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 VITA 
 CARIORI 
 FILIOLAE 
 
 PRISCILLAE 
 
 SACRUM 
 
THE AGE 
 OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 BY 
 
 PRESERVED SMITH. Ph.D. 
 
 Tfy^^FW% 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY 
 
s 
 

 COPYKIOHT, 1920 
 BT 
 
 Heshy Holt and Compant 
 
 June, IQ30 
 
 PRINTED IN U.S.A. 
 
V 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 The excuse for writing another history of the Refpr- 
 mation is the need for putting that movement in its 
 proper relations to the economic and intellectual revo- 
 lutions of the sixteenth century. The labor of love 
 necessary for the accomplishment of this task has em- 
 ployed most of my leisure for the last six years and 
 has been my companion through vicissitudes of sorrow 
 and of joy. A large part of the pleasure derived from 
 the task has come from association with friends who 
 have generously put their time and thought at my 
 disposal. First of all, Professor Charles H. Haskins, 
 of Hansard, having read the whole in manuscript 
 and in proof with care, has thus given me the un- 
 stinted benefit of his deep learning, and of his ripo 
 and sane judgment. Next to him the book owes most to 
 my kind friend, the Rev. Professor William Walker 
 Rockwell, of Union Seminary, who has added to the 
 many other favors he has done me a careful revision 
 of Chapters I to VIII, Chapter XIV, and a part of 
 Chapter IX. Though unknown to me personally, the 
 Rev. Dr. Peter Guilday, of the Catholic University 
 of Washington, consented, with gracious, character- 
 istic urbanity, to read Chapters VI and VIII and a 
 part of Chapter I. I am grateful to Professor N. S. 
 B. Gras, of the University of Minnesota, for reading 
 that part of the book directly concerned with economics 
 (Chapter XI and a part of Chapter X) ; and to Pro- 
 fessor Frederick A. Saunders, of Han'ard, for a like 
 service in technical revision of the section on science 
 in Chapter XII. While acknowledging with hearty 
 thanks the priceless services of these eminent scholars, 
 
vi K1EFACE 
 
 it is only fair to relieve them of all responsibility for 
 any rash statements that may have escaped their 
 scrutiny, as well as for any conclusions from which 
 they might dissent. 
 
 For information about manuscripts and rare books 
 in Europe my thanks are due to my kind friends : Mr. 
 P. S. Allen, Librarian of Merton College, Oxford, the 
 so successful editor of Erasmuses Epistles; and Pro- 
 fessor Carrington Lancaster, of Johns Hopkins Uni- 
 versity. To several libraries I owe much for the use 
 of books. My friend, Professor Robert S. Fletcher, 
 Librarian of Amlierst College, has often sent me vol- 
 umes from that excellent store of books. My sister, 
 Professor Winifred Smith, of Vassar College, has 
 added to many loving services, this: that during my 
 four years at Poughkeepsie, I was enabled to use the 
 Vassar library. For her good offices, as well as for 
 the kindness of the librarian. Miss Amy Reed, my 
 thanks. My father, the Rev. Dr. Henry Preserved 
 Smith, professor and librarian at Union Theological 
 Seminary, has often sent me rare books from that li- 
 brary ; nor can I mention this, the least of his favors, 
 without adding that I owe to him much both of the in- 
 spiration to follow and of the means to pursue a schol- 
 ar's career. My thanks are also due to the libraries of 
 Columbia and Cornell for the use of books. But the 
 work could not easily have been done at all without 
 the facilities offered by the Harvard Library. When 
 I came to Cambridge to enjoy the riches of this store- 
 house, I found the great university not less hospitable 
 to the stranger within her gates than she is prolific in 
 great sons. After I was already deep in debt to the 
 librarian, Mr. W. C. Lane, and to many of the pro- 
 fessors, a short period in the service of Harvard, as 
 lecturer in history, has made me feel that I am no 
 longer a stranger, but that I can count myself, in 
 
PREFACE vii 
 
 some sort, one of her citizens and foster sons, at least 
 a dimidiatiis alumnus. 
 
 This book owes more to my wife than even she per- 
 haps quite realizes. Not only has it been her study, 
 since our marriage, to give me freedom for my work, 
 but her literary advice, founded on her o^vn experience 
 as writer and critic, has been of the highest value, and 
 she has carefully read the proofs. 
 
 Preseeved Smith. 
 Cambridge, 
 Massachusetts, 
 May 16, 1920. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Chapter I. The Old and the New 3 
 
 1. The World. Economic changes in the later ^liddle Ages. 
 Rise of the bourgeoisie. Nationalism. Individualism. 
 Inventions. Printing. E.vploration. Universities. 
 
 2. The Church. The papacy. The Councils of Constance and 
 Basle. Savonarola. 
 
 3. Causes of the Reformation. Corruption of the church not 
 a main cause. Condition of the church. Indulgencea. 
 
 Growth of a new type of lay piety. Clash of the new 
 spirit with old ideals. 
 
 4. The Mystics. The German Theology. Tauler. The Imita- 
 
 tion of Christ. 
 
 5. The Pre-reformers. Waldenses. Occam. Wyclif. Huss. 
 
 6. Nationalizins; the churches. The P^cclesia Anglicana. The 
 
 Galilean Church. German church. The Gravamina. 
 
 7. The Humanists. Valla. Pico della Mirandola. Lef6vre 
 
 d'fitaples. Colet. Reuchlin. Epistolae Obscurorum 
 Virorum. Hutten. Erasmus. 
 
 Chapter II. Germany 62 
 
 1. The Leader. Luther's early life. Justification by faith 
 
 only. The IsinetyfiTe The.'ies. The Leipzig Debate. 
 Revolutionary Pamphlets of 1520. 
 
 2. The Revolution. Condition of Germany. Maximilian I. 
 
 Charles V. The bull Exsurge Domine burned by Luther. 
 Luther at Worms and in the Wartburg. Turmoil of the 
 radicals. The Revolt of the Knights. Efforts at Reform 
 at the Diets of Nuremberg 1522-4. Tfie Peasants' Re- 
 volt : economic causes, propaganda, course of the war. 
 suppression. 
 
 3. Formation of the Protestant Party. Defection of the radi- 
 
 cals: the Anabaptists. Defection of the intellectuals: 
 Erasmus. The Sacramentarian Schism: Zwingli. 
 Growth of the Lutheran party among the upper and 
 middle classes. Luther's ecclesiastical polity. Accession 
 of many Free Cities, of Ernestine Saxony, Hesse, Prussia. 
 Balance of Power. The Recess of Spires 1529; the 
 Protest. 
 
 4. Growth of Protestantism until the death of Luther. Diet 
 
 of Augsburg 1530: the Confession. Accessions to the 
 Protestant cause. Religious negotiations. Luther's last 
 years, death and character. 
 
 5. Relisrious War and Religious Peace. The Schmalkaldic 
 
 VVar. The Interim. The Peace of Augsburg 1555. 
 Catholic reaction and Protestant schisms. 
 
 6. Note on Scandinavia, Poland and Hungary. 
 
X CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Chapter III. Switzerland . . . . -.- . •. , 146 
 
 1. Zwingli. The Swiss Confederacy. Preparation for the 
 
 Reformation. Zwingli's early life. Eeformation at 
 Zurich. Defeat of Cappel. 
 
 2. Calvin. Farel. Calvin's early life. The Institutes of the 
 
 Christian Religion. Reformation at Geneva. Theocracy. 
 The Libertines. Servetus. Character and influence of 
 Calvin. 
 
 Chapter IV. France 182 
 
 1. Renaissance and Reformation. Condition of France. 
 
 Francis I. War with Charles. The Christian Renais- 
 sance. Lutheranism. Defection of the humanists. 
 
 2. The Calvinist Party. Henry II. Expansion of France. 
 
 Growth and persecution of Calvinism. 
 
 3. The Wars of Religion. Catharine de' M^dicis. Massacre 
 
 of Vassy. The Huguenot rebellion. Massacre of St. 
 Bartholomew. The League. Henry IV. Edict of 
 Nantes. Failure of Protestantism to conquer France. 
 
 Chapter V. The Netherlands 234 
 
 1. The Lutheran Reform. The Burgundian State. Origins 
 
 of the Reformation. Persecution. The Anabaptists. 
 
 2. The Calvinist Revolt. National feeling against Spain. 
 
 Financial difficulties of Philip II. Egmont and William 
 of Orange. The new bishoprics. The Compromise. The 
 "Beggars." Alva's reign of terror. Requesens. Siege 
 of Leyden. The Revolt of the North. Division of the 
 Netherlands. Farnese. The Dutch Republic. 
 
 Chapter VI. England 277 
 
 1. Henry VIII and the National Church. Character of Henry 
 
 Vlil. Foreign policy. Wolsey. Early Lutheranism. 
 Tyndale's New Testament. Tracts. Anticlerical feeling. 
 Divorce of Catharine of Aragon. The Submission of the 
 Clergy. The Reformation Parliament 1529-36. Act in 
 Restraint of Appeals. Act of Succession. Act of Su- 
 premacy. Cranmer. Execution of More. Thomas Crom- 
 well. Dissolution of the monastewes. Union of England 
 and Wales. Alliance with the Schmalkaldic League. 
 Articles of Faith. The Pilgrimage of Grace. Catholic 
 reaction. War. Bankruptcy. 
 
 2. The Reformation under Edward VI. Somerset Regent. 
 
 Repeal of the treason and heresy laws. Rapid growth of 
 Protestant opinion. The Book of Common Prayer. So- 
 cial disorders. Conspiracy of Northumberland and Suf- 
 folk. 
 
 3. The Catholic reaction under Mary. Proclamation of Queen 
 
 Jane. Accession and policy of Mary. Repeal of Tveform- 
 ing Acts. Revival of Treason Laws. The Protestant 
 Martyrs. 
 
CONTENTS xi 
 
 PAGE 
 
 4. The Elizabethan Settlement 1558-88. Policy of Elizabeth. 
 
 Respective numbers of Catholics and Protestants. Con- 
 version of the masses. The Thirty-nine Articles. The 
 Church of P^ngland. Underhand war with Spain. Re- 
 bellion of the Northern Earls. Execution of Mary 
 Stuart. The Armada. The Puritans. 
 
 5. Ireland. 
 
 Chapter VII. Scotland 350 
 
 Backward condition of Scotland. Relations with Enfjland. 
 Cardinal Beaton. John Knox. Battle of Pinkie. Knox 
 in Scotland. The Common Band. Iconoclasm. Treaty 
 of Edinburgh. The Religious Revolution. Confession of 
 Faith. Queen Mary's crimes and deposition. Results of 
 the Reformation. 
 
 Chapter VIII. The Counter-Reformation . . . 371 
 
 1. Italy. The pasran Renaissance; the Christian Renaissance. 
 
 Sporadic Lutheranism. 
 
 2. The Papacy 1521-90. The Sack of Rome. Reforms. 
 
 3. The Council of Trent. First Period (1545-7). Second 
 
 Period (1551-2). Third Period (1562-3). Results. 
 
 4. The Company of Jesus. New monastic orders. Loyola. 
 
 The Spiritual Exercises. Rapid growth and successes of 
 the Jesuits. Their final failure. 
 
 5. The Inquisition and the Index. The medieval Inquisition. 
 
 The Spanish Inquisition, The Roman Inquisition. Cen- 
 sorship of the press. The Index of Prohibited Books. 
 
 Chapter IX. The Iberian Peninsula and the Expan- 
 sion OF Europe 425 
 
 1. Spain. Unification of Spain under Ferdinand and Isabella. 
 
 Charles V. Revolts of the Communes and of the Her- 
 mandad. Constitution of Spain. The Spanish empire. 
 Philip II. The war with the Moriscos. The Armada. 
 
 2. Exploration. Columbus. Conquest of Mexico and of Peru. 
 
 Circumnavigation of the globe. Portuguese exploration 
 to the East. Brazil. Decadence of Portugal. Russia. 
 The Turks. 
 
 Chapter X. Social Conditions 451 
 
 1. Population. 
 
 2. Wealth and Prices. Increase of wealth in modern times. 
 
 Prices and wages in the Sixteenth Century. Value of 
 money. Trend of prices. 
 
 3. Social Institutions. The monarchy, the Coimcil of state, 
 
 the Parliament. Public finance. Maintenance of Order. 
 Sumptuary laws and "blue laws." The army. The navy. 
 
 4. Private life and manners. The nobility, the professions; 
 
 the clergy. The city, the house, dress, food, drink. 
 Sports. Manners. Morals. Position of Women. 
 Health. 
 
xii CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Chapter XI. The Capitalistic Revolution . . . 515 
 
 1. The Rise of the Power of Money. Rise of capitalism. 
 
 Banking. Mining. Commerce. Manufacture. Agri- 
 culture. 
 
 2. The Rise of the Money Power. Ascendancy of the bour- 
 
 geoisie over the nobility, clergy, and proletariat. Class 
 wars. Regulation of Labor. Pauperism. 
 
 Chapter XII. Main Currents op Thought . . . 563 
 
 1. Biblical and classical scholarship. Greek and Hebrew 
 
 Bibles. Translations. The classics. The vernaculars. 
 
 2. History. Humanistic history and church history. 
 
 3. Political theory. The state as power: Machiavelli. Con- 
 
 stitutional liberty: Erasmus, Luther, Calvin, Hotman, 
 Mornay, Bodin, Buchanan. R:idicals: the Utopia. 
 
 4. Science. Inductive method. Mathematics. Zoiilogj'. 
 
 Anatomy. Physics. Geography. Astronomy; Coper- 
 nicus. Reform of the calendar. 
 
 5. Philosophy. The Catholic and Protestant thinkers. Skep- 
 
 tics. Effect of the Copemican theory: Bruno. 
 
 Chapter XIII. The Temper of the Times .... 641 
 
 L Tolerance and Intolerance. Effect of the Renaissance and 
 Reformation. 
 
 2. Witchcraft. Causes of the mania. Protests against it. 
 
 3. Education. Schools. Effect of the Reformation. Univer- 
 
 sities. 
 
 4. Art. The ideals expressed. Painting. Architecture. 
 
 Music. Effect of the Reformation and Counter-reforma- 
 tion. 
 
 5. Reading. Number of books. Typical themes. Greatness 
 
 of the Sixteenth Century. 
 
 Chapter XIV. The Reformation Interpreted . . 699 
 
 1. The Religious and Political Interpretations. Burnet, Bos- 
 
 suet, Sleidan, Sarpi. 
 
 2. The Rationalist Critique. Montesquieu, Voltaire, Robert- 
 
 son, Hume, Gibbon, (Joethe, Lessing. 
 
 3. The Liberal-Romantic Appreciation. Heine, Michelet, 
 
 Froude, Hegel, Ranke, Buckle. 
 
 4. The Economic and Evolutionary Interpretations. Marx, 
 
 Lamprecht, Berger, Weber, Nietzsche, Troeltsch, Santa- 
 yana, Harnack, Beard, Janssen, Pastor, Acton. 
 
 6. Concluding Estimate. 
 
 Bibliography . 751 
 
 Inde^ , , , , 819 
 
THE AGE OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 \ 
 
CHAPTER I 
 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 § 1. The World 
 
 Though in some sense every age is one of transition 
 and over}' generation sees the world remodelled, there 
 sometimes comes a change so startling and profound 
 that it seems like the beginning of a new season in the 
 world's great year. The snows of winter melt for 
 weeks, the cold winds blow and the cool rains fall, and 
 we see no change until, almost within a few days, the 
 leaves and blossoms put forth their verdure, and the 
 spring has come. 
 
 Such a change in man's environment and habits as 
 the world has rarely seen, took place in the generation 
 that reached early manhood in the year 1500. In the- 
 span of a single life — for convenience let us take that ' 
 of Luther for our measure — men discovered, not in 
 metaphor but in sober fact, a new heaven and a new 
 earth. In those days masses of men began to read 
 many books, multiplied by the new art of j^rinting. In 
 those days immortal artists shot the world through 
 with a matchless radiance of color and of meaning. 
 In those days Vasco da Gama and Columbus and Ma- 
 gellan opened the watery ways to new lands beyond 
 the seven seas. In those days Copernicus established 
 the momentous truth that the earth was but a tiny 
 planet spinning around a vastly greater sun. In those 
 days was in large part accomplished the economic 
 shift from medieval gild to modern production by cap- 
 ital and wages. In those days wealth was piled up in 
 the coffers of the merchants, and a new power was 
 
 1483-1546 
 
THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 Antece- 
 dents of the 
 Reforma- 
 tion 
 
 Economic 
 
 given to the life of the individual, of the nation, and of 
 the third estate. In those days the monarchy of the 
 Eoman church was broken, and large portions of her 
 dominions seceded to form new organizations, gov- 
 erned by other powers and animated by a different 
 spirit. 
 
 Other generations have seen one revolution take 
 place at a time, the sixteenth century saw three, the 
 Eise of Capitalism, the end of the Renaissance, and the 
 beginning of the Reformation. All three, interacting, 
 modifying each other, conflicting as they sometimes 
 did, were equally the consequences, in different fields, 
 of antecedent changes in man's circumstances. All 
 life is an adaptation to environment; and thus from 
 every alteration in the conditions in which man lives, 
 usually made by his discovery of new resources or of 
 hitherto unknown natural laws, a change in his habits 
 of life must flow. ^ Every revolution is but an adjust- 
 ment to a fresh situation, intellectual or material, or 
 both. ."-^ 
 
 Certainly, economic and psychological factors were 
 alike operative in producing the three revolutions. 
 The most general economic force was the change from 
 ''natural economy" to ''money economy," i. e. from a 
 society in which payments were made chiefly by ex- 
 change of goods, and by services, to one in v/hich money 
 was both the agent of exchange and standard of value. 
 In the Middle Ages production had been largely co- 
 operative; the land belonged to the village and w^as 
 apportioned out to each husbandman to till, or to all in 
 common for pasture. Manufacture and commerce 
 were organized by the gild — a society of equals, with 
 the same course of labor and the same reward for 
 each, and with no distinction save that founded on sen- 
 iority — apprentice, workman, master-workman. But 
 in the later Middle Ages, and more rapidly at their 
 
THE WORLD 5 
 
 close, this system broke down under the necessity for 
 larger capital in production and the possibility of sup- 
 plying it by the increase of wealth and of banking tech- 
 nique that made possible investment, rapid turn-over 
 of capital, and corporate partnership. The increase 
 of wealth and the changed mode of its production has 
 been in large part the cause of three developments 
 which in their turn became causes of revolution: the 
 rise of the bourgeoisie, of nationalism, and of in- 
 dividualism. 
 
 Just as the nobles wore wearing away in civil strife < The 
 and were seeing their castles shot to pieces by cannon, """"s^*^"® 
 just as the clergy were wasting in supine indolence 
 and were riddled by the mockery of humanists, there 
 arose a new class, eager and able to take the helm of 
 civilization, the moneyed men of city and of trade. 
 Nouveaux riches as they were, they had an appetite for 
 pleasure and for ostentation unsurpassed by any, a 
 love for the world and an impatience of the meek and 
 lowly church, with her ideal of poverty and of chastity. 
 In their luxurious and leisured homes they sheltered 
 the arts that made life richer and the philosophy, or 
 religion, that gave them a good conscience in the work 
 they loved. Both Renaissance and Reformation were 
 dwellers in the cities and in the marts of commerce. 
 
 It was partly the rise of the third estate, but partly National 
 also cultural factors, such as the perfecting of the 
 modern tongues, that made the national state one of 
 the characteristic products of modem times. Com- 
 merce needs order and strong government; the men 
 who paid the piper called the tune; police and profes- 
 sional soldiery made the state, once so racked by 
 feudal wars, peaceful at home and dreaded abroad. If 
 the consequence of this was an increase in royal power, 
 the kings were among those who had greatness thrust 
 upon them, rather than achieving it for themselves. 
 
ualism 
 
 6 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 They were but the symbols of the new, proudly con- 
 scious nation, and the police commissioners of the 
 large bankers and traders. 
 Individ- The rcactiou of nascent capitalism on the individual 
 
 was no less marked than on state and society, though 
 it was not the only cause of the new sense of personal 
 worth. Just as the problems of science and of art be- 
 came most alluring, the man with sufficient leisure and 
 resource to solve them was developed by economic 
 forces. In the Middle Ages men had been less enter- 
 prising and less self-conscious. Their thought was 
 not of themselves as individuals so much as of their 
 membership in groups. The peoples were divided into 
 well-marked estates, or classes ; industry was co-opera- 
 tive; even the great art of the cathedrals was rather 
 gild-craft than the expression of a single genius ; even 
 learning was the joint property of universities, not the 
 private accumulation of the lone scholar. But with 
 every expansion of the ego either through the acqui- 
 sition of wealth or of learning or of pride in great ex- 
 ploits, came a rising self-consciousness and self-con- 
 fidence, and this was the essence of the individualism 
 so often noted as one of the contrasts between modem 
 and medieval times. The child, the savage, and to a 
 large extent the undisciplined mind in all periods of 
 life and of history, is conscious only of object; the 
 trained and leisured intellect discovers, literally by 
 ''reflection," the subjective. He is then no longer con- 
 tent to be anything less than himself, or to be lost in 
 anything greater. 
 
 Just as men were beginning again to glory in their 
 own powers came a series of discoveries that totally 
 transformed the world they lived in. So vast a change 
 is made in human thought and habit by some appar- 
 ently trivial technical inventions that it sometimes 
 
THE WORLD 7 
 
 seems as if the race were like a child that had boarded 
 a locomotive and half accidentally started it, but could 
 neither guide nor stop it. Civilization was bom with 
 the great inventions of fire, tools, the domestication of Inventions 
 animals, writing, and navigation, all of them, together 
 with important astronomical discoveries, made prior 
 to the beginnings of recorded history. On this capital 
 mankind traded for some millenniums, for neither 
 classic times nor the Dark Ages added much to the 
 practical sciences. But, beginning with the thirteenth 
 century, discovery followed discovery, each more im- 
 portant in its consequences than its last. One of the 
 first steps was perhaps the recovery of lost ground by ^ 
 the restoration of the classics. Gothic art and the 
 vernacular literatures testify to the intellectual activ- 
 ity of the time, but they did not create the new ele- 
 ments of life that were brought into being by the in- 
 ventors. 
 
 What a difference in private life was made by the in- 
 troduction of chimneys and glass windows, for glass, 
 though known to antiquity, was not commonly applied 
 to the openings that, as the etymology of the English 
 word implies, let in the wind! By the fifteenth cen- 
 tury the power of lenses to magnify and refract had 
 been utilized, as mirrors, then as spectacles, to be fol- 
 lowed two centuries later by telescopes and micro- 
 scopes. Useful chemicals were now first applied to 
 various manufacturing processes, such as the tinning 
 of iron. The compass, with its weird power of point- 
 ing north, guided the mariner on uncharted seas. The 
 obscure inventor of gunpowder revolutionized the art 
 of war more than all the famous conquerors had done, 
 and the polity of states more than any of the renowned 
 legislators of antiquity. The equally obscure inventor 
 of mechanical clocks — a great improvement on the 
 
8 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 older sand-glasses, water-glasses, and candles — made 
 possible a new precision and regularity of daily life, 
 an untold economy of time and effort. 
 Printing But all other inventions yield to that of printing, the 
 
 glory of John Gutenberg of Mayence, one of those poor 
 and in their own times obscure geniuses who carry out 
 to fulfilment a great idea at much sacrifice to them- 
 selves. The demand for books had been on the in- 
 crease for a long time, and every effort was made to 
 reproduce them as rapidly and cheaply as possible by 
 the hand of expert copyists, but the applications of 
 this method produced slight result. The introduction 
 of paper, in place of the older vellum or parchment, 
 furnished one of the indispensable pre-roquisites to the 
 multiplication of cheap volumes. In the early fif- 
 teenth century, the art of the wood-cutter and engraver 
 had advanced sufficiently to allow some books to be 
 printed in this manner, i. e. from carved blocks. This 
 was usually, or at first, done only with books in which 
 a small amount of text went with a large amount of 
 illustration. There are extant, for example, six 
 editions of the Biblia Pauperum, stamped by this 
 method. It was afterwards applied, chiefly in Hol- 
 land, to a few other books for which there was a large 
 demand, the Latin grammar of Donatus, for example, 
 and a guide-book to Rome known as the Mirabilia 
 Urbis Romae. But at best this method was extremely 
 unsatisfactory ; the blocks soon wore out, the text was 
 blurred and difficult to read, the initial expense was 
 large. 
 
 The essential feature of Gutenberg's invention was 
 therefore not, as the name implies, printing, or impres- 
 sion, but typography, or the use of tj]ye. The printer 
 ♦ first had a letter cut in hard metal, this was called the 
 
 punch; with it he stamped a mould known as the ma- 
 trix in which he was able to found a large number of 
 
THE WORLD 9 
 
 exactly identical tyj)es of metal, usually of lead. 
 These, set side by side in a case, for the first time made 
 it possible satisfactorily to print at reasonable cost a 
 large number of copies of the same text, and, when that 
 was done, the types could be taken apart and used for 
 another work. 
 
 The earliest surviving specimen of printing — not 
 counting a few undated letters of indulgence — is a 
 fragment on the last judgment completed at Mayence 
 before 1447. In 1450 Gutenberg made a partnership 
 with the rich goldsmith John Fust, and from their 
 press issued, within the next five years, the famous 
 Bible with 42 lines to a page, and a Donatus (Latin 
 grammar) of 32 lines. The printer of the Bible with 
 36 lines to a page, that is the next oldest surviving 
 monument, was apparently a helper of Gutenberg, who 
 set up an independent press in 1454. Legible, clean- 
 cut, comparatively cheap, these books demonstrated 
 once for all the success of the new art, even though, 
 for illuminated initials, they were still dependent on 
 the hand of the scribe. 
 
 In those days before patents the new invention Books and 
 spread with wonderful rapidity, reaching Italy in 1465, l^**^"^g 
 Paris in 1470, London in 1480, Stockholm in 1482, Con- 
 stantinople in 1487, Lisbon in 1490, and Madrid in 
 1499. Only a few backward countries of Europe re- 
 mained without a press. By the year 1500 the names 
 of more than one thousand printers are known, and 
 the titles of about 30,000 printed works. Assuming 
 that the editions were small, averaging 300 copies, there 
 would have been in Europe by 1500 about 9,000,000 
 books, as against the few score thousand manusciipts 
 that lately had held all the precious lore of time. In 
 a few years the price of books sank to one-eighth of 
 what it had been before. "The gentle reader" had 
 started on his career. 
 
10 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 The importance of printing cannot be over-estimated. 
 There are few events like it in the history of the world. 
 The whole gigantic swing of modern democracy and of 
 the scientific spirit was released by it. The veil of 
 the temple of religion and of knowledge was rent in 
 twain, and the arcana of the priest and clerk exposed 
 to the gaze of the people. The reading public became 
 .-'the supreme court before whom, from this time, all 
 cases must be argued. The conflict of opinions and 
 parties, of privilege and freedom, of science and ob- 
 scurantism, was transferred from the secret chamber 
 of a small, privileged, professional, and sacerdotal 
 coterie to the arena of the reading public. 
 Exploration It is amazing, but true, that within fifty years after 
 this exploit, mankind should have achieved another 
 like unto it in a widely different sphere. The horror 
 of the sea was on the ancient world ; a heart of oak and 
 triple bronze was needed to venture on the ocean, and 
 its annihilation was one of the blessings of the new 
 earth promised by the Apocalypse. All through the 
 centuries Europe remained sea-locked, until the bold 
 Portuguese mariners venturing ever further and fur- 
 ther south along the coast of Africa, finally doubled 
 the Cape of Good Hope — a feat first performed by 
 Bartholomew Diaz in 1486, though it was not until 
 1498 that Vasco da Gama reached India by this 
 method. 
 
 Still unconquered lay the stormy and terrible Atlan- 
 tic, 
 
 Where, beyond the extreme sea-wall, and between the remote 
 
 _^ sea-gates. 
 Waste water washes, and tall ships founder, and deep death 
 waits. 
 
 But the ark of Europe found her dove — as the name 
 Columbus signifies — to fly over the wild, western 
 
ties 
 
 THE WORLD 11 
 
 waves, and bring her news of strange countries. The 
 effect of these discoveries, enoiTnously and increas- 
 ingly important from the material standpoint, was 
 first felt in the widening of the imagination. Camoens 
 wrote the epic of Da Gama, More placed his Utopia in 
 America, and Montaigne speculated on the curious cus- 
 toms of the redskins. Ariosto wrote of the wonders 
 of the new world in his poem, and Luther occasionally 
 alluded to them in his sermons. 
 
 If printing opened the broad road to popular edu- Universi- 
 cation, other and more formal means to the same end 
 were not neglected. One of the great innovations of 
 the Middle Ages was the university. These perma- 
 nent corporations, dedicated to the advancement of 
 learning and the instruction of youth, first arose, early 
 in the twelfth century, at Salerno, at Bologna and at 
 Paris. As off-shoots of these, or in imitation of them, 
 many similar institutions sprang up in every land of 
 western Europe. The last half of the fifteenth century 
 was especially rich in such foundations. In Germany, 
 from 1450 to 1517, no less than nine new academies 
 were started: Greifswald 1456, Freiburg in the 
 Breisgau 1460, Basle 1460, Ingolstadt 1472, Treves 
 1473, Mayence 1477, Tiibingen 1477, Wittenberg 1502, 
 and Frankfort on the Oder 1506. Though generally 
 founded by papal charter, and maintaining a strong 
 ecclesiastical flavor, these institutions were under the 
 direction of the civil government. 
 
 In France three new universities opened their doors 
 during the same period: Valence 1459, Nantes 1460, 
 Bourges 1464. These were all placed under the gen- 
 eral supervision of the local bishops. The great uni- 
 versity of Paris was gradually changing its character. 
 From the most cosmopolitan and international of 
 bodies it was fast becoming strongly nationalist, and 
 was the chief center of an Erastian Gallicanism. Its 
 
12 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 tremendous weight cast against the Reformation was 
 doubtless a chief reason for the failure of that move- 
 ment in France. 
 
 Spain instituted seven new universities at this time : 
 Barcelona 1450, Saragossa 1474, Palma 1483, Siguenza 
 1489, Alcala 1499, Valencia 1500, and Seville 1504. 
 Italy and England remained content with the acad- 
 emies they already had, but many of the smaller coun- 
 tries now started native universities. Thus Pressburg 
 was founded in Hungary in 1465, Upsala in Sweden in 
 1477, Copenhagen in 1478, Glasgow in 1450, and Aber- 
 deen in 1494. The number of students in each founda- 
 tion fluctuated, but the total was steadily on the in- 
 crease. 
 
 Naturally, the expansion of the higher education 
 brought with it an increase in the number and excel- 
 lence of the schools. Particularly notable is the work 
 of the Brethren of the Common Life, who devoted 
 themselves almost exclusively to teaching boys. Some 
 of their schools, as Deventer, attained a reputation like 
 that of Eton or Rugby today. 
 
 The spread of education was not only notable in 
 itself, but had a more direct result in furnishing a 
 shelter to new movements until they were strong 
 enough to do without such support. It is significant 
 that the Reformations of Wyclif , Huss, and Luther, all 
 started in universities. 
 Growth of As the tide rolls in, the waves impress one more than 
 intelligence l\^^^ flood beneath them. Behind, and far transcending, 
 the particular causes of this and that development lies 
 the operation of great biological laws, selecting a type 
 for survival, transforming the mind and body of men 
 slowly but surely. Whether due to the natural selec- 
 tion of circumstance, or to the inward urge of vital 
 force, there seems to be no doubt that the average 
 intellect, not of leading thinkers or of select groups, 
 
THE CHURCH 
 
 13 
 
 but of the European races as a whole, has been steadily 
 gTOwing greater at every period during which it can 
 be measured. Moreover, the monastic vow of chastity 
 tended to sterilize and thus to eliminate the religi- 
 ously-minded sort. Operating over a long period, and 
 on both sexes, this cause of the growing secularization 
 of the world, though it must not be exaggerated, can- 
 not be overlooked. 
 
 § 2. The Church 
 
 Over against "the world," "the church." ... As 
 the Eeformation was primarily a religious movement, 
 some account of the church in the later Middle Ages 
 must be given. \ How Christianity was immaculately ♦ 
 conceived in the heart of the Galilean cai-penter and 
 born with words of beauty and power such as no other 
 man ever spoke ;\how it inherited from him its back- 
 ground of Jewish monotheism and Hebrew Scripture ; 
 how it was enriched, or sophisticated, by Paul, who 
 assimilated it to the current mysteries with their myth 
 of a dying and rising god and of salvation by sacra- 
 mental rite ; how it decked itself in the white robes of 
 Greek philosophy and with many a gewgaw of ceremony 
 and custom snatched from the flamen's vestry; how it 
 created a pantheon of saints to take the place of the 
 old polytheism; how it became first the chaplain and 
 then the heir of the Roman Empire, building its church 
 on the immovable rock of the Eternal City, asserting 
 like her a dominion without bounds of space or time ; 
 how it conquered and tamed the barbarians; — all this 
 lies outside the scope of the present work to describe. 
 But of its later fortunes some brief account must be 
 given. 
 
 By the year 1200 the popes, having emerged tri- 
 umphant from their long strife with the German em- 
 perors, successfully asserted their claim to the suze- 
 
 Innocent 
 
 III 
 
 1198-1216 
 
14 
 
 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 Boniface 
 VIII 
 
 1294-1303 
 
 The 
 
 Babylonian 
 Captivity 
 1309-76 
 
 The Great 
 
 Schism 
 
 1378-1417 
 
 Councils 
 Pisa, 1409 
 
 Constance 
 1414-18 
 
 rainty of all Western Europe. Innocent III took 
 realms in fief and dictated to kings. The pope, assert- 
 ing that the spiritual power was as much superior to 
 the civil as the sun was brighter than the moon, acted 
 as the vicegerent of God on earth. But this suprem- 
 acy did not last long unquestioned. Just a century 
 after Innocent III, Boniface VIII was worsted in a 
 quarrel with Philip IV of France, and his successor, 
 Clement V, a Frenchman, by transferring the papal 
 capital to Avignon, virtually made the supreme pon- 
 tiffs subordinate to the French government and thus 
 weakened their influence in the rest of Europe. This 
 ''Babylonian Captivity" was followed by a greater 
 misfortune to the pontificate, the Great Schism, for the 
 effort to transfer the papacy back to Eome led to the 
 election of two popes, who, with their successors, re- 
 spectively ruled and mutually anathematized each 
 other from the two rival cities. The difficulty of de- 
 ciding which was the true successor of Peter was so 
 great that not only were the kingdoms of Europe di- 
 vided in their allegiance, but doctors of the church and 
 canonized saints could be found among the supporters 
 of either line. There can be no doubt that respect for 
 the pontificate greatly suffered by the schism, which 
 was in some respects a direct preparation for the 
 greater division brought about by the Protestant seces- 
 sion. 
 
 The attempt to end the schism at the Council of Pisa 
 resulted only in the election of a third pope. The 
 situation was finally dealt with by the Council of Con- 
 stance which deposed two of the popes and secured the 
 voluntary abdication of the third. The synod further 
 strengthened the church by executing the heretics Huss 
 and Jerome of Prague, and by passing decrees in- 
 tended to put the government of the church in the 
 hands of representative assemblies. It asserted that it 
 
THE CHURCH 15 
 
 had power directly from Christ, that it was supreme in 
 matters of faith, and in matters of discipline so far as 
 they affected the schism, and that the pope could not 
 dissolve it without its own consent. By the decree 
 Frequens it provided for the regular summoning of 
 councils at short intervals. Beyond this, other efforts 
 to reform the morals of the clergy proved abortive, 
 for after long discussion nothing of importance was 
 done. 
 
 For the next century the policy of the popes was 
 determined by the wish to assert their superiority i^^^_^^ 
 over the councils. The Synod of Basle reiterated all 
 the claims of Constance, and passed a number of laws 
 intended to diminish the papal authority and to de- 
 prive the pontiff of much of his ill-gotten revenues — 
 annates, fees for investiture, and some other taxes. 
 It was successful for a time because protected by the 
 governments of France and Germany, for, though dis- 
 solved by Pope Eugene IV in 1433, it refused to listen 
 to his command and finallj^ extorted from him a bull 
 ratifying the conciliar claims to supremacy. 
 
 In the end, however, the popes triumphed. The bull. 
 Execrahilis denounced as a damnable abuse the appeal 1458 
 to a future council, and the Pastor Aeternus reasserted 1515 
 in sweeping terms the supremacy of the pope, repeal- 
 ing all decrees of Constance and Basle to the contrary, 
 as well as other papal bulls. • 
 
 At Rome the popes came to occupy the position of Thesecu- 
 princes of one of the Italian states, and were elected, lyization 
 like the doges of Venice, by a small oligarchy. "Within papacy 
 seventy years the families of Borgia, Piccolomini, 
 Rovere, and Medici were each represented by more 
 than one pontiff, and a majority of the others were 
 nearly related by blood or marriage to one of these 
 great stocks. The cardinals were appointed from the 
 pontiff's sons or nephews, and the numerous other of- 
 
16 
 
 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 Nicholas V 
 1447-55 
 
 1453 
 
 Calixtus III 
 1455^ 
 
 Pius II 
 1458-64 
 
 Paul II 
 1464-71 
 
 Sixtus IV 
 1471-84 
 
 Innocent 
 
 VIII 
 
 1484-92 
 
 fices in their patronage, save as they were sold, were 
 distributed to personal or political friends. 
 
 Like other Italian princes the popes became, in the 
 fifteenth century, distinguished patrons of arts and let- 
 ters. The golden age of the humanists at Rome began 
 under Nicholas V who employed a number of them to 
 make translations from Greek. It is characteristic of 
 the complete secularization of the States of the Church 
 that a number of the literati pensioned by him were 
 skeptics and scoffers. Valla, who mocked the papacy, 
 ridiculed the monastic orders, and attacked the Bible 
 and Christian ethics, was given a prebend; Savona- 
 rola, the most earnest Christian of his age, was put to 
 death. 
 
 The fall of Constantinople gave a certain European 
 character to the policy of the pontiffs after that date, 
 for the menace of the Turk seemed so imminent that 
 the heads of Christendom did all that was possible to 
 unite the nations in a crusade. This was the keynote 
 of the statesmanship of Calixtus III and of his succes- 
 sor, Pius II. Before his elevation to the see of Peter 
 this talented writer, known to literature as Aeneas 
 Sylvius, had, at the Council of Basle, published a 
 strong argument against the extreme papal claims, 
 which he afterwards, as pope, retracted. His zeal 
 against the Turk and against his old friends the hu- 
 manists lent a moral tone to his pontificate, but his 
 feeble attempts to reform abuses were futile. 
 
 The colorless reign of Paul II was followed by that 
 of Sixtus IV, a man whose chief passion was the ag- 
 grandizement of his family. He carried nepotism to 
 an extreme and by a policy of judicial murder very 
 nearly exterminated his rivals, the Colonnas. 
 
 The enormous bribes paid by Innocent VIII for his 
 election were recouped by his sale of oflices and spir- 
 itual graces, and by taking a tribute from the Sultan, 
 
1452-98 
 
 THE CHURCH 17 
 
 in return for which he refused to proclaim a crusade. 
 The most important act of his pontificate was the pub- 
 ]ication of the bull against witchcraft. 
 
 The name of Alexander VI has attained an evil em- Alexander 
 inence of infamy on account of his own crimes and YJ^ 
 vices and those of his children, Caesar Borgia and 
 Lucretia. One proof that the public conscience of 
 Italy, instead of being stupificd by the orgy of wicked- 
 ness at Rome was rather becoming aroused by it, is 
 found in the appearance, just at this time, of a number 
 of preachers of repentance. These men, usually friars, 
 started ** revivals" marked by the customary phe- 
 nomena of sudden conversion, hysteria, and extreme 
 austerity. The greatest of them all was the Domin- Savonarola 
 ican Jerome Savonarola who, though of mediocre in- 
 tellectual gifts, by the passionate fervor of his convic- 
 tions, attained the position of a prophet at Florence. 
 He began preaching here in 1482, and so stirred his 
 audiences that many wept and some were petrified with 
 horror. His credit was greatly raised by his predic- 
 tion of the invasion of Charles VIII of France in 1494. 
 He succeeded in driving out the Medici and in introduc- 
 ing a new constitution of a democratic nature, which 
 he believed was directly sanctioned by God. He at- 
 tacked the morals of the clergy and of the people and, 
 besides renovating his o\vn order, suppressed not only 
 public immorality but all forms of frivolity. The peo- 
 ple burned their cards, false hair, indecent pictures, 
 and the like ; many women left their husbands and en- 
 tered the cloister; gamblers were tortured and blas- 
 phemers had their tongues pierced. A police was in- 
 stituted with power of searching houses. 
 
 It was only the pope's fear of Charles VIII that 
 prevented his dealing with this dangerous reformer, 
 who now began to attack the vices of the curia. In 
 1495, however, the friar was summoned to Rome, and 
 
18 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 refused to go; he was then forbidden to preach, and 
 disobeyed. In Lent 1496 he proclaimed the duty 
 of resisting the pope when in error. In November 
 a new brief proposed changes in the constitution 
 of his order which would bring him more directly 
 under the power of Eome. Savonarola replied that 
 he did not fear the excommunication of the sinful 
 church, which, when launched against him May 12, 
 1497, only made him more defiant. Claiming to be 
 commissioned directly from God, he appealed to the 
 powers to summon a general council against the pope. 
 
 At this juncture one of his opponents, a Franciscan, 
 Francis da Puglia, proposed to him the ordeal by fire, 
 stating that though he expected to be burnt he was 
 willing to take the risk for the sake of the faith. The 
 challenge refused by Savonarola was taken up by his 
 friend Fra Domenico da Pescia, and although forbidden 
 by Alexander, the ordeal was sanctioned by the Sig- 
 nory and a day set. A dispute as to whether Domenico 
 should be allowed to take the host or the crucifix into 
 the flames prevented the experiment from taking place, 
 and the mob, furious at the loss of its promised spec- 
 tacle, refused further support to the discredited 
 leader. For some years, members of his own order, 
 who resented the severity of his reform, had cherished 
 a grievance against him, and now they had their 
 chance. Seized by the Signory, he was tortured and 
 forced to confess that he was not a prophet, and on 
 May 22, 1498, was condemned, with two companions, to 
 be hung. After the speedy execution of the sentence, 
 which the sufferers met calmly, their bodies were 
 burnt. All effects of Savonarola's career, political, 
 moral, and religious, shortly disappeared. 
 
 Alexander was followed by a Eovere who took the 
 Julius II name of Julius II. Notwithstanding his advanced age 
 this pontiff proved one of the most vigorous and able 
 
 1503-13 
 
THE CHURCH 19 
 
 statesman of the time and devoted himself to the ag- 
 grandizement, by war and diplomacy, of the Papal 
 States. He did not scruple to use his spiritual thun- 
 ders against his political enemies, as when he excom- j^q^ 
 municated the Venetians. He found himself at odds 
 with both the Emperor Maximilian and Louis XII of 
 France, who summoned a schismatic council at Pisa. I5ii 
 Supported by some of the cardinals this body revived 
 the legislation of Constance and Basle, but fell into 
 disrepute when, by a master stroke of policy, Julius 1^12-16 
 convoked a council at Rome. This synod, the Fifth 
 Lateran, lasted for four years, and endeavored to deal 
 with a crusade and with reform. All its efforts at re- 
 form proved abortive because they were either choked, 
 while in course of discussion, by the Curia, or, when 
 passed, were rendered ineffective by the dispensing 
 power. 
 
 While the synod was still sitting Julius died and a i5j3'^2i 
 new pope was chosen. This was the son of Lorenzo 
 the Magnificent, the Medici Leo X. Having taken the 
 tonsure at the age of seven, and received the red hat 
 six years later, he donned the tiara at the early age of 
 thirty-eight. His words, as reported by the Venetian 
 ambassador at Rome, "Let us enjoy the papacy, since 
 God has given it to us," exactly express his program. 
 To make life one long carnival, to hunt game and to 
 witness comedies and the antics of buffoons, to hear 
 marvellous talcs of the new world and voluptuous 
 verses of the humanists and of the great Ariosto, to 
 enjoy music and to consume the most delicate viands 
 and the most delicious wines — this was what he lived 
 for. Free and generous with money, he prodigally 
 wasted the revenues of three pontificates. Spending 
 no less than 6000 ducats a month on cards and gra- 
 tuities, he was soon forced to borrow to the limit of 
 his credit. Little recked he that Germany was being 
 
20 
 
 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 Corruption 
 of the 
 church not 
 amain 
 cause of the 
 Reforma- 
 tion 
 
 reft from the church by a poor friar. His irresolute 
 policy was incapable of pursuing any public end con- 
 sistently, save that he employed the best Latinists of 
 the time to give elegance to his state papers. His 
 method of governing was the purely personal one, to 
 pay his friends and flatterers at the expense of the 
 common good. One of his most characteristic letters 
 expresses his intention of rewarding with high office a 
 certain gentleman who had given him a dinner of 
 lampreys. 
 
 § 3. Causes of the Eeformatioit 
 In the eyes of the early Protestants the Reformation 
 was a return to primitive Christianity and its princi- 
 pal cause was the corruption of the church. That 
 there was great depravity in the church as elsewhere 
 cannot be doubted, but there are several reasons for 
 thinking that it could not have been an important 
 cause for the loss of so many of her sons. In the first 
 place there is no good ground for believing that the 
 moral condition of the priesthood was worse in 1500 
 than it had been for a long time ; indeed, there is good 
 evidence to the contrary, that things were tending to 
 improve, if not at Rome yet in many parts of Christen- 
 dom. If objectionable practices of the priests had 
 been a sufficient cause for the secession of whole na- 
 tions, the Reformation would have come long before 
 it actually did. Again, there is good reason to doubt 
 that the mere abuse of an institution has ever led to its 
 complete overthrow; as long as the institution is re- 
 garded as necessary, it is rather mended than ended. 
 Thirdly, many of the acts that seem corrupt to us, gave 
 little offence to contemporaries, for they were uni- 
 versal. If the church sold offices and justice, so did 
 the civil governments. If the clergy lived impure 
 lives, so did the laity. Probably the standard of the 
 
CAUSES OF THE REFORMATION 21 
 
 church (save in special circumstances) was no worse 
 than that of civil life, and in some respects it was 
 rather more decent. Finally, there is some reason to 
 suspect of exaggeration the charges preferred by the 
 innovators. Like all reformers they made the most of 
 their enemy's faults. Invective like theirs is common 
 to every generation and to all spheres of life. It is 
 true that the denunciation of the priesthood comes not 
 only from Protestants and satirists, but from popes 
 and councils and canonized saints, and that it bulks 
 large in medieval literature. Nevertheless, it is both a 
 priori probable and to some extent historically verifi- 
 able that the evil was more noisy, not more potent, than 
 the good. But though the corruptions of the church 
 were not a main cause of the Protestant secession, they 
 furnished good excuses for attack; the Reformers were 
 scandalized by the divergence of the practice and the 
 pretensions of the official representatives of Chris- 
 tianity, and their attack was envenomed and the break 
 made easier thereby. It is therefore necessary to say 
 a few words about those abuses at which public opinion 
 then took most offence. 
 
