps yimi'xi" (10). 39 yap.'a. Noun formed apparently by repetition of base vowel according to Type 2. It is employed for people in general without regard to sex. *> Uawa'xivt. Third person aorist intransitive Class I of verb hawaxiut'e? Type 5 i am rotting; aorist stem xiu-, verb-stem xiwi-. This verb is evidently compounded of hawa y x matter, pus and verbal base xiu-, whose exact meaning can not be determined, as it has not been found alone. « sgd-h. Words spoken by Coyote often begin with s-, which has in itself no grammatical significance. « 1 aga'tf Third person aorist intransitive Class I of verb t'agalt'e- Type 4a I cry; aorist stem t'agai-, verb-stem t' dag-. -i £ as in yewe'i-, loho'i s , and naga'tf above. i3 ga e aH. Postposition to, at, on account of, used with preceding demonstrative ga; ga ga £ a 7= there- fore. ga £ a y l is itself compounded of demonstrative ga and local element al at, to. ** 68«. Temporal adverb now, to-day. First e of £ a'n¥ not intended merely to keep up distinct hiatus between final -ou and initial a-. [Translation] The child of Roasting-dead-people died. He and Coyote were neighbors to each other. Thereupon he said to him, "Lend me a blanket, for my child has died. Lend me a blanket," said Roasting- dead-people. " I'll not lend you a blanket, for where are they going to be, if dead people come back?" said Coyote. And next door returned Roasting-dead-people, and buried his child that had died. Then, 'tis said, a long time elapsed. Now Coyote's child became sick and died. Now next door he went to Roasting-dead-people. "Lend me a blanket, for my child has died." — "What did you say?" Roasting-dead-people said that. "Yesterday indeed when I did say to you, 'Lend me a blanket,' you, for your part, did say that to me, 'Where will the people be, if they return?' Now my child is rot- ting," said Roasting-dead-people. So next door Coyote returned. "Sga+ !" he cried. For that reason people do not nowadays return when they die. 294 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 HOW A TAKELMA HOUSE WAS BUILT yapla 1 wi'H 12 klemei. 3 bem 4 p!a-idi £ lo /u ky eme' e s'i £6 honcr 7 People house they make it. Post they set it down, and here again p!a-idi £ lo /u k',he /£ me £8 hono /£ p!a-idI e lo ,u k ? ,hag;amgama^n 9 p!a-idI ff lo /u k < . they set it down, yonder again they set it down, in four places they set them down. he /£ ne 10 hono £ hangili'p' 11 gadaV 12 hagamgamaV., gada'kVi £i3 Then also they place (beams) on top thereof in four places, and on top thereof across mu £ xda'nhi 14 hangiii x p\ he £ ne ya ,a s*i £15 wi'li s'idibi' 116 klemei; just once they place Then and just house its wall they make it; (beam) across. 5he £ ne gada'kVi £ matsla v k' 17 will 1 he e la v m, 18 t'ga^l 19 ga 20 he e la'ni then and on top they put them house boards. sugar-pine those boards thereof klemei, gane 21 dak'daY 22 datlabaV, 23 ha' £ ya 24 datlaba^k'. gane they make And then from on top they finish it, on both sides they finish it. And then them. dedewill^dadi's 25 klemei dak'daf s *i' £ 26 daho'kVal 27 klemei klija'x 28 door they make it, and from on top holed they make it smoke gana x u 29 ba-i-gina'xda a . 30 ganes*i £31 ga'klan 32 klemei, xarlsgipli'- therein its going out. And then ladder they make it, they notch it in several i See note 39 of first text; § 86, 2. yapla is to be understood as subject of all following finite verb forms. 2 § 86, 2; quantity of final vowel varies between 4 and -U. Directly precedes verb as object. s Third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb k!eme s n Type 3 i make it; §§ 63; 65. « § 86, 1; object of following verb. e p.'a-i- down § 37, 13; di-- § 36, 10. lo'uV third personal subject, third personal object aonst of verb lo'ugwatn Type 6 1 set it; §§ 63; 40, 6. e eme' s here § 104; -si £ enclitic particle § 114, 4. » Modal adverb § 113, 4. e § 104. 