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QUARTER-CENTURY of the 
 NEW ENGLAND SOCIETY 
 
 OF ORANGE, N. J., MAY (12) 15, 1895 
 
 non Hierosolymis fuisse, sed Hierosolymis bene vixisse, 
 laudandum est. 
 
TWENTY-FIFTH ANNIVERSARY 
 CELEBRATION 
 
 NEW ENGLAND SOCIETY 
 
 OF ORANGE 
 
 GEORGE BLAGDEN HACUN 
 
 1870-1895 
 
 ^^o^'^o^ 
 
 1P9f 
 
 ORANGE, NEW JERSEY 
 
 MDCCCXCV 
 
N 
 
 i^ 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Proceedings ■ 5 
 
 Historical Sketch, by Wendell Phillips Garrison . 8 
 Address, by Albert Bushnell Hart .... 17 
 Poem, by Frederic Lawrence Knowles . . . .38 
 
 Appendix : 
 
 List of Officers 45 
 
 Necrology ..... 47 
 
QUARTER-CENTURY 
 OF THE NEW ENGLAND SOCIETY. 
 
 At the monthly meeting- of the New England Society of 
 Orange, N. J., held on March 3, 1894, Vice-President Charles H. 
 Mann in the chair, " Mr. George H. Brewer called attention to 
 the fact that next year would be the twenty-fifth anniversary 
 of the birth of the Society. Mr. Brewer thereupon moved that 
 the President of the Society [Mr. John O, Heald] be instructed 
 or authorized to appoint a committee of five members, the com- 
 mittee to be announced at the next monthly meeting of the So- 
 ciety ; and that the duties of the committee shall be to arrange 
 a plan for the proper celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary 
 of the birth of the Society ; that the committee shall report not 
 later than the October meeting; and that the Corresponding 
 Secretary shall be a member of that committee. The motion 
 was duly seconded and carried " ; Mr. Brewer giving notice that 
 he did not desire and should be unable to serve on the committee. 
 
 At the next monthly meeting, April 7, President Heald an- 
 noimced that he had appointed Messrs. William A. Brewer, Jr., 
 chairman, Henry Graves, David A. Kennedy, Camillus G. Kid- 
 der, Isaac E. Gates, and "Wendell P. Garrison (Corresponding 
 Secretary). 
 
 The Committee, having organized in October by making the 
 chairman treasurer and Mr. Kennedy secretary, reported to the 
 Society on November 3, thi-ough Mr. Kennedy, that as the true 
 anniversary (May 12, 1895) would fall on Sunday, the most con- 
 venient date thereafter shoidd be selected; that the exercises 
 should embrace (1) a sketch of the history of the Society, by one 
 of its members ; (2) musical selections, vocal and instrimiental ; 
 (3) an oration by some prominent New Englander ; (4) a poem ; 
 and (5) a collation without wine. 
 
6 PEOCEEDINGS 
 
 On December 1, the chairman, Mr. W. A. Brewer, Jr., asked 
 that the Committee be empowered to offer a prize of twenty- 
 five dollars for a poem suitable to the occasion — this offer to be 
 extended to members of the Society or their families, with reser- 
 vation of the right to reject all poems ; the poem to contain not 
 less than one hundi-ed nor more than one him^dred and fifty 
 lines, and to be sent in to the Committee, signed with a nom de 
 plume, on or before Mai'ch 31, 1895. The Committee fm-ther 
 proposed that each member of the Society be requested to sub- 
 scribe five dollars, and that such subscription entitle him to five 
 tickets for the celebration. Upon discussion, the offer of the 
 prize for a poem was confirmed by the Society, but it was voted 
 to sohcit and accept subscriptions of a greater or less amount 
 than five dollars, and to make attendance free to all members 
 alike. 
 
 On February 2, 1895, the Committee reported, through Mr. 
 Kennedy, that the 15th of May following had been fixed upon 
 as the date of the celebration, and that thus far one hundred and 
 six members had responded to the circular calling for subscrip- 
 tions, to the amount of $633. 
 
 On May 4, Mr. Gates reported in behalf of the Committee the 
 programme of exercises. 
 
 On the evening of May 15, a choice assemblage of members and 
 friends of the Society filled the lower floor of Music Hall. They 
 found the approaches to the hall lined with greenery, the So- 
 ciety's rooms similarly adorned, as well as with bunting, and the 
 stage effectively set in the manner of a conservatory with plants 
 and flowers. To the left, on an easel, was displayed the life-size 
 crayon portrait of the Rev. George B. Bacon, D. D., transferred 
 from the Society's waUs. Instrumental music was furnished by 
 Fischer's orchestra, and vocal by a quartette from the Mendels- 
 sohn Glee Club of New York. 
 
 At half-past eight, Mr. William Read Howe, President of the 
 Society, called the meeting to order and opened the exercises in 
 these words : 
 
 " Ladies and gentlemen : We welcome you all to-night to our 
 birthday party, and we are glad to be twenty-five years old. 
 There is so much of the Puritan element in us that we felt that 
 we could not celebrate this occasion on Sunday ; and inasmuch 
 as there is some doubt whether the 21st or the 22d of December 
 is the real Forefathers' Day, there seemed to be no impropriety 
 
PEOCEEDINGS 7 
 
 in our taking the 15th of May as our anniversary, instead of the 
 12th, the real date." 
 
 After a song, Buck's '' Hark ! the Trumpet Calleth," by the 
 Quartette, the President continued : 
 
 " There is no person better quahfled to tell of the history of 
 the Society than WendeU P. Garrison, one of its founders ; and 
 so the Committee asked him to prepare an historical sketch, 
 which he will now read." 
 
 Mr. Garrison's sketch is given in fuU below. 
 
 Hawley's " Bugle Song," and ''Annie Laurie," were then sung 
 by the Quartette, whereupon the President introduced the orator 
 of the evening, Mr. Albert Bushuell Hart, Assistant Professor of 
 History at Harvard College. " One of the few things," said Mr. 
 Howe, '' in which it is not considered desirable for this Society 
 to mix is politics, but to-night we are going to hear Professor 
 Hart tell what Pui-itan pohtics were." 
 
 Professor Hart's address, which was somewhat shortened in 
 the reading, is given in full below. 
 
 The Quartette having sung "Oft in the Stilly Night" and 
 Buechler's " Treachery," the President remarked that thus far 
 the exercises had not had much of the poetic element in them 
 — in fact, there was not much of this in the New England So- 
 ciety of Orange. Nevertheless, the Committee had decided to 
 offer a prize for the best poem on a theme related to New Eng- 
 land, and had unanimously awarded this prize to Mr. Frederic 
 Lawrence Knowles, of Wesleyan University, Middletown, Conn. 
 In the aljsence of the author, the poem was then read by Mr. 
 Gates, of the Committee. It will be found below. 
 
 The singing of Buck's " Twilight " and Hatton's " King Wit- 
 laf's Drinking Horn " by the Quartette closed the formal exer- 
 cises, after which the audience adjourned to the upper hall and 
 enjoyed in a social manner the collation provided by S. & J. 
 Davis. And thus ended the celebration. 
 
THE BIRTH 
 OF THE NEW ENGLAND SOCIETY. 
 
 By Wendell Phillips Garrison. 
 
 Mr. President, fellow-members of the New England 
 Society, ladies and gentlemen : 
 
 There were three founders of the New England Society, 
 and as I alone am left to tell the tale, the committee of ar- 
 rangements for this festival have asked me for a plain 
 statement of our beginning. My own part in it was sim- 
 ple eavesdropping, as will appear in the sequel ; that of 
 the Rev. George Blagden Bacon was the aspiration 
 which was to clothe itself in our organization; that of 
 Judge John N. Whiting was what the medical fraternity 
 call contra-indication, or a pointing the other way. He 
 was — if I may say so without irreverence to the memory 
 of an estimable man and exemplary citizen — the Balaam 
 of this New Jersey Moab : " Behold, there is a people 
 come out of Egypt, which covereth the face of the earth ; 
 come now, curse me them ; peradventure I shall be able 
 to overcome them, and drive them out." 
 
 Our small history connects itself with a larger, with 
 that of the country. The close of the year 1869 was one 
 of the darkest periods in the new era succeeding the civil 
 war. Grant was in the first year of his presidency, and it 
 was already apparent that his soldierly instinct of patriot- 
 ism would succumb to partisan pressure in favor of the 
 most rigid application of the spoils system. Scandal was 
 
BIKTH OF THE SOCIETY 9 
 
 already striving to connect itself with his person, in the 
 matter of the gold conspiracy which culminated in Black 
 Friday, on September 2-1. He would soon have to de- 
 scend to lobbying in the vain endeavor to secure ratifica- 
 tion of his secret treaty for the acquisition of San Do- 
 mingo. The waves of passion engendered by the effort 
 to impeach President Johnson, and by the nomination of 
 Horatio Seymour — the personification of reaction and 
 counter-revolution — as his successor, were far from hav- 
 ing subsided. The South was still in the throes of recon- 
 struction ; and in the case of Georgia the hand was arbi- 
 trarily set back on the dial after she had complied with 
 the conditions of readmission to the Union, and her Repre- 
 sentatives had actually beeu seated at Washington. The 
 bloody operations of the Kuklux Klan marked the pre- 
 vailing demoralization in that section. The Fifteenth 
 Amendment still lacked the requisite number of ratifica- 
 tions to take its place in the Constitution. The mercenary 
 spirit which seemed to possess the nation after the rebel- 
 lion had been suppressed, was fostered by the inflation of 
 values caused by our forced currency, the legal-tender 
 greenbacks. Congress was infected by it, and there was 
 a traffic even in the patronage of West Point cadetships. 
 In New York State and city, corruption was rampant. 
 Fisk and Gould had, with the aid of an infamous judi- 
 ciary, completed with impunity the wrecking of the Erie 
 Railroad. Theii- allies, the brigands of the City Hall, with 
 Tweed at their head, were now also in possession of the 
 State Government, including the Executive. No wonder 
 there were some who felt the need, in State and nation, of 
 a Puritan revival. 
 
