|^?{i;rr^il^;?'^M-''V -' • . ^<■r^;: ,'■?•'- r-i'' '■f<>. "^■m^ -X.-. ^--. ' Class To/ 3 {^ Book ^ 44- Copyright]^? MZ COPYRfGHT DEPOSIT COMPLETE WORKS OF JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL. New Riverside Edition. In same style as the Riverside Editio7ts of Longfellow's and Whittier's Works. With Portraits, Indexes, etc. ID vols, crown 8vo, gilt top, each, $1.50; the set, 10 vols. $15.00; half calf, $27.50; half calf, gilt top, $30.00 ; half levant, $40.00. 1-4. Literary Essays (including My Study Win- dows, Among My Books, Fireside Travels). 5. Po- litical Essays. 6. Literary and Political Addresses. 7-10. Poems. PROSE_ WORKS. "^^-^ Riverside Edition. With Portrait. 6 vols, crown 8vo, gilt top, $9.00 ; half calf, $16.50 ; half calf, gilt top, $18.00 ; half levant, $24.00. LITERARY ESSAYS. New Riverside Edition. With Portrait. 4 vols, crown 8vo, gilt top, $6.00 ; half calf, $11.00; half calf, gilt top, $12.00; half levant, $16.00. POEMS. New Riverside Edition. With Portraits ; 4 vols, crown Svo, gilt top, $6.00 ; half calf, $11.00 ; half calf, gilt top, $12.00; half levant, $16.00. HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND CO. Boston and New York. MS^ LATEST LITERARY ESSAYS AND ADDRESSES OF JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL ^s ^K^^^H ^^^^j^H i^^Hi pfBjlwSSBBf^ ^y OF COl\if DEC 3 1391 BOSf 6n"ANI5'NEW YORK HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY Cfce fiibewiDe caress, Camiritige In, Copyright, 1891, By MABEL LOWELL BURNETT. All rights reserved. z-i^VZf The Riverside Press, Cam,bridge, Mass., TJ. S. A. Electrotyped and Printed by H. O. Houghton & Co. NOTE. The publication in a volume of the following Essays and Addresses is in accordance with the in- tention of their author. Most of them had been revised by him with this end in view. The only one of them concerning which there is a doubt, whether he would have published it in its present form, is the paper on " Richard III." With this he was not satisfied, and he proposed to revise it. It has seemed to me, however, of interest enough as it stands to warrant its publication. CHARLES ELIOT NORTON. Cambbidgb, Massachusetts, 16 November, 1891. CONTENTS. PAGE Gkay 1 Some Letters of Walter Savage Landor ... 43 Waxton 57 Milton's " Areopagitica " ...... 94 Shakespeare's " Richard III ."...». Ill The Study of Modern Languages .... 1.31 The Progress op the World 160 LATEST LITERARY ESSAYS AND ADDRESSES. GRAY. 1886. The eighteentli century, judged by the literature it produced everywhere in Europe outside of Ger- many and France, is generally counted inferior to that which preceded and to that which followed it. A judgment of especial severity has been passed upon its poetry by critics who lost somewhat of their judicial equipoise in that enthusiasm of the romantic reaction which replaced the goddess of good taste by her of liberty, and crowned the judi- cial wig with the Phrygian cap. The poetry of the period fell under a general condemnation as alto- gether wanting in the imaginative quality, and as being rather the conclusions of the understanding put into verse than an attempt to express, however inadequately, the eternal longings and intuitions and experiences of human nature. These find their vent, it was thought, in those vivid flashes of phrase, the instantaneous bolts of passionate conception, whose furrow of splendor across the eyeballs of the mind leaves them momentarily dark to the outward universe, only to quicken their vision of inward and 2 GRAY incommunicable things. There was some truth in this criticism, as there commonly is in the harsh judgments of imperfect sympathy, but it was far from being the whole truth. If poesy be, as the highest authority has defined it, a divine madness, no English poet and no French one between 1700 and 1800 need have feared a writ de lunatico mquirendo. They talk, to be sure, of " sacred rages," but in so decorous a tone that we do not even glance towards the tongs. They invoke fire from heaven in such frozen verse as would have set it at defiance had their prayer been answered. Cowper was really mad at inter- vals, but his poetry, admirable as it is in its own middle-aged way, is in need of anything rather than of a strait-waistcoat. A certain blight of propriety seems to have fallen on all the verse of that age. The thoughts, wived with words above their own level, are always on their good behavior, and we feel that they would have been happier in the homelier unconstraint of prose. Diction was expected to do for imagination what only imagi- nation could do for it, and the magic which was personal to the magician was supposed to reside in the formula. Dryden died with his century ; and nothing can be more striking than the contrast between him, the last of the ancient line, and the new race which succeeded him. In him, too, there is an element of prose, an alloy of that good sense so admirable in itself, so incapable of those indiscre- tions which make the charm of poetry. His power GEAY , 3 of continuous thinking shows his mind of a differ- ent quality from those whose thought comes as lightning, intermittently it may be, but lightning, mysterious, incalculable, the more unexpected that we watch fdr it, and generated by forces we do not comprehend. Yet Dryden at his best is won- derfully impressive. He reminds one of a boiling spring. There is tumult, concussion, and no little vapor ; but there is force, there is abundance, there is reverberation, and we feel that elemental fire is at work, though it be of the earth earthy. But what strikes us most in him, considered intellectu- ally, is his modernness. Only twenty-three years younger than Milton, he belongs to another world. Milton is in many respects an ancient. Words- worth says of him that " His soul was a star and dwelt apart." But I should rather be inclined to say that it was his mind that was alienated from the present. In- tensely and even vehemently engaged in the ques- tion of the day, his politics were abstract and theoretic, and a quotation from Sophocles has as much weight with him as a constitutional precedent. His intellectual sympathies were Greek. His lan- guage even has caught the accent of the ancient world. When he makes our English search her coffers round, it is not for any home-made orna- ments, and his commentators are fain to unravel some of his syntax by the help of the Greek or Latin grammar. Dryden knew Latin literature very well, but 4 GRA Y that innate scepticism of his mind, which made him an admirable critic, would not allow him to be subjugated by antiquity. His ?esthetical training was essentially French ; and if this sometimes had an iU effect on his poetry, it was greatly to the advantage of his prose, wherein ease and dignity are combined in that happy congruity of propor- tion which we call style, and the scholar's fulness of mind is mercifully tempered by the man of the world's dread of being too fiercely in earnest. It is a gentlemanlike style, thoroughbred in every fibre. As it was without example, so, I think, it has remained without a parallel in English. Swift has the ease, but lacks the lift; and Burke, who plainly formed himself on Dry den, has matched him in splendor, but has not caught his artistic skill in gradation, nor that perfection of tone which can be eloquent without being declamatory. When I try to penetrate the secret of Dryden's manner, I seem to discover that the new quality in it is a certain air of good society, an urbanity, in the original meaning of the word. By this I mean that his turn of thought (I am speaking of his maturer works) is that of the capital, of the great world, as it is somewhat presumptuously called, and that his diction is, in consequence, more conversa- tional than that which had been traditional with any of the more considerable poets who had pre- ceded him. It is hard to justify a general impres- sion by conclusive examples. Two instances will serve to point my meaning, if not wholly to jus- tify my generalization. His ode on the death of Mrs. KiUigrew begins thus : — GRAY 5 " Thou youngest Tirgin-daughter of the skies, Made in the last promotion of the blest." And in his translation of the third book of the "^neid," he describes Achaemenides, the Greek res- ciied by the Trojans from the island of the Cyclops, as " bolting " from the woods. Dry den, in making verse the vehicle of good sense and argmnent rather than of passion and in- tuition, affords but an indication of the tendency of the time in which he lived, — a tendency quick- ened by the influence which could not fail to be exerted by his really splendid powers as a poet, es- pecially by the copious felicity of his language and his fine instinct for the energies and harmonies of rhythm. But the fact that a great deal of his work was job-work, that most of it was done in a hm^ry, led him often to fill up a gap with the first sono- rous epithet that came to hand, and his indolence was thus partly to blame for that poetic diction which brought poetry to a deadlock in the next century. Dryden knew very well that sound makes part of the sense and a large part of the sentiment of a verse, and, where he is in the vein, few poets have known better than he how to conjure with vowels, or to beguile the mind into acquiescence through the ear. Addison said truly, though in verses whose see-saw cadence and lack of musical instinct would have vexed the master's ear : — " Great Dryden next, whose tuneful Muse affords The sweetest numbers and the fittest words.' ' But Dryden never made the discovery that ten syl- lables arranged in a proper accentual order were 6 GRAY all that was needful to make a ten-syllable verse. He is great Dryden, after all, and between bim and Wordsworth there was no poet with enough energy of imagination to deserve that epithet. But he had taught the trick of cadences that made the manu- facture of verses more easy, and he had brought the language of poetry nearer, not to the language of real life as Wordsworth understood it, that is, to the speech of the people, but to the language of the educated and polite. He himself tells us at the end of the " Religio Laici : " — " And this unpolislied, rugged verse I chose As fittest for discourse, and nearest prose." Unpolished and rugged the verse certainly was not, nor in his hands could ever be. It is the thought that has an irresistible attraction for prosaic phrase, and coalesces with it in a stubborn precipitate which will not become ductile to the poetic form. Dryden perfected the English rhymed heroic verse by giving it a variety of cadence and pomp of movement which it had never had before. Pope's epigrammatic cast of thought led him to spend his skill on bringing to a nicer adjustment the balance of the couplet, in which he succeeded only too wearisomely well. Between them they re- duced versification in their favorite measure to the precision of a mechanical art, and then came the mob of gentlemen who wrote with ease. Through the whole eighteenth century the artificial school of poetry reigned by a kind of undivine right over a public which admired — and yawned. This public seems to have listened to its poets as it did to its GRA r 7 preachers, satisfied that all was orthodox if only they heard the same thing- over again every time, and believing the pentameter couplet a part of the British Constitution. And yet it is to the credit of that age to have kept alive the wholesome tradition that Writing, whether in prose or verse, was an Art that required training, at least, if nothing more, in those who assumed to practise it. Burke thought it impossible to draw an indict- ment against a whole people, and the remark is equally just if we apply it to a century. It is true that with the eighteenth a season of common sense set in with uncommon severity, and such a season acts like a drought upon the springs of poesy. To be sure, an unsentimental person might say that the world can get on much better without the finest verses that ever were written than without common sense, and I am willing to admit that the question is a debatable one, and to compromise upon uncom- mon sense whenever it is to be had. Let us admit that the eighteenth century was, on the whole, pro- saic, yet it may have been a pretty fair one as cen- turies go. " 'T is hard to find a whole age to imi- tate, or what century to propose for example," says wise Sir Thomas Browne. Every age is as good as the people who live in it choose or can contrive to make it, and, if good enough for them, perhaps we, who had no hand in the making of it, can complain of it only so far as it had a hand in the making of us. Perhaps even our own age, with its marvels of applied science that have made the world more prosily comfortable, will loom less 8 GRAY gigantic than now througli the prospective of the future. Perhaps it will even be found that the telephone, of which we are so proud, cannot carry human speech so far as Homer and Plato have contrived to carry it with their simpler appliances. As one grows older, one finds more points of half- reluctant sympathy with that undysj)eptic and rather worldly period, much in the same way as one grows to find a keener savor in Horace and Mon- taigne. In the first three quarters of it, at least, there was a cheerfulness and contentment with thmgs as they were, which is no unsound philosophy for the mass of mankind, and which has been im- possible since the first French Revolution. For our own War of Independence, though it gave the first impulse to that awful riot of human nature turned loose among first principles, was but the reassertion of established precedents and traditions, and essen- tially conservative in its aim, however deflected in its course. It is true that, to a certain extent, the theories of the French doctrinaires gave a tinge to the rhetoric of our patriots, but it is equally true that they did not perceptibly affect the conclusions of our Constitution-makers. Nor had those doctri- naires themselves any suspicion of the explosive mixture that can be made by the conjunction of ab- stract theory with brutal human instinct. Before 1789 there was a delightful period of miiversal confidence, during which a belief in the perfecti- bility of man was insensibly merging into a convic- tion that he could be perfected by some formula of words, just as a man is knighted. He kneels down GRA Y 9 a simple man like ourselves, is told to rise up a Perfect Being, and rises accordingly. It certainly was a comfortable time. If there was discontent, it was in the individual, and not in the air ; spo- radic, not epidemic. The discomfort of Cowper was not concerning this world but the worldpto come. Men sate as roomily in their consciences as in the broad-bottomed chairs which suggest such solidity of repose. ResjJonsibility for the Universe had not yet been invented. A few solitary persons saw a swarm of ominous question-marks wherever they turned their eyes ; but sensible people pronounced them the mere muscce volitantes of indigestion which an honest dose of rhubarb would disperse. Men read Rousseau for amusement, and never dreamed that those flowers of rhetoric were ripen- ing the seed of the guillotine. Post and telegraph were not so importimate as now. People were not compelled to know what all the fools in the world were saying or doing yesterday. It is im- possible to conceive of a man's enjoying now the unconcerned seclusion of White at Selborne, who, a century ago, recorded the important fact that " the old tortoise at Lewes in Sussex awakened and came forth out of his dormitory," but does not seem to have heard of Burgoyne's surrender, the news of which ought to have reached him about the time he was writing. It may argue pusillanimity, but I can hardly help envying the remorseless indifference of such men to the burning questions of the hour, at the first alarm of which we are all expected to run with our buckets, or it may be with our can of 10 GRA Y kerosene, snatched by mistake in the hurry and confusion. They devoted themselves to leisure with as much assiduity as we employ to render it impos- sible. The art of being elegantly and strenuously idle is lost. There was no hurry then, and armies still weift into winter quarters punctually as mus- quashes. Certainly manners occupied more time and were allowed more space. Whenever one sees a picture of that age, with its broad skirts, its rapiers standing out almost at a right angle, and demanding a wide periphery to turn about, one has a feeling of spaciousness that suggests mental as well as bodily elbow-room. Now all the ologies follow us to our burrows in our newspaper, and crowd upon us with the pertinacious benevolence of subscription-books. Even the right of sanctuary is denied. The horns of the altar, which we fain would grasp, have become those of a dilemma in the attempt to combine science with theology. This, no doubt, is the view of a special mood, but it is a mood that grows upon us the longer we have stood upon our lees. Enough if we feel a faint thrill or reminiscence of ferment in the spring, as old wine is said to do when the grapes^ are in blossom. Then we are sure that we are neither dead nor turned to vinegar, and repeat softly to ourselves, in Dryden's delightful paraphrase of Horace : — " Happy the man, and happy he alone, He who can call to-day his own ; He Avho, secure within, can say, ' To-morrow, do thy worst, for I have lived to-day ; Be fair or foul, or rain or shine. GRAY 11 The joys I have possessed in spite of Fate are mine ; Not heaven itself upon the past has power, But what has been, has been, and I have had my hour.' " One has a notion that in those old times the days were longer than now ; that a man called to-day his own by a securer title, and held his hours with a sense of divine right now obsolete. It is an absurd fancy, I know, and would be sent to the right-about by the first physicist or liistorian you happened to meet. But one thing I am sure of, that the private person was of more importance both to himself and others then than now, and that self-consciousness was, accordingly, a vast deal more comfortable be- cause it had less need of conscious seK-assertion. But the Past always has the advantage of us in the secret it has learned of holding its tongue, which may perhaps account in part for its reputed wisdom. Whatever the eighteenth century was, there was a great deal of stout fighting and work done in it, both physical and intellectual, and we owe it a great debt. Its very inef&cacy for the higher reaches of poetry, its very good-breeding that made it shy of the raised voice and flushed features of enthusiasm, enabled it to give us the model of a domestic and drawing-room prose as distinguished from that of the pulpit, the forum, or the closet. In Germany it gave us Lessing and that half century of Goethe which made him what he was. In France it gave us Voltaire, who, if he used ridicule too often for the satisfaction of personal spite, employed it also for sixty years in the service of truth and jus- tice, and to him more than to any other one man 12 GRAY we owe it tliat we can now think and speak as we choose. Contemptible he may have been in more ways than one, but at any rate we owe him that, and it is surely something. In what is called the elegant literature of our own tongue (to speak only of the most eminent), it gave us Addison and Steele, who together made a man of genius ; Pope, whose vivid genius almost persuaded wit to renounce its proper nature and become poetry ; Thomson, who sought inspiration in nature, though in her least imaginative side ; ^ Fielding, still in some respects our greatest novelist ; Richardson, the only author who ever made long-windedness seem a benefaction ; Sterne, the most subtle humorist since Shakespeare ; Goldsmith, in whom the sweet humanity of Chau- cer finds its nearest parallel ; Cowper, the poet of Nature in her more domestic and familiar moods ; Johnson, whose brawny rectitude of mind more than atones for coarseness of fibre. Toward the middle of the century, also, two books were pub- lished which made an epoch in aesthetics, Dodsley's " Old Plays " (1744) and Percy's " Ballads " (1765). These gave the first impulse to the romantic reac- tion against a miscalled classicism, and were the seed of the literary renaissance. The temper of the times and the comfortable conditions on which life was held by the educated ^ That Thomson was a man of true poetic sensibility is shown, I think, more agreeably in The Castle of Indolence than in The Sea- sons. In these, when he buckles the buskins of Milton on the feet of his natural sermo pedestris, the effect too often suggests the un- wieldy gait of a dismounted trooper in his jaok-boots. GRAY 13 class were sure to produce a large crop of dilettante- ism, of delight in art and the things belonging to it as an elegant occupation of the mind without taxing its faculties too severely. If the dilettante in his eagerness to escape ennui sometimes become a bore himself, especially to the professional artist, he is not without his use in keeping alive the traditions of good taste and transmitting the counsels of ex- perience. In proportion as his critical faculty grows sensitive, he becomes incapable of production himself. For indeed his eye is too often trained rather to detect faults than excellences, and he can tell you where and how a thing differs for the worse from established precedent, hut not where it differs for the better. This habit of mind would make him distrustful of himseK and sterile in ori- ginal production, for his consciousness of how much can be said against whatever is done and even well done reacts upon him and makes him timid. It is the rarest thing to find genius and dilettanteism united in the same person (as for a time they were in Goethe), for genius implies always a certain fanaticism of temperament, which, if sometimes it seem fitful, is yet capable of intense energy on occasion, while the main characteristic of the dilet- tante is that sort of impartiality which springs from inertia of mind, admirable for observation, inca- pable of turning it to practical account. Yet we have, I think, an example of this rare combination of qualities in Gray, and it accounts both for the kind of excellence to which he attained, and for the way in which he disappointed expectation, his own, 14 GRAY I suspect, j&rst of all. He is especially interesting as an artist in words and phrases, a literary type far less common among writers of English, than it is in France or Italy, where perhaps the traditions of Latin culture were never wholly lost, or, even if they were, continued to be operative by inheritance through the form they had impressed upon the mind. Born in 1716, he died in his 55th year, leaving behind him hardly fourteen hundred verses. Dante was one year older, Shakespeare, three years younger when he died. It seems a slender monu- ment, yet it has endured and is likely to endure, so close-grained is the material and so perfect the workmanship. When so many have written too nmch, we shall the more readily pardon the rare man who has written too little or just enough. The incidents of Gray's life are few and unim- portant. Educated at Eton and diseducated, as he seemed to think, at Cambridge, in his twenty-third year he was invited by Horace Walpole to be his companion in a journey to Italy. At the end of two years they quarrelled, and Gray returned to England. Dr. Johnson has explained the causes of this rupture, with his usual sturdy good sense and knowledge of human nature : " Mr. Walj)ole," he says, " is now content to have it told that it was by his fault. If we look, however, without preju- dice on the world, we shall find that men whose consciousness of their own merit sets them above the compliances of servility, are apt enough in their association with superiors to watch their own dignity with troublesome and punctilious jealousy, and in GRA Y 15 the fervor of independence to exact that attention which they refuse to pay." Johnson was obeying Sidney's prescription of looking into his own heart when he wrote that. Walpole's explanation is of the same purport : " I was young, too fond of my own diversion ; nay, I do not doubt too much in- toxicated by indulgence, vanity, and the insolences of my situation as a Prime Minister's son. ... I treated him insolently. . . . Forgive me if I say that his temper was not conciliating." They were reconciled a few years later and continued cour- teously friendly till Gray's death. A meaner expla- nation of their quarrel has been given by gossip; that a letter which Gray had written home was opened and read by Walpole, who found in it some- thing not to his own advantage. But the reconcilia- tion sufficiently refutes this, for if Gray could have consented to overlook the baseness, Walpole could never have forgiven its detection. Gray was a conscientious traveller, as the notes he has left behind him prove. One of these, on the Borghese Gallery at Rome, is so characteristic as to be worth citing : " Several (Madonnas) of Rafael, Titian, Andrea del Sarto, etc., but in none of them all that heavenly grace and beauty that Guido gave, and that Carlo Maratt has so well im- itated in subjects of this nature." This points to an admission which those who admire Gray, as I do, are forced to make, sooner or later, that there was a tint of effeminacy in his nature. That he should have admired Norse poetry, Ossian, and the Scot- tish ballads is not inconsistent with this, but may 16 GRAY be explained by what is called the attraction of opposites, which means merely that we are wont to overvalue qualities or aptitudes which we feel to be wanting in ourselves. Moreover these anti-clas- sical yearnings of Gray began after he had ceased producing, and it was not unnatural that he should admire men who did without thinking what he could not do by taking thought. Elegance, sweet- ness, pathos, or even majesty he could achieve, but never that force which vibrates in every verse of larger-moulded men. Bonstetten teUs us that " every sensation in Gray was passionate," but I very much doubt whether he was capable of that sustained passion of the mind which is fed by a prevailing imagination acting on the consciousness of great powers. That was something he could never feel, though he knew what it meant by his observation of others, and longed to feel it. In him imagination was passive ; it could divine and select, but not create. Bonstetten, after seeing the best society in Europe on equal terms, also tells us that Gray was the most finished gentleman he had ever seen. Is it over fine to see sometliing ominous in that word finished f It seems to imply limitations ; to imply a conscious- ness that sees everything between it and the goal rather than the goal itself, that undermines en- thusiasm through the haunting doubt of being undermined. We cannot help feeling in the poetry of Gray that it too is finished, perhaps I should rather say limited, as the greatest things never are, as it is one of their merits that they never can be. GRA Y 17 They suggest more than they bestow, and enlarge our apprehension beyond their own boundaries. Gray shuts us in his own contentment like a cathe- dral close or college quadrangle. He is all the more interesting, perhaps, that he was a true child of his century, in which decorum was religion. He coTild not, as Dryden calls it in his generous way, give his soul a loose, although he would. He is of the eagle brood, but unfledged. His eye shares the aether which shall never be cloven by his wing. But it is one of the school-boy blunders in criti- cism to deny one kind of perfection because it is not another. Gray, more than any of our poets, has shown what a depth of sentiment, how much plea- surable emotion, mere words are capable of stirring through the magic of association, and of artful arrangement in conjunction with agreeable and fa- miliar images. For Gray is pictorial in the highest sense of the term, much more than imaginative. Some passages in his letters give us a hint that he might have been. For example, he asks his friend Stonehewer, in 1760, " Did you never observe Qichile rocking winds are piinng loud) that pause as the gust is re-collecting itself ? " But in his verse there is none of that intuitive phrase where the imagination at a touch precipitates thought, feeling, and image in an imperishable crystal. He knew imagination when he saw it ; no man better ; he could have scientifically defined it ; but it would not root in the artificial soil of his own garden, though he transplanted a bit now and then. Here is an instance : Dryden in his " Annus Mirabilis," 18 GRAY hinting that Louis XIV. would fain have joined Holland against England, if he dared, says : — "And threatening France, placed like a painted Jove, Held idle thunder in his lifted hand." Gray felt how fine this was, and makes his Agrippina say that it was she "that armed This painted Jove and taught his novice hand To aim the forked bolt, -while he stood trembling, Seared at the sound and dazzled with its brightness." Pretty well, one would say, for a ^'■painted Jove " ! The imagination is sometimes super grammaticam, like the Emperor Sigismund, but it is coherent by the very law of its being.