 Manj^ of these were connected with money. The Abuses: 
 common man's conscience was wounded by the smart '"^""^ 
 in his purse. The wealth of the church was enormous, 
 though exaggerated by those contemporaries who esti- 
 mated it at one-third of the total real estate of West- 
 ern Europe. In addition to revenues from her own 
 land the church collected tithes and taxes, including 
 "Peter's pence" in England, Scandina^da and Poland. 
 The clergy paid dues to the curia, among them the 
 servitia charged on the bishops and the annates levied 
 on the income of the first year for each appointee to 
 high ecclesiastical office, and the price for the arch- 
 bishop's pall. The priests recouped themselves by 
 charging high fees for their ministrations. At a time 
 
22 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 when the Christian ideal was one of '* apostolic pov- 
 erty" the riches of the clergy were often felt as a 
 scandal to the pious. 
 
 Though the normal method of appointment to civil 
 office was sale, it was felt as a special abuse in the 
 church and was branded by the name of simony. Leo 
 X made no less than 500,000 ducats ^ annually from 
 the sale of more than 2000 offices, most of which, being 
 sinecures, eventually came to be regarded as annuities, 
 with a salary amounting to about 10 per cent, of the 
 purchase price. 
 
 Justice was also venal, in the church no less than in 
 the state. Pardon was obtainable for all crimes for, as 
 a papal vice-chamberlain phrased it, ' ' The Lord wishes 
 not the death of a sinner but that he should pay and 
 live." Dispensations from the laws against marriage 
 within the prohibited degrees were sold. Thus an or- 
 dinary man had to pay 16 grossi ^ for dispensation to 
 marry a woman who stood in "spiritual relation- 
 ship" ^ to him; a noble had to pay 20 grossi for the 
 same privilege, and a prince or duke 30 grossi. First 
 cousins might marry for the payment of 27 grossi ; an 
 uncle and niece for from three to four ducats, though 
 this was later raised to as much as sixty ducats, at 
 least for nobles. Marriage within the first degree of 
 affinity (a deceased wife's mother or daughter by an- 
 other husband) was at one tim.e sold for about ten 
 ducats ; marriage within the second degree ^ was per- 
 
 1 A ducat was worth intrinsically $2.25, or nine shillings, at a time 
 when money had a much greater purchasing power than it now has. 
 
 2 The grossus, English groat, German Groschen, was a coin which 
 varied considerably in value. It may here be taken as intrinsically 
 worth about 8 cents or four pence, at a time when money had many 
 times the purchasing power that it now has. 
 
 3 A spiritual relationship was established if a man and woman were 
 sponsors to the same child at baptism. 
 
 * Presumably of afiinity, i.e., a wife's eieter, but there is nothing to 
 
CAUSES OF THE REFOEMATION 23 
 
 mitted for from 300 to 600 grossi. Hardly necessar}'' 
 to add, as was done: ''Note well, that dispensations or 
 graces of this sort are not given to poor jDeople."^ 
 Dispensations from vows and from the requirements 
 of ecclesiastical law, as for example those relating to 
 fasting, were also to be obtained at a price. 
 
 One of the richest sources of ecclesiastical revenue Indulgences 
 was the sale of indulgences, or the remission by the 
 pope of the temporal penalties of sin, both penance 
 in this life and the pains of purgatory. The practice 
 of giving these pardons first arose as a means of assur- 
 ing heaven to those warriors who fell fighting the in- 
 fidel. In 1300. Boniface VIII granted a plenary indul- 
 gence to all who made the pilgrimage to the jubilee at 
 Rome, and the golden harvest reaped on this occasion 
 induced his successors to take the same means of im- 
 parting spiritual graces to the faithful at frequent in- 
 tervals. In the fourteenth century the pardons were 
 extended to all who contributed a sum of money to a 
 pious purpose, whether they came to Rome or not, and, 
 as the agents who were sent out to distribute those 
 pardons were also given power to confess and absolve, 
 the papal letters were naturally regarded as no less 
 than tickets of admission to heaven. In the thirteenth 
 centurj' the theologians had discovered that there was 
 at the disposal of the church and her head an abundant 
 ''treasury of the merits of Christ and the saints," 
 which might be applied vicariously to anyone by the 
 pope. In the fifteenth century the claimed power to 
 free living men from purgatory w^as extended to the 
 
 show that this law did not also apply to consanguinity, and at one 
 time the pope proposed that the natural son of Herry VIII, the Duke 
 of Richmond, should marry his half sister, Mary. 
 
 1 "Nota diligenter, quod huiusmodi gratiae et dispensationcs non 
 conceduntur pauperibus." Tojca cancellariac apostolicae, in E. Fried- 
 berg: Lehrhuch des katholischcn und cvangelischen Kirchenrechts, 
 1903, pp. 389ff. 
 
24 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 dead, and this soon became one of the most profitable 
 branches of the ''holy trade." 
 
 The means of obtaining indulgences varied. Some- 
 times they were granted to those who made a pilgrim- 
 age or who would read a pious book. Sometimes they 
 were used to raise money for some public work, a hos- 
 pital or a bridge. But more and more they became an 
 ordinary means for raising revenue for the curia. 
 How thoroughly commercialized the business of selling 
 grace and remission of the penalties of sin had become 
 is shown by the fact that the agents of the pope were 
 often bankers who organized the sales on purely busi- 
 ness lines in return for a percentage of the net receipts 
 plus the indirect profits accruing to those who handle 
 large sums. Of the net receipts the financiers usually 
 got about ten per cent.; an equal amount was given 
 to the emperor or other civil ruler for permitting the 
 pardoners to enter his territory, commissions were 
 also paid to the local bishop and clergy, and of course 
 the pedlars of the pardons received a proportion of 
 the profits in order to stimulate their zeal. On the 
 average from thirty to forty-five per cent, of the gross 
 receipts were turned into the Eoman treasury. 
 
 It is natural that public opinion should have come 
 to regard indulgences with aversion. Their bad moral 
 effect was too obvious to be disregarded, the com- 
 pounding with sin for a payment destined to satisfy 
 the greed of unscrupulous prelates. Their economic 
 effects were also noticed, the draining of the country 
 of money with which further to enrich a corrupt Ital- 
 ian city. Many rulers forbade their sale in their ter- 
 ritories, because, as Duke George of Saxony, a good 
 Catholic, expressed it, before Luther was heard of, 
 *'they cheated the simple layman of his soul." Hut- 
 ten mocked at Pope Julius II for selling to others the 
 heaven he oould not win himself. Pius 11 was obliged 
 
of clergy 
 
 CAUSES OF THE REFORMATION 25 
 
 to confess: **If we send ambassadors to ask aid of the 
 princes, they are mocked ; if we impose a tithe on the 
 clergy, appeal is made to a future council ; if we pub- 
 lish an indulgence and invite contributions in return 
 for spiritual favors, we are charged with greed. Peo- 
 ple think all is done merely for the sake of extorting 
 money. No one trusts us. We have no more credit 
 than a bankrupt merchant. ' ' 
 
 Much is said in the literature of the latter Middle Immorality 
 Ages about the immorality of the clergy. This class 
 has always been severely judged because of its high 
 pretensions. Moreover the vow of celibacy was too 
 hard to keep for most men and for some women ; that 
 many priests, monks and nuns broke it cannot be 
 doubted. And yet there was a sprinkling of saintly 
 parsons like him of whom Chancer said 
 
 "Who Christes lore and his apostles twelve 
 He taught, but first he folwed it himselve, 
 
 and there were many others who kept up at least the 
 appearance of decency. But here, as always, the bad 
 attracted more attention than the good. 
 
 The most reliable data on the subject are found in 
 the records of church visitations, both those undertaken 
 by the Reformers and those occasionally attempted by 
 the Catholic prelates of the earlier period. Every- 
 where it was proved that a large proportion of the 
 clergy were both wofully ignorant and morally un- 
 worthy. Besides the priests who had concubines, 
 there were many given to drink and some who kept 
 taverns, gaming rooms and worse places. Plunged in 
 gross ignorance and superstition, those blind leaders 
 of the blind, who won great reputations as exorcists 
 or as wizards, were unable to understand the Latin 
 service, and sometimes to repeat even the Lord's 
 prayer or creed in any language. 
 
26 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 Piety The Reformation, like most other revolutions, 
 
 came not at the lowest ebb of abuse, but at a time 
 when the tide had already begun to run, and to run 
 strongly, in the direction of improvement. One can 
 hardly find a sweeter, more spiritual religion anywhere 
 than that set forth in Erasmus's Enchiridion, or in 
 More's Utopia, or than that lived by Vitrier and Colet. 
 Many men, who had not attained to this conception of 
 the true beauty of the gospel, were yet thoroughly dis- 
 gusted with things as they were and quite ready to sub- 
 stitute a new and purer conception and practice for 
 the old, mechanical one. 
 
 Evidence for this is the popularity of the Bible 
 and other devotional books. Before 1500 there were 
 ' nearly a hundred editions of the Latin Vulgate, and 
 a number of translations into German and French. 
 There were also nearly a hundred editions, in Latin 
 and various vernaculars, of The Imitation of Christ. 
 There was so flourishing a crop of devotional hand- 
 books that no others could compete with them in 
 popularity. For those who could not read there 
 were the. Biblia Pauperum, picture-books with a mini- 
 mum of text, and there were sermons by popular 
 preachers. If some of these tracts and homilies were 
 crude and superstitious, others were filled with a spirit 
 of love and honesty. Whereas the passion for pil- 
 grimages and relics seemed to increase, there were 
 men of clear vision to denounce the attendant evils. A 
 new feature was the foundation of lay brotherhoods, 
 like that of the Common Life, with the purpose of cul- 
 tivating a good character in the world, and of render- 
 ing social service. The number of these brotherhoods 
 was great and their popularity general. 
 Clash of Had the forces already at work within the church 
 
 "!thor been allowed to operate, probably much of the moral 
 institutions reform desired by the best Catholics would have been 
 
CAUSES OF THE REFORMATION 27 
 
 acccmplislied quietly without the violent rending of 
 Christian unity that actually took place. But the fact 
 is, that such reforms never would or could have satis- 
 fied the spirit of the age. Men were not only shocked ^ 
 by the abuses in the church, but they had outgrown 
 some of her ideals. Not all of her teaching, nor most of 
 it, had become repugnant to them, for it has often been 
 pointed out that the Reformers kept more of the doc- 
 trines of Catholicism than they threw away, but in cer- 
 tain respects they repudiated, not the abuse but the 
 very principle on which the church acted. In four 
 respects, particularly, the ideals of the new age were 
 incompatible with those of the Roman communion. 
 
 The first of these was the sacramental theory of sal- Sacramen- 
 vation and its corollary, the sacerdotal power. Ac- ofthe^°^ 
 cording to Catholic doctrine grace is imparted to the church 
 believer by means of certain rites : baptism, confirma- 
 tion, the eucharist, penance, extreme unction, holy or- 
 ders, and matrimony. Baptism is the necessary pre- 
 requisite to the enjoyment of the others, for -without it 
 the unwashed soul, whether heathen or child of Chris- 
 tian parents, would go to eternal fire; but the "most 
 excellent of the sacraments" is the eucharist, in 
 which Christ is mysteriously sacrificed by the priest 
 to the Father and his body and blood eaten and drunk 
 by the worshippers. "Without these rites there was no 
 salvation, and they acted automatically {ex opere 
 operato) on the soul of the faithful who put no active 
 hindrance in their way. Save baptism, they could be 
 administered only by priests, a special caste with "an 
 indelible character" marking them off from the laity. 
 Needless to remark the immense power that this doc- 
 trine gave the clergy in a believing age. They were 
 made the arbiters of each man's eternal destiny, and 
 their moral character had no more to do with their 
 binding and loosing sentence than does the moral char- 
 
28 
 
 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 Other- 
 worldliness 
 
 Worship 
 of saints 
 
 acter of a secular ofiQcer affect Ms official acts. Add to 
 this that the priests were unbound by ties of family, 
 that by confession they entered into everyone's pri- 
 vate life, that they were not amenable to civil justice 
 — and their position as a privileged order was secure. 
 The growing self-assurance and enlightenment of a 
 nascent individualism found this distinction intoler- 
 able. 
 
 Another element of medieval Catholicism to clash 
 with the developing powers of the new age was its 
 pessimistic and ascetic other- worldliness. The ideal of 
 the church was monastic; all the pleasures of this 
 world, all its pomps and learning and art were but 
 snares to s-educe men from salvation. Reason was 
 called a barren tree but faith was held to blossom like 
 the rose. Wealth was shunned as dangerous, mar- 
 riage deprecated as a necessary evil. Fasting, scourg- 
 ing, celibacy, solitude, were cultivated as the surest 
 roads to heaven. If a good layman might barely 
 shoulder his way through the strait and narrow gate, 
 the highest graces and heave»nly rewards were vouch- 
 safed to the faithful monk. All this grated harshly on 
 the minds of the generations that began to find life 
 glorious and happy, not evil but good. 
 
 Third, the worship of the saints, which had once 
 been a stepping-stone to higher things, was now widely 
 regarded as a stumbling-block. Though far from a 
 scientific conception of natural law, many men had be- 
 come sufficiently monistic in their philosophy to see 
 in the current hagiolatry a sort of polytheism. Eras- 
 mus freely drew the parallel between the saints and the 
 heathen deities, and he and others scourged the 
 grossly materialistic form •which this worship often 
 took. If we may believe him, fugitive nuns prayed for 
 help in hiding their sin; merchants for a rich haul; 
 gamblers for luck; and prostitutes for generous pa- 
 
CAUSES OF THE REFORMATION 29 
 
 trons. Margaret of Navarre tells as an actual fact 
 of a man who prayed for help in seducing his neigh- 
 bor's wife, and similar instances of perverted piety 
 are not wanting. The passion for the relics of the 
 saints led to an enormous traffic in spurious articles. 
 There appeared to be enough of the wood of the true 
 cross, said Erasmus, to make a ship; there were ex- 
 hibited five shin-bones of the ass on which Christ rode, 
 whole bottles of the Virgin's milk, and several com- 
 plete bits of skin saved from the circumcision of Jesus. 
 
 Finally, patriots were no longer inclined to tolerate Temporal 
 the claims of the popes to temporal power. The fj^J^^hurch 
 church had become, in fact, an international state, with 
 its monarch, its representative legislative assemblies, 
 its laws and its code. It was. not a voluntary society, 
 for if citizens were not l)orn into it they were baptized 
 into it before they could exercise any choice. It kept 
 prisons and passed sentence (virtually if not nomin- 
 ally) of death; it treated with other governments as 
 one power with another; it took principalities and 
 kingdoms in fief. It was supported by involuntary 
 contributions.^ 
 
 The expanding world had burst the bands of the old 
 church. It needed a new spiritual frame, and this 
 frame was largely supplied by the Reformation. 
 Prior to that revolution there had been several dis- 
 tinct efforts to transcend or to revolt from the limita- 
 tions imposed by the Catholic faith; this was done by 
 the mystics, by the pre-reformers, by the patriots and 
 by the humanists. 
 
 § 4. The Mystics 
 
 One of the earliest efforts to transcend the economy 
 of salvation offered by the church was made by a 
 school of mystics in the fourteenth and fifteenth cen- 
 
 iMaitland: Canon Late in the Church of England, p. 100. 
 
30 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 tury. In this, however, there was protest neither 
 against dogma nor against the ideal of other-worldli- 
 ness, for in these respects the mystics were extreme 
 conservatives, more religious than the church herself. 
 They were like soldiers who disregarded the orders of 
 their superiors because they thought these orders in- 
 terfered with their supreme duty of harassing the en- 
 emy. With the humanists and other deserters they 
 had no part nor lot; they sought to make the church 
 more spiritual, not more reasonable. They bowed to 
 her plan for winning heaven at the expense of earthly 
 joy and glory; they accepted her guidance without 
 question; they rejoiced in her sacraments as aids to 
 the life of holiness. But they sorrowed to see what 
 they considered merely the means of grace substituted 
 for the end sought; they were insensibly repelled by 
 finding a mechanical instead of a personal scheme of 
 salvation, an almost commercial debit and credit of 
 good works instead of a life of spontaneous and de- 
 voted service. Feeling as few men have ever felt 
 that the purpose and heart of religion is a union of 
 the soul with God, they were shocked to see the inter- 
 position of mediators between him and his creature, to 
 find that instead of hungering for him men were try- 
 ing to make the best bargain they could for their own 
 eternal happiness. While rejecting nothing in the 
 church they tried to transfigure everything. Accept- 
 ing priest and sacrament as aids to the divine life they 
 declined to regard them as necessary intermediaries. 
 The first of the great German mystics was Master 
 Eckhart, a Dominican who lived at Erfurt, in Bohemia, 
 at Paris, and at Cologne. The inquisitors of this last 
 place summoned him before their court on the charge 
 of heresy, but while his trial was pending he died. He 
 was a Christian pantheist, teaching that God was the 
 only true being, and that man was capable of reaching 
 
THE MYSTICS 31 
 
 the absolute. Of all the mystics he was the most spec- 
 ulative and philosophical. Both Henry Suso and John 
 Tauler were his disciples. Suso's ecstatic piety was Suso, 
 of the ultra-medieval type, romantic, poetic, and bent 
 on winning personal salvation by the old means of se- 
 vere self-torture and the constant practice of good ^^"!j5^, 
 works. Tauler, a Dominican of Strassburg, belonged 
 to a society known as The Friends of God. Of all his 
 contemporaries he in religion was the most social and 
 practical. His life was that of an evangelist, preach- 
 ing to laymen in their own vernacular the gospel of a 
 pure life and direct communion with God through the 
 Bible and prayer. Like many other popular preachers 
 he placed great emphasis on conversion, the turning 
 (Kehr) from a bad to a good life. Simple faith is 
 held to be better than knowledge or than the usual 
 works of ecclesiastical piety. Tauler esteemed the 
 holiest man he had ever seen one who had never heard 
 five sermons in his life. All honest labor is called 
 God's service, spinning and shoe-making the gifts of 
 the Holy Spirit. Pure religion is to be '^drowned in 
 God," '* intoxicated with God," '^ melted in the fire of 
 his love." Transcending the common view of the 
 average Christian that religion's one end was his o^vn 
 
 ^&^ V^X^XXOUXlAiX K^^^v iv.x^j3 
 
 salvation, Tauler taught him that the love of God was 
 greater than this. He tells of a woman ready to be 
 damned for the glory of God — **and if such a person 
 were dragged into the bottom of hell, there would be 
 the kingdom of God and eternal bliss in hell. ' ' 
 
 One of the fine flowers of German mysticism is a 
 book written anonymously — ** spoken by the Almighty, 
 Eternal God, through a wise, understanding, truly just 
 man, his Friend, a priest of the Teutonic Order at 
 Frankfort." The German Theology, as it was named The 
 by Luther, teaches in its purest form entire abandon- rhZh!^B^ 
 ment to God, simple passivity in his hands, utter self- 
 
 Theology 
 
32 
 
 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 1543 
 
 Ruys- 
 
 broeck, 
 
 1293-1381 
 
 Groote, 
 1340-84 
 Radewyn, 
 1350-1400 
 
 denial and self-surrender, until, without the interposi- 
 tion of any external power, and equally without effort 
 of her own, the soul shall find herself at one with the 
 bridegroom. The immanence of God is taught; man's 
 helpless and sinful condition is emphasized; and the 
 reconciliation of the two is found only in the uncondi- 
 tional surrender of man's will to G-od. "Put off thine 
 own will and there will be no hell." 
 
 Tauler's sermons, first published 1498, had an im- 
 mense influence on Luther. They were later taken up 
 by the Jesuit Canisius who sought by them to purify 
 his church. The German Theology was first published 
 by Luther in 1516, with the statement that save the 
 'Bible and St. Augustine's works, he had never met 
 with a book from which he had learned so much of the 
 nature of "God, Christ, man, and all things." But 
 other theologians, both Protestant and Catholic, did not 
 agree with him. Calvin detected secret and deadly 
 poison in the author's pantheism, and in 1621 the 
 Catholic Church placed his work on the Index. 
 
 The Netherlands also produced a school of mystics, 
 later in blooming than that of the Germans and greater 
 in its direct influence. The earliest of them was John 
 of Euysbroeck, a man of visions and ecstasies. He 
 strove to make his life one long contemplation of the 
 light and love of God. Two younger men, Gerard 
 Groote and Florence Radewyn, socialized his gospel by 
 founding the fellowship of the Brethren of the Com- 
 mon Life. Though never an order sanctioned by the 
 church, they taught celibacy and poverty, and devoted 
 themselves to service of their fellows, chiefly in the 
 capacity of teachers of boys. 
 
 The fifteenth century's rising tide of devotion 
 brought forth the most influential of the products of 
 all the mystics, the Imitation of Christ by Thomas 
 a Kempis. Written in a plaintive minor key of resig- 
 
THE MYSTICS 33 
 
 nation and pessimism, it sots fortli with much artless Thomas a 
 eloquence the ideal of making one's personal life ap- *^iTfJJ!|47i 
 proach that of Christ. Humility, self-restraint, as- 
 ceticism, patience, solitude, love of Jesus, prayer, and 
 a diligent use of the sacramental grace of the eucharist 
 are the means recommended to form the character of 
 the perfect Christian. It was doubtless because all 
 this was so perfect an expression of the medieval ideal 
 that it found such wide and instant favor. There is no 
 questioning of dogma, nor any speculation on the posi- 
 tions of the church; all this is postulated with child- 
 like simplicity. Moreover, the ideal of the church for 
 the salvation of the individual, and the means sup- 
 posed to secure that end, are adopted by a Kempis. 
 He tacitly assumes that the imitator of Christ will be 
 a monk, poor and celibate. His whole endeavor w^as 
 to stimulate an enthusiasm for privation and a taste 
 for things spiritual, and it was because in his earnest- 
 ness and single-mindedness he so largely succeeded 
 that his book was eagerly seized by the hands of thou- 
 sands who desired and needed such stimulation and 
 help. The Dutch canon was not capable of rising to 
 the heights of Tauler and the Frankfort priest, who 
 saw in the love of God a good in itself transcending 
 the happiness of one's own soul. He just wanted to 
 be saved and tried to love God for that purpose with 
 all his might. But this careful self-cultivation made 
 his religion self -centered ; it was, compared even 
 with the professions of the Protestants and of the 
 Jesuits, personal and unsocial. 
 
 Notwithstanding the profound differences between 
 the Mystics and the Reformers, it is possible to see 
 that at least in one respect the two movements were 
 similar. It was exactly the same desire to get away 
 from the mechanical and formal in the church's scheme 
 of salvation, that animated both. Tauler and Luther 
 
34 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 both deprecated good works and sought justification 
 in faith only. Important as this is, it is possible to 
 see why the mystics failed to produce a real revolt 
 from the church, and it is certain that they were far 
 more than the Reformers fundamentally, even typ- 
 Mysticism ically Catholic. It is true that mysticism is at heart 
 always one, neither national nor confessional. But 
 Catholicism offered so favorable a field for this de- 
 velopment that mysticism may be considered as the ef- 
 florescence of Catholic piety par excellence. Hardly 
 any other expression of godliness as an individual, 
 vital thing, was possible in medieval Christendom. 
 There is not a single idea in the fourteenth and fif- 
 teenth century mysticism which cannot be read far ear- 
 lier in Augustine and Bernard, even in Aquinas and 
 Scotus. It could never be anything but a sporadic 
 phenomenon because it was so intensely individual. 
 While it satisfied the spiritual needs of many, it could 
 never amalgamate with other forces of the time, either 
 social or intellectual. As a philosophy or a creed it 
 led not so much to solipsism as to a complete abnega- 
 tion of the reason. Moreover it was slightly morbid, 
 liable to mistake giddiness of starved nerve and emo- 
 tion for a moment of vision and of union with God. 
 How much more truly than he knew did Ruysbrpeck 
 speak when he said that the soul, turned inward, could 
 see the divine light, just as the eyeball, sufficiently 
 pressed, could see the flashes of fire in the mind ! 
 
 § 5. Pee-keformees 
 
 The men who, in later ages, claimed for their an- 
 cestors a Protestantism older than the Augsburg Con- 
 fession, referred its origins not to the mystics nor to 
 the humanists, but to bold leaders branded by the 
 church as heretics. Though from the earliest age 
 Christendom never lacked minds independent enough 
 
PRE-REFORMERS 35 
 
 to differ from authority and characters strong enough 
 to attempt to cut away what they considered rotten in 
 ecclesiastical doctrine and practice, the first heretics 
 that can really be considered as harbingers of the Re- 
 formation were two sects dwelling in Southern France, Aibigenses 
 tlie Aibigenses and the Waldenses. The former, first 
 mot with in the eleventh century, derived part of their 
 doctrines from oriental Manichaeism, part from prim- 
 itive gnosticism. The latter were the followers of Waldenses 
 Peter Waldo, a rich merchant of Lyons who, about 
 1170, sold his goods and went among the poor preach- 
 ing the gospel. Though quite distinct in origin both 
 sects owed their success with the people to their at- 
 tacks on the corrupt lives of the clergy, to their use of 
 the vernacular New Testament, to their repudiation of 
 part of the sacramental system, and to their own ear- 
 nest and ascetic morality. The story of their savage 
 suppression, at the instigation of Pope Innocent III, 1209-29 
 in the Albigensian crusade, is one of the darkest blots 
 on the pages of history. A few remnants of them sur- 
 vived in the mountains of Savoy and Piedmont, har- 
 ried from time to time by blood-thirsty pontiffs. In 
 obedience to a summons of Innocent VIII King 1457 
 Charles VIII of France massacred many of them. 
 
 The spiritual ancestors of Luther, however, were not 
 so much the French heretics as two Englishmen, Occam 
 and Wyclif. William of Occam, a Franciscan who Occam, 
 taught at Oxford, was the most powerful scholastic '^' 
 critic of the existing church. Untouched by the classic 
 air breathed by the humanists, he said all that could 
 be said against the church from her own medieval 
 standpoint. He taught determinism; he maintained 
 that the final seat of authority was the Scripture; he 
 showed that such fundamental dogmas as the ex- 
 istence of God, the Trinity, and the Incarnation, cannot 
 be deduced by logic from the given premises ; he pro- 
 
36 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 posed a modification of the doctrine of transubstantia- 
 tion in the interests of reason, approaching closely in 
 his ideas to the '^consubstantiation" of Luther. De- 
 fining the church as the congregation of the faithful, 
 he undermined her governmental powers. This, in 
 fact, is just what he wished to do, for he went ahead 
 of almost all his contemporaries in proposing that the 
 judicial powers of the clergy be transferred to the civil 
 government. Not only, in his opinion, should the civil 
 ruler be totally independent of the pope, but even such 
 matters as the regulation of marriage should be left 
 to the common law. 
 
 WycHf, X far stronger impression on his age was made by 
 
 John Wyclif, the most significant of the Reformers 
 before Luther. He, too, was an Oxford professor, a 
 schoolman, and a patriot, but he was animated by a 
 deeper religious feeling than was Occam. In 1361 he 
 was master of Balliol College, where he lectured for 
 many years on divinity. At the same time he held 
 various benefices in turn, the last, the pastorate of 
 Lutterworth in Leicestershire, from 1374 till his death. 
 He became a reformer somewhat late in life owing to 
 study of the Bible and of the bad condition of the Eng- 
 
 i^*^** lish church. At the peace congress at Bruges as a 
 
 commissioner to negotiate with papal ambassadors for 
 the relief of crying abuses, he became disillusioned in 
 his hope for help from that quarter. He then turned 
 to the civil government, urging it to regain the usurped 
 authority of the church. This plan, set forth in vol- 
 uminous writings, in lectures at Oxford and in popu- 
 lar sermons in London, soon brought him before the 
 
 1377 tribunal of William Courtenay, Bishop of London, 
 
 and, had he not been protected by the powerful prince, 
 John of Lancaster, it might have gone hard with him. 
 Five bulls launched against him by Gregory Xl from 
 Eome only confirmed him in his course, for he ap- 
 
PRE-REFORMERS 37 
 
 pealed from them to Parliament. Tried at Lambeth 
 he was forbidden to preach or teach, and he therefore i378 
 retired for the rest of his life to Lutterworth. He 
 continued his literary labors, resulting in a vast host 
 of pamphlets. 
 
 Examining his writings we are struck by the fact 
 that his program was far more religious and practi- 
 cal than rational and speculative. Save transubstan- 
 tiation, he scrupled at none of the mysteries of Ca- 
 tholicism. It is also noticeable that social reform left 
 him cold. "When the laborers rose under Wat Tyler, 1381 
 Wyclif sided against them, as he also proposed that 
 confiscated church property be given rather to the 
 upper classes than to the poor. The real prii;iciples 
 of Wyclif 's reforms were but two : to abolish the tem- 
 poral power of the church, and to purge her of im- 
 moral ministers. It w^as for this reason that he set 
 up the authority of Scripture against that of tradi- 
 tion; it was for this that he doubted the efficacy of 
 sacraments administered by priests living in mortal 
 sin; it was for this that he denied the necessity of 
 auricular confession; it was for this that he would 
 have placed the temporal power over the spiritual. 
 The bulk of his writings, in both Latin and English, 
 is fierce, measureless abuse of the clergy, particularly 
 of prelates and of the pope. The head of Christendom 
 is called Antichrist over and over again ; the bishops, 
 priests and friars are said to have their lips full of 
 lies and their hands of blood; to lead women astray; 
 to live in idleness, luxury, simony and deceit; and to 
 devour the English church. Marriage of the clergy is 
 recommended. Indulgences are called a cursed rob- 
 bery. 
 
 To combat the enemies of true piety Wyclif relied 
 on two agencies. The first was the Bible, which, with 
 the assistance of friends, he Englished from the Vul 
 
38 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 gate. None of the later Keformers was more bent 
 upon giving the Scriptures to the laity, and none at- 
 tributed to it a higher degree of inspiration. As a 
 second measure Wyclif trained ''poor priests" to be 
 wandering evangelists spreading abroad the message 
 of salvation among the populace. For a time they 
 attained considerable success, notwithstanding the fact 
 that the severe persecution to which they were sub- 
 
 1401 jected caused all of Wyclif 's personal followers to 
 
 recant. The passage of the act De Haeretico Combu- 
 rendo was not, however, in vain, for in the fifteenth 
 century a number of common men were found with 
 sufficient resolution to die for their faith. It is prob- 
 able that, as Cuthbert Tunstall, Bishop of London 
 wrote in 1523, the Lollards, as they were called, were 
 the first to welcome Lutheranism into Britain. 
 
 But if the seed produced but a moderate harvest in 
 England it brought forth a hundred-fold in Bohemia. 
 
 iqfio'idT; Wyclif 's writings, carried by Czech students from Ox- 
 ford to Prague, were eagerly studied by some of the 
 attendants at that university, the greatest of whom 
 was John Huss. Having taken his bachelor's degree 
 there in 1393, he had given instruction since 1398 and 
 became the head of the university (Rector) for the 
 year 1402. Almost the whole content of his lectures, 
 as of his writings, was borrowed from Wyclif, from 
 whom he copied not only his main ideas but long pas- 
 sages verbatim and without specific acknowledgment. 
 Professors and students of his own race supported 
 him, but the Germans at the university took offence 
 and a long struggle ensued, culminating in the seces- 
 I sion of the Germans in a body in 1409 to found a new 
 university at Leipsic. The quarrel, having started 
 over a philosophic question, — Wyclif and Huss being 
 realists and the Germans nominalists, — took a more 
 serious turn when it came to a definition of the church 
 
PRE-REFORMERS 39 
 
 and of the respective spheres of the civil and ecclesias- 
 tical authorities. Defining the church as the body of 
 the predestinate, and starting a campaign against in- 
 dulgences, Huss soon fell under the ban of his supe- 
 riors. After burning the bulls of John XXIII Huss 
 withdrew from Prague. Summoned to the Council of 
 Constance, he went thither, under safe-conduct from I4ii 
 the Emperor Sigismund, and was immediately cast 
 into a noisome dungeon. 
 
 The council proceeded to consider the opinions of 1414 
 Wyclif, condemning 260 of his errors and ordering his 
 bones to be dug up and burnt, as was done twelve years 
 later. Every effort was then made to get Huss to re- 
 cant a list of propositions drawn up by the council 
 and attributed to him. Some qf these charges were 
 absurd, as that he was accused of calling himself the 
 fourth person of the Trinity. Other opinions, like the 
 denial of transubstantiation, he declared, and doubtless 
 with truth, that he had never held. Much was made of 
 his saying that he hoped his soul would be with the soul 
 of Wyclif after death, and the emperor was alarmed 
 by his argument that neither priest nor king living in 
 mortal sin had a right to exercise his office. He was 
 therefore condemned to the stake. 
 
 His death ^yas perfect. His last letters are full of 
 calm resolution, love to his friends, and forgiveness to 
 his enemies. Haled to the cathedral where the coun- 
 cil sat on July 6, 1-115, he was given one last chance 
 to recant and save his life. Refusing, he was stripped 
 of his vestments, and a paper cro^vn with three de- 
 mons painted on it put on his head with the words, ~ 
 **We commit thy soul to the devil"; he was then led 
 to the jiublic square and burnt alive. Sigismund, 
 threatened by the council, made no effort to redeem his 
 safe-conduct, and in September the reverend fathers 
 passed a decree that no safe-conduct to a heretic, and 
 
1431-6 
 
 40 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 no pledge prejudicial to the Catholic faith, could be 
 considered binding. Among the large concourse of 
 divines not one voice was raised against this treacher- 
 ous murder. 
 
 Huss 's most prominent follower, Jerome of Prague, 
 after recantation, returned to his former position and 
 was burnt at Constance on May 30, 1416. A bull of 
 1418 ordered the similar punishment of all heretics who 
 maintained the positions of Wyclif, Huss, or Jerome 
 of Prague. 
 
 As, early as September a loud remonstrance against 
 the treatment of their master was voiced by the Bo- 
 hemian Diet. The more radical party, known as Xa- 
 borites, rejected transubstantiation, worship of the 
 saints, prayers for the dead, indulgences, auricular con- 
 fession, and oaths. They allowed women to preach, 
 demanded the use of the vernacular in divine service 
 and the giving of the cup to the laity. A crusade was 
 started against them, but they knew how to defend 
 themselves. The Council of Basle was driven to ne- 
 .gotiate v/ith them and ended by a compromise allow- 
 ing the cup to the laity and some other reforms. Sub- 
 sequent efforts to reduce them proved futile. Under 
 King Podiebrad the Utraquists maintained their rights. 
 
 Some Hussites, however, continued as a separate 
 body, calling themselves Bohemian Brethren. First 
 met with in 1457 they continue to the present day as 
 ■Moravians. They were subject to constant persecu- 
 tion. In 1505 the Catholic official James Lilienstayn 
 drew up an interesting list of their errors. It seems 
 that their cardinal tenet was the supremacy of Scrip- 
 ture, without gloss, tradition, or interpretation by the 
 Fathers of the church. They rejected the primacy of 
 the pope, and all ceremonies for which authority could 
 not be found in the Bible, and they denied the efficacy 
 of masses for the dead and the validity of indulgences. 
 
NATIONALIZING THE CHURCHES 41- 
 
 With much reason Wyclif and Huss have been 
 called ''Reformers before the Reformation." Luther 
 himself, not knowing the Englishman, recognized his 
 deep indebtedness to the Bohemian. All of their pro- 
 gram, and more, he carried through. His doctrine of 
 justification by faith only, with its radical transforma- 
 tion of the sacramental system, can'^.ot be found in 
 these his predecessors, and this was a difference of 
 vast importance. 
 
 § 6. Natioitalizing the Churches 
 
 Inevitably, the growth of national sentiment spoken 
 of above reacted on the religious institutions of Eu- 
 rope. Indeed, it was here that the conflict of the inter- 
 national, ecclesiastical state, and of the secular govern- 
 ments became keenest. Both kings and people wished 
 to control their ovm spiritual affairs as well as their 
 temporalities. 
 
 England traveled farthest on the road towards a na- The 
 tional church. For three centuries she had been as- ^^*^^f'* 
 
 Anglicana 
 
 serting the rights of her government to direct spirit- 
 ual as well as temporal matters. The Statute of Mort- 
 main forbade the alienation of land from the jurisdie- 1279 
 tion of the civil power by -appropriating it to religious 
 persons. The withdrawing of land from the obliga- 
 tion to pay taxes and feudal dues was thus checked* 
 The encroachment of the civil power, both in England 
 and France, was bitterly felt by the popes. Boniface 
 VIII endeavored to stem the flood by the bull Clericis 1296 
 laicos forbidding the taxation of clergy by any secular 
 government, and the bull Unam Sanctam asserting the 1302 
 universal monarchy of the Roman pontiff in the strong- 
 est possible terms. But -these exorbitant claims were 
 without effect. The Statute of Provisors forbade the JsgJ^"'* 
 appointment to English benefices by the pope, and the 
 Statute of Praemunire took away the right of Eng- 1393 
 
42 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 lisli subjects to appeal from the courts of their own 
 country to Rome. The success of Wyclif 's movement 
 was hirgely duo to his patriotism. Thouj;-h the signs 
 of strife with the pope were fewer in the lit'tecnth cen- 
 tury, there is no doubt that the national feeling per- 
 sisted. 
 
 The France manifested a spirit of liberty hardly less 
 
 Church iierce than that of England. It was the French King 
 Philip the Fair who lunniliated Boniface VIII so se- 
 verely that he died of chagrin. During almost the 
 whole of the fourteenth century the residence of a 
 pope subservient to France at Avignon prevented any 
 difficulties, but no sooner had the Council of Constance 
 restored the head of the unified church to Eome than 
 the old conflict again burst forth. The extreme claims 
 
 1438 of the Galilean church were asserted in the law known 
 
 as the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, by which the 
 pope was left hardly any right of appointment, of 
 jurisdiction, or of raising revenue in France. The su- 
 jiremaey of a council over the pope was explicitly 
 asserted, as was the right of the civil magistrate to 
 order ecclesiastical affairs in his dominions. When 
 the pontitfs refused to recognize this almost schismat- 
 ical position taken by France, the Pragmatic Sanction 
 was further fortified by a law sentencing to death any 
 person who should bring into the country a bull re- 
 pugnant to it. Strenuous etforts of the papacy were 
 directed to secure the repeal of this document, and in 
 1461 Pius II induced Louis XI to revoke it in return 
 for political concessions in Naples. This action, op- 
 posed by the University and Parlement of Paris, 
 proved so unpopular that two years later the Galilean 
 liberties were reasserted in their full extent. 
 
 Harmony was established between the interests of 
 
 1516 the curia and of the French government by the com- 
 
 promise known as the Concordat of Bologna. The 
 
NATIONALIZING THE CHURCHES 43 
 
 concessions to the king wore so heavy that it was diffi- 
 cult for Leo X to get his cardinals to consent to them. 
 Almost the whole power of appointment, of jurisdic- 
 tion, and of taxation was put into the royal hands, 
 some stipulations being made against the conferring 
 of benefices on immoral jjriests and against the frivol- 
 ous imposition of ecclesiastical punishments. What 
 the pope gained was the abandonment of the assertion 
 made at Bourges of the supremacy of a general coun- 
 cil. The Concordat was greeted by a storm of protest 
 in France. The 'Sorbonne refused to recognize it and 
 appealed at once to a general council. The king, how- 
 ever, had the refractory members arrested and decreed 
 the repeal of the Pragmatic Sanction in 1518. 
 
 In Italy and Germany the growth of a national state 
 was retarded by the fact that one was the seat of the ^^^^^ 
 pope, the other of the emperor, each of them claim- 
 ing a universal authority. Moreover, these two pow- 
 ers were continually at odds. The long investiture 
 strife, culminating in the triumph of Gregory Vll at 
 Canossa and ending in the 'Concordat of Worms, could ^^^"^ 
 
 • 1122 
 
 not permanently settle the relations of the two. 
 Whereas Aquinas and the Canon Law maintained the 
 superiority of the pope, there were not lacking assert- 
 ers of the imperial preeminence. William of Occam's 
 argument to prove that the emperor might depose an 
 heretical pope was taken up by Marsiglio of Padua, 
 whose Defender of the Peace ranks among the ablest c. 1324 
 of political pamphlets. In order to reduce the power 
 of the pope, whom he called "the great dragon and 
 old serpent," he advanced the civil government to a 
 complete supremacy in ecclesiastical affairs. He 
 stated that the only authority in matters of faith was 
 the Bible, with the necessary interpretation given it 
 by a general council composed of both clerg)^ and lay- 
 men; that the emperor had the right to convoke and 
 
44 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 direct this council and to punish all priests, prelates 
 and the supreme pontiff; that the Canon Law had no 
 validity; that no temporal punishment should be vis- 
 ited on heresy save by the state, and no spiritual 
 punishment be valid without the consent of the 
 state. 
 Germany AVith sucli a wcapon in their hands the emperors 
 
 mig'ht have taken an even stronger stand than did the 
 kings of England and France but for the lack of unity 
 in their dominions. Germany was divided into a large 
 number of practically independent states. It was in 
 these and not in the empire as a whole that an ap- 
 proach was made to a form of national church, such as 
 was realized after Luther had broken the bondage of 
 Rome. When Duke Eudolph IV of Austria in the 
 fourteenth century stated that he intended to be pope, 
 archbishop, archdeacon and dean in his owm land, when 
 the dukes of Bavaria, Saxony and Cleves made similar 
 boasts, they but put in a strong form the xerogram that 
 they in part realized. The princes gradually acquired 
 the right of patronage to church benefices, and they 
 permitted no bulls to be published, no indulgences 
 sold, without their permission. The Free Cities acted 
 in much the same way. The authority of the German 
 states over their own spiritualities was no innovation 
 of the heresy of Wittenberg. 
 
 For all Germany's internal division there was a cer- 
 tain national consciousness, due to the common lan- 
 guage. In no point were the people more agreed than 
 in their opposition to the rule of the Italian Curia. 
 At one time the monasteries of Cologne signed a com- 
 pact to resist Gregory XI in a proposed levy of tithes, 
 stating that, ''in consequence of the exactions by 
 which the Papal Court burdens the clergy the Apostolic 
 See has fallen into contempt and the Catholic faith 
 in these parts seems to be seriously imperiled. ' * 
 
 1382 
 
NATIONALIZING THE CHURCHES 45 
 
 Again, a Knight of the Teutonic Order in Prussiai430 
 wrote: ''Greed reigns supreme in the Roman Court, 
 and day by day finds new devices and artifices for ex- 
 torting money from Germany under pretext of eccle- 
 siastical fees. Ilcnce arise much outcry, complaint 
 and heart-burning. . . . Many questions about the 
 papacy will be answered, or else obedience will ulti- 
 mately be entirely renounced to escape from these out- 
 rageous exactions of the Italians." 
 
 The relief expected from the Council of Basle failed, 
 and abuses were only made worse by a compact be- 
 tween Frederick III and Nicholas V, known as the 
 Concordat of Vienna. This treaty was by no means 1443 
 comparable witli the English and French legislation, 
 but was merely a division of the spoils between the 
 two supreme rulers at the expense of the people. The 
 power of appointment to high ecclesiastical positions 
 was divided, annates were confirmed, and in general 
 a considerable increase of the authority of the Curia 
 was established. 
 
 Protests began at once in the form of "Gravamina," 
 or lists of grievances drawn up at each Diet as a peti- 
 tion, and in part enacted into laws. In 1452 the Spir- 
 itual Electors demanded that the emperor proceed 
 with reform on the basis of the decrees of Constance. 
 In 1457 the clergy refused to be taxed for a crusade. 
 In 14G1 the princes appealed against the sale of in- 
 dulgences. The Gravamina of this year were very 
 bitter, complaining of the practice of usury by priests, 
 of the pomp of the cardinals and of the pope's habit 
 of giving promises of preferment to certain sees 
 and then declaring the places vacant on the plea of 
 having made a ''mental reservation" in favor of some 
 one else. The Roman clergy were called in this bill 
 of grievances "public fornicators, keepers of concu- 
 bines, ruffians, pimps and sinners in various other re- 
 
46 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 spects." Drastic proposals of reform were defeated 
 by the pope. 
 Gravamina The Gravamina continued. Those of 1479 appealed 
 against the Mendicant Orders and against the appoint- 
 ment of foreigners. They clamored for a new coun- 
 cil and for reform on the basis of the decrees of Basle ; 
 they protested against judicial appeals to Rome, 
 against the annates and against the crusade tax. It 
 was stated that the papal appointees were rather fitted 
 to be drivers of mules than pastors of souls. Such 
 words found a reverberating echo among the people. 
 The powerful pen of Gregory of Heimburg, sometimes 
 called ''the lay Luther," roused his countrymen to a 
 patriotic stand against the Italian usurpation. 
 
 The Diet of 1502 resolved not to let money raised by 
 indulgences leave Germany, but to use it against the 
 Turks. Another long list of grievances relating to the 
 tyranny and extortion of Rome was presented in 1510. 
 The acts of the Diet of Augsburg in the summer of 
 1518 are eloquent testimony to the state of popular 
 feeling when Luther had just begun his career. To 
 this Diet Leo X sent as special legate Cardinal Cajetan, 
 requesting a subsidy for a crusade against the Turk. 
 It was proposed that an impost of ten per cent, be 
 laid on the incomes of the clergy and one of five per 
 cent, on the rich laity. This was refused on account of 
 the grievances of the nation against the Curia, and re- 
 fused in language of the utmost violence. It was 
 stated that the real enemy of Christianity was not the 
 Turk but ''the hound of hell" in Rorde. Indulgences 
 were branded as blood-letting. 
 
 When such was the public opinion it is clear that 
 Luther only touched a match to a heap of inflanunable 
 material. The whole nationalist movement redounded 
 to the benefit of Protestantism. The state-churches of 
 
THE HUMANISTS 47 
 
 northern Europe are but the logical development of 
 previous separatist tendencies. 
 
 § 7. The Humanists 
 
 But the preparation for the great revolt was no less 
 thorough on the intellectual than it was on the religi- 
 ous and political sides. The revival of interest in 
 classical antiquity, aptly known as the Renaissance, 
 brought with it a searching criticism of all medieval 
 standards and, most of all, of medieval religion. The 
 Renaissance stands in the same relationship to the 
 Reformation that the so-called '* Enlightenment'* 
 stands to the French Revolution. The humanists of 
 the fifteenth century were the "philosophers" of the 
 eighteenth. 
 