 No wonder, also, that those who, from their political 
 affiliations, had always regarded the war for the Union 
 with aversion, and who had sympathized with President 
 Johnson in his desperate struggle with Congress over the 
 restoration of the South, were now shocked by the high- 
 handedness of Congress in its effort to ensure the fruits 
 of the war and the equal citizenship of the freedmen. In 
 this number Judge Whiting, like many other legal minds 
 
10 BIETH OF THE SOCIETY 
 
 in the ranks of what we then called the Bourbon Democ- 
 racy, fonnd himself, and was heard, or overheard, to ex- 
 press a wish or an expectation of '' leaving New England " 
 — that is, the stronghold of the anti-slavery sentiment of 
 the country — "out in the cold," as the current phrase 
 was. Within the range of his voice chanced to be Dr. 
 Bacon, pastor of the Valley Congregational Church, son 
 of the Rev. Dr. Leonard Bacon of New Haven, and a New 
 Englander to the core; a man, also, of the purest and 
 sweetest character. The Moabitic curse of the chosen 
 people, mild as it was on the lips of Judge Whiting, 
 stirred our clergyman with a righteous indignation that 
 would convert that curse into a blessing. 
 
 It is at this point that my eavesdropping comes in. I 
 cannot say if it was in the latter part of 1869 or the early 
 part of 1870 that I was sitting in the cars behind Dr. 
 Bacon, and overheard — what do we not overhear invol- 
 untarily on the train "? — his relation of Judge Whiting's 
 unsociable wish for New England. '^ And I wish," contin- 
 ued Dr. Bacon, 'Hhat we had a New England Society in 
 Orange, that we might see who would then be left out in 
 the cold ! " Weeks passed till one day I happened to meet 
 my friend in Mr. John Wiley's bookstore, when I re- 
 minded him of his desire, and offered, if he meant it 
 seriously, to help him form a New England Society in 
 Orange. The initiative properly fell to him, not only 
 from his seniority, but from his long residence in this 
 neighborhood and his commanding position and acquain- 
 tance. He accepted it, seeing an omen in the fact that the 
 year 1870 coincided with the 250th anniversary of the 
 landing of the Pilgrim Fathers. 
 
 On the evening of March 31, a dozen gentlemen, repre- 
 senting " all the Oranges," met by invitation at the house 
 of Mr. Oliver S. Carter, No. 83 Main Street, on the west 
 corner of Cleveland. Of this apostolic number, seven 
 were natives of Massachusetts (including a descendant of 
 the Mayflower), two of Maine, two of Connecticut, and one 
 of Vermont. They were : Messrs. Bacon, Carter, Gardner 
 R. Colby, Davis Collamore, Daniel A. Heald, Frederic Ly- 
 
BIETH OF THE SOCIETY 11 
 
 man, Lowell Mason, Jr., Thomas B. Merrick, David N. 
 Ropes, Beujamin F. Small, William F. Stearns, and Wen- 
 dell P. Garrison. Four, only, survive to-day, and but 
 three reside here. Mr. Mason was appointed chairman, 
 and the secretaryship fell to me. It was for Dr. Bacon to 
 explain the object of the meeting, which he did, saying in 
 substance that the proposed organization was '' to give 
 currency and effect to those principles which we owe to 
 the founders of New England, and to prove a permanent 
 source of public spirit in Orange." Mr. Mason, referring 
 to the example of Stockbridge, saw a field of usefulness 
 in village improvements. Mr. Colby emphasized the need 
 of a public library and a hall. Mr. Stearns would operate 
 for the betterment of the public schools and against the de- 
 grading political tendencies of the day. Mr. Collamore 
 looked to a general revival of interest in local affairs. 
 Such was the show of hands, if I may use the expression, 
 and it was agreed that the aims of the Society should be 
 (1) commemorative; (2) practical, "as striving to repro- 
 duce the virtues of the Forefathers, together with their 
 ideas and principles, and to foster and stimulate public 
 spirit in the private citizen " ; (3) social ; (4) benevolent. 
 
 A committee of six was appointed to frame a constitu- 
 tion and by-laws. It consisted of Messrs. Heald, Carter, 
 Bacon, Stearns, Mason, and Garrison, of whom three sur- 
 vive. Its deliberations lasted more than a month. As a 
 basis, it had the constitution of the New England Society 
 of New York, and it at once began to better its instruc- 
 tions. The New York Society at that time (it has grown 
 more liberal since) admitted only New Englanders or sons 
 of New Englanders. The Orange committee was not slow 
 to perceive that, in a rural community like ours, such ex- 
 clusiveness would savor of Pharisaism, and that it would, 
 besides, cripple the public-spirited intent of the Society. 
 Accordingly, not only was the "native, or the son of a 
 native, of any of the New England States " welcomed to 
 fellowship, but also " any other person who may sym- 
 pathize mth the objects of this Society." Those objects 
 were declared to be " to commemorate and foster the vir- 
 
12 BIRTH OF THE SOCIETY 
 
 tues of the Fathers of New England, and to cultivate 
 social relations among its members." 
 
 I have never doubted the wisdom of this determination 
 of the Committee, which was adopted by the Society, as 
 would appear, without opposition or debate. The New 
 England men who had peopled Orange in a second migra- 
 tion, had no desire to stand aloof from their fellow-citizens 
 or to set up for superior beings in any respect. To make 
 still clearer our sense that they who bore the name of New 
 England were not all of the household, we adopted as the 
 motto of the Society St. Jerome's pointed rebuke to boast- 
 ful pilgrims to the Holy Land : " Non Hierosolymis 
 f uisse, sed Hierosolymis bene vixisse, laudandum est " ; 
 that is, in the vernacular, " You may take credit not for 
 having been in Jerusalem, but for having behaved your- 
 self while there." 
 
 "We anticipated, however, just what happened when we 
 made character and not the accident of birth a test of ad- 
 mission to membership. Some New Englanders scouted 
 the designation as a misnomer. " A pretty New England 
 Society that lets in Tom, Dick, and Harry from the Middle 
 States, the West, even from continental Europe ! " We re- 
 plied : " A New England Society may well be one to unite 
 all who manifest and who reverence the New England 
 spirit, the widest possible spread of which is certainly a 
 desideratum." On the other hand, some non-New Eng- 
 landers objected to repeating our shibboleth and marching 
 under our banner. To them we replied that we were just 
 as willing to commemorate and foster the virtues of their 
 Fathers, or, for that matter, of anybody's Fathers, and 
 that we thought it no great hardship and no degradation. 
 We had chosen the New England name because it stood 
 for a tolerably definite idea of public and private duty, and 
 because we could rally to it at once the elite of a large body 
 of New Englanders who had succeeded, after two hundred 
 years, the pioneer settlers of Newark from Connecticut and 
 Long Island. Other New England Societies, without ex- 
 ception, had been established in partihus infidelinm. We 
 planted ours in the midst of the Harrisons, the Days, the 
 
BIETH OF THE SOCIETY 13 
 
 Williamses, the Piersons, the Condits, of our own stock, 
 and therefore on a genuine New England fonndation. It is 
 not more ridiculous (we concluded) to speak of ourselves, 
 with our mixed membership, as a New England Societ}^ 
 than it is to denominate " New England " a land peopled 
 largely with Irish, Germans, and French Canadians. 
 
 We have outlived these carpers, and the Constitution 
 has remained unchanged. The By-laws have been repeat- 
 edly overhauled, without, however, altering the essential 
 nature of one standing committee which gave the second 
 and more important stamp of originality to our enterprise. 
 I refer to the Public Welfare Committee, whose definition 
 has been much abbreviated as its activity and potency 
 have developed ; and you will pardon me if I recall the 
 idea of it as it lay in the minds and in the first draft of 
 the founders : 
 
 '' It shall be the duty of the Committee of Public Welfare to ex- 
 amine such questions of general public interest as may from time 
 to time arise. If, in their judgment, these questions are of suf- 
 ficient importance to warrant their presentation to the Society, 
 the Committee shall so submit them, with their opinions or rec- 
 ommendations, for such action as the members may determine. 
 All matters tending to promote the welfare and gi'owth of this 
 community, to ensure good citizenship, and to guard against 
 the encroachments of evil-minded, selfish, or ambitious persons 
 in the government or management of public affairs, shall be 
 considered questions of general public interest." 
 
 Where shall we seek for the germ of this idea ? A bril- 
 liant writer, the late Douglas Campbell, wrote a book to 
 prove that the Dutch invented New England. He made 
 a good showing, and it is a significant circumstance that 
 the first edition of our By-laws — the very tii'st (there 
 were two in 1870) — has for epigraph this extract from a 
 freshly delivered address of James W. Beekman before 
 the St. Nicholas Society of New York, on December 4, 1869 : 
 
 *'The Dutch," said Mr. Beekman, "have a Society for the 
 Public Good, as it is well named, having two hundred and 
 
14 BIRTH OF THE SOCIETY 
 
 twenty branches and fourteen thousand members, who meet 
 once a fortnight and consider the best means of promoting 
 schools, asylums and hospitals. The discussion of politics and 
 religious doctrine is prohibited. The measures agreed on are 
 carried out in concert by the members." 
 
 From this juxtaposition I infer that we have here the 
 source of our notion of a Public Welfare Committee; just 
 as I infer that the committee so styled of the present East 
 Orange Improvement Society was suggested by our own. 
 However this may be, sure I am that the most of what 
 this community owes to the New England Society is ref- 
 erable to this committee. Had we restricted our activity 
 to an annual dinner, we should have been a nonentity. 
 Even our monthly meetings, pleasant and useful as they 
 have been, might have failed to keep the Society alive. 
 The Public Welfare Committee put us immediately in 
 touch with the life of "all the Oranges," and gave us a 
 most effective instrument for making and guiding public 
 opinion on public questions. There was never any pro- 
 hibition in our Constitution or By-laws against " the dis- 
 cussion of politics and religious doctrine," as Mr. Beekman 
 reports of the Dutch Society. But, as a matter of fact, 
 partisanship and sectarianism liave been strictly excluded, 
 and I rate it one of the greatest services which the Society 
 has rendered, that it has embraced men of all creeds and 
 party attachments, without inquiring how they voted or 
 what church they attended. Your church, your army, 
 your political party, though iu itself a binding organiza- 
 tion, is a separating force iu the commonwealth or the 
 municipality; the New England Society has been a unit- 
 ing force — the only perfectly catholic meeting-ground for 
 men of approved character, without regard to nationality, 
 or wealth, or occupation, or religious or party profession. 
 The sole limitation has been in the extent of its member- 
 ship, which in 1881, after the Society had ceased to be 
 peripatetic and had occupied its present quarters in this 
 building, was fixed at three hundred — a not illiberal 
 fiorure. 
 