^ Gray brought home from France and Italy a familiar knowledge of their languages, and that en- larged culture of the eye which is one of the insen- sible, as it is one of the greatest gains of travel. The adventures he details in his letters are gen- erally such as occur to all the world, but there is a passage in one of them in which he describes a scene at Rheims in 1739, so curious and so charac- teristic of the time as to be worth citing : — " The other evening we happened to be got together in a company of eighteen people, men and women of the best fashion here, at a garden in the town to walk ; when one of the ladies bethought herself of asking 'Why should not we sup here ? ' Immediately the cloth was ^ It is always interesting to trace the germs of lucky phrases. Dryden was familiar with the works of Beaumont and Fletcher, and it may be suspected that this noble image was suggested by a verse in The Double Marriage — " Thou woven Worthy in a piece of arras." GRAY 19 laid by the side of a fountain under the trees, and a very- elegant supper served up ; after which another said, ' Come, let us sing,' and directly began herself ; from singing we insensibly fell to dancing and singing in a round, when somebody mentioned the violins, and imme- diately a company of them was ordered. Minuets were begun in the open air, and then came country dances which held till four o'clock in the morning, at which hour the gayest lady there proposed that such as were weary should get into their coaches, and the rest . . . should dance before them with the music in the van ; and in this manner we paraded through the principal streets of the city and waked everybody in it." This recalls the garden of Boccaccio, and if it be hard to fancy the " melancholy Gray " leading off such a jig of Conrns, it is almost harder to conceive that this was only fifty years before the French Revolution. And yet it was precisely this gay insouciance, this forgetfulness that the world ex- isted for any but a single class in it, and this care- lessness of the comfort of others that made the catastrophe possible. Immediately on his return he went back to Cam- bridge, where he spent (with occasional absences) the rest of his days, first at Peter House and then at Pembroke College. In 1768, three years before his death, he was appointed professor of Modern Literature and Languages, but he never performed any of its functions except that of receiving the salary — " so did the Muse defend her son." John- son describes him as "always designing lectures, but never reading them; uneasy at his neglect of< 20 GRAY duty and appeasing his uneasiness with designs of reformation and with a resolution, which he believed himself to have made, of resigning the office, if he found himself unable to discharge it." This is ex- cellently well divined, for nobody knew better than Johnson what a master of casuistry is indolence, but I find no trace of any such feeling in Gray's correspondence. After the easy-going fashion of his day he was more likely to consider his salary as another form of pension. The first poem of Gray that was printed was the " Ode on the Distant Prospiect of Eton College," and this when he was already thirty-one. The " Elegy " followed in 1750, the other lesser odes in 1753, " The Progress of Poesy " and the " Bard " in 1757. Collins had preceded him in this latter species of composition, a man of more original imagination and more fervent nature, but inferior in artistic instinct. Mason gives a droll reason for the suc- cess of the " Elegy : " " It spread at first on account of the affecting and pensive cast of the subject — just like Hervey's ' Meditations on the Tombs.' " What Walpole called Gray's flowering period ended with his fortieth year. From that time forward he wrote no more. Twelve years later, it is true, he writes to Walpole : — " What has one to do, when turned of fifty, but really to think of finishing? . . . However, I will be candid . . . and avow to you that, till fourscore and ten, when- ever the humor takes me, I will write because I like it, and because I like myself better when I do so. If I do not write much it is because I cannot." GRAY 21 Chaucer was growing plumper over his " Canter- bury Tales," and the " Divina Commedia " was still making Dante leaner^ when both those poets were "turned of fifty." Had Milton pleaded the same discharge, we should not have had " Paradise Lost " and " Samson Agonistes." No doubt Gray could have written more " if he had set himself doggedly about it," as Johnson has recommended in such cases, but he never did, and I suspect that it was this neglect rather than that of his lectures that irked hun. The words " because I like myself better when I do" seem to point in that direction. Bonstetten, who knew him a year later than the date of this letter, says : — " The poetical genius of Gray was so extinguished in the gloomy residence of Cambridge that the recollection of his poems was hateful to him. He never permitted me to speak to him about them. When I quoted some of his verses to him, he held his tongue like an obstinate child. I said to him sometimes, ' Will you not answer me, then ? ' but no word came from his lips. I saw him every evening from five o'clock till midnight. We read Shakespeare, whom he adored, Dryden, Pope, Milton, etc., and our conversations, like those of friendship, knew no end. I told Gray about my life and my country, but all his own life was shut from me. Never did he speak of himself. There was in Gray between the present and the past an impassable abyss. When I would have approached it, gloomy clouds began to cover it. I believe that Gray had never loved ; this was the key to the riddle." One cannot help wishing that Bonstetten had 22 GRAY Boswellized some of these endless conversations, for the talk of Gray was, on the testimony of all who heard it, admirable for fulness of knowledge, point, and originality of thought. Sainte-Beuve, commenting on the words of Bonstetten, says, with his usual quick insight and graceful cleverness : — " Je ne sais si Bonstetten avait devin^ juste at si le secret de la mdlancolie de Gray ^tait dans ce manque d'amour ; je le chercherais plutot dans la st^rilit^ d'un talent podtique si distingu^, si rare, mais si avare. Oh ! comme je le comprends mieux, dans ce sens-la, le silence obstin^ et boudeur des poetes profonds, arrives a un cer- tain age et taris, cette rancune encore aimante envers ce qu'on a tant aim^ et qui ne reviendra plus, cette douleur d'une ame orpb^line de podsie et qui ne veut pas etre consol^e ! " But Sainte-Beuve was thinking rather of the au- thor of a certain volume of French poetry published under the pseudonym of Joseph Delorme than of Gray. Gray had been a successful poet, if ever there was one, for he had pleased both the few and the many. There is a great difference between I could if I would and I would if I could in their effect on the mind. Sainte-Beuve is perhaps partly right, but it may be fairly surmised that the re- morse for intellectual indolence should have had some share in making Gray unwilling to recall the time when he was better employed than in filling-in coats-of-arms on the margin of Dugdale and cor- recting the Latin of Linnaeus. I suspect that his botany, his heraldry, and his weather - calendars were mere expedients to make himself believe he GRAY 23 was doing something, and that he might have an excuse ready when conscience reproached him with not doing something he could do better. He speaks of " his natural indolence and indisposition to act," in a letter to Wharton. Temple tells us that he wished rather to be looked on as a gentleman than as a man of letters, and this may have been partly true at a time when authorship was stiU lodged in Grub Street and in many cases deserved no better. Gray had the admirable art of making himself respected by beginning first himself. He always treated Thomas Gray with the distinguished consideration he deserved. Perhaps neither Bon- stetten nor Sainte-Beuve was precisely the man to imderstand the more than English reserve of Gray, the reserve of a man as proud as he was sensitive. And Gray's pride was not, as it sometimes is, allied to vanity ; it was personal rather than social, if I may attempt a distinction which I feel but can hardly define. After he became famous, one of the several Lords Gray claimed kindred with him, perhaps I shoidd say was willing that he should claim it, on the ground of a similarity of arms. Gray preferred his own private distinction, and would not admit their lordships to any partner- ship in it. Michael Angelo, who fancied himself a proud man, was in haste to believe a purely imagi- nary pedigree that derived him from the Counts of Canossa. That I am right in saying that Gray's melan- choly was in part remorse at (if I may not say the waste) the abeyance of his powers, may be read 24 GRAY between tlie lines (I tliink) in more ttan one of his letters. His constant endeavor was to occupy himseK in whatever would save him from the reflec- tion of how he might occupy himself better. " To fuid one's self business," he says, " (I am per- suaded), is the great art of hfe. . . . Some spirit, some genius (more than common) is required to teach a man how to employ himself." And else- where : " to be employed is to be happy," which was a saying he borrowed of Swift, another self- dissatisfied man. Bonstetten says in French tliat " his mind was gay and his character melancholy." In German he substitutes " soul" for "character." He was cheerful, that is, in any company but his own, and this, it may be guessed, because faculties were called into play which he had not the innate force to rouse into more profitable activity. Gray's melancholy was that of Richard II. : — " I wasted time, and now doth time waste me, For now hath time made me his numbering-clock." Whatever the cause, it began about the time when he had finally got his two great odes off his hands. At first it took the form of resignation, as when he writes to Mason in 1757 : — " I can only tell you that one who has far more reason than you, I hope, will ever have to look on life with something worse than indifference, is yet no enemy to it, but can look backward on many bitter moments, partly with satisfaction, and partly with patience, and forward, too, on a scene not very promising, with some hope and some expectation of a better day." But it is only fair to give his own explanation of GRAY 25 his Tmproductiveness. He writes to Wharton, who had asked hun for an epitaph on a child just lost : — " I by no means pretend to inspiration, but yet I affirm that the faculty in question is by no means volun^ tary. It is the result, I suppose, of a certain disposition of mind which does not depend on one's self, and which I have not felt this long time." In spite of this, however, it should be remem- bered that the motive power always becomes slug- gish in men who too easily admit the supremacy of moods. But an age of common sense would very greatly help such;. a man as Gray to distrust him- self. If Gray ceased to write poetry, let us be thank- ful that he continued to write letters. Cowper, the poet, a competent judge, for he wrote excellent letters himself, and therefore had studied the art, says, writing to Hill in 1777 : — *' I once thought Swift's letters the best that could be written ; but I like Gray's better. His humor, or his wit, or whatever it is to be called, is never ill-natured or offensive, and yet, I think, equally poignant with the Dean's." I tliink the word that Cowper was at a loss for was playfulneas, the most delightful ingredient in letters, for Gray can hardly be said to have had humor in the deeper sense of the word. The near- est approach to it I remember is where he writes (as Lamb would have ^vritten) to Walpole suffer- ing with the gout : " The pain in your feet I can bear. " He has the knack of sayiDg droll things 26 GRAY in an ofP-Hand way, and as if they cost Mm nothing. It is only the most delicately trained hand that can venture on this playful style, easy as it seems, with- out danger of a catastrophe, and Gray's perfect elegance could nowhere have found a more admi- rable foil than in the vulgar jauntiness and clumsy drollery of his correspondent, Mason. Let me cite an example or two. He writes to Wharton, 1753 : — " I take it ill you should say anything against the Mole. It is a reflection, I see, cast at the Thames. Do you think that rivers which have lived in London and its neighbourhood all their days will run roaring and tum- bling about like your tramontane torrents in the North .'' " To Brown, 1767 : — " Pray that the Trent may not intercept us at Newark, for we have had infinite rain here, and they say every brook sets up for a river." Of the French, he writes to Walpole, m Paris : — "I was much entertained with your account of our neighbours. As an Englishman and an anti-Gallican, I rejoice at their dulness and their nastiness, though I fear we shall come to imitate them in both. Their athe- ism is a little too much, too shocking to be rejoiced at. I have long been sick at it in their authors and hated them for it ; but I pity their poor innocent people of fashion. They were bad enough when they believed everything." Of course it is difficult to give mstances of a thing in its nature so evanescent, yet so subtly per- vasive, as what we call tone. I think it is in this, GRAY 27 if in anything, that Gray's letters are on the whole superior to Swift's. This playfulness of Gray very easily becomes tenderness on occasion, and even pathos. Writing to his friend Nicholls in 1765, he says : " It is long since I heard you were'-gone in haste into Yorkshire on account of your mother's illness, and the same letter informed me she was recovered. Otherwise I had then wrote to you only to beg you would take care of her, and to inform you that I had discovered a thing very Httle known, which is, that in one's whole life one can never have any more than a single mother. You may think this obvious and (what you call) a trite observation. . . . You are a green gosling ! I was at the same age (very near) as wise as you, and yet I never discovered this (with full evidence and conviction, I mean) till it was too late. It is thirteen years ago and it seems but as yesterday, and every day I hve it sinks deeper into my heart." In his letters of condolence, perhaps the most arduous species of all composition, Gray shows the same exquisite tact which is his distinguishing char- acteristic as a poet. And he shows it by never attempting to console. Perhaps his notions on this matter may be divined in what he writes to Wal- pole about Lyttelton's " Elegy on his Wife : " — " I am not totally of your mind as to Mr. Lyttelton's elegy, though I love kids and fawns as little as you do. If it were all like the fourth stanza I should be exces- sively pleased. Nature and sorrow and tenderness are the true genius of such things ; and something of these I find in several parts of it (not in the orange tree) ; 28 GRAY poetical ornaments are foreign to the purpose, for they only show a man is not sorry ; and devotion worse, for it teaches him that he ought not to he sorry, which is all the pleasure of the thing." And to Mason he writes in September, 1753 : — " I know what it is to lose a person that one's eyes and heart have long been used to, and I never desire to part with the rememhrance of that loss." (His mother died in the March of that year.) Gray's letters also are a mine of acute observa- tion and sliarijly-edged criticism upon style, espe- cially those to Mason and Beattie. His ohiter dicta have the weight of wide reading and much reflection by a man of delicate apprehension and tenacious memory for principles. " Mr. Gray used to say," Mason tells us, "that good writing not only required great parts, but the very best of those parts." ^ I quote a few of his sayings almost at random : — " Have you read Clarendon's book ? Do you remem- ber Mr. Cambridge's account of it before it came out ? How weU he recollected all the faults, and how utterly he forgot all the beauties ? Surely the grossest taste is better than such a sort of delicacy." " I think even a bad verse as good a thing or better than the best observation that ever was made upon it." ^ This, perhaps, suggested to Coleridge his admirable defini- tion of the distinction between the language of poetry and of prose. It is almost certain that Coleridge learned from Gray his nicety in the use of Towel-sounds and the secret that in a verse it is the letter that giveth life quite as often as the spirit. Many poets have been intuitively lucky in the practice of this art, but Gray had formulated it. GRA Y 29 " Half a word fixed upon or near the spot is worth a cart-load of recollection." (He is speaking of descrip- tions of scenery, but what he says is of wider applica- tion.) " Froissart is the Herodotus of a barbarous age." " Jeremy Taylor is the Shakespeare of divines." " I rejoice when I see Machiavel defended or illus- trated, who to me appears one of the wisest men that any nation in any age has produced." " In truth, Shakespeare's language is one of his prin- cipal beauties, and he has no less advantage over your Addisons and Rowes in this than in those other great excellencies you mention. Every word in him is a pic- ture." Of Dryden lie said to Beattie : — " That if there was any excellence in his own num- bers he had learned it wholly from that great poet, and pressed him with great earnestness to study, as his choice of words and [his] versification were singularly happy and harmonious." And again lie says in a postscript to Beattie : — " Remember Dryden, and be blind to all his faults." To Mason he writes : — " All I can say is that your ' Elegy ' must not end with the worst line in it ; it is flat, it is prose ; whereas that, above all, ought to sparkle, or at least to shine. If the sentiment must stand, twirl it a little into an apothegm, stick a flower in it, gild it with a costly expression ; let it strike the fancy, the ear, or the heart, and I am satisfied." Gray and Mason together, however, could not make the latter a poet ! 30 GRA Y " Now I insist that sense is nothing in poetry, but according to the dress she wears and the scene she appears in." " I have got the old Scotch ballad on which ' Douglas ' [Home's] was founded ; it is divine, and as long as from hence to Ashton. Have you never seen it ? Aris- totle's best rules are observed in it in a manner that shows the author never had heard of Aristotle." " This latter [speaking of a passage in ' Caractacus ' j is exemplary for the expression (always the great point with me) ; I do not mean by expression the mere choice of words, but the whole dress, fashion, and arrangement of a thought." "Extreme conciseness of expression, yet pure, per- spicuous, and musical, is one of the grand beauties of lyric poetry ; this I have always aimed at and never could attain." Of his own Agrippina lie says : — " She seemed to me to talk like an old boy all in figures and mere poetry, instead of nature and the lan- guage of real passion." Of the minuteness of Ms care in matters of ex- pression an example or two will suffice. Writing to Mason he says : — " Sure ' seers ' comes over too often ; besides, it sounds ill." " Plann'd is a nasty stiff word." " I cannot give up ' lost ' for it begins with an I." Yet Gray's nice ear objected to " -yain -yision " as hard. It may be asked if those minutiae of alliteration and of close or open vowel-soimds are consistent with anything like that ecstasy of mind, from GRA Y 31 which the highest poetry is supposed to spring, and which it is its function to reproduce in the mind of the reader. But whoever would write well must learn to write. Shelley was almost as great a corrector of his own verses as Pope. Even in Shakespeare we can trace the steps and even the models by which he arrived at that fatality of phrase which seems like immediate inspiration. One ^t least of the objects of writing is (or was) to be read, and, other things being equal, the best writers are those who make themselves most easily readable. Gray's great claim to the rank he holds is derived from his almost unrivalled skill as an artist, in words and sounds ; as an artist, too, who knew how to compose his thoughts and images with a thorough knowledge of perspective. This explams why he is so easy to remember ; why, though he wrote so little, so much of what he wrote is familiar on men's tongues. There are certain plants that have seeds with hooks by which they cling to any passing animal and impress his legs into the service of their locomotion and dis- tribution. Gray's phrases have the same gift of hooking themselves into the memory, and it was due to the exquisite artifice of their construc- tion. His "Elegy," certainly not through any originality of thought, but far more through origi- nality of sound, has charmed all ears from the day it was published ; and the measure in which it is written, though borrowed by Gray of Dryden^ by Dryden of Davenant, by Davenant of Davies, and by him of Raleigh, is ever since associated with 32 GRAY that poem as if by some exclusive right of prop- erty. Perhaps the great charm of the " Elegy " is to be found m its embodying that pensively sting- less pessimism which comes with the first gray hair ; that vague sympathy with ourselves, which is so much cheaper than sympathy with others ; that placid melancholy which satisfies the general ap- petite for an emotion which titillates rather than wounds. The "Progress of Poesy" and "The Bard" made their way more slowly, though the judgment of the elect (the Swarot to whom Gray proudly appealed) placed them at the head of English lyric poetry. By the majority they were looked on as di- vine in the sense that they were past all understai^d- ing. Goldsmith criticised them in the " Monthly Review," and a few passages of his article are worth quoting as coming from him : — "We cannot, however, without some regret, behold those talents so capable of giving pleasure to all, exerted in efEorts that, at best, can amuse only the