 The new spirit was born in Italy. If we go back as 
 far as Dante we find, along with many modern ele- Dante, 
 ments, such as the use of the vernacular, a completely 
 medieval conception of the universe. His immortal 
 poem is in one respect but a commentary on the 
 Simima theologiae of Aquinas ; it is all about the other 
 world. The younger contemporaries of the great 
 Florentine began to be restless as the implications of Petrarch, 
 the new spirit da^\^led on them. Petrarch lamented 
 that literary culture was deemed incompatible with 
 faith. Boccaccio was as much a child of this world as Boccaccio, 
 Dante was a prophet of the next. Too simple-minded i^^^"^^ 
 deliberately to criticize doctrine, he was instinctively 
 opposed to ecclesiastical professions. Devoting him- 
 self to celebrating the pleasures and the pomp of life, 
 he took especial delight in heaping ridicule on ecclesi- 
 astics, representing them as the quintessence of all im- 
 purity and hypocrisy. The first story in his famous 
 Decameron is of a scoundrel who comes to be reputed 
 as a saint, invoked as such and performing miracles 
 
48 
 
 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 Valla, 
 1406-56 
 
 after death. The second story is of a Jew who was 
 converted to Christianity by the wickedness of Rome, 
 for he reasoned that no cult, not divinely supported, 
 could survive such desperate depravity as he saw 
 there. The third tale, of the three rings, points the 
 moral that no one can be certain what religion is the 
 true one. The fourth narrative, like many others, 
 turns upon the sensuality of the monks. Elsewhere 
 the author describes the most absurd relics, and tells 
 how a priest deceived a woman by pretending that he 
 was the angel Gabriel. The trend of such a work was 
 naturally the reverse of edifying. The irreligion is 
 too spontaneous to be called philosophic doubt; it is 
 merely impiety. 
 
 But such a sentiment could not long remain content 
 with scoffing. The banner of pure rationalism, or 
 rather of conscious classical skepticism, was raised by 
 a circle of enthusiasts. The most brilliant of them, 
 and one of the keenest critics that Europe has ever 
 produced, was Lorenzo Valla, a native of Naples, and 
 for some years holder of a benefice at Rome. Such 
 was the trenchancy and temper of his weapons that 
 much of what he advanced has stood the test of time. 
 The Dona- The papal claim to temporal supremacy in the 
 Constantine Western world rested largely on a spurious document 
 kno"wn as the Donation of Constantine. In this the 
 emperor is represented as withdrawing from Rome in 
 order to leave it to the pope, to whom, in return for 
 being cured of leprosy, he gives the whole Occident. 
 An uncritical age had received this forgery for five 
 or six centuries without question. Doubt had been 
 cast on it by Nicholas of Cusa and Reginald Peacock, 
 but Valla demolished it. He showed that no historian 
 had spoken of it; that there was no time at which it 
 could have occurred; that it is contradicted by other 
 contemporary acts; that the barbarous style contains 
 
THE HUMANISTS 49 
 
 expressions of Greek, Hebrew, and German origin; 
 that the testimony of numismatics is against it; and 
 tliat the author knew nothing of the antiquities of 
 Rome, into whose council he introduced satraps. 
 Valla's work was so thoroughly done that the docu- 
 ment, embodied as were its conclusions in the Canon 
 Law, has never found a reputable -defender since. In 
 time the critique had an immense effect. Ulricli von 
 Hutten published it in 1517, and in the same year an 
 English translation was made. In 1537 Luther turned 
 it into German. 
 
 And if the legality of the pope's rule w^as so slight, Valla 
 what was its practical effect? According to Valla, it ^"^p'^^ 
 was a ''barbarous, overbearing, tyrannical, priestly 
 domination." ''What is it to you," he apostrophizes 
 the pontiff, "if our republic is crushed? You have 
 crushed it. If our temples have been pillaged? You 
 have pillaged them. If our virgins and matrons have 
 been violated? You have done it. If the city is in- 
 nundated with the blood of citizens? You are guilty 
 of it all." 
 
 Valla's critical genius next attacked the schoolman's Annota- 
 idol Aristotle and the humanist's demigod Cicero. 11°"^^" 
 More important were his Annotations on the Neiv Testament 
 Testament, first published by Erasmus in 1505. The 
 Vulgate was at that time regarded, as it was at Trent 
 defined to be, the authentic or official form of the 
 Scriptures. Taking in hand three Latin and three 
 Greek manuscripts. Valla had no difficulty in showing 
 that they diifered from one another and that in some 
 cases the Latin had no authority whatever in the 
 Greek. He pointed out a number of mistranslations, 
 some of them in passages vitally affecting the faith. 
 In short he left no support standing for any theory 
 of verbal inspiration. He further questioned, and 
 successfully, the authorship of the Creed attributed 
 
50 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 to the Apostles, the authenticity of the writings of 
 Dionysius the Areopagite and of the letter of Christ 
 to King Abgarus, preserved and credited by Eusebius. 
 Attack on His attack on Christian ethics was still more funda- 
 ethics mental. In his Dialogue on Free Will he tried with 
 
 , ingenuity to reconcile the freedom of the will, denied 
 by Augustine, with the foreknowledge of God, which 
 he did not feel strong enough to dispute. In his work 
 on The Monastic Life he denied all value to asceticism. 
 Others had mocked the monks for not living up to their 
 professions; he asserted that the ideal itself was mis- 
 taken. But it is the treatise On Pleasure that goes the 
 farthest. In form it is a dialogue on ethics ; one inter- 
 locutor maintaining the Epicurean, the second the 
 Stoical, and the third the Christian standard. The 
 sympathies of the author are plainly with the cham- 
 pion of hedonism, who maintains that pleasure is the 
 supreme good in life, or rather the only good, that the 
 prostitute is better than the nun, for the one makes 
 men happy, the other is dedicated to a painful and 
 shameful celibacy; that the law against adultery is a 
 sort of sacrilege; that women should be common and 
 should go naked; and that it is irrational to die for 
 one's country or for any other ideal. ... It is note- 
 worthy that the representative of the Christian stand- 
 point accepts tacitly the assumption that happiness 
 is the supreme good, only he places that happiness in 
 the next life. 
 
 Valla's ideas obtained throughout a large circle in 
 the half-century following his death. Masuccio in- 
 dulged in the most obscene mockery of Catholic rites. 
 Poggio wrote a book against hypocrites, attacking the 
 monks, and a joke-book largely at the expense of the 
 Machia- faithful. Machiavclli assailed the papacy with great 
 1530 ^^^^~ ferocity, attributing to it the corruption of Italian 
 morals and the political disunion and weakness of 
 
THE HUMANISTS 51 
 
 Italy, and advocating its annihilation. In place of 
 Christianity, habitually spoken of as an exploded su- 
 perstition, dangerous to the state, he would put the 
 patriotic cults of antiquity. 
 
 It is not strange, knowing the character of the popes, 
 that pagan expressions should color the writings of 
 their courtiers. Poggio was a papal secretary, and so 
 was Bembo, a cardinal who refused to read Paul's 
 epistles for fear of corrupting his Latinity. In his 
 exquisite search for classical equivalents for the rude 
 phrases of the gospel, he referred, in a papal breve, 
 to Christ as '''Minerva sprung from the head of Jove," 
 and to the Holy Ghost as ''the breath of the celestial 
 Zephyr." Conceived in the same spirit was a sermon 
 of Inghirami heard by Erasmus at Eome on Good Fri- 
 day 1509. Couched in the purest Ciceronian terms, 
 while comparing the Saviour to Curtius, Cecrops, 
 Aristides, Epaminondas and Iphigenia, it was mainly 
 devoted to an extravagant eulogy of the reigning 
 pontiff, Julius II. 
 
 But all the Italian humanists were not pagans. 
 There arose at Florence, partly under the influence of 
 the revival of Greek, partly under that of Savonarola, 
 a group of earnest young men who sought to invigor- 
 ate Christianity by infusing into it the doctrines of 
 Plato. The leaders of this Neo-Platonic Academy, Picoddla 
 Pico della Mirandola and Marsiglio Ficino, sought to jlj^l-ai '^' 
 show that the teachings of the Athenian and of the 
 Galilean were the same. Approaching the Bible in 
 the simple literary way indicated by classical study, 
 Pico really rediscovered some of the teachings of the 
 New Testament, while in dealing with the Old he was 
 forced to adopt an ingenious but unsound allegorical 
 interpretation. "Philosophy seeks the truth," he 
 wrote, "theology finds it, religion possesses it." His 
 extraordinary personal influence extended through 
 
52 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 lands beyond the Alps, even though it failed in ac- 
 complishing the rehabilitation of Italian faith. 
 Faber The leader of the French Christian Renaissance, 
 
 fi45^"^^^' James Lefevre d'Etaples, was one of his disciples. 
 1536 Traveling in Italy in 1492, after visiting Padua, Venice 
 
 and Rome, he came to Florence, learned to know Pico, 
 and received from him a translation of Aristotle's 
 Metaphysics made by Cardinal Bessarion. Return- 
 ing to Paris he taught, at the College of Cardinal 
 Lemoine, mathematics, music and philosophy. He did 
 not share the dislike of Aristotle manifested by most 
 of the humanists, for he shrewdly suspected that what 
 was offensive in the Stagyrite was due more to his 
 scholastic translators and commentators than to him- 
 self. He therefore labored to restore the true text, on 
 which he wrote a number of treatises. It was with 
 the same purpose that he turned next to the early 
 Fathers and to the writer called Dionysius the Are- 
 opagite. But he did not find himself until he found 
 the Bible. In 1509 he published the Quintuplex 
 Psalterium, the first treatise on the Psalms in which 
 the philological and personal interest was uppermost. 
 Hitherto it had not been the Bible that had been 
 studied so much as the commentaries on it, a dry 
 wilderness of arid and futile subtlety. Lefevre tried 
 to see simply what the text said, and as it became more 
 human it became, for him, more divine. His preface 
 is a real cry of joy at his great discovery. He did, in- 
 deed, interpret everything in a double sense, literal and 
 spiritual, and placed the emphasis rather on the latter, 
 but this did not prevent a genuine eifort to read the 
 words as they were written. Three years later he 
 published in like manner the Epistles of St. Paul, with 
 commentary. Though he spoke of the apostle as 
 a simple instrument of God, he yet did more to un- 
 cover his personality than any of the previous com- 
 
THE HUMANISTS 53 
 
 mentators. Half mystic as he was, Lefevre discovered 
 in Paul the doctrine of justification by faith only. To 
 I Corinthians viii, he wrote: *'It is almost profane to 
 speak of the merit of works, especially towards God. 
 . . . The opinion that we can be justified by works is 
 an error for which the Jews are especially condemned. 
 . . . Our only hope is in God's grace." Lefevre 's 
 works opened up a new world to the theologians of the 
 time. Erasmus's friend Beatus Ehenanus wrote that 
 the richness of the Quintuplex Psalter made him poor. 
 Thomas More said that English students owed him 
 much. Luther used the two works of the Frenchman 
 as the texts for his early lectures. From them he 
 drew very heavily; indeed it was doubtless Lefevre 
 who first suggested to him the formula of his famous 
 ** sola fide." 
 
 The religious renaissance in England was led by a Coiet, 
 disciple of Pico dolla Mirandola, John Colet, a man of 
 remarkably pure life, and Dean of St. Paul's. Ho 
 wrote, though he did not publish, some commentaries 
 on the Pauline epistles and on the Mosaic account of 
 creation. Though he knew no Greek, and was not an 
 easy or elegant writer of Latin, he was allied to the 
 humanists by his desire to return to the real sources 
 of Christianity, and by his search for the historical 
 sense of his texts. Though in some respects he was 
 under the fantastic notions of the Areopagite, in others 
 his interpretation was rational, free and undogmatic. 
 He exercised a considerable influence on Erasmus and 
 on a few choice spirits of the time. 
 
 The humanism of Germany centered in the universi- 
 ties. At the close of the fifteenth century new courses 
 in the Latin classics, in Greek and in Hebrew, began 
 to supplement the medieval curriculum of logic and 
 philosophy. At every academy there sprang up a 
 circle of ** poets," as they called themselves, often of 
 
54 
 
 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 Mutian, 
 1471-1526 
 
 Reuchlin, 
 1455-1522 
 
 1506 
 
 lax morals and indifferent to religion, but earnest in 
 their championship of culture. Nor were these circles 
 confined entirely to the seats of learning. Many a city 
 had its own literary society, one of the most famous 
 being that of Nuremberg. Conrad Mutianus Eufus 
 drew to Gotha, where he held a canonry, a group of 
 disciples, to whom he imparted the Neo-Platonism he 
 had imbibed in Italy. Disregarding revelation, he 
 taught that all religions were essentially the same. 
 *^I esteem the decrees of philosophers more than those 
 of priests," he wrote. 
 
 What Lefevre and Colet had done for the New 
 Testament, John Reuchlin did for the Old. After 
 studying in France and Italy, where he learned to 
 know Pico della Mirandola, he settled at Stuttgart and 
 devoted his life to the study of Hebrew. His De Rudi- 
 mentis Ilebraicis, a grammar and dictionary of this 
 language, performed a great service for scholarship. 
 In the late Jewish work, the Cabbala, he believed he 
 had discovered a source of mystic wisdom. The ex- 
 travagance of his interpretations of Scriptual pas- 
 sages, based on this, not only rendered much of his 
 work nugatory, but got him into a great deal of trou- 
 ble. The converted Jew, John Pfefferkorn, proposed, 
 in a series of pamphlets, that Jews should be forbidden 
 to practise usury, should be compelled to hear sermons 
 and to deliver up all their Hebrew books to be burnt, 
 except the Old Testament. When Reuchlin 's aid in 
 this pious project was requested it was refused in a 
 memorial dated October 6, 1510, pointing out the great 
 value of much Hebrew literature. The Dominicans of 
 Cologne, headed by their inquisitor, James Hochstra- 
 ten, made this the ground for a charge of heresy. 
 The case was appealed to Rome, and the trial, lasting 
 six years, excited the interest of all Europe. In Ger- 
 many it was argued with much heat in a host of pam- 
 
THE HUMANISTS 55 
 
 plilets, all the monks and obscurantists taking the side 
 of the inquisitors and all the humanists, save one, 
 Ortuin Gratius of Cologne, taking the part of the 
 scholar. The latter received many warm expressions 
 of admiration and support from the loading writers of 
 the time, and published them in two volumes, the first 
 in 1514, under the title Letters of Eminent Men. It 
 was this that suggested to the humanist, Crotus Eu- 
 boanus, the title of his satire published anonymously, 
 TJie Letters of Obscure Men. In form it is a series of 
 epistles from monks and hedge-priests to Ortuin Gra- Epistolae 
 tius. Writing in the most barbarous Latin, they ex- rumViro- 
 press their admiration for his attack on Eeuchlin and ^"■"^ 
 the cause of learning, gossip about their drinking- 
 bouts and pot-house amours, expose their ignorance 
 and gullibility, and ask absurd questions, as, whether 
 it is a mortal sin to salute a Jew, and whether the 
 worms eaten with beans and cheese should be con- 
 sidered meat or fish, lawful or not in Lent, and at what 
 stage of development a chick in the egg becomes meat 
 and therefore prohibited on Fridays. The satire, 
 coarse as it was biting, failed to win the applause of 
 the finer spirits, but raised a shout of laughter from 
 the students, and was no insignificant factor in adding 
 to contempt for the church. The first book of these 
 Letters, published in 1515, was followed two years 
 later by a second, even more caustic than the first. 
 This supplement, also published without the writer's 
 name, was from the pen of Ulrich von Hutten. 
 
 This brilliant and passionate writer devoted the Hutten, 
 
 1488— l'i2S 
 
 greater part of his life to war with Rome. His motive 
 was not religious, but patriotic. He longed to see his 
 country strong and united, and free from the galling 
 oppression of the ultramontane yoke. He published 
 Valla's Donation of Constantine, and wrote epigrams 
 on the popes. His dialogue Fever the First is a vitri- 
 
56 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 olic attack on the priests. His Vadiscus or the Roman 
 1520 Trinity scourges the vices of the curia where three 
 
 things are sold: Christ, places and women. When he 
 first heard of Luther's cause he called it a quarrel of 
 - monks, and only hoped they would all destroy one an- 
 other. But by 1519 he saw in the Keformer the most 
 powerful of allies against the common foe, and he ac- 
 cordingly embraced his cause with habitual zeal. His 
 letters at this time breathe out fire and slaughter 
 against the Romanists if anything should happen to 
 Luther. In 1523, he supported his friend Francis von 
 Sickingen, in the attempt to assert by force of arms the 
 rights of the patriotic and evangelic order of knights. 
 When this was defeated, Hutten, suffering from a ter- 
 rible disease, wandered to Switzerland, Avhere he died, 
 a lonely and broken exile. His epitaph shall be his 
 own lofty poem: 
 
 I have fought my fight with courage, 
 Nor have I aught to rue, 
 For, though I lost the battle, 
 The world knows, I was true ! 
 
 Erasmus, The most cosmopolitan, as v/ell as the greatest, of 
 
 1466-1536 ^11 ^j^^ Christian humanists, was Desiderius Erasmus 
 of Rotterdam. Though an illegitimate child, he was 
 well educated and thoroughly grounded in the classics 
 at the famous school of Deventer. At the age of 
 twenty he was persuaded, somewhat against his will, 
 to enter the order of Augustinian Canons at Steyn. 
 Under the patronage of the Bishop of Cambrai he was 
 1499-1509 enabled to continue his studies at Paris. For the 
 next ten years he Avandered to England, to various 
 places in Northern France and Flanders, and Italy, 
 learning to know many of the intellectual leaders of 
 the time. From 1509-14 he was in England, part of 
 the time lecturing at Cambridge. He then spent some 
 
THE HU^IANISTS 57 
 
 years at Louvain, seven years at Basic and six years 
 at Freiburg in the Breisgau, returning to Basle for the 
 last year of his life. 
 
 Until he was over thirty Erasmus's dominant inter- 
 est was classical literature. Under the influence of 
 Colet and of a French Franciscan, John Vitrier, he 
 turned his attention to liberalizing religion. His first 
 devotional work, The Hmulhooh of the Christian Enchiridion 
 Knight, perfectly sets forth his program of spiritual, ^rl!^^- • 
 as opposed to formal, Christianity. It all turns upon i503 
 the distinction between the inner and the outer man, 
 the moral and the sensual. True service of Christ is 
 purity of heart and love, not the invocation of saints, 
 fasting and indulgences. 
 
 In The Praise of Folly Erasmus mildly rebukes the i^^^ 
 foibles of men. There never was kindlier satire, free 
 from the savage scorn of Crotus and Hutten, and from 
 the didactic scolding of Sebastian Brant, whose Ship 
 of Foots was one of the author 's models. Folly is made 1494 
 quite amiable, the source not only of some things that 
 are amiss but also of much harmless enjo^Tiient. The 
 besetting silliness of every class is -exposed : of the man 
 of pleasure, of the man of business, of women and of 
 husbands, of the writer and of the pedant. Though 
 not unduly emphasized, the folly of current super- 
 stitions is held up to ridicule. Some there are who 
 have turned the saints into pagan gods; some who 
 have measured purgatory into years and days and 
 clieat themselves with indulgences against it; some 
 theologians who spend all their time discussing such 
 absurdities as whether God could have redeemed men 
 in the form of a woman, a devil, an ass, a squash or a 
 stone, others who explain the mystery of the Trinity. 
 
 In following up his plan for the restoration of a 
 simpler Christianity, Erasmus rightly thought that a 
 return from the barren subtleties of the schoolmen to 
 
of Christ 
 
 58 THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 the primitive sources was essential. He wished to 
 reduce Christianity to a moral, humanitarian, un- 
 dogmatic philosophy of life. His attitude towards 
 dogma was to admit it and to ignore it. Scientific en- 
 lightenment he Avelcomcd more than did either the 
 Catholics or the Reformers, sure that if the Sermon on 
 the Mount survived, Christianity had nothing to fear. 
 In like manner, while he did not attack the cult and 
 ritual of the church, he never laid any stress on it. 
 ''If some dogmas are incomprehensible and some rites 
 superstitious," he seemed to say, ''what does it mat- 
 ter? Let us emphasize the ethical and spiritual con- 
 tent of Christ's message, for if we seek his kingdom, 
 all else needful shall be added unto us." His favorite 
 Philosophy name for his religion was the "philosophy of Christ," 
 and it is thus that he persuasively expounds it in a 
 note, in his Greek Testament, to Matthew xi, 30 : 
 
 Truly the yoke of Christ would be sweet and his burden 
 light, if petty human institutions added nothing to what 
 he himself imposed. He commanded us nothing save 
 love one for another, and there is nothing so bitter that 
 charity does not soften and sweeten it. Everything ac- 
 cording to nature is easily borne, and nothing accords 
 better with the nature of man than the philosophy of 
 Christ, of which almost the sole end is to give back to 
 fallen nature its innocence and integrity. . . . How pure, 
 how simple is the faith that Christ delivered to us ! How 
 close to it is the creed transmitted to us by the apostles, 
 or apostolic men. The church, divided and tormented by 
 discussions and by heresy, added to it many things, of 
 which some can be omitted without prejudice to the 
 faith. . . . There are many opinions from which impiety 
 may be begotten, as for example, all those philosophic 
 doctrines on the reason of the nature and the distinction 
 of the persons of the Godhead. . . . The sacraments 
 themselves were instituted for the salvation of men, but 
 we abuse them for lucre, for vain glory or for the oppres- 
 sion of the humble. . . . What rules, what superstitions 
 we have about vestments! How many are judged as to 
 
THE HUMANISTS 59 
 
 their Christianity by such trifles, which are indifferent in 
 themselves, which change with the fashion and of which 
 Christ never spoke ! . . . How many fasts are instituted ! 
 And we are not merely invited to fast, but obliged to, on 
 pain of damnation. . . . "What shall we say about vows 
 . . . about the^uthority of the pope, the abuse of absolu- 
 tions, dispensations,, remissions of penalty, law-suits, in 
 which there is much that a truly good man cannot see 
 without a groan? The priests themselves prefer to 
 study Aristotle than to ply their ministry. The gospel 
 is hardly mentioned from the pulpit. Sermons are 
 monopolized by the commissioners of indulgences; often 
 the doctrine of Christ is put aside and suppressed for 
 their profit. . . . Would that men were content to let 
 Christ rule by the laws of the gospel and that they 
 would no longer seek to strengthen their obscurant 
 tyranny by human decrees ! 
 
 In the Familiar Colloquies, first published in 1518 Colloquies 
 and often enlarged in subsequent editions, Erasmus 
 brought out his religious ideas most sharply. Enor- 
 mous as were the sales and influence of his other chief 
 writings, they were probably less than those of this 
 work, intended primarily as a text-book of Latin style. 
 The first conversations are, indeed, nothing more than 
 school-boy exercises, but the later ones are short 
 stories penned w'ith consummate art. Erasmus is 
 almost the only man Avho, since the fall of Eome, has 
 succeeded in writing a really exquisite Latin. But his 
 supreme gift was his dry wit, the subtle faculty of ex- 
 posing an object, apparently by a simple matter-of-fact 
 narrative, to the keenest ridicule. Thus, in the Col- 
 loquies, he describes his pilgrimage to St. Thomas's 
 shrine at Canterbury, the bloody bones and the hand- 
 kerchief covered with the saint's rheum offered to be 
 kissed — all without a disapproving word and yet in 
 such a way that when the reader has finished it he 
 wonders how anything so silly could ever have existed. 
 Thus again he strips the worship of Mary, and all the 
 
6a THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 
 stupid and wrong projects she is asked to abet. In 
 the conversation called The Shipwreck, the people pray 
 to the Star of the Sea exactly as they did in pagan 
 times, only it is Mary, not Venus that is meant. They 
 offer mountains of wax candles to the saints to pre- 
 serve them, although one man confides to his neighbor 
 in a whisper that if he ever gets to land he will not 
 pay one penny taper on his vow. Again, in the Col- 
 loquy on the New Testament, a young man is asked 
 what he has done for Christ. He replies : 
 
 A certain Franciscan keeps reviling the New Testa- 
 ment of Erasmus in his sermons. Well, one day I called 
 on him in private, seized him by the hair with my left 
 hand and punished him with my right. I gave him so 
 sound a drubbing that I reduced his whole face to a 
 mere jelly. Wliat do you*say to that? Isn't that main- 
 taining the gospel ? And then, by way of absolution for 
 his sins I took this book [Erasmus's New Testament, a 
 folio bound with brass] and gave him three resounding 
 whacks on the head in the name of the Father and of the 
 Son and of the Holy Ghost. 
 
 '^That,^' replies his friend, ''was truly evangelic; 
 defending the gospel by the gospel. But really it is 
 time you were turning from a brute beast into a man." 
 
 So it was that the man who was at once the gentlest 
 Christian, the leading scholar, and the keenest wit of 
 his age insinuated his opinions without seeming to at- 
 tack anything. Where Luther battered down, he 
 undermined. Even when he argued against an opin- 
 ion he called his polemic a "Conversation" — for that 
 is the true meaning of the word Diatribe. With choice 
 of soft vocabulary, of attenuated forms, of double nega- 
 tives, he tempered exquisitely his Latin. Did he doubt 
 anything? Hardly, "he had a shade of doubt" {siih- 
 dubito). Did he think he wrote well? Not at all, but 
 he confessed that he produced "something more like 
 Latin than the average" (paulo latinius). Did he 
 
THE HU:MANISTS 61 
 
 like anything? If so, he only admitted — except when 
 he was addressing his patrons — "that he was not alto- 
 gether averse to it." But all at once from these 
 feather-light touches, like those of a Henry James, 
 comes the sudden thrust that made his stylus a dagger. 
 Some of his epigrams on the Reformation have been 
 quoted in practically every history of the subject since, 
 and will be quoted as often again. 
 
 But it was not a few perfect phrases that made hira His wit 
 the power that he was, but an habitual wit that never 
 failed to strip any situation of its vulgar pretense. 
 When a canon of Strassburg Cathedral was showing 
 him over the chapter house and w^as boasting of the 
 rule that no one should be admitted to a prebend who 
 had not sixteen quarterings on his coat of arms, the 
 humanist dropped his eyes and remarked demurely, 
 with but the flicker of a smile, that he was indeed hon- 
 ored to be in a religious company so noble that even 
 Jesus could not have come up to its requirements. 
 The man was dumfounded, he almost suspected some- 
 thing personal ; but he never forgot the salutary lesson 
 so delicately conveyed. 
 
 Erasmus was a man of peace; he feared *'thc tu- 
 mult" which, if we trust a letter dated September 9, 
 1517 — though he sometimes retouched his letters on 
 publishing them — he foresaw. *'In this part of the 
 world," he wrote, **I am afraid that a great revolu- 
 tion is impending." It was already knocking at the 
 door ! 
 
CHAPTER II 
 GERMANY 
 
 § 1. The Leader 
 
 It is superfluous in these days to point out that no 
 great historical movement is caused by the personality, 
 however potent, of a single individual. The men who 
 take the helm at crises are those who but express in 
 themselves what the masses of their followers feel. 
 The need of leadership is so urgent that if there is no 
 really great man at hand, the people will invent one, 
 endowing the best of the small men with the prestige 
 of power, and embodying in his person the cause for 
 which they strive. But a really strong personality to 
 some extent guides the course of events by which he is 
 carried along. Such a man was Luther. Few have 
 ever alike represented and dominated an age as did 
 he. His heart was the most passionately earnest, his 
 will the strongest, his brain one of the most capacious 
 of his time ; above all he had the gift of popular speech 
 to stamp his ideas into the fibre of his countrymen. 
 If we may borrow a figure from chemistry, he found 
 public opinion a solution supersaturated with revolt; 
 all that was needed to precipitate it was a pebble 
 thrown in, but instead of a pebble he added the most 
 powerful reagent possible. 
 
 On that October day when Columbus discovered the 
 new world, Martin, a boy of very nearly nine, was sit- 
 ting at his desk in the school at Mansfeld. Though 
 both diligent and quick, he found the crabbed Latin 
 primer, itself written in abstract Latin, very difficult, 
 and was flogged fourteen times in one morning by 
 
 62 
 
THE LEADER 63 
 
 brutal masters for faltering in a declension. When he 
 returned home he found his mother bending under a 
 load of wood she had gathered in the forest. Both 
 she and his father were severe with the children, whip- 
 ping them for slight faults until the blood came. 
 Nevertheless, as the son himself recognized, they 
 meant heartily well by it. But for the self-sacrifice 
 and determination showm by the father, a worker in 
 the newly opened mines, who by his own industry rose 
 to modest comfort, the career of the son would have 
 been impossible. 
 
 Fully as much as by bodily hardship the boy's life 
 was rendered unhappy by spiritual terrors. Demons 
 lurked in the storms, and witches plagued his good 
 mother and threatened to make her children cry them- 
 selves to death. God and Christ were conceived as 
 stern and angry judges ready to thrust sinners into 
 hell. ''They painted Christ," says Luther — and such 
 pictures can still be seen in old churches — ''sitting on 
 a rainbow with his Mother and John the Baptist on 
 cither side as intercessors against his frightful 
 wrath. '^ 
 
 At thirteen he was sent away to Magdeburg to a 
 charitable school, and the next year to Eisenach, where 
 he spent three years in study. He contributed to his 
 support by the then recognized means of begging, 
 and was sheltered by the pious matron Ursula Cotta. 
 In 1501 he matriculated at the old and famous uni- 
 versity of Erfurt. The curriculum here consisted of Erfurt 
 logic, dialectic, grammar, and rhetoric, followed by 
 arithmetic, ethics, and metaphysics. There was some 
 natural science, studied not by the experimental 
 method, but wholly from the books of Aristotle and his 
 medieval commentators, and there were also a few 
 courses in literature, both in the Latin classics and in 
 their later imitators. Banking among the better 
 
64 GERMANY 
 
 scholars Luther took the degrees of bachelor in 1502 
 and of master of arts in 1505, and immediately began 
 the study of jurisprudence. While his diligence and 
 good conduct won golden words from his preceptors he 
 mingled with his comrades as a man with men. He 
 was generous, even prodigal, a musician and a ** phi- 
 losopher"; in disputations he was made ''an honorary 
 umpire" by his fellows and teachers. "Fair fortune 
 and good health are mine," he wrote a friend on Sep- 
 tember 5, 1501, "I am settled at college as pleasantly 
 as possible." 
 
 For the sudden change that came over his life at the 
 age of twenty-one no adequate explanation has been 
 offered. Pious and serious as he was, his thoughts do 
 not seem to have turned towards the monastic life as 
 a boy, nor are the old legends of the sudden death of a 
 friend well substantiated. As he was returning to 
 Erfurt from a visit home, he was overtaken by a ter- 
 rific thunderstorm, in which his excited imagination 
 saw a divine warning to forsake the "world." In a 
 fright he vowed to St. Ann to become a monk and, 
 though he at once regretted the rash promise, on July 
 17, 1505, he discharged it by entering the Augustinian 
 friary at Erfurt. After a year's novitiate he took the 
 irrevocable vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience. 
 In 1507 he was ordained priest. In the winter of 
 1510-1 he was sent to Rome on business of the order, 
 and there saw much of the splendour and also of the 
 corruption of the capital of Christendom. Having 
 started, in 1508, to teach Aristotle at the recently 
 founded University of Wittenberg, a year later he 
 1511 returned to Erfurt, but was again called to Wittenberg 
 
 to lecture on the Bible, a position he held all his life. 
 
 During his first ten years in the cloister he under- 
 went a profound experience. He started with the hor- 
 rible and torturing idea that he was doomed to hell. 
 
THE LEADER 65 
 
 ''What can I do," he kept asking, ''to win a gracious 
 God?" The answer given him by his teachers was 
 that a man must work out his o^\ti salvation, not en- 
 tirely, but largely, by his own efforts. The sacraments 
 of the church dispensed grace and life to the recipient, 
 and beyond this he could merit forgiveness by the 
 asceticism and privation of the monastic life. Luther 
 took this all in and strove frantically by fasting, 
 prayer, and scourging to fit himself for redemption. 
 But though he won the reputation of a saint, he could 
 not free himself from the desires of the flesh. He was 
 helpless; he could do nothing. Then he read in Au- 
 gustine that virtue without grace is but a specious 
 vice ; that God damns and saves utterl}^ without regard 
 to man 's work. He read in Tauler and the other mys- 
 tics that the only true salvation is union with God, and 
 that if a man were willing to be damned for God's 
 glory he would find heaven even in hell. He read in 
 Lefevre d'fitaplcs that a man is not saved by doing 
 good, but by faith, like the thief on the cross. 
 
 In May, 1515, he began to lecture on Paul's Epistles 
 to the Romans, and pondered the verse (i, 17) "The 
 just shall live by his faith." All at once, so forcibly justifica- 
 that he believed it a revelation of the Holy Ghost, the ^'«"^y 
 
 ^ . laith only 
 
 thought dawmed upon him that whereas man was im- 
 potent to do or be good, God was able freely to make 
 him so. Pure passivity in God's hands, simple aban- 
 donment to his will was the only way of salvation ; not 
 by works but by faith in the Redeemer was man sanc- 
 tified. The thought, though by no means new in Chris- 
 tianity, was, in the application he gave it, the germ of 
 the religious revolution. In it was contained the total 
 repudiation of tlie medieval ecclesiastical system of 
 salvation by sacrament and by the good works of the 
 cloister. To us nowadays the thought seems remote; 
 the question which called it forth outworn. But to the 
 
m GERMANY 
 
 sixteenth century it was as intensely practical as social 
 reform is now; the church was everywhere with her 
 claim to rule over men's daily lives and over their 
 souls. All progress was conditioned on breaking her 
 claims, and probably nothing could have done it so 
 thoroughly as this idea of justification by faith only. 
 
 The thought made Luther a reformer at once. He 
 started to purge his order of Pharisaism, and the uni- 
 versity of the dross of Aristotle. Soon he was called 
 upon to protest against one of the most obtrusive of 
 the ''good works" recommended by the church, the 
 purchase of indulgences. Albert of Hohenzollern was 
 elected, through political influence and at an early age, 
 to the archiepiscopal sees of Magdeburg and Mayence, 
 this last carrying with it an electorate and the primacy 
 of Germany. For confirmation from the pope in the 
 uncanonical occupation of these offices, Albert paid a 
 huge sum, the equivalent of several hundred thousand 
 dollars today. Mayence was already in debt and the 
 young archbishop knew not where to turn for money. 
 To help him, and to raise money for Rome, Leo X 
 declared an indulgence. In order to get as large a 
 profit as possible Albert employed as his chief agent 
 Tetzel an unscrupulous Dominican named John Tetzel. This 
 
 man went around the country proclaiming that as soon 
 as the money clinked in the chest the soul of some dead 
 relative flew from purgatory, and that by buying a 
 papal pardon the purchaser secured plenary remission 
 of sins and the grace of God. 
 
 The indulgence-sellers were forbidden to enter Sax- 
 ony, but they came very near it, and many of the peo- 
 ple of Wittenberg went out to buy heaven at a bargain. 
 Luther was sickened by seeing what he believed to be 
 the deception of the poor people in being taught to 
 rely on these wretched papers instead of on real, lively 
 faith. He accordingly called their value in question 
 
THE LEADER 67 
 
 in Ninety-five Theses, or heads for a scholastic debate, The Ninety- 
 which he nailed to the door of the Castle Church on ^H-^ ^^^^' 
 October 31, 1517. lie pointed out that the doctrine 
 of the church was very uncertain, especially in regard 
 to the freeing of souls from purgatory ; that contrition 
 was the only gate to God's pardon ; tliat works of char- 
 ity were better than buying of indulgences, and that 
 the practices of the indulgence-sellers were extremely 
 scandalous and likely to foment heresy among the 
 simple. Tn nil this he did not directly deny the whole 
 value of indulgences, but he pared it down to a mini- 
 mum. 
 
 The Theses were printed by Luther and sent around 
 to friends in other cities. They were at once put into 
 German, and applauded to the echo by the whole na- 
 tion. Everybody had been resentful of the extortion 
 of greedy ecclesiastics and disgusted with their hypoc- 
 risy. Jt[\ welcomed the attack on the ''holy trade," as 
 its supporters called it. Tetzel was mobbed and had 
 to withdraw in haste. The pardons no longer had any 
 sale. The authorities took alarm at once. Leo X 
 directed the general of the Augustinians to make his Februarys, 
 presumptuous brother recant. The matter was ac- 
 cordingly brought up at the general chapter of the 
 Order held at Heidelberg in May. Luther was pres- 
 ent, was asked to retract, and refused. On the con- 
 trary he published a Sermon on Indulgence and Grace 
 and a defence of the Theses stating his points more 
 strongl}^ than before. 
 
 The whole of Germany was now in commotion. The 
 Diet which met at Augsburg in the sunmier of 1518 
 was extremely hostile to the pope and to his legate, 
 Cardinal Cajetan. At the instance of this theologian, 
 who had written a reply to the Theses, and of the 
 Dominicans, wounded in the person of Tetzel, Luther 
 was summoned to Rome to be tried. On August 5 the 
 
6S GERMANY 
 
 Emperor Maximilian promised his aid to the pope, 
 and, in order to expedite matters, the latter changed 
 the summons to Rome to a citation before Cajetan at 
 Augsburg, at the same time instructing the legate to 
 seize the heretic if he did not recant. At this juncture 
 Luther was not left in the lurch by his own sovereign, 
 Frederic the Wise, Elector of Saxony, through whom 
 an imperial safe-conduct was procured. Armed with 
 this, the Wittenberg professor appeared before Caje- 
 October 12- tan at Augsburg, was asked to recant two of his state- 
 
 14 1518 
 
 ments on indulgences, and refused. A few days later 
 Luther drew up an appeal ''from the pope badly in- 
 formed to the pope to be better informed,'^ and in the 
 following month appealed again from the pope to a 
 future oecumenical council. In the meantime Leo X, 
 in the bull Cum postquam, authoritatively defined the 
 doctrine of indulgences in a sense contrary to the posi- 
 tion of Luther. 
 
 The next move of the Vicar of Christ was to send to 
 Germany a special agent, the Saxon Charles von Mil- 
 titz, with instructions either to cajole the heretic into 
 retraction or the Elector into surrendering him, Li 
 neither of these attempts was he successful. At an in- 
 {t?Q*^' terview with Luther the utmost he could do w^as to 
 
 XOX7 
 
 secure a general statement that the accused man would 
 abide by the decision of the Holy See, and a promise 
 to keep quiet as long as his opponents did the same. 
 
 Such a compromise was sure to be fruitless, for the 
 champions of the church could not let the heretic rest 
 for a moment. The whole affair was given a wider 
 publicity than it had hitherto attained, and at the same 
 time Luther was pushed to a more advanced position 
 than he had yet reached, by the attack of a theologian 
 of Ingolstadt, John Eck. When he assailed the Theses 
 on the ground that they seriously impaired the author- 
 ity of the Roman see, Luther retorted: 
 
THE LEADER 69 
 
 The assertion that the Roman Church is superior to all 
 other churches is proved only by weak and vain papal de- 
 crees of the last four hundred years, and is repugnant to 
 the accredited history of the previous eleven hundred 
 years, to the Bible, and to the decree of the holiest of all 
 councils, the Nicene. 
 
 A debate on this and other propositions between TheUipzig 
 Eck on the one side and Luther and his colleague ^^^g^*' 
 Carlstadt on the other took place at Leipzig in the days 
 from June 27 to July 16, 1519. The climax of the 
 argument on the power of popes and councils came 
 when Eck, skilfully manoeuvring to show that Luther's 
 opinions were identical with those of Huss, forced from 
 his opponent the bold declaration that "among the 
 opinions of John Huss and the Bohemians many are 
 certainly most Christian and evangelic, and cannot be 
 condemned by the universal church.'^ The words sent 
 a thrill through the audience and throughout Christen- 
 dom. Eck could only reply: *'If you believe that a 
 general council, legitimately convoked, can err, you 
 are to me a heathen and a publican." Reconciliation 
 was indeed no longer possible. When Luther had pro- 
 tested against the abuse of indulgences he did so as a 
 loyal son of the church. Now at last he was forced 
 to raise the standard of revolt, at least against Rome, 
 the recognized head of the church. He had begun by 
 appealing from indulgence-seller to pope, then from 
 the pope to a universal council; now he declared that 
 a great council had erred, and that he would not abide 
 by its decision. The issue was a clear one, though 
 hardly recognized as such by himself, between the re- 
 ligion of authority and the right of private judgment. 
 
 His opposition to the papacy developed with ex- 
 traordinary rapidity. His study of the Canon Law 
 made him, as early as March, 1519, brand the pope as 
 cither Antichrist or Antichrist's apostle. He ap- 
 
70 GERMANY 
 
 plauded Melanchthon, a brilliant young man called to 
 teach at Wittenberg in 1518, for denying transubstan- 
 tiation. He declared that the cup should never have 
 been withheld from the laity, and that the mass con- 
 sidered as a good work and a sacrifice was an abomina- 
 tion. His eyes were opened to the iniquities of Rome 
 by Valla's exposure of the Donation of Constantine, 
 published by Ulrich von Hutten in 1519. After read- 
 ing it he wrote : 
 
 Good heavens! what darkness and wickedness is at 
 Rome! You wonder at the judgment of God that such 
 unauthentic, crass, impudent lies not only lived but pre- 
 vailed for many centuries, that they were incorporated 
 into the Canon Law, and (that no degree of horror might 
 be wanting) that they became as articles of faith. 
 
 Like German troops Luther was best in taking the 
 -offensive. These early years when he was standing 
 almost alone and attacking one abuse after another, 
 were the finest of his whole career. Later, when he 
 came to reconstruct a church, he modified or withdrew 
 much of what he had at first put forward, and re- 
 introduced a large portion of the medieval religiosity 
 which he had once so successfully and fiercely attacked. 
 The year 1520 saw him at the most advanced point he 
 ever attained. It was then that he produced, with 
 marvellous fecundity, a series of pamphlets unequalled 
 by him and unexcelled anywhere, both in the incisive 
 power of their attack on existing institutions and in 
 the popular force of their language. 
 To the His greatest appeal to his countrymen was made in 
 
 Christian j^jg Address to the Christian Nobility of the German 
 1520 ' Nation on the Improvement of the Christian Estate. 
 In this he asserts the right of the civil power to reform 
 the spiritual, and urges the government to exercise 
 this right. The priests, says he, defend themselves 
 against all outside interference by three ** walls," of 
 
THE LEADER 71 
 
 which the first is the claim that the church is superior 
 to the state, in case the civil authority presses them; 
 the second, the assertion, if one would correct them 
 by the Bible, that no one can interpret it but the pope ; 
 the third, if they are threatened with a general council, 
 the contention that no one can convoke such a council 
 save the pope. Luther demolishes these walls with 
 words of vast import. First, he denies any distinc- 
 tion between the spiritual and temporal estates. 
 Every baptized Christian, he asserts, is a priest, and 
 in this saying he struck a mortal blow at the great 
 hierarchy of privilege and theocratic tyranny built up 
 l)y the Middle Ages. The second wall is still frailer 
 than the first, says the writer, for anyone can see that 
 in spite of the priests' claims to be masters of the 
 Bible they never learn one word of it their whole life 
 long. The third wall falls of itself, for the Bible 
 plainly commands everyone to punish and correct any 
 wrong-doer, no matter what his station. 
 
 After this introduction Luther proposes measures of Reform 
 reform equally drastic and comprehensive. The first "^^^^"'^ 
 twelve articles are devoted to the pope, the annates, 
 the appointment of foreigners to German benefices, the 
 appeal of cases to Eome, the asserted authority of the 
 papacy over bishops, the emperor, and other rulers. 
 All these abuses, as well as jubilees and pilgrimages 
 to Eome should be simply forbidden by the civil gov- 
 ernment. The next three articles deal with sacerdotal 
 celibacy, recommending that priests be allowed to 
 marry, and calling for the suppression of many of the 
 cloisters. It is further urged that foundations for 
 masses and for the support of idle priests be abol- 
 ished, that various vexatious provisions of the Canon 
 Law be repealed, and that begging on any pretext be 
 prohibited. The twenty-fourth article deals with the 
 Bohemian schism, saying that Huss was wrongly 
 
72 GEEMANY 
 
 burned, and calling for union mtli the Hussites who 
 deny transubstantiation and demand the cup for the 
 laity. Next, the writer takes up the reform of educa- 
 tion in the interests of a more biblical religion. Fi- 
 nally, he urges that sumptuary laws be passed, that a 
 bridle be put in the mouth of the great monopolists and 
 usurers, and that brothels be no longer tolerated. 
 
 Of all the writer's works this probably had the 
 greatest and most immediate influence. Some, indeed, 
 were offended by the violence of the language, de- 
 fended by Luther from the example of the Bible and by 
 the necessity of rousing people to the enormities he 
 attacked. But most hailed it as a ''trumpet-blast" 
 calling the nation to arms. Four thousand copies were 
 sold in a few days, and a second edition was called for 
 within a month. Voicing ideas that had been long, 
 though vaguely, current, it convinced almost all of the 
 need of a reformation. According to their sympathies 
 men declared that the devil or the Holy Ghost spoke 
 through Luther. 
 Ionian Q^ ■ Though Icss popular both in form and subject. The 
 tJOTty,i520 Bahylonian Captivity of the Church was not less im- 
 portant than the Address to the German Nohility. It 
 was a mortal blow at the sacramental system of the 
 church. In judging it we must again summon the aid 
 of our historical imagination. In the sixteenth cen- 
 tury dogmas not only seemed but were matters of 
 supreme importance. It was just by her sacramental 
 system, by her claim to give the believer eternal life 
 and salvation through her rites, that the church had 
 imposed her yoke on men. As long as that belief re- 
 mained intact progress in thought, in freedom of con- 
 science, in reform, remained difficult. And here, as is 
 frequently the case, the most effective arguments were 
 not those which seem to us logically the strongest. 
 Luther made no appeal to reason as such. He ap- 
 
THE LEADER 73 
 
 pealed to the Bible, recognized by all Christians as an 
 authority, and showed how far the practice of the 
 church had degenerated from her standard. In the 
 first place he reduced the number of sacraments, deny- Sacrament* 
 ing that name to matrimony, orders, extreme unction 
 and confirmation. In attacking orders he demolished 
 the priestly ideal and authority. In reducing mar- 
 riage to a civil contract he took a long step towards the 
 secularization of life. Penance he considered a sacra- 
 ment in a certain sense, though not in the strict one, 
 and he showed that it had been turned by the church 
 from its original significance of '* repentance" ^ to that 
 of sacramental penance, in which no faith was required 
 but merely an automatic act. Baptism and the eu- 
 charist he considered the only true sacraments, and 
 he seriously criticized the prevalent doctrine of the 
 latter. He denied that the mass is a sacrifice or a 
 ''good work" pleasing to God and therefore beneficial 
 to the soul either of living or of dead. He denied that 
 the bread and wine are transubstantiated into the body 
 and blood of Jesus, though he held that the body and 
 blood are really present with the elements. He de- 
 manded that the cup be given to the laity. 
 