8 Numeral adverb from gamga'm four § 111. io Temporal adverb § 113, 3. " Jian- across § 37, 1. -gilPp' third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb -giliba^n Type 3; §§63; 40,3. i 2 Postposition with force of independent local adverb § 96. 13 See note 12; -s-i- c § 114, 4. " mu^xda>n numeral adverb once § 111; -hi enclitic particle § 114, 2. is yd'a post-positive particle just § 114, 1; -s-i £ § 114, 4. is s-iiib- (house) wall § 86, 3; -i'i third personal possessive form of noun-characteristic -i- §§89,3; 92 III. house its- wall is regular periphrasis for house's wall. 17 Third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb mats!aga' s n Type 3 1 put it; §§ 63; 40, 3. is Noun stem heel- with nominal suffix -am dissimilated from -an §§ 87, 6; 21. will* heeWm is com- pound noun § 88. 1 9 § 86, 1. Predicate appostive to heela y m: they make those boards out of sugar-pine. 20 Demonstrative pronoun of indifferent number modifying heda y m § 104. 2 1 Temporal or connective adverb compounded of demonstrative ga and element -ni (?=ne?) of unknown meaning §§ 113, 2; 114 end. 22 Adverb in -dot' from local element dak'- above § 112, 1. 23 da- § 36, 2 end; -t.'abaW third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb -t!abaga' s n Type 3 ! finish it; §§ 63; 40,3. 24 Local adverb § 113, 1. 25 dedcwili'ida door, local phrase with pre-positive e?e- in front of and third personal possessive suffix -da § 93 end. -aVs postposition § 96 of unclear meaning here. 26 See note 22; -s-i s § 114, 4. 27 da- §107, 5; -ho'k'wal adjective with suffix -al § 108, 2. 28 § 86, 3. 29 Postposition with kliyl'x ba-igina'xdaa § 96. so Third personal possessive form in -daa of infinitive ba-igina y x. ba-i- out § 37, 12; gin- verb stem Type 2 or 11 go to § 40, 2, 11; -ax infinitive suffix of intransitive verbs of class I § 74, 1. 3i See note 21; -s'i s § 114, 4. 32 § 86, 2; suffix -n, §§ 21; 87, 6. boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 295 sgap', 33 gwelt'gau 34 gina'x 35 klemei; wili s'idibl'Vi 536 klernei. gane places, down to the earth going they make house its wall and they make And it; it. then datlabaV ha^t'bu'xt'bixikX 37 gane leples 38 hahuwu' u£ k'i, 39 gana't' 40 they finish it all cleaned inside. And rush they spread them of that kind then mats out inside, gidi 41 alxali 42 yap!a N ; p!i i43 yoga' a44 has*s-o u , 45 gas*i £46 alxaliyana' £ 47 thereon they sit people; fire its place in the center, so that they being seated ha' £ ya-p!iya\ 48 gana £ ne'x 49 hop!e' £ n 50 yap!a £ a 51 wi'li 1 ; 53 lep'ni'xa 53 on both sides of the In that way long ago people, for their house; in winter fire. their part, will' 152 gana N t 53 . sama'xas*i £54 ana £ ne'x 55 alxali, a'ni £56 wi'li gana v u. 57 5 their of that But in summer in this way they sit, not house therein house kind. gwa's* 58 wili yaxa 59 wit'ge'ye e£ k'i, 60 gas*i £ pli* yoga' a klemei Brush house just they set it around, so that fire its place they make it habini\ 61 gana £ nex sama'xa alxali, am £ lep'ni'xa nat' 62 wi'li gana^u. in the middle. In that way in summer they dwell, not in winter like house therein. 33 xa- § 36, 7b; -I- instrumental §36, 6; xoV-i- with e to mark hiatus § 6. -sgipHsgap' third personal sub- ject, third personal object aorist of verb -sgip!isgibi £ n Type 13a i cut it up to pieces iterative ol verb -sgl'ibi*n Type 6; §§ 63; 40,13; 43,1. 