few ; we cannot behold this rising poet seeking fame among the learned, without hinting to him the same advice that Isocrates used to give his pupils, ' Study the people.' . . . He speaks to a people not easily impressed with new ideas ; extremely tenacious of the old ; with diffi- culty warmed and as slowly cooling again. How un- suited, then, to our national character is that species of poetry which I'ises on us with unexpected flights ; where we must hastily catch the thought or it flies from us ; and in short, where the reader must largely partake of the poet's enthusiasm in order to taste his beauties ! . . . These two odes, it must be confessed, breathe much GRA Y 33 of the spirit of Pindar ; but then they have caught the seeming obscurity, the sudden transition and hazardous epithet of the mighty master, all which, though evidently intended for beauties, will probably be regarded as blemishes by the generality of readers. In short, they are in some measure a representation of what Pindar now appears to be, though perhaps not what he ap- peared to the States of Greece." Goldsmith preferred " The Bard " to the " Prog- ress of Poesy." We seem to see him willing to praise and yet afraid to like. He is possessed by the true spirit of his age. For my part I think I see as much influence of the Italian " Canzone " as of Pindar in these odes. Nor would they be better for being more like Pindar. Ought not a thing once thoroughly well done to be left conscientiously alone ? And was it not Gray's object that these odes should have something of the same inspiring effect on English-speaking men as those others on Greek-speaking men? To give the same lift to the fancy and feeling? Goldsmith unconsciously gave them the right praise when he said they had " caught the spirit " of the elder poet. I remem- ber hearing Emerson say some thirty years ago, that he valued Gray chiefly as a comment on Pindar. Gray himself seems to have kept his balance very well ; indeed, it may be conjectured that he knew the shortcomings of his work better than any one else could have told him of them. He writes to Hurd : — "As your acquaintance in the University (you say) 34 GRA Y do me the honor to admire, it would be ungenerous in me not to give them notice that they are doing a very unfashionable thing, for all People of Condition are agreed not to admire, nor even to understand. One very great man, vrriting to an acquaintance of his and mine, says that he had read them seven or eight times, and that now, when he next sees him, he shall not have above thirty questions to" ask. Another, a peer, believes that the last stanza of the second Ode relates to King Charles the First and Oliver Cromwell. Even my friends tell me they do not succeed, and write me moving topics of consolation on that head. In short, I have heard of nobody but an actor and a Doctor of Divin- ity that profess their esteem for them. Oh yes, a lady of quality (a friend of Mason's), who is a great reader. She knew there was a compliment to Dryden, but never suspected there was anything said about Shakespeare and Milton, till it was explained to her ; and wishes that there had been titles prefixed to tell what they were about." If the success of tlie Odes was not sueli as to en- courage Gray to write more, they certainly added to liis fame and made their way to admiration in France and Italy. The fate of Gray since his death has been a singular one. He has been luiderrated both by the Apostles of Common Sense and of Imagina- tion, by Johnson, and Wordsworth. Johnson was in an uncommonly surly mood even for him when he wrote his life of Gray. He blames and praises him for the same thing. He makes it a fault in the " Ode on the Distant Prospect of Eton College," that " the prospect . . . suggests nothing to Gray GRA Y 35 which every beholder does not equally think and feel ; " and a merit of the " Elegy," that " it abounds with images which find a mirror in every mind, and with sentiments to which every bosom returns an echo." This no doubt is one of the chief praises of Gray, as of other jDoets, that he is the voice of emotions common to all mankind. " Tell me what I feel," is what everybody asks of the poet. But surely it makes some difference how we are told. It is one proof how good a thing is that it looks so easy after it is done. Johnson growls also at Mr. Walpole's cat, as if he were one of the race which is the hereditary foe of that animal. He hits a blot when he criticises " the azure flowers that blow," but is blind to the easy fancy, the almost feline grace of the whole, with its playful claws of satire sheathed in velvet. Wordsworth in his famous Preface attacks Gray as " the head of those who by their reasonings have attempted to widen the space of separation betwixt prose and metrical composition " [he means betwixt the language of the two], " and was more than any other man curiously elaborate in the structure of his own poetic diction." He then quotes Gray's sonnet on the death of his friend West. ' ' In vain to me the smiling' mornings shine, And reddening Phcebus lifts his golden fire ; The birds in vain their amorous descant join, Or cheerful fields resume their g.reen attire ; These ears, alas, for other notes repine, A different object do these eyes require : My lonely anguish melts no heart hut mine ; And in my breast the imperfect joys expire. 36 GRA Y Yet morning smiles the tusy race to cheer, And newborn pleasure springs to happier men ; The fields to all their wonted tribute bear ; To warm their little loves the birds complain ; I fruitless mourn to him that cannot hear, And weep the more because I weep in vain." " It will easily be perceived that the only part of this sonnet which is of any value is the lines printed in italics ; it is equally obvious that except in the rhyme and in the use of the single word 'fruit- less ' for ' fruitlessly,' which is so far a defect, the language of these lines does in no respect differ from that of prose." I think this criticism a little ungracious, for it would not be easy to find many sonnets (even of Wordsworth's own) with five first-rate verses out of the fourteen. But what is most curious is that Wordsworth should not have seen that this very sonnet disproves the theory of diction with which he charges him. I cannot find that he had any such theory. He does, indeed, say somewhere that the language of the age is never the language of poetry, which if taken as he mider- stood it is true, but I know not where Wordsworth found his " reasonings." Gray by the language of the age meant the language of conversation, for he goes on to say, " Except among the French, whose verse, where the thought or image does not support it, differs in nothing from prose." Gray's correspondence with Mason proves that he had no such theory. Let a pair of instances suf&ce. " There is an affectation in so often iising the old phrase ' or ere ' for ' before.' " " Intellect is a word of science and therefore inferior to any GRAY 37 more common word." Wordsworth should have had more sympathy with a man who loved moun- tains as well as he, and not wholly in the eighteenth- century fashion either. " Not a precipice, not a torrent, not a cliff," writes Gray from the Grande Chartreuse, "but is -pvegnamt with religion and poetry." That was Wordsworth's own very view, his ownty-downty view one is sometimes tempted to call it, when he won't let anybody else have a share in it. After a journey in Scotland : — " The Lowlands are worth seeing once, but the moun- tains are ecstatic and ought to be visited in pilgrimage once a year. None but those monstrous creatures of God know how to join so much beauty with so much horror. A fig for your poets, painters, gardeners, and clergymen that have not been among them ; their imagination can be made up of nothing but bowling-greens, flowering- shrubs, horse-ponds, Fleet-ditches, shell-grottoes, and Chinese rails." Sir James Mackintosh says that Gray first traced out every picturesque tour in Britain, and Gray was a perpetual invalid. He discovered the Wye before Wordsworth, and floated down it in a boat, "near forty miles, surrounded with ever-new de- Hghts ; " nay, it was he who made known the Lake region to the Lakers themselves. Wordsworth, I can't help thinking, had a little unconscious jeal- ousy of Gray, whose fame as the last great poet was perhaps somewhat obtrusive when Words- worth was at the University. His last word about liim is in a letter to GiUies in 1816. 38 GRA Y " Gray failed as a poet not because he took too much pains and so extinguished his animation, but because he had very little of that fiery quality to begin with, and his pains were of the wrong sort. He wrote English verses as his brother Eton schoolboys wrote Latin, filch- ing a phrase now from one author and now from an- other. I do not profess to be a person of very various reading ; nevertheless, if I were to pluck out of Gray's taU all of the feathers which I know belong to other birds, he would be left very bare indeed. Do not let any- body persuade you that any quantity of good verses can be produced by mere felicity ; or that an immortal style can be the growth of mere genius. ' Midta tulit fecit- que ' must be the motto of all those who are to last." ^ What would be left to Gray after this plucking would be bis genius, for genius be certainly bad, or be could not have produced tbe effect of it. The gentle Cowper, no bad critic also be, was kinder. " I have been reading Gray's works," he says, " and think him the only poet since Shakespeare entitled to the character of sublime. Perhaps you will remember that I once had a different opinion of him. I was preju- diced." In spite of unjust depreciation and misapplied criticism, Gray holds bis own and bids fair to last ■'■ I need not point out that Wordsworth is a little confused, if not self-contradictory in this criticism. I will add only two quo- tations to show that accidents will happen to the best-regulated poets : — " At distance heard the murmur of many waterfalls not audible in the day-time." — Gray to Wharton, 1769. " A soft and lulling sound is heard Of streams inaudible by day." — White Doe. Gray probably guided Wordsworth to the vein of gold in Dyer. GRA Y 39 as long as the language which he knew how to write so well and of which he is one of the glories. Wordsworth is justified in saying that he helped himself from everybody and everywhere — and yet he made such admirable use of what he stole (if theft there was) that we should as soon think of finding fault with a man for pillaging the diction- ary. He mixed liimseK with whatever he took — an incalculable increment. In the editions of his poems, the thin line of text stands at the top of the page like cream, and below it is the skim-milk drawn from many milky mothers of the herd out of which it has risen. But the thing to be con- sidered is that, no matter where the material came from, the result is Gray's own. Whether original or not, he knew how to make a poem, a very rare knowledge among men. The thought in Gray is neither uncommon nor profound, and you may call it beatified commonplace if you choose. I shall not contradict you. I have lived long enough to know that there is a vast deal of commonplace in the world of no particular use to anybody, and am thankfid to the man who has the divine gift to idealize it for me. Nor am I offended with this odor of the library that hangs about Gray, for it recalls none but delightful associations. It was in the very best literature that Gray was steeped, and I am glad that both he and we should profit by it. If he appropriated a fine phrase wherever he found it, it was by right of eminent domain, for surely he was one of the masters of language. His praise is that what he touched was idealized, and kindled 40 GRA Y with some virtue that was not there before, but came from him. And he was the most conscientious of artists. Some of the verses which he discards in deference to this conscientiousness of form which sacrifices the poet to the poem, the parts to the whole, and regards nothing- but the effect to be produced, would have made the fortune of - another poet. Take for example this stanza omitted from the " Elegy " (just before the Epitaph), because, says Mason, "he thought it was too long a parenthesis in this place." ' ' There scattered oft, the earliest of the year, By hands unseen are showers of yiolets found ; The redbreast loves to build and warble there, And little footsteps lightly print the ground." Gray might run his pen through this, but he could not obliterate it from the memory of men. Surely Wordsworth himself never achieved a sim- plicity of language so pathetic in suggestion, so musical in movement as this. Any slave of the mine may find the rough gem, but it is the cutting and polishing that reveal its heart of fire ; it is the setting that makes of it a jewel to hang at the ear of Time. If Gray cull his words and phrases here, there, and everywhere, it is he who charges them with the imaginative or picturesque touch which only he could give and which makes them magnetic. For example, in these two verses of " The Bard : " — " Amazement in his van with Flight combined, And Sorrow's faded form and Solitude behind ! " GRA Y 41 The suggestion (we are informed by tlie notes) came from Cowper and Oldliam, and the amaze- ment combined with flight sticks fast in prose. But the personification of Sorrow and the fine general- ization of Solitude in the last verse which gives an imaginative reach to the whole passage are Gray's own. The owners of what Gray " conveyed " would have f omid it hard to identify their property and prove title to it after it had once suffered the Gray-change by steeping in his mind and memory. When the example in our Latin Grammar tells us that Mors communis est omnibus, it states a truism of considerable interest, indeed, to the per- son in whose particular case it is to be illustrated, but neither new nor startling. No one would think of citing it, whether to produce conviction or to heighten discourse. Yet mankind are agreed in finding something more poignant in the same re- flection when Horace tells us that the palace as well as the hovel shudders at the indiscriminating foot of Death. Here is something more than the dry statement of a truism. The difference between the two is that between a lower and a higher ; it is, in short, the difference, between prose and poetry. The oyster has begun, at least, to secrete its pearl, something identical with its shell in substance, but in sentiment and association how unhke ! Mal- herbe takes the same image and makes it a little more picturesque, though, at the same time, I fear, a little more Parisian, too, when he says that the sen- tinel pacing before the gate of the Louvre cannot forbid Death an entrance to the King. And how 42 GRA Y long had not that comparison between the rose's life and that of the maiden dying untimely been a commonplace when the same Malherbe made it ir- reclaimably his own by mere felicity of phrase ? We do not ask where people got their hints, but what they made out of them. The commonplace is un- happily within reach of us aU, and unhappily, too, they are rare who can give it novelty and even invest it with a kind of grandeur as Gray knew how to do. If his poetry be a mosaic, the design is always his own. He, if any, had certainly " the last and greatest art," the art to please. Shall we call everything mediocre that is not great ? Shall we deny ourselves to the charm of sentiment because we prefer the electric shudder that imagination gives us ? Even were Gray's claims to being a great poet rejected, he can never be classed with the many, so great and uniform are the efficacy of his phrase and the music to which he sets it. This unique distinction, at least, may be claimed for hitn without dispute, that he is the one English poet who has written less and pleased more than any other. Above all it is as a teacher of the art of writing that he is to be valued. If there be any well of English undefiled, it is to be found in him and his master, Dry den. They are still standards of what may be called classical English, neither archaic nor modern, and as far removed from pedantry as from vulgarity. They were "Tous deux disciples d'une escole Oil I'on forcene doucement," a school in which have been enrolled the Great Masters of literature. SOME LETTERS OF WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR.i 1888. I WAS first directed to Landor's works by hear- ing liow much store Emerson set by them. I grew acquainted with them fifty years ago in one of those arched alcoves in the old college library in Harvard Hall, which so pleasantly secluded without wholly isolating the student. That footsteps should pass across the mouth of his Aladdin's Cave, or even enter it in search of treasure, so far from disturb- ing only deepened his sense of possession. These faint rumors of the world he had left served but as a pleasant reminder that he was the privileged denizen of another, beyond "the flaming bounds of place and time." There, with my book lying at ease and in the expansion of intimacy on the broad window-sheK, shifting my cell from north to south with the season, I made friendships, that have lasted me for life, with Dodsley's "Old Plays," with Cotton's "Montaigne," with Hakluyt's "Voy- ages," among others that were not in my father's library. It was the merest browsing, no doubt, as Johnson called it, but how delightful it was ! All ^ Written to introduce Landor's letters to the readers of The Century Magazine, in -which they were first published. 44 WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR the more, I fear, because it added the stolen sweet- ness of truancy to that of study, for I should have been buckling to my allotted task of the day. I do not regret that diversion of time to other than legitimate expenses, yet shall I not gravely warn my grandsons to beware of doing the like? I was far from understanding all I heard in this society of my elders into which I had smuggled my- self, and perhaps it was as well for me ; but those who formed it condescended to me at odd moments with the tolerant complacency of greatness, and I did not go empty away. Landor was in many ways beyond me, but I loved the company he brought, making persons for me of what before had been futile names, and letting me hear the discourse of men about whom Plutarch had so often told me such delightful stories. He charmed me, some- times perhaps he imposed on me, with the stately eloquence that moved to measure always, often to music, and never enfeebled itself by undue empha- sis, or raised its tone above the level of good breed- ing. In those ebullient years of my adolescence it was a wholesome sedative. His sententiousness, too, had its charm, equally persuasive in the care- fully draped folds of the chlamys or the succinct tunic of epigram. If Plato had written in English, I thought, it is thus that he would have written. Here was a man who knew what literature was, who had assimilated what was best in it, and him- self produced or reproduced it. Three years later, while I was trying to persuade WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR 45 myself that I was reading law, a friend ^ who knew better gave me the first series of the "Imaginary Conversations," in three volumes, to which I pres- ently added the second series, and by degrees all Landor's other books as I could pick them up, or as they were successively published. Thus I grew intimate with him, and, as my own judgment grad- ually affirmed itseK, was driven to some abatement of my hitherto unqualified admiration. I began to be not quite sure whether the balance of his sentences, each so admirable by itself, did not grow wearisome in continuous reading, — whether it did not hamper his freedom of movement, as when a man poises a pole upon his chin. Surely he has not the swinging stride of Dry den, which could slacken to a lounge at will, nor the impassioned rush of Burke. Here was something of that ca- denced stalk which is the attribute of theatrical kings. And sometimes did not his thunders also remind us of the property-room? Though the ^ Let me please myself by laying a sprig of rosemary (" that 's for remembrance ") on his grave. This friend was John Francis Heath, of Virginia, who took his degree in 1840. He was the handsomest man I have ever seen, and in eveiy manly exercise the most accomplished. His body was as exquisitely moulded as his face was beautiful. I seem to see him now taking that famous standing-jvimp of his, the brown curls blowing backward, or lay- ing his hand on his horse's neck and vaulting into the saddle. After leaving college he went to Germany and dreamed away nine years at Heidelberg. We used to call him Hamlet, he could have done so much and did so absolutely nothing. He died in the Con- federate service, in 1862. He was a good swordsman (we used to fence in those days), and the rumor of his German duels and of his intimacy with Prussian princes reached us when some fellow- student came home. 46 WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR flash failed, did the long reverberation ever forget to follow? But there is always something over- passionate in the recoil of the young man from the idols of the boy. Even now when I am more temperate, however, I cannot help feeling that his humor is horse-play; that he is often trivial and not seldom slow; that he now and again misses the true mean that can be grave without heaviness and light without levity, though he would have dilated on that virtue of our composite tongue which ena- bled it to make the distinction, and would have be- lieved himself the first to discover it. He cannot be familiar unless at the cost of his own dignity and our respect. I sometimes question whether even that quality in him which we cannot but recognize and admire, his loftiness of mind, should not some- times rather be called uppishness, so often is the one caricatured into the other by a blusterous self- confidence and seK-assertion, He says of himself, — " Nature I loved, and, next to Nature, Art ; " but I am inclined to think that it was Art he loved most. His perennial and abiding happiness was in composition, in fitting word to word, and these into periods, like a master-workman in mosaic. This, perhaj)s, is why he preferred writing Latin verse, because in doing that the joy of composing was a more conscious joy. Certainly we miss in ' him that quality of spontaneousness, that element of luck, which so delights us in some of the lesser and all the greater poets. By his own account WALTER SAVAGE LAN DOR 47 the most audacious of men, his thought and phrase have seldom the happy audacity of what Montaigne calls the first jump. Father Thames could never have come upon Ms stage with both his banks on the same side, refreshing as that innovation might have been to an audience familiar with the hum- drum habits of the river. Yet he is often content to think himself original when he has lashed him- self Into extravagance; and the reserve of his bet- ter style is the more remarkable that he made spoiled children of all his defects of character. It might almost seem that he sought and found an equipoise for his hasty violence of conduct in the artistic equanimity of his literary manner. I think he had little dramatic faculty. The creations of his brain do not detach themselves from it and become objective. He lived almost wholly in his own mind and in a world of his own making which his imagination peopled with casts after the antique. His "Conversations" were imaginary in a truer sense than he intended, for it is images rather than persons that converse with each other in them. Pericles and Phocion speak as we might fancy their statues to speak, — nobly indeed, but with the cold nobleness of marble. He had fire enough in him- self, but his pen seems to have been a non-conduc- tor between it and his personages. So little could he conceive the real world as something outside him, that nobody but himself was astonished when he was cast in damages at the suit of a lady to whom he had addressed verses that would have blackened Canidia. But he had done it merely as 48 WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR an exercise in verse; it was of that he was think- ing, more than of her, and I doubt if she was so near his consciousness, or so actual to him, as the vile creatures of ancient Rome whose vices and crimes he laid at her door. Even his in every way admirable apothegms seem to be made out of the substance of his mind, and not of his experience or observation. And yet, with all his remoteness, I can think of no author who has oftener brimmed my eyes with tears of admiration or sympathy. When we have made all deductions, he remains great and, above all, individual. There is nothing in him at second-hand. The least wise of men, he has uttered through the mask of his interlocutors (if I cannot trust myself to call them characters) more wisdom on such topics of life and thought as interested or occurred to him than is to be found outside of Shakespeare; and that in an English so pure, so harmonious, and so stirringly sonorous that he might almost seem to have added new stops to the organ which Milton found sufficient for his needs. Though not a critic in the larger sense, — he was too rash for that, too much at the mercy of his own talent for epigram and seemingly conclusive statement, — no man has said better things about books than he. So well said are they, indeed, that it seems ungrateful to ask if they are always just. One would scruple to call him a great thinker, yet surely he was a man who had great thoughts, and