 The whole trend of Luther's thought at this time was 
 to oppose the Catholic theory of a mechanical distribu- 
 tion of grace and salvation (the so-called opus opera- 
 tum) by means of the sacraments, and to substitute for 
 it an individual conception of religion in which faith 
 only should be necessary. How far he carried this 
 idea may be seen in his Sermon on the New Testament, 
 that is on the Holy Mass,^ published in the same year 
 as the pamphlets just analysed. In it he makes the 
 essence of the sacrament forgiveness, and the vehicle 
 of this forgiveness the word of God apprehended by 
 
 1 In Latin penitentia means both penance and repentance. 
 
 2 Cf. jSIatthew, xxvi, 28. 
 
74 GERMANY 
 
 faith, not the actual participation in the sacred bread 
 and wine. Had he always been true to this conception 
 he would have left no place for sacrament or priest at 
 all. But in later years he grew more conservative, 
 until, under slightly different names, almost the old 
 medieval ideas of church and religion were again 
 established, and, as Milton later expressed it, ''New 
 presbyter was but old priest writ large." 
 
 § 2. The Revolution 
 Germany Although the Germans had arrived, by the end of the 
 
 [fifteenth century, at a high degree of national self- 
 consciousness, they had not, like the French and Eng- 
 lish, succeeded in forming a corresponding political 
 unity. The Holy Roman Empire of the German Na- 
 tion, though continuing to assert the vast claims of the 
 Roman world-state, was in fact but a loose confederacy 
 of many and very diverse territories. On a map 
 drawn to the scale 1 ; 6,000,000 nearly a hundred sep- 
 arate political entities can be counted within the limits 
 of the Empire and there were many others too small to 
 appear. The rulers of seven of these territories 
 elected the emperor; they were the three spiritual 
 princes, the Archbishops of Mayence, Treves and Co- 
 logne, the three German temporal princes, the Electors 
 of the Rhenish Palatinate, Saxony, and Brandenburg, 
 and in addition the King of Bohemia, who, save for 
 purposes of the imperial choice, did not count as a 
 member of the Germanic body. Besides these there 
 were some powerful dukedoms, like Austria and Ba- 
 varia, and numerous smaller bishoprics and counties. 
 There were also many free cities, like Augsburg and 
 Nuremberg, small aristocratic republics. Finally there 
 was a large body of ''free knights" or barons, whose 
 tiny fiefs amounted often to no more than a castle and 
 a few acres, but who owned no feudal superior save 
 
THE REVOLUTION 75 
 
 the emperor. The unity of the Empire was expressed .. 
 not only in the person of the emperor, but in the Diet 
 which met at different places at frequent intervals. 
 Its authorit}^, though on the whole increasing, was 
 small. 
 
 With no imperial system of taxation, no professional 
 army and no centralized administration, the real power 
 of the emperor dwindled. Such as it was he derived it 
 from the fact that he was always elected from one of 
 the great houses. Since 1438 the Ilapsburgs, Arch- 
 dukes of Austria, had held the imperial office. Since 
 1495 there was also an imperial supreme court of arbi- 1495 
 tration. The first imperial tax was levied in 1422 to 
 equip a force against the Hussites. In the fifteenth 
 centuiy also the rudiments of a central administration 
 were laid in the division of the realm into ten ''cir- 
 cles," and the levy of a small number of soldiers. 
 And yet, at the time of the Reformation, the Empire 
 was little better than a state in dissolution through 
 the centrifugal forces of feudalism. 
 
 So little was the Empire an individual unit that the 
 policy of her rulers themselves was not imperial. 
 The statesmanship of Maximilian was something 
 smaller than national ; it was that of his Archduchy of 
 Austria. The p<^licy of his successor, on the other 
 hand, was determin(M by something larger than Ger- 
 many, the consideration of the Spanish and Burgundian 
 states that he also ruled. Maximilian tried in every Maximilian 
 way to aggrandize his pelcsonal power, not that of the I'Jf^^ 
 German nation. The Diet\of Worms of 1495 tried to 
 remodel the constitution. It proclaimed a perpetual 
 public peace, provided that those who broke it should 
 be outlawed, and placed the duty of executing the ban 
 upon all territories within ninety miles of the offender. 
 It also passed a bill for taxation, called the ''common 
 penny," which combined features of a poll tax, an in- 
 
76 GERMANY 
 
 come tax and a property tax. The difficulty of collect- 
 ing it was great; Maximilian himself as a territorial 
 prince tried to evade it instead of setting his subjects 
 the good example of paying it. He probably derived 
 no more than the trifling sum of 50,000-100,000 gulden 
 from it annually. The Diet also revived the Supreme 
 Court and gave it a permanent home at Frankf ort-on- 
 the-Main. Feeble efforts to follow up this beginning 
 of reform were made in subsequent Diets, but they 
 failed owing to the insuperable jealousies of the 
 princes and because the party of national unity lost 
 the sympathy of the common people, to whom alone 
 they could look for support. 
 
 Maximilian's external policy, though adventurous 
 and unstable, was somewhat more successful. His 
 only principle was to grasp whatever opportunity 
 seemed to offer. Thus at one tjme he seriously pro- 
 posed to have himself elected pope. His marriage 
 with Mary, the daughter of Charles the Bold, added 
 to the estates of his house Burgundy — the land com- 
 prising what is now Belgium, Luxemburg, most of 
 Holland and large portions of north-eastern France. 
 On the death of Mary, in 1482, Maximilian had much 
 trouble in getting himself acknowledged as regent of 
 her lands for their son Philip the Handsome. A part 
 of the domain he also lost in a war with France. This 
 was more than m^ade up, however, by the brilliant match 
 he made for Philip in securing for him the hand of 
 Mad Joanna, the daughter and heiress of Ferdinand 
 and Isabella of Spain. This marriage produced two 
 sons, Charles and Ferdinand. The deaths of Isabella 
 (1504), of Philip (1506) and of Ferdinand of Aragon 
 Charles V, (1516) left Charlcs at the age of sixteen the ruler of 
 Burgundy and of Spain with its immense dependencies 
 in Italy and in America. From this time forth the 
 policy of Maximilian concentrated in the effort to 
 
 1500-58 
 
THE REVOLUTION 77 
 
 secure the succession of his eldest grandson to the 
 imperial throne. 
 
 When Maximilian died on January 12, 1519, there 
 were several candidates for election. So little was the 
 office considered national that the kings of Franco and 
 England entered the lists, and the former, Francis I, 
 actually at one time secured the promise of votes from 
 the majority of electors. Pope Leo made explicit en- 
 gagements to both Charles and Francis to support 
 their claims, and at the same time instructed his legate 
 to labor for the choice of a German prince, either 
 Frederic of Saxony, if he would in return give up 
 Luther, or else Joachim of Brandenburg. But at no 
 time was the election seriously in doubt. The electors 
 followed the only possible course in choosing Charles 
 on June 28. They profited, however, by the rivalry of 
 the rich king of France to extort enormous bribes and 
 concessions from Charles. The banking house of 
 Fugger supplied the necessary funds, and in addition 
 the agents of the emperor-elect were obliged to sign a 
 ''capitulation" making all sorts of concessions to the 
 princes. One of these, exacted by Frederic of Saxony 
 in the interest of Luther, was that no subject should 
 be outlawed without being heard. 
 
 The settlement of the imperial election enabled the 
 pope once more to turn his attention to the suppres- 
 sion of the rapidly growing heresy. After the Leipzig 
 debate the universities of Cologne and Louvain had 
 condemned Luther's positions. Eck went to Rome in 
 March, 1520, and impressed the curia, which was al- 
 ready planning a bull condemning the heretic, with the 
 danger of delay. After long discussions the bull 
 Exsurge Domine was ratified by the College of Car- Bull 
 dinals and promulgated by Leo on June 15. In this, ^^^^^l 
 forty-one of Luther's sayings, relating to the sacra- 1520 
 ments of penance and the eucharist, to indulgences and 
 
78 
 
 GERMANY 
 
 1521 
 
 October 23, 
 
 1520 
 
 January 27, 
 
 1521 
 
 Tlie Diet of 
 
 Worms 
 
 the power of the pope, to free will and purgatory, and 
 to a few other matters, were anathematized as heret- 
 ical or scandalous or false or offensive to pious ears. 
 His books were condemned and ordered to be burnt, 
 and unless he should recant within sixty days of the 
 posting of the bull in Germany he was to be considered 
 a heretic and dealt with accordingly. Eck was en- 
 trusted with the duty of publishing this fulmination in 
 Germany, and performed the task in the last days of 
 September. 
 
 The time given Luther in which to recant therefore 
 expired two months later. Instead of doing so he pub- 
 lished several answers to "the execrable bull of Anti- 
 christ," and on December 10 publicly and solemnly 
 burnt it, together with the whole Canon Law. This 
 he had come to detest, partly as containing the 
 ''forged decretals," partly as the sanction for a vast 
 mechanism of ecclesiastical use and abuse, repugnant 
 to his more personal theology. The dramatic act, 
 which sent a thrill throughout Europe, symbolized the 
 passing of some medieval accretions on primitive 
 Christianity. There was nothing left for the pope but 
 to excommunicate the heretic, as was done in the bull 
 Decet Pontificem Romanum drawn up at Rome in Jan- 
 uary, and published at Worms on May 6. 
 
 In the meantime Charles had come to Germany. 
 For more than a year after his election he remained 
 in Spain, where his position was very insecure on ac- 
 count of the revolt against his Burgundian officers. 
 Arriving in the Netherlands in the summer of 1520 
 Charles was met by the special nuncios of the pope, 
 Caracciolo and Aleander. After he was crowned em- 
 peror at Aix-la-Chapelle, he opened his first Diet, at 
 Worms. 
 
 Before this august assembly came three questions 
 of highest import. The first related to the dynastic 
 
THE EEVOLUTION 79 
 
 policy of the Hasburgs. For the chronic war with 
 France an army of 24,000 men and a tax of 128,000 
 gulden was voted. The disposition of Wurttemberg 
 caused some trouble. Duke Ulrich had been deposed 
 for rebellion in 1518, and his land taken from him by 
 the Swabian League and sold to the emperor in 1520. 
 Together with the Austrian lands, which Charles 
 secretly handed over to his young brother Ferdinand, 
 this territory made the nucleus of Hapsburg power in 
 Germany. 
 
 The Diet then took up the question of constitutional 
 reform. In order to have a permanent administrative 
 body, necessary during the long absences of the em- 
 peror, an Imperial Council of Regency was established Council of 
 and given a seat at Nuremberg. The emperor nom- ^s^^^y 
 inated the president and four of the twenty-two other 
 members; each of the six German electors nominated 
 one member ; six were chosen by the circles into which 
 the Empire was divided and six wore elected by the 
 other estates. The powers of the council were limited 
 to the times when the emperor was away. 
 
 The third question treated by the Diet was the re- 
 ligious one. As usual, they drew up a long list of 
 grievances against the pope, to which many good 
 Catholics in the assembly subscribed. Next they con- 
 sidered what to do with Luther. Charles himself, 
 who could speak no language but French, and had no 
 sympathy whatever with a rebel from any authority 
 spiritual or temporal, would much have preferred to 
 outlaw the Wittenberg professor at once, but he was 
 bound by his promise to Frederic of Saxony. Of the 
 six electors, who sat apart from the other estates, 
 Frederic was strongly for Luther, the Elector Palatine 
 was favorably inclined towards him, and the Arch- 
 bishop of Mayence represented a mediating policy. 
 The other three electors were opposed. Among the 
 
80 GERMANY 
 
 lesser princes a considerable minority was for Luther, 
 whereas among the representatives of the free cities 
 and of the knights, probably a majority were his fol- 
 lowers. The common people, though unrepresented, 
 applauded Luther, and their clamors could not pass 
 unheeded even by the aristocratic members of the Diet. 
 
 February The debate was opened by Aleander in a speech 
 dwelling on the sacramental errors of the heretic and 
 the similarity of his movement to that of the detested 
 Bohemians. After a stormy session the estates de- 
 cided to summon the bold Saxon before them and ac- 
 cordingly a citation, together with a safe-conduct, was 
 sent him. 
 
 Though there was some danger in obeying the sum- 
 mons, Luther's journey to Worms was a triumphal 
 progress. Brought before the Diet in the late after- 
 noon of April 17, he was asked if a certain number of 
 books, the titles of which were read, were his and if he 
 would recant the heresy contained in them. The form 
 of the questions took him by surprise, for he had ex- 
 pected to be confronted with definite charges and to be 
 allowed to defend his positions. He accordingly asked 
 
 April 18, f oj. time, and was granted one more day. On his sec- 
 ond appearance he made a great oration admitting 
 that the books were his and closing with the words : 
 
 Unless I am convicted by Scripture or by right reason 
 (for I trust neither popes nor councils since they have 
 often erred and contradicted themselves) ... I neither 
 can nor will recant anything since it is neither safe nor 
 right to act against conscience. God help me. Amen. 
 
 There he stood, braving the world, for he could do no 
 other. . . . He left the hall the hero of his nation. 
 
 Hoping still to convince him of error, Catholic the- 
 ologians held protracted but fruitless conferences with 
 him before his departure from Worms on the 26th of 
 
 1521 
 
THE REVOLUTION 81 
 
 April. The sympathy of the people with him was 
 sho^^Ti by the posting at Worms of placards threaten- 
 ing his enemies. Charles was sincerely shocked and 
 immediately drew up a statement that he would hazard 
 life and lands on the maintenance of the Catholic faith 
 of his fathers. An edict was drafted by Aleander on 
 the model of one promulgated in September in the 
 Netherlands. The Edict of Worms put Luther under Luther 
 the ban of the Empire, commanded his surrender to ^^'^ed 
 the government at the expiration of his safe-conduct, 
 and forbade all to shelter him or to read his writings. 
 Though dated on May 8, to make it synchronize with a 
 treaty between Charles and Leo, the Edict was not 
 passed by the Diet until May 26. At this time many 
 of the members had gone home, and the law was forced 
 on the remaining ones, contrary to the wishes of the 
 majority, by intrigue and imperial pressure. 
 
 After leaving Worms Luther was taken by his 
 prince, Frederic the Wise, and placed for safe keeping 
 in the Wartburg, a fine old castle near Eisenach. The 
 Here he remained in hiding for nearly a year, while '^^ ^^^ 
 doing some of his most important work. Here he 
 wrote his treatise On Monastic Voivs, declaring that 
 they are wrong and invalid and urging all priests, nuns 
 and monks to leave the cloister and to marry. In 
 thus freeing thousands of men and women from a life 
 often unproductive and sterile Luther achieved one of 
 the greatest of his practical reforms. At the Wart- 
 burg also Luther began his translation of the Bible. 
 The New Testament appeared in September 1522, and 
 the Old Testament followed in four parts, the last pub- 
 lished in 1532. 
 
 While Luther was in retirement at the Wartburg, The 
 bis colleagues Carlstadt and Melanchthon, and the Au- 
 gustinian friar Gabriel Zwilling, took up the movement 
 at Wittenberg and carried out reforms more radical 
 
82 
 
 GEEMANY 
 
 December 
 27, 1521 
 
 January 20, 
 1522 
 
 than those of their leader. The endowments of masses 
 were confiscated and applied to the relief of the poor 
 on new and better principles. Prostitution was sup- 
 pressed. A new order of divine service was intro- 
 duced, in which the words purporting that the mass 
 was a sacrifice were omitted, and communion was 
 given to the laity in both kinds. Priests were urged 
 to marry, and monks were almost forced to leave the 
 cloister. An element of mob violence early manifested 
 itself both at Wittenberg and elsewhere. An outbreak 
 at Erfurt against the clergy occurred in June, 1521, 
 and by the end of the year riots took place at Witten- 
 berg. 
 
 Even now, at the dawn of the revolution, appeared 
 the beginnings of those sects, more radical than the 
 Lutheran, commonly known as Anabaptist. The small 
 industrial town of Zwickau had long been a hotbed of 
 Waldensian heresy. Under the guidance of Thomas 
 iMiinzer the clothweavers of this place formed a re- 
 ligious society animated by the desire to renovate both 
 church and state by the readiest and roughest means. 
 Suppression of the movement at Zwickau by the gov- 
 ernment resulted only in the banishment, or escape, of 
 some of the leaders. Three of them found their way 
 to Wittenberg, where they proclaimed themselves 
 prophets divinely inspired, and conducted a revival 
 marked with considerable, though harmless, extrava- 
 gance. 
 
 As the radicals at Wittenberg made the whole of 
 Northern Germany uneasy, the Imperial Council of 
 Regency issued a mandate forbidding all the innova- 
 tions and commanding the Elector of Saxony to stop 
 them. It is remarkable that Luther in this felt ex- 
 actly as did the Catholics. Early in March he re- 
 turned to Wittenberg with the express purpose of 
 checking the reforms which had already gone too far 
 
THE REVOLUTION 83 
 
 for him. His personal ascendency was so great that 
 he found no trouble in doing so. Not only the Zwickau 
 prophets, but Carlstadt and Zwilling were discredited. 
 Almost all their measures were repealed, including 
 those on divine service Avhich was again restored 
 almost to the Catholic form. Not until 1525 were a 
 simple communion service and the use of German 
 again introduced. 
 
 It soon became apparent that all orders and all parts RebeUion 
 of Germany were in a state of ferment. The next ^^Jhts 
 manifestation of the revolutionary si)irit was the re- 1522-3 
 bellion of the knights. This class, now in a state of 
 moral and economic decay, had long survived any use- 
 fulness it had ever had. The rise of the cities, the 
 aggrandizement of the princes, and the change to a 
 commercial from a feudal society all worked to the dis- 
 advantage of the smaller nobility and gentry. About 
 the only means of livelihood left them was f recbooting, 
 and that was adopted without scruple and without 
 shame. Envious of the wealthy cities, jealous of the 
 greater princes and proud of their tenure immediately 
 from the emperor, the knights longed for a new Ger- 
 many, more centralized, more national, and, of course, 
 under their special direction. In the Lutheran move- 
 ment they thought they saw their opjDortunity ; in 
 Ulrich von Hutten they found their trmnpet, in Fran- 
 cis von Sickingen their sword. A knight himself, but 
 with possessions equal to those of many princes, a 
 born warrior, but one who knew how to use the new 
 weapons, gold and cannon, Sickingen had for years 
 before he heard of Luther kept aggrandizing his power 
 by predatory feuds. So little honor had he, that, 
 though appointed to high military command in the 
 campaign against France, he tried to win personal ad- 
 vantage by treason, playing off the emperor against 
 King Francis, with whom, for a long time, he almost 
 
84 GERMANY 
 
 openly sided. In 1520 he fell under the influence of 
 Hutten, who urged him to espouse the cause of the 
 ''gospel" as that of German liberty. By August 1522 
 he became convinced that the time was ripe for action, 
 and issued a manifesto proclaiming that the feudal 
 dues had become unbearable, and giving the impres- 
 sion that he was acting as an ally of Luther, although 
 the latter knew nothing of his intentions and would 
 have heartily disapproved of his methods. 
 
 Sickingen's first march was against Treves. The 
 archbishop's ''unchristian cannon" forced him to re- 
 tire from this city. On October 10 the Council of 
 Regency declared him an outlaw. A league formed by 
 Treves, the Palatinate and Hesse, defeated him and 
 captured his castle at Landstuhl in May, 1523. Mor- 
 tally wounded he died on May 7. 
 
 Alike unhurt and unhelped by such incidents as the 
 
 revolt of the knights, the main current of religious 
 
 revolution swept onwards. Leo X died on December 
 
 Adrian VI, 1 1521, and in his place was elected Adrian of Utrecht, 
 
 1522-3 • 
 
 a man of very different character. Though he had 
 already taken a strong stand against Luther, he was 
 deeply resolved to reform the corruption of the church. 
 Diet of To the Diet called at Nuremberg in the latter part of 
 1522 ' 1522 he sent as legate Chieregato with a brief demand- 
 ing the suppression of the schism. It was monstrous, 
 said he, that one little brother should seduce a whole 
 nation from the path trodden by so many martyrs and 
 learned doctors. Do you suppose, he asked, that the 
 people will longer respect civil government if they are 
 taught to despise the canons and decrees of the spir- 
 itual power? At the same time Adrian wrote to 
 Chieregato : 
 
 Say that we frankly confess that God permits this 
 persecution of his church on account of the sins of men, 
 especially those of the priests and prelates. . . . "We 
 
THE REVOLUTION 85 
 
 know that in this Holy See now for some years there have 
 been many abominations, abuses in spiritual things, ex- 
 cesses in things commanded, in short, that all has become 
 perverted. . . . "We have all turned aside in our ways, 
 nor was there, for a long time, any who did right, — no, 
 not one. 
 
 This confession rather strengthened the reform 
 party, than othermse, making its demands seem justi- 
 fied; and all that the Diet did towards the settlement 
 of the religious question was to demand that a council, 
 with representation of the laity, should be called in a 
 German city. A long list of grievances against the 
 church was again drawn up and laid before the em- 
 peror. 
 
 The same Diet took up other matters. The need for 
 reform and the impotence of the Council of Regency 
 had both been demonstrated by the Sickingen affair. 
 A law against monopolies was passed, limiting the 
 capital of any single company to fifty thousand gulden. 
 In order to provide money for the central government 
 a customs duty of 4 per cent, ad valorem was ordered. 
 Both these measures weighed on the cities, which ac- 
 cordingly sent an embassy to Charles. They suc- 
 ceeded in inducing him to disallow both laws. 
 
 The next Diet, which assembled at Nuremberg early Diet of 
 in 1524, naturally refrained from passing more futile 1524™ "^' 
 laws for the emperor to veto, but on the other hand it 
 took a stronger stand than ever on the religious ques- 
 tion. The Edict of Worms was still nominally in 
 force and was still to all intents and purposes flouted. 
 Luther was at large and his followers were gaining. 
 In reply to a demand from the government that the 
 Edict should be strictly carried out, the Diet passed 
 a resolution that it should be observ^ed by each state as 
 far as its prince deemed it possible. Despairing of 
 an oecumenical council the estates demanded that a 
 
86 GERMANY 
 
 German national synod be called at Spires before the 
 close of the year with power to decide on what was to 
 be done for the time being. 
 
 There is no donbt that by this time the public opin- 
 ion of North Germany, at least, was thoroughly Lu- 
 theran. Ferdinand hardly exaggerated when he wrote 
 
 1523 his brother that throughout the Empire there was 
 
 scarce one person in a thousand not infected with the 
 new doctrines. The place now occupied by news- 
 papers and weekly reviews was taken by a vast swarm 
 
 Popular of pamphlets, most of which have survived. Those of 
 
 pamphlets ^^iq years immediately following the Diet of Worms 
 reveal the first enthusiasm of the people for the 
 ** gospel." The greater part of the broadsides pro- 
 duced are concerned with the leader and his doctrines. 
 The comparison of him to Huss was a favorite one. 
 One pamphleteer, at least, drew the parallel between 
 his trial at Worms and that of Christ before Pilate. 
 The whole bent of men's minds was theological. Doc- 
 trines which now seem a little quaint and trite were 
 argued with new fervor by each writer. The destruc- 
 tion of images, the question of the real presence in 
 the sacrament, justification by faith, and free will were 
 disputed. Above all the Bible was lauded in the new 
 translation, and the priests continued, as before, to 
 be the favorite butt of sarcasm. 
 
 Among the very many writers of these tracts the 
 playwright of Nuremberg, Hans Sachs, took a prom- 
 inent place. In 1523 he published his poem on ''the 
 Nightingale of Wittenberg, whose voice sounds in the 
 glorious dawn over hill and dale." This bird is, of 
 course, Luther, and the fierce lion who has sought his 
 
 Hans Sachs life is Leo. The next year Hans Sachs published no 
 l^ss than three pamphlets favoring the reform. They 
 were : 1. A Disputation between a Canon and a Shoe- 
 maker, defending the Word of God and the Christian 
 
THE REVOLUTION 87 
 
 Estate. 2. Conversation on the Hypocritical Works 
 of the Clergy and their Vows, by which they hope to 
 be saved to the disparagement of Christ's Blood. 3. 
 A Dialogue against the Roman Avarice. Multiply 
 these pamphlets, the contents of which is indicated by 
 their titles, by one hundred, and we arrive at some 
 conception of the pabulum on which the people grew 
 to Protestantism. Of course there were many pam- 
 phlets on the other side, but here, as in a thousand 
 other cases, the important thing proved to be to have 
 the cause ventilated. So long as discussion was forced 
 in the channels selected by the reformers, even the in- 
 terest excited by their adversaries redounded ulti- 
 mately to their advantage. 
 
 The denunciation of authority, together with the The 
 message of the excellence of the humblest Christian ^^^^^^^ 
 and the brotherhood of man, powerfully contributed 1524^5 
 to the great rising of the lower classes, known as the 
 Peasants' War, in 1524-5. It was not, as the name im- 
 plied, confined to the rustics, for probably as large a 
 proportion of the populace of cities as of the tillers of 
 the soil joined it. Nor was there in it anything en- 
 tirely new. The cry for justice was of long standing, 
 and every single element of the revolt, including the 
 hatred of the clergy and demand for ecclesiastical re- 
 form, is to be found also in previous risings. Thus, 
 the rebellion of peasants under Hans Bohm, commonly 
 called the Piper of Niklashausen, in 1476, was brought 
 about by a religious appeal. The leader asserted that 
 he had special revelations from the Virgin Mary that 
 serfdom was to be abolished, and the kingdom of God 
 to be introduced by the levelling of all social ranks; 
 and he produced miracles to certify his divine calling. 
 There had also been two risings, closely connected, 
 the first, in 1513, deriving its name of *'Bundschuh" 
 from the peasant's tied shoe, a class emblem, and the 
 
Causes 
 
 88 GERMANY 
 
 second, in 1514, called ''Poor Conrad" after the peas- 
 ant's nickname. If the memory of the suppression of 
 all these revolts might dampen the hopes of the poor, 
 on the other hand the successful rise of the Swiss de- 
 mocracy was a perpetual example and encouragement 
 to them. 
 
 The most fundamental cause of all these risings alike 
 was, of course, the cry of the oppressed for justice. 
 This is eternal, as is also one of the main alignments 
 into which society usually divides itself, the opposition 
 of the poor and the rich. It is therefore not very im- 
 portant to inquire whether the lot of the third estate 
 was getting better or worse during the first quarter 
 of the sixteenth century. In either case there was a 
 great load of wrong and tyranny to be thrown off. 
 But the question is not uninteresting in itself. As 
 there are diametrically opposite answers to it, both in 
 the testimony of contemporaries and in the opinion of 
 modern scholars, it is perhaps incapable of being an- 
 swered. In some districts, and in some respects, the 
 lot of the poor was becoming a little easier; in other 
 lands and in different ways it was becoming harder. 
 The time was one of general prosperity, in which the 
 peasant often shared. The newer methods of agricul- 
 ture, manufacture and commerce benefited him who 
 knew how to take advantage of them. That some did 
 so may be inferred from the statement of Sebastian 
 Brant that the rustics dress like nobles, in satin and 
 gold chains. On the other hand the rising prices 
 would bear hard on those laborers dependent on fixed 
 wages, though relieving the burden of fixed rents. 
 The whole people, except the merchants, disliked the 
 increasing cost of living and legislated against it to 
 the best of their ability. Complaints against monop- 
 oly were common, and the Diets sometimes enacted 
 laws against them. Foreign trade was looked on with 
 
classes 
 
 THE REVOLUTION 89 
 
 suspicion as draining the country of silver and gold. 
 Again, although the peasants benefited by the growing 
 stabilitj^ of government, they felt as a grievance the 
 introduction of the new Roman law with its emphasis 
 upon the rights of property and of the state. Burdens 
 directly imposed by the territorial governments were 
 probably increasing. If the exactions from the land- 
 lords were not becoming greater, it was simply because 
 they were always at a maximum. At no time was the 
 rich gentleman at a loss to find law and precedent for 
 wringing from his serfs and tenants all that they could 
 possibly pay. The peasants were of three classes : the Peasant 
 serfs, the tenants who paid a quit-rent, and hired la- 
 borers. The former, more than the others, perhaps, 
 had now arrived at the determination to assert their 
 rights. For them the Peasants' War was the in- 
 evitable break with a long economic past, now intol- 
 erable and hopeless. There is some evidence to show 
 that the number of serfs was increasing. This proc- 
 ess, by menacing the freedom of the others, united all 
 in the resolve to stop the gradual enslavement of their 
 class, and to reckon with those who benefited by it. 
 
 How little new there was in the ideals of the last and 
 most terrible of the peasant risings may be seen by a 
 study of the programs of reform put forward from 
 time to time during the preceding century. There is 
 nothing in the manifestos of 1525 that may not be 
 found in the pamphlets of the fifteenth century. The 
 grievances are the same, and the hope of a completely 
 renovated and communized society is the same. One 
 of the most influential of these socialistic pamphlets 
 was the so-called Reformation of the Emperor Sigis- 
 niund, written by an Augsburg clergjTuan about 1438, 
 first printed in 1-1-76, and reprinted a number of times 
 before the end of the century. Its title bears witness 
 to the Messianic belief of the people that one of their 
 
90 GERMANY 
 
 great, old emperors should sometime return and re- 
 store the world to a condition of justice and happiness. 
 The present tract preached that ''obedience was dead 
 and justice sick"; it attacked serfdom as wicked, de- 
 nounced the ecclesiastical law and demanded the free- 
 dom given by Christ. 
 
 The same doctrine, adapted to the needs of the time, 
 is preached in the Reformation of the Emperor Fred- 
 eric III, published anonymously in 1523. Though 
 more radical than Luther it reflects some of his ideas. 
 Still more, however, does it embody the reforms pro- 
 posed at Nuremberg in 1523. It may probably have 
 been written by George Riixner, called Jerusalem, an 
 Imperial Herald prominent in these circles. It ad- 
 vocated the abolition of all taxes and tithes, the repeal 
 of all imperial civil laws, the reform of the clergy, the 
 confiscation of ecclesiastical property, and the limita- 
 tion of the amount of capital allowed any one merchant 
 to 10,000 gulden. 
 
 Though there was nothing new in either the manner 
 of oppression or in the demands of the third estate 
 during the last decade preceding the great rebellion, 
 there does seem to be a new atmosphere, or tone, in 
 the literature addressed to the lower classes. While 
 on the one hand the poor were still mocked and in- 
 sulted as they always had been by foolish and heartless 
 possessors of inherited wealth and position, from other 
 ,, quarters they now began to be also flattered and 
 courted. The peasant became in the large pamphlet 
 The literature of the time an ideal figure, the type of the 
 
 fdedSld plain, honest. God-fearing man. Nobles like Duke 
 Ulrich of Wiirttemberg affected to be called by popu- 
 lar nicknames. Carlstadt and other learned men pro- 
 claimed that the peasant knew better the Word of 
 God and the way of salvation than did the learned. 
 Many radical preachers, especially the Anabaptist 
 
THE REVOLUTION 91 
 
 Miinzer, carried the message of human brotherhood to 
 the point of communism. There were a number of 
 lay preachers, the most celebrated being the physician 
 Hans Maurer, who took the sobriquet ^'Karsthans." 
 This name, ''the man with the hoe," soon became one 
 of the catch-words of the time, and made its way into 
 popular speech as a synonym for the simple and pious 
 laborer. Hutten took it up and urged the people to 1521 
 seize flails and pitchforks and smite the clergy and the 
 pope as they would the devil. Others preached hatred 
 of the Jews, of the rich, of lawyers. Above all they 
 appealed to the Bible as the divine law, and demanded 
 a religious reform as a condition and preliminary to a 
 thorough renovation of society. Although Luther 
 himself from the first opposed all forms of violence, 
 his clarion voice rang out in protest against the in- 
 justice of the nobles. ''The people neither can nor 
 will endure your tyranny any longer," he said to them 
 in 1523, "God will not endure it; the world is not what 
 it once was when you drove and hunted men like wild 
 beasts." 
 
 The rising began at Stuhlingen, not far from the 
 Swiss frontier, in June 1524, and spread with consid- 
 erable rapidity northward, until the greater part of 
 Germany was in the throes of revolution. The rebels 
 were able to make headway because most of the regu- 
 lar troops had been withdrawn to the Turkish front or 
 to Italy to fight the emperor's battle against France. 
 In South Germany, during the first six months, the 
 gatherings of peasants and townsmen were eminently 
 peaceable. They wished only to negotiate with their 
 masters and to secure some practical reforms. But 
 when the revolt spread to Franconia and Saxony, a 
 much more radically socialistic program was devel- 
 oped and the rebels showed themselves readier to en- 
 force their demands by arms. For the year 1524 there 
 
92 GERMANY 
 
 was no general manifesto put forward, but there were 
 negotiations between the insurgents and their quon- 
 dam masters. In this district or in that, lists of very 
 specific grievances were presented and redress de- 
 manded. In some cases merely to gain time, in others 
 sincerely, the lords consented to reply to these pe- 
 titions. They denied this or that charge, and they 
 promised to end this or that form of oppression. 
 Neither side was prejoared for civil war. In all it was 
 more like a modern strike than anything else. 
 
 In the early months of 1525 several programs were 
 drawn up of a more general nature than those pre- 
 viously composed, and yet by no means radical. The 
 The Twelve most famous of these was called The Twelve Arti- 
 cles, printed and widely circulated in February. The 
 exact place at which they originated is unknown. 
 The authorship has been much disputed, and neces- 
 sarily so, for they were the work of no one brain, but 
 were as composite a production as is the Constitution 
 of the United States. The material in them is drawn 
 from the mouths of a whole people. Far more than 
 in other popular writings one feels that they are the 
 genuine expression of the public opinion of a great 
 class. Probably their draftsman was Sebastian Lotz- 
 er, the tanner who for years past had preached apos- 
 tolic communism. It is not impossible that the Ana- 
 baptist Balthasar Hiibmaier had a hand in them. 
 Their demands are moderate and would be considered 
 matters of self-evident justice to-day. The first arti- 
 cle is for the right of each community to choose its O'wti 
 pastor; the second protests against the minor tithes 
 on vegetables paid to the clergy, though expressly ad- 
 mitting the legality of the tithes on grain. The third 
 article demands freedom for the serfs, the fourth and 
 fifth ask for the right to hunt and to cut wood in the 
 forests. The sixth, seventh and eighth articles pro- 
 
THE REVOLUTION 93 
 
 test against excessive forced labor, illegal payments 
 and exorbitant rents. The ninth article denounces the 
 new (Roman) law, and requests the reestablishment of 
 the old (German) law. The tenth article voices the in- 
 dignation of the poor at the enclosure by the rich of 
 commons and other free land. The eleventh demands 
 the abolition of the heriot, or inheritance tax, by which 
 the widow of a rustic was obliged to yield to her lord 
 the best head of cattle or other valuable possession. 
 The final article expresses the willingness of the in- 
 surgents to have all their demands submitted to the 
 Word of God. Both here and in the preamble the en- 
 tire assimilation of divine and human law is postu- 
 lated, and the charge that the Lutheran Gospel caused 
 sedition, is met. 
 
 Though the Twelve Articles were adopted by more other 
 of the bands of peasants than was any other program, °^a°^«sto3 
 yet there were several other manifestos drawn up 
 about the same time. Thus, in the Fifty-nine Articles 
 of the Stiihlingen peasants the same demands are put 
 forth w4th much more detail. The legal right to trial 
 by due process of law is asserted, and vexatious pay- 
 ments due to a lord when his peasant marries a woman 
 from another estate, are denounced. But here, too, _ 
 and elsewhere, the fundamental demands were the ^ 
 same: freedom from serfdom, from oppressive taxa- 
 tion and forced labor, and for unrestricted rights of 
 hunting and woodcutting in the forests. Everywhere 
 there is the same claim that the rights of the people 
 are sanctioned by the law of God, and generally the 
 peasants assume that they are acting in accordance 
 with the new ''gospel" of Luther. The Swabians ex- 
 pressly submitted their demands to the arbitration of 
 a commission of four to consist of a representative of 
 the emperor, Frederic of Saxony, Luther and either 
 Melanchthon or Bugenhagen. 
 
94 
 
 GERMANY 
 
 Miinzer 
 
 Suppres- 
 sion of tlie 
 
 February 
 24, 1525 
 
 When the revolt reached the central part of Ger- 
 many it became at once more socialistic and more 
 bloody. The baleful eloquence of Thomas Miinzer was 
 exerted at Miihlhausen to nerve the people to strike 
 down the godless with pitiless sword. Already in Sep- 
 tember 1524 he preached: "On! on! on! This is the 
 time when the wicked are as fearful as hounds. . . . 
 Regard not the cries of the godless. . . . On, while the 
 fire is hot. Let not your swords be cold from blood. 
 Smite bang, bang on the anvil of Nimrod; cast his 
 tower to the ground!" Other leaders took up the 
 message and called for the extirpation of the tyrants, 
 including both the clergy and the lords. Communism 
 was demanded as in the apostolic age; property was 
 denounced as wrong. Regulation of prices was one 
 measure put forward, and the committing of the gov- 
 ernment of the country to a university another. 
 
 The propaganda of deeds followed close upon the 
 propaganda of words. During the spring of 1525 in 
 central Germany forty-six cloisters and castles were 
 burned to the ground, while violence and rapine 
 reigned supreme with all the ferocity characteristic of 
 class warfare. On Easter Sunday, April 16, one of the 
 best-armed bands of peasants, under one of the most 
 brutal leaders, Jacklein Rohrbach, attacked Weins- 
 berg. The count and his small garrison of eighteen 
 knights surrendered and were massacred by the in- 
 surgents, who visited mockery and insult upon the 
 countess and her daughters. Many of the cities joined 
 the peasants, and for a short time it seemed as if the 
 rebellion might be successful. 
 
 But in fact the insurgents were poorly equipped, 
 untrained, without cooperation or leadership. As 
 soon as the troops which won the battle of Pavia in 
 Italy were sent back to Germany the whole movement 
 collapsed. The Swabian League inflicted decisive de- 
 
THE PROTESTANT PARTY ^5 
 
 feats upon the rebels at Leipheim on April 4, and at 
 Wurzach ten days later. Other blows followed in 
 May. In the center of Germany the Saxon Electorate 
 lay supine. Frederic the Wise died in the midst of j^j 5 j525 
 the tumult after expressing his opinion that it was 
 God's will that the common man should rule, and that 
 it would be wrong to resist the divine decree. His 
 young neighbor, Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, acted 
 vigorously. After coming to terms with his own sub- 
 jects by negotiations, he raised troops and met a band 
 of insurgents at Frankenhausen. He wished to treat 
 with them also, but Miinzer's fanaticism, promising 
 the deluded men supernatural aid, nerved them to re- 
 ject all terms. In the very ancient German style they 
 built a barricade of wagons, and calmly awaited the 
 attack of the soldiers. Undisciplined and poorly May 15 
 armed, almost at the first shot they broke and fled in 
 panic, more than half of them perishing on the field. 
 Miinzer was captured, and, after having been forced " 
 by torture to sign a confession of his misdeeds, was 
 executed. After this there was no strength left in 
 the peasant cause. The lords, having gained the up- 
 per hand, put do^vn the rising with great cruelty. The 
 estimates of the numbers of peasants slain vary so 
 widely as to make certainty impossible. Perhaps a 
 hundred thousand in all perished. The soldiers far 
 outdid the rebels in savage reprisals. The laborers 
 sank back into a more wretched state than before ; op- 
 pression stalked with less rebuke than ever through 
 the land. 
 
 § 3. The Formation of the Protestant Party 
 In the sixteenth century politics were theological. Defections 
 
 from 
 Luther 
 
 The groups into which men divided had religious ^'"°™ 
 
 slogans and were called churches, but they were also 
 political parties. The years following the Diet of 
 
96 GERMANY 
 
 Worms saw the crystallization of a new group, which 
 was at first liberal and reforming and later, as it grew 
 in stability, conservative. At Worms almost all the 
 liberal forces in Germany had been behind Luther, the 
 intellectuals, the common people with their wish for 
 social amelioration, and those to whom the religious 
 issue primarily appealed. But this support offered by 
 public opinion was vague ; in the next years it became 
 both more definite and more limited. At the same 
 time that city after city and state after state was 
 openly revolting from the pope, until the Reformers 
 had won a large constituency in the Imperial Diets and 
 a place of constitutional recognition, there was going 
 on another process by which one after another certain 
 elements at first inclined to support Luther fell away 
 from him. During these years he violently dissociated 
 himself from the extreme radicals and thus lost the 
 support of the proletariat. In the second place the 
 growing definiteness and narrowness of his dogmatism, 
 and his failure to show hospitality to science and phi- 
 losophy alienated a number of intellectuals. Third, 
 a great schism weakened the Protestant church. But 
 these losses were counterbalanced by two gains. The 
 first was the increasing discipline and coherence of the 
 new churches ; the second was their gradual but rapid 
 attainment of the support of the middle and governing 
 classes in many German states. 
 Jhe ^ Luther's struggle with radicalism had begun within 
 
 a year after his stand at Worms. He had always been 
 consistently opposed to mob violence, even when he 
 might have profited by it. At Worms he disapproved 
 Hutten's plans for drawing the sword against the 
 Romanists. When, from his ' ' watchtowcr, " he first 
 spied the disorders at Wittenberg, he wrote that not- 
 withstanding the great provocation given to the com- 
 mon man by the clergy, yet tumult was the work, of 
 
 Radicals 
 
THE PROTESTANT PARTY 97 
 
 the devil. When he returned home he preached that 
 the only weapon the Christian ought to use was the 
 Word. ''Had I wished it," said he then, ''I might 
 have brought Germany to civil war. Yes, at Worms 
 I might have started a game that would not have been 
 safe for the emperor, but it would have been a fool's 
 game. So I did nothing, but only let the Word act." 
 Driven from Wittenberg, the Zwickau prophets, as- 
 sisted by Thomas Miinzer, continued their agitation 
 elsewhere. As long as their propaganda was peaceful 
 Luther was inclined to tolerate it. "Let them teach 
 what they like," said he, ''be it gospel or lies." But 
 when they began to preach a campaign of fire and 
 sword, Luther wrote, in July 1524, to his elector bog- 
 ging him "to act vigorously against their storming 
 and ranting, in order that God's kingdom may be ad- 
 vanced by word only, as becomes Christians, and that 
 all cause of sedition may be taken from the multitude 
 [Herr Omnes, literally Mr. Everybody], more than 
 enough inclined to it already." 
 
 When the revolt at last broke out Luther was looked - 
 up to and appealed to by the people as their champion. 
 In April 1525 he composed an Exhortation to Peace on Exhortation 
 the Twelve Articles of the Swahian Peasants, in which ^ ^^'^ 
 he distributed the blame for the present conditions lib- 
 erally, but impartially, on both sides, aristocrats and 
 peasants. To the former he said that their tyranny, . 
 together with that of the clergy, had brought this pun- 
 ishment on themselves, and that God intended to smite 
 them. To the peasants he said that no tyranny was 
 excuse for rebellion. Of their articles he approved of 
 tv7o only, that demanding the right to choose their 
 pastors and that denouncing the heriot or death-duty. 
 Their second demand, for repeal of some of the tithes, 
 he characterized as robbery, and the third, for freedom 
 of the serf, as unjustified because it made Christian 
 
98 GERMANY 
 
 liberty a merely external thing, and because Paul had 
 
 said that the bondman should not seek to be free 
 (I Cor. vii, 20 f). The other articles were referred to 
 legal experts. 
 
 Hardly had this pamphlet come from the press be- 
 fore Luther heard of the deeds of violence of Eohrbach 
 and his fellows. Fearing that complete anarchy 
 would result from the triumph of the insurgents, 
 against whom no effective blow had yet been struck. 
 The he wrote a tract Against the Thievish, Murderous 
 
 peasants Hordes of Peasants. In this he denounced them with 
 
 denounced •' 
 
 the utmost violence of language, and urged the govern- 
 ment to smite them without pity. Everyone should 
 avoid a peasant as he would the devil, and should join 
 the forces to slay them like mad dogs. *'If you die in 
 battle against them," said he to the soldiers, ^'you 
 could never have a more blessed end, for you die 
 obedient to God's Word in Romans 13, and in the 
 service of love to free your neighbor from the bands 
 of hell and the devil." A little later he wrote: '*It is 
 better that all the peasants be killed than that the 
 princes and magistrates perish, because the rustics 
 took the sword without divine authority. The only 
 possible consequence of their Satanic wickedness 
 would be the diabolic devastation of the kingdom of 
 God." And again: ''One cannot argue reasonably 
 / with a rebel, but one must answer him with the fist 
 so that blood flows from his nose." Melanchthon en- 
 tirely agreed with his friend. ''It is fairly written in 
 Ecclesiasticus xxxiii," said he, "that as the ass must 
 have fodder, load, and whip, so must the servant have 
 bread, work, and punishment. These outward, bodily 
 servitudes are needful, but this institution [serfdom] 
 is certainly pleasing to God. ' ' 
 
 Inevitably such an attitude alienated the lower 
 classes. From this time, many of them looked not to 
 
The 
 
 THE PROTESTANT PARTY 99 
 
 the Lutheran but to the more radical sects, called Ana- 
 baptists, for help. The condition of the Empire at 
 this time was very similar to that of many countries 
 today, where we find two large upper and middle-class 
 parties, the conservative (Catholic) and liberal (Prot- 
 estant) over against the radical or socialistic (Ana- 
 baptist). 
 
 The most important thing about the extremists was 
 not their habit of denying the validity of infant bap- Anabaptists 
 tism and of rebaptizing their converts, from which 
 they derived their name. What really determined 
 their view-point and program was that they repre- 
 sented the poor, uneducated, disinherited classes. 
 The party of extreme measures is always chiefly con- 
 stituted from the proletariat because it is the very 
 poor who most pressingly feel the need for change 
 and because they have not usually the education to 
 judge the feasibility of the plans, many of them quack 
 nostrums, presented as panaceas for all their woes. 
 A complete break with the past and with the existing 
 order has no terrors for them, but only promise. 
 