BIETH OF THE SOCIETY 15 
 
 It would take me too long to rehearse the matters of 
 public interest which have been discussed and acted upon 
 by this Society. They have been iodexed by an indefati- 
 gable secretary, Mr. Camillus Kidder, and the index is 
 printed in the edition of our By-laws for 1891. You will 
 find the burning questions of the present moment — con- 
 solidation of the Oranges, and reform of the D. L. & W. 
 Railroad — launched in the October and December meet- 
 ings of our initial year. This hall in which we are as- 
 sembled, aud which is the enduring monument of our 
 brother-member, Mr. Everett Frazar, above all others, is 
 distinctly the creation of the New England Society and 
 the New England spirit. So is the Free Library — I re- 
 gret that we cannot yet call it the Public Library as a 
 city institution. Our own library and reading-room are 
 among the civilizing influences of the town. We early 
 made a substantial contribution to the books of reference 
 of the High School. We have fostered lectures to a very 
 large extent. We have published a History of Orange. 
 We have given liberally to public charity. It is needless 
 to speak of the Society's recent part in municipal affairs, 
 never so vigorous or so effective though in the midst of a 
 declining membership, and while the question is being 
 asked for the thousandth time, "■ What shall be done to 
 increase the interest in the Society!" My answer to that 
 has alwaj^s been : We must not expect to escape periods 
 of quiet, or that the Society shall live by excitement 
 alone. Here is the tool ; have no fear that it will not be 
 used when the hour and the man arrive together. 
 
 Ladies and gentlemen, aud feUow-members of the New 
 England Society, there is another fear which pertains to 
 all organizations : it is that they may outgrow their origi- 
 nal object, may be perpetuated as an end in themselves, 
 and so be perverted to base uses. Such is the state of the 
 case with both the great political parties of the present 
 day ; and perhaps the thought occurred to some of you, 
 as I ran over the disordered symptoms in our body politic 
 a quarter of a century ago, that they bore a startling simi- 
 larity to those which the past two years have made es- 
 
16 BIETH OF THE SOCIETY 
 
 pecially manifest. Did not Tweed at least remind you of 
 Croker? And yet how innocent-seeming was that Colum- 
 bian Society of 1789, " whose purposes were at first social 
 and charitable rather than political," and which became 
 the Tammany Society in 1815. Or again, setting over 
 against the traffic in West Point cadetships our latter-day 
 wholesale barter of patriotism, how natural and com- 
 mendable seemed the organization of a Grand Army of 
 the Republic, which yet has been made the instrument of 
 national bankruptcy through pension extravagance and 
 folly. In our own little sphere, have we any reason to 
 expect a perversion of the New England Society? For 
 one, I see no signs of it, and have no dread of it. 
 
 It would be grateful to my feelings to conclude these 
 remarks with a tribute, however inadequate, to our be- 
 loved dead — to commemorate briefly the wit of Vose, the 
 ardor of Stearns, the judgment of Lowell Mason, the 
 goodness of Ropes, the gentleness of Collamore, the geni- 
 ality of Howe and Colby and Lyman ; to deplore afresh 
 the loss of the Founder, cut oif in his prime in the first 
 decade of the Society. Of the more recent dead, too, I 
 would fain say a word — of George Hunting Brewer, the 
 prompter of this quarter-century celebration ; of John 
 Bowen Whiting, son of Judge Whiting, and an honor to 
 his parentage. But my duty was to speak to you of a 
 birth, and not of these inevitable decays, and we are met 
 to rejoice in the perennial vitality of a body whose mem- 
 bers are constantly changing. Proud should we be if this 
 population in the midst of which we have firmly estab- 
 lished ourselves, should note the fallings from our ranks 
 with something of the sadness with which Judge Sewall 
 penned this entry in his diary for January 21, 1697-8 : 
 ''It seems Captain Scottow died the last night. Thus the 
 New England men drop away." 
 
PURITAN POLITICS. 
 By Albert Bushnell Hart. 
 
 Mr. President, ladies aud g-eutlemen of the New Eng- 
 land Society : 
 
 Thomas Hooker, the famous old Puritan, was said by a 
 contemporary to have a temper like a mastiff dog, '' He 
 could let out his dog . . . and pull in his dog." That 
 sentence sums up two phases of Puritan character: the 
 negative side of endurance and power of resistance ; and 
 the positive side of force aud energy and construction. 
 Yet it is only the first of these characteristics that enters 
 much into our conception of the Forefathers. We love 
 to dwell on their eudurauce of hardship, their grim watch- 
 fulness against Indian foes, their steadfast insistence on 
 the right to have and to practise their own religious faith, 
 their implacable determination never to yield their civil 
 liberty. They stood like the Protestant women confined 
 for conscience' sake in the Tower of Constance at Aigues- 
 Mortes, who drilled into the stone of their dungeon the 
 brave word, "Resistez!" — Hold fast! That steadfastness 
 is a splendid virtue ; but the Puritan knew also how " to 
 let out his dog." They tell us that Puritan theology was 
 frozen. It is true ; but frost is both a preservative and a 
 reservoir of forces. We all know what happens when the 
 springtime comes and the ice breaks up : it changes its 
 rigid form, and the resultant water goes sweeping through 
 distant valleys, blessing a dry and thirsty land. The 
 Puritan ice-sheet has indeed retreated so far that even 
 
 17 
 
18 PUKITAN POLITICS 
 
 Andover Hill stands out greeu and sunny, and Presby- 
 terian thistle-fields begin to thaw ; but if you examine 
 the modern Congregational theology, you will find that 
 it is changed only in form and not in substance. The 
 chemical constituents of ice and water are still the same 
 and will never change; so the oxygen and hydrogen of 
 our polity are still what they were in Puritan times — on 
 one side, man's duty to his God to stand fast against the 
 world, the flesh, and the devil ; on the other, his duty to 
 himself to make the world better. 
 
 To-night, then, let the sons and daughters of New Eng- 
 land turn to the positive, active side of Puritan character. 
 Nowhere is it so clearly set forth as in their political life. 
 They saved their souls with a certain rigidity, apparently 
 half hoping that in the end they might be found worthy 
 the distinction of being damned without the responsibility 
 of deserving it. In politics they ventured to take enjoy- 
 ment, and they developed a remarkable inventiveness, a 
 resourcefulness, an individuality, an adaptation of means 
 to ends, a yielding a part in order to gain the whole, a 
 mastery over circumstances, which mark our Puritan 
 ancestors as politicians in the true sense of the word — 
 exeraplifiers of statecraft. 
 
 First of all, the Puritans were political inventors ; more 
 than that, they were innovators. It is hard to realize 
 how little of what we consider the fundamentals of politi- 
 cal life is really older than the Puritans. Town -meeting, 
 a genuine representative system, limited legislative pow- 
 ers, the committee system, party organization, the caucus, 
 election combinations, the secret ballot — to all these 
 things we are born as we are born to Minnesota flour, to 
 steam sawmills, and to Tammany Hall. The Puritan 
 was a much more self-reliant and inventive character ; he 
 cut his own trees and built his house from the timbers 
 with his own hands ; he grew his own corn and ground it 
 for his nutriment. Just so, he made his own political and 
 administrative machinery, and had in it all the delight of 
 the discoverer. Puritan political institutions were neither 
 an accident nor an afterthought. John Wiuthrop, and 
 
PURITAN POLITICS 19 
 
 Hooker, and Roger Williams knew that they were en- 
 dowing posterit}^ with their political inventions. In the 
 midst of their seventeenth-century neighbors they were 
 like the far-famed Neolithic man. 
 
 " There was once a Neolithic man, an enteri^risingc wiglit, 
 Who made his simple implements unusually bright. 
 Unusually clever he, unusually brave. 
 And he sketched delightful mammoths on the borders of his 
 
 cave. 
 To his Neolithic neighbors, who were startled and sm-prised, 
 Said he : ' My friends, in course of time we shall be civihzed. 
 We are going to live in cities and build churches and make 
 
 laws; 
 We are going to eat three times a day, without the natural 
 
 cause ; 
 We 're going to turn life upside down about a thing called 
 
 gold; 
 We 're going to want the earth, and take as much as we can 
 
 hold; 
 We 're going to wear a pile of stuff outside our proper skins ; 
 We are going to have Diseases and Accomplishments and 
 
 Sins ! ! ! ' ^ 
 Then they all rose up in fiuy against then- boastful friend ; 
 For prehistoric patience comes quickly to an end. 
 Said one : ' This is chimerical, Utopian, absurd.' 
 Said another, ' What a stupid life ! too dull, upon my 
 
 word ! ' 
 Cried all, ' Before such things can come, you idiotic child. 
 You must alter Human Nature!'' and they all sat back and 
 
 smiled. , 
 
 Thought they, ' An answer to that last, it will be hard to 
 
 find.' 
 It was a cUnching argument — to the Neohthic mind." 
 
 Out of the many forms of Neolithic New England rest- 
 less and inventive political activity, four may be selected 
 as especially characteristic of the Puritans — their repub- 
 lican spirit ; their faculty for political organization ; their 
 development of political machinery ; and their experience 
 of written constitutions. 
 
20 PUIUTAN POLITICS 
 
 I. 
 
 Republican jf the Piiritans did not exactly alter human 
 '^J^^it^tfvc ' nature, they were the first people, except per- 
 Government. haps thc Swlss, to provc that human nature 
 and popular representative government could be harmo- 
 nized. The spirit of their Neolithic neighbors is well set 
 forth in the criticism of the London Courier in 1813 — a 
 generalization possibly affected by the naval successes of 
 the Americans: "American statesmen are of a mixed 
 breed, half metaphysicians and half politicians, and hence 
 we never see anything enlarged in their conceptions or 
 grand in their missions." The best commentary on such 
 a generalization is this ringing extract from John Win- 
 throp, written in 1645 : 
 
 " Tills liberty is the proper end and object of authority, and 
 cannot subsist without it ; and it is a liberty to that only which 
 is good, just, and honest. This liberty you are to stand for, 
 with the loss not only of your good but of your hves if need be. 
 Whatsoever crosseth this is not authority, l)ut a distemper 
 thereof. Tliis liberty is maintained and exercised in a way 
 of subjection to authority ; it is of the same kind of hberty 
 wherewith Christ hath made us free." 
 