when he was in the right mood these seam the am- ple heaven of his discourse like meteoric showers. He was hardly a great poet, yet he has written WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR 49 some of the most simply and conclusively perfect lines that our own or any other langiiage can show. They float stately as swans on the tamer level of his ordinary verse. Some of his shorter poems are perfect as crystals. His metaphors are nobly ori- ginal; they stand out in their bare grandeur like statues against a Ijackground of sky; his similes are fresh, and from nature ; he plucks them as he goes, like wild -flowers, nor interrupts his talk. An intellectual likeness between him and Ben Jon- son constantly suggests itself to me. Both had burly minds with much apparent coarseness of fibre, yet with singular delicacy of temperament. In politics he was generally extravagant, yet so long ago as 1812 he was wise enough (in a letter to Southey) to call war between England and America civil war, though he would not have been himself if he had not added, " I detest the Americans as much as you do." In 1826 he proposed a plan that would have pacified Ireland and saved England sixty years of odious mistake. Ten or twelve years ago I tried to condense my judgment of him into a pair of quatrains, written in a copy of his works given to a dear young friend on her marriage. As they were written in a hap- pier mood than is habitual with me now, I may be pardoned for citing them here with her permission, and through her kindness in sending me a copy : — ' ' A villa fair, -with many a devious walk Darkened with deathless laurels from the sun, Ample for troops of friends in mutual talk, Green Chartreuse for the reverie of one : Fixed here in marble, Rome and Athens gleam ; 50 . . WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR Here is Arcadia, here Elysium too ; Anon an English voice disturbs our dream, And Landor's self can Landor's spell undo." His books, as I seem to have hinted here, are especially good for reading aloud in fitly sifted company, and I am sure that so often as the experi- ment is tried this company will say, with Fran- cesca : — " Per piu fiate gli ocehi ci sospinse Quella lettura, e scolorocci il viso." Landor was fond of saying that he should sup late, but that the hall would be well lighted, and the company, if few, of the choicest. The table, in- deed, has been long spread, but will he sit down till the number of the guests is in nearer proportion to that of the covers? It is now forty years since the collected edition of his works was published, prob- ably, as was usual in his case, a small one. Only one re-impression has yet been called for. Mr. Forster's biography of him is a long plea for a new trial. It is a strange fate for .a man who has writ- ten so much to interest, to instruct, to delight, and to inspire his fellow-men. Perhaps it is useless to seek any other solution of the riddle than the old habent sua fata libelli. But I envy the man who has before him the reading of those books for the first time. He will have a sensation as profound as that of the peasant who wandered in to where Kaiser Rothbart sits stately with his knights in the mountain cavern biding his appointed time. I saw Landor but once — when I went down from London, by his invitation, to spend a day with him WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR 51 at Batli in the late summer of 1852. His friend, the late Mr. Kenyon, went with me, — his friend and that of whoever deserved or needed friendship, the divinely appointed amicus cttrice of mankind in general. For me it was and is a memorable day, for Landor was to me an ancient, and it seemed a meeting in Elysium. I had looked forward to it, nevertheless, with a twinge of doubt, for three years before I had written a review of the new edition of his works, in which I had discriminated more than had been altogether pleasing to him. But a guest was as sacred to Landor as to an Arab, and the unaffected heartiness of his greeting at once reassured me. I have little to tell of our few hours' converse, for the stream of memory, when it has been flowing so long as mine, gathers an ooze in its bed like that of Lethe, and in this the weightier things embed themselves past recovery, while the lighter, lying nearer the surface, may be fished up again. What I can recollect, therefore, illustrates rather the manner of the man than his matter. His personal appearance has been suffi- ciently described by others. I will only add, that the suffused and uniform ruddiness of his face, in which the forehead, already heightened by baldness, shared, and something in the bearing of his head, reminded me vividly of the late President Quincy, as did also a certain hearty resonance of speech. You felt yourself in the presence of one who was emphatically a Man, not the image of a man ; so emphatically, indeed, that even Carlyle thought the journey to Bath not too dear a price to pay for 62 WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR seeing him, and found something royal in him. When I saw him he was in his seventy-eighth year, but erect and vigorous as in middle life. There was something of challenge even in the alertness of his pose, and the head was often thrown back like that of a boxer who awaits a blow. He had the air of the arena. I do not remember that his head was large, or his eyes in any way remarkable. After the first greetings were over, I thought it might please him to know that I had made a pilgrimage to his Fiesolan villa. I spoke of the beauty of its site. I could not have been more clumsy, had I tried. "Yes," he almost screamed, " and I might have been there now, but for that in- tol-e-rrr-a-ble woman! " pausing on each syllable of the adjective as one who would leave an impre- cation there, and making the r grate as if it were grinding its teeth at the disabilities which distance imposes on resentment. I was a little embarrassed by this sudden confidence, which I should not here betray had not Mr. Forster already laid Landor's domestic relations sufficiently bare. I am not sure whether he told me the story of his throwing his cook out of a window of this villa. I think he did, but it may have been Mr. Kenyon who told it me on the way back to London. The legend was, that after he had performed this summary act of justice, Mrs. Landor remonstrated with a "There, Walter ! I always told you that one day you would do something to be sorry for in these furies of yours." Few men can be serene under an "I al- ways told you so " — least of all men could Landor. WALTER SAVAGE LAN DOR 53 But he saw that here was an occasion where cahn is more effective than tempest, and where a soft answer is more provoking than a hard. So he re- plied mildly : " Well, my dear, I am sorry, if that will do you any good. If I had remembered that our best tulip-bed was iinder that window, I 'd have flung the dog out of t' other." He spoke with his wonted extravagance (he was always in extremes) of Prince Louis Napoleon: "I have seen all the great men that have appeared in Europe during the last half- century, and he is the ablest of them all. Had his uncle had but a tithe of his ability, he would never have died at St. Helena. The last time I saw the Prince before he went over to France, he said to me, ' Good-bye, Mr. Landor; I go to a dungeon or a throne.' 'Good-bye, Prince,' I answered. 'If you go to a dmigeon, you may see me again; if to a throne, never ! ' " He told me a long story of some Merino sheep that had been sent him from Spain, and which George III. had "stolen." He seemed to imply that this was a greater crime than throwing away the American colonies, and a perfidy of which only kings could be capable. I confess that I thought the sheep as shadowy as those of Hans in Luck, for I was not long in discovering that Lan- dor 's memory had a great deal of imagination mixed with it, especially when the subject was anything that related to himself. It was not a memory, however, that was malignly treacherous to others. I mentioned his brother Robert's "Fountain of 64 WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR Arethusa;" told him how much it had interested me, and how particularly I had heen struck with the family likeness to himself in it. He assented; said it loas family likeness, not imitation, and added: "Yes, when it came out many people, even some of my friends, thought it was mine, and told me so. My answer always was, 'I wish to God I could have written it ! ' " He spoke of it with un- feigned enthusiasm, though then, I believe, he was not on speaking terms with his brother. When- ever, indeed, his talk turned, as it often would, to the books or men he liked, it rose to a passionate appreciation of them. Even iipon indifferent mat- ters he commonly spoke with heat, as if he had been contradicted, or hoped he might be. There was no prophesying his weather by reading the barometer of his face. Though the index might point never so steadily to Fair, the storm might burst at any moment. His quiet was that of the cyclone's pivot, a conspiracy of whirlwind. Of Wordsworth he spoke with a certain alienated re- spect, and made many abatements, not as if jeal- ous, but somewhat in the mood of that Athenian who helped ostracize Aristides. Of what he said I recollect only something which he has since said in print, but with less point. Its felicity stamped it on my memory. "I once said to Mr. Words- worth, ' One may mix as much poetry with prose as one likes, it will exhilarate the whole; but the raoment one mixes a drop of prose with poetry, it precipitates the whole.' He never forgave me!" Then followed that ringing and reduplicated laugh of his, so like the joyous bark of a dog when he WALTER SAVAGE LAND OR 55 starts for a ramble with his master. Of course he did not fail to mention that exquisite sea- shell which Wordsworth had conveyed from Gebir to ornament his own mantelpiece. After lunch, he led us into a room the whole available wall-space of which was hung with pic- tures, nearly all early Italian. As I was already a lover of Botticelli, I think I may trust the judg- ment I then inwardly pronounced upon them, that they were nearly all aggressively bad. They were small, so that the offence of each was trifling, but in the aggregate they were hard to bear. I waited doggedly to hear him begin his celebration of them, dumfounded between my moral obligation to be as truthful as I dishonestly could and my social duty not to give offence to my host. However, I was soon partially relieved. The picture he wished to show was the head of a man, an ancestor, he told me, whose style of hair and falling collar were of the second quarter of the seventeenth century. Turning sharply on me, he asked: "Does it re- mind you of anybody? " Of course this was a sim- ple riddle; so, after a diplomatic pause of deliber- ation, I replied, cheerfully enough : "I think I see a likeness to you in it." There was an appreciable amount of fib in this, but I trust it may be par- doned me as under duress. "Eight! " he exploded, with the condensed emphasis of a rifle. "Does it remind you of anybody else?" For an instant I thought my retribution had overtaken me, but in a flash of inspiration I asked myself, "Whom would Landor like best to resemble?" The answer was easy, and I gave it forthwith: "I think I see a 56 WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR likeness to Milton." "Right again!" he cried triumphantly. "It does look like me, and it does look like Milton. That is the portrait of my an- cestor, Walter Noble, Speaker of one of Charles First's parliaments. I was showing this portrait one day to a friend, when he said to me, 'Landor, how can you pride yourself on your descent from this sturdy old cavalier — you who would have cut off Charles's head with the worst of 'em? ' '/cut off his head? Never! ' 'You wouldn't? I'm astonished to hear you say that. What would you have done with him? ' 'What woidd I have done? Why, hanged him, like any other malefactor!'" This he trumpeted with such a blare of victory as almost made his progenitor rattle on the wall where he himg. Whether the portrait was that of an ancestor, or whether he had bought it as one suit- able for his story, I cannot say. If an ancestor, it could only have been Michael (not Walter) Noble, Member of Parliament (not Speaker) during the Civil War, and siding with the Commons against "the King. Landor had confoimded him with Sir Arnold Savage (a Speaker in Henry Seventh's time), whom he had adopted as an ancestor, though there was no probable, certainly no provable, com- munity of blood between them. This makes the anecdote only the more characteristic as an illus- tration of the freaks of his innocently fantastic and creative memory. I could almost wish my own had the same happy faculty, when I see how little it has preserved of my conversation, so largely mon- ologue on his part, with a man so memorable. WALTON.i 1889. Biography in these communicative days has be- come so voluminous that it might seem calculated rather for the ninefold vitality of another domestic animal than for the less lavish allotment of man. Only such renewed leases of life could justify the writing or suffice for the reading of these too often supererogatory confidences. Only a man like the great Julius, who new-moulded the world and stamped his effigy on the coinage of political thought still current, has a right to so much of our curiosity as we are now expected to put at the ser- vice of an average general or bishop. "Nothing human is foreign to me " was said long ago, chiefly by the Latin Grammar, and has been received as the pit and gallery receive a moral sentiment which does not inconvenience themselves, but which they think likely to give the boxes an uneasy qualm. But biography has found out a process by which what is human may be so thrust upon us as to become mhuman, and one is often tempted to wish that a great deal of it might not only be made foreign to ^ This paper was originally printed as an introduction to an edi- tion of Walton's Angler, edited by Mr. John Bartlett, and pub- lished in 1889 by Messrs. Little, Brown & Co., through whose cour- tesy it is included in this collection. 58 WALTON us, but firmly kept so. Plutarch, a man of the most many-sided moral and intellectual interests, had a truer sense of proportion, and tempers his amiable discursiveness with an eye to his neigh- bor's dial. And in his case the very names of his heroes are mostly so trumpet-like as both to waken attention and to warrant it, ushering in the bearers of them like that flourish on the Eliza- bethan stage which told that a king was coming. How should Brown or Smith or any other dingy monosyllable of Saxon indistinction compete for conjuration with Pelopidas or Timoleon? Even within living memory Napoleon had a prodigious purchase in his name alone, and prettily confirmed the theory of Mr. Shandy. The modern biographer has become so indiscrim- inate, so unconscious of the relative importance of a single life to the Universe, so careless of the just limits whether of human interest or endurance, so communistic in assuming that all men are entitled to an equal share of what little time there is left in the world, that many a worthy, whom a para- graph from the right pen might have immmortal- ized, is suffocated in the trackless swamps of two octavos. Meditating over these grievances with the near prospect of a biography to write, I am inclined to apply what was said of States to men also, and call him happiest who has left fewest ma- terials for history. It is at least doubtful whether gossip gain body by bottling. In these chattering days when nobody who really is nobody can stir forth without the volunteer accompaniment of a WALTON 69 brass band, when there is a certificated eye at every keyhole, and when the Public Informer has become so essential a minister to the general comfort that the world cannot go about its business of a morning till its intellectual appetite is appeased with the latest doings and sayings of John Doe and Richard Roe, there is healing in the gentlemanlike reserves of the past, a benign sense of seclusion, a comfort such as loved hands bring to fevered brows, in the thought of one who, like Walton, has been safe for two hundred years in the impregnable strong- hold of the grave. Malice domestic, treason, in- terviews, nothing can touch him further. The sanctities of his life, at least, cannot be hawked about the streets or capitalized in posters as a whet to the latest edition of the Peeping Tom. If it be the triumph of an historian to make the great high- ways of the olden time populous and noisy, or even vulgar, with their old life again, it is nevertheless a consolation that we may still find by-paths there, dumb as those through a pine forest, sacred to meditation and to grateful thoughts. Such a by-path is the life of Walton. Though it lead us through nearly a hundred years of his- tory, many of them stormy with civil or anxious with foreign war, the clamor of events is seldom importunate, and the petulant drums are muffled with a dreamy remoteness. So far as he himself could shape its course, it leads us under the shadow of honeysuckle hedges, or along the rushy banks of silence -loving streams, or through the claustral hush of cathedral closes, or where the shadow of the vil- 60 WALTON lage churcli -tower creeps round its dial of green graves below, or to the company of thoughtful and godly men. He realized the maxim which Voltaire preached, but so assiduously avoided practising, — hene vixit qui bene latuit. He did his best to fulfil the apostle's injunction in studying to be quiet. Whether such fugitive and cloistered virtue as his come within the sweep of Milton's gravely cadenced lash or not, whether a man do not owe himself more to the distasteful publicity of active citizenship than to the petting of his own private tastes or talents, as Walton thought it right and found it sweet to do, may be a question. There can be none that the contemplation of such a life both soothes and charms, and we sigh to think that the like of it is possible no longer. Where now would the fugitive from the esj)ials of our modern life find a sanctuary which telegraph or telephone had not deflowered? I do not mean that Walton was an idle man, who, as time was given him for nothing, thought that he might part with it for nothing too. If he had been, I should not be writing this. He left behind him two books, each a masterpiece in its own sim- ple and sincere way, and only the contemplative leisure of a life like his could have secreted the pre- cious qualities that assure them against decay. But Walton's life touches the imagination at more points than this of its quietude and inwardness. It opens many windows to the fancy. Its opportu- nities were as remarkable as its length. Twenty- two years old when Shakespeare died, he lived long enough to have read Dryden's "Absalom and WALTON 61 Achitophel." He had known Ben Jonson and Chillingworth and Drayton and Fuller; he had exchanged gossip with Antony a Wood; he was the friend of Donne and Wotton and King; he had seen George Herbert; and how many more sons of Memory must he not have known or seen in all those years so populous with men justly famous ! Of the outward husk of this life of his we know comfortably little, but of the kernel much, and that chiefly from such unconscious glimpses as he himseK has given us. Isaac, or (as he preferred to spell the name) Izaak, Walton was born at Stafford, on the 9th of August, 1593, of a family in the rank of substan- tial yeomen long established in Staffordshire. Of his mother not even the name is known, and of his father we know only that his baptismal name was Jervis, and that he was buried on the 11th of Feb- ruary, 1596-97. Surely the short and simple annals of the poor have been seldom more laconic than this. Sir Harris Nicolas, author of the first trustworthy Life of Walton, yielding for once to the biographer's weakness for appearances, says that he "received a good, though not, strictly speaking, classical education." Considering that absolutely nothing is known of Walton's schooling, the concession to historical conscientiousness made in the parenthetic "strictly speaking" Is amusing. We have the witness of documents in Walton's own handwriting that he could never have been taught even the rudiments of Latin; for he spells the third person singular of the perfect tense of 62 WALTON ohh'e, ohiet, separate, seperate, and divided, de- cided. And these documents are printed by Sir Harris himself. After this one finds it hard to con- ceive what a classical education, loosely speaking, would be. In the list of Walton's books there is none that is not in English. It is enough for us that he contrived to ]3ick up somewhere and some- how a competent mastery of his mother-tongue (far harder because seeming easier than Latin), and a diction of persuasive simplicity, capable of dignity where that was natural and becoming, such as not even the universities can bestow. It is not known in what year he went to London. It has been conjectured, and with much probability, that he was sent thither to serve his apprenticeship with a relative, Henry Walton, a haberdasher. Of this Henry Walton nothing is known beyond what we are told by his will, and this shows us that he had connections with Staffordshire. That Izaak Walton gave the name of Henry to two sons in succession seems to show some kind of close relation between them and some earlier Henry. But Mr. Nicholls discovered in the records of the Ironmon- gers' Company for 1617-18 the following entry: "Isaac Walton was made one of the Ironmongers' Company by Thomas Grinsell, citizen and iron- monger." That Walton had relatives of this name appears from a legacy in his will to the widow of his "Cosen Grinsell." On the whole, whatever light is let in by this chink serves only to make the abundant darkness more visible. May there not have been another Isaac, perhaps a cousin, to dis- WALTON 63 tinguish himself from whom ours gave to his sur- name its fantastic spelling? What is certain is that he was already in London in 1619. In that year was published the second edition of a poem, "The Love of Amos and Laura," which, to judge by all that I know of it, the dedication, must hap- pily have been very soon gathered to its fathers; but it has two points of interest. It is dedicated to Walton by a certain S. P., who may have been the Samuel Purchasof the "Pilgrims; " and in this dedication there are expressions which show that Walton's character was already, in his twenty- sixth year, marked by the same attractiveness and purity and the same aptness for friendship which endeared him in later life to so many good and em- inent men. S. P., after calling him his "more than thrice-beloved friend," tells him that he is the cause that the poem "is now as it is," and that it might have been called his had it been better, but that "No ill thing can be clothed with thy verse." We should infer that Walton had done much in the way of revision, and not only this, but that he was already known, among his friends at least, as a writer of verse himself. It is puzzling, however, that the first edition was published in 1613, when Walton was barely twenty, and that the second differs from the first in a single word only. In the only known copy of this earlier edi- tion (which, to be sure, is otherwise imperfect) the dedication is not to be found. Sir Harris Nicolas suggests that Walton may have revised the poem in manuscript, but it seems altogether unlikely that he 64 WALTON should have been called in as a consulting physician at so early an age. More than twenty years later, in the preface to his Life of Donne, he speaks of his "artless pencil," and several times elsewhere al- ludes to his literary inadequacy. But this depre- cation may have been merely a shiver of his habit- ual modesty, or, as is more likely, a device of his literary adroitness. He certainly must have had considerable practice in the making of verse before he wrote his Elegy on Donne (1633), his first pub- lished essay in authorship. The versification of this, if sometimes rather stiff, is for the most part firm and not inharmonious. It is easier in its gait than that of Donne in his Satires, and shows the manly influence of Jonson. Walton, at any rate, in course of time, attained, at least in prose, to something which, if it may not be called style, was a very charming way of writing, all the more so that he has an innocent air of not knowing how it is done. Natural en- dowment and predisposition may count for nine in ten of the chances of success in this competition; but no man ever achieved, as Walton sometimes did, a simplicity which leaves criticism helpless, by the mere light of nature alone. Nor am I speaking without book. In his Life of Herbert he prints a poem of Donne's addressed to Her- bert's mother, in which there is allusion to certain hymns. Walton adds a few words which seem to follow each other with as little forethought as the notes of a thrush's song: "These hymns are now lost to us, but doubtless they were such as they WALTON 65 two now sing in Heaven." Now on the inside cover of his Eusebius Walton has written three attempts at this sentence, each of them very far from the concise beauty to which he at last con- strained himself. Simplicity, when it is not a care- less gift of the Muse, is the last and most painful achievement of conscientious self-denial. He seems also to have had the true literary memory, which stores up the apt or pleasing word for use on occa- sion. I have noticed more than one instance of it, but one must suffice. In Donne's beautiful poem, "A Valediction Forbidding Mourning," is this stanza : — " Dull sublunary lovers' love, Whose soul is sense, cannot admit Absence, because that doth remove Those things that elemented it." Walton felt the efficacy of the word "elemented," and laid it by for employment at the first vacancy. I find it more than once in his writings. Of the personal history of Walton during his life in London we know very little more than that he was living in Fleet Street in 1624, that from 1628 to 1644 he lived in Chancery Lane, and that he was twice married. Perhaps the most important event during all these years in its value to his mind and character was his making the acquaintance of Donne, to whose preaching he was a sedulous listener. This acquaintance became a friendship by which he profited till Donne's death in 1631. There needs no further witness to his intelligence or to his worth. 