3* Local phrase with pre-positive gv:el down to § 95 and noun-characteristic -u § 89, 4; t'ga § 86, 1. so See note 30; infinitive used as noun § 74 end. 3« See note 16; -s - ?' £ § 114, 4. s-i- is appended to s-idibi'i rather than wili, as wili sidibl'i is taken as unit. ^ha- in §36, 11 b; -I- instrumental § 36, 6; haH- § 6. -fbuxfbix-ik'w passive participle with instru- mental -I- in -ik'w § 77 from verb -t'boxot'bax- Type 13a, verb stem -t'boxt'bax-; -t'box- ablauted to -tbiix- § 31, 2; -t'bax- umlauted to -t'bix- § 8, 3a. 38 §86, 3. &ha- in §36, lib. -huwu'usjc'i == -huwuuJc.'-M § 19 end; third personal subiect, third personal object aorist of instrumental verb -huwu'uk!i £ n Type 3 i spread (mat) out § 64. 4° Compounded of demonstrative ga that and naH' participle in -t' § 76 of verb nagai- Type 4 a do, be, verb stem na-; see Appendix A. a Postposition § 96; gi- umlauted from ga- § 8, 4. 42 al- § 36, 15b, here with uncertain force; -xali thud personal subject, third personal object aorist Type 1 in form, though intransitive in meaning § 67 footnote. «§86, 1. « Third personal possessive of noun yog- (?) § 86, 1 with noun-characteristic -a § 92 III. fire its-place is regular pariphrasis for fire's place. « Local phrase with pre-positive ha- in; -s-bu §86, 1 does not seem otherwise to occui M Connective compounded of demonstrative ga that and enclitic particle -si £ § 114,1 47 Subordinate form of alxali, note 42; § 70 (see transitive paradigm). 48 Local phrase with pre-positive Jia'ya- on both sides of and noun-characteristic -a §95; -p!iy-a> from p. 1 FIRE. 4 9 Modal adverb compounded of demonstrative ga that and na e ne K x infinitive of verb nafnagai-, verb stem na s na- §§ 69; 74, 1; Appendix A. so Temporal adverb in -n § 112, 3. si yap.'a see note 1; - s a deictic post-nominal element § 102 (people of long ago contrasted with those of to-day). 52 wilU or will'i third personal pronominal form § 92 III of noun wi' li house see note 2. people their- house regular periphrasis for people's house. Observe that predicate verb (third personal aorist of to be) is not expressed in this sentence. 53 Temporal adverb in -xa § 112, 2. 5i sama'xa cf. note 53; -si e § 114, 4. 65 Modal adverb compounded of demonstrative stem a- this § 104 and na £ ne y x see note 49. 58 Negative adverb of aorist § 113, 3. 57 Postposition with wi'li § 96. ss § 86, 1. gwa's- wili brush house form compound noun § 88. 59 Particle in -xa §§ 112, 2; 114, 9. 6o^- § 37, 8. -t'ge'yeesic'i = -t'geyeeJt.'-hi § 19 end; third personal subject, third personal object aorist of instrumental verb -t'ge'yeek!i s n Type 2 1 put it around § 64; -It!- petrified suffix § 42, 7. 6i Local adverb with pre-positive ha- in § 95, noun stem -bin- not freely occurring § 86, 1, and noun- characteristic -i § 89, 3. 82 participle in -t' § 76; see note 40. 296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 [Translation] The people are making a house. A post they set in the ground, and here again they set one in the ground, yonder again they set one in the ground, in four places they set them in the ground. Then also they place beams across on top in four places, and above (these) they put one across just once. And just then they make the house wall; and then on top they place the house boards, those they make out of sugar-pine lumber. Then they finish it on top, on either side they finish it. Then they make the door, and on top they make a hole for the going out of the smoke. And then they make a ladder, they notch out (a pole), for going down to the floor they make it; and the house wall they make. Then they finish it, all cleaned inside. Now rush mats they spread out inside, on such the people sit. The fireplace is in the center, so that they are seated on either side of the fire. In that way, indeed, was the house of the people long ago; in winter their house was such. But in summer they were sitting like now, 1 not in the house. Just a brush shelter they placed around, so that the fireplace they made in the middle. Thus they dwelt in summer, not as in