 It is indeed remarkable that the Puritans, though Eng- 
 lishmen and sous of Englishmen, accustomed all their lives 
 to the restrictions and the special privileges of rank, 
 should have established a system of perfect political equal- 
 ity as a basis of republican government. Yet the under- 
 lying principles of the Puritan system were in their own 
 minds simply an extension and application of English 
 principles. Thus the same limited suffrage which in Eng- 
 land was the basis of an oligarchy, in New England be- 
 came the foundation of a theocratic republic. By that 
 which by degenerate descendants is called an accident, but 
 by the Puritans was boldly styled a " Wonder- Working 
 Providence," the suffrage was widely diffused; for the 
 usual condition of voting — freehold ownership of land — 
 though rare in England, was very common over seas. 
 
PUKITAN POLITICS 21 
 
 Whatever may be said of cheap coats, cheap land has been 
 an endless blessing; for, without any change in legal prin- 
 ciples, it brought a host of Puritan yeomen into the full 
 activity of voting citizens. 
 
 Distinctions of rank also quickly faded out in the colo- 
 nies ; of the holders of titles, few eventually remained. 
 Lord Say and Sele, Lord Brooke, Sir Richard Saltonstall, 
 Sir Harry Vane, all returned to England; Sir William 
 Phips founded no family ; Sir Edmund Andi'os found the 
 climate uncongenial. The only attempt to create an Ameri- 
 can nobility, that in the Carolinas, was a laughing-stock, 
 and the whole machinery of Palatines, Palsgraves, and 
 Caciques tumbled together before it ever went into oper- 
 ation. Social distinctions there were : we are all famil- 
 iar with the "placing" of the members of the classes in 
 Harvard College till 1773. It was something to head the 
 list as a Wigglesworth, a Hutchinson, a Dudley, a Wen- 
 dell, a Hooper, a Pepperell, or a Winthrop ; it was some- 
 thing different to head the rear of the procession as a 
 Nehemiah Porter, or a Bezaleel Sherman, or a John Brown. 
 But the students all ate the same coarse food, '' common- 
 placed " on the same dull sermon-heads, and, in early days, 
 were thrashed with the same cane. These dignities were 
 but temporary, and not inheritable. "Heredity," says 
 Gladstone, "seated as an idea in the heart's core of English- 
 men, was as truly absent from the intellectual and moral 
 store with which the colonists traversed the Atlantic, as if 
 it had been some forgotten article in the bill of lading 
 which made up their cargoes." The real aristocracy of 
 early New England was the clergy; and to that high 
 dignity any able and pious youth might aspire. Of 
 this parson government John Winthrop in 1688 expressed 
 his opinion in unmistakable terms, in discussing the Con- 
 necticut system : 
 
 " The main burden for managing of state businesses fell upon 
 some one or other of their ministers, who, though they were men 
 of singular wisdom and godliness, yet, stepping out of their 
 course, their actions wanted that blessing which otherwise might 
 have been expected." 
 
22 PUEITAN POLITICS 
 
 Nevertheless, in his own colony, Winthrop was con- 
 strained to observe in 1639 that " the elders had great 
 power in the people's hearts, which was needful to be up- 
 held, lest the people should break their bonds through 
 abuse of liberty." 
 
 We are not to suppose that the democratic tendency 
 was, from the beginning, accepted as a matter of course. 
 Winthrop found it to be one of the " errours " in the gov- 
 ernment of Connecticut that "they chose divers scores 
 men who had no learning nor judgment, which might fit 
 them for those affairs, though otherwise men holy and re- 
 ligious." Winthrop also much condemned the Reverend 
 Nathaniel Ward for "grounding his propositions much 
 upon the old Roman and Greek governments, which sure 
 is an errour." Notwithstanding these protests and the 
 efforts of the governor and assistants in Massachusetts to 
 arrogate to themselves the right to make laws, the repub- 
 lican spirit steadily gained ground till, in 1703, Quarry 
 complained that "■ commonwealth notions improve daily, 
 and if it be not checked in time, the rights and privileges 
 of English subjects will be thought too narrow." 
 
 The glory of establishing democratic institutions in 
 little commonwealths is not peculiar to the Puritans. 
 They must share it with the Greek and Italian and Ger- 
 man cities, with the Swiss cantons and the English par- 
 ishes. We may, however, reasonably claim for them the 
 magnificent invention of a practical representative sys- 
 tem, based on democracy. A genial German professor, to 
 whose lectures upon international law I once listened, one 
 day asserted that mankind is divided into three classes : 
 "First, those who are the disciples of the philosopher 
 Hegel and are proud of it ; secondly, those who are Hegeli- 
 ans and protest against it ; thirdly, those who are Hegelians 
 without knowing it." So it may be said of the nations of 
 the civilized world, that some, like the Puritan common- 
 wealths and their descendants, are republics and are proud 
 of it ; that some, like France, are republics and protest 
 against it; and that some, like England, are republics 
 without knowing it. 
 
PUEITAN POLITICS 23 
 
 With the experience of two hundred and fifty years, we 
 find it hard to realize how much creative work the fore- 
 fathers did in perfecting the details of a republican sys- 
 tem. For instance, it seems natural to us that every part 
 of the State should be represented in a legislature, and 
 that districts of equal population should have approxi- 
 mately the same number of representatives. Yet in Eng- 
 land, at the time of colonization and for two centuries 
 thereafter, many cities were wholly unrepresented, and 
 hamlets had the same number of members as London or 
 Bristol. 
 
 The first business of the little Puritan communities was 
 to control their own legislation. The general assemblies 
 were early discontinued as unwieldy; then the deputies 
 who appeared to represent the people, demanded and ob- 
 tained a right to take equal part with the magistrates in 
 making laws. Vainly did John Winthrop resist this ten- 
 dency. In 1644 the deputies demanded of the magistrates 
 to take no further action till the General Court should 
 again assemble. " To this," he says, '' was answered that 
 if occasion required, they must act according to the power 
 and trust committed to them ; to which their speaker re- 
 plied, '■ You will not be obeyed.' " 
 
 The privileges of an upper house of the assembly were, 
 however, successfully maintained by Winthrop and his 
 associates ; and thus the system of bi-cameral legislatures 
 was founded in the New England colonies, and thereby 
 introduced into our national government. The test came 
 in 1634 on the question of letting Hooker and his company 
 depart to Connecticut. 
 
 " Upon this grew a great differeuce between the governour and 
 assistants, and the deputies. They would not yield the assistants 
 a negative voice, and the others (considering how dangerous it 
 might be to the commonwealth, if they should not keep that 
 strength to balance the greater number of the deputies) thought 
 it safe to stand upon it. So when they could proceed no further, 
 the whole court agreed to keep a day of humiliation to seek the 
 Lord, which accordingly was done. 
 
 " And it pleased the Lord so to assist him and to bless his own 
 
24 PURITAN POLITICS 
 
 ordinance, that the affairs of the conrt went on cheerfully : and 
 although all were not satisfied about the negative voice to he 
 left to the magistrates, yet no man moved aught about it." 
 
 In the choice of the chief magistrates of the New England 
 colonies by popular vote, the Puritans were setting a new 
 example, and laying the foundation for the American sys- 
 tem of governors chosen independently of the legislatures 
 and not subject to their control. That system, now 
 worked out in forty-four States and in the national Gov- 
 ernment, competes with the system of parliamentary re- 
 sponsibility ; and its success in comparison is well summed 
 up in Sir Henry Maine's criticism of the present parlia- 
 mentary regime in France : " The old kings of France 
 reigned and governed. The constitutional king, according 
 to M. Thiers, reigns but does not govern. The President 
 of the United States governs, but he does not reign. It 
 has been reserved for the President of the French Republic 
 neither to reign, nor yet to govern." 
 
 II. 
 
 Next to the successful working out of their 
 Political or- pepubliean and representative system, comes the 
 
 ganization. ^ ^ . , 
 
 Puritan faculty of political organization. They 
 had to construct the ship of state and to navigate her too. 
 And they were shrewd political sailors, knowing how to 
 lie close to the wind of royal favor, and how to beat 
 against the currents of ministerial control. In their inven- 
 tive skill, their ability to form combinations and to reach 
 their ends by lawful discussion and legislation, they were 
 the Reeds and Roosevelts, the Carlisles and Russells, of 
 their day. 
 
 No people, not even the Greeks, have ever had a greater 
 fondness for popular meetings of various kinds. In fact, 
 in 1636, Winthrop complains of the university extension 
 of his time, that ''there were so many lectures now in the 
 country, and many poor persons would usually resort to 
 two or three in the week, to the great neglect of their 
 
PUKITAN POLITICS 25 
 
 affairs, and the damage of the publick." Hardly had the 
 colony of Massachusetts Bay beeu established when the 
 question arose of holding church meetings and conferences. 
 In 1636 exception was taken to a fortnightly meeting of 
 ministers. The apparent cause was, 
 
 "As fearing it might grow in time to a presbytery or super- 
 intendeney, to the prejudice of the chtirclies' liberties. But this 
 fear was without cause ; for they were all clear in that point, 
 that no chui'ch or person can have power over another church ; 
 neither did they in their meetings exercise any such jurisdiction, 
 &c." 
 
 The fear disappeared, and from that time there were 
 solemn assemblies like that of 1636 for the ordination of 
 Mr. Shepard of Cambridge : 
 
 '' Then the elder desu'ed of all the churches, that, if they did 
 approve them to be a church, they would give them the right hand 
 of fellowship. Whereupon, Mr. Cotton, (upon short speech with 
 others near him,) in the name of their chui'ches gave his hand 
 to the elder, with a short speech of their assent, and desired the 
 peace of the Lord Jesus to be with them." 
 
 They also held proprietors' meetings, to divide and ad- 
 minister the town lands. The foundation of our modern 
 park systems was laid in such votes as that of the town- 
 meeting of Providence, which, in 1704, enacted that a cer- 
 tain tract '' shall be and continually remain in comon for 
 the use and benefit of the people aforesaid." 
 