66 WALTON Walton's first wife, to whom he was married in 1624, was Rachel Floud, daughter of Susannah Cranmer, who was the daughter of Thomas, grand- nephew of the martyr. By her, who died in 1640,*^ he had six sons and one daughter, all of whom died in infancy or early childhood. Six years after his first wife's death Walton married Anne Ken, a sister by the half blood of Bishop Ken. Of this marriage there were three children, — one son, Izaak, who lived but a short time; a daughter Anne ; and another Izaak, who survived his father, and died in 1719, a canon of Salisbury. In the third edition of "The Complete Angler" (1664) appear for the first time some verses by Walton called "The Angler's Wish." Among other blisses is mentioned that of hearing "my Clilora sing a song." In the fifth edition (1676) "Kenna" is substituted for "Chlora,"and the ref- erence to Walton's second wife is obvious. It has been supposed that "Chlora" was an imperfect an- agram for "Rachel; " and that Walton, like some better poets, Poe notably, had economized his in- spiration by serving up the same verses cold to a second or even third mistress; but he was inca- pable of svich amatory double-dealing. Sir Harris Nicolas, by calling attention to the dates, at least makes it very unlikely that he was guilty of it. The verses were first published twenty years after the death of his first wife, and the name "Kenna" does not appear till his second had been fourteen years in her grave. Sir Harris failed to remark that Walton uses " Chlora " as the name of a WALTON 61 shepherdess in an eclogue on the restoration of Charles II. Confronted with this fact, the sup- posed anagram turns out to be a mare's-nest, like the "Lutero " Eossetti found in Dante's " Veltro." Anne Walton herself died in 1662. There is no certainty as to what Walton's occu- pation may have been further than that he was a tradesman of some sort, and probably, since he was thirty years in amassing the modest competence that sufficed him, in a small way. Whether large or small is of little interest to us, for his real busi- ness in this world was to write the Lives and " The Complete Angler," and to leave the example of a useful and unspotted life behind him. But it is amusing to find Mr. Major, with that West-End view of the realities of life which Englishmen of a certain class feel it proper to take, arguing that Walton's business must have been of a wholesale character because the place in which it was carried on was cramped, and moreover shared by a certain John Mason, hosier. One is irresistibly tempted to parody the notorious verse, and say, — " His trade was great because his shop was small." " What room would there have been for the display of goods?" asks Mr. Major, with triumphant con- viction, forgetting that in those days the space for that purpose was found in the street. Walton's removal to Chancery Lane may imply an enlarge- ment of business ; and this, so far as it goes, must suffice to console whoever values a man not for what he is, but by the round of the social ladder on which he happens to be standing. If the humble- 68 WALTON ness of Walton's station helped him toward that unaffected modesty which is so gracious in him and so dignified, we may well be thankful for it. Walton seems to have done his duty as a citizen with exemplary fidelity. Between 1632 and 1644, when he moved out of the parish, the register of St. Dunstan's in the West shows him to have been successively scavenger (which Sir Harris Nicolas prudently deodorizes by calling it vaguely " a par- ish office "), juryman, constable, grand-juryman, overseer of the poor, and vestry -man, — enough, one might say, to satisfy any reasonable ambition for civic honors at a time when they meant honest work done for honest wages. Walton's • first appearance as an author was in an elegy, which, after the fashion of the day, accompanied the first edition of Donne's poems (1633). This species of verse, whether in the writ- ing or the reading, is generally the most dreary compulsory labor to which man can be doomed. The poet climbs the doleful treadmill without get- ting an inch the higher; and as we watch him we are wearied with the reality of a toil which seems to have no real object. Once in my life I have heard a funeral elegy which was wholly adequate. It was the long quavering howl of a dog under a window of the chamber in which his master had at that moment died. It was Nature's cry of grief and terror at first sight of Death. That faithful creature was not trying to say something; so far from it, that even the little skill in articulation which his race has acquired was choked in the gripe WALTON 69 of such disaster. Consolation would shrink away- abashed from the presence of so helpless a grief. With elegiac poets it is otherwise, for it is of them- selves and of their verses that they are thinking. They distil a precious cordial from their tears. They console themselves by playing variations on their inconsolability. Their triumphs are won over our artistic sense, not over our human fellow-feeling. Yet now and then in the far inferior verse of far inferior men there will be some difficult word with a sob in it that moves as no artifice can move, and brings back to each of us his private loss with a strange sense of comfort in feeling that somewhere, no matter how far away in the past, there was one who had suffered like ourselves and would not be appeased by setting his pain to music. There is something of this in Walton's Elegy on Donne. I do not believe that he was thinking of his poetical paces as he wrote it ; or, if he was, he forgets them from time to time and falls into his natural gait. What he said ten years later in writing of Cart- wright seems true of this, — " Muses, I need you not, for Grief and I Can in your absence weaye an elegy." I should be yielding to my partiality for Walton if I called these verses poetry ; but there is at least, in the eloquence of their honest sorrow, a tendency to become so which stops little short of it, and which is too often missed in the carefully cadenced ululation of similar efforts. Here, indeed, there seems no effort at all, and that surely is a crowning mercy. There is one phrase whose laconic pathos 70 WALTON I find it hard to match elsewhere. It is where he bids his thoughts "forget he loved me." This is the true good breeding of sorrow. It may as well be said here, once for all, that Walton was no poet, so far as rhythm is an essential element of expression. His lyrics are mechanical and club- footed. He succeeded best in that measure, the rhymed couplet of ten syllables, which detaches it- self least irreconcilably from prose. The nearer an author comes to being a poet, so much the worse for him should he persist in making verse the in- terpreter of his thought ; so much the better for him should he wisely abandon it for something- closer to the habitual dialect of men. I think that Walton's prose owes much of its charm to the po- etic sentiment in him which was denied a refuge in verse, and that his practice in metres may have given to his happier periods a measure and a music they would otherwise have wanted. That he had this practice has a direct bearing on the question of the authorship of "Theahna and Clearchus," of which I must say something at the proper time, Walton had not the strong passions which poets break to the light harness of verse, and indeed they and longevity such as his are foaled by dams of very different race. But he loved poetry, and the poetry he loved was generally good. He had also some critical judgment in it. Speaking of Marlowe's "Come live with me," and Raleigh's answer to it, he says, "They were old-fashioned poetry, but choicely good; I think much better than the strong- lines that are now in fashion in WALTON 71 this critical age." His simplicity, it should seem, was not only a gift, but a choice as well. Not long before the publication of a volume of Donne's sermons (1640), Walton wrote a life of the author, which was prefixed to them. This piety was not volunteered, but devolved on him by the death of their common friend. Sir Henry Wotton (December, 1639), for whom he had been collecting the material. Donne lost nothing, and the world gained much, by this substitution; for Walton thus learned by accident where his true talent lay, and was encouraged to write those other Lives which, with this, make the volume that has endeared him to all who choose that their souls should keep good company. In a preface, beauti- ful alike for its form and the sentiment embodied in it, after a pretty apology for his own deficien- cies, he says, " But be this to the disadvantage of the person represented, certain I am it is to the advantage of the beholder who shall here see the author's [Donne] picture in a natural dress, which ought to beget faith in what is spoken." And not only that, but Walton's picture too! In this preference of the homely and familiar, and in an artlessness which is not quite so artless as it would fain appear, lies the charm that never stales of Walton's manner. He would have applied his friend Wotton' s verse to himself, and affirmed "simple truth his utmost skill," but he was also a painstaking artist in his own way. As illustrations, take this sentence from the Life of Donne, describing him after the death of his wife : — 72 WALTON " Thus, as the Israelites sat mourning by the rivers of Babylon when they remembered Zion, so he gave some ease to his oppressed heart by thus venting his sorrows ; thus he began the day and ended the night ; ended the restless night and began the weary day in lamenta- tions." Or this, of the nightingale, worthy to compete with Crashawe's, or with Jeremy Taylor's lark: — " But the nightingale, another of my airy creatures, breathes such sweet loud music out of her little instru- mental throat, that it might make mankind to think mir- acles are not ceased. He that at midnight, when the very laborer sleeps securely, should hear, as I have very often, the clear airs, the sweet descants, the natural ris- ing and falling, the doubling and redoubling of her voice, might well be lifted above earth, and say, ' Lord, what music hast Thou provided for the saints in heaven, when Thou affordest bad men such music on earth ? " He had learned of his great contemporaries also to turn and wind those many-membered periods which in unskilful hands become otherwise-minded as a herd of swine. The passage in the Introduc- tion to his revised Life of Donne where he com- pares himself to Pompey's bondman, and that in the Preface to the Life of Herbert in which he sjDeaks of Mary Magdalene, may serve as examples ; and in these neither are the words caught at ran- dom, nor do they fall into those noble modulations by chance. And he could be succinct at need, as where he says : " He that praises Richard Hooker praises God, who hath given such gifts to men." Walton tells us that he saw the Scotch Cove- WALTON 73 nanters, when in 1644 they " came marching with it [the Covenant] gloriously upon their pikes and in their hats. . . . This I saw and suffered by it," whether in mind or purse he leaves doubtful. In this year he ceased to be an inhabitant of the Parish of St. Dunstan; and from that time till 1650, when he took a house in Clerkenwell, he for the most part vanishes. We know incidentally that he was in London once in the course of the year 1645, and once again in that of 1647. But these may have been flying visits, for there is no evidence that his second marriage (1646) took place there; and the statement of Antony a Wood, who knew him well, makes it probable that he may have spent at Stacfford, where he had a small property, the years during which he cannot be shown to have lived anywhere else. To a man with his opinions, London could not have been more amiable during the Long Parliament and the Protectorate than during the reign of Charles II. to a man of his morals. The solitude of Stafford, where, to cite his own words, he could " Linger long days by Swaynham brook," seems more suitable to the conception and gestation of such a book as "The Complete Angler" than London could have been to a man whose compan- ionable instincts were so strong that even fish- ing was not perfect happiness without a friend to share it. That the "Angler" was begun some years be- 74 WALTON fore it was published is rendered more probable by Walton's saying of Marlowe's song wMch he quotes, that it "was made at least fifty years ago." He was likely to know something about Marlowe through his own friendship with Drayton, who was the first adequately to signalize the poet's merit. Marlowe died in 1593, and the "at least fifty years" would bring us down to the Stafford pe- riod. There are passages in Walton which lead me to think he may have spent abroad some part of the time during which he is invisible to us. He set great store by the advantages of foreign travel, and gave his son the benefit of them. It seems likely that he gave up business in 1644, and it may have been at Stafford that he saw some foraging party from Leslie's army which would not have spared his uncovenanted chickens. In- ternal evidence makes it likely that in 1646 he wrote the preface to Quarles's "Shepherd's Eclogues," and that he was on terms of friendly acquaintance with him as a brother of the angle. He may have borrowed the name "Clora" from Quarles. It is true that he has put an h into it, but his spelling is always according to his own lights (mostly will-o'- the-wisps) ; and there are people who think crystals less lustrous without that letter which may be picked up anywhere in the land of Cokayne, where it is dropped so often. In 1650 he published the "Reliquiae Wottonianae," prefixing to them a life of the author, printed in haste, he tells us, but cor- rected in later editions. The "Angler " appeared in 1653, and a second edition came out two years WALTON 75 later. It was while he was in London during this latter year, probably to correct his proof-sheets, that he met Sanderson, who was there to perform the same function for the preface to a volume of sermons. Walton's account of this meeting is so characteristic that I shall quote it : — " About the time of his printing this excellent Preface, I met him accidentally in London in sad-colored clothes, and, God knows, far from being costly. The place of our meeting was near to Little Britain, where he had been to buy a book which he then had in his hand. We had no inclination to part presently, and therefore turned to stand in a corner under a pent-house, for it began to rain, and immediately the wind rose and the rain in- creased so much that both became so inconvenient as to force us into a cleanly house, where we had bread, cheese, ale, and a fire for our money. This rain and wind were so obliging to me as to force our stay there for at least an hour, to my great content and advantage. . . . And I gladly remember and mention it as an argument of my happiness and his great humility and condescen- sion." It is exactly as if he were telling us of it, and this sweet persuasiveness of the living and naturally cadenced voice is never wanting in Walton. It is indeed his distinction, and it is a very rare quality in writers, upon most of whom, if they ever hap- pily forget themselves and fall into the tone of talk, the pen too soon comes sputtering in. The pas- sage is interesting too because it illustrates both Walton's love of good company and his Boswellian sensitiveness to the attraction of superior men. 76 WALTON Much as lie loved fishing, it was in the minds of such men that he loved best to fish. And what a memory was his! The place, the sad-colored clothes, the hook just bought, the rain and then the wind, the pent-house, the tavern, the bread, the ale, the fire, — everything is there that makes a picture. Then he reports Sanderson's discourse; and having done that, is reminded that this is a good time to give us a description of his person. In reading Walton's Lives (and no wonder Johnson loved them so ^) I have a feeling that I have met him in the street and am hearing them from his own lips. I ask him about Donne, let us say. He begins, but catching sight of some one who passes, gives me in parenthesis an account of him, comes back to Donne, and keeps on with him till some- body else goes by about whom he has an anecdote to tell; and so we get a leash of biographies in one. It is very delightful, and though more rambling than Plutarch, comes nearer to him than any other life-writing I can think of. Indeed, I should be inclined to say that Walton had a genius for ram- bling rather than that it was his foible. The com- fortable feeling he gives us that we have a definite purpose, mitigated with the license to forget it at the first temptation and take it up again as if no- thing had happened, thus satisfying at once the conscientious and the natural man, is one of Wal- ton's most prevailing charms. What vast bal- ^ Gray must have loved them too, and his Ode on a Distant Prospect of Eton College was suggested by a passage in the Life of Wotton. WALTON- 77 ances of leisure does he not put to our credit ! To read him is to go a-fishing with all its bewitching charms and contingencies. If there be many a dull reach in the stream of his discourse, where contem- plation might innocently lapse into slumber, it is full also of nooks and eddies where nothing but our own incompetence will balk us of landing a fine fish. In this story of his meeting with Sander- son there is another point to be noticed. Wal- ton's memory is always discreet, always well-bred. It never blabs. I think that one little fact is purposely omitted here, namely, who paid for the good cheer at the tavern. The scot was paid, to be sure, with "our money," but I doubt very much whether the poor country parson's purse were the lighter for it. In 1658 Walton published separately the second and revised edition of his Life of Donne, with a preface engagingly full of himself. I say "enga- gingly full," because when he speaks of himself he never seems to usurp on other people, but only to share with all mankind a confidence to which they had as good a right as he. In 1660 he prefixed a congratulatory eclogue on the Restoration to a vol- ume of Alexander Brome's Songs. In this he con- trives to bring in the praise of his friend's verses, and combines the tediousness of the Commendatory and the Birthday styles with entire success. Never inspired in verse, he becomes laborious unless where his feelings are stirred to the roots, as in the Elegy on Donne. In 1662 he was at Worcester, the guest, proba- 78 WALTON bly, of his friend Bishop Morley. Here his second wife died and lies buried in the cathedral, with an inscrij)tion by him, simple and affectionate. In that year he removed with Morley (on his trans- lation) to Winchester, and there spent the rest of his vigorous old age. From time to time he must have visited Charles Cotton, whose father he had known. We have no record of these visits (spent in fishing) further than that one of them is spoken of in a letter of Walton as proposed in 1676. This was in his eighty-third year, and implies in him that longevity of the taste for out-of-door sports and of the muscle to endure their fatigues which are almost peculiar to Englishmen. Cotton was a Royalist country -gentleman with a handsome estate, which, after sidling safely through the in- tricacies of the Civil War, trickled pleasantly away through the chinks of its master's profusion. He was an excellent poet and a thorough master of succulently idiomatic English, which he treated with a country -gentlemanlike familiarity, as his master, Montaigne, had treated French. The two men loved one another, and this speaks well for the social charity of both. There must have been delicately understood and mutually respectful con- ventions of silence in an intimacy between the pla- cidly believing author of the Lives and the translator of him who invented the Essay. Walton loved a gentleman of blue blood as honestly as Johnson did, and was, I am sure, as sturdily independent withal. He could condone almost anything, that had no taint of personal dishonor, in a gentleman WALTON 79 and a Cavalier. His nature was incapable of envy, and, himself of obscurest lineage, there was nothing he relished more keenly than the long pedigrees of other people. While he enjoyed, he had also, I fancy, not merely a sense of joint ownership, but perhaps of something like over -lordship, as in that winsome passage of the "Angler" he makes Vena- tor say, after describing the landscape he has been looking on: "As I thus sat joying in my own happy condition and pitying the poor rich man that owns this and many other pleasant groves and mead- ows about me, I did thankfully remember what my Saviour said, that the meek possess the earth." But with him the more noble the ancestry, the worse for their degenerous representative. A ped- igree had not the right flavor for Walton unless newly spiced with achievement from generation to generation. In his Life of Sanderson, after proclaiming with heraldic satisfaction that he was of ancient family, he blows this trumpet-blast against the recreant : — " For titles not acquired, but derived only, do but show us who of our ancestors have and how they have achieved that honor which their descendants claim and may not be worthy to enjoy. For if those titles descend to persons that degenerate into vice and break off the continued line of learning or valor or that virtue that acquired them, they destroy the very foundation upon which that honor was built, and all the rubbish of their vices ought to fall heavy on such dishonorable heads ; ought to fall so heavy as to degrade them of their titles and blast their memories with reproach and shame." 80 WALTON It is plain that Walton, had he lived now, would have made short work with an unsavory Peer. It is noticeable too that he gives Learning prece- dence over Yalor. Walton had a genius for friendships and an amiability of nature ample for the comfortable housing of many at a time ; he had even a special genius for bishops, and seems to have known nearly the whole Episcopal bench of his day ; but his friendship, like Lamb's, did not slink away from a fortune out at elbows, and he had, I more than suspect, a curiosity hospitable enough to en- tertain a broken gentleman (like the Carey whom he speaks of having known) if he had good talk or narrative or honest mirth in him and producible on demand. His friend Alexander Brome was surely no precisian. But these less reputable inti- mates he made welcome in a back-parlor of his mind, away from the street and with the curtains drawn, as if he would fain hide them even from himself.