winter in a house. i We were sitting out in the open when this text was dictated. VITA. I, Edward Sapir, was born in Lauenburg, Pomerania, Germany, on January 26th, 1884. Emigrated to United States of America in 1890. Attended public primary and grammar schools in Richmond, Va., and New York City up to 1898. Attended Horace Mann and De Witt Clinton High Schools, 1898-1901. Matriculated in Columbia University, 1901; obtained degree of A.B., 1904; A.M. (in Germanics), 1905. Continued post-graduate work at Columbia, 1905-07, with Lin- guistics as major and Anthropology and Germanic Philology as minors. From 1898 to 1906 I was Pulitzer Scholar, and I take this opportunity of thanking Mr. Joseph Pulitzer. Was University Fellow in Linguistics and Anthropology, 1906-07. In summer of 1907 submitted as doctoral dissertation "The Takelma Language of Southwestern Oregon." Oral examination for doctor's degree passed in 1908; degree of Ph. D. awarded in 1909. Research Assistant in Anthropology, University of California, 1907-08; Harrison Research Fellow in Anthropology, University of Pennsylvania, 1908-09; Instructor in Anthropology, same University, 1909-10. Appointed Ethnologist of the Geological Survey of Canada, 1910. Field trips for research in American Indian linguistics and ethnology were made in summers of 1905, 1906, 1907, winter of end of 1907, summer of 1909, and fall of 1910. I take pleasure in thanking my instructors at Columbia for help and inspiration in prosecution of my studies, particularly Prof. Jackson and Dr. Yohannan of the Indo-Iranian department; Prof. Carpenter, Prof. Thomas, Prof. Hervey, Prof. Remy, and Prof. Tombo of the Germanic department; Dr. Gerig of the Romance department; and Prof. Farrand, Prof. Saville, and, last and most specially of all, Prof. Boas of the department of Anthropology. My published writings are : Wishram Texts (Publications of the American Ethnological Society, vol. 2), Leyden, 1909. Takelma Texts (Anthropological Publications of the University of Pennsylvania Museum, vol. 2, pt. 1), Philadelphia, 1909. Yana Texts (University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 9, pt. 1), Berkeley, 1910. Religious Ideas of the Takelma Indians of Southwestern Oregon (Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. 20, pp. 33-49). SEP 16 1912 Notes on the Takelma Indians of Southwestern Oregon (American Anthropologist, N.S., vol. 9, pp. 251-75). Preliminary Report on the Language and Mythology of the Upper Chinook (ibid., pp. 533-44). Herder's "Ursprung der Sprache" (Modern Philology, vol. 5, pp. 109-42). On the Etymology of Sanskrit a grit, Avestan asru, Greek dakru (Spiegel Memorial Volume, pp. 156-59), Bombay, 1908. Song Recitative in Paiute Mythology (Journal of American Folk- Lore, vol. 23, pp. 455-72). The History and Varieties of Human Speech (Popular Science Monthly, vol. 79, pp. 45-67). Some Aspects of Nootka Language and Culture (American Anthro- pologist, N.S., vol. 13, pp. 15-28). The Problem of Noun Incorporation in American Languages {ibid., pp. 250-82). An Anthropological Survey of Canada (Science, N.S., vol. 34, pp 789-93, 1911). THE TAKELM A LANGUAGE OF SOUTHWESTERN OREGON BY EDWARD SAPIR EXTRACT FROM HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES (BULLETIN 40), PART 2, OF .BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BOAS) WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1912 Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, in the Faculty of Philosophy, Columbia University. Deacidified using the Bookkeeper process Neutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide Treatment Date: August 2007 PreservatronTechnologies A WORLD LEADER IN PAPER PR ES ERVAT I0 N 111 Thomson Park Drive Cranberry Township, PA 16066 (724)779-2111