 The most interesting of these gatherings was of course 
 the town-meeting. The variety of business, personal, po- 
 litical, and economic, which these forest statesmen carried 
 on, is well illustrated by an extract from the Boston town 
 records of 1731 : 
 
 " After prayer by the Rev* m' John Webb, 
 
 *' Habijah Savage Esq' was chose to be Moderator for 
 this meeting. 
 
 " Proposed to Consider About Reparing m"" Nathauiell Wil- 
 liams His Kitchen &c — 
 
26 PUEITAN POLITICS 
 
 *' In answer to the Earnest Desire of the Honoivrable House 
 of Representatives — 
 
 " Voted an Entire Satisfaction in the Town in the hxte 
 Conduct of their Representatives in Endeavoring to pre- 
 serue their Valual)le Priviledges, And Pray their fm-ther 
 Endeavors therein — 
 
 " Voted. That the Afair of Repairing of the WharfP lead- 
 ing to the North Battrey, be left with the Selectmen to do 
 therein as they Judge best — " 
 
 The colouial legislatures were hardly less entertaiuing. 
 Although in 1635, iu the famous reconciliation between 
 Winthrop and Dudley, one of the conditions was 'Hhat 
 trivial things &c should be ordered in towns &c/' the 
 General Courts in Massachusetts did not lack business. 
 Thus, in 1634, 
 
 " Many things were there agitated and concluded, as fortify- 
 ing in Castle Island, Dorchester, and Chai'lestown ; also against 
 tobacco and costly apparel, and immodest fashions ; and com- 
 mittees appointed for setting out bounds of towns ; with divers 
 other matters which do not appear on record." 
 
 In all these meetings they were developing our present 
 system of parliamentary practice, including some devices 
 which are thought particularly modern. For instance, 
 committees appear in the Boston records as early as 1640, 
 and i^layed an important part down to the famous entry 
 of November 2, 1773, when ''it was moved by M' Samuel 
 Adams, That a Committee of Correspondence be ap- 
 pointed." In fact, the representatives in Massachusetts 
 were originally committees appointed by the towns. 
 
 III. 
 
 All these text-book commonplaces have their 
 MacMnery. P^^H^ose iu leading up to the third department 
 of Puritan activity, namely, to their political 
 machinery. It is a mere platitude to say that our fore- 
 fathers were free from the evils of self-seeking political 
 
PUEITAN POLITICS 27 
 
 combinations and obscure methods. Like some other plati- 
 tudes, however, it is not true. For instance, elaborate sys- 
 tems for nominating candidates date back to the beginning 
 of colonial history. Thus, in 1G35, when Ludlow, the late 
 deputy, was left out of the magistracy, ^' the reason was 
 partly because the people would exercise their absolute 
 power, &c, and partly upon some speeches of the deputy, 
 who protested against the election of the govern our as void, 
 for that the deputies of the several towns had agreed upon 
 the election before they came, &c." In 1639, the governor 
 and magistrates ventured to propound three names, 
 " amongst which, Mr. Downing, the governour's brother- 
 in-law, was one, — and therefore, though he were known 
 to be a very able man, — yet the people would not choose 
 him." In 1643, nominations were made " by a company of 
 freemen, whereof the most were deputies chosen for the 
 court." The system of official nominations was, through- 
 out the history of Connecticut, a part of the governmental 
 machinery. In the election of magistrates, preliminary 
 ballots were invariably cast in the town-meetings, foi*- 
 warded to Hartford, and there counted before the Assem- 
 bly. The twenty highest names were then certified back 
 to the town-meetings, and at a second election they voted 
 for twelve out of the twenty, of whom the twelve highest 
 were declared chosen. These systems are the preliminary 
 of the State nominating convention, which, however, did 
 not appear till after the Revolution. 
 
 The caucus, also, was not left for us to invent. Sewall 
 records that in 1685 there was a " meeting of Boston free- 
 men to chuse a treasurer of the country," and the next 
 March, in his account of the Anniversary Town Meeting, 
 
 '' The govern our seems to mention it with some concernment 
 that the 18, said to be of the Commission, are pubhckly to be 
 seen at the Notaries ; so there is a nomination before we put in 
 votes." 
 
 But the foundation of our present caucus system cannot 
 be traced back of about 1724, when, according to Gordon, 
 the father of Samuel Adams and twenty others " would 
 
28 PUKITAN POLITICS 
 
 furnish themselves with ballots including the names of 
 the parties fixed upon, which they distributed on the day 
 of election. In like manner it was that Mr. Samuel Adams 
 first became a representative of Boston." John Adams, in 
 his diary for February, 1763, records : 
 
 '^ This day learned that the Caucus Club meets at certain times 
 in the Garrett of Tom Dawes, — there they smoke tobacco till 
 you cannot see from one end of the Garrett to the other. There 
 they drink flip I suppose. And there they chuse a Moderator who 
 puts questions to the vote regularly; and selectmen, assessors, 
 collectors, fire-wards and representatives are regularly chosen, 
 before they are chosen in the town." 
 
 The next year, 1764, appeared the following warily 
 worded appeal : 
 
 " To the Freeholders : 
 
 '' Modesty preventing a personal application (customary in 
 other places) for your interest to elect particular persons to be 
 your representatives ; we therefore request your votes for those 
 gentlemen who have steadily adhered to your interest in times 
 past, especially in the affair of trade, by sending timely instruc- 
 tions, requested by our agent, relating to Acts of Trade late 
 pending in Parliament. 
 
 "Your humble servants, 
 
 "The Caucus." 
 
 It was the North End caucus in Boston which, in 1773, 
 voted that they '' would oppose with their lives and for- 
 tunes the selling of any tea that might be sent to the 
 town for sale by the East India Company." 
 
 The elections were by no means so quiet and brotherly as 
 we have been led to suppose. From my house I look out 
 upon a spot on Cambridge Common where once stood the 
 Vane tree. Under that tree in 1636 was held the first hotly 
 contested election in Massachusetts ; and the proceedings 
 irresistibly remind one of a New York State Convention 
 of the present day. Governor Vane, as presiding officer, 
 for some time declined to put the question for proceeding 
 
PUEITAN POLITICS 29 
 
 to election, and then refused to proceed fnrther. The re- 
 sult was that Sir Harry Vane was " turned down/' as we 
 should say now, or, as John Wiuthrop more delicately 
 puts it : " Mr. Vane, Mr. Coddington and Mr. Dummer, 
 (being- all of that faction), were left quite out." The meet- 
 ing nearly became a precedent for disorders with which 
 we are too familiar; for, says Winthrop, "there was great 
 danger of a tumult that day ; for those of that side grew 
 into fierce speeches, and some laid hands on others ; but 
 seeing themselves too weak, they grew quiet." 
 
 Evidences of sharp political practice in elections are un- 
 happily not wanting. At this very election of 1636 — 
 
 "Boston having deferred to chuse deputies . . . went home that 
 night, and the next morning they sent Mr. Vane, the late gov- 
 eruom-, and Mr. Coddington, and Mr. Hoffe for their deputies ; 
 but the court, being grieved at it, found a means to send them 
 home again, for that two of the freemen of Boston had not no- 
 tice of the election. So they went all home, and the next morn- 
 ing they retui-ned the same gentlemen again upon a new choice ; 
 and the court not finding how they might reject them, they 
 were admitted." 
 
 Sewell, in 1695, admits that he acted as a ticket peddler: 
 
 " I had got a Printed List of all the Councillors names except 
 the Judges, that might serve for a Nomination, and indented 
 them with Scissors, and so every one took as it pleased him, 
 and put into Mr. Secretaries Hat." 
 
 Even in innocent Cambridge in 1721 Samuel Smith and 
 Daniel Gookin were obliged to make oath that they had 
 not put in each two votes for representative. The most 
 notable example is the experience of the Boston town- 
 meeting on the proposition to sell part of the burying- 
 ground to the wardens and vestry of King's Chapel, for 
 an enlargement : 
 
 "And the Inhabitants proceeded to bring in then- votes, & 
 when the Selectmen were Receiving 'em at the Door of the Hall 
 they observed one of the Inhabitants Vizt ; John Pigeon to put 
 
30 PURITAN POLITICS 
 
 in about a dozen with the word Yea wrote on all of 'em and be- 
 ing charged with so doing he acknowledged it, & was there- 
 upon ordered by the Moderator to pay a Fine of Five Pounds 
 for putting in more than one Vote according to Law, and the 
 Moderator thereupon Declared to the Inhabitants that they must 
 withdraw and bring in their votes again as before dh-ected." 
 
 Upon the second ballot, however, the question was 
 carried again. 
 
 Women had a part in colonial politics rather more im- 
 portant than they have ever obtained since those days. The 
 Autinomian struggle in 1635 is remarkable for the ap- 
 pearance of the first woman politician in America. It is 
 a matter of wonder that the authorities of the new college 
 in Cambridge, when they sought the name of a woman 
 connected with early colonial history with which to dig- 
 nify their institution, did not choose, instead of the ob- 
 scure Ann Radcliffe, the better known, able, fearless and 
 well-educated lady whom Winthrop characterizes as " one 
 Mrs. Hutchinson, a member of the church of Boston, a 
 woman of a ready wit and bold spirit." Her name would 
 have been the symbol of the woman who does not need a 
 man to tell her what to believe. 
 
 Winthrop, it ought to be noted, had no high opinion of 
 women's colleges ; for it is he who has made immortal the 
 wife of Governor Hopkins : 
 
 " Mr. Hopkins, the governoiu- of Hartford upon Connecticut, 
 came to Boston and brought his wife with him, who was faUen into 
 a sad infirmity, the loss of her imderstanding and reason, which 
 had been growing upon her divers years, by occasion of her giv- 
 ing herself wholly to reading and wi'iting, and had written many 
 books. Her husband being very loving and tender of her, was 
 loath to grieve her ; but he saw his errour when it was too late. 
 For if she had attended her household affairs, and such things 
 as solely belong to women, and had not gone out of her way and 
 calling to meddle in such things as are proper for men, whose 
 minds are stronger, &c, she had kept her wits and might have 
 improved them usefully and honourably in the place God had 
 set her." 
 