^ His habitual temper sought serious and thoughtful company, and he valued respectability as a wise man must, his own self-respect as a good man ought. But Cotton was a man of genius,^ whose life was cleanlier than his Muse always cared to be. If he wrote the Virgil Travesty, he ^ In Ills Life of Hooker, liaTing to speak of George Sandys, he mentions his Travels, and his translations in verse from the Psalms and Job. He is silent about his version of Ovid's Metamorphoses (done in Virginia), though the book was in his own library. ^ Not yet extinct anaong his descendants. The late Lady Ma- rian Alf ord, besides her social talents, had every gift that Fortune bestows on the artist save that of poverty. WALTON 81 also wrote verses which the difficult Wordsworth could praise, and a poem of gravely noble mood addressed to Walton on his Lives, in which he shows a knowledge of what goodness is that no bad man could have acquired. Let one line of it at least shine in my page, not as a sample but for its own dear sake : — " For in a virtuous act all good men shax*e." Those must have been delightful evenings which the two friends spent together after the day's fish- ing. Well into the night they must have lingered, with much excellent discourse of books and men, now serious, now playful, much personal anecdote and reminiscence. Perhaps it was as well that Dr. Morley should be at Winchester, with all re- spect be it said, and not forgetting that Walton has told us he "loved such mirth as did not make friends ashamed to look upon one another next morning." At Walton's request, Cotton wrote in ten days the treatise on fly-fishing which was added to the fifth edition of "The Complete Angler" in 1676. What he says of Walton in it is interesting, and the reverence he expresses for his character espe- cially so as coming from a man of the world. " My father Walton," he makes Piscator say, "will be seen twice in no man's company he does not like, and likes none but such as he believes to be very honest men." It should be remembered that in those days the word "honest" had to the initiated ear a political and ecclesiastical as well as a moral 82 WALTON meaning. Cotton was a far better poet than Wal- ton, and had a more practised hand ; yet his sup- plement to the "Angler" wants that charm of in- advertency with which Walton knew how to make his most careful sentences waylay the ear, and his truly poetic sympathy with the sights and sounds of every-day Nature. Its chief value, I think, lies in this illustrative contrast. In 1665 Walton wrote his Life of Hooker, less a labor of love than the others, but containing that homely picture of him reading Horace as he tended his scanty sheep, and called away by his wife to rock the cradle. In 1670 came the Life of Herbert, written, he tells us, chiefly to please him- self. Some time before 1678, it is uncertain when, his daughter Anne became the wife of the Reverend William Hawkins, one of the prebends of Win- chester, and with them he seems to have spent his latter years. In that year he wrote the Life of Sanderson, which, as showing no sign of mental disrepair, is surely an almost unparalleled feat for a man of eighty -five. Length of days is one of the blessings of the Old Testament, and surely it might be added to the Beatitudes of the New, when, as with Walton, it means only a longer ripening, a more abundant leisure to look back- wards without self-reproach, and forwards with an assured gratitude to God for a future goodness like the past. There is, perhaps, if we conde- scend to a purely utilitarian view, no stronger argument for belief in a personal Deity than that it makes possible this ennobling sense of gratitude ; WALTON 83 and in a time when such possibility has been so largely analyzed and refined away, Walton's habitual recognition of so direct and conscious an obligation that he cannot resist the inter jectional expression t»f it is a chief cause of the solace and refreshment we feel in reading him. As we read we inhale an odor from the leaves as if flowers from the garden of childhood had been pressed be- tween them, and for a moment, by the sweet sophis- try of association, we stand again among them where they grew. Here is incontaminate piety, wholesome as bread. It is a gush of involuntary emotion, like that first sincere and precious juice which their own weight forces from the grapes. A fine morning, a meadow flushed with primroses, are not only good in themselves, but sweeter and better because they give him occasion to be thank- ful for them. We may be wiser, but it may be doubted whether we are so happy, in our self- reliant orphanhood. He had two pleasures where we have but one, and that one doubtingly now that the shadow of the metaphysic cloud has darkened Nature. In 1683 Walton published "Thealma and Clear- chus, a pastoral history in smooth and easie verse written long since by John Chalkhill, Esq., an ac- quaintant and friend of Edmund Spencer" [sic]. The preface is dated five years earlier. The poem is incomplete, with this quaint note by Walton at the end: "And here the author died, and I hope the reader will be sorry." When Mr. S. W. Singer reprinted it in 1820 he expressed his doubts 84 WALTON whether such a person as John Chalkhill had ever existed, and his strong suspicion that it might be a youthful production of Walton himself. But sev- eral John (or Jon) Chalkhills have since been imearthed; one of them (who died in 1615) being remotely connected with Walton through the mar- riage of his daughter with one of the Kens. Sir Harris Nicolas, who rejects Mr. Singer's suspicion as implying a duplicity of which honest Izaak would have been incapable, droUy enough fixes upon another John Chalkliill, Fellow of Winchester College, as the probable author of the poem. This he does with Walton's statement that the author was "an acquaintant and friend" of Spenser, and that of John Chalkhill' s monument in Winchester Cathedral that he died in 1679, octoge?iarkis, both before him. Now Spenser died in 1599 ; and this Chalkhill, at least, could not have known him. But if the other, who died in 1615, wrote " Thealma and Clearchus," he certainly did not write it as it was printed by Walton. The language is altogether too modern for that, unless, indeed, he was en- dowed with a spirit of prophecy that both foresaw and forestalled the changes in his mother-tongue. The invariable use of the possessive its and the elision of the e in the past participle would be con- clusive. The tone is also too modern, though this is more easily to be felt than defined in words. While there is nothing that compels us to accept Mr. Singer's suggestion as to the authorship, it is certain that the poem has been largely rewritten by somebody, and this must have been Walton. It WALTON 85 has many of the characteristics of his style, — his discursiveness, his habit of leaving the direct track of narrative on the suggestion of the first inviting by-path, his commonplaceness of invention, and, what is even more suspicious, the same imperfect rhymes, sometimes mere assonances, which are found in verses admittedly his own. I find also, or think I find, unmistakable (though veiled) allu- sions to the Civil War consonant with some that Walton could not refrain in his acknowledged writings. There is almost nothing in it that sug- gests poetry. Indeed, I remember but a single happy phrase : — ' ' in the proud deep She and her bold Clearchus sweetly sleep In those soft beds of darkness." There is another passage worth quoting as ap- plicable to Walton himself in his old age : — " And he was almost grown a child again, Yet sound in judgment, not impaired in mind, For age had rather the soul's parts refined Than any way infirmed, his wit no less Than 't was in youth, his memory as fresh ; He failed in nothing but his earthly part That tended to its centre, yet his heart Was stUl the same and beat as lustily." And in his preface Walton perfectly describes him- self in describing the real or imaginary author : — • " He was in his time a man generally known and as well beloved ; for he was humble and obliging in his be- havior, a gentleman, a scholar, very innocent and pru- dent; and indeed his whole life was useful, quiet, and virtuous." 86 WALTON I am convinced that "Thealma and Clearclius," whoever may have sketched it, is mainly Walton's as it now stands, and I believe it to be the work of his middle or later life. The gap of five years be- tween the date of the preface and that of publica- tion is hard to explain if we suppose him to have been merely the editor. The hesitation of an au- thor venturing himself, even under an alias, in a new direction, seems a more natural explanation. If he was the author, I cannot agree with Arch- deacon Nares and Sir Harris Nicolas that the arti- fice was very culpable, or that Walton would have thought it so. The evidence internal and external that he was author of the two letters from "a quiet and comfortable [conformable ? ] citizen in London to two busy and factious shopkeepers in Coventry," published in 1680, and signed E. W., seems to me conclusive. Had he attributed to Chalkhill a poem as bad in its morals as "Thealma and Clear- chus " in its verse, it would have been quite another matter. Walton thought the poem good, or he would not have published it ; and the worst harm that could come to Chalkhill would be the reputa- tion of being a bad poet, — not very hard to bear with so many to keep him in countenance, and he safe under the sod for sixty-eight years. Whether author or editor, Walton did not live long to enjoy the mystification or share the suc- cess, if any there were. He wrote his own will in October, 1683 ; and on the 15th December of that year, to borrow the words of his granddaughter's epitaph, written no doubt by himself, he died in the ninetieth year "of his innocency." WALTON 87 In his will there is this remarkable passage: " My worldly estate, which I have nether got by falsehood or flattery, or the extreme creweltyof the law of this nation." This cruelty, I have no doubt, was the po^er which the law put into the hands of evil landlords. On this subject Walton held opinions which, if put in practice, would have prevented the social miseries of Ireland and the consequent political retribution which England is compelled to suffer for them. This is all the more creditable to him because he was by temperament and principle conservative, and not only a friend to that order of the Universe which was by law estab- lished in Church and State, but a lover of it. He tells of a pitiless landlord who was a parishioner of Sanderson, and of Sanderson's successful dealing with him, and adds : — " It may be noted that in this age there are a sort of people so unlike the God of Mercy, so void of the bow- els of pity, that they love only themselves and children, love them so as not to be concerned whether the rest of mankind waste their days in sorrow and shame, — peo- ple that are cursed with riches and a mistake that no- thing but riches 'can make them and theirs happy." The character of Walton's friendships and his fidelity to them when prorogued by death bear am- ple witness to the fine quality of his nature. How amiably human it was he betrays at every turn, yet with all his bonhomie there is a dignity which never forgets itself or permits us to forget it. We may apply to him what he says of Sir Henry Wotton's father: that he was "a man of great 88 WALTON modesty, of a most plain and single heart, of an ancient freedom and integrity of mind," and may say of him, as he says of Sir Henry himself, that he had "a most persuasive behavior." His friends loved to call him "honest Izaak." He speaks of his own "simplicity and harmlessness," arid tells us that his humor was "to be free and pleasant and civilly merry," and that he "hated harsh censures." He makes it a prime quality of the gentleman to be "communicable." He had no love of money, and compassionates those who are "condemned to be rich." He was a staunch royalist and church- man, loved music, painting, good ale, and a pipe, and takes care to tell us that a certain artificial fly " was made by a handsome woman and with a fine hand." But what justifies and ennobles these lower loves, what gives him a special and native aroma like that of Alexander, is that above all he loved the beauty of holiness and those ways of tak- ing and of spending life that make it wholesome for ourselves and our fellows. His view of the world is not of the widest, but it is the Delectable Mountains that bound the prospect. Never surely was there a more lovable man, nor one to whom love found access by more avenues of sympathy. There are two books which have a place by themselves and side by side in our literature, — Walton's "Complete Angler" and White's "Nat- ural History of Selborne;" and they are books, too, which have secured immortality without show- ing any tincture of imagination or of constructive faculty, in the gift of one or the other of which that WALTON 89 distinction commonly lies. They neither stimulate thought nor stir any passionate emotion. If they make us wiser, it is indirectly and without attempt- ing it, by making us more cheerful. The purely literary charm of neither of them will alone au- thorize the place they hold so securely, though, as respects the "Angler," this charm must be taken more largely into account. They cannot be called popular, because they attract only a limited num- ber of readers, but that number is kept full by new recruits in every generation ; and they have survived every peril to which editing could expose them, even the crowning one of illustration. They have this in common, that those who love them find themselves growing more and more to love the au- thors of them too. Theirs is an immortality of affection, perhaps the most desirable, as it is the rarest, of all. I do not mean that there are no books in other languages, and no other books in our own, that invite to a similar intimacy and inspire the same enthusiasm of regard. "Don Quixote" and "Elia" appeal to the memory at once. But in both of these there is also the sorcery of genius, there is the touch of the master, as well as the shy personal attractiveness of the writer. In the two books of which I have been speaking, what prima- rily interests us is the unconscious revelation of the authors' character; and it is through the kindly charm of this and a certain homely inspiration drawn from the sources of every-day experience that they tighten their hold upon us. Nature had endowed these men with the simple skill to make 90 WALTON happiness out of the cheap material that is within the means of the poorest of us. The good fairy- gave them to weave cloth of gold out of straw. They did not waste their time or strive to show their cleverness in discussing whether life were worth living, but found every precious moment of it so without seeking, or made it so without gri- mace, and with no thought that they were doing anything worth remark. Both these books are pre- eminently cheerful books, and have the invaluable secret of distilling sunshine out of leaden skies. They are companionable books, that tempt us out- of-doors and keep us there. The reader of the "Angler" especially finds himself growing con- scious of one meaning in the sixth Beatitude too often overlooked, — that the pure in heart shall see God, not only in some future and far-off sense, but wherever they turn their eyes. I have hesitated to say that Walton had style, because, though that quality, the handmaid of tal- ent and the helpmeet of genius, have left the un- obtrusive traces of its deft hand in certain choicer parts of Walton's writing, — his guest-chambers as it were, — yet it does by no means pervade and reg- ulate the whole. For in a book we feel the influ- ence of style everywhere, though we never catch it at its work, as in a house we divine the neat-handed ministry of woman. Walton too often leaves his sentences in a clutter. But there are other qualities which, if they do not satisfy like style, are yet even more agreeable, draw us nearer to an author, and make us happier in him. "Why try to discover WALTON 91 what the charm of a book is, if only it charm? If I must seek a word that more than any other ex- plains the pleasure which Walton's way of writing gives us, I should say it was its innocency. It re- freshes like the society of children. I do not know whether he had humor, but there are passages that suggest it, as where, after quoting Montaigne's de- lightful description of how he played with his cat, he goes on : " Thus freely speaks Montaigne con- cerning cats," as if he had taken an undue liberty with them ; or where he makes a meteorologist of the crab, that "at a certain age gets into a dead fish's shell, and like a hermit dwells there alone studying the wind and weather; " or where he tells us of the pahner-worm, that "he will boldly and disorderly wander up and down, and not endure to be kept to a diet or fixed to a particular place." And what he says of Sanderson — that "he did put on some faint purposes to marry" — would have arrided Lamb. These, if he meant to be droll, have that seeming inadvertence which gives its highest zest to humor and makes the eye twinkle with furtive connivance. Walton's weaknesses, too, must be reckoned among his other attractions. He praises a meditative life, and with evident sin- cerity ; but we feel that he liked nothing so well as good talk. His credulity leaves front and back door invitingly open. For this I rather praise than censure him, since it brought him the chance of a miracle at any odd moment, and this complacency of belief was but a lower form of the same quality of mind that in more serious questions gave him his 92 WALTON equanimity of faith. And how persuasively beau- tiful that equanimity is ! Heaven was always as real to him as to us are countries we have seen only in the map, and so near that he caught wafts of the singing there when the wind was in the right quar- ter. I must not forget Walton's singular and gen- uine love of Nature and his poetical sympathy with it, less common then than now when "all have got the seed." This love was not in the Ercles vein such as is now in fashion, but tender and true, and expresses itseK not deliberately but in caressing ejaculations, as where he speaks of "the little liv- ing creatures with which the sun and summer adorn and beautify the river-banks and meadows . . . whose life, they say, Nature intended not to exceed an hour, and yet that life is made shorter by other flies or by accident." What far-reaching pity in this concluding sigh, and how keen a sense of the sweetness of life, too ! In one respect, I think, he is peculiar, — his sensitiveness to odors. In enu- merating the recreations of man, he reckons sweet smells among them. It is Venator who says this, to be sure; but in the "Angler " there is absolutely no dramatic sense, and it is always Walton who speaks. A part of our entertainment, indeed, is to see him doubling so many parts and all the while so unmistakably himself. Walton certainly cannot be called original in the sense that he opened new paths to thought or new vistas to imagination. Such men are rare, but al- most as rare are those who have force enough of nature to suffuse whatever they write with their own WALTON 93 individuality and to make a thought fresh again and their own by the addition of this indefinable supplement. This constitutes literary originality, and this Walton had. Whatever entered his mind or memory came forth again plus Izaak Walton. We have borrowed of the Latin mythology the word " genius " to express certain intellectual pow- ers or aptitudes which we are puzzled to define, so elusive are they. I have ah-eady admitted that this term in its ordinary acceptation cannot be applied to Walton. This would imply larger "draughts of intellectual day " than his ever were or could be. For we ordinarily confine it to a single species of power, which seems sometimes (as in Villon, Mar- lowe, and Poe) wholly dissociated from the rest of the man, and continues to haunt the ruins of him with its superior presence as if it were rather a genius loci than the natale comes qui temperat as- trum. In Walton's case, since a Daimon or a Genius would be too lofty for the business, might we not take the Brownie of our own Northern my- thology for the type of such superior endowment as he clearly had? We can fancy him ministered to by such a homely and helpful creature, — not a genius exactly, but answering the purpose sufficiently well, and marking a certain natural distinction in those it singles out for its innocent and sportful com- panionship. And it brings a blessing also to those who treat it kindly, as Walton did. Fortunate senex, ergo tua rura manehunt. MILTON'S "AREOPAGITICA." 1890. DuEiNG the hurly-burly of the English Civil War, which made the bee in every man's bonnet buzz all the more persistently to be let forth, who- ever would now write to his newspaper was driven, for want of that safety-valve, to indite a pamphlet, and, as he believed that the fate of what for the mo- ment was deemed the Universe hung on his opin- ion, was eager to make it public ere the opportune moment should be gone by forever. Every one of these enthusiasts felt as Robert Owen did when he said to Wilberforce, "What, Sir, would you put off the happiness of Mankind till the next ses- sion of Parliament?" Every crotchet and whim- sey, too, became the nucleus of a sect, and, as if Old England could not furnish enough otherwise- mindedness of her own. New England sent over Rogers and Gorton to help in the confusion of tongues. All these sects, since each singly was in a helpless and often hateful minority, were united in the assertion of their right to freedom of opinion and to the uncurtailed utterance of whatever they fancied that opinion to be. Many of them, it should seem, could hardly fail in their mental vag- abondage to stumble upon the principle of universal MILTON'S AREOPAGITICA 95 toleration, but none discovered anything more novel than that Liberty of Prophesying is good for Me and very bad for Thee. It is remarkable how beautiful the countenance of Toleration always looks in this partial view of it, but it is conceivable that any one of these heterodoxies, once in power and 'therefore orthodox, would have buckled round all dissenters the strait-waistcoat yet warm from the- constraint of more precious limbs. Indeed, this inconsistency, so concise a proof of the consist- ency of human nature, was illustrated when the General Court of Massachusetts suppressed the first attempt at a newspaper in 1690, and forbade the printing of anything "without licence first obtained from those appointed by the Government to grant the same." Williams, as was natural in one of his amiable temper, was more generous than the rest, but even he lived long enough to learn that there were politico-theological bores in Rhode Island so sedulous and so irritating that they made him doubt the efficacy of his own nostrum, just as the activity of certain domestic insects might make a Brahmin waver as to the sacredness of life in some of its lower organisms. The prevailing Party had also its jangling mi- norities whose criticisms and arguments and com- plaints it was convenient to suppress, and ac- cordingly Parliament, in June, 1643, passed an Ordinance to restrain unlicensed printing. They had so little learned how to use their newly acquired freedom as to be certain that they could compel other men to the right use of theirs. This is not 96 MILTON'S AREOPAGITICA to be wondered at, for even democracies are a great while in finding out that everything may be left to the instincts of a free people save those instincts themselves, and that these, docile if guided gently, grow mutinous under unskilful driving. Parlia- ment was trying no new experiment, for the press, as if it were an animal likely to run mad and bite somebody at any moment, had been muzzled since Queen Mary's day, but they were trying over again, as men are wont, an experiment that had always failed, and in the nature of things always must fail. Unwise repression made evasion only the more actively ingenious, and gave it that color of right- eousness which is the most dangerous consequence of ill-considered legislation. Counsel was darkened by a swarm of pamphlets surreptitiously brooded in cellars and cocklofts. Fancy sees their authors fluttering round the New Light on dingy quarto wings and learning that Truth incautiously ap- proached can singe as well as shine. Every doc- trine inconceivable by instructed men was preached, and the ghost of every dead and buried heresy did squeak and gibber in the London streets. The right of private misjudgment had been exercised so fantastically on the Scriptures that thoughtful persons were beginning to surmise whether there were not enough explosive material between their covers to shatter any system of government or of society that ever was or will be contrived by man. All this was the natural result of circumstances wholly novel, of a universal ferment of thought or MILTON'S AREOPAGITICA 97 of its many plausible substitutes, entliusiasm, fa- naticism, monomania, and every form of mental and moral bewilderment suddenly loosed from tbe unconscious restraints of traditional order. Tbose who watched the strange intellectual and ethico- political upheaval in New England fifty years ago will be at no loss for parallels to these phenomena. It was a state of things that should have been left to subside, as it had arisen, through natural causes ; but the powers that be always think themselves wiser than the laws of Nature or the axioms of experience. Two formalities were necessary for the lawful publication of any printed sheet. These were the long-established entry at Stationers' Hall and the license required by the new Ordinance. Men in a hurry to save the world before night, dissident as they might be in other respects, were agreed in re- senting these impediments and delays, and this the more, doubtless, because of the fees they exacted. Milton, who had nothing in common with such men except the belief in a divine mission, had in pub- lishing his controversial tracts quietly ignored both the rights of the Stationers and the injunctions of the Ordinance. As respects the Stationers' Com- pany, he should have complied with the law, since entry in theirs register was the only security for copyright, and he believed, as he tells us in his "Iconoclastes," that "every author should have the property in his work reserved to him after death as well as living." It was the infringement of their copyrights by piratical printers during the 98 MILTON'S AREOPAGITICA general confusion, wliicB seems first to have moved the Stationers' Company to protest against the gen- eral violation of the laws controlling the press. Milton's tract on Divorce, published, like others of his before, without license or registry, had made a scandal even among those who regarded a breach of the Seventh Commandment as the only effective liniment for the sprains and bruises of matrimony. And indeed Milton had ventured very far in that dangerous direction where liberty is apt to shade imperceptibly into the warmer hues of license, though not so cynically far as Lady Mary Wortley Montagu afterwards went in her proposed septen- nial rearrangement. The Stationers seized the op- portunity to denounce him twice by name, first to a committee of the Commons, and then to a com- mittee of the Lords. Nothing seems to have come of their complaints, and indeed the attention of both houses must have been too much absorbed by more serious warfare to find time for engaging in this Battle of the Books. Nothing came of