 A radical party almost always includes men of a 
 wide variety of opinions. So the sixteenth century 
 classed together as Anabaptists men with not only 
 divergent but with diametrically opposite views on the 
 most vital questions. Their only common bond was 
 that they all alike rejected the authoritative, tradi- 
 tional, and aristocratic organization of both of the 
 larger churches and the pretensions of civil society. It 
 is e/isy to see that they had no historical perspective, 
 and that they tried to realize the ideals of primitive 
 Christianity, as they understood it, without reckoning 
 the vast changes in culture and other conditions, and 
 yet it is impossible not to have a deep sympathy with 
 the men most of whose demands were just and who 
 sealed their faith with perpetual martyrdom. Not- 
 
100 GERMANY 
 
 Spread of withstanding the heavy blow to reform given in the 
 ra icaism crushing of the peasants' rising, radical doctrines con- 
 tinued to spread among the people. As the poor found 
 their spiritual needs best supplied in the conventicle of 
 dissent, official Lutheranism became an established 
 church, predominantly an aristocratic and middle-class 
 party of vested interest and privilege. 
 
 It is sometimes said that the origin and growth of 
 the Anabaptists was due to the German translation of 
 the Bible. This is not true and yet there is little doubt 
 that the publication of the German version in 1522 and 
 the years immediately following, stimulated the growth 
 of many sects. The Bible is such a big book, and cap- 
 able of so many different interpretations, that it is not 
 strange that a hundred different schemes of salvation 
 should have been deduced from it by those who came 
 to it with different prepossessions. While many of 
 the Anabaptists were perfect quietists, preaching the 
 duty of non-resistance and the wickedness of bearing 
 arms, even in self-defence, others found sanction for 
 quite opposite views in the Scripture, and proclaimed 
 that the godless should be exterminated as the Canaan- 
 ites had been. In ethical matters some sects practised 
 the severest code of morals, while others were dis- 
 tinguished by laxity. By some marriage was forbid- 
 den ; others wanted all the marriage they could get and 
 advocated polygamy''. The religious meetings were 
 similar to ''revivals," frequently of the most hys- 
 terical sort. Claiming that they were mystically 
 united to God, or had direct revelations from him, they 
 rejected the ceremonies and sacraments of historic 
 Christianity, and sometimes substituted for them 
 practices of the most absurd, or most doubtful, char- 
 acter. When Melchior Rink preached, his followers 
 howled like dogs, bellowed like cattle, neighed like 
 horses, and brayed like asses — some of them very nat- 
 
THE PROTESTANT PAETY 101 
 
 nrally, no doubt.' In certain extreme cases the meet- 
 ings ended in debaucherj^ while we know of men who 
 committed murder in the belief that they were directed 
 so to do by special revelation of God. Thus at St. 
 Gall one brother cut another's throat, while one of the 
 saints trampled his wife to death under the influence 
 of the spirit. But it is unfair to judge the whole 
 movement by these excesses. 
 
 The new sectaries, of course, ran the gauntlet of 
 persecution. In 1529 the emperor and Diet at Spires 
 passed a mandate against them to this effect: ''By the 
 plenitude of our imperial power and wisdom we or- 
 dain, decree, oblige, declare, and will that all Anabap- 
 tists, men and women who have come to the age of 
 understanding, shall bo executed and deprived of their 
 natural life by fire, sword, and the like, according to 
 opportunity and without previous inquisition of the 
 spiritual judges." Lutherans united with Catholics 
 in passing this edict, and showed no less alacrity in 
 executing it. As early as 1525 the Anabaptists were 
 persecuted at Zurich, where one of their earliest com- 
 munities sprouted. Some of the leaders were dro\vned, 
 others wore banished and so spread their tenets else- 
 wliere. Catholic princes exterminated them by fire 
 and sword. In Lutheran Saxony no less than thirteen 
 of the poor non-conformists were executed, and many 
 more imprisoned for long terms, or banished. 
 
 And yet the radical sects continued to grow. The 
 dauntless zeal of Melchior Hofmann braved all for the 
 propagation of their ideas. For a while he found a 
 refuge at Strassburg, but this city soon became too 
 orthodox to hold him. He then turned to Holland, 
 where the seed sowed fell into fertile ground. Two 
 Dutchmen, the baker Jolm ]\Iattliys of Haarlem and 
 the tailor John Beuckelssen of Leyden went to the 
 episcopal city of Miinster in Westphalia near the Dutch MUnster 
 
102 
 
 GERMANY 
 
 border, and rapidly converted the mass of the people 
 to their own belief in the advent of the kingdom of God 
 ,on earth. An insurrection expelled the bishop's gov- 
 ernment and installed a democracy in February, 1534. 
 After the death of Matthys on April 5, a rising of the 
 people against the dictatorial power of Beucklessen 
 was suppressed by this fanatic who thereupon crowned 
 himself king under the title of John of Leyden. Com- 
 munism of goods was introduced and also polygamy. 
 The city was now besieged by its suzerain, the Bishop 
 of Miinster, and after horrible sufferings had been in- 
 flicted on the population, taken by storm on June 25, 
 1535. The surviving leaders were put to death by 
 torture. 
 
 The defeat itself was not so disastrous to the Ana- 
 baptist cause as were the acts of the leaders when in 
 power. As the Reformer Bullinger put it: ^'God 
 opened the eyes of the governments by the revolt at 
 Miinster, and thereafter no one would trust even those 
 Anabaptists who claimed to be innocent." Their lack 
 of unity and organization told against them. Never- 
 theless the sect smouldered on in the lower classes, 
 constantly subject to the fires of martyrdom, until, 
 toward the close of the century, it attained some co- 
 hesion and respectability. The later Baptists, Inde- 
 pendents, and Quakers all inherited some portion of 
 its spiritual legacies. To the secular historian its 
 chief interest is in the social teachings, which con- 
 sistently advocated tolerance, and frequently various 
 forms of anarchy and socialism. 
 
 Defection 
 of the 
 humanists 
 
 Next to the defection of the laboring masses, the se- 
 verest loss to the Evangelical party in these years was 
 that of a large number of intellectuals, who, having 
 hailed Luther as a deliverer from ecclesiastical bond- 
 age, came to see in him another pope, not less tyran- 
 
THE PROTESTANT PARTY 103 
 
 nous than he of Rome. Reuchlin the Hebrew scholar 
 and Mutian the philosopher had little sympathy with 
 any dogmatic subtlety. Zasius the jurist was repelled 
 by the haste and rashness of Luther. The so-called 
 "godless painters" of Nuremberg, George Penz and 
 the brothers Hans and Bartholomew Beham, having 
 rejected in large part Christian doctrine, were nat- 
 urally not inclined to join a new church, even when 
 they deserted the old. 
 
 But a considerable number of humanists, and those 
 the greatest, after having welcomed the Reformation 
 in its first, most liberal and hopeful youth, deliberately 
 turned their backs on it and cast in their lot with the 
 Roman communion. The reason was that, whereas the 
 old faith mothered many of the abuses, superstitions, 
 and dogmatisms abominated by the humanists, it had 
 also, at this early stage in the schism, within its close 
 a large body of ripe, cultivated, fairly tolerant opinion. 
 The struggling innovators, on the other hand, though 
 they purged away much obsolete and offensive matter, 
 were forced, partly by their position, partly by the 
 temper of their leaders, to a raw self-assertiveness, a 
 bald concentration on the points at issue, incompatible 
 with winsome wisdom, or with judicial fairness. How 
 the humanists would have chosen had they seen the 
 Index and Loyola, is problematical; but while there 
 was still hope of reshaping Rome to their liking they 
 had little use for Wittenberg. 
 
 I admit that for some years I was very favorably in- 
 clined to Luther's enterprise [wrote Crotus Rubcanus in Rubeanus 
 1531], but when I saw that nothing was left untorn and 
 undofilod ... I thought the devil might bring in great 
 evil in the guise of something good, using Scripture as his 
 shield. So I decided to remain in the church in which I 
 was baptized, reared and taught. Even if some fault 
 might be found in it, yet in time it might have been im- 
 
104 GERMANY 
 
 proved, sooner, at any rate, than in the new church which 
 in a few years has been torn b}^ so many sects. 
 
 "Wilibald Pirckheimer, the Greek scholar and his- 
 torian of Nuremberg, hailed Luther so warmly at first 
 that he was put under the ban of the bull Exsurge 
 Domine. By 1529, however, he had come to believe 
 him insolent, impudent, either insane or possessed by 
 a devil. 
 
 I do not deny [he wrote] that at the beginning all 
 Luther's acts did not seem to be vain, since no good man 
 could be pleased with all those errors and impostures that 
 had accumulated gradually in Christianity. So, with 
 others, I hoped that some remedy might be applied to 
 such great evils, but I was cruelly deceived. For, before 
 the former errors had been extirpated, far more intol- 
 erable ones crept in, compared to which the others seemed 
 child's play. 
 
 Appeal to To Erasmus, the wise, the just, all men turned as 
 rasmus ^^ ^^^ arbiter of opinion. From the first, Luther 
 counted on his support, and not without reason, for 
 the humanist spoke well of the Theses and commen- 
 taries of the Wittenberger. On March 28, 1519, Luther 
 addressed a letter to him, as ''our glory and hope," 
 acknowledging his indebtedness and begging for sup- 
 port. Erasmus answered in a friendly way, at the 
 same time sending a message encouraging the Elector 
 Frederic to defend his innocent subject. 
 
 Dreading nothing so much as a violent catastrophe, 
 the humanist labored for the next two years to find a 
 peaceful solution for the threatening problem. See- 
 ing that Luther's two chief errors were that he ''had 
 attacked the crown of the pope and the bellies of the 
 monks, ' ' Erasmus pressed upon men in power the plan 
 of allowing the points in dispute to be settled by an im- 
 partial tribunal, and of imposing silence on both par- 
 ties. At the same time he begged Luther to do nothing 
 
THE PROTESTANT PARTY 105 
 
 violent and urged that his enemies be not allowed to 
 take extreme measures against him. But after the 
 publication of the pamphlets of 1520 and of the bull 
 condemning the heretic, this position became unten- 
 able. Erasmus had so far compromised himself in 
 the eyes of the inquisitors that he fled from Louvain 
 in the autumn of 1521, and settled in Basle. He was 
 strongly urged by both parties to come out on one side 
 or the other, and he was openly taunted by Ulrich von 
 Hutten, a hot Lutheran, for cowardice in not doing so. 
 Alienated by this and by the dogmatism and intoler- 
 ance of Luther's writings, Erasmus finally defined his 
 position in a Diatribe on Free Will. As Luther's 1^24 
 theory of the bondage of the will was but the other 
 side of his doctrine of justification b}^ faith only — for 
 where God's grace does all there is nothing left for hu- 
 man effort — Erasmus attacked the very center of the 
 Evangelical dogmatic system. The question, a deep 
 psychological and metaphysical one, was much in the 
 air. Valla having written on it a work published in 
 151S, and Pomponazzi having also composed a work 
 on it in 1520, which was, however, not published until 
 much later. It is noticeable that Erasmus selected this 
 point rather than one of the practical reforms advo- 
 cated at Wittenberg, with which he w^as much in sym- 
 pathy. Luther replied in a volume on TJie Bondage 
 of the Will reasserting his position more strongly than 1525 
 ever. How theological, rather than philosophical, his 
 opinion was may be seen from the fact that while he 
 admitted that a man w^as free to choose which of two 
 indifferent alternatives he should take, he denied that 
 any of these choices could work salvation or real 
 righteousness in God's eyes. He did not hesitate to 
 say that God saved and damned souls irrespective of 
 merit. Erasmus answered again in a large work, the 
 Ilyperaspistes {Heavy- Armed Soldier), which came 
 
106 GERMANY 
 
 1526-7 out ill two parts. In this he offers a general critique 
 of the Lutheran movement. Its leader, he says, is a 
 dogmatist, who never recoils from extremes logically 
 demanded by his premises, no matter how repugnant 
 they may be to the heart of man. But for himself he 
 is a humanist, finding truth in the reason as well as 
 in the Bible, and abhorring paradoxes. 
 
 The controversy was not allowed to drop at this 
 point. Many a barbed shaft of wit-winged sarcasm 
 was shot by the light-armed scholar against the ranks 
 of the Reformers. ''Where Lutheranism reigns," 
 he wrote Pirckheimer, ''sound learning perishes." 
 "With disgust," he confessed to Ber, "I see the cause 
 of Christianity approaching a condition that I should 
 be very unwilling to have it reach . . . While we 
 are quarreling over the booty the victory will slip 
 through our fingers. It is the old story of private 
 interests destroying the commonwealth." Erasmus 
 first expressed the opinion, often maintained since, 
 that Europe was experiencing a gradual revival both 
 of Christian piety and of sound learning, when Lu- 
 ther's boisterous attack plunged the world into a tu- 
 mult in which both were lost sight of. On March 30, 
 1527, he wrote to Maldonato: 
 
 I brought it about that sound learning, which among 
 the Italians and especially among the Romans savored of 
 nothing but pure paganism, began nobly to celebrate 
 Christ, in whom we ought to boast as the sole author of 
 both wisdom and happiness if we are true Christians. 
 ... I always avoided the character of a dogmatist, ex- 
 cept in certain obiter dicta which seemed to me conducive 
 to correct studies and against the preposterous judgments 
 of men. 
 
 In the same letter he tells how hard he had fought 
 the obscurantists, and adds: "While we were waging 
 a fairly equal battle against these monsters, behold 
 
THE PEOTESTANT PAETY 107 
 
 Lntlior suddenly arose and threw the apple of Discord 
 into the world." 
 
 In short, Erasmus left the Eeformers not because 
 they were too liberal, but because they were too con- 
 ser^^ative, and because he disapproved of violent meth- 
 ods. His gentle temperament, not without a touch of 
 timidity, made him abhor the tumult and trust to the 
 voice of persuasion. In failing to secure the support 
 of the humanists Protestantism lost heavily, and espe- 
 cially abandoned its chance to become the party of 
 progress. Luther himself was not only disappointed 
 in the disaffection of Erasmus, but was sincerely re- 
 pelled by his rationalism. A man who could have the 
 least doubt about a doctrine was to him **an Arian, 
 an atheist, and a skeptic." He went so far as to say 
 that the great Dutch scholar's primary object in pub- 
 lishing the Greek New Testament was to make readers 
 doubtful about the text, and that the chief end of his 
 Colloquies was to mock all piety. Erasmus, whose 
 services to letters were the most distinguished and 
 whose ideal of Christianity was the loveliest, has suf- 
 fered far too much in being judged by his relation to 
 the Eeformation. By a great Catholic ^ he has been 
 called "the glory of the priesthood and the shame," 
 bj^ an eminent Protestant scholar ^ *'a John the Bap- 
 tist and Judas in one." 
 
 The battle with the humanists was synchronous with Sacra- 
 the beginnings of a fierce internecine strife that tore ^^"3^^^° 
 the young evangelical church into two parts. Though 
 the controversy between Luther and his principal rival, 
 Ulrich Zwingli, was really caused by a wide difference 
 of thought on many subjects, it focused its rays, like 
 a burning-glass, upon one point, the doctrine of the 
 real presence of the body and blood of Christ in the 
 
 1 Alexander Pope. 
 
 2 Walther Kohler. 
 
108 GERMANY 
 
 eucliarist. The explanation of this mystery evolved 
 in the Middle Ages and adopted by the Lateran Coun- 
 cil of 1215, was the theory, called ''transubstantia- 
 tion," that the substance of the bread turned into the 
 substance of the body, and the substance of the wine 
 into the substance of the blood, without the *' acci- 
 dents" of appearance and taste being altered. Some 
 of the later doctors of the church, Durand and Occam, 
 opposed this theor}% though they proposed a nearly 
 allied one, called '^consubstantiation," that the body 
 and blood are present with the bread and wine. Wy- 
 clif and others, among whom was the Italian philoso- 
 pher Pico della Mirandola, proposed the theory now 
 held in most Protestant churches that the bread and 
 wine are mere symbols of the body and blood. 
 
 At the dawn of the Eeformation the matter was 
 brought into prominence by the Dutch theologian 
 Symbolism Hocn, from whom the symbolic interpretation was 
 adopted first by Carlstadt and then by the Swiss Re- 
 formers Zwingli and Oecolampadius. Luther himself 
 w^avered. He attacked the sacrifice of the mass, in 
 which he saw a "good work" repugnant to faith, and 
 a great practical abuse, as in the endowed masses for 
 souls, but he finally decided on the question of the 
 real presence that the words "this is my body" were 
 "too strong for him" and meant just what they said. 
 
 After a preliminary skirmish with Carlstadt, result- 
 ing in the latter 's banishment from Saxony, there was 
 a long and bitter war of pens between Wittenberg and 
 the Swiss Reformers. Once the battle was joined it 
 was sure to be acrimonious because of the self-con- 
 sciousness of each side. Luther always assumed that 
 he had a monopoly of truth, and that those who pro- 
 posed different views were infringing his copyright, 
 so to speak. "Zwingli, Carlstadt and Oecolampadius 
 would never have known Christ's gospel rightly," he 
 
THE PEOTESTANT PARTY 109 
 
 opined, **had not Luther written of it 'first." He soon 
 compared them to Absalom rebelling against his father 
 David, and to Judas betraying his Master. Zwingli 
 on his side was almost equallj^ sure that he had dis- 
 covered the truth independently of Luther, and, while 
 expressing approbation of his work, refused to be 
 called by his name. His invective was only a shade 
 less virulent than was that of his opponent. 
 
 The substance of the controversy was far from 
 being the straight alignment between reason and tradi- 
 tion that it has sometimes been represented as. Both 
 sides assumed the inerrancy of Scripture and appealed 
 primarily to the same biblical arguments. Luther had 
 no difficulty in proving that the words "hoc est coi'pus 
 meum" meant that the bread was the body, and he 
 stated that this must be so even if contrary to our 
 senses. Zwingli had no difficulty in proving that the 
 thing itself was impossible, and therefore inferred that 
 the biblical words must be explained away as a figure 
 of speech. In a long and learned controversy neither 
 side convinced the other, but each became so exasper- 
 ated as to believe the other possessed of the devil. "In 
 the spring of 1529 Lutherans joined Catholics at the 
 Diet of Spires in refusing toleration to the Zwinglians. 
 
 The division of Protestants of course weakened 
 them. Their leading statesman, Philip, Landgrave of 
 Hesse, seeing this, did his best to reconcile the leaders. 
 For several years he tried to get them to hold a con- 
 ference, but in vain. Finally, he succeeded in bring- ^la^burg 
 ing together at his castle at Marburg on the Lalm, October 
 Luther, Melanchthon, Zwingli, Oecolampadius, and a 1-3, 1529 
 large number of other divines. The discussion here 
 only served to bring out more strongly the irreconcil- 
 ability of the two ** spirits." Shortly afterwards, 
 when the question of a political alliance came up, the 
 Saion theologians drafted a memorial stating that 
 
1530 
 
 110 GEEMANY 
 
 they would rather make an agreement with the heathen 
 than with the ' ' sacramentarians. ' ' The same attitude 
 was preserved at the Diet of Augsburg, where the 
 Lutherans were careful to avoid all appearance of 
 friendship with the Zwinglians lest they should com- 
 promise their standing with the Catholics. Zwingli 
 and his friends were hardly less intransigeant. 
 October 11, When Zwingli died in battle with the Catholic can- 
 
 1531 
 
 tons and when Oecolampadius succumbed to a fever a 
 few weeks later, Luther loudly proclaimed that this 
 was a judgment of God and a triumph for his own 
 party. Though there was no hope of reconciling the 
 Swiss, the South German Zwinglians, headed by the 
 Strassburg Eeformers Bucer and Capito, hastened to 
 come to an understanding with Wittenberg, without 
 which their position would have been extremely per- 
 ilous. Bucer claimed to represent a middle doctrine, 
 such as was later asserted by Calvin. As no middle 
 ground is possible, the doctrine is unintelligible, being, 
 in fact, nothing but the statement, in strong terms, of 
 two mutually exclusive propositions. After much hu- 
 miliation the divines succeeded, however, in satisfying 
 Luther, with whom they signed the Wittenberg Con- 
 cord on May 29, 1536. The Swiss still remained with- 
 out the pale, and Luther's hatred of them grew with 
 the years. Shortly before his death he wrote that he 
 would testify before the judgment-seat of God his 
 loathing for the sacramentarians. He became more 
 and more conservative, bringing back to the sacrament 
 some of the medieval superstitions he had once ex- 
 pelled. He began again to call it an offering and a 
 sacrifice and again had it elevated in church for the 
 adoration of the faithful. He wavered on this point, 
 because, as he said, he doubted whether it were more 
 his duty to "spite" the papists or the sacramentarians. 
 He finally decided on the latter, "and if necessary," 
 
THE PROTESTANT PARTY 111 
 
 continued he, *'I will have the host elevated three, 
 seven, or ten times, for I will not let the devil teach 
 me anything in my church. ' ' 
 
 Notwithstanding the bitter controversies just related Growth of 
 Lutheranism flourished mightilv in the body of the Lutheran- 
 
 ~ *^ '' ism in mid- 
 
 people who were neither peasants nor intellectuals nor die and 
 
 Swiss. The appeal was to the upper and middle "pp^"^ 
 
 , ^ ^ ^ ^ classes 
 
 classes, sufficiently educated to discard some of the 
 medievalism of the Roman Church and impelled also 
 by nationalism and economic self-interest to turn from 
 the tyranny of the pope. City after city and state 
 after state enlisted under the banner of Luther. He 
 continued to appeal to them through the press. As a 
 popular pamphleteer he must be reckoned among the 
 very ablest. His faults, coarseness and unbridled vio- 
 lence of language, did not alienate most of his con- 
 temporaries. Even his Latin works, too harshly de- 
 scribed by Hallam as *' bellowing in bad Latin," were 
 well adapted to the spirit of the age. But nothing like 
 his German writings had ever been seen before. In 
 lucidity and copiousness of language, in directness and 
 vigor, in satire and argument and invective, in humor 
 and aptness of illustration and allusion, the numerous 
 tracts, political and theological, which poured from his 
 pen, surpassed all that had hitherto been written and 
 went straight to the hearts of his countrymen. And he 
 won his battle almost alone, for Melanchthon, though 
 learned and elegant, had no popular gifts, and none of 
 his other lieutenants could boast even second-rate 
 ability. 
 
 Among his many publications a few only can be sin- German 
 gled out for special mention. The continuation of the ™%2 
 German Bible undoubtedly helped his cause greatly. 
 In many things he could appeal to it against the Ro- 
 man tradition, and the very fact that he claimed to do 
 so while his opponents by their attitude seemed to 
 
112 
 
 GERMANY 
 
 Hymns, 
 1528 
 
 Catechisms, 
 1529 
 
 Church 
 government 
 
 shrink from this test, established the Protestant claim 
 to be evangelical, in the eyes of the people. Next came 
 his hymns, many popular, some good and one really 
 great. Ein' feste Burg has been well called by Heine 
 the Marseillaise of the Reformation. The Longer and 
 Shorter Catechisms educated the common people in 
 the evangelical doctrine so well that the Catholics were 
 forced to imitate their enemy, though tardily, by com- 
 posing, for the first time, catechisms of their own. 
 
 Having overthrown much of the doctrine and dis- 
 cipline of the old church Luther addressed himself 
 with admirable vigor and great success to the task of 
 building up a substitute for it. In this the combina- 
 tion of the conservative and at the same time thor- 
 oughly popular spirit of the movement manifested it- 
 self. Li divine service the vernacular was substituted 
 for Latin. New emphasis was placed upon preaching, 
 Bible-reading and hymn-singing. Mass was no longer 
 incomprehensible, but v/as an act of worship in which 
 all could intelligently participate; bread and wine 
 were both given to the laity, and those words of the 
 canon implying transubstantiation and sacrifice were 
 omitted. Marriage was relegated from the rank of a 
 sacrament to that of a civil contract. Baptism was 
 kept in the old form, even to the detail of exorcizing 
 the evil spirit. Auricular confession was permitted 
 but not insisted upon. 
 
 The problems of church government and organiza- 
 tion were pressing. Two alternatives were theoret- 
 ically possible, Congregationalism or state churches. 
 After some hesitation, Luther was convinced by the 
 extravagances of Miinzer and his ilk that the latter 
 was the only practicable course. The governments of 
 the various German states and cities were now given 
 supreme power in ©cclegiastical matters. They took 
 over the property belonging to the old church and ad- 
 
THE PROTESTANT PARTY 113 
 
 ministered it generally for religious or educational or 
 charitable purposes. A system of church-visitation 
 was started, by which the central authority passed 
 upon the competence of each minister. Powers of ap- 
 pointment and removal were vested in the government. 
 The title and office of bishop were changed in most 
 cases to that of ''superintendent," though in some 
 German sees and generally in Sweden the name bishop 
 j was retained. 
 
 How genuinely popular was the Lutheran movement Lutheran 
 may be seen in the fact that the free cities, Nuremberg, 
 Augsburg, Strassburg, Ulm, Liibeck, Hamburg, and 
 many others, were the first to revolt from Rome. In 
 other states the government led the way. Electoral 
 Saxony evolved slowly into complete Protestantism. 
 Though the Elector Frederic sympathized with almost 
 everything advanced by his great subject, he was too 
 cautious to interfere with vested interests of ecclesias- 
 tical property and endowments. On his death his ^J^^'^' 
 brother John succeeded to the title, and came out 
 openly for all the reforms advocated at Wittenberg. 
 The neighboring state of Hesse was won about 1524, 
 though the official ordinance promulgating the evan- ^^24-5 
 gelical doctrine was not issued until 1526. A very im- 
 portant acquisition was Prussia. Hitherto it had been ^^-^ 
 governed by the Teutonic Order, a military society 
 like the Knights Templars. Albert of Brandenburg- 
 became Grand Master in 1511, and fourteen years Albert of 
 later saw the opportunity of aggrandizing his personal burg,i490- 
 power by renouncing his spiritual ties. He accord- 1568 
 ingly declared the Teutonic Order abolished and him- 
 self temporal Duke of Prussia, shortly afterwards 
 marrjdng a daughter of the king of Denmark. He 
 swore allegiance to the king of Poland. 
 
 The growth of Lutheranism unmolested by the im- 
 perial government was made possible by the absorp- 
 
114 GEEMANY 
 
 tion of the emperor's energies in his rivalry with 
 France and Turkey and by the decentralization of the 
 Leagues Empire. Leagues between groups of German states 
 had been quite common in the past, and a new stimulus 
 to their formation was given by the common religious 
 interest. The first league of this sort was that of 
 
 1524 Eatisbon, between Bavaria and other South German 
 principalities; its purpose was to carry out the Edict 
 of Worms. This was followed by a similar league 
 
 1525 in North Germany between Catholic states, known as 
 the League of Dessau, and a Protestant confederation 
 known as the League of Torgau. 
 
 Diet of The Diet held at Spires in the summer of 1526 wit- 
 
 152?^' nessed the strength of the new party, for in it the two 
 sides treated on equal terms. Many reforms were 
 proposed, and some carried through against the ob- 
 struction by Ferdinand, the emperor's brother and 
 lieutenant. The great question was the enforcement 
 of the Edict of Worms, and on this the Diet passed an 
 act, knoAvn as a Eecess, providing that each state 
 should act in matters of faith as it could answer to God 
 and the emperor. In effect this allowed the govern- 
 ment of every German state to choose between the two 
 confessions, thus anticipating the principle of the Ee- 
 ligious Peace of Augsburg of 1555. 
 
 The relations of the two parties were so delicate 
 that it seemed as if a general religious war were im- 
 minent. In 1528 this was almost precipitated by a 
 certain Otto von Pack, who assured the Landgrave of 
 Hesse that he had found a treaty between the Catholic 
 princes for the extirpation of the Lutherans and for 
 the expropriation of their champions, the Elector of 
 Saxony and Philip of Hesse himself. This was false, 
 but the landgrave armed and attacked the Bishops of 
 Wiirzburg and Bamberg, named by Pack as parties to 
 the treaty, and he forced them to pay an indemnity. 
 
THE PEOTESTANT PAETY 115 
 
 The Diet which met at Spires early in 1529 endeav- Recess of 
 ored to deal as drastically as possible with the schism, 1529^^' 
 The Eecess passed by the Catholic majority on April 
 7 was most unfavorable to the Eeformers, repeaUng 
 the Eecess of the last Diet in their favor. Catholic 
 states were commanded to execute the persecuting 
 Edict of Worms, although Lutheran states were for- 
 bidden to abolish the office of the (Catholic) mass, 
 and also to allow any further innovations in their own 
 doctrines or practices until the calling of a general 
 council. The princes were forbidden to harbor the 
 subjects of another state. The Evangelical members 
 of the Diet, much aggrieved at this blow to their faith. Protest, 
 published a Protest taking the ground that the Eecess p" ^^ 
 of 1526 had been in the nature of a treaty and could 
 not be abrogated without the consent of both par- 
 ties to it. As the government of Germany was a 
 federal one, this was a question of ''states' rights," 
 such as came up in our own Civil War, but in the Ger- 
 man case it was even harder to decide because there 
 was no written Constitution defining the powers of the 
 national government and the states. It might nat- 
 urally be assumed that the Diet had the power to re- 
 13eal its own acts, but the Evangelical estates made a April 25 
 further point in their appeal to the emperor, by alleg- 
 ing that the Eecess of 1526 had been passed unani- 
 mously and could only be repealed by a unanimous 
 vote. The Protest and the appeal were signed by the 
 Elector of Saxony, the Landgrave of Hesse, a few 
 smaller states, and fourteen free cities. From the Pro- 
 test they became immediately known as *'the Protest- 
 ing Estates," and subsequently the name Protestant 
 was given to all those who left the Eoman communion. 
 
116 GERMANY 
 
 § 4. The Growth of Protestantism until the 
 Death of Luther 
 
 Certain states having announced that they would 
 not be bound by the will of the majority, the question 
 naturally came up as to how far they would defend 
 this position by arms. Luther's advice was asked and 
 given to the effect that all rebellion or forcible re- 
 
 1530 ' sistanee to the constituted authorities was wrong. 
 Passive resistance, the mere refusal to obey the com- 
 mand to persecute or to act otherwise contrary to 
 God's law, he thought was right, but he discounte- 
 nanced any other measures, even those taken in self- 
 defence. All Germans, said he, were the emperor's 
 subjects, and the princes should not shield Luther from 
 him, but leave their lands open to his officers to do 
 what they pleased. This position Luther abandoned a 
 year later, when the jurists pointed out to him that 
 the authority of the emperor was not despotic but was 
 limited by law. 
 
 The Protest and Appeal of 1529 at last aroused 
 Charles, slow as he was, to the great dangers to him- 
 self that lurked in the Protestant schism. Having re- 
 pulsed the Turk and having made peace with France 
 and the pope he was at last in a position to address 
 himself seriously to the religious problem. Fully in- 
 tending to settle the trouble once for all, he came to 
 
 June 20, Germany and opened a Diet at Augsburg to which 
 were invited not only the representatives of the vari- 
 ous states but a number of leading theologians, both 
 Catholic and Lutheran, all except Luther himself, an 
 outlaw by the Edict of Worms. 
 
 The first action taken was to ask the Lutherans to 
 state their position and this was done in the famous 
 
 June 25 Augsburg Confession, read before the Diet by the 
 Saxon Chancellor Briick. It had been drawn up by 
 
thon 
 
 UNTIL THE DEATH OF LUTHER 117 
 
 Melanchthon in language as near as possible to that 
 of the old church. Indeed it undertook to prove that 
 there was in the Lutheran doctrine ''nothing repug- 
 nant to Scripture or to the Catholic church or to the 
 Roman church." Even in the form of the Confession 
 published 1531 this Catholicizing tendency is marked, 
 but in the original, now lost, it was probably stronger. 
 The reason of this was not, as generally stated, Me- 
 lanchthon 's ''gentleness" and desire to conciliate all 
 parties, for ho showed himself more truculent to the 
 Zwinglians and Anabaptists than did Luther. It was 
 due to the fact that ]\fclanchthon was at heart half a Meianch- 
 Catholic, so much so, indeed, that Contarini and others 
 thought it quite possible that ho might come over to 
 them. In the present instance ho made his doctrine 
 conform to the Roman tenets to such an extent that 
 (in the lost original, as we may judge by the Confuta- 
 tion) even transubstantiation was in a manner ac- 
 cepted. The first part of the Confession is a creed; 
 the second part takes up certain abuses, or reforms, 
 namely : the demand of the cup for the laity, the mar- 
 riage of priests, the mass, as an oints operatum or as 
 celebrated privately, fasting and traditions, monastic 
 vows and the power of the pope. 
 
 But the concessions did not satisfy the Catholics. 
 A Refutation was prepared by Eck and others and 
 read before the Diet on August 3. Negotiations con- 
 tinued and still further concessions were wrung from 
 Melanchthon, concessions of so dangerous a nature 
 that his fellow-Protestants denounced him as an enemy 
 of the faith and appealed to Luther against him. Me- 
 lanchthon had agreed to call the mass a sacrifice, if the 
 word were qualified by the term "commemorative," 
 and also promised that the bishops should be restored 
 to their ancient jurisdictions, a measure justified by 
 him as a blow at turbulent sectaries but one also most 
 
118 
 
 GERMANY 
 
 September 
 22 
 
 League of 
 
 Schmal- 
 
 kalden 
 
 July 23, 
 1532 
 
 Liibeck, 
 1533-1535 
 
 perilous to Lutherans. On the other hand, Eck made 
 some concessions, mostly verbal, about the doctrine of 
 justification and other points. 
 
 That with this mutually conciliatory spirit an agree- 
 ment failed to materialize only proved how irreconcil- 
 able were thp aims of the two parties. The Diet voted 
 that the Confession had been refuted and that the 
 Protestants were bound to recant. The emperor 
 promised to use his influence with the pope to call a 
 general council to decide doubtful points, but if the 
 Lutherans did not return to the papal church by April 
 15, 1531, they were threatened with coercion. 
 
 To meet this perilous situation a closer alliance was 
 formed by the Protestant states at Schmalkalden in 
 February 1531. This league constantly grew by the 
 admission of new members, but some attempts to unite 
 with the Swiss proved abortive. 
 
 On January 5, 1531, Ferdinand was elected King of 
 the Eomans — the title taken by the heir to the Empire 
 — by six of the electors against the vote of Saxony. 
 Three months later when the time granted the Lu- 
 therans expired, the Catholics were unable to do any- 
 thing, and negotiations continued. These resulted in 
 the Peace of Nuremberg, a truce until a general coun- 
 cil should be called. It was an important victory for 
 the Lutherans, who were thus given time in which to 
 grow. 
 
 The seething unrest which found expression in the 
 rebellion of the knights, of the peasants and of the 
 Anabaptists at Miinster, has been described. One 
 more liberal movement, which also failed, must be 
 mentioned at this time. It was as little connected with 
 religion as anything in that theological age could be. 
 The city of Liibeck, under its burgomaster George 
 Wullenwever, tried to free itself from the influence of 
 Denmark and at the same time to get a more popular 
 
UNTIL TTTK DEATH OF LUTHER 119 
 
 ^efovemment. In 1536 it was conquered by Christian 
 III of Denmark, and the old aristocratic constitution 
 restored. The time was not ripe for the people to 
 assert its rights in North Germany. 
 
 The growth of Protestantism was at times assisted May, 1534 
 by force of arms. Thus, Philip of Hesse restored the 
 now Protestant Duke Ulrich of Wiirttemberg, who 
 had been expelled for his tyranny by the Swabian 
 League fifteen years before. This triumph was the 
 more marked because the expropriated ruler was Fer- 
 dinand, King of the Romans. If in such cases it was 
 the government which took the lead, in others the 
 government undoubtedly compelled the people to con- 
 tinue Catholic even when there was a strongly Prot- 
 estant public opinion. Such was the case in Alber- 
 tine Saxony,^ whoso ruler, Duke George, though an 
 estimable man in many ways, was regarded by Luther 
 as the instrument of Satan because he persecuted his 
 Protestant subjects. When he died, his brother, the April, 1539 
 Protestant Henry the Pious, succeeded and introduced 
 the Reform amid general acclamation. Two years 
 later this duke was followed by his son, the versatile 
 but treacherous Maurice. In the year 1539 a still 
 greater acquisition came to the Schmalkaldic League 
 in the conversion of Brandenburg and its Elector 
 Joachim II, 
 
 Shortly afterwards the world was scandalized by Philip of 
 the bigamy of Philip of Hesse. This prince was ut- 150^7 
 terly spoiled by his accession to the governing power 
 at the age of fifteen. Though he lived in flagrant im- 
 morality, his religion, which, soon after he met Luther 
 at Worms, became the Evangelical, was real enough to 
 make his sins a burden to conscience. Much attracted 
 
 1 Saxony had been divided in 1485 into two parts, the Electorate, in- 
 cluding Wittenberg, Weimar and Eisenach, and the Duchy, including 
 Leipzig and Dresden. The former was called after its first ruler Ernes- 
 tine, the latter Albertine. 
 
120 GEEMANY 
 
 by the teachings of some of the Anabaptists and Carl- 
 stadt that polygamy was lawful, and by Luther's as- 
 sertion in the Babylonian Captivity that it was pre- 
 
 1526 ferable to divorce, he begged to be allowed to take 
 
 more wives, but was at first refused. His conscience 
 was quickened by an attack of the syphilis in 1539, and 
 at that time he asked permission to take a second wife 
 and received it, on December 10, from Luther, Me- 
 lanchthon, and Bucer. His secret marriage to Mar- 
 
 1540^ ' gai*et von der Saal took place in the presence of 
 Melanehthon, Bucer, and other divines. Luther ad- 
 vised him to keep the matter secret and if necessary 
 even to '^tell a good strong lie for the sake and good 
 of the Christian church." Of course he was unable 
 to conceal his act, and his conduct, and that of his 
 spiritual advisers, became a just reproach to the cause. 
 As no material advantages were lost by it, Philip 
 might have reversed the epigram of Francis I and have 
 said that ''nothing was lost but honor." Neither Ger- 
 many nor Hesse nor the Protestant church suffered 
 directly by his act. Indeed it lead indirectly to an- 
 other territorial gain. Philip's enemy Duke Henry of 
 Brunswick, though equally immoral, attacked him in a 
 pamphlet. Luther answered this in a tract of the 
 utmost violence, called Jack Sausage. Henry's re- 
 joinder was followed by war between him and the 
 Schmalkaldic princes, in which he was expelled from 
 his dominions and the Reformation introduced. 
 
 1541 Further gains followed rapidly. The Catholic Bishop 
 
 of Naumburg was expelled by John Frederic of Sax- 
 ony, and a Lutheran bishop instituted instead. About 
 the same time the great spiritual prince, Hermann 
 von Wied, Archbishop Elector of Cologne, became a 
 Protestant, and invited Melanehthon and Bucer to re- 
 form his territories. One of the last gains, before the 
 Schmalkaldic war, was the Rhenish Palatinate, under 
 
 1541 
 
UNTIL THE DEATH OF LUTHER 121 
 
 its Elector Frederic III. His troops fought then on 1545 
 the Protestant side, though later he turned against 
 that church. 
 
 The opportunity of the Lutherans was due to the en- 
 gagements of the emperor with other enemies. In 
 1535 Charles undertook a successful expedition against 
 Tunis. The war with France simmered on until the 
 Truce of Nice, intended to be for ten years, signed be- 
 tween the two powers in 1538. In 1544 war broke out 
 again, and fortune again favored Charles. He in- 
 vaded France almost to the gates of Paris, but did not 
 press his advantage and on September 18 signed the 
 Peace of Crepy giving up all his conquests. 
 
 Unable to turn his arms against the heretics, Charles 
 continued to negotiate with them. The pressure he 
 brought to bear upon the pope finally resulted in the 
 summoning by Paul III of a council to meet at Mantua J""^ 2, 
 the following year. The Protestants were invited to 
 send delegates to this council, and the princes of that 
 faith held a congress at Schmalkalden to decide on February, 
 
 1537 
 
 their course. Hitherto the Lutherans had called 
 themselves a part of the Roman Catholic church and 
 had always appealed to a future oecumenical or na- 
 tional synod. They now found this position untenable, 
 and returned the papal citation unopened. Instead, 
 demands for reform, known as the Schmalkaldic Arti- 
 cles, were dra\\Ti up by Luther. The four principal 
 demands were (1) recognition of the doctrine of justi- 
 fication by faith only, (2) abolition of the mass as a 
 good work or opus operaUnn, (3) alienation of the 
 foundations for private masses, (4) removal of the 
 pretentions of the pope to headship of the universal 
 church. As a matter of fact the council was post- 
 poned. 
 
 Failing to reach a permanent solution by this April 19, 
 
 1539 
 
 method, Charles was again forced to negotiate. The 
 
122 GEE.MANY 
 
 Treaty of Frankfort agreed to a truce varying in 
 length from six to fifteen months according to circum- 
 stances. This was followed by a series of religious 
 
 Religious conferences with the purpose of finding some means 
 
 oquies ^^ reconciling the two confessions. Among the first 
 
 of these were the meetings at Worms and Hagenau. 
 
 1540-1 Campeggio and Eck were the Catholic leaders, Me- 
 lanchthon the spokesman for the Lutherans. Each 
 side had eleven members on the commission, but their 
 joint efforts were wrecked on the plan for limiting the 
 papal power and on the doctrine of original sin. 
 When the Diet of Ratisbon was opened in the spring of 
 1541 a further conference was held at which the two 
 parties came closer to each other than they had done 
 since Augsburg. The Book of Ratisbon was drawn 
 '' up, emphasizing the points of agreement and slurring 
 over the differences. Contarini made wide conces- 
 sions, later condemned by the Catholics, on the doc- 
 trine of justification. Discussion of the nature of the 
 church, the power of the pope, the invocation of saints, 
 the mass, and sacerdotal celibacy seemed likely to re- 
 sult in some modus vivendi. '\^niat finally shattered 
 the hopes of union was the discussion of transubstan- 
 tiation and the adoration of the host. As Contarini 
 had found in the statements of the Augsburg Confes- 
 sion no insuperable obstacle to an understanding he 
 was astonished at the stress laid on them by the Prot- 
 estants now. 
 
 1542 It is not remarkable that with such results the Diet 
 
 of Spires should have avoided the religious question 
 and have devoted itself to more secular matters, 
 among them the grant to the emperor of soldiers to 
 fight the Turk. Of this Diet Bucer wrote "The Es- 
 tates act under the wrath of God. Religion is rele- 
 gated to an agreement between cities. . . . The cause 
 of our evils is that few seek the Lord earnestly, but 
 
UNTIL THE DEATH OF LUTHER 123 
 
 most -fight against him, both among those who have re- 
 jected, and of those who still bear, the papal yoke." 
 At the Diet of Spires two years later the emperor 
 promised the Protestants, in return for help against 
 France, recognition until a German National Council 
 should be called. For this concession he was sharply 
 rebuked by the pope. The Diet of Worms contented 1545 
 itself with expressing its general hope for a "Chris- 
 tian reformation." 
 
 During his later years Luther's polemic never 1545 
 flagged. His last book. Against the Papacy of Ro7ne, 
 founded by the Devil, surpassed Cicero and the human- 
 ists and all that had ever been known in the virulence of 
 its invective against 'Hhe most hellish father, St. Paul, 
 or Paula III ' ' and his * ' hellish Roman church. " " One 
 would like to curse them, ' ' he wrote, ' ' so that thunder 
 and lightning would strike them, hell fire burn them, 
 the plague, syphilis, epilepsy, scurvy, leprosy, car- 
 buncles, and all diseases attack them" — and so on for 
 page after page. Of course such lack of restraint 
 largely defeated its own ends. The Swiss Reformer 
 Bullinger called it ''amazingly violent," and a book 
 than which he "had never read anything more savage 
 or imprudent." Our judgment of it must be tempered 
 by the consideration that Luther suffered in his last 
 years from a nervous malady and from other painful 
 diseases, due partly to overwork and lack of exercise, 
 partly to the quantities of alcohol he imbibed, though 
 he never became intoxicated. 
 
 Nevertheless, the last twenty years of his life were 
 his happiest ones. His wife, Catherine von Bora, 
 an ex-nun, and his children, brought him much happi- 
 ness. Though the wedding gave his enemies plenty June 13, 
 of openings for reviling him as an apostate, and ^^^^ 
 though it drew from Erasmus the scoffing jest that 
 what had begun as a tragedy ended as a comedy, it 
 
124 
 
 GERMANY 
 
 Death and 
 character 
 of Luther 
 
 crowned his career, symbolizing the return from medi- 
 eval asceticism to modern joy in living. Dwelling in 
 the fine old friary, entertaining with lavish prodigality 
 many poor relatives, famous strangers, and students, 
 notwithstanding unremitting toil and not a little bodily 
 suffering, he expanded in his whole nature, mellowing 
 in the warmth of a happy fireside climate. His daily 
 routine is known to us intimately through the adoring 
 assiduity of his disciples, who noted do^vn whole vol- 
 umes of his Table Talk. 
 
 On Febrary 18, 1546, he died. Measured by the 
 work that he accomplished and by the impression that 
 his personality made both on contemporaries and on 
 posterity, there are few men like him in history. 
 Dogmatic, superstitious, intolerant, overbearing, and 
 violent as he was, he yet had that inscrutable preroga- 
 tive of genius of transforming what he touched into 
 new values. His contemporaries bore his invective 
 because of his earnestness; they bowed to ''the almost 
 disgraceful servitude" which, says Melanchthon, he 
 imposed upon his followers, because they knew that he 
 was leading them to victory in a great and worthy 
 cause. Even so, now, many men overlook his narrow- 
 ness and bigotry because of his genius and bravery. 
 
 His grandest quality was sincerity. Priest and pub- 
 lic man as he was, there was not a line of hypocrisy or 
 cant in his whole being. A sham was to him intoler- 
 able, the abomination of desolation standing where it 
 ought not. Reckless of consequences, of danger, of 
 his popularity, and of his life, he blurted out the whole 
 truth, as he saw it, ''despite all cardinals, popes, kings 
 and emperors, together with all devils and hell." 
 Whether his ideal is ours or not, his courage in daring 
 and his strength to labor for it must command our 
 respect. 
 
 Next to his earnestness he owed his success to a 
 
UNTIL THE DEATH OF LUTHER 125 
 
 wonderful gift of language that made him the tongue, His 
 as well as the spear-point, of his people. Li love of ^°^"^°** 
 nature, in Avonder, in the power to voice some secret 
 truth in a phrase or a metaphor, he was a poet. He 
 looked out on the stars and considered the "good mas- 
 ter-workman" that made them, on the violets *'for 
 which neither the Grand Turk nor the emperor could 
 pay," on the yearly growth of corn and wine, ''as 
 great a miracle as the manna in the wilderness," on 
 the "pious, honorable birds" alert to escape the fowl- 
 er's net, or holding a Diet "in a hall roofed with the 
 vault of heaven, carpeted wuth the grass, and with walls 
 as far as the ends of the earth." Or he wrote to his 
 son a charming fairy-tale of a pleasant garden where 
 good children eat apples and pears and cherries and 
 plums, and where they ride on pretty ponies with 
 golden reins and silver saddles and dance all day and 
 play with whistles and fifes and little cross-bows. 
 