PUEITAN POLITICS 31 
 
 Upon Mrs. Hntcliinson and her friends the Puritans 
 practised a process which in their minds was singularly 
 like what is now termed " reading out of the party." 
 This is not the place to consider the moral effect on the 
 coinmunit}^ of the suppression of free thought on religious 
 questions. Nor is there any place where intolerance and 
 persecution may rightfully be defended ; but it is fair to 
 say that the Puritans have not been the only people to 
 practise the intolerable doctrine that public spirit is not 
 to be found in " the other party." 
 
 Another influence which has been supposed to be peculiar 
 to our day and generation was the "political boss." That 
 he was not unknown to the Puritans, of the eighteenth 
 century at least, is ijroved by the repeated reference of 
 the Boston town-meeting to " The Honble Samuel Adams, 
 Esq." ; and John Hancock was as well known for his deft 
 political deals as for his magnificent signature, and his 
 obstinate withholding of the funds which came into his 
 hands as Treasurer of Harvard College. No two events 
 in American history were more significant and beneficent 
 than the adoption of the Massachusetts Constitution of 
 1780, and the ratification of the Federal Constitution in 
 1788 by the Massachusetts Convention, Must the de- 
 scendants of Puritans tell the truth about Puritans? 
 Neither of these events could have been brought about by 
 any other process than a " deal " by which John Hancock 
 was to become or to remain Governor of the Common- 
 wealth. In the unrefined language of the period, he in- 
 timated to the advocates of the adoption of the Federal 
 Constitution that he would appear in its favor *'if they 
 would make it worth his while." 
 
 But if there were demagogues and wii'e-pullers, there 
 were not wanting also the clerical denouncers of spiritual 
 wickedness in high places. In 1776 Rev. Thomas Allen 
 of Pittsfield, the Parkhurst of his time, declared publicly 
 that " the present condition of the country is oppressive, 
 defective, and ought not to be submitted to " : and it was 
 not submitted to. 
 
 The Puritans perfectly understood the value of party 
 
32 PUKITAN POLITICS 
 
 leaderships. They went so far as to evolve the political 
 steering committee and the party caucus, though not till 
 just before the Revolution. What were the Committees of 
 Correspondence but colonial " State Committees " in charge 
 of a campaign? They also developed the system which 
 some people suppose was new with Speaker Reed in Con- 
 gress — the system of management and direction of the 
 Assembly by the Speaker. Perhaps the most notable of 
 these officials was John Leverett, later President of Har- 
 vard, who was the able Speaker of the General Court in 
 1700. One of his students complained that Leverett's 
 class " was obliged to rise at four o'clock in the winter 
 mornings, that Mr. Leverett might seasonably attend the 
 General Court at Boston." About this time arose an in- 
 teresting instance of what we now call " putting the Gov- 
 ernor in a hole." In 1723 the orthodox party, alarmed, as 
 it has chi-onically been for two centuries, by the too liberal 
 attitude of Harvard College, devised what I must regard 
 as a very laudable political scheme — the swamping of the 
 existing Corporation of the College by adding to it the 
 tutors. A bill to this effect passed both houses and was 
 sent up to Governor Shute for his approval. That wily 
 statesman was no more to be caught by such a device than 
 would be the present governor under like circumstances. 
 He approved the bill : '' provided Mr. Benjamin Wads- 
 worth, and the Rev. Mr, Benjamin Colman, and the Rev. 
 Mr. Appleton are not removed by said orders, but still re- 
 main Fellows of the Corporation." In vain did the Gen- 
 eral Court protest that his proviso " has a tendency en- 
 tirely to defeat the design and purpose of those votes." 
 The Corporation remained, and still remains, deprived of 
 the invaluable participation of the professors. 
 
 That the Puritans perfectly understood political man- 
 agement and knew how to take advantage of the awk- 
 wardness of their opponents was shown by two incidents 
 in the history of the early Massachusetts Government. 
 The charter of Massachusetts Bay was plainly intended for 
 a trading corporation ; that corporation had its quarterly 
 meeting of stockholders called the *' Quarter Court," and 
 
PUEITAN POLITICS 33 
 
 its annual meeting called the'' General Court." By a bold, 
 shrewd, and justifiable use of the letter of the law, the 
 Puritans brought over that charter to be the framework 
 of the government of a commonwealth, which made laws, 
 which made war, and which eventually decided to make a 
 union. When, in 16(54, Royal Commissioners came over to 
 investigate the Massachusetts Government with a view to 
 annulling the charter, they were politely informed by the 
 Massachusetts authorities that, under the charter, there 
 was no provision for such investigation, and that, there- 
 fore, there would be no hearings ; and the Commissioners 
 returned discomfited, with what we should now call " leave 
 to withdraw." 
 
 These instances of the political instinct of the Fore- 
 fathers might be many times multiplied ; but they serve 
 their purpose if they put once clearly before yonr minds 
 the remembrance of the gifts which they made to their 
 country and the world through their unrivalled skill in 
 practical government. Fortunately we have their exam- 
 ple, and, I trust, their spirit, to practise politics on the 
 broad principles which they laid down — to maintain the 
 true republican government of the people, and not of 
 leaders only ; to use parties as not abusing them, by con- 
 sidering them a means to an end ; to support the rights 
 both of the States and the Union ; to discuss and legislate 
 openly and in good temper ; and to yield peaceably when 
 the majority is against us. 
 
 IV. 
 
 It is fashionable nowadays to argue that the constitution- 
 Puritans were not originators, but imitators, making, 
 and that they did not even imitate their own fathers; 
 that popular government and Congregational polity and 
 free schools came over from Holland. Of course, it is pos- 
 sible that the Puritans learned something from the Dutch. 
 A Yankee and a Dutchman could not so much as exchange 
 a barrel of mackerel for a case of Holland gin without 
 each learning the other's sharpness in a bargain. But 
 
34 PURITAN POLITICS 
 
 when it comes to government, I am struck with the gener- 
 ous but impracticable character of the Dutch people in New 
 York. It was good of them to endow New England with 
 principles of liberty and popular government, but why 
 did not the Dutch colonies keep a few of these good things 
 for themselves? And why do their descendants need so 
 much good Puritan precept and example and admoni- 
 tion before they rescue the city of New York from the 
 hands of brigands'? Perhaps the idea of the Cambridge 
 ecclesiastical synod of 1637 may have been suggested by 
 the Synod of Dort of 1618 ? But if it was Dutch liberty 
 to lay down eighty-two heretical propositions against which 
 the faithful were warned, I should have preferred New 
 England liberty ; and certainly the resolution of that 
 Cambridge synod smacks more of Holland than of Eng- 
 land, for by it a " set assembly of women " in Boston to 
 study the Scripture and "to expound it prophetically" 
 was " agreed to be disorderly and without rule." 
 
 Clearly the Puritan's polity, ecclesiastical and political, 
 was English in its origin; they had four broad corner- 
 stones for their political system, and not one of them was 
 peculiarly Dutch. In the first place, they built on the 
 Scriptural basis of obedience to just authority ; in the 
 second place, they adopted Calvin's theory of the indepen- 
 dent locally organized church, and that principle also per- 
 meated their town government; in the third place, they 
 knew and j)ractised Thomas Browne's far-reaching theory 
 that magistrates receive their authority "by the consent 
 or choice of the people ; " in the fourth place, they devised 
 and practised the limitations of a written constitution. 
 These, then, were their principles: Order; Individuality; 
 Popular Government; Constitutional Restriction. These 
 principles were woven into the vote of the Massachusetts 
 General Court in 1635 : 
 
 " The deputies having conceived great danger to our state, in 
 regard that our magistrates, for want of positive laws, in many 
 cases might proceed according to tlien discretions, it was agi'eed 
 that some men should be appointed to frame a body of grounds 
 
PURITAN POLITICS 35 
 
 of laws, in resemblance to a Magna Charta, which, being' al- 
 lowed by some of the ministers, and the general court, should be 
 received for fundamental laws." 
 
 The Fundamental Orders of Connecticut of 1638 detailed 
 the first written constitution ever made by the people in 
 any land under the sun. Having once laid down this 
 doctrine of popular rights and crystallized it in a popular 
 constitution, the Puritans never drew back until they had 
 reached the ripe fruits of their labors. Constitution-mak- 
 ing by a convention chosen for that purpose, and its work 
 to be ratified bj^ a popular vote, is a Puritan invention. 
 
 One of the most remarkable Puritan discoveries in pol- 
 itics was their experiment in federal government. There 
 were other existent federations in 1643, but there is no 
 proof that the Forefathers copied them. The New England 
 Confederation was therefore a creation ; it lasted forty 
 years, and broke only against the ill-will of the mother 
 country. To that union I feel a special debt of gratitude 
 because of its fostering interest in Harvard College. In 
 1644 the Commissioners commended 
 
 ''to the freedome of every famyly (wch is able and willing to 
 give) throughout the plantations to give yearly but the fourth 
 part of a bushel of corn or something equivalent there vnto . . . 
 so it would be a blessed means of provision for the dyett of 
 divers such studients as may stand in need of some support." 
 
 They contributed not only "dyett"; they furnished a 
 student to consume some of it. From 1654 to 1662 they 
 devoted several portions of their valuable sessions to one 
 John Stanton, whom they supported while pursuing his 
 studies at and in the College, in preparation to be a mis- 
 sionary to the Indians. Being informed that ''John doth 
 greatly neglect his Studdy, and hath committed many 
 other misdemeanors," and " finally had absented himselfe 
 from the College without the consent and contrary to the 
 mind of the Commissioners/' they thrice gave him solemn 
 warning to "apply himself seriously to studdy that in 
 
 5 
 
36 PUKITAN POLITICS 
 
 God's time he may be better furnished for Imployment in 
 the worke." These are but two examples of the lesser ac- 
 tivity of the Commissioners of the United Colonies. 
 
 They had far broader federal functions, and even ven- 
 tured to check the insubordination of Massachusetts when 
 the colony roundly threatened secession, and, 
 
 '' having perused the grounds and reasons moving thereunto, 
 presented to us in their papers, do not see sufficient ground either 
 from any obligation of the English towards the Long Islanders, 
 or fi-om the usage the messengers received fi'om the Indians, or 
 from any other motive presented unto our consideration or from 
 aU of them ; and therefore dare not to exercise our authority to 
 levy force within our Jurisdiction to undertake a present war 
 against the said Ninnegrett." 
 
 Though the Confederation ceased and was forgotten, 
 the practical political sagacity which founded it was again 
 illustrated in the Congress of Albany, the Stamp Act Con- 
 gress, and the Continental Congresses. 
 