them, that is to say, on the part of Parliament, but on Milton's came the "Areopagitica." We are indebted to the painstaking and fruitful researches of Mr. Masson for a more precise know- ledge of the particulars which bring this tract into closer and clearer relations with the personal in- terests of Milton, and some such nearer concern was always needed as a motive to give his prose, in which, as he says, he worked only with his left hand, its fullest energy and vivacity. Nor is this the case with his prose only. It is true also of his MILTON'S AREOPAGITICA 99 verse in those passages whicli are the most charac- teristically his own. Perhaps he himself was dimly conscious of this, for in his "Doctrine and Disci- pline of Divorce " he says that "when points of dif- ficulty are to be discussed, appertaining to the re- moval of unreasonable wrong and burthen from the perplexed life of our brothers, it is incredible how cold,^how dull, and how far from all fellow-feeling we are without the spur of self -concernment." In the "Areopagitica," he was not only advocating certain general principles, but pleading his own cause. The largeness of the theme absolves the egotism of the motive, while this again adds fervor to the argument and penetration to the voice of the advocate. The "Areopagitica" is the best known and most generally liked of Milton's prose writings, because it is the only one concerning whose subject the world has more nearly come to an agreement. In all the others except the tract concerning Educa- tion, and the "History of Britain " in its first edi- tion, there are embers of controversy which the ashes of two centuries cover but have not cooled. There is a passage in his "Second Defence" where Milton speaks of the "Areopagitica " as one section of a tripartite scheme which he had thought out "to the promotion of real and substantial lib- erty." After giving a list of his writings on mat- ters ecclesiastic, he says, "When, therefore, I perceived that there were three species of liberty without which scarcely any life can be completely led, religious, domestic or private, and civil, as I had already written concerning the first, and the 100 MILTON'S AREOPAGITICA magistrates were strenuously active concerning the third, I took to myself the second or domestic. And, as this seemed tripartite, if marriage, if the education of children were to be as they should, if there should be liberty of philosophizing, I set forth my opinion not only concerning the rightful con- tracting of marriage, but also the dissolving thereof, if it should be necessary. ... I then treated more briefly of the education of children in a single small work. . . . And lastly concerning the freeing of the press, lest the judgment of true and false, of what should be published, what suppressed, should be in the power of a few men of little learn- ing and of vulgar judgment, ... I wrote in the proper style of an oration the 'Areopagitica. ' " The sub-title of this work accordingly is "a speech for the liberty of unlicenced printing," but it is much more than this. It is a plea in behalf of freedom of research in all directions (lihertas phi- losophandi), and there is in it implicitly the doc- trine of universal toleration. But Milton's inten- tion had no such scope as that, for it is plain from what he says elsewhere that he would have drawn the line on this side of Popery, of atheism, and most probably of whatever was immediately incon- venient to so firm a believer as he was in the infal- libility of John Milton. Such was the irony of Tate that he himself a few years later became a censor of the press. It was perhaps with an eye to this comic property of the whirligig of Time that he wrote the passage just quoted from the "Second Defence," in which it is implied that some things MILTON'S AREOPAGITICA 101 should be suppressed. But Milton was not incon- sistent with himseK, however he might be so with the principles advocated in the "Areopagitica," as those who have studied his character know. He is never weary of insisting on the Tacitean distinc- tion between liberty and license, and in his "His- tory of Britain " says admirably well "that liberty hath a sharp and double edge fit only to be handled by just and virtuous men : to bad and dissolute it becomes a mischief unwieldy in their own hands." Anfl. if consistency be a jewel, as the proverb af- firms, yet it can only show its best lustre in a suit- able setting of circumstances. Milton was always a champion of freedom as he understood it, a free- dom "not to be won from without, but from within, in the right conduct and administration of life." Toland speaks of him as favoring "the erection of a perfect Democracy," but in truth no man was ever farther from being a democrat in the modern sense than he. The government that he preferred would have been that of a Council chosen by a strictly limited body of constituents and this indi- rectly, their function being only to choose electors who again should make choice of a smaller body, and so on through "a third or fourth sifting and refining of exactest- choice." His scheme aimed at the establishment of something like a Vene- tian Republic without a Doge, his experience of Cromwell apparently having made any monocratic devices distasteful to him. For the "rude multi- tude," as he calls it, he had an unqualified con- tempt, and had no more belief in the divine right 102 MILTON'S AREOPAGITICA of majorities than in that of tyrants. Undoubt- edly when a man of Milton's temperament advo- cated free speech it was with the unconscious men- tal reservation that it should be on the right side, or, at any rate, that it should be speech and not jargon. There is no trustworthy evidence that the "Are- opagitica" produced any immediate effect, unless it may have been indirectly by leavening some small fraction of the sluggish lump of what we should now call public opinion. Interests more immediate and pressing must soon have crowded it out of mind, and in a few years the returning flood of royalism covered it, with the other prose works of Milton, in a deepening ooze of oblivion. So utterly must it have been forgotten that in 1693 Charles Blount boldly plagiarized it imder the new title of " A Just Vindication of Learning and the Liberty of the Press by Philopatris," in which he had the impudence to quote a passage from the very book he was rifling with the condescending- remark "Herein I agree with Mr. Milton," as if it were an exception to his general way of thinking. Whether the tract in this vulgarized form helped forward the cause in behalf of which it was written is matter of conjecture. None of Blount's pam- phlets could have had any considerable vent, for when Gildon published " The Miscellaneous Works of Charles Blount, Esq.," it is evident that he merely bound together the several pieces which made up the volume, putting new title-pages to all save one of them, but leaving the old pagination of MILTON'S AREOPAGITICA 103 each. There must therefore have been enough un- sold copies to serve the needs of this edition. Be this as it may, Blount, by means of a scurvy trick played on the licenser, Bohun, — a trick one is half inclined to forgive because of its genuine humor and its beneficent results, — was the immediate cause of events which led to the final abandonment of the licensing system. A full account of the affair may be found in Macaulay's History, where the facts were for the first time unearthed. Maeaulay, as is his wont in dealing with men whom he dislikes, blackens the character of Blount more than it de- serves, and underrates his ability. He was not an atheist, though, for the point of the historian's an- tithesis, he ought to have been, and he certainly had more than the talents of a third-rate pamphleteer. He did not live to see the triumph of his cause. It would be pleasant to associate Milton even indi- rectly with that triumph, as we might if we could suppose that the " Areopagitica " had first awakened Blount's interest in the freedom of the press. But in point of fact his quarrel with the licensers was an old one, and he merely picked up Milton's tract as he would a handy stone to throw at the dog he was pelting. After an interval of forty years the "Areopagitica" was reprinted with a preface by Themson the poet, when it was proposed once more to put a bridle on the press. It cannot be said that the prose works of Milton have ever been in any sense popular, or read by any public much more numerous than the proof- reader. So far as they are concerned, Milton has 104 MILTON'S AREOPAGITICA had his wish and his audience has only been too few, whether fit or not. They do not appear to have tempted even the omnivorous Coleridge in his maturer years, though traces of their influence may be surmised in his earlier prose. It is curious that no notes upon them are to be found in his "Liter- ary Remains," and but a single brief remark in his "Table-talk," to the effect that Milton's style was better in Latin than in English. I find no evident signs of contagion from them in any great writers of English except Burke, who has caught both their qualities and their defects, unless, in- deed, the likeness spring from their both having modelled themselves on Cicero. Since 1698, when Toland published the first edition of them in Hol- land, they have been only four times reprinted. Nor is this want of interest to be explained by the fact that their matter is mainly contentious and polemical, for they discuss questions whose roots strike deeply into the bedrock of politics and mor- als, and where they find a crevice widen it into an irreconcilable cleavage of opinion. The reason must be sought, then, not so much in their sub- stance as in their method and manner. They are indeed for the most part the impassioned harangues of a supremely eloquent man, full of matter, but careless of the form in which he utters it; rich in learning, but too intent on the constant display of it with the cumbrous prodigality of one to whom such wealth is new. He had no doubt a manner of his own, and boasts that by means of it the au- thorship of his treatise on Divorce was detected MILTON'S AREOPAGITICA 105 when printed anonymously. And in his "Reason of Church -government urged against Prelaty " he says, "Whether aught was imposed me by them that had the overlooking, or betaken to of mine own choice in English or other tongue, prosing or versing, but chiefly by this latter, the style, by certain vital signs it had, was likely to live." Time has proved this to be true of his verse, but not so of his prose. For in truth his prose has no style in the higher sense, as, for instance, the "Religio Medici" has. There are passages, to be sure, which for richness of texture, harmony of tone, and artistic distribution of parts, can hardly be matched in our language, but that equable dis- tinction which is the constant note of his verse is wanting. A sentence builded majestically with every help of art and imagination too often thrusts heavenward from a huddle of vulgar pentices such as used to cluster about mediaeval cathedrals. Never was such inequality. It is as if some tran- scendent voice in mid soar of the Kyrie Eleison should drop into a comic song. His sentences are often loutish and difficult, in controversy he is brutal, and at any the most inopportune moment capable of an incredible coarseness. Let a single instance from his "Reformation in England" suf- fice, where he speaks of "that queasy temper of lidiewarmness that gives a vomit to God himself." 'Jeremy Taylor is often coarse, but never to the degree of disgust. Strangely enough, too, Milton is careless of euphony, seeming to prefer words not only low but harsh, and such cacophonous superla- 106 MILTON'S AREOPAGITICA tives as "virtuousest," "viciousest," "sheepishest," even making the last two hiss in the same sentence. Perhaps he is at his worst when he fancies that he is being playful and humorous (dangerous tight- ropes for an insupportable foot like his), and, as he says in his "Animadversions upon the Remon- strant's Defence," "mixes here and there a grim laughter such as may appear at the same time in an austere visage." Grim laughter it is indeed. Too often also he blusters, and we are forced to condone in him, as he in Luther, "how far he gave way to his own fervent mind." It does not satisfy us to excuse these faults as common to the time, for Milton himself has taught us to expect of him that choice of language and that faultless marshal- ling of it which is of all time, and sometimes even in his prose there are periods which have all the splendor, all the dignity, and all the grave exhila- ration of his verse. Some virtue of his singing- robes seems left, as if they had not long been doffed. As a master of harmony and of easily -maintained elevation in English blank verse Milton has no rival. He was skilled in many tongues and many literatures ; he had weighed the value of words, whether for sound or sense, or where the two may be of mutual help. He surely, if any, was what he calls "a mint-master of language." He must have known, if any ever knew, that even in the "sermo pedestris " there are yet great differences in gait, that prose is governed by laws of modula- tion as exact if not so exacting as those of verse. MILTON'S AREOPAGITICA 107 and that it may conjure with words as prevailingly. The music is secreted in it, yet often more potent in suggestion than that of any verse which is not of utmost mastery. We hearken after it as to a choir in the side chapel of some cathedral heard faintly and fitfully across the long desert of the nave, now pursuing and overtaking the cadences, only to have them grow doubtful again and elude the ear before it has ceased to throb with them. A prose sentence, then, only fulfils its entire func- tion when, as in some passages of the English ver- sion of the Old Testament, its rhythm so keeps time and tune with the thought or feeling that the reader is guided to the accentuation of the writer as securely as if in listening to his very voice. The fifth chapter of the Book of Judges is crowded with these triumphs of well-measured words. Are we not made to see as with our eyes the slow col- lapse of Sisera's body, as life and will forsake it, and then to hear his sudden fall at last in the dull thud of "he fell down dead," where every word sinks lower and lower, to stop short with the last? There are many noble periods in Milton's prose, and they are noble in a way where he is without competitors, for surely he is the most eloquent of Englishmen. But there are a half-dozen men either his contemporaries, or nearly so, whose prose is far more evenly good than his and above all moves with a practised ease in which his is wholly wanting. He prevails even with the ear less often than Browne, and almost never stirs the imagina- tion through the ear as Browne has the art to do. 108 MILTON'S AREOPAGITICA He is too eagerly intent on his argument to lin- ger over the artifices by which it might be more winningly set forth. He has been taxed with Lat- inism, and oddly enough by Doctor Johnson, who I feel sure could not have read any one of his tracts, unless it were the "Areopagitica," for very wrath. He has, it is true, some Latin construc- tions and uses a few words (like "assert," "pre- varicator," "disoblige") in their radical rather than in their derivative meaning, but on the whole his language is less vitiated with verbs taken di- rectly from the Latin than that of most of the writers coeval with him. The much overrated Feltham, for instance, "formicates" with them, as he would have called it, and one might almost learn Latin by reading the "Vulgar Errors." It is Milton's English words rather that seem foreign to us, such as "disgospel," "disworship," "disal- leige," "lossless," "natureless," or "underfoot " and "lifeblood" used as adjectives. Sometimes he ventures on what would now be called an Ameri- canism, as where he tells us of a "loud stench." But the most obvious defect of his prose is, as I have hinted, its want of equanimity. He is not so truly a writer of great prose as a great man writing in prose, and it is really Milton that we seek there more than anything else. He is great enough when we find him to repay a thou- sand-fold what the search may have cost us. And when we meet him at his best, there is something in his commerce that fortifies the mind as only contact with a great character can. He is then a MILTON'S AREOPAGITICA 109 perpetual fountain of highmindedness. In contest witli an adversary lie is brutally willing to strike below the belt, and shows as little magnanimity or fairness as the average editor of an American news- paper in dealing with a political opponent. Even Voltaire, hardened as were his own controversial nerves, was shocked by the nature of the weapons which Milton v/as eager to employ against Morns. But when he recovers possession of his true self, he is so at home among those things that endure, so amply conversant with whatever is of good report, so intimately conscious of a divine presence in a world of doubt and failure and disillusion, and of those spiritual ministrations symbolized by the prophet in the wilderness, that we listen to him as Adam to the angel, and the voice lingers not only in the ear but in the life. Mr. James Grant in his "Newspaper Press" says, drolly enough, of Coleridge, that "there was to the latest hour of his life a tendency, which could not be sufficiently de- plored, to soar into regions of unrevealed truth." It is this lift in Milton, rare enough among men, this undying instinct to soar and tempt us to venture our weaker wing, that gives an incomparable effi- cacy to those parts of his writing in prose that are best inspired. Here we breathe a mountain air in which, as Rousseau says, " a mesure qu'on ap- proche des regions etherees I'ame contracte quelque chose de leur inalterable purete." Nay, even while we are trudging wearily over the low and marish stretches of his discourse, there rises suddenly from before our feet a winged phrase that mounts and 110 MILTON'S AREOPAGITICA carols like a lark, luring tlie mind with it to ampler spaces and a serener atmosphere. It is no small education for the nobler part of us to consort with one of such temper that he could say of himself with truth, "God intended to prove me, whether I durst take up alone a rightful cause against a world of disesteem, and found I durst." And it is the breath of this spirit that pours through the " Areopagitica " as through a trumpet, sounding the charge against whatever is base and recreant, whether in the world about us or in the ambush of our own natures. SHAKESPEARE'S "EICHARD III." AN ADDRESS READ BEFORE THE EDINBURGH PHILOSOPHI- CAL INSTITUTION. 1883. After a general introduction, Mr. Lowell said : — I propose to say a few words on one of the plays usually attributed to Shakespeare, — a play in re- spect of which I .find myself in the position of Peter Bell, seeing little more than an ordinary primrose where I ought, perhaps, to see the plant and flower of light; I mean the play of "Richard III." Hor- ace Walpole wrote "Historic Doubts" concerning the monarch himself, and I shall take leave to express some about the authorship of the drama that bears his name. I have no intention of apply- ing to it a system of subjective criticism which I consider as untrustworthy as it is fascinating, and which I think has often been carried beyond its le- gitimate limits. But I believe it absolutely safe to say of Shakespeare that he never wrote deliberate nonsense, nor was knowingly guilty of defective me- tre ; yet even tests like these I would apply with commendable modesty and hesitating reserve, con- scious that the meaning of words, and still more 112 SHAKESPEARE'S RICHARD III. the associations they call up, have changed since Shakespeare's day; that the accentuation of some was variable, and that Shakespeare's ear may very likely have been as delicate as his other senses. On the latter point, however, I may say in passing, of his versification, which is often used as a test for the period of his plays, that Coleridge, whose sense of harmony and melody was perhaps finer than that of any other modern poet, did not allow his own dramatic verse the same licenses, and I might al- most say the same mystifications, which he esteems applicable in regulating or interpreting that of Shakespeare, ^his is certainly remarkable. For my own part, I am convinced that if we had Shake- speare's plays as he wrote them, — and not as they have come down to us, deformed by the careless hurry of the copiers-out of parts, by the emenda- tions of incompetent actors, and the mishearings of shorthand writers, — I am convinced that we should not find from one end of them to the other a dem- onstrably faulty verse or a passage obscure for any other reason than depth of thought or supersubtlety of phrase. I know that in saying this I am laying myself open to the reproach of applying common sense to a subject which of all others demands uncommon sense for its adequate treatment, — demands per- ception as sensitive and divination as infallible as the operations of that creative force they attempt to measure are illusive and seemingly abnormal. But in attempting to answer a question like that I have suggested, I should be guided by considera- SHAKESPEARE'S RICHARD III. 113 tions far less narrow. We cannot identify printed thoughts by the same minute comparisons that would serve to convict the handwriting of them. To smell the rose is surely quite otherwise convin- cing than to number its petals ; and in estimating that sum of qualities which we call character, we trust far more to general than to particular impres- sions. In guessing at the authorship of an anony- mous book, like Southey's "Doctor" or Bulwer's "Timon," while I might lay some stress on tricks of manner, I should be much less influenced by the fact that many passages were above or below the ordinary level of any author whom I suspected of writing it than by the fact that there was a single passage different in kind from his habitual tone. A man may surpass himself or fall short of him- self, but he cannot change his nature. I woiild not be understood to mean that common sense is always or universally applicable in criticism, — Dr. John- son's treatment of "Lycidas" were a convincing- instance to the contrary; but I confess I find often more satisfactory guidance in the illuniinated and illuminating common sense of a critic like Lessing, making sure of one landmark before he moved for- ward to the next, than in the metaphysical dark lanterns which some of his successors are in the habit of letting down into their own consciousness by way of enlightening ours. Certainly common sense will never suffice for the understanding or enjoyment of "those brave translimary things that the first poets had; " but it is at least a remarkably good prophylactic against mistaking a handsaw for a hawk. 114 SHAKESPEARE'S RICHARD III. What, then, is the nature of the general consid- erations which I think we ought to bear in mind in debating a question like this, — the authenticity of one of Shakespeare's plays? First of all, and last of all, I should put style ; not style in its nar- row sense of mere verbal expression, for that may change and does change with the growth and train- ing of the man, but in the sense of that something, more or less clearly definable, which is always and everywhere peculiar to the man, and either in kind or degree distinguishes him from all other men, — the kind of evidence which, for example, makes us sure that Swift wrote "The Tale of a Tub" and Scott the "Antiquary," because nobody else coidd have done it. Incessu 'patuit dea, and there is a kind of gait which marks the mind as well as the body. But even if we took the word "style " in that narrower sense which would confine it to diction and turn of phrase, Shakespeare is equally incompar- able. Coleridge, evidently using the word in this sense, tells us: "There 's such divinity doth hedge our Shakespeare round that we cannot even imitate his style. I tried to imitate his manner in the ' Remorse, ' and when I had done, I found I had been tracking Beaumont and Fletcher, and Massin- ger instead. It is really very curious." Greene, in a well-known passage, seems to have accused Shakespeare of plagiarism, and there are verses, sometimes even a succession of verses of Greene himself, of Peele, and especially of Marlowe, which are comparable, so far as externals go, with Shakespeare's own. Nor is this to be wondered at SHAKESPEARE'S RICHARD III. 115 in men so nearly contemporary. In fact, I think it is evident that to a certain extent the two mas- ters of versification who trained Shakespeare were Spenser and Marlowe. Some of Marlowe's verses have the same trick of clinging in the ear as Shakespeare's. There is, for instance, that fa- mous description of Helen, or rather the exclama- tion of Faust when he first sees Helen : — '' Was this the face that launched a thousand ships And burned the topless towers of Dium ? " one verse of which, if I am not mistaken, lingered in Shakespeare's ear. But the most characteristic phrases of Shakespeare imbed themselves in the very substance of the mind, and quiver, years after, in the memory like arrows that have just struck and still feel the impulse of the bow. And no whole scene of Shakespeare, even in his 'prentice days, could be mistaken for the work of any other man; for give him room enough, and he is sure to betray himself by some quality which either is his alone, or his in such measure as none shared but, he. I am reminded of a remark of Professor Masson's which struck me a