 Luther's character combined traits not usually 
 found in the same nature. He was both a dreamy 
 mystic and a practical man of affairs ; he saw visions 
 and he knew how^ to make them realities; he was a 
 Hod-intoxicated prophet and a cool calculator and 
 liard worker for results. His faith was as simple and 
 ])assionate as his dogmatic distinctions were often 
 sophistical and arid. He could attack his foes with 
 liorserker fury, and he could be as gentle with a child 
 as only a woman can. His hj^mns soar to heaven and 
 his coarse jests trail in the mire. He was touched 
 with profound melancholy and yet he had a whole- 
 some, ready laugh. His words are now brutal in- 
 vectives and again blossom with the most exquisite 
 flowers of the soul — poetry, music, idyllic humor, ten- 
 derness. He was subtle and simple ; superstitious and 
 wise; limited in his cultural sympathies, but very 
 great in what he achieved. 
 
126 GEEMANY 
 
 § 5. The Religious War and the Religious 
 Peace 
 
 Hardly had Luther been laid to rest when the first 
 general religious war broke out in Germany. There 
 had been a few small wars of this character before, 
 such as those of Hesse against Bamberg and Wiirz- 
 burg, and against Wiirttemberg, and against Bruns- 
 wick. But the conflicts had been successfully ''local- 
 ized." Now at last was to come a general battle, as 
 a foretaste of the Thirty Years War of the next cen- 
 tury. 
 
 It has sometimes been doubted whether the Schmal- 
 kaldic War was a religious conflict at all. The em- 
 peror asserted that his sole object was to reduce 
 rebellious subjects to obedience. Several Protestant 
 princes were his allies, and the territories he con- 
 quered were not, for the most part, forced to give up 
 their faith. Nevertheless, it is certain that the funda- 
 mental cause of the strain was the difference of creed. 
 A parallel may be found in our own Civil War, in 
 which Lincoln truly claimed that he was fighting only 
 to maintain the union, and yet it is certain that slavery 
 furnished the underlying cause of the appeal to arms. 
 
 It has recently been shown that the emperor planned 
 the attack on his Protestant subjects as far back, at 
 least, as 1541. All the negotiations subsequent to that 
 time were a mere blind to disguise his preparations. 
 For he labored indefatigably to bring about a condi- 
 tion in which it would be safe for him to embark on 
 the perilous enterprise. Though he was a dull man he 
 had the two qualities of caution and persistence that 
 stood him in better stead than the more showy talents 
 of other statesmen. If, with his huge resources, he 
 never did anything brilliant, still less did he ever take 
 a gambler's chance of failing. 
 
THE EELIGIOUS WAR 127 
 
 The opportune moment came at last in the spring of 
 1546. Two years before, he had beaten France with 
 the help of the Protestants, and had imposed upon her 
 as one condition of peace that she should make no 
 allies within the Empire. In November of the same 
 year he made an alliance with Paul III, receiving 
 200,000 ducats in support of his effort to extirpate 
 the heresy. 
 
 Other considerations impelled him to attack at once. 
 The secession of Cologne and the Palatinate from the 
 Catholic communion gave the Protestants a majority 
 in the Electoral College. Still more decisive was it 
 that Charles was able at this time by playing upon the 
 jealousies and ambitions of the states, to secure im- 
 portant allies within the Empire, including some of 
 the Protestant faith. First, Catholic Bavaria forgot 
 her hatred of Austria far enough to make common 
 cause against the heretics. Then, two great Protes- 
 tant princes, Maurice of Albertine Saxony and John 
 von Kiistrin — a brother of Joachim II, Elector of 
 [Brandenburg — abandoned their coreligionists and bar- 
 tered support to the emperor in return for promises 
 of aggrandizement. 
 
 A final religious conference held at Eatisbon demon- January, 
 strated more clearly than ever the hopelessness of con- 
 ciliation. Whereas a semi-Lutheran doctrine of justi- 
 fication was adopted, the Protestants prepared two 
 long memoirs rejecting the authority of the council 
 recently convened at Trent. And then, in the summer, 
 war broke out. At this moment the forces of the 
 Schmalkaldic League were superior to those of its 
 enemies. But for poor leadership and lack of unity 
 in command they would probably have won. 
 
 Towards the last of August and early in September 
 the Protestant troops bombarded the imperial army 
 at Ingolstadt, but failed to follow this up by a decisive 
 
 1546 
 
128 
 
 GERMANY 
 
 February, 
 1547 
 
 October, 
 1546 
 
 attack, as was urged by General Schartlin of Augs- 
 burg. Lack of equipment was partly responsible for 
 this failure. When the emperor advanced, the Elector 
 of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse retired each to 
 his own land. Another futile attempt of the League 
 was a raid on the Tyrol, possibly influenced by the 
 desire to strike at the Council of Trent, certainly by 
 no sound military policy. The effect of these inde- 
 cisive counsels was that Charles had little trouble in 
 reducing the South German rebels, Augsburg, Ulm, 
 Nuremberg, and Wiirttemberg. The Elector Palatine 
 hastened to come to terms by temporarily abandoning 
 his religion. A counter-reformation was also effected 
 in Cologne. Augsburg bought the emperor's pardon 
 by material concessions. 
 
 In the meantime Duke Maurice of Albertine Sax- 
 ony, having made a bargain with the emperor, attacked 
 his second cousin the Elector. Though Maurice was 
 not obliged to abjure his faith, his act was naturally 
 regarded as one of signal treachery and he was hence- 
 forth known by the nickname ^ ' Judas. ' ' Maurice con- 
 quered most of his cousin's lands, except the forts of 
 Wittenberg and Gotha. Charles's Spanish army un- 
 der Alva now turned northward, forced a passage of 
 the Elbe and routed the troops of John Frederic at the 
 battle of Miihlberg, near Torgau, on April 24, 1547. 
 John Frederic was captured wounded, and kept in 
 durance several years. Wittenberg capitulated on 
 May 19, and just a month later Philip of Hesse sur- 
 rendered at Halle. He also was kept a prisoner for 
 some years. Peace was made by the mediation of 
 Brandenburg. The electoral vote of Saxony was given 
 to Maurice, and with it the best part of John Fred- 
 eric's lands, including Wittenberg. No change of re- 
 ligion was required. The net result of the War was to 
 
THE EELIGIOUS WAB 129 
 
 increase the imperial power, but to put a very slight 
 check upon the expansion of Protestantism. 
 
 And yet it was for precisely this end that Charles 
 chiefly valued his authority. Immediately, acting in- 
 dependently of the pope, he made another effort to 
 restore the confessional unity of Germany. The Diet 
 of Augsburg accepted under pressure from him a do- 1^47-8 
 cree called the Interim because it was to be valid only 
 until the final decisions of a general council. Though 
 intended to apply only to Protestant states — the Cath- 
 olics had, instead, a formula reformationis — the In- The 
 terim, drawn up by Romanist divines, was naturally j"*^^"^' 
 Catholic in tenor. The episcopal constitution was re- 1548 
 stored, along with the canon of the mass, the doctrine 
 of the seven sacraments, and the worship of saints. 
 On some doctrinal points vagueness was studied. The 
 only concessions made to the Reformation were the 
 pro teynpore recognition of the marriage of the clergy 
 and the giving of the cup to the laity. Various other 
 details of practical reform were demanded. The In- 
 terim was intensely unpopular with both parties. The 
 pope objected to it and German Catholics, especially 
 in Bavaria, strongly opposed it. The South German 
 Protestant states accepted it only under pressure. 
 Maurice of Saxony adopted it in a modified form, 
 kno^\^l as the Leipzig Interim, in December 1548. The 
 assistance rendered him by Melanchthon caused a 
 fierce attack on the theologian by his fellow-Lutherans. 
 In enforcing the Interim Maurice found his own profit, 
 for when Magdeburg won the nickname of ''our Lord 
 God's pulpit" by refusing to accept it, Maurice was 
 entrusted with the execution of the imperial ban, and 
 captured the city on November 9, 1551. 
 
 Germany now fell into a confused condition, every 
 state for itself. The emperor found his own difficul- 
 
130 
 
 GERMANY 
 
 1552 
 
 July 9, 
 1553 
 
 Religious 
 Peace of 
 Augsburg, 
 September 
 25, 1555 
 
 ties in trying to make his son Philip successor to his 
 brother Ferdinand. His two former Protestant allies, 
 Maurice and John von Kiistrin, made an alliance with 
 France and with other North German princes and 
 forced the emperor to conclude the Convention of Pas- 
 sau. This guaranteed afresh the religious freedom of 
 the Lutherans until the next Diet, and forced the liber- 
 ation of John Frederic and Philip of Hesse. Charles 
 did not loyally accept the conditions of this agreement, 
 but induced Albert, Margrave of Brandenburg-Culm- 
 bach, to attack the confederate princes in the rear. 
 After Albert had laid waste a portion of North Ger- 
 many he was defeated by Maurice at the battle of 
 Sievershausen. Mortally wounded, the brilliant but 
 utterly unscrupulous victor died, at the age of thirty- 
 two, soon after the battle. As the conflict had by this 
 time resolved itself into a duel between him and 
 Charles, the emperor was now at last able to put 
 through, at the Diet of Augsburg, a settlement of the 
 religious question. 
 
 The principles of the Religious Peace were as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 (1) A truce between states recognizing the Augs- 
 burg Confession and Catholic states until union was 
 possible. All other confessions were to be barred — a 
 provision aimed chiefly at Calvinists. 
 
 (2) The princes and governments of the Free Cities 
 were to be allowed to choose between the Roman and 
 the Lutheran faith, but their subjects must either con- 
 form to this faith — on the maxim famous as cujus 
 regio ejus religio — or emigrate. In Imperial Free 
 Cities, however, it was specially provided that Cath- 
 olic minorities be tolerated. 
 
 (3) The ''ecclesiastical reservation," or principle 
 that when a Catholic spiritual prince became Protes- 
 tant he should be deposed and a successor appointed 
 
THE EELIGIOUS PEACE 131 
 
 so that his territory might remain under the church. 
 In respect to this Ferdinand privately promised to 
 secure toleration for Protestant subjects in the land 
 of such a prince. All claims of spiritual jurisdiction 
 by Catholic prelates in Lutheran lands were to cease. 
 All estates of the church confiscated prior to 1552 were 
 to remain in the hands of the spoliators, all seized since 
 that date to be restored. 
 
 The Peace of Augsburg, like the Missouri Com- 
 promise, only postponed civil war and the radical 
 solution of a pressing problem. But as we cannot 
 rightly censure the statesmen of 1820 for not insisting 
 on emancipation, for which public opinion was not yet 
 prepared, so it would be unhistorical and unreasonable 
 to blame the Diet of Augsburg for not granting the 
 complete toleration which we now see was bound to 
 come and was ideally the right thing. Mankind is 
 educated slowly and by many hard experiences. Eu- 
 rope had lain so long under the domination of an 
 authoritative ecclesiastical civilization that the pos- 
 sibility of complete toleration hardly occurred to any 
 but a few eccentrics. And we must not minimize what 
 the Peace of Augsburg actually accomplished. It is 
 true that choice of religion was legally limited to two Actual 
 alternatives, but this was more than had been allowed 
 before. It is true that freedom of even this choice 
 was complete only for the rulers of the territories or 
 Free Cities; private citizens might exercise the same 
 choice only on leaving their homes. The hardship of 
 this was somewhat lessened by the consideration that 
 in any case the nonconformist would not have to go 
 far before finding a German community holding the 
 Catholic or Lutheran opinions he preferred. Finally, 
 it must be remembered that, if the Peace of Augsburg 
 aligned the whole nation into two mutually hostile 
 camps, it at least kept them from war for more than 
 
 results 
 
132 
 
 GERMANY 
 
 1563-7 
 
 Ferdinand, 
 1556-64 
 
 Maximilian 
 II, 1564-76 
 
 Catholic 
 reaction 
 
 half a century. Nor was this a mere accident, for the 
 strain was at times severe. When the imperial knight, 
 Grumbach, broke the peace by sacking the city of 
 Wiirzburg, he was put under the ban, captured and 
 executed. His protector, Duke John Frederic of Sax- 
 ony, was also captured and kept in confinement in 
 Austria until his death. 
 
 Notwithstanding such an exhibition of centralized 
 power, it is probable that the Peace of Augsburg in- 
 creased rather than diminished the authority of the 
 territorial states at the expense of the imperial govern- 
 ment. Charles V, worn out by his long and unsuccess- 
 ful struggle with heresy, after giving the Netherlands 
 to his son Philip in 1555, abdicated the crown of the 
 Empire to his brother Ferdinand in 1556. He died two 
 years later in a monastery, a disappointed man, hav- 
 ing expressed the wish that he had burned Luther at 
 Worms. The energies of Ferdinand were largely 
 taken up with the Turkish war. His son, Maximilian 
 II, was favorably inclined to Protestantism. 
 
 Before Maximilian's death, however, a reaction in 
 favor of Catholicism had already set in. The last im- 
 portant gains to the Lutheran cause in Germany came 
 in the years immediately following the Peace of Augs- 
 burg. Nothing is more remarkable than the fact that 
 practically all the conquests of Protestantism in Eu- 
 rope were made within the first half century of its exist- 
 ence. After that for a few years it lost, and since then 
 has remained, geographically speaking, stationary in 
 Europe. It is impossible to get accurate statistics of 
 the gains and losses of either confession. The estimate 
 of the Venetian ambassador that only one-tenth of 
 the German empire was Catholic in 1558 is certainly 
 wrong. In 1570, at the height of the Protestant tide, 
 probably 70 per cent, of Germans — including Aus- 
 trians — were Protestant. In 1910 the Germans of the 
 
schisms 
 
 1560 
 
 THE EELIGIOUS PEACE 133 
 
 German Empire and of Austria were divided thus: 
 Protestants 37,675,000 ; Catholics 29,700,000. The 
 Protestants were about 56 per cent., and this propor- 
 tion was probably about that of the j^ear 1600. 
 
 Historically, the final stemming of the Protestant Lutheran 
 flood was due to the revival of energy in the Catholic 
 Church and to the internal weakness and schism of the 
 Protestants, Even within the Lutheran communion 
 fierce conflicts broke out. Luther's lieutenants fought 
 for his spiritual heritage as the generals of Alexander 
 fought for his empire. The center of these storms was 
 Melanchthon until death freed him from ''the rage of ^^n^^' 
 the theologians." Always half Catholic, half Eras- 
 mian at heart, by his endorsement of the Interim, and 
 by his severe criticisms of his former friends Luther 
 and John Frederic, he brought on himself the bitter 
 enmity of those calling themselves ''Gnesio-Luther- 
 ans," or "Genuine Lutherans." Melanchthon abol- 
 ished congregational hymn-singing, and published his 
 true views, hitherto dissembled, on predestination and 
 the sacrament. He was attacked by Flacius the his- 
 torian, and by many others. The dispute was taken 
 up by still others and went to such lengths that for a 
 minor heresy a pastor, Funck, was executed by his 
 fellow-Lutherans in Prussia, in 1566. ''Philippism" 
 as it was called, at first grew, but finally collapsed 
 when the Formula of Concord was drawn up in 1580 
 and signed by over 8000 clergy. This document is to 
 the Lutheran Church what the decrees of Trent were to 
 the Catholics. The ''high" doctrine of the real pres- 
 ence was strongly stated, and all the sophistries ad- 
 vanced to support it canonized. The sacramental 
 bread and wine were treated mth such superstitious 
 reverence that a Lutheran priest who accidentally 
 spilled the latter was punished by having his fingers 
 cut off. Melanchthon was against such "remnants of 
 
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136 
 
 SCANDINAVIA 
 
 great aggrandizement of the power of the prelates and 
 of the larger nobles at the expense of the bonder, who, 
 from a class of free and noble small proprietors de- 
 generated not only into peasants but often into serfs. 
 When Christian II succeeded to the throne, it was as 
 the papal champion. His attempt to consolidate his 
 power in Sweden by massacring the magnates under 
 the pretext that they were hostile to the pope, an act 
 called the ''Stockholm bath of blood," aroused the 
 people against him in a war of independence. 
 
 Christian found Denmark also insubordinate. It is 
 true that he made some just laws, protecting the people 
 and building up their prosperity, but their support 
 was insufficient to counterbalance the hatred of the 
 great lords spiritual and temporal. He was quick to 
 see in the Reformation a weapon against the prelates, 
 and appealed for help to Wittenberg as early as 1519. 
 His endeavors throughout 1520 to get Luther himself 
 to visit Denmark failed, but early in 1521 he suc- 
 ceeded in attracting Carlstadt for a short visit. This 
 effort, however, cost him his throne, for he was ex- 
 pelled on April 13, 1523, and wandered over Europe 
 in exile until his death. 
 
 The Duke of Schleswig-Holstein, to whom the crown 
 was offered, reigned for ten years as Frederic I. 
 Though his coronation oath bound him to do nothing 
 against the church, he had only been king for three 
 years before he came out openly for the Reformation. 
 In this again we must see primarily a policy, rather 
 than a conviction. He was supported, however, by the 
 common people, who had been disgusted by the indul- 
 gences sold by Arcimboldi and by the constant corrupt- 
 tion of the higher clergy. The cities, as in Germany, 
 were the strongest centers of the movement. The Diet 
 of 1527 decreed that Lutherans should be recognized 
 on equal terms with Catholics, that marriage of priests 
 
SCANDINAVIA 137 
 
 and the regular clergy be allowed. In 1530 a Lutheran 
 confession was adopted. 
 
 Christian III, who reigned until 1559, took the final 
 step, though at the price of a civil war. His victory 
 enabled him to arrest all the bishops, August 20, 1536, 
 and to force them to renounce their rights and proper- 
 ties in favor of the cro^vn. Only one, Bishop Ronnow 
 of Roskilde, refused, and was consequently held pris- 
 oner until his death. The Diet of 1536 abolished Cath- 
 olicism, confiscated all church property and distrib- 
 uted it between the king and the temporal nobles. 
 Bugenhagen was called from Wittenberg to organize 
 the church on Lutheran lines. In the immediately f ol- 1537-9 
 lowing years the Catholics were deprived of their civil 
 rights. The political benefits of the Reformation 
 inured primarily to the king and secondarily to the 
 third estate. 
 
 Norway was a vassal of Denmark from 1380 till Norway 
 1814. At no time was its dependence more complete 
 than in the sixteenth century. Frederic I introduced 
 the Reformation by royal decree as early as 1528, and 
 Christian III put the northern kingdom completely 
 Tinder the tutelage of Denmark, in spiritual as well as 
 in temporal matters. The adoption of the Reforma- 
 tion here as in Iceland seemed to be a matter of popu- 
 lar indifference. 
 
 After Sweden had asserted her independence by the Sweden 
 expulsion of Christian II, Gustavus Vasa, an able y"^^^^"^ 
 ruler, ascended the throne. He, too, saw in the Ref- 1523^0 
 ormation chiefly an opportunity for confiscating the 
 goods of the church. The way had, indeed, been pre- 
 pared by a popular reformer, Olaus Petri, but the king 
 made the movement an excuse to concentrate in his 
 own hands the spiritual power. The Diet of Westeras 
 passed the necessary laws, at the same time expelling 
 the chief leader of the Romanist party, John Brask, 
 
 1536 
 
 1527 
 
138 
 
 POLAND 
 
 Bishop of Linkoping. The Reformation was entirely 
 Lutheran and extremely conservative. Not only the 
 Anabaptists, but even the Calvinists, failed to get any 
 hold upon the Scandinavian peoples. In many ways 
 the Reformation in Sweden was parallel to that in 
 England. Both countries retained the episcopal or- 
 ganization founded upon the ''apostolical succession." 
 Olaus Magni, Bishop of Westeras, had been ordained 
 at Rome in 1524, and in turn consecrated the first 
 Evangelical Archbishop, Lawrence Petri, who had 
 studied at Wittenberg, and who later translated the 
 Bible into Swedish and protected his people from the 
 inroads of Calvinism. The king, more and more ab- 
 solutely the head of the church, as in England, did not 
 hesitate to punish even prominent reformers when 
 they opposed him. The reign of Gustavus's succes- 
 sor, Eric XIV, was characterless, save for the influx 
 of Huguenots strengthening the Protestants. King 
 John III made a final, though futile, attempt to reunite 
 with the Roman Church. As Finland was at this time 
 a dependency of Sweden, the Reformation took prac- 
 tically the same course as in Sweden itself. 
 
 A complete contrast to Sweden is furnished by 
 Poland. If in the former the government counted for 
 almost everything, in the latter it counted for next to 
 nothing. The theater of Polish history is the vast 
 plain extending from the Carpathians to the Diina, 
 and from the Baltic almost to the Black Sea and the 
 Sea of Azov. This region, lacking natural frontiers 
 on several sides, was inhabited by a variety of races : 
 Poles in the west, Lithuanians in the east, Ruthenians 
 in the south and many Germans in the cities. The 
 union of the Polish and Lithuanian states was as yet 
 a merely personal one in the monarch. Since the 
 fourteenth century the crown of Poland had been elec- 
 tive, but the grand-ducal crown of Lithuania was he- 
 
POLAND 139 
 
 reditary in the famous house of Jagiello, and the 
 advantages of union induced the Polish nobility regu- 
 larly to elect the heir to the eastern domain their king. 
 Though theoretically absolute, in practice the king had 
 been limited by the power of the nobles and gentry, and 
 this limitation was given a constitutional sanction in 
 the law Nihil novi, forbidding the monarch to pass 1505 
 laws without the consent of the deputies of the mag- 
 nates and lesser nobles. 
 
 The foreign policy of Sigismund I was determined . Sigismund 
 by the proximity of powerful and generally hostile 
 neighbors. It would not be profitable in this place to 
 follow at length the story of his frequent wars with 
 Muscovy and with the Tartar hordes of the Crimea, and 
 of his diplomatic struggles with the Turks, the Em- 
 pire, Hungary, and Sweden. On the whole he suc- 
 ceeded not only in holding his own, but in augmenting 
 his power. He it was who finally settled the vexatious 
 question of the relationship of his crown to the Teu- 
 tonic Order, which, since 1466, had held Prussia as a 
 fief, though a constantly rebellious and troublesome 
 one. The election of Albert of Brandenburg as Grand 
 Master of the Order threatened more serious trouble, ^^^^ 
 but a satisfactory solution of the problem was found 
 when Albert embraced the Lutheran faith and secular- 
 ized Prussia as an hereditary duchy, at the same time 
 swearing allegiance to Sigismund as his suzerain. 1^25 
 Many years later Sigismund 's son conquered and an- 
 nexed another domain of the Teutonic order further 
 north, namely Livonia. War with Sweden resulted ^^^^ 
 from this but was settled by the cession of Esthonia 
 to the Scandinavian power. 
 
 Internally, the vigorous Jagiello strengthened both 
 the military and financial resources of his people. To 
 meet the constant inroads of the Tartars he established 
 the Cossacks, a rough cavalry fonned of the hunters, 
 
140 POLAND 
 
 fishers, and graziers of the Ukraine, quite analogous 
 to the cowboys of the American Wild West. From 
 being a military body they developed into a state and 
 nation that occupied a special position in Poland and 
 then in Russia. Sigismund's fiscal policy, by recover- 
 ing control of the mint and putting the treasury into 
 the hands of capable bankers, effectively provided for 
 the economic life of the government. 
 
 Poland has generally been as open to the inroads 
 of foreign ideas as to the attacks of enemies ; a peculiar 
 susceptibility to alien culture, due partly to the lin- 
 guistic attainments of many educated Poles and partly 
 to an independent, almost anarchical disposition, has 
 made this nation receive from other lands more freely 
 than it gives. Every wave of new ideas innundates 
 the low-lying plain of the Vistula. So the Reforma- 
 tion spread with amazing rapidity, first among the 
 cities and then among the peasants of that land. In 
 the fifteenth century the influence of Huss and the hu- 
 manists had in different ways formed channels facil- 
 itating the inrush of Lutheranism. The unpopularity 
 of a wealthy and indolent church predisposed the body 
 politic to the new infection. Danzig, that "Venice of 
 the North," had a Lutheran preacher in 1518; while 
 the Edict of Thorn, intended to suppress the heretics, 
 indicates that as early as 1520 they had attracted the 
 attention of the central government. But this perse- 
 cuting measure, followed thick and fast by others, only 
 proved how little the tide could be stemmed by paper 
 barriers. The cities of Cracow, Posen, and Lublin, 
 especially susceptible on account of their German 
 population, were thoroughly infected before 1522. 
 Next, the contagion attacked the country districts and 
 towns of Prussia, which had been pretty thoroughly 
 converted prior to its secularization. 
 
 The first political effect of the Reformation was to 
 
POLAND 141 
 
 stimulate the unrest of the lower classes. Eiots and 
 rebellions, analogous to those of the Peasants' War in 
 Germany, followed hard -upon the preaching of the 
 ''gospel." Sigismund could restore order here and 
 there, as he did at Danzig in 1526 by a military occu- 
 pation, by fining the towTi and beheading her six lead- 
 ing innovators, but he could not suppress the growing 
 movement. For after the accession of the lower 
 classes came that of the nobles and gentry who bore 
 the real sovereignty in the state. Seeing in the Re- 
 formation a weapon for humiliating and plundering 
 the church, as well as a key to a higher spiritual life, 
 from one motive or the other, they flocked to its stand- 
 ard, and, under leadership of their greatest reformer, 
 John La ski, organized a jDowerful church. 
 
 The reign of Sigismund II saw the social upheaval sigismund 
 by which the nobility finally placed the power firmly in ^^^^2 
 their own hands, and also the height of the Eeforma- 
 tion. By a law known as the ''Execution" the assem- 
 bly of nobles finally got control of the executive as 
 well as of the legislative branch of the government. 
 At the same time they, with the cordial assistance of 
 the king, bound the country together in a closer bond 
 known as the Union of Lublin. Though Lithuania and 1569 
 Prussia struggled against incorporation with Poland, 
 both were forced to submit to a measure that added 
 power to the state and opened to the Polish nobility 
 great opportunity for political and economic exploita- 
 tion of these lands. Not only the king, but the mag- 
 nates and the cities were put under the heel of the 
 ruling caste. This was an evolution opposite to that 
 of most European states, in w^hich crown and bour- 
 geoisie subdued the once proud position of the baron- 
 age. But even here in Poland one sees the rising 
 influence of commerce and the money-power, in that 
 the Polish nobility was largely composed of small 
 
1S48 
 
 142 POLAND 
 
 gentry eager and able to exploit the new opportimities 
 offered by capitalism. In other countries the old 
 privilege of the sword gave way to the new privilege 
 of gold: in Poland the sword itself tamed golden, at 
 least in part : the blade kept its keen, steel edge, but 
 the hilt by which it was wielded glittered yellow. 
 
 Protestant- Unchecked though they were by laws, the Protes- 
 
 *^ tants soon developed a weakness that finally proved 
 
 fatal to their cause, laci of organization and division 
 
 1537 into many mutually hostile sects. The Anabaptists 
 
 of course arrived, preached, gained adherents, and 
 were suppressed. Next came a large influx of Bo- 
 hemian Brethren, expelled from their own country and 
 migrating to a land of freedom, where they soon made 
 co m mon cause with the Lutherans. Calvinists propa- 
 
 1558 gated the seeds of their faith with much success. 
 
 Finally the Unitarians, led by Lelio Sozini, found a 
 home in Poland and made many proselytes, at last be- 
 coming so powerful that they founded the new city of 
 Bacau, whence issued the famous Eacovian Cate- 
 rbism. At one time they seemed about to obtain the 
 mastery of the state, but the firm union of the Trini- 
 
 1570 tarian Protestants at Sandomir checked them until all 
 
 of them were swept away together by the resurging 
 tide of Catholicism. Several versions of the Bible, 
 Lutheran, Socinian, and Catholic, were issued. 
 
 So powerful were the Evangelicals that at the Diet 
 of 1555 they held services in the face of the Catholic 
 king, and passed a law abohshing the jurisdiction of 
 the ecclesiastical courts. This measure, of course, 
 allowed freedom of all new sects, both those then in 
 control of the Diet and the as yet unfledged Anti- 
 trinitarians. Nevertheless a strong wish was ex- 
 pressed for a national. Protestant church, and had 
 Sigismund had the advantages, as he had the matri- 
 monial difficulties, of Henry Mil, he might have es- 
 
POLAXD 143 
 
 tablished snch a body. But he never qnite dared to 
 take the step, dreading the hostility of Catholic nei|^- 
 bors. SingnlarlT enough the championship of the 
 Catholic cause was undertaken by Greek-Catholic Mus- 
 covy, whose Czar, Ivan, represented his war against ^^^ 
 Poland as a crusade against the new iconoclasts. Un- 
 able to act with power, SigLsmund cultivated such 
 means of combating Protestantism as were ready to 
 his hand. His most trenchant weapon was the Order 
 of Jesuits, who were invited to come in and establish 
 schools. Moreover, the excellence of their colleges in 
 foreign lands induced many of the nobility to send 
 their sons to be educated under them, and thus were 
 prepared the seeds of the Counter-Beformation. 
 
 The death of Sigismund without an heir left Poland 
 for a time masterless. During the interregnum the 
 Diet passed the Compact of Warsaw by which abso- -^ 
 lute religious liberty was granted to all sects — "Dis- 
 sidentes de Keligione'^ — ^without exception. But, lib- ^J^ 
 eral though the law was, it was vitiated ia practice by 
 the right retaiaed by every master of punishing his 
 serfs for religious as well as for secular causes. Thus 
 it was that the lower classes were marched from Prot- 
 estant pillar to Catholic post and back without again 
 daring to rebel or to express any dioice in the matter. 
 
 The election of Henrv of Valois, a vounsrer son of ?/°^, 
 Catharine de' Medici, was made conditional on the 1573 
 acceptance of a number of articles, including the main- 
 tenance of religious liberty. The prince acceded, 
 with some reservations, and was crowned on February 
 21, 1574. Four months later he heard of the death 
 of his brother, Charles IX, making him king of France. 
 Without daring to ask leave of absence, he absconded 
 from Poland on June 18, thereby abandoning a throne 
 which was promptly declared vacant. 
 
 The new election presented great difficulties, and 
 
144 
 
 HUNGARY 
 
 Stephen 
 Bathory, 
 157^-86 
 
 Sigismund 
 III, 1586- 
 1632 
 
 Bohemia 
 
 Hungary, 
 1526 
 
 Zapolya, 
 1526-40 
 
 almost led to civil war. While the Senate declared for 
 the Hapsburg Maximilian II, the Diet chose Stephen 
 Bathory, prince of Transylvania. Only the unex- 
 pected death of Maximilian prevented an armed col- 
 lision between the two. Bathory, now in possession, 
 forced his recognition by all parties and led the land 
 of his adoption into a period of highly successful di- 
 plomacy and of victorious war against Muscovy. His 
 religious policy was one of pacification, conciliation, 
 and of supporting inconspicuously the Jesuit founda- 
 tions at Wilna, Posen, Cracow, and Kiga. But the full 
 fruits of their propaganda, resulting in the complete 
 reconversion of Poland to Catholicism were not reaped 
 until the reign of his successor, Sigismund III, a Vasa, 
 of Sweden. 
 
 Bohemia, a Slav kingdom long united historically 
 and dynastically with the Empire, as the home of Huss, 
 welcomed the Reformation warmly, the Brethren turn- 
 ing first to Luther and then to Calvin. After various 
 efforts to suppress and banish them had failed of large 
 success, the Compact of 1567 granted toleration to the 
 three principal churches. As in Poland, the Jesuits 
 won back the whole land in the next generation, so that 
 in 1910 there were in Bohemia 6,500,000 Catholics and 
 only 175,000 Protestants. 
 
 Hungary was so badly broken by the Turks at the 
 battle of Mohacs that she was able to play but little 
 part in the development of Western civilization. Like 
 her more powerful rival, she was also distracted by 
 internal dissention. After the death of her King 
 Lewis at Mohacs there were two candidates for the 
 throne, Ferdinand the Emperor's brother and John 
 Zapolya, "woiwod" or prince of Transylvania. Prot- 
 estantism had a considerable hold on the nobles, who, 
 after the shattering of the national power, . divided 
 a portion of the goods of the church between them. 
 
HUNGAEY 145 
 
 The Unitarian movement was also strong for a time, 
 and the division this caused proved almost fatal to the 
 Reformation, for the greater part of the kingdom was 
 won back to Catholicism under the Jesuits' leadership. 1576-1612 
 In 1910 there were about 8,600,000 Catholics in Hun- 
 gary and about 3,200,000 Protestants. 
 
 Transylvania, though a dependency of the Turks, Transyl- 
 was allowed to keep the Christian religion. The Saxon ^^°'^ 
 colonists in this state welcomed the Reformation, 
 formally recognizing the Augsburg Confession in a 
 synod of 1572. Here also the Unitarians attained 
 their greatest strength, being recruited partly from 
 those expelled from Poland. They drew their inspira- 
 tion not merely from Sozini, but from a variety of 
 sources, for the doctrine appeared simultaneously 
 among certain Anabaptist and Spiritualist sects. 
 Toleration was granted them on the same terms as 
 other Christians. The name * ' Unitarian ' ' first appears 
 in a decree of the Transylvania Diet of the year 1600. 
 An appreciable body of this persuasion still remains 
 in the country, together with a number of Lutherans, 
 Calvinists, and Romanists, but the large majority of 
 the people belong to two Greek Catholic churches. 
 
Confedera- 
 tion 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 SWITZERLAND 
 
 § 1. ZwiNGLJ 
 
 The Swiss Amid the snow-clad Alps and azure lakes of Switzer- 
 land there grew up a race of Germans which, though 
 still nominally a part of the Empire, had, at the period 
 now considered, long gone on its own distinct path of 
 development. Politically, the Confederacy arose in a 
 popular revolt against the House of Austria. The 
 federal union of the three forest cantons of Uri, 
 Schwyz, and Unterwalden, first entered into in 1291 
 and made permanent in 1315, was strengthened by the 
 admission of Lucerne (1332), Zug (1352), Glarus 
 (1351) and of the Imperial Cities of Zurich (1351) and 
 Berne (1353). By the admission of Freiburg and 
 Solothum (1481), Basle (1501), Schaffhausen (1501) 
 and Appenzell (1513) the Confederacy reached the 
 number of thirteen cantons at which it remained for 
 many years. By this time it was recognized as a prac- 
 tically independent state, courted by the great powers 
 of Europe. Allied to this German Confederacy were 
 two Romance-speaking states of a similar nature, the 
 Confederacies of the Valais and of the Grisons. 
 
 The Swiss were then the one free people of Europe. 
 Republican government by popular magistrates pre- 
 vailed in all the cantons. Liberty was not quite demo- 
 cratic, for the cantons ruled several subject provinces, 
 and in the cities a somewhat aristocratic electorate 
 held power; nevertheless there was no state in Europe 
 approaching the Swiss in self-government. Though 
 they were generally accounted the best soldiers of the 
 
 146 
 
ZWINGLI 147 
 
 day, their military valor did not redound to their own 
 advantage, for the hardy peasantry yielded to the soli- 
 citations of the great powers around them to ent^r 
 into foreign, mercenary service. The influential men, 
 especially the priests, took pensions from the pope 
 or from France or from other princes, in return for 
 their labors in recruiting. The system was a bad one 
 for both sides. Swiss politics w^ere corrupted and the 
 land drained of its strongest men ; whereas the princes 
 who hired the mercenaries often found to their cost 
 that such soldiers were not only the most formidable to 
 their enemies but also the most troublesome to them- 
 selves, ahvays on the point of mutiny for more pay and 
 plunder. The Swiss were beginning to see the evils of 
 the system, and prohibited the taking of pensions in 
 1503, though this law remained largely a dead letter. j^^J^"'^^'" 
 The reputation of the mountaineers suffered a blow^ in 1515 ' 
 their defeat by the French at Marignano, followed by a 
 treaty with France, intended by that power to make 
 Switzerland a permanent dependency in return for a 
 large annual subsidj^ payable to each of the thirteen 
 cantons and to the Grisons and Valais as well. The 
 country suffered from faction. The rural or ''Forest" 
 cantons were jealous of the cities, and the latter, espe- 
 cially Berne, the strongest, pursued selfish policies of 
 individual aggrandizement at the expense of their con- 
 federates. 
 
 As everywhere else, the cities were the centers of 
 culture and of social movements. Basle was famous 
 for its university and for the great printing house of 
 Froben. Here Albert Durer had stayed for a while 
 durmg his wandering years. Here Sebastian Brant 
 had studied and had written his famous satire. Here 
 the great Erasmus had come to publish his New Testa- 
 ment. 
 
 But the Reformation in Switzerland was only in 1521-9 
 
Jetzer 
 scandal 
 
 148 SWITZERLAND 
 
 part a child of humanism. Nationalism played its role 
 in the revolt from Rome, memories of councils lingered 
 at Constance and Basle, and the desire for a purer re- 
 ligion made itself felt among the more earnest. Swit- 
 zerland had at least one great shrine, that of Einsie- 
 deln; to her Virgin many pilgrims came yearly in 
 hopes of the plenary indulgence, expressly promising 
 forgiveness of both guilt and penalty of sin. Berne 
 was the theater of one of the most reverberating scan- 
 dals enacted by the contemporary church. A passion- 
 
 The ately contested theological issue of the day was whether 
 
 the Virgin had been immaculately conceived. This 
 was denied by the Dominicans and asserted by the 
 Franciscans. Some of the Dominicans of the friary 
 at Berne thought that the best way to settle the affair 
 was to have a direct revelation. For their fraudulent 
 purposes they conspired with John Jetzer, a lay 
 brother admitted in 1506, who died after 1520. 
 Whether as a tool in the hands of others, or as an im- 
 poster, Jetzer produced a series of bogus apparitions, 
 bringing the Virgin on the stage and making her give 
 details of her conception sufficiently gross to show 
 that it took place in the ordinary, and not in the im- 
 
 1509 maculate, manner. When the fraud was at last dis- 
 
 covered by the authorities, four of the Dominicans 
 involved were burnt at the stake. 
 
 But the vague forces of discontent might never have 
 crystallized into a definite movement save for the 
 leadership of Ulrich Zw^ingli. He was born, January 
 ^"*^ 1, 1484, on the Toggenburg, amidst the lofty moun- 
 
 tains, breathing the atmosphere of freedom and beauty 
 from the first. As he wandered in the wild passes he 
 noticed how the marmots set a sentry to warn them of 
 danger, and how the squirrel crossed the stream on 
 a chip. When he returned to the home of his father, 
 a local magistrate in easy circumstances, he heard 
 
ZWINGLI 149 
 
 stirring tales of Swiss freedom and Swiss valor that 
 planted in his soul a deep love of his native land. The 
 religion he learned was good Catholic; and the ele- 
 ment of popular superstition in it was far less weird 
 and terrible than in Northern Germany. He remem- 
 bered one little tale told him by his grandmother, how 
 the Lord God and Peter slept together in the same 
 bed, and were Avakened each morning by the house- 
 keeper coming in and pulling the hair of the outside 
 man. 
 
 Education began early under the tuition of an uncle, 
 the parish priest. At ten Ulrich was sent to Basle 
 to study. Here he progressed well, becoming the head 
 scholar, and here he developed a love of music and con- 
 siderable skill in it. Later he went to school at Berne, 
 where he attracted the attention of some friars who 
 tried to guide him into their cloister, an effort appar- 
 ently frustrated by his father. In the autumn of 
 1498 he matriculated at Vienna. For some unknown 
 cause he was suspended soon afterwards, but was 
 readmitted in the spring of 1500. Two years later 
 he went to Basle, where he completed his studies by 1506 
 taking the master's degree. While here he taught 
 school for a while. Theology apparently interested 
 him little ; his passion was for the humanities, and his 
 idol was Erasmus. Only in 1513 did he begin to learn 
 Greek. 
 
 If, at twenty-two, before he had reached the canon- 
 ical age, Zwdngli took orders, and became parish priest 
 at Glarus, it was less because of any deep religious 
 interest than because he found in the clerical calling 
 the best opportunity to cultivate his taste for letters. 
 He was helped financially by a papal pension of fifty 
 gulden per annum. His first published work was a 
 fable. The lion, the leopard, and the fox (the Em- isio 
 peror, France, and Venice) try to drive the ox (Swit- 
 
150 SWITZERLAND 
 
 zerland) out of his pasture, but are frustrated by the 
 herdsman (the pope). The same tendencies — papal, 
 
 1512 patriotic, and political — are shown in his second book, 
 an account of the relations between the Swiss and 
 
 1516 French, and in The Labyrinth, an allegorical poem. 
 
 The various nations appear again as animals, but the 
 hero, Theseus, is a patriot guided by the Ariadne 
 thread of reason, while he is vanquishing the mon- 
 sters of sin, shame, and vice. Zwingli's natural inter- 
 est in politics was nourished by his experiences as field 
 
 1513 chaplain of the Swiss forces at the battles of Novara 
 ^^^^ and Marignano. 
 
 Was he already a Reformer? Not in the later sense 
 of the word, but he was a disciple of Erasmus. Capito 
 Avrote to Bullinger in 1536 : ''While Luther was in the 
 hermitage and had not yet emerged into the light, 
 Zwingli and I took counsel how to cast down the pope. 
 For then our judgment was maturing under the influ- 
 ence of Erasmus's society and by reading good au- 
 thors." Though Capito over-estimated the opposition 
 of the young Swiss to the papacy, he was right in other 
 respects. Zwingli's enthusiasm for the prince of hu- 
 manists, perfectly evident in his notes on St. Paul, 
 stimulated him to visit the older scholar at Basle in 
 the spring of 1516. Their correspondence began at 
 the same time. Is it not notable that in The Labyrinth 
 the thread of Ariadne is not religion, but reason? 
 His religious ideal, as shown by his notes on St. Paul, 
 was at this time the Erasmian one of an ethical, un- 
 dogmatic faith. He interpreted the Apostle by the 
 Sermon on the Mount and by Plato. He was still a 
 good Catholic, without a thought of breaking away 
 from the church. 
 October, From Glarus Zwingli was called to Einsiedeln, where 
 
 December ^^ remained for two years. Here he saw the super- 
 1518 stitious absurdities mocked by Erasmus. Here, too, 
 
ZWINGLI 
 
 151 
 
 1, 1518 
 
 January 1, 
 1519 
 
 he first came into contact with indulgences, sold 
 throughout Switzerland by Bernard Samson, a Milan- 
 ese Franciscan. Zwingli did not attack them with the 
 impassioned zeal of Luther, but ridiculed them as ''a 
 comedy." His position did not alienate him from the September 
 papal authorities, for he applied for, and received, 
 the appointment of papal acolyte. How little serious 
 was his life at this time may be seen from the fact 
 that he openly confessed that he was living in un- 
 chastity and even joked about it. 
 
 Notwithstanding his peccadillos, as he evidently re- 
 garded them, high hopes were conceived of his abili- 
 ties and independence of character. When a priest 
 was wanted at Zurich, Zwingli applied for the posi- 
 tion and, after strenuous canvassing, succeeded in get- 
 ting it. 
 
 Soon after this came the turning-point in Zwingli 's 
 life, making of the rather worldly young man an 
 earnest apostle. Two causes contributed to this. 
 The first was the plague. Zwingli was taken sick in 
 September and remained in a critical condition for 
 many months. As is so often the case, sutfering and 
 the fear of death made the claims of the other world 
 so terribly real to him that, for the first time, he cried 
 unto God from the depths, and consecrated his life to 
 service of his Saviour. 
 
 The second influence that decided and deepened i^i^ 
 Zwingli 's life was that of Luther. He first mentions 
 him in 1519, and from that time forth, often. All his 
 works and all his acts thereafter show the impress of 
 the Wittenberg professor. Though Zwingli himself 
 sturdily asserted that he preached the gospel before 
 he heard of Luther, and that he learned his whole doc- 
 trine direct from the Bible, he deceived himself, as 
 many men do, in over-estimating his own originality. 
 He was truly able to say that he had formulated some 
 
152 SWITZERLAND 
 
 of his ideas, in dependence on Erasmus, before he 
 heard of the Saxon ; and he still retained his capacity 
 for private judgment afterwards. He never followed 
 any man slavishly, and in some respects he was more 
 radical than Luther; nevertheless it is true that he 
 was deeply indebted to the great German. 
 
 Significantly enough, the first real conflict broke out 
 at Zurich early in 1520. Zwingli preached against 
 -^ fasting and monasticism, and put forward the thesis 
 that the gospel alone should be the rule of faith and 
 practice. He succeeded in carrying through a prac- 
 tical reform of the cathedral chapter, but was obliged 
 to compromise on fasting. Soon afterwards Zurich 
 renounced obedience to the bishop. The Forest Can- 
 tons, already jealous of the prosperity of the cities, 
 endeavored to intervene, but were warned by Zwingli 
 not to appeal to war, as it was an unchristian thing. 
 Opposition only drove his reforming zeal to further 
 efforts. 
 
 In the spring of 1522 Zwingli formed with Anna 
 Reinhard Meyer a union which he kept secret for two 
 years, when he married her in church. In the mar- 
 riage itself, though it was by no means unhappy, there 
 was something lacking of fine feeling and of perfect 
 love. 
 Reforma- As the reform progressed, the need of clarification 
 
 nonm ^y^g £gj^_ rjij^^g ^.^g brought about by the favorite 
 
 method of that day, a disputation. The Catholics tried 
 in vain to prevent it, and it was actually held in Jan- 
 uary, 1523, on 67 theses drawn up by Zwingli. Here, 
 as so often, it was found that the battle was half won 
 when the innovators were heard. They themselves 
 attributed this to the excellence of their cause; but, 
 without disparaging that, it must be said that, as the 
 psychology of advertising has shown, any thesis pre- 
 sented with sufficient force to catch the public ear, is 
 
ZWINGLI 153 
 
 sure to win a certain number of adherents. The Town October 27, 
 
 1523 
 
 Council of Zurich ordered the abolition of images and 
 of the mass. The opposition of the cathedral chapter 
 considerably delayed the realization of this pro- 
 gram. In December the Council was obliged to con- 
 cede further discussion. It was not until Wednes- 
 day, April 12, 1525, that mass was said for the last 
 time in Zurich. Its place was immediately taken, the 
 next day, Maundy Thursday, by a simple communion 
 service. At the same time the last of the convents were 
 suppressed, or put in a condition assuring their event- / 
 ual extinction. Other reforms included the abolition /^''^ 
 of processions, of confirmation and of extreme unction. 
 "With homely caution, a large number of simple souls 
 had this administered to them just before the time 
 allotted for its last celebration. Organs were taken 
 out of the churches, and regular lectures on the Bible 
 given. 
 