 The rugged principles of Puritan politics showed out 
 clearly in the Revolutionary crisis. Take the sturdy decla- 
 ration of popular freedom in the Cambridge votes of 1773 : 
 
 " That this town can no longer stand idle spectators, but are 
 ready on the shortest notice, to join with the town of Boston, 
 and any other towns in any measures that may be thought 
 proper, to deliver ourselves and posterity from slavery." 
 
 And when, just before the Declaration of Independence, 
 the town was asked whether it would support Congress in 
 such a measure, the Cambridge town-meeting unanimously 
 and solemnly engaged such support with their lives and 
 fortunes. Let New England and the New England Soci- 
 ety rejoice to-night that they had a State-creating ancestry, 
 from which sprang such ringing declarations as that of 
 the Cambridge town-meeting of 1765 : 
 
 " That the inhabitants of this province have a legal right to all 
 the natural, inherent, constitutional rights of Englishmen, not- 
 
PURITAN POLITICS 3/ 
 
 withstanding their distance from Great Britain, and that the 
 Stamp Act is an infringement upon their rights. . . . Let this 
 Act but once take place, Liberty will be no more . . . and 
 Poverty comes upon us as an armed man. The Town therefore 
 hereby advise and direct their representatives by no means 
 whatsoever to do any one thing that may aid said Act in its op- 
 eration ; but that . . . they use their utmost endeavors that the 
 same may be repealed ; and that this vote may be recorded in 
 the Town Books, that the children yet unborn may see the desire 
 that their ancestors had for their freedom and happiness." 
 
NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 By Frederic Lawrence Knowles. 
 
 Cold was the morn, and cheerless was the shore, 
 
 When our brave fathers, tyrant-hunted, erst 
 Unlocked the future's inauspicious door, 
 
 And, bold of brow, trod Freedom's threshold first. 
 Brave hearts ! beneath the strait-laced garb of sect 
 
 Beat bosoms warmed by fli-es not lit on earth, 
 And the real man — supreme, secure, erect — 
 
 Gave to an iron creed its human worth. 
 The cold frosts fell relentless on the grain, 
 
 The cunning savage lurked by rock and tree. 
 No sound was heard in that lone, desolate plain 
 
 Save, on the rocks, the cursings of the sea. 
 Yet, om* fathers, how youi' hands were stayed ! 
 The Pilgrim's God was with you — ye were unafraid ! 
 
 n. 
 
 And we, the scions of a softer age. 
 
 The latest birth of Progress and slow Time — 
 Are we not heirs of that high heritage. 
 
 And sharers in that toil, that fame sublime "? 
 Ours be the virtues which did once endow 
 
 Those forest-conquering heroes, dauntless, free. 
 By the long, treacherous cape which, then as now. 
 
 With gaunt, crooked finger beckoned to the sea. 
 Tell us, ye stars, that watched their lonely fires. 
 
 Yea, watch each generation as it runs — 
 
NEW ENGLAND 39 
 
 The witness of their prayers, and our desires 
 
 High as their own — say, are we not their sons ? 
 Shall not the virtues which have made them great 
 Rule, animate, enthrall our hearts, control our State *? 
 
 III. 
 
 Thou art the rough nui'se of a hero-brood, 
 
 New England, and theii* mighty limbs by thee 
 Were fashioned — they, the bards, the warriors rude. 
 
 Whom Time hath dowered with fame imperishably. 
 But not alone for this I love thee ; I 
 
 On thy bare mother-breast have laid my head. 
 And drunk the cool, deep silence, while the sky, 
 
 Confederate of my joy, laughed o'er my bed. 
 Thus have I lain till half I seemed a part — 
 
 At least to my own mood — of Natiu-e's plan ; 
 The very landscape crept into my heart. 
 
 And they were one — the sense, the soul, of man ; 
 My kinship with life's myriad forms I knew : — 
 Worms in the world of green, wings in the world of blue ! 
 
 rv. 
 
 Nor less I loved thee in those hours of blight 
 
 When winter fell upon thee like a sleep ; 
 Again I watch along the drifted white 
 
 The dark triangle of the snow-plough sweep, 
 Behold the oxen draw the creaking sled. 
 
 Hear the sharp sleet mock June upon the pane, 
 See the wise village prophets shake the head 
 
 While through the elms the witless winds complain. 
 Ah, in those hours, native hills ! I know 
 
 Alert beneath thy guise of seeming-dead 
 The roots are warm, the saps of summer flow, 
 
 The wings of immortality are bred ! 
 In all tilings reigns one immanent Control : 
 The life beneath the snow, the Life within my soul ! 
 
 Then hail, ye hills ! like rough-hewn temples set. 
 With granite beams, upon this earth of God ! 
 
 Austerer halls of worship never yet 
 Had feet of Puritan or Pilgrim trod : 
 
40 NEW ENGLAND 
 
 Abrupt Chocorua, Greylock's hoary height, 
 
 Katahdin (name that Music makes her own), 
 Storied Mouadnock, and, in loftier flight, 
 
 Thou, rising to the eternal heavens, alone — 
 Thy Sun-wooed sisters, less diviuely proud, 
 
 Bribed to compliance by their suitors gold — 
 Thou, wrapt in thy stern drapery of a cloud. 
 
 Chaste, passionless, inviolably cold. 
 Mount Washington ! sky- shouldering, freedom-crowned. 
 Compatriot with the breakless blue above, around ! 
 
 And hail, ye waters ! w^hether, mountain-locked. 
 
 The timid lake shines in the valley's palm. 
 Where strident human discord never mocked 
 
 With a.lien clamor the primeval calm ; 
 Or whether streams insistent to the sea 
 
 Urge their impatient way, till far behind 
 The hills are left, and, black with industry. 
 
 Through long, low meadow-lands their path they wind. 
 O'er stream and lake alike the slight canoe, 
 
 Graceful though forest-born, once found its course, 
 By dark hands guided which the war-axe knew — 
 
 Hands skilled in dexterous craft and fearless force. 
 Now by those waters blue the warriors sleep ; 
 The still heights taciturn the destined secret keep ! 
 
 VII. 
 
 Perished that forest-nurtured race ; the winds 
 
 Have scattered past recall their nameless dust. 
 Forerunners they of more heroic kinds, 
 
 The harsh Fates slew them, but the Fates were just. 
 Thou more intrepid brood ! these hills were thine 
 
 Which had been theirs, valiant elder band ! 
 Let us in our unventurous ease, supine, 
 
 Spare those a thought who met the time's demand, 
 Ploughed these unwilling plains, these woodlands cleared, 
 
 The sous of God because the sons of Toil, 
 Who in this wilderness their temples reared, 
 
 But knew no shrine more sacred than their soil. 
 When tyranny this freeman-breed defied, 
 Through the black lips of death-tuned cannon they replied ! 
 
NEW ENGLAND 41 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Who was it, when the British thimders broke, 
 
 And Western Conquest staggered to her fall — 
 Who was it then unchained tlie tjTant-yoke ? 
 
 Oh answer, memory-haunted Faneuil Hall ! 
 And when our North was menaced by her foes, 
 
 Blind with the lust of gold, " deaf as the sea," 
 Though bondsmen i)lead for pity, who arose 
 
 And sundered first those shackles — who but thee ? 
 All- sheltering as a mother, thou didst stand. 
 
 New England, with thy arms outstretched to save ; 
 Europe, the prairied West, on either hand, 
 
 And, chnging to thy garment's hem, the slave ! 
 And shall we love thee less whom, at thy shrine, 
 Our sires pledged in their hearts' best blood — that costliest 
 wine? 
 
 IX. 
 
 Nay ! though we wander where against the sky 
 
 The sun-burnt leagues of low plain stretch away, 
 Or where on silver coasts the warm waves sigh 
 
 And Cahfornian winters mimic May, 
 We still are thine ; and in oiu- sad, fond dream, 
 
 They rest again — these poor, tired feet that roam : 
 We see the farm, the orchard, and the stream, 
 
 And, rising to the heavens, the hills of home. 
 The quest of gain has called us from thy breast, 
 
 Our common mother ! but the noisy mart 
 Can never drown the inner voice of rest ; 
 
 The child's pure peace still harbors in om' heart. 
 Though far our footsteps stray, though years be long, 
 The kindred loves of heaven and home shall keep us strong ! 
 
APPENDIX 
 
OFFICERS 
 
 OF THE NEW ENGLAND SOCIETY, 
 
 1870-1895. 
 
 (Au asterist marks tlie deceased.) 
 
 PRESIDENTS. 
 
 *LowELL Mason, .Jr., 1870, 71. 
 
 Daniel A. Heald, 1872, 73. 
 *David N. Ropes, 1874-76. 
 *Henry a. Howe, 1877. 
 * Gardner R. Colby, 1878, 79. 
 
 Everett Frazab, 1880, 81. 
 
 Frank F. Ellinwood, 1882, 
 83. 
 
 Henry Graves, 1884, 85. 
 William A. Brewer, Jr., 
 
 1886, 87. 
 James C. Bayles, 1888, 89. 
 James S. Cox, 1890, 91. 
 Henry F. Hitch, 1892. 
 John 0. Heald, 1893, 94. 
 William R. Howe, 1895. 
 
 VICE-PRESIDENTS. 
 
 Daniel A. Heald, 1870, 71, 
 75-83. 
 
 Oliver S. Carter, 1870, 71, 
 74, 79, 80. 
 *LowELL Mason, Jr., 1872. 
 *George B. Bacon, 1872-76. 
 *David N. Ropes, 1873, 81, 82. 
 * Gardner R. Colby, 1877. 
 
 Henry A. Page, 1878. 
 *Lewis B. Henry, 1883. 
 
 William A. Brewer, Jr., 
 
 1884, 85. 
 Robert H. Atwateb, 1884-86. 
 James C. Bayles, 1886, 87. 
 James S. Cox, 1887-89. 
 Edward E. Quimby, 1888. 
 Henry F. Hitch, 1889-91. 
 John 0. Heald, 1890, 91. 
 William R, Howe, 1892-94. 
 Charles H. Mann, 1893-95. 
 
 Isaac E. Gates, 1895. 
 
46 
 
 OFFICERS 
 
 COUNSELLORS. 
 