good deal, — that one day, when tired with overwork, he took up Dante, and after reading in it for half an hour or so, he shut the book and found himself saying to himself, " Well, this is literature ! " And I think that this may be applied constantly to the mature Shakespeare, and, in a great measure, to the young Shakespeare. Take a whole scene together, and there are sure to be passages in it of which we can say that they are really literature in that higher meaning of the word. 116 SHAKESPEARE'S RICHARD III. It is usual to divide the works of Shakespeare by periods, but it is not easy to do this with even an approach to precision unless we take the higher qualities of structure as a guide. As he matured, his plays became more and more organisms, and less and less mere successions of juxtaposed scenes, strung together on the thread of the plot. In as- signing periods too positively, I fancy we are apt to be misled a little by the imperfect analogy of the sister art of painting, and by the first and second manners, as they are called, of its great masters. But manual dexterity is a thing of far slower ac- quisition than mastery of language or the knack of melodious versification. The fancy of young poets is apt to be superabundant. It is the imagination that ripens with the judgment, and asserts itself as the shaping power in a deeper sense than belongs to it as a mere maker of pictures when the eyes are shut. Young poets, especially if they are great poets, learn the art of verse early, and their poeti- cal vocabulary sins rather by excess than defect. They can pick up and assimilate what is to their purpose with astonishing rapidity. The "Canzo- niere " of Dante was, at least in part, written before he was twenty -five; and Keats, dying not older than that, left behind him poems that astonish us as much by their maturity of style and their Attic grace of form as they take the ear captive by their music and the fancy by their opaline beauty of phrase. Shakespeare, surely, was as apt a scholar as Keats. Already in the "Venus and Adonis" we find verses quite as gracious in their interlacing SHAKESPEARE'S RICHARD III. 117 movement, and as full, almost, of picturesque sug- gestion, as those of his maturer hand. For exam- ple : — " Bid me discourse, I will enchant thine ear, Or lil^e a fairy trip upon the green, Or like a nymph, with long dishevelled hair, Dance on the sands and yet no footing seen." Shakespeare himself was pleased with these verses, for a famous speech of ^rospero in "The Tempest " has these lines : — " And ye that on the sands with printless feet Do chase the ebbing Neptune, and do fly him When he comes back." I think it is interesting to find Shakespeare improv- ing on a phrase of his own : it is something that nobody else could do. There is even greater excel- lence in the Sonnets — "Let me not to the mar- riage of true minds," and many others. The thing in which we should naturally expect Shakespeare to grow more perfect by practice and observation would be knowledge of stage effect, and skill in presenting his subject in the most telling way. It would be on the side of the dramatist, or of the playwright, perhaps I had better say, rather than on the side of the poet, that we should look for development. To him, as to Moliere, his per- fect knowledge of stage-business gave an enormous advantage. If he took a play in hand to remodel it for his company, it would be the experience of the actor much more than the genius of the poet that would be called into play. His work would lie in the direction probably of curtailment oftener 118 SHAKESPEARE'S RICHARD TIL tlian of enlargement; and though it is probable that in the immaturer plays attributed to him by Heming and Condell in their edition of 1623 a portion, greater or less, may be his, yet it is hard to believe that he can be called their author in any- thing like the same sense as we are sure he is the author of those works in which no other hand can be suspected, because no other hand has ever been capable of such mastery. ^ It must be remembered that we come to the reading of all the plays attributed to Shakespeare with the preconception that they are his. The jug- gler, if he wishes to give us the impression that a sound comes from a certain direction, long before- hand turns our attention that way, makes us expect it thence, and at last we hear it so. This shows the immense power that a persuasion of this kind has over the imagination even in regard to a thing so physical as sound, and in things so metaphysical as the plays of Shakespeare it applies with even more force. If we take up a play thinking it is his, it is astonishing how many things we excuse, and how many things we slur over, and so on, for various reasons not very satisfactory, I think, if strictly cross-examined. How easily a preconceived idea that a play is Shakespeare's may mislead even clever and accomplished men into seeing what they expect to see is proved by the number of believers in Ireland's clumsy forgery of Vortigern. It was precisely on the style, in its narrow sense of lan- guage and versification, that those too credulous persons based their judgment. The German poet SHAKESPEARE'S RICHARD III. 119 and critic, Tieek, believed in the Shakespearean authorship of all the supposititious plays, and in regard to one of them, at least, "The Yorkshire Tragedy," drew his arguments from the diction. Now, so far. as mere words go, the dramatists of Shakespeare's time all drew from the same com- mon fund of vocables. The movement of their verse, so far as it was mechanical, would naturally have many points of resemblance. As an example of the tests sometimes employed and successfully, but which should not be too im- plicitly relied upon, I will mention that which is called the double-ending, where there is a superflu- ous syllable at the end of a line. This is a favor- ite and often tiresome trick of Fletcher's. But Shakespeare also tried it now and then, as in the choruses of "Henry V.," which are among the fin- est examples of his merely picturesque writing. It is possible that the external manner of Shakespeare might have been caught and imitated more or less unconsciously by some of his contem- poraries, as it most certainly was in the next gen- eration, notably by Webster and Shirley. Fletcher was almost Shakespeare's equal in poetic senti- ment; and Chapman rises sometimes nearly to his level in those exultations of passionate seK-con- sciousness to which the protagonists of his tragedies are lifted in the supreme crisis of their fate. But Fletcher's sentiment seems artificial in compari- son, and his fancy never sings at heaven's gate as Shakespeare's so often does, and Chapman's grandeur comes dangerously near to what a friend 120 SHAKESPEARE'S RICHARD III. would call extravagance and an enemy bombast.^ There is a certain dramatic passion in Shakespeare's versification, too, which we find in no other of his coevals except Marlowe, and in him far less con- stantly. Detached verses, I believe, could be cited from far inferior men that might well pass as the handiwork of the great master so far as their merely poetical quality is concerned ; but what I mean by dramatic passion is that in Shakespeare's best and most characteristic work the very verse is inter- penetrated by what is going on in the mind of the speaker, and its movement hastened or retarded by his emotion rather than by the ear and choice of the poet. Yes, single verses, but of other men, might be taken for his, but no considerable sequence of them, and no one of his undoubted plays, taken as a whole, could ever hj any possibility be supposed to be the creation of any other poet. It is something very difficult to define, this im- pression which convinces us without argument and better than all argument, but it would win the ver- dict of whatever jury. If the play of "Cymbeline " had been lost, for example, and the manuscript were to be discovered to-morrow, who would doubt its authorship? Nay, in this case there are short passages, single verses and phrases even, that bear the unmistakable mint-mark of him who alone could ascend the highest heaven of invention; of ^ In Fletcher's Faithful Shepherdess, Amoret tells Perigot that she loves him " Dearly as swallows love the early dawn," which is certainly charming, hut seems much more a felicity of fancy than to touch the more piercing note of passion. SHAKESPEARE'S RICHARD III. 121 that magician of whom Dryden said so truly, "Within that circle none dare tread but he." And it is really curious, I may say in passing, — that verse of Dryden reminds me of it, — that almost all the poets who have touched Shakespeare seem to become inspired above themselves. The poem that Ben Jonson wrote in his memory has a splendor of movement about it that is uncommon with him, — a sort of rapture ; and Dryden wrote nothing finer than what he wrote about the greatest of poets, nor is any other play of his comparable in quality with "All for Love," composed under Shakespeare's immediate and obvious influence. There are three special considerations, three em- inent and singular qualities of Shakespeare, which more than all, or anything else, I think, set him in a different category from his contemporaries ; and it is these that I would apply as tests, not always or commonly, indeed, to single verses or scenes, but to the entire play. It has been said, with truth, of Byron, that there is no great poet who so often falls below himseK, and this is no doubt true, within narrower limits, of Shakespeare; but I do not think it would be easy to find a whole scene in any of his acknowledged plays where his mind seems at dead low tide throughout, and lays bare its shallows and its ooze. The first of the three characteristics of which I speak is his incompara- ble force and delicacy of poetic expression, which can never keep themselves hidden for long, but flash out from time to time like those pulses of pale flame with which the sky throbs at unprophe- 122 SHAKESPEARE'S RICHARD III. siable intervals, as if in involuntary betrayal of the coming Northern Lights. Such gleams occur in "Love's Labour's Lost," and still more frequently in "A Midsummer -Night's Dream;" and here I choose my examples designedly from plays which are known to be early, and provably early, though it would be perfectly fair, since it is with natural and not acquired qualities that we are concerned, to pick them from any of his plays. Especially noteworthy, also, I think, are those passages in which a picturesque phrase is made the vehicle, as it were by accident, of some pregnant reflection or profound thought, as, for instance, in " A Midsum- mer-Night's Dream," where Theseus says: — " The lunatic, the lover, and the poet Are of imagination all compact." In all his plays we have evidence that he could not long keep his mind from that kind of overflow. I think it is sometimes even a defect that he is apt to be turned out of his direct course by the first metaphysical quibble, if I may so call it, that pops up in his path; but these, of course, are not the things by which we can judge him. One of the surest of these detective clews is this continual cropping-up (Goethe would have called it intrusion) of philosophical or metaphysical thought in the midst of picturesque imagery or passionate emotion, as if born of the very ecstasy of the language in which it is uttered. Take, for example, a passage from "The Two Noble Kins- men " which has persuaded nearly all critics that Shakespeare had a hand in writing that play. It SHAKESPEARE'S RICHARD III. 123 is Arcite's invocation of Mars. Observe how it begins with picture, and then deepens down into a condensed statement of all the main arguments that can be urged in favor of war : — " Thou mighty one that with thy power hast turned Green Neptune into purple ; whose approach Comets forewarn ; whose havoc in vast field Unearthed skulls proclaim ; whose breath blows down The teeming Ceres' f oison ; who dost pluck With hand armipotent from forth blue clouds The masoned turrets . . . O great corrector of enormous times, Shaker of o'er-rank States, thou grand decider Of dusty and old titles, that heal'st with blood The earth when it is sick, and cur'st the world O' th' plurisy of people ! " The second characteristic, of which I should ex- pect to see some adumbration, at least, in any un- mistakable work of Shakespeare would be humor, in which itself, and in the quality of it, he is perhaps more unspeakably superior to his contemporaries than in some other directions, — I mean in the power of pervading a character with humor, creating it out of humor, so to speak, and yet never overstep- ping the limits of nature or coarsening into carica- ture. In this no man is or ever was comparable with him but Cervantes. Of this humor we have something more than the premonition in some of his earliest plays. A third characteristic of Shakespeare is elo- quence; and this, of course, we expect to meet with, and do meet with, more abundantly in the historical and semi-historical plays than in those where the intrigue is more private and domestic. 124 SHAKESPEARE'S RICHARD III. If I were called upon to name any one mark more distinctive than another of Shakespeare's work, it would be this. I do not mean mere oratory, as in Antony's speech over the body of Caesar, but an eloquence of impassioned thought finding vent in vivid imagery. The speeches seem not to be composed, — they grow ; thought budding out of thought, and image out of image, by what seems a natural law of development, but by what is no doubt some subtler process of association in the speaker's mind, always gathering force and impet- uosity as it goes, from its own very motion. Take as examples the speeches of Ulysses in "Troilus and Cressida." I think these are the three qualities — sub- tlety of poetic expression, humor, and eloquence — which we should expect to find in a play of Shakespeare's, and especially in an historical play. Of each and all of these we find less in "Eichard III.," as it appears to me, than in any other of his plays of equal pretensions ; for although it is true that in "Richard II." there is no humorous char- acter, the humor of irony is many times present in the speeches of the king after his dethrone- ment. There is a gleam of humor here and there in "Richard III.," as where Richard rebukes Buckingham for saying "'zounds," — " do not swear, my Lord of Buckingham. ; " and there are many other Shakespearean touches; but the play as a whole appears to me always less than it should be, except in scenic effectiveness, to SHAKESPEARE'S RICHARD III. 125 be reckoned a work from Shakespeare's brain and hand alone, or even mainly, — less in all the qual- ities and dimensions that are most exclusively and characteristically his. This I think to be conclu- sive, for, as 'Goethe says very truly, if there be any defect in the most admirable of Shakespeare's plays, it is that they are more than they should be. The same great critic, speaking of his "Henry IV.," says with equal truth "that, were everything else that has come down to us of the same kind lost, [the arts of] poesy and rhetoric could be re- created out of it." The first impression made upon us by "Richard III." is that it is thoroughly melodramatic in con- ception and execution. Whoever has seen it upon the stage knows that the actor of Richard is sure to offend against every canon of taste laid down by Hamlet in his advice to the players. He is sure to tear his passion to rags and tatters ; he is sure to split the ears of the groundlings ; and he is sure to overstep the modesty of nature with every one of his stage strides. Now, it is not impossible that Shakespeare, as a caterer for the public taste, may have been willing that the groundlings as well as other people should help to fill the coffers of his company, and that the right kind of attraction should accordingly be offered them. It is therefore conceivable that he may have retouched or even added to a poor play which had already proved popular; but it is not conceivable that he should have written an entire play in violation of those principles of taste which we may deduce more or less clearly from everything he wrote. 126 SHAKESPEARE'S RICHARD TIL Then, again, Shakespeare's patriotism is charac- teristic of his plays. It is quite as intense as that of Burns ; and in a play dealing with a subject like that of "Richard III." one would expect to see this patriotism show itself in a rather more pro- nounced manner than usual, because the battle of Bos worth Field, with which the play ends, ended also a long and tragic series of wars, and estab- lished on the throne the grandfather of the sov- ereign who was reigning when the play was put upon the stage. Now there is one allusion, a sort of prophetic allusion, in this play to the succession of Henry VII. 's descendants to the throne; but if you compare it with the admirable way in which Shakespeare — I grant he was then older and his faculties more mature — has dealt with a similar matter in "Macbeth," in the second scene with the witches, which impresses our imagination al- most as much as it does that of the usurper him- self ; if we consider, moreover, that in the play of "Richard III." there is an almost ludicrous proces- sion of ghosts, — for there are eleven of them who pass through, speaking to Richard on the right and to Richmond on the left, — and . if we compare this with Shakespeare's treatment of the supernat- ural in any of his undoubted plays, I think we shall feel that the inferiority is not one of degree, but one of kind. I cannot conceive how anybody should believe that Shakespeare wrote the two speeches which are made to their armies by Richard and Richmond respectively. That of Richard is by far the better. 1 SHAKESPEARE'S RICHARD III. 127 and has something of the true Shakespearean ring in it, something of his English scorn for the up- start and the foreigner, notably where he calls Richmond " A' milksop, one that never in his life Felt so much cold as over shoes in snow," but that of his antagonist falls ludicrously flat to shame his worshippers. Compare it with the speech of Henry V. under the walls of Harfleur, or his reply to Westmoreland. I can conceive almost anything of Shakespeare except his being dull through a speech of twenty lines. I do not think he is ever that. He may be hyperbolical; he may be this, that, or the other; but whatever it is, his fault is not that he is didl. If it were not so late, I would read to you a passage from an earlier play, — the speech of Gaunt in "Richard II.;" and I am glad to refer to this, because it shows in part that eloquence and that intensity of patriotism which display themselves whenever they can find or make an opportunity. If Shakespeare undertook to remodel an already existing piece, we should expect to find his hand in the opening scene — for in these his skill is al- ways noticeable in arresting attention and exciting interest. Richard's soliloquy at the beginning of the play may be his in part, though there is a clumsiness in Richard's way of declaring himself a scoundrel, and in the reasons he gives for being one, which is helplessly ridiculous. He says : — " And therefore — since I cannot prove a lover, To entertain these fair, well-spoken days — 128 SHAKESPEARE'S RICHARD III. I am determined to prove a villain, And hate the idle pleasures of these days." And yet in the very next scene he wooes and wins Anne, though both she and Elizabeth had told him very frankly that they knew he was a devil. It would be a mistake to compare this betraying of himself by Richard with the cynical and almost in- decent frankness of lago. lago was an Italian of the Renaissance as Shakespeare might have divined him through that penetrating psychology of his; and I have been told that even now Italians who see Salvini's version of Othello sympathize rather with lago than with the Moor, whom they consider to be a dull-witted fellow, deserving the dupery of which he was the victim. Nevertheless "Richard III." is a most effective acting play. There are, certainly, what seem to be unmistakable traces of Shakespeare in some of the worst scenes, though I am not sure that if the play had been lost, and should be discovered in our day, this would pass without question. The solil- oquy of Clarence can hardly be attributed to any other hand, and there are gleams from time to time that look like manifest records of his kindling touch. But the scolding mob of widow queens, who make their billingsgate more intolerable by putting it into bad blank verse, and the childish procession of eleven ghosts seem to me very little in Shakespeare's style. For in nothing, as I have said, is he more singular and preeminent than in his management of the supernatural. I find that my time has got the better of me. SHAKESPEARE'S RICHARD III. 129 I shall merely ask you to read "Richard III." with attention, and with a comparison such as I have hinted at between this and other plays which are most nearly contemporary with it, and I there- fore shall not trouble you with further passages. It seems to me that an examination of "Rich- ard III." plainly indicates that it is a play which Shakespeare adapted to the stage, making addi- tions, sometimes longer and sometimes shorter ; and that, towards the end, either growing weary of his work or pressed for time, he left the older author, whoever he was, pretty much to himself. It would be interesting to follow out minutely a question of this kind, but that would not be possible within the limits of an occasion like this. It will be enough if I have succeeded in interesting you to a certain extent in a kind of discussion that has at least the merit of withdrawing us for a brief hour from the more clamorous interests and questions of the day to topics which, if not so important, have also a perennial value of their own. While I believe in the maintenance of classical learning in our universities, I never open my Shake- speare but I find myseK wishing that there might be professorships established for the expounding of his works as there used to be for those of Dante in Italy. There is nothing in all literature so stimu- lating and suggestive as the thought he seems to drop by chance, as if his hands were too full; no- thing so cheery as his humor ; nothing that laps us in Elysium so quickly as the lovely images which he marries to the music of his verse. He is also a 130 SHAKESPEARE'S RICHARD III. great master of rhetoric in teaching ns what to fol- low, and sometimes quite as usefully what to avoid. I value him above all for this : that for those who know no language but their own there is as much intellectual training to be got from the study of his works as from that of the works of any, I had al- most said all, of the great writers of antiquity. THE STUDY OF MODERN LANGUAGES.i 1889. Three years ago I was one of those who gath- ered in the Sanders Theatre to conunemorate the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of a college founded to perpetuate living learning chiefly by the help of three dead languages, the Hebrew, the Greek, and the Latin. I have given them that order of precedence which they had in the minds of those our pious founders. The Hebrew came first because they believed that it had been spoken by God himseK, and that it would have been the common speech of mankind but for the judicial in- vention of the modern languages at Shinar. Greek came next because the New Testament was written in that tongue, and Latin last as the interpreter between scholars. Of the men who stood about that fateful cradle swung from bough of the prime- val forest, there were probably few who believed that a book written in any living language could itself live. For nearly tv/o himdred years no modern Ian- guage was continuously and systematically taught here. In the latter half of the last century a stray 1 An address before the Modem Language Association of America. 132 STUDY OF MODERN LANGUAGES Frenchman was caught now and then, and kept as long as he could endure the baiting of his pupils. After failing as a teacher of his mother-tongue, he commonly turned dancing-master, a calling which public opinion seems to have put on the same in- tellectual level with the other. Whatever haphaz- ard teaching of French there may have been was, no doubt, for the benefit of those youth of the better classes who might go abroad after taking their degrees. By hook or by crook some enthusi- asts managed to learn German,^ but there was no official teacher before Dr. Follen about sixty years ago. When at last a chair of French and Spanish was established, it was rather with an eye to com- merce than to culture. It indicates a very remarkable, and, I think, wholesome change in our way of looking at things that I should now be addressing a numerous So- ciety composed wholly of men engaged in teaching thoroughly and scientifically the very languages once deemed unworthy to be taught at all except as a social accomplishment or as a commercial subsidiary. There are now, I believe, as many teachers in that single department of Harvard College as sufficed for the entire undergraduate course when I took my first degree. And this change has taken place within two generations. ^ Mr. George Bancroft told me that he learned German of Professor Sydney Willard, who, himself self-taught, had no notion of its pronunciation. One instructor in French we had, a little more than a century ago, in Albert Gallatin, a Swiss, afterwards eminent as a teacher in statesmanship and diplomacy. There was no regularly appointed tutor in French before 1806. 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