 Alarmed by these innovations the five original can- 
 tons, — Unterwalden, Uri, Schwyz, Lucerne and Zug, — ^.^^ 
 formed a league in 1524 to suppress the '^ Hussite, 
 Lutheran, and Zwinglian heresies." For a time it 
 looked like war. Zwingli and his advisers drew up a 
 remarkably thorough plan of campaign, including a 
 method of securing allies, many military details, and 
 an ample provision for prayer for victory. War, 
 however, was averted by the mediation of Berne as a 
 friend of Zurich, and the complete religious autonomy 
 of each canton was guaranteed. 
 
 The Swiss Eeformation had to run the same course 
 of separation from the humanists and radicals, and of 
 schism, as did the German movement. Though Eras- 
 mus was a little closer to the Swiss than he had been 
 to the Saxon Reformers, he was alienated by the out- 
 rageous taunts of some of them and by the equally un- 
 warranted attempts of others to show that he agreed 
 
154 SWITZERLAND 
 
 with them. "They falsely call themselves evangeli- 
 cal," he opined, "for they seek only two things: a 
 salary and a wife." 
 
 Then came the break with Luther, of which the 
 / story has already been told. The division was caused 
 neither by jealousy, nor by the one doctrine — that of 
 the real presence — on which it was nominally fought. 
 There was in reality a wide difference between the 
 two types of thought. The Saxon was both a mystic 
 and a schoolman; to him religion was all in all and 
 dogma a large part of religion. Zwingii approached 
 the problem of salvation from a less personal, cer- 
 tainly from a less agonized, and from a more legal, 
 liberal, empiric standpoint. He felt for liberty and 
 for the value of common action in the state. He in- 
 terpreted the Bible by reason; Luther placed his rea- 
 ^ son under the tuition of the Bible in its apparent mean- 
 ing. 
 
 Anabap- Ncxt camc the turn of the Anabaptists — those 
 
 Bolsheviki of the sixteenth century. Their first leaders 
 appeared at Zurich and were for a while bosom friends 
 of Zwingii. But a parting of the ways was inevitable, 
 for the humanist could have little sympathy with an 
 uncultured and ignorant group — such they were, in 
 spite of the fact that a few leaders were university 
 graduates — and the statesman could not admit in his 
 categories a purpose that was sectarian as against 
 the state church, and democratic as against the exist- 
 ing aristocracy. 
 
 1523 His first work against them shows how he was torn 
 
 between his desire to make the Bible his only guide 
 and the necessity of compromising with the prevailing 
 polity. As he was unable to condemn his opponents 
 on any consistent grounds he was obliged to prefer 
 against them two charges that were false, though 
 probably believed true by himself. As they were 
 
 / 
 
ZWINGLI 155 
 
 ascetics in some particulars he branded them as mon- 
 astic; for their social program he called them sedi- 
 tious. 
 
 The suppression of the Peasants' Revolt had the 
 effect in Switzerland, as elsewhere, of causing the poor 
 and oppressed to lose heart, and of alienating them 
 from the cause of the official Protestant churches. A 
 disputation with the Anabaptist leaders was hold at ^"^^^^^'^ 
 Zurich; they were declared refuted, and the council 
 passed an order for all unbaptized children to be 
 christened within a week. The leaders were arrested 
 and tried; Zwingli bearing testimony that they advo- 
 cated communism, which he considered wrong as the 
 Bible's injunction not to steal implied the right of -"' 
 private property. The Anabaptists denied that they 
 were communists, but the leaders were bound over to 
 keep the peace, some were fined and others banished. 
 As persecuting measures almost always increase in 
 severity, it was not long before the death penalty was 
 denounced against the sectaries, and actually applied. 
 In a polemic against the new sect entitled In Cata- J"iy'i527 
 haptistarU'm Strophas Elenclms, Zwingli 's only argu- — 
 ment is a criticism of some inconsistencies in the Ana- 
 baptists' biblicism; his final appeal is to force. His 
 strife with them was harder than his battle with Rome. 
 It seems that the reformer fears no one so much as 
 him who carries the reformer's own principles to 
 lengths that the originator disapproves. Zwingli saw 
 in the fearless fanatics men prepared to act in political 
 and social matters as he had done in ecclesiastical af- 
 fairs; he dreaded anarchy or, at least, subversion of 
 the polity he preferred, and, like all the other men of 
 his age, he branded heresy as rebellion and punished 
 it as crime. 
 
 By this time Zurich had become a theocracy of the Theocracy 
 same tyrannical type as that later made famous by 
 
156 SWITZERLAND 
 
 Geneva. Zwingli took the position of an Old Testa- 
 ment prophet, subordinating state to church. At first 
 he had agreed with the Anabaptists in separating 
 (theoretically) church and state. But he soon came to 
 believe that, though true Christians might need no 
 government, it was necessary to control the wicked, 
 and for this purpose he favored an aristocratic polity. 
 All matters of morals were strictly regulated, severe 
 laws being passed against taverns and gambling. The 
 inhabitants were forced to attend church. After the 
 suppression of the Catholics and the radicals, there 
 developed two parties just as later in Geneva, the 
 ^^ Evangelical and the Indifferent, the policy of the latter 
 being one of more freedom, or laxity, in discipline, 
 and in general a preference of political to religious 
 ends. 
 Basle The Reformation had now established itself in other 
 
 1522 '^' ^i^i^s of German Switzerland. Oecolampadius coming 
 to Basle as the bearer of Evangelical ideas, won such 
 1524 success that soon the bishop was deprived of author- 
 
 1527 ■^^^'^' ^^'^ disputations with the Catholics were held, and 
 
 the monasteries abolished. Oecolampadius, after tak- 
 'ing counsel with Zwingli on the best means of sup- 
 pressing Catholic worship, branded the mass as an act 
 worse than theft, harlotry, adultery, treason, and mur- 
 der, called a meeting of the town council, and requested 
 them to decree the abolition of Catholic worship. 
 October Though they replied that every man should be free to 
 27, 1527 exercise what religion he liked, on Good Friday, 1528, 
 the Protestants removed the images from Oecolampa- 
 dius 's church, and grumbled because their enemies 
 were yet tolerated. Liberty of conscience w^as only 
 assured by the fairly equal division of the membership 
 of the town council. On December 23, 1528, two hun- 
 dred citizens assembled and presented a petition, 
 drawn up by Oecolampadius, for the suppression of 
 
ZWINGLI 157 
 
 the mass. On January 6, 1529, under pressure from 
 the ambassadors of Berne and Zurich, the town coun- 
 cil of Basle decreed that all pastors should preach 
 only the Word of God, and asked them to assemble for 
 instruction on this point. The compromise suited no 
 one and on February 8 the long prepared revolution 
 broke out. Under pretence that the Catholics had 
 disobeyed the last decree, -a Protestant mob sur- / 
 rounded the town hall, planted cannon, and forced the 
 council to expel the twelve Catholic members, mean- 
 while destroying church pictures and statues. *'It 
 W'as indeed a spectacle so sad to the Superstitious," 
 Oecolampadius wrote to Capito, "that they had to 
 weep blood. . . . We raged against the idols, and the 
 mass died of sorrow." 
 
 A somew^iat similar development took place in 
 Berne, St. Gall, Schaffhausen, and Glarus. The favor- 
 ite instrument for arousing popular interest and sup- 
 port was the disputation. Such an one was held at ^^^ 
 Baden in May and June, 1526. Zwingli declined to 
 take part in this and the Catholics claimed the victory. 
 This, however, did them rather harm than good, for 
 the public felt that the cards had been stacked. A sim- 
 ilar debate at Berne in 1528 turned that city completely 
 to the Reformation. A synod of the Swiss Evangelical' 
 churches w^as formed in 1527. This made for uni- 
 formity. The publication of the Bible in a translation 
 by Leo Jud and others, with prefaces by Zwingli, 
 proved a help to the Evangelical cause. This trans- 1530 
 lation was the only one to comjoete at all successfully 
 with Luther's. 
 
 The growing strength of the Protestant cantons en- 
 couraged them to cany the reform by force in all 
 places in which a majority was in favor of it. Zwin- 
 gli 's far-reaching plans included an alliance with 
 Hesse and w4th Francis I to whom he dedicated his 
 
158 
 
 SWITZERLAND 
 
 First Peace 
 of Cappel 
 
 two most important theological works, True and False 
 Religion and An Exposition of the Christian Faith. 
 April, 1529 The Catholic cantons replied by making a league with 
 Austria. War seemed imminent and Zwingli was so 
 heartily in favor of it that he threatened resignation 
 if Zurich did not declare war. This was accordingly 
 done on June 8. Thirty thousand Protestant soldiers 
 marched against the Catholic cantons, which, without 
 the expected aid from Austria, were able to put only 
 nine thousand men into the field. Seeing themselves 
 hopelessly outnumbered, the Catholics prudently nego- 
 tiated a peace without risking a battle. The terms of 
 this first Peace of Cappel forced the Catholics to re- 
 nounce the alliance with Austria, and to allow the ma- 
 jority of citizens in each canton to decide the religion 
 they v/ould follow. Toleration for Protestants was 
 provided for in Catholic cantons, though toleration of 
 the old religion was denied in the Evangelical cantons. 
 This peace marked the height of Zwingli 's power. 
 He continued to negotiate on equal terms with Luther, 
 and he sent missionaries into Geneva to win it to his 
 cause and to the Confederacy. The Catholic cantons, 
 stung to the quick, again sought aid from Austria and 
 raised another and better army. Zwingli heard of this 
 and advocated a swift blow to prevent it — the ''of- 
 fensive defence. " Berne refused to join Zurich in this 
 aggression, but agreed to bring pressure to bear on the 
 Catholics by proclaiming a blockade of their frontiers. 
 An army was prepared by the Forest Cantons, but 
 Berne, whose entirely selfish policy was more disas- 
 trous to the Evangelical cause than was the hostility 
 of the league, still refused to engage in war. Zurich 
 was therefore obliged to meet it alone. An army of 
 only two thousand Zurichers marched out, accom- 
 panied by Zwingli as field chaplain. Eight thousand 
 Catholic troops attacked, utterly defeated them, and 
 
 Defeat of 
 Zwingli 
 
 May, 1531 
 
ZWINGLT 159 
 
 killed many on the field of battle. Zwingli, who, October il, 
 though a non-combatant, was armed, was wounded and 
 left on the field. Later he was recognized by enemies, 
 killed, and his body burned as that of a heretic. 
 
 The defeat was a disaster to Protestant Switzer- --- 
 land not so much on account of the terms of peace, 
 which were moderate, as because of the loss of pres- 
 tige and above all of the great leader. His spirit, 
 however, continued to inspire his followers, and lived 
 in the Reformed Church. Indeed it has been said, 
 though with exaggeration, that Calvin only gave his 
 name to the church founded by Zwingli, just as Amer- 
 icus gave his name to the continent discovered by Co- 
 lumbus. In many respects Zwingli was the most lib- 
 eral of the Reformers. In his last work he expressed 
 the belief that in heaven would be saved not only 
 Christians and the worthies of the Old Testament but 
 also ''Hercules, Theseus, Socrates, Aristides, An- 
 tigonus, Numa, Camillus, the Catos and Scipios. . . . 
 In a word no good man has ever existed, nor shall 
 there exist a holy mind, a faithful soul, from the very 
 foundation of the world to its consummation, whom 
 you will not see there with God." Nevertheless, 
 Zwingli was a persecutor and was bound by many of 
 the dogmatic prepossessions of his time. But his re- . 
 ligion had in it less of miracle and more of reason \ 
 than that of any other founder of a church in the six- 
 teenth century. He was a statesman, and more will- 
 ing to trust the people than were his contemporaries, 
 but yet he was ready to sacrifice his country to his 
 creed. 
 
 For a short time after the death of so many of its 
 leading citizens in the battle of Cappel, Zurich was 
 reduced to impotence and despair. Nor was she much 
 comforted or assisted by her neighbors. Oecolampa- 
 dius died but a few weeks after his friend; while Lu- 
 
1536 
 
 160 SWITZERLAND 
 
 ther and Erasmus sang paeans of triumph over the 
 prostration of their rivals. Even Calvin considered it 
 a judgment of God. Gradually by her own strength 
 Zurich won her way back to peace and a certain in- 
 
 Builinger, fluencc. Zwingli's follower, Henry Bullinger, the son 
 of a priest, was a remarkable man. He not only built 
 up his own city but his active correspondence with 
 Protestants of all countries did a great deal to spread 
 the cause of the Evangelical religion. In conjunction 
 with Myconius, he drew up the first Swiss confession, 
 accepted by Zurich, Berne, Basle, Schaffhausen, St. 
 
 ^^^'^ Gall, Miilhausen and Biel; and later he made the 
 
 agreement with Calvin known as the Consensus Ti- 
 gurinus. In this the Zwinglian and Calvinistic doc- 
 trines of the eucharist were harmonized as far as pos- 
 sible. But while the former decreased the latter in- 
 creased, and Geneva took the place of Zurich as the 
 metropolis of the Reformed faith. 
 
 I 2. Catwin 
 
 On January 15, 1527, Thomas von Hofen wrote 
 Zwingli from Geneva that he would do all he could 
 to exalt the gospel in that city but that he knew it 
 would be vain, for there were seven hundred priests 
 working against him. This letter gives an insight 
 into the methods by which new territory was evangel- 
 ized, the quarters whence came the new influences, and 
 the forces with which they had to contend. 
 
 Among the early missionaries of ''the gospel" in 
 French-speaking lands, one of the most energetic was 
 Farcl, William Farel. He had studied at Paris under Le- 
 
 1489-1565 fovre d 'Staples, and was converted to Lutheranism as 
 early as 1521. He went first to Basle, where he learned 
 to know Erasmus. Far from showing respect to the 
 older and more famous man, he scornfully told him to 
 his face that Froben's wife knew more theology than 
 
CALVIN 161 
 
 did he. Erasmus's resentment showed itself in the 
 nickname Phallicus that he fastened on his antag- 
 onist. From Basle Farel went to Montbeliard and 
 Aigle, preaching fearlessly but so fiercely that his 
 friend Oecolampadius warned him to remember rather 
 to teach than to curse. After attending the disputa- 1^28 
 tion at Berne he evangelized western Switzerland. His "" 
 methods may be learned from his work at Valangin 
 on August 15, 1530. He attended a mass, but in the 
 midst of it went up to the priest, tore the host for- 
 cibly from his hands, and said to the people: ''This 
 is not the God whom you worship: he is above in 
 heaven, even in the majesty of the Father." In 1532 
 he went to Geneva. Notwithstanding the fact that 
 here, as often elsewhere, he narrowly escaped lynch- 
 ing, he made a great impression. His red hair and 
 hot temper evidently had their uses. 
 
 The Reformer of French Switzerland was not des- Calvin, 
 
 1509—64 
 
 tined to be Farel, however, but John Calvin. Born 
 at Noyon, Picardy, his mother died early and his fa- 
 ther, who did not care for children, sent him to the 
 house of an aristocratic friend to be reared. In this 
 environment he acquired the distinguished manners 
 and the hauteur for which he was noted. AVhen 
 John was six years old his father, Gerard, had him 
 appointed to a benefice just as nowadays he might 
 have got him a scholarship. At the age of twelve 
 Gerard's influence procured for his son another of 
 these ecclesiastical livings and two years later this 
 was exchanged for a more lucrative one to enable the 
 boy to go to Paris. Here for some years, at the Col- 
 lege of Montaigu, Calvin studied scholastic philosophy 
 and theology under Noel Beda, a medieval logic- 
 chopper and schoolman by temperament. At the uni- 
 versity Calvin won from his fellows the sobriquet of 
 "the accusative case," on account of his censorious 
 
162 SWITZERLAND 
 
 and fault-iinding disposition. At his father's wish 
 John changed from theology to law. For a time he 
 studied at the universities of Orleans and Bourges. 
 At Orleans he came under the influence of two Prot- 
 estants, Olivetan -and the German Melchior Volmar. 
 On the death of his father, in 1531, he began to devote 
 himself to the humanities. His first work, a com- 
 mentary on Seneca's De Clementia, witnesses his wide 
 reading, his excellent Latin style, and his ethical in- 
 terests. 
 
 It was apparently through the humanists Erasmus 
 and Lefevre that he was led to the study of the Bible 
 and of Luther's writings. Probably in the fall of 
 1533 he experienced a ''conversion" such as stands 
 at the head of many a religious career. A sudden 
 beam of light, he says, came to him at this time from 
 God, putting him to the proof and showing him in 
 how deep an abyss of error and of filth he had been 
 living. He thereupon abandoned his former life with 
 tears. 
 
 In the spring of 1534 Calvin gave up the sinecure 
 benefices he had held, and towards the end of the year 
 left France because of the growing persecution, for 
 he had already rendered himself suspect. After va- 
 rious wanderings he reached Basle, where he pub- 
 ojthe " lished the first edition of his Institutes of the Chris- 
 Christian fid^^ Religion. It was dedicated, like two of Zwingli 's 
 isse" ' works, to Francis I, with a strong plea for the new 
 faith. It was, nevertheless, condemned and burnt pub- 
 licly in France in 1542. Originally written in Latin 
 it was translated by the author into French in 1541, 
 and reissued from time to time in continually larger 
 editions, the final one, of 1559, being five times as 
 bulky as the first impression. The thought, too, 
 though not fundamentally changed, was rearranged 
 and developed. Only in the redaction of 1541 was 
 
 Institutes 
 
CALVIN 163 
 
 predestination made perfectly clear. TLe first edi- 
 tion, like Luther's catechism, took up in order the 
 Decalogue, the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Sac- 
 raments. To this was added a section on Christian 
 liberty, the power of the church, and civil government. 
 In the last edition the arrangement followed en- 
 tirely the order of articles in the Apostles' Creed, all * 
 the other matter being digested in its relation to faith. 
 
 In the Institutes Calvin succeeded in summing up A system 
 the whole of Protestant Christian doctrine and prac- ° t eoogy 
 tice. It is a work of enormous labor and thought. 
 Its rigid logic, comprehensiveness, and clarity have 
 secured it the same place in the Protestant Churches 
 that the Summa of Aquinas has in the Roman theology. 
 It is like the Summa in other ways, primarily in that 
 it is an attempt to derive an absolute, unchangeable 
 standard of dogma from premises considered infal- 
 lible. Those who have found great freshness in Cal- 
 vin, a new life and a new realism, can do so only in 
 comparison with the older schoolmen. Calvin simply 
 went over their ground, introducing into their phi- 
 losophy all the connotations that three centuries of 
 progress had made necessary. This is not denying 
 that his work was well written and that it filled a 
 need urgently felt at the time. Calvin cultivated 
 style, both French and Latin, with great care, for he 
 saw its immense utility for propaganda. He studied 
 especially brevity, and thought that he carried it to 
 an extreme, though the French edition of the Institutes 
 fills more than eight hundred large octavo pages. 
 However, all things are relative, and compared to 
 many other theologians Calvin is really concise and 
 readable. 
 
 There is not one original thought in any of Calvin's , 
 works. I do not mean ''original" in any narrow • 
 sense, for to the searcher for sources it seems that 
 
164 SWITZERLAND 
 
 there is literally nothing new under the sun. But 
 there is nothing in Calvin for which ample authority 
 cannot be found in his predecessors. Eecognizing the 
 Bible as his only standard, he interpreted it accord- 
 ing to the new Protestant doctors. First and fore- 
 most he was dependent on Luther, and to an extent 
 that cannot be exaggerated. Especially from the 
 Catechisms, The Bondage of the Will, and The Baby- 
 lonian Captivity of the Church, Calvin drew all his 
 principal doctrines even to details. He also borrowed 
 something from Bucer, Erasmus and Schwenckfeld, 
 as well as from three writers who were in a certain 
 sense his models. Melanchthon's Commonplaces of 
 Theology, Zwingli's True and False Religion, and 
 Farel's Brief Instruction in Christian Faith had all 
 done tentatively what he now did finally. 
 Theocentric The Center of Calvin's philosophy was God as the 
 Almighty Will. His will was the source of all things, 
 of all deeds, of all standards of right and wrong and 
 of all happiness. The sole purpose of the universe, 
 and the sole intent of its Creator, was the glorification 
 of the Deity. Man's chief end was ''to glorify God 
 and enjoy him forever." God accomplished this self- 
 exaltation in all things, but chiefly through men, his 
 noblest work, and he did it in various ways, by the 
 salvation of some and the damnation of others. And 
 his act was purely arbitrary; he foreknew and pre- 
 destined the fate of every man from the beginning; 
 he damned and saved irrespective of foreseen merit. 
 ' ' God 's eternal decree ' ' Calvin himself called ' ' fright- 
 ful. ' ' ^ The outward sign of election to grace he 
 thought was moral behavior, and in this respect he 
 demanded the uttermost from himself and from his 
 followers. The elect, he thought, were certain of sal- 
 vation. The highest virtue was faith, a matter more 
 
 1 "Decretum Dei aeternum honibile." 
 
 character 
 
CALVIN 165 
 
 of the heart than of the reason. The divinity of 
 Christ, he said, was apprehended by Christian expe- '> 
 rience, not by speculation. Eeason was fallacious ; left 
 to itself the human spirit '^ could do nothing but lose 
 itself in infinite error, embroil itself in difficulties and 
 grope in opaque darkness." But God has given us 
 his Word, infallible and inerrant, something that ''has 
 flowed from his very mouth." *'We can only seek 
 God in his Word," he said, ''nor think of him other- 
 wise than according to his Word." 
 
 Inevitably, Calvin sought to use the Bible as a rigid 
 moral law to be fulfilled to the letter. His ethics were 
 an elaborate casuistry, a method of finding the proper 
 rule to govern the particular act. He preached a new 
 legalism; he took Scripture as the Pharisees took the Legalism 
 Law, and Luther's sayings as they took the Prophets, 
 and he turned them all into stiff, fixed laws. Thus he 
 crushed the glorious autonomy of his predecessor's 
 ethical principles. It was Kant, who denied all Lu- 
 ther's specific beliefs, but who developed his idea of 
 the individual conscience, that was the true heir of 
 his spirit, not Calvin who crushed the spirit in elab- 
 orating every jot and tittle of the letter. In precisely 
 the same manner Calvin killed Luther's doctrine of the 
 priesthood of all believers. To Calvin the church was 
 a sacramental, aristocratic organization, with an au- 
 thoritative ministry. The German rebelled against 
 the idea of the church as such ; the Frenchman simply 
 asked what was the true church. So he brought back 
 some of the sacramental miracle of baptism and the 
 eucharist. In the latter he remained as medieval as 
 Luther, never getting beyond the question of the mode 
 of the presence of the body and blood of Christ in the 
 bread and wine. His endeavor to rationalize the doc- 
 trine of Augsburg, especially with reference to the 
 ^winglians, ha4 disastrous results. Only iwQ po§i- 
 
166 SWITZERLAND 
 
 tions were possible, that the body and blood were pres- 
 ent, or that they were not. By endeavoring to find 
 some middle ground Calvin upheld a contradiction in 
 terms : the elements were signs and yet were realities ; 
 the body was really there when the bread was eaten 
 by a believer, but really not there when the same bread 
 was eaten by an infidel. The presence was actual, and 
 yet participation could only occur by faith. While 
 rejecting some of Luther's explanations, Calvin was 
 undoubtedly nearer his position than that of Zwingli, 
 which he characterized as ''profane." 
 
 As few instructed and thinking persons now accept 
 the conclusions of the Institutes, it is natural to under- 
 estimate the power that they exercised in their own 
 day. The book was the most effective weapon of Prot- 
 estantism. This was partly because of the style, but 
 His logic still more because of the faultless logic. The success 
 of an argument usually depends far less on the truth 
 of the premises than on the validity of the reasoning. 
 And the premises selected by Calvin not only seemed 
 natural to a large body of educated European opinion 
 of his time, but were such that their truth or falsity 
 was very difficult to demonstrate convincingly. Cal- 
 vin 's system has been overthrown not by direct attack, 
 but b}'' the flank, in science as in war the most effective 
 way. To take but one example out of many that 
 might be given: what has modern criticism made of 
 Calvin's doctrine of the inerrancy of Scripture? But 
 this science was as yet all but unknown: biblical exe- 
 gesis there was in plenty, but it was only to a minute 
 . extent literary and historical; it was almost exclu- 
 sively philological and dogmatic. 
 
 Calvin's doctrine of the arbitrary dealing out of 
 salvation and damnation irrespective of merit has 
 often excited a moral rather than an intellectual revul- 
 sion. To his true followers, indeed, like Jonathan Ed- 
 
CALVIN 167 
 
 wards, it seems *'a delightful doctrine, exceeding Eternal 
 bright, pleasant and sweet." But many men agree d^°^*^o° 
 with Gibbon that it makes God a cruel and capricious 
 tyrant and with William James that it is sovereignly 
 irrational and mean. Even at that time those who 
 said that a man's will had no more to do with his des- 
 tiny than the stick in a man's hand could choose where 
 to strike or than a saddled beast could choose its rider, 
 aroused an intense opposition. Erasmus argued that : 
 damnation given for inevitable crimes would make 
 God unjust, and Thomas More blamed Luther for call- 
 ing God the cause of evil and for saying ''God doth 
 damn so huge a number of people to intolerable tor- 
 ments only for his own pleasure and for his o^\^l deeds 
 wrought in them only by himself. ' ' An English here- 
 tic, Cole of Faversham, said that the doctrine of pre- 
 destination was meeter for devils than for Christians. 
 ''The God of Calvin," exclaimed Jerome Bolsec, "is a 
 hypocrite, a liar, perfidious, unjust, the abetter and 
 patron of crimes, and worse than the devil himself.'* 
 But there was another side to the doctrine of elec- 
 tion. There was a certain moral grandeur in the com- 
 plete abandon to God and in the earnestness that was 
 ready to sacrifice all to his will. And if we judge the 
 tree by its fruits, at its best it brought forth a strong 
 and good race. The noblest examples are not the the- 
 ologians, Calvin and Knox, not only drunk with God 
 but drugged with him, much less politicians like Henry 
 of Navarre and William of Orange, but the rank and 
 file of the Huguenots of France, the Puritans of Eng- 
 land, "the choice and sifted seed wherewith God sowed 
 the wilderness" of America. These men bore them- 
 selves with I know not what of lofty seriousness, and 
 with a matchless disdain of all mortal peril and all 
 earthly grandeur. Believing themselves chosen ves- 
 sels and elect instruments of grace, they could neither 
 
168 SWITZERLAND 
 
 be seduced by carnal pleasure nor awed by human 
 might. Taught that they were kings by the election of 
 God and priests by the imposition of his hands, they 
 despised the puny and vicious monarchs of this earth. 
 They remained, in fact, what they always felt them- 
 selves to be, an elite, "the chosen few." 
 
 Having finished his great work, Calvin set out on his 
 wanderings again. For a time he was at the court 
 of the sympathetic Eenee de France, Duchess of Fer- 
 rara. AVhen persecution broke out here, he again fled 
 Geneva northward, and came, by chance, to Geneva. Here 
 Farel was waging an unequal fight with the old church. 
 Needing Calvin's help he went to him and begged his 
 assistance, calling on God to curse him should he not 
 stay. *' Struck with terror," as Calvin himself con- 
 fessed, he consented to do so. 
 
 Beautifully situated on the blue waters of Lake 
 Leman in full view of Mont Blanc, Geneva was at this 
 time a town of 16,000 inhabitants, a center of trade, 
 pleasure, and piety. The citizens had certain liberties, 
 but were under the rule of a bishop. As this person- 
 age was usually elected from the house of the Duke of 
 Savoy, Geneva had become little better than a depend- 
 ency of that state. The first years of the sixteenth 
 century had been turbulent. The bishop, John, had at 
 one time been forced to abdicate his authority, but 
 later had tried to resume it. The Archbishop of 
 Vienne, Geneva's metropolitan, had then excommuni- 
 cated the city and invited Duke Charles III of Savoy 
 to punish it. The citizens rose under Bonivard, re- 
 nounced the authority of the pope, expelled the bishop 
 and broke up the religious houses. To guard against 
 the vengeance of the duke, a league was made with 
 Berne and Freiburg. 
 
 On October 2, 1532, William Farel arrived from 
 Berne. At Geneva as elsewhere tumult followed his 
 
 f': 
 
CALVIN 169 
 
 preaching, but it met with such success that by Janu- 
 ary, 1534, he held a disputation which decided the city 
 to become evangelical. The council examined the 
 shrines and found machinery for the production of 1535 
 bogus miracles; provisionally abolished the mass; and May 21, 
 soon after formally renounced the papal religion. ^^^^ 
 
 At this point Calvin arrived, and began preaching 
 and organizing at once. He soon aroused opposition 
 from the citizens, galled at his strictness and perhaps 
 jealous of a foreigner. The elections to the council Calvin 
 went against him, and the opposition came to a head February, 
 shortly afterwards. The town council decided to 1538 
 adopt the method of celebrating the eucharist used at 
 Berne. For some petty reason Calvin and Farel re- 
 fused to obey, and when a riot broke out at the Lord 's 
 table, the council expelled them from the city. 
 
 Calvin w^ent to Strassburg, where he learned to know 
 Bucer and republished his Institutes. Here he mar- 
 ried Idelette de Bure, the widow of an Anabaptist, August, 
 who was never in strong health and died, probably of 
 consumption, on March 29, 1549. Calvin's married 
 life lacked tenderness and joy. The story that he 
 selected his wife because he thought that by reason of 
 her want of beauty she would not distract his thoughts 
 from God, is not well founded, but it does illustrate 
 his attitude towards her. The one or more children 
 bom of the union died in infancy. 
 
 Calvin attended the Colloquy at Eatisbon, in the re- 1541 
 suit of which he was deeply disappointed. In the 
 meantime he had not lost all interest in Geneva. 
 When Cardinal Sadoleto wrote, in the most polished 
 Latin, an appeal to the city to return to the Roman 
 communion, Calvin answered it. The party opposed j753g''^'' 
 to him discredited itself by giving up the city's rights 
 to Berne, and w^as therefore overthrown. The per- 
 plexities presenting themselves to the council were be- 
 
170' 
 
 SWITZERLAND 
 
 Calvin re- 
 turns, 1541 
 
 Theocracy 
 
 yond their powers to solve, and they felt obliged to 
 recall Calvin, who returned to remain for the rest of 
 his life. 
 
 His position was so strong that he was able to make 
 of Geneva a city after his own heart. The form of 
 government he caused to prevail was a strict theocracy. 
 The clergy of the city met in a body known as the 
 Congregation, a ''venerable company" that discussed 
 and prepared legislation for the consideration of the 
 Consistory. In this larger body, besides the clergy, 
 the laity were represented by twelve elders chosen by 
 the council, not by the people at large. The state and 
 church were thus completely identified in a highly aris- 
 tocratic polity. 
 
 ''The office of the Consistory is to keep watch on the 
 life of everyone." Thus briefly was expressed the 
 delegation of as complete powers over the private lives 
 of citizens as ever have been granted to a committee. 
 The object of the Ecclesiastical Ordinances was to 
 create a society of saints. The Bible was adopted as 
 the norm ; all its provisions being enforced except such 
 Jewish ceremonies as were considered abrogated by 
 the New Testament. The city was divided into quar- 
 ters, and some of the elders visited every house at least 
 once a year and passed in review the whole life, ac- 
 tions, speech, and opinions of the inmates. The houses 
 of the citizens were made of glass; and the vigilant 
 eye of the Consistory, served by a multitude of spies, 
 was on them all the time. In a way this espionage but 
 took the place of the Catholic confessional. A joke, a 
 gesture was enough to bring a man under suspicion. 
 The Elders sat as a regular court, hearing complaints 
 and examining witnesses. It is true that they could 
 inflict only spiritual punishments, such as public cen- 
 sure, penance, excommunication, or forcing the culprit 
 to demand pardon in church on his knees. But when 
 
CALVIN 171 
 
 the Consistory thought necessary, it could invoke the 
 aid of the civil courts and the judgment was seldom 
 doubtful. Among the capital crimes were adultery, 
 blasphemy, witchcraft, and heresy. Punishments for 
 all offences were astonishingly and increasingly heavy. 
 During the years 1542-6 there were, in this little town 
 of 16,000 people, no less than fifty-eight executions and * 
 seventy-six banishments. 
 
 In judging the Genevan theocracy it is important to 
 remember that everywhere, in the sixteenth century, 
 punishments were heavier than they are now, and the 
 regulation of private life minuter.^ Nevertheless, 
 though parallels to almost everything done at Geneva 
 can be found elsewhere, it is true that Calvin intensi- 
 fied the medieval spirit in this respect and pushed it to 
 the farthest limit that human nature would bear. 
 
 First of all, he compelled the citizens to fulfil their 
 religious duties. He began the process by which later 
 the Puritans identified the Jewish Sabbath and the 
 Lord's Day. Luther had thought the injunction to 
 rest on the Seventh Day a bit of Jewish ceremonial 
 abrogated by the new dispensation and that, after at- 
 tending church, the Christian might devote the day to 
 what work or pleasure he thought proper. Calvin, 
 however, forbade all work and commanded attendance 
 on sermons, of which an abundance were offered to the 
 devout. In addition to Sunday services there were, 
 as in the Catholic church, morning prayers every work 
 day and a second service three days a week. All cere- 
 monies with a vestige of popery about them were for- 
 bidden. The keeping of Christmas was prohibited ^^^^ 
 under pain of fine and imprisonment. 
 
 ''As I see that we cannot forbid men all diversions," 
 sighed Calvin, "I confine myself to those that are 
 really bad." This class was sufficiently large. The 
 
 1 See below, Chapter X, section 3. 
 
of conduct 
 
 172 SWITZERLAND 
 
 theater was denounced from the pulpit, especially 
 when the new Italian habit of giving women's parts to 
 actresses instead of to boys was introduced. Accord- 
 ing to Calvin's colleague Cop, "the women who mount 
 the platform to play comedies are full of unbridled 
 effrontery, without honor, having no purpose but to 
 expose their bodies, clothes, and ornaments to excite 
 the impure desires of the spectators. . . . The whole 
 tiling," he added, '4s very contrary to the modesty 
 of women who ought to be shamefaced and shy. ' ' Ac- 
 cordingly, attendance on plays was forbidden. 
 Supervision Among otlicr prohibited amusements was dancing, 
 especially obnoxious as at that time dances were ac- 
 companied by kisses and embraces. Playing cards, 
 cursing and swearing were also dealt with, as indeed 
 they were elsewhere. Among the odd matters that 
 came before the Consistory were: attempted suicide, 
 possessing the Golden Legend (a collection of saints' 
 lives called by Beza "abominable trash"), paying for 
 masses, betrothing a daughter to a Catholic, fasting 
 on Good Friday, singing obscene songs, and drunken- 
 ness. A woman was - chastized for taking too much 
 wine even though it did not intoxicate. Some hus- 
 bands w^ere mildly reprimanded, not for beating their 
 wives which was tolerated by contemporary opinion, 
 but for rubbing salt and vinegar into the wales. Lux- 
 ury in clothing was suppressed; all matters of color 
 and quality regulated by law, and even the way in 
 which women did their hair. In 1546 the inns were 
 put under the direct control of the government and 
 strictly limited to the functions of entertaining — or 
 rather of boarding and lodging — strangers and cit- 
 izens in temporary need of them. Among the numer- 
 ous rules enforced within them the following may be 
 selected as typical : 
 
 If any one blasphemes the name of God or says, "By 
 
CALVIN 173 
 
 the body, 'sblood, zounds" or anything like, or who gives Rules for 
 himself to the devil or uses similar execrable impreca- ^^^^ 
 tions, he shall be punished. . . . 
 
 If any one insults any one else the host shall be obliged 
 to deliver him up to justice. 
 
 If there are any persons who make it their business to 
 frequent the said inns, and there to consume their goods 
 and substance, the host shall not receive them. 
 
 Item the host shall be obliged to report to the govern- 
 ment any insolent or dissolute acts committed by the 
 guests. 
 
 Item the host shall not allow any person of whatever 
 quality he be, to drink or eat anything in his house with- 
 out first having asked a blessing and afterwards said 
 grace. 
 
 Item the host shall be obliged to keep in a public place 
 a French Bible, in which any one who wishes may read, 
 and he shall not prevent free and honest conversation on 
 the Word of God, to edification, but shall favor it as much 
 as he can. 
 
 Item the host shall not allow any dissoluteness like 
 dancing, dice or cards, nor shall he receive any one sus- 
 pected of being a debauehe or ruffian. 
 
 Item he shall only allow people to play honest games 
 without swearing or blasphemj^ and without wasting 
 more time than that allowed for a meal. 
 
 Item he shall not allow indecent songs or words, and if 
 any one wishes to sing Psalms or spiritual songs he shall 
 make them do it in a decent and not in a dissolute way. 
 
 Item nobody shall be allowed to sit up after nine 
 o'clock at night except spies. 
 
 Of course, such matters as marriage were regulated 
 strictly. When a man of seventy married a girl of 
 twenty-five Calvin said it was the pastor's duty to 
 reprehend them. The Refonner often selected the 
 women he thought suitable for his acquaintances who 
 wanted wives. He also drew up a list of baptismal 
 names which he thought objectionable, including the 
 names of *4dols," — i. e. saints venerated near Geneva 
 — the names of kings and offices to whom God alone ap- 
 
174 SWITZERLAND 
 
 points, such as Angel or Baptist, names belonging to 
 God such as Jesus and Emanuel, silly names such as 
 Toussaint and Noel, double names and ill-sounding 
 names. Calvin also pronounced on the best sort of 
 stoves and got servants for his friends. In fact, there 
 was never such a busy-body in a position of high au- 
 thority before nor since. No wonder that the citizens 
 frequently chafed under the yoke. 
 
 If we ask how much was actually accomplished by 
 this minute regulation accompanied by extreme se- 
 verity in the enforcement of morals, various answers 
 are given. When the Italian reformer Bernardino 
 Occhino visited Geneva in 1542, he testified that curs- 
 ing and swearing, unchastity and sacrilege were un- 
 known; that there were neither lawsuits nor simony 
 nor murder nor party spirit, but that universal benev- 
 olence prevailed. Again in 1556 John Knox said that 
 Geneva was "the most perfect school of Christ that 
 ever was on earth since the days of the apostles. In 
 other places," he continued, *'I confess Christ to be 
 truly preached, but manners and religion so sincerely 
 reformed I have not yet seen in any place besides." 
 But if we turn from these personal impressions to an 
 examination of the acts of the Consistory, we get a 
 very different impression. The records of Geneva 
 Morals sliow morc cascs of vice after the Reformation than be- 
 fore. The continually increasing severity of the pen- 
 alties enacted against vice and frivolity seem to prove 
 that the government was helpless to suppress them. 
 Among those convicted of adultery were two of Cal- 
 vin's own female relatives, his brother's wife and his 
 step-daughter Judith. What success there was in 
 making Geneva a city of saints was due to the fact that 
 it gradually became a very select population. The 
 worst of the incorrigibles were soon either executed or 
 banished, and their places taken by a large influx of 
 
 of Geneva 
 
CALVIN 175 
 
 men of austere mind, dra^vn thither as a refuge from 
 persecution elsewhere, or by the desire to sit at the feet 
 of the great Reformer. Between the years 1549 and 
 1555 no less than 1297 strangers were admitted to cit- 
 izenship. Practicalh^ all of these were immigrants 
 coming to the little town for conscience's sake. 
 
 Orthodoxy was enforced as rigidly as morality. Persecution 
 The ecclesiastical constitution adopted in 1542 brought 
 in the Puritan type of divine service. Preaching took 
 the most important place in church, supplemented by 
 Bible reading and catechetical instruction. Laws were 
 passed enforcing conformity under pain of losing 
 goods and life. Those who did not expressly renounce 
 the mass were punished. A little girl of thirteen was 
 condemned to be publicly beaten with rods for saying 
 that she wanted to be a Catholic. Calvin identified his 
 o^vn wishes and dignity with the commands and honor 
 of God. One day he forbade a citizen, Philibert 
 Berthelier, to come to the Lord's table. Berthelier 
 protested and was supported by the council. *'If God 
 lets Satan crush my ministry under such tyranny," 
 shrieked Calvin, "it is all over with me. ' ' The slight- 
 est assertion of liberty on the part of another was 
 stamped out as a crime. Sebastian Castellio, a sin- 
 cere Christian and Protestant, but more liberal than 
 Calvin, fell under suspicion because he called the 
 Song of Songs obscene, and because he made a new 
 French version of the Bible to replace the one of 
 Olivetan officially approved. He was banished in 
 1544. Two years later Peter Ameaux made some very 
 trifling personal remarks about Calvin, for which he 
 was forced to fall on his knees in public and ask 
 pardon. 
 
 But opposition only increased. The party opposing 
 Calvin he called the Libertines — a word then meaning 
 something like "free-thinker" and gradually getting 
 
176 SWITZEELAl^D 
 
 the bad moral connotation it has now, just as the word 
 January, ' 'miscreant" had formerly done. One of these men, 
 ^^'^^ James Gruet, posted on the pulpit of St. Peter's 
 
 church at Geneva a warning to Calvin, in no very civil 
 terms, to leave the city. He was at once arrested and 
 a house to house search made for his accomplices. 
 This method failing to reveal anything except that 
 Gruet had written on one of Calvin's tracts the words 
 ''all rubbish," his judges put him to the rack twice 
 a day, morning and evening, for a whole month. The 
 frightful torture failed to make Gruet incriminate any- 
 one else, and he was accordingly tried for heresy. He 
 was charged with "disparaging authors like Moses, 
 who by the Spirit of God wrote the divine law, saying 
 that Moses had no more power than any other man. 
 . . . He also said that all laws, human and divine, 
 were made at the pleasure of man." He was there- 
 fore sentenced to death for blasphemy and beheaded 
 on July 26, 1547, ''calling on God as his Lord." After 
 his death one of his books was found and condemned. 
 To justify this course Calvin alleged that Gruet said 
 that Jesus Christ was a good-for-nothing, a liar, and a 
 false seducer, and that he (Gruet) denied the existence 
 of God and immortality. Evangelical freedom had 
 now arrived at the point where its champions first took 
 a man's life and then his character, merely for writ- 
 - ing a lampoon! 
 
 Naturally such tyranny produced a reaction. The 
 
 enraged Libertines nicknamed Calvin Cain, and saved 
 
 from his hands the next personal enemy, Ami Perrin, 
 
 whom he caused to be tried for treason. A still more 
 
 October 16, bitter dose for the theocrat was that administered by 
 
 1^51 . 
 
 Jerome Bolsec, who had the audacity to preach against 
 the doctrine of predestination. Calvin and Farel re- 
 futed him on the spot and had him arrested. Berne, 
 5asle ^nd Zurich intervened ^nd, when solicited for 
 
1553 
 
 CALVIN 177 
 
 an expression on the doctrine in dispute, spoke inde- 
 cisively. The triumph of his enemies at this rebuke 
 Avas hard for Calvin to bear and prepared for the com- 
 mission of the most regrettable act of his career. 
 
 The Spanish physician Michael Servetus published, Sen-etus 
 in Germany, a work on the Errors concerning the 
 Trinity. His theory was not that of a modern ration- 
 alist, but of one whose starting point was the authority 
 of the Bible, and his unitarianism was consequently of 
 a decidedly theological brand, recalling similar doc- 
 trines in the early church. Leaving Germany he went 
 to Viemio, in France, and got a good practice under 
 an assumed name. He later published a work called, 
 perhaps in imitation of Calvin's Tnstitutio, The Resti- 
 tution of Christianity, setting forth his ideas about the 
 Trinity, whcli he compared to the three-headed mon- 
 ster Cerberus, but admitting the divinity of Christ. 
 He also denied the doctrine of original sin and as- 
 serted that baptism should be for adults only. He 
 was poorly advised in sending this book to the Re- 
 former, with whom he had some correspondence. 
 With Calvin's knowledge and probably at his instiga- 
 tion, though he later issued an equivocating denial, 
 William Trie, of Geneva, denounced Servetus to the 
 Catholic inquisition at Vienne and forwarded the ma- 
 terial sent by the heretic to Calvin. On June 17, 1553, 
 the Catholic inquisitor, expressly stating that he acted 
 on this material, condemned Servetus to be burnt by 
 slow fire, but he escaped and went to Geneva. 
 
 Here he was recognized and arrested. Calvin at 
 once appeared as his prosecutor for heresy. The 
 charges against him were chiefly concerned with his 
 denial of the Trinity and of infant baptism, and \vitli 
 his attack on the person and teaching of Calvin. As 
 an example of the point to which Bibliolatry could sup- 
 press candor it may be mentioned that one of the 
 
178 SWITZERLAND 
 
 charges against him was that he had asserted Palestine 
 to be a poor land. This was held to contradict the 
 Scriptural statement that it was a land flowing with 
 milk and honey. The minutes of the trial are painful 
 reading. It was conducted on both sides with unbe- 
 coming violence. Among other expressions used by 
 Calvin, the public prosecutor, were these: that he re- 
 garded Servetus's defence as no better than the bray- 
 ing of an ass, and that the prisoner was like a villain- 
 ous cur wiping his muzzle. Servetus answered in the 
 same tone, his spirit unbroken by abuse and by his 
 confinement in a horrible dungeon, where he suffered 
 from hunger, cold, vermin, and disease. He was found 
 guilty of heresy and sentenced to be burnt with slow 
 fire. Calvin said that he tried to alter the manner of 
 execution, but there is not a shred of evidence, in the 
 mmutes of the trial or elsewhere, that he did so. Pos- 
 sibly, if he made the request, it was purely formal, as 
 were similar petitions for mercy made by the Roman 
 inquisitors. At any rate, while Calvin 's alleged effort 
 for mercy proved fruitless, he visited his victim in 
 prison to read him a self-righteous and insulting lec- 
 ture. Farel, also, reviled him on the way to the stake. 
 Death of at which he perished on October 26, 1553, crying, ''God 
 
 Scrvctus 
 
 preserve my soul! Jesus, Son of the eternal God, 
 have mercy on me!" Farel called on the bystanders 
 to witness that these words showed the dying man to 
 be still in the power of Satan. 
 
 This act of persecution, one of the most painful in 
 the history of Christianity, was received with an out- 
 burst of applause from almost all quarters. Melanch- 
 thon, who had not been on speaking terms with Calvin 
 for some years, was reconciled to him by what he 
 called "a signal act of piety." Other leading Protes- 
 tants congratulated Calvin, who continued persecution 
 systematically. Another victim of his was Matthew 
 
CALVIN 179 
 
 Gribaldi, whom he delivered into the hands of the gov- 
 ernment of Berne, with a refutation of his errors. 1564 
 Had he not died of the plague in prison he would prob- 
 ably have suffered the same fate as Sei-vetus. 
 