 *Gardner R. Colby, 1870-72, 
 
 74-7G, 80. 
 *David N. Ropes, 1870-72, 77- 
 
 80, 83-85. 
 * William F.Stearns, 1870-73. 
 Benjamin F. Metcalf, 1870. 
 William A. Brewer, Jr., 
 
 1870, 71. 
 Benjamin Shepard, 1870, 71. 
 William Pierson, Jr., 1871. 
 Oliver S. Carter, 1872, 73, 
 
 76-78, 81-84. 
 *J0HN O. Vose, 1872-74. 
 *Davis Collamore, 1872, 73, 
 
 75-78. 
 *LowELL Mason, Jr., 1873-83. 
 *Henry a. Howe, 1873, 74, 
 76-80. 
 Daniel A. Heald, 1874. 
 *Charles J. Martin, 1874. 
 *WiLLiAM A. Brewer, Sr., 
 
 1875-81. 
 *George W. Lord, 1875. 
 Henry A. Page, 1875, 77, 
 
 79-81. 
 Samuel Colgate, 1879, 81- 
 
 84. 
 Frederick M, Shepard, 1881, 
 86, 87. 
 
 Everett Frazar, 1882-89, 95. 
 
 Edward E. Quimby, 1882-84. 
 
 James S. Cox, 1882. 
 
 James C. Bayles, 1884, 85, 
 
 Frank H. Scott, 1885. 
 
 William R. Howe, 1885. 
 *Horace W. Fowler, 1885. 
 
 Henry Graves, 1886, 87. 
 
 John D. Cutter, 1886, 87. 
 
 Henry M. Oddie, 1886, 87. 
 
 Charles J. Prescott, 1886. 
 * George Gray, 1887, 88. 
 *George H. Brewer, 1888. 
 
 John 0. Heald, 1888, 89. 
 
 Robert Ward, 1888. 
 
 Jacob L. Halsey, 1888, 89. 
 
 William F. Allen, 1889-95. 
 
 Marshall Shepard, 1889. 
 
 Bleecker Van Wagenen, 
 1889-95. 
 
 Henry B. Auchincloss, 1890. 
 
 Aaron Carter, Jr., 1890. 
 
 Josiah 0. Ward, 1890-93. 
 
 James S. Baker, 1890-94. 
 
 Wilberporce Freeman, 
 1891-95. 
 
 Usher W. Cutts, 1891-95. 
 
 Isaac E. Gates, 1893, 94. 
 
 Francis R. Upton, 1895. 
 
 TREASURERS. 
 
 *Frederic Lyman, 1870-72. Henry P. Starbuck, 1884-95. 
 
 William A. Brewer, Jr., 1873-83. 
 
 RECORDING SECRETARIES. 
 
 Wendell P. Garrison, 1870- 
 
 1880. 
 William R. Howe, 1881-83. 
 Henry B. Thomas, 1884, 85. 
 Edwin S. Hathaway, 1886. 
 Edward Corning, 1887. 
 
 David A. Kennedy, 1888. 
 Camillus G. Kidder, 1889, 
 
 90. 
 Charles A. Mead, 1891, 92. 
 Charles A. Lindsley, 1893- 
 
 95. 
 
OFFICEKS 
 
 47 
 
 CORRESPONDING SECRETARY. 
 
 Wendell P. Garrison, 1881-95. 
 
 CURATORS. 
 
 Samuel F. Jayne, 1881. Charles H. Mann, 1886, 87. 
 
 David A. Kennedy, 1882, 83. Thomas W. Harvey, 1888-92. 
 Allton H. Sherman, 1884, Charles E. Eaton, 1892, 93. 
 85. Charles A. Mead, 1894. 
 
 Edward L. Kellogg, 1895. 
 
 NECROLOGY. 
 
 (Subject to correction.) 
 May 12, 1870 — June 30, 1895. 
 
 Francis Holmes Abbot, 
 
 1797-1874. 
 Frederic Augustus Adajnis, 
 
 1807-1888. 
 George Eliashib Adams, 
 
 1801-1875. 
 Robert P. Anderson, 1844- 
 
 1881. 
 Edward Austen, 1829-1893. 
 George Blagden Bacon, 
 
 183&-1876. 
 John C. Bailey, 1807-1881. 
 Samuel W. Baldwin, 1812- 
 
 1879. 
 William Harrison Baldwin, 
 
 1847-1892. 
 Phineas Bartlett, 1826-1881. 
 William Jackson Beebe, 
 
 1816-1877. 
 James M. Beede, 1846-1881. 
 David A. Bell, 1837-1893. 
 George Hunting Brewer, 
 
 1844-1894. 
 William Augustus Brewer, 
 
 1807-1890. 
 
 Samuel C. Burdick, 1836- 
 
 JoHN Burke, 1829-1892. 
 Edwlnt Charles Burt, 1818- 
 
 1884. 
 James Carpenter, 1802-1878. 
 William Richard Carson, 
 
 1849-1890. 
 Gardner Roberts Colby, 
 
 1837-1889. 
 Davis Collamore, 1820-1887. 
 Robert 0. Crommelin, 1828- 
 
 1885. 
 James Melville Grossman, 
 
 1835-1879. 
 George W. B. Gushing, 1818- 
 
 1888. 
 James Frederick Dennis, 
 
 1841-1886. 
 Henry Albyn Dike, 1826- 
 
 1887. 
 JosiAH Farrajstd Dodd, 1818- 
 
 1891. 
 Thomas Catlin Elliott, 
 
 1815-1883. 
 
48 
 
 NECEOLOGY 
 
 LiNDLEY Murray Evans, 
 
 1851-1888. 
 Henry Folsom, 1829-1887. 
 George W. Ford, 1830-1882. 
 Horace W. Fowler, 1842- 
 
 1888. 
 Alexander Hajviilton Free- 
 man, 1810-1883. 
 Joseph Cutler Fuller, 1823- 
 
 1878. 
 William A. Gellatly, 1831- 
 
 1885. 
 George Gray, 1823-1892. 
 Charles Hall, 1839-1894. 
 Lewis St. John Hallock, 
 
 1838-1881. 
 Jonathan Osborn Halsey, 
 
 1836-1893. 
 Hayward Augustus Harvey, 
 
 1824-1893. 
 Llewellyn Solomon Has- 
 kell, 1815-1872. 
 Peter A. Hawes, 1819-1885. 
 Lewis B. Henry, 1828-1892. 
 Henry Arnold Howe, 1816- 
 
 1880. 
 JA3IES M. Jackson, 1826-1888. 
 Oliver Johnson, 1809-1889. 
 Rowland Johnson, 1816-1886. 
 James Walker Judd, 1811- 
 
 1889. 
 Austin M. Knight, 1830- 
 
 1878. 
 John S. Lamson, 1833-1883. 
 Robert Lane, 1849-1888. 
 William Leconey, 1817-1875. 
 Frederick Arthur Levy, 
 
 1851-1893. 
 George Lindsley, 1821-1886. 
 George William Lord, 1830- 
 
 1880. 
 Joseph Lord, 1832-1880. 
 Manton Eastburn Lord, 
 
 1838-1894. 
 
 Frederick Lym.\n, 1823-1883. 
 George Brinton McClellan, 
 
 1826-1885. 
 James H. Marr, 1842-1895. 
 Charles Jackson Martin, 
 
 1815-1888. 
 Reune Martin, 1824-1894. 
 Lowell Mason, 1792-1872, 
 
 honorary. 
 Lowell Mason, Jr., 1823- 
 
 1885. 
 Edwhn Hirajvi Mead, 1822- 
 
 1895. 
 Arthur Joseph Metz, 1836- 
 
 1885. 
 Thomas Miller, 1837-1895. 
 Alexander Thompson Moore, 
 
 1828-1892. 
 J.\MEs K. Morgan, 1828-1893. 
 Frederick William New- 
 ton, 1819-1874. 
 George Shepard Page, 1838- 
 
 1892. 
 John Parker, 1827 [f] -1883. 
 Samuel Partridge, 1844- 
 
 1880. 
 Edward Payson, 1799-1882. 
 William Walter Phelps, 
 
 1839-1894, honorary. 
 Edward Dickson Pierson, 
 
 1833-1882. 
 James W. Pirsson, 1833-1888. 
 WiLLiAJM Foster Pond, 1863- 
 
 1893. 
 Francis Randall, 1810-1892. 
 Edward Reed, 1822-1894. 
 Theodore W. Reynolds, 
 
 1843-1880. 
 George Washington Rich- 
 ards, 1829-1893. 
 Thomas Shankland Root, 
 
 1828-1890. 
 David Nichols Ropes, 1814- 
 
 1889. 
 
NECKOLOGY 
 
 49 
 
 George Elliott Simpson, 
 
 1833-1893. 
 Edward Skillin, 1837-1892. 
 Benjamin F. Small, 1833- 
 
 1882. 
 Samuel Platt Smith, 1805- 
 
 1883. 
 George W. Snow, 1810-1886. 
 Daniel J. Sprague, 1831-1888. 
 Frederic S. Stallknecht, 
 
 1820-1875. 
 William French Stearns, 
 
 1831-1874. 
 William H. Steward, 1830- 
 
 1886. 
 Levi Payson Stone, 1802- 
 
 1884. 
 Henry Martyn Storrs, 1827- 
 
 1894. 
 Joseph Lord Taintor, 1835- 
 
 1881. 
 Frank C. Taylor, 1854-1883. 
 
 Robert Helyer Thayer, 
 
 1820-1888. 
 Lewis Sandpord Thomas, 
 
 1820-1875. 
 Samuel Toombs, 1844-1889. 
 Russell D. Tyng, 1846-1882. 
 John Gorham Vose, 1829- 
 
 1874. 
 George Wait, 1809-1881. 
 George Willis Warren, 
 
 1841-1888. 
 John Bowen Whiting, 1852- 
 
 1895. 
 John Wiley, 1808-1891. 
 Jesse Williams, 1810-1885. 
 Moses H. Williajvis, 1825- 
 
 1872. 
 Frank Wilmarth, 1841-1881. 
 Peter Wolt, 1829-1894. 
 Andrew J. Wood, 1818-1882. 
 Elbridge Taylor Yardley, 
 
 1845-1882. 
 
 Charles Frazier Zimmermann, 1825-1893. 
 
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