 Strengthened by his victory over heresy, Calvin now Complete 
 
 tiicocracv 
 
 had the chance to annihilate his opponents. On May 1555 
 15, 1555, he accused a number of them of treason, 
 and provided proof by ample use of the rack. With 
 the party of Libertines completely broken, Calvin ruled 
 from this time forth with a rod of iron. The new 
 Geneva was so cowed and subservient that the town 
 council dared not install a new sort of heating ap- 
 paratus without asking the permission of the theocrat. 
 But a deep rancor smouldered under the surface. 
 ''Our incomparable theologian Calvin," wrote Am- 
 brose Blaurer to BuUinger, "labors under such hatred 
 of some whom he obscures by his light that he is con- 
 sidered the worst of heretics by them. ' ' Among other 
 things he was accused of levying tribute from his fol- 
 lowers by a species of blackmail, threatening publicly 
 to denounce them unless they gave money to the cause. 
 
 At the same time his international power and repu- intema- 
 tation rose. Geneva became the capital of Protes- *'.^"fj^^^^" 
 tantism, from which mandates issued to all the coun- 
 tries of Western Europe. Englishmen and French- 
 men, Dutchmen and Italians, thronged to "this most 
 perfect school of Christ since the apostles" to learn 
 the laws of a new type of Christianity. For Calvin's 
 Reformation was more thorough and logical than was 
 Luther's. The German had regarded all as permitted 
 that was not forbidden, and allowed the old usages to 
 stand in so far as they were not repugnant to the ordi- 
 nances of the Bible. But Calvin believed that all was 
 forbidden save what was expressly allowed, and hence 
 abolished as superstitious accretions all the elements 
 of the medieval cult that could find no warrant in the 
 
 vinism 
 
180 SWITZERLAND 
 
 Bible. Images, vestments, organs, bells, candles, rit- 
 ual, were swept away in the ungarnished meeting-house 
 to make way for a simple service of Bible-reading, 
 prayer, hymn and sermon. The government of the 
 church was left by Calvin in close connection with the 
 state, but he apparently turned around the Lutheran 
 conception, making the civil authority subordinate to 
 the spiritual and not the church to the state. 
 
 Whereas Lutheranism appealed to Germans and 
 Scandinavians, Calvinism became the international 
 form of Protestantism. Even in Germany Calvin 
 made conquests at the expense of Luther, but outside 
 of Germany, in France, in the Netherlands, in Britain, 
 he moulded the type of reformed thought in his own 
 image. It is difficult to give statistics, for it is im- 
 possible to say how far each particular church, like 
 the Anglican for example, was indebted to Calvin, how 
 far to Luther, and how far to other leaders, and also 
 because there was a strong reaction against pure Cal- 
 vinism even in the sixteenth century. But it is safe to 
 say that the clear, cold logic of the Institutes, the good 
 French and Latin of countless other treatises and let- 
 ters, and the political thought which amalgamated 
 easily with rising tides of democracy and industrial- 
 ism, made Calvin the leader of Protestantism outside 
 ' of the Teutonic countries of the north. His gift for 
 organization and the pains he took to train ministers 
 and apostles contributed to this success. 
 Death of Qj^ -^ 27, 1564 Calvin died, worn out with labor 
 
 Calvin, May . 
 
 27,1564 and ill health at the age of fifty-five. With a cold 
 heart and a hot temper, he had a clear brain, an iron 
 will, and a real moral earnestness derived from the 
 conviction that he was a chosen vessel of Christ. Con- 
 stantly tortured by a variety of painful diseases, he 
 drove himself, by the demoniac strength of his will, to 
 perform labor that would have taxed the strongest. 
 
OALVIN 181 
 
 The way he ruled his poor, suffering body is symbolic 
 of the way he treated the sick world. To him the 
 maladies of his own body, or of the body politic, were 
 evils to be overcome, at any cost of pain and sweat and 
 blood, by a direct effort of the will. As he never 
 yielded to fever and weakness in himself, so he dealt 
 with the vice and frivolity he detested, crushing it out 
 by a ruthless application of power, hunting it with 
 spies, stretching it on the rack and breaking it on the 
 wheel. But a gentler, more understanding method 
 would have accomplished more, even for his own 
 purpose. 
 
 His successor at Geneva, Theodore Beza, was a man Beza, 
 after his own heart but, as he was far weaker, the town 
 council gradually freed itself from spiritual tyranny. 
 Towards the end of the century the pastors had been 
 humbled and the questions of the day were far less 
 the dogmatic niceties they loved than ethical ones such 
 as the right to take usury, the proper penalty for 
 adultery, the right to make war, and the best form of 
 government. 
 
 1519-1605 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 FRANCE 
 
 § 1. Renaissance and Refoemation 
 
 Though, at the opening of the sixteenth century, the 
 France French may have attained to no greater degree of na- 
 tional self-consciousness than had the Germans, they 
 had gone much farther in the construction of a national 
 state. The significance of this evolution, one of the 
 strongest tendencies of modern history, is that it 
 squares the outward political condition of the people 
 with their inward desires. When once a nation has 
 come to feel itself such, it cannot be happy until its 
 polity is united in a homogeneous state, though the 
 reverse is also true, — that national feeling is some- 
 times the result as well as the cause of political union. 
 With the growth of a common language and of com- 
 mon ideals, and with the improvement of the methods 
 of communication, the desire of the people for unity 
 became stronger and stronger, until it finally overcame 
 the centrifugal forces of feudalism and of particular- 
 ism. These were so strong in Germany that only a 
 very imperfect federation could be formed by way of 
 national government, but in France, though they were 
 still far from moribund, external pressure and the 
 growth of the royal power had forged the various prov- 
 inces into a nation such as it exists today. The most 
 independent of the old provinces, Brittany, was now 
 Louis XII iiiiited to the crown by the marriage of its duchess 
 1498-1515 Anne to Louis XII. 
 
 Geographically, France was nearly the same four 
 hundred years ago as it is today, save that the eastern 
 
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EENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 183 
 
 
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184 
 
 FRANCE 
 
 frontier was somewhat farther west. The line then 
 ran west of the three Bishoprics, Verdun, Metz and 
 Toul, west of Franche Comte, just east of Lyons and 
 again west of Savoy and Nice. 
 
 Politically, France was then one of a group of semi- 
 popular, semi-autocratic monarchies. The rights of 
 the people were asserted by the States General which 
 met from time to time, usually at much longer in- 
 tervals than the German Diets or the English Parlia- 
 ments, and by the Parlements of the various provinces. 
 These latter were rather high courts of justice than 
 legislative assemblies, but their right to register new 
 laws gave them a considerable amount of authority. 
 The Parlement of Paris was the most conspicuous and 
 perhaps the most powerful. 
 
 The power of the monarch, resting primarily on the 
 support of the bourgeois class, was greatly augmented 
 by the Concordat of 1516, which made the monarch 
 almost the supreme head of the Galilean church. For 
 two centuries the crown had been struggling to attain 
 this position. It was because so large a degree of 
 autonomy was granted to the national church that the 
 French felt satisfied not to go to the extreme of seces- 
 sion from the Roman communion. It was because the 
 king had already achieved a large control over his own 
 clergy that he felt it unnecessary or inadvisable to go 
 to the lengths of the Lutheran princes and of Henry 
 VIII. In that one important respect the Concordat 
 of Bologna took the place of the Reformation. 
 
 Francis I was popular and at first not unattractive. 
 Robust, fond of display, ambitious, intelligent enough 
 to dabble in letters and art, he piqued himself on being 
 chivalrous and brave. But he wasted his life and 
 ruined his health in the pursuit of pleasure. His face, 
 as it has come down to us in contemporary paintings, 
 is disagreeable. He was, as with unusual candor a 
 
EENAISSANCE AND EEFOEMATION 185 
 
 contemporary observer put it, a devil even to the ex- 
 tent of considerably looking it. 
 
 While to art and letters Francis gave a certain 
 amount of attention, he usually from mere indolence 
 allowed the affairs of state to be guided by others. 
 Until the death of his mother, Louise of Savoy, he was 1531 
 ruled by her. Thereafter the Constable Anne de 
 ]\Iontmorency was his chief minister. The policy fol- 
 lowed was the inherited one which was, to a certain 
 point, necessary in the given conditions. In domestic 
 affairs, the king or his advisors endeavored to increase 
 the povv^er of the crown at the expense of the nobles. 
 The last of the great vassals strong enough to assert 
 a quasi-independencQ of the king was Charles of Bour- 1523-4 
 bon. He was arrested and tried by the Parlement of 
 Paris, which consistently supported the crown. Flee- 
 ing from France he entered the service of Charles V, 
 and his restoration was made an article of the treaty ^^^^ 
 of Madrid. His death in the sack of Rome closed the ^ ^^^^ 
 incident in favor of the king. 
 
 The foreign policy of France was a constant strug- 
 gle, now b}^ diplomacy, now by arms, with Charles V. 
 The principal remaining powers of Europe, England, 
 Turkey and the pope, threw their weight now on one 
 side now on the otlier of the two chief antagonists. 
 Italy was the field of most of the battles. Francis be- 
 gan his reign by invading that country and defeating ^^l^^ ^^ 
 tlie Swiss at Marignano, thus conquering Milan. The 1515 
 campaigns in Italy and Southern France culminated 
 in the disastrous defeat of the French at Pavia. ''24 [525^ 
 Francis fought in person and was taken prisoner. 
 ' ' Of all things nothing is left me but honor and life, ' ' 
 he wrote his mother. 
 
 Francis hoped that he would be freed on the pay- 
 ment of ransom according to the best models of chiv- 
 alry, He found, however, when he was removed to 
 
1526 
 
 186 FEANCE 
 
 Madrid in May, that his captor intended to exact the 
 last farthing of diplomatic concession. Discontent in 
 France and the ennui and illness of the king finally 
 forced him to sign a most disadvantageous treaty, re- 
 nouncing the lands of Burgundy, Naples and Milan, 
 and ceding lands to Henry VIII. The king swore to 
 the document, pledged his knightly honor, and as ad- 
 ditional securities married Eleanor the sister of 
 Charles and left two of his sons as hostages. 
 
 Even when he signed it, however, he had no inten- 
 tion of executing the provisions of the treaty which, he 
 secretly protested, had been wrung from him by force. 
 The deputies of Burgundy refused to recognize the 
 right of France to alienate them. Henry VIII at once 
 made an alliance against the ''tyranny and pride" of 
 the emperor. Charles was so chagrined that he chal- 
 lenged Francis to a duel. This opera bouffe perform- 
 ance ended by each monarch giving the other ''the lie 
 in the throat." 
 
 Though France succeeded in making with new allies, 
 the pope and Venice, the League of Cognac, and though 
 Germany was at that time embarrassed by the Turkish 
 invasion, the ensuing war turned out favorably to the 
 emperor. The ascendancy of Charles was so marked 
 that peace again had to be made in his favor in 1529. 
 The treaty of Cambrai, as it was called, was the treaty 
 of Madrid over again except that Burgundy was kept 
 by France. She gave up, however, Lille, Douai and 
 other territory in the north and renounced her suze- 
 rainty over Milan and Naples. Francis agreed to pay 
 a ransom of two million crowns for his sons. Though 
 he was put to desperate straits to raise the money, 
 levying a 40 per cent, income tax on the clergy and a 10 
 per cent, income tax on the nobles, he finally paid the 
 money and got back his children in 1530. 
 
 By this time France was so exhausted, both in 
 
RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 187 
 
 money and men, that a policy of peace was the only 
 one possible for some years. Montmorency, the prin- 
 cipal minister of the king, continued by an active 
 diplomacy to stir np trouble for Charles. While sup- 
 pressing Lutherans at home he encouraged the Schmal- 
 kaldic princes abroad, going to the length of inviting 
 Melanchthon to France in 1535. With the English 
 minister Cromwell he came to an agreement, nothwith- 
 standing the Protestant tendencies of his policy. An 
 alliance was also made with the Sultan Suleiman, se- 
 cretly in 1534, and openly x^roclaimed in 1536. In or- 
 der to prepare for the military strife destined to be 
 renewed at the earliest practical moment, an ordinance 
 of 1534 reorganized and strengthened the army. 
 
 Far more important for the life of France than her 
 incessant and inconclusive squabbling with Spain was 
 the transformation passing over her spirit. It is 
 sometimes said that if the French kings brought noth- Reforma- 
 ing else back from their campaigns in Italy they 
 brought back the Renaissance. There is a modicum 
 of truth in this, for there are some traces of Italian in- 
 fluence before the reign of Francis I. But the French 
 spirit hardly needed this outside stimulus. It was 
 awakening of itself. Scholars like William Bude and 
 the Estiennes, thinkers like Dolet and Rabelais, poets 
 like Marot, were the natural product of French soil. 
 Everywhere, north of the Alps no less than south, 
 there was a spontaneous eflBorescence of intellectual 
 activity. 
 
 The Reformation is often contrasted or compared 
 with the Renaissance. In certain respects, where a 
 common factor can be found, this may profitably be 
 done. But it is important to note how different in 
 kind were the two movements. One might as well 
 compare Darwinism and Socialism in our own time. 
 The one was a new way of looking at things, a fresh 
 
 tion 
 
188 FEANCE 
 
 intellectual start, without definite program or organ- 
 ization. The other was primarily a thesis: a set of 
 tenets the object of which was concrete action. The 
 Eeformation began in France as a school of thought, 
 but it soon grew to a political party and a new church, 
 and finally it evolved into a state within the state. 
 Christian Though it is not safe to date the French Reforma- 
 
 tion before the influence of Luther was felt, it is pos- 
 sible to see an indigenous reform that naturally pre- 
 pared the way for it. Its harbinger was Lefevre 
 -— - d'lStaples. This ''little Luther" wished to purify the 
 church, to set aside the ''good works" thereof in favor 
 of faith, and to make the Bible known to the people. 
 He began to translate it in 1521, publishing the Gos- 
 pels in June 1523 and the Epistles and Acts and Apo- 
 calypse in October and November. The work was not 
 as good as that of Luther or Tyndale. It was based 
 chiefly on the Vulgate, though not without reference to 
 the Greek text. Lefevre prided himself on being lit- 
 eral, remarking, mth a side glance at Erasmus 's Para- 
 phrases, that it was dangerous to try to be more ele- 
 gant than Scripture. He also prided himself on 
 writing for the simple, and was immensely pleased 
 with the favorable reception the people gave his work. 
 To reach the hearts of the poor and humble he insti- 
 tuted a reform of preaching, instructing his friends 
 to purge their homilies of the more grossly supersti- 
 tious elements and of the scholastic theology. Instead 
 of this they were to preach Christ simply with the 
 aim of touching the heart, not of dazzling the mind. 
 
 Like-minded men gathering around Lefevre formed 
 a new school of thought. It was a movement of re- 
 vival within the church; its leaders, wishing to keep 
 all the old forms and beliefs, endeavored to infuse into 
 them a new spirit. To some extent they were in con- 
 scious reaction against the intellectualism of l^r^smu? 
 
RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 189 
 
 and the Renaissance. On the other hand they were far 
 from wishing to follow Luther, when he appeared, in 
 his schism. 
 
 Among the most famous of these mystical reformers 
 were William BriQonnet, Bishop of Meaux, and his "^ 
 disciple, Margaret d'Angouleme, sister of Francis I. 
 Though a highly talented woman Margaret was weak 
 and suggestible. She adored her dissolute brother 
 and was always, on account of her marriages, first with i509 
 Charles, duke of AleuQon, and then with Henry d'Al- ^^^^ 
 bret, king of Navarre, put in the position of a sup- 
 pliant for his support. She carried on an assiduous 
 correspondence with Brigonnet as her spiritual direc- 
 tor, being attracted first by him and then by Luther, 
 chiefly, as it seems, through the wish to sample the 
 novelty of their doctrines. She wrote The Mirror of 
 the Sinful Soul in the best style of penitent piety. ^^^^ 
 Its central idea is the love of God and of the '*debon- 
 naire" Jesus. She knew Latin and Italian, studied 
 Greek and Hebrew, and read the Bible regularly, ex- 
 horting her friends to do the same. She coquetted 
 with the Lutherans, some of whom she protected in 
 France and with others of whom in Germany she cor- 
 responded. She was strongly suspected of being a -^ 
 Lutheran, though a secret one. Capito dedicated to 
 her a commentary on Ilosea ; Calvin had strong hopes 
 of mnning her to an open profession, but was disap- 
 pointed. Her house, said he, which might have be- 
 come the family of Jesus Christ, harbored instead 
 servants of the devil. Throughout life she kept the 
 accustomed Catholic rites, and wrote with much respect 
 to Pope Paul III. But fundamentally her religious 
 idealism was outside of any confession. 
 
 This mystically pious woman wrote, in later life, the 
 Heptameron, a book of stories published posthu- 
 mously. Modelled on the Decameron, it consists al- 
 
190 FEANCE 
 
 most entirely of licentious stories, told without repro- 
 bation and with gusto. If the mouth speaketh from 
 the fullness of the heart she was as much a sensualist 
 in thought as her brother was in deed. The apparent 
 contradictions in her are only to be explained on the 
 theory that she was one of those* impressionable na- 
 tures that, chameleon-like, 'always take on the hue of 
 their environment. 
 
 But though the work of Lefevre and of BriQonnet, 
 who himself gave his clergy an example of simple, 
 biblical preaching, won many followers not only in 
 Meaux but in other cities, it would never have pro- 
 duced a religious revolt like that in Germany. The 
 Reformation was an importation into France; *'The 
 key of heresy, ''-as -John Bouchet said in 1531, ''was 
 made of the fine iron of Germany.'^ At first almost 
 all the intellectuals hailed Luther as an ally. Lefevre 
 sent him a greeting in 1519, and in the same year Bude 
 spoke w^ell of him. His books were at this time ap- 
 proved even by some doctors of the Sorbonne. But it 
 took a decade of confusion and negation to clarify the 
 situation sufiSciently for the French to realize the exact 
 import of the Lutheran movement, which completely 
 transformed the previously existing policy of Lefevre. 
 The chief sufferer by the growth of Lutheranism was 
 not at first the Catholic church but the party of Cath- 
 olic reform. The schism rent the French evangelicals 
 before it seriously affected the church. Some of them 
 followed the new light and others were forced back 
 into a reactionary attitude. 
 
 The first emissaries of Luther in France were his 
 books. Froben exported a volume containing nearly 
 all he had published up to October, 1518, immediately 
 and in large quantities to Paris. In 1520 a student 
 there wrote that no books were more quickly bought. 
 At first only the Latin ones were intelligible to the 
 
EEXAISSANCE AND EEFOEMATIOX 191 
 
 French, but there is reason to believe that very early 
 translations into the vernacular were made, though 
 none of this period have survived. It was said that 
 the books, which kept pouring in from Frankfort and 
 Strassburg and Basle, excited the populace against the 
 theologians, for the people judged them by the newly 
 published French New Testament. A bishop com- 
 plained that the common people were seduced by the 1523 
 vivacity of the heretic's style. 
 
 It did not take the Sorbonne long to define its posi- 
 tion as one of hostility. The university, which had 
 been lately defending the Gallican liberties and had 
 issued an appeal from pope to future council, was one 
 of the judges selected by the disputants of the Leipzig 
 debate. Complete records of the speeches, taken by 
 notaries, were accordingly forwarded to Paris by Duke 
 George of Saxony, with a request for an opinion. . 
 After brief debate the condemnation of Luther by the April is 
 university was printed. ^^^^ 
 
 Neither was the government long in taking a posi- 
 tion. That it should be hostile was a foregone con- 
 clusion. Francis hated Lutheranism because he be- /- 
 lieved that it tended more to the overthrow of king- 
 doms and monarchies than to the edification of souls. 
 He told Aleander, the papal nuncio, that he thought March, 
 Luther a rascal and his doctrine pernicious. ^^^^ 
 
 The king was energetically seconded by the Parle-^-Apnl, 
 ment of Paris. A royal edict provided that no book ^^^^ 
 should be printed without the imprimatur of the uni- 
 versity. The king next ordered the extirpation of the 
 errors of Martin Luther of Saxony, and, having begun 
 by burning books, continued, as Erasmus observed was 
 usually the case, by burning people. The first to suf- 
 fer was John Valliere. At the same time Briconnet 1523 
 was summoned to Paris, sharply reprimanded for 
 leniency to heretics and fined two hundred livres, in 
 
192 FRANCE 
 
 consequence of which he issued two decrees against the 
 heresy, charging it with attempting to subvert the 
 
 1524 hierarchy and to abolish sacerdotal celibacy. When 
 Lefevre's doctrines were condemned, he submitted; 
 those of his disciples who failed to do so were pro- 
 scribed. But the efforts of the government became 
 more strenuous after 1524. Francis was at this time 
 courting the assistance of the pope against the em- 
 peror, and moreover he was horrified by the outbreak 
 of the Peasants' War in Germany. Convinced of the 
 danger of allowing the new sect to propagate itself 
 any further he commanded the archbishops and bish- 
 ops of his realm to ''proceed against those who hold, 
 publish and follow the heresies, errors and doctrines 
 
 1525 Qf Martin Luther." Lefevre and some of his friends 
 fled to Strassburg. Arrests and executions against 
 those who were sometimes called ''heretics of Meaux," 
 and sometimes Lutherans, followed. 
 
 The theologians did not leave the whole burden of 
 the battle to the government. A swarm of anti- 
 Lutheran tracts issued from the press. Not only the 
 heresiarch, but Erasmus and Lefevre were attacked. 
 Their translations of the Bible were condemned as 
 blasphemies against Jerome and against the Holy 
 Ghost and as subverting the foundations of the Chris- 
 tian religion. Luther's sacramental dogmas and his 
 repudiation of monastic vows were refuted. 
 
 Nevertheless the reform movement continued. At 
 this stage it was urban, the chief centers being Paris, 
 Meaux, and Lyons. Many merchants and artisans 
 were found among the adherents of the new faith. 
 While none of a higher rank openly professed it, the- 
 ology became, under the lead of Margaret, a fashion- 
 able subject. Conventicles were formed to read the 
 Bible in secret not only among the middle classes but 
 also at court. Short tracts continued to be the best 
 
RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 193 
 
 methods of propaganda, and of these many were 
 translations. Louis de Berquin of Artois, a layman, Berquin 
 proved the most formidable champion of the new opin- ^'^^^^^^^ 
 ions. Though he did little but translate other men's 
 work he did that with genius. His version of Eras- 
 mus's Manual of a Christian Knight was exquisitely 
 done, and his version of Luther's Tesseradecas did not 
 fall short of it. Tried and condemned in 1523, he was 
 saved by the king at the behest of Margaret. The 1526 
 access of rigor during the king's captivity gave place 
 to a momentary tolerance. Berquin, Avho had been 
 arrested, was liberated, and Lefevre recalled from 
 exile. But the respite was brief. Two years later, 
 Berquin was again arrested, tried, condemned, and 
 executed speedily to prevent reprieve on April 17, 
 1529. But the triumph of the conservatives was more 
 apparent than real. Lutheranism continued to gain 
 silently but surely. 
 
 "While the Reformation was growing in strength and 
 numbers, it was also becoming more definite and co- 
 herent. Prior to 1530 it was almost impossible to 
 tell where Lutheranism began and where it ended. 
 There was a large, but vague and chaotic public opin- 
 ion of protest against the existing order. But after 
 1530 it is possible to distinguish several parties, three 
 of which at first reckoned, among the supporters of the 
 Reformation, now more or less definitely separated 
 themselves from it. The first of those was the party 
 of Meaux, the leaders of which submitted to the gov- 
 ernment and went their o^vn isolated way. Then there 
 was a party of Erasmian reform, mainly intellectual 
 but profoundly Christian. Its leader, William Bude, 
 felt, as did Erasmus, that it was possible to unite the 
 classical culture of the Renaissance with a purified 
 Catholicism. Attached to the church, and equally re- 
 pelled by some of the dogmas and by tlie apparent so- 
 
194 
 
 FEANCE 
 
 cial effects of the Reformation, Bude, who had spoken 
 well of Luther in 1519, repudiated him in 1521. 
 
 Finally there was the party of the ''Libertines" or 
 free-thinkers, the representatives of the Renaissance 
 pure and simple. Revolutionaries in their own way^i 
 consciously rebels against the older culture of the Mid- 
 dle Ages, though prepared to canvass the new religion 
 and to toy with it, even to use it as an ally against com- 
 mon enemies, the interest of these men was funda- 
 mentally too different from that of the Reformers to 
 enable them to stand long on the same platform. 
 There was Clement Marot, a charming but rather aim- 
 less poet, a protege of Margaret and the ornament of 
 a frivolous court. Though his poetic translation of 
 the Psalms became a Protestant book, his poetry is 
 often sensual as well as sensuous. Though for a time 
 absenting himself from court he re-entered it in 1536 
 at the same time "abjuring his errors." 
 
 Of the same group was Francis Rabelais, whose 
 Pantagruel appeared in 1532. Though he wrote Eras- 
 mus saying that he owed all that he was to him, he in 
 fact appropriated only the irony and mocking spirit 
 of the humanist without his deep underlying piety. 
 He became a universal skeptic, and a mocker of all 
 things. The ''esprit gaulois," beyond all others alive 
 to the absurdities and inconsistency of things, found in 
 him its incarnation. He ridiculed both the "pope- 
 maniacs" and the "pope-phobes," the indulgence- 
 sellers and the inquisitors, the decretals "written by 
 an angel" and the Great Schism, priests and kings and 
 doubting philosophers and the Scripture. Paul III 
 called him "the vagabond of the age." Calvin at first 
 reckoned him among those who "had relished the gos- 
 pel, ' ' but when he furiously retorted that he considered 
 Calvin "a demoniacal imposter," the theologian of 
 Geneva loosed against him a furious invective in his 
 
EENAISSANCE AND EEFORMATION 195 
 
 Treatise on Offences. Rabelais was now called ''a 
 Lucian who by his diabolic fatuity had profaned the 
 gospel, that holy and sacred pledg'e of life eternal." 
 William Farel had in mind Rabelais 's recent accept- 
 ance from the court of the livings of Meudon and St. 
 Christophe de Jambet, when he wrote Calvin on May 
 25, 1551: ''I fear that avarice, that root of evil, has 
 extinguished all faith and piety in the poets of 
 Margaret. Judas, having sold Christ and taken the 
 biretta, instead of Christ has that hard master Sa- 
 tan. "^ 
 
 The stimulus given b}^ the various attacks on the Catholic 
 church, both Protestant and infidel, showed itself 
 promptly in the abundant spirit of reform that sprang 
 up in the Catholic fold. The clergy and bishop braced 
 themselves to meet the enemy; they tried in some in- 
 stances to suppress scandals and amend their lives; 
 they brushed up their theology and paid more atten- 
 tion to the Bible and to education. 
 
 But the *' Lutheran contagion" continued to spread - 
 and grow mightily. In 1525 it was found only at 
 Paris, Meaux, Lyons, Grenoble, Bourges, Tours and 
 AlenQon. Fifteen years later, though it was still con- 
 fined largely to the cities and towns, there were cen- 
 ters of it in every part of France except in Brittany. 
 The persecution at Paris only drove the heretics into 
 hiding or banished them to carry their opinions broad- 
 cast over the land. The movement swept from the 
 north and east. The propaganda was not the work ^ 
 of one class but of all save that of the great nobles. 
 It was not yet a social or class affair, but a purely in- 
 tellectual and religious one. It is impossible to esti- 
 
 1 Harvard Theological Review, 1919, p. 209. Margaret had died sev- 
 eral years liefore, but Rabelais was called her poet because he had 
 claimed her protection and to her wrote a poem in 1545. Oeuvres de 
 Rabelais, ed. A. Lefranc, 1912, i, pp. xxiii, cxxxix. Cf. also Calvin's 
 letter to the Queen of Navarre, April 28, 1545. Opera, xii, pp. G5f, 
 
196 FRANCE 
 
 mate the numbers of the new sect. In 1534 Aleander 
 said there were thirty thousand Lutherans in Paris 
 alone. On the contrary Rene du Bellay said that there 
 were fewer in 1533 than there were ten years previous. 
 True it is that the Protestants were as yet weak, and 
 were united rather in protest against the established 
 order than as a definite and cohesive party. Thus, the 
 most popular and successful slogans of the innovators 
 were denunciation of the priests as anti-Christs and 
 apostates, and reprobation of images and of the mass 
 as idolatry. Other catchwords of the reformers were, 
 *Hhe Bible" and "justification by faith." The move- 
 ment was without a head and without organization. 
 Until Calvin furnished these the principal inspiration 
 came from Luther, but Zwingli and the other German 
 and Swiss reformers were influential. More and 
 more, Lef evre and his school sank into the background. 
 
 For a time it seemed that the need of leadership was 
 to be supplied by William Farel. His learning, his 
 eloquence, and his zeal, together with the perfect safety 
 of action that he found in Switzerland, were the neces- 
 sary qualifications. The need for a Bible was at first 
 met by the version of Lefevre, printed in 1532. But 
 the Catholic spirit of this work, based on the Vulgate, 
 was distasteful to the evangelicals. Farel asked 
 Olivetan, an excellent philologist, to make a new ver- 
 sion, which was completed by February 1535. Cahdn 
 wrote the preface for it. It was dedicated to ''the 
 poor little church of God." In doctrine it was thor- 
 oughly evangelical, replacing the old "eveques" and 
 ''pretres" by ''surveillants" and ''anciens," and omit- 
 ting some of the Apocrypha. 
 
 Encouraged by their own growth the Protestants 
 became bolder in their attacks on the Catholics. The 
 situation verged more and more towards violence; 
 
EENAISSANCE AND REFOEMATION 197 
 
 neither side, not even the weaker, thought of tolerance 
 for both. On the night of October 17-18 some pla- 
 cards, written by Anthony de Marcourt, were posted 
 up in Paris, Orleans, Rouen, Tours and Blois and on 
 the doors of the king's chamber at Amboise. They 
 excoriated the sacrifice of the mass as a horrible and 
 intolerable abuse invented by infernal theologj^ and 
 directly counter to the tnie Supper of our Lord. The 
 government was alarmed and took strong steps. Pro- 
 cessions were instituted to appease God for the sacri- 
 lege. Within a month two hundred persons were ar- 
 rested, twenty of whom were sent to the scaffold and 
 the rest banished after confiscation of their goods. 
 
 But the government could not afford to continue 
 an uninterruptedly rigorous policy. The Protestants 
 found their opportunity in the exigencies of the for- 
 eign situation. In 1535 Francis was forced by the in- 
 creasing menace of the Hapsburgs to make alliance not 
 only with the infidel but with the Schmalkaldic League. 
 He would have had no scruples in supporting abroad 
 the heresy he suppressed at home, but he found the 
 German princes would accept his friendship on no 
 terms save those of tolerance to French Protestants. 
 Accordingly on July 16, 1535, Francis was obliged to 
 publish an edict ordering persecution to cease and 
 liberating those who were in prison for conscience's 
 sake. 
 
 But the respite did not last long. New rigors were 
 undertaken in April 1538. Marot retracted his errors, 
 and Rabelais, while not fundamentally changing his 
 doctrine, greatly softened, in the second edition of his 1542 
 Pantagruel, the abusive ridicule he had poured on the 
 Sorbonne. But by this time a new era was inaug- 
 urated. The deaths of Erasmus and Lefevre in 1536 
 gave the coup de grace to the party of the Christian 
 
198 FEANCE 
 
 Eenaissance, and the publication of Calvin's Institutes 
 in the same year finally gave the French Protestants a 
 much needed leader and standard. 
 
 § 2. The Calvinist Party. 1536-1559 
 
 Truce of The truce of Nice providing for a cessation of hostil- 
 
 Nice,i538 -^j^^ between France and the Hapsburgs for ten years, 
 was greeted with much joy in France. Bonfires cele- 
 brated it in Paris, and in every way the people made 
 known their longing for peace. Little the king cared 
 for the wishes of his loyal subjects when his own dig- 
 nity, real or imagined, was at stake. The war with 
 Charles, that cursed Europe like an intermittent fever, 
 broke out again in 1542. Again France was the ag- 
 gressor and again she was worsted. The emperor in- 
 vaded Champagne in person, arriving, in 1544, at a 
 point within fifty miles of Paris. As there was no 
 army able to oppose him it looked as if he would 
 march as a conqueror to the capital of his enemy. But 
 he sacrificed the advantage he had over France to a 
 desire far nearer his heart, that of crushing his rebel- 
 lious Protestant subjects. Already planning war with 
 the League of Schmalkalden he wished only to secure 
 
 Treaty of jjjg q^-^ safety from attack by his great rival. The 
 treaty made at Crepy was moderate in its terms and 
 left things largely as they were. 
 
 Henry II, On March 31, 1547, Francis I died and was succeeded 
 
 , by his son, Henry II, a man of large, strong frame, 
 passionately fond of all forms of exercise, especially 
 of hunting and jousting. He had neither his father's 
 versatility nor his fickleness nor his artistic interests. 
 His policy was influenced by the aim of reversing his 
 father's wishes and of disgracing his father's favor- 
 ites. 
 
 1533 "While his elder brother was still alive, Henry had 
 
 married 'Catharine de^ Medici, a daughter of Lorenzo 
 
THE CALVINIST PARTY 199 
 
 [I de' Medici of Florence. The girl of fourteen in a 
 foreign country was uncomfortable, especially as it 
 was felt, after her husband became Dauphin, that her 
 rank was not equal to his. The failure to have any 
 3hildren during the first ten years of marriage made 
 lier position not only unpleasant but precarious, but 
 the birth of her first son made her unassailable. In 
 rapid succession she bore ten children, seven of whom 
 survived childhood. Though she had little influence 
 on affairs of state during her husband's reign, she 
 acquired self-confidence and at last began to talk and 
 act as queen. 
 
 At the age of seventeen Henry fell in love with a Diana of 
 woman of thirty-six, Diana de Poitiers, to whom his 
 devotion never wavered until his death, when she was 
 sixty. Notwithstanding her absolute ascendancy over 
 her lover she meddled little with affairs of state. 
 
 The direction of French policy at this time fell Admiral 
 largely into the hands of two powerful families. The 1519^72 
 first was that of Coligny. Of three brothers the ablest 
 was Gaspard, Admiral of France, a firm friend of 
 Henry's -as well as a statesman and warrior. Still 
 more powerful was the family of Guise, the children - 
 of Claude, Duke of Guise, who died in 1527. The eld- Francis of 
 est son, Francis, Duke of Guise, was a great soldier. 
 His brother, Charles, Cardinal of Lorraine, won a high 
 place in the councils of state, and his sister Mary, by 
 her marriage with James V of Scotland, brought added 
 prestige to the family. The great power wielded by 
 this house owed much to the position of their estates, 
 part of which were fiefs of the French king and part 
 subject to the Empire. As suited their convenience 
 they could act either as Frenchmen or as foreign 
 nobles. 
 
 Under Henry France enjoyed a period of expansion Expansion 
 such as she had not had for many years. The per- 
 
200 FEANCE 
 
 petual failures of Francis were at last turned into sub- 
 stantial successes. This was due in large part to the 
 civil war in Germany and to the weakness of England 's 
 rulers, Edward VI and Mary. It was due in part to 
 the irrepressible energy of the French bourgeois and 
 gentlemen, in part to the genius of Francis of Guise. 
 The co-operation of France and Turkey, rather an 
 identity of interests than a formal alliance, a policy 
 equally blamed by contemporaries and praised by his- 
 torians, continued. But the successes achieved were 
 due most of all to the definite abandonment of the hope 
 of Italian conquests and to the turning of French arms 
 to regions more suitable for incorporation under her 
 government. 
 
 War having been declared on Charles, the French 
 seized the Three Bishoprics, at that time imperial fiefs, 
 Metz, Verdun, and Toul. A large German army under 
 Alva besieged Metz, but failed to overcome the bril- 
 liant defence of Francis of Guise. AVorn by the at- 
 trition of repulsed assaults and of disease the imperial 
 army melted away. When the siege was finally raised 
 Guise distinguished himself as much by the humanity 
 with which he cared for wounded and sick enemies as 
 he had by his military prowess. 
 
 Six years later Guise added fresh laurels to his 
 fame and new possessions to France by the conquest 
 of Calais and Guines, the last English possessions in 
 French territory. The loss of Calais, which had been 
 held by England since the Hundred Years War, was an 
 especially bitter blow to the islanders. These vic- 
 tories were partly counterbalanced by the defeats of 
 French armies at St. Quentin on the Somme and by 
 Egmont at Gravelines. When peace was signed at 
 Oateau-Cambresis, France renounced all her conquests 
 in the south, but kept the Three Bishoprics and Calais, 
 all of which became her permanent possessions. 
 
THE CALVINIST PARTY 201 
 
 Wliile France was thus expanding her borders, the Calvinism 
 internal revohition matured rapidly. The last years 
 of Francis and the reign of Henry II saw a prodigious 
 growth of Protestantism. What had begun as a sect 
 now became, by an evolution similar to that experi- 
 enced in Germany, a powerful political party. It is 
 the general fate of new causes to meet at first with 
 opposition due to habit and the instinctive reaction of 
 almost all minds against *'the pain of a new idea." 
 But if the cause is one suited to the spirit and needs 
 of the age, it gains more and more supporters, slowly 
 if left to itself, rapidly if given good organization and 
 adequate means of presenting its claims. The thor- 
 ough canvassing of an idea is absolutely essential to 
 win it a following. Now, prior to 1536, the Protes- 
 tants had got a considerable amount of publicity as 
 well through their own writings as through the attacks 
 of their enemies. But not until Calvin settled at Ge- -^^ 
 neva and began to write extensively in French, was the 
 cause presented in a form capable of appealing to the 
 average Frenchman. Calvin gave not only the best 
 apology for his cause, but also furnished it with a 
 definite organization, and a coherent program. He 
 supplied the dogma, the liturgy, and the moral ideas 
 of the new religion, and he also created ecclesiastical, 
 political, and social institutions in harmony with it. A 
 bom leader, he followed up his work with personal 
 appeals. Ilis vast correspondence with French Prot- 
 estants shows not only much zeal but infinite pains and 
 considerable tact in driving home the lessons of his 
 l^rinted treatises. 
 
 Though the appeal of Calvin's dogmatic system was 
 greater to an age interested in such things and trained 
 to regard them as highly important, than we are likely 
 to suppose at present, this was not Calvinism's only or 
 even its main attraction to intelligent people. Like 
 
202 FRANCE 
 
 every new and genuine reform Calvinism had the ad- 
 vantage of arousing the enthusiasm of a small but ac- 
 tive band of liberals. The religious zeal as well as the 
 moral earnestness of the age was naturally drawn to 
 the Protestant side. As the sect was persecuted, no 
 one joined it save from conscientious motives. 
 Against the laziness or the corruption of the prelates, 
 too proud or too indifferent to give a reason for their 
 faith, the innovators opposed a tireless energy in sea- 
 son and out of season; against the scandals of the 
 court and the immorality of the clergy they raised the 
 banner of a new and stern morality; to the fires of 
 martyrdom they replied with the fires of burning faith. 
 
 The missionaries of the Calvinists were very largely 
 drawn from converted members of the clergy, both 
 secular and regular, and from those who had made a 
 profession of teaching. For the purposes of propa- 
 ganda these were precisely the classes most fitted by 
 training and habit to arouse and instruct the people. 
 Tracts were multiplied, and they enjoyed, notwith- 
 standing the censures of the Sorbonne, a brisk cir- 
 culation. The theater was also made a means of 
 propaganda, and an effective one. 
 
 Picardy continued to be the stronghold of the Prot- 
 estants throughout this period, though they were also 
 strong at Meaux and throughout the north-east, at 
 Orleans, in Normandy, and in Dauphine. Great prog- 
 ress was also made in the south, which later became 
 the most Protestant of all the sections of France. 
 
 The Catholics continued to rely on force. There 
 was a counter-propaganda, emanating from the Uni- 
 versity of Paris, but it was feeble. The Jesuits, in the 
 reign of Henry II, had one college at Paris and two in 
 Auvergne ; otherwise there was hardly any intellectual 
 effort made to overcome the reformers. Indeed, the 
 Catholics hardly had the munitions for such a combat. 
 
 / 
 
THE CALVINIST PARTY 203 
 
 Apart from the great independents, holding them- 
 selves aloof from all religions controversy, the more 
 intelligent and enterprising portion of the educated 
 class had gone over to the enemy. 
 
 But the government did its best to supply the want 
 of argument by the exercise of authority. New and 
 severe edicts against *Hhe heresies and false doctrines 
 of Luther and his adherents and accomplices" were 
 issued. The Sorbonne prohibited the reading and sale 
 of sixty-five books by name, including the works of 
 Luther, Melanchthon, Calvin, Dolet, and Marot, and all 
 translations of the Bible issued by the publishing house 
 of Estienne. 
 
 The south of France had in earlier centuries been 
 prolific in sects claiming a Protestantism older than 
 that of Augsburg. Like the Bohemian Brethren they 
 eagerly welcomed the Calvinists as allies and were rap- 
 idly enrolled in the new church. Startled by the stir- 
 ring of the spirit of reform, the Parlement of Aix, ' 
 acting in imitation of Simon de Monfort, ordered two 1540 
 towns, Merindol and Cabrieres, destroyed for their 
 heresy. The sentence was too drastic for the French 
 government to sanction immediately ; it was therefore 
 postponed by command of the king, but it was finally 1545 
 executed, at least in part. A ghastly massacre took 
 place in which eight hundred or more of the Waldenses 
 perished. A cry of horror was raised in Germany, in 
 Switzerland, and even in France, from which the king 
 himself recoiled in terror. 
 
 Only a few days after his accession Henry issued an 
 edict against blasphemy, and this was followed by a 
 number of laws against heresy. A new court of jus- 
 tice was created to deal with heretics. From its habit ^^^f^^^^ 
 of sending its victims to the stake it soon became 
 known as the Chambre Ardente. Its powers were so 
 extensive that the clergy protested against them as 
 
204 FEANCE 
 
 infringements of their rights. In its first two years 
 it pronounced five hundred sentences, — and what sen- 
 tences ! Even in that cruel age its punishments were 
 frightful. Burning alive was the commonest. If the 
 heretic recanted on the scaffold he was strangled be- 
 fore the fire was lit ; if he refused to recant his tongue 
 was cut out. Those who were merely suspected were 
 cast into dungeons from which many never came out 
 alive. Torture was habitually used to extract con- 
 fession. For those who recanted before sentence 
 milder, but still severe, punishments were meted out: 
 imprisonment and various sorts of penance. By the 
 edict of Chateaubriand a code of forty-six articles 
 against heresy was drawn up, and the magistrate em- 
 powered to put suspected persons under surveillance. 
 
 In the face of this fiery persecution the conduct of 
 the Calvinists was wonderfully fine. They showed 
 great adroitness in evading the law by all means save 
 recantation and great astuteness in using what poor 
 legal means of defence were at their disposal. On the 
 other hand they suffered punishment with splendid 
 constancy and courage, very few failing in the hour 
 of trial, and most meeting death in a state of exalta- 
 tion. Large numbers found refuge in other lands. 
 During the reign of Henry II fourteen hundred fled 
 to Geneva, not to mention the many who settled in the 
 Netherlands, England, and Germany. 
 
 Far from lying passive, the Calvinists took the offen- 
 sive not only by writing and preaching but by attack- 
 ing the images of the saints. Many of these were 
 broken or defaced. One student in the university of 
 Paris smashed the images of the Virgin and St. Se- 
 bastian and a stained glass window representing the 
 crucifixion, and posted up placards attacking the cult 
 of the saints. For this he was pilloried three times 
 and then shut into a small hole walled in on all sides 
 
THE CALVINIST PAETY 205 
 
 save for an aperture through which food was passed 
 him until he died. 
 
 Undaunted by persecution the innovators continued 
 to grow mightily in numbers and strength. The 
 church at Paris, though necessarily meeting in secret, 
 was well organized. The people of the city assembled 
 together in several conventicles in private houses. 
 By 1559 there w^ere forty fully organized churches 
 {eglises dressees) throughout France, and no less than 
 2150 conventicles or mission churches {eglises 
 plantees). Estimates of numbers are precarious, but 
 good reason has been advanced to show that early in 
 the reign of Henry the Protestants amounted to one- 
 sixth of the population. Like all enthusiastic minori- 
 ties thej^ wielded a power out of proportion to their 
 numbers. Increasing continually, as they did, it is 
 probable, but for the hostility of the government, they 
 would have been a match for the Catholics. At any 
 rate they were eager to try their strength. A new 
 and important fact was that they no longer consisted 
 entirely of the middle classes. High officers of gov- 
 ernment and great nobles began to join their ranks. 
 In 1546 the Bishop of Nimes protected them openly, 
 being himself suspected, probably with justice, of Cal- 
 vinism. In 1548 a lieutenant-general was among those 
 prosecuted for heresy. Anthony of Bourbon, a de- 
 scendant of Louis IX, a son of the famous Charles, Con- 
 stable of France, and husband of Joan d 'Albret, queen 
 of Navarre, who was a daughter of Margaret d'An- 1555 
 gouleme, became a Protestant. About the same time 
 the great Admiral Coligny was converted, though it 
 was some years before he openly professed his faith. 
 His brother, d'Andelot, also adhered to the Calvinists 
 but was later persuaded by the king and by his wife 
 to go back to the Catholic fold. 
 
 So strong had the Protestants become that the 
 
20e FRANCE 
 
 French government was compelled against its will to 
 tolerate them in fact if not in principle, and to recog- 
 nize them as a party in the state with a quasi-consti- 
 tutional position. The synod held at Paris in May, 
 1559, was evidence that the first stage in the evolution 
 of French Protestantism was complete. This assem- 
 bly drew up a creed called the Confessio Gallicana, 
 setting forth in forty articles the purest doctrine of 
 Geneva. Besides affirming belief in the common ar- 
 ticles of Christianity, this confession asserted the 
 dogmas of predestination, justification by faith only, 
 and the distinctive Calvinistic doctrine of the eucharist. 
 The worship of saints was condemned and the neces- 
 sity of a church defined. For this church an organiza- 
 tion and discipline modelled on that of Geneva was 
 provided. The country was divided into districts, the 
 churches within which were to send to a central con- 
 sistory representatives both clerical and lay, the latter 
 to be at least equal in number to the former. Over 
 the church of the whole nation there was to be a na- 
 tional synod or '^Colloque'' to which each consistory 
 was to send one clergyman and one or two lay elders. 
 Alarmed by the growth of the Protestants, Henry 
 II was just preparing, after the treaty of Cateau- 
 Cambresis, to grapple with them more earnestly than 
 ever, when he died of a wound accidentally received 
 in a tournament. His death, hailed by Calvin as a 
 merciful dispensation of Providence, conveniently 
 marks the ending of one epoch and the beginning of 
 another. For the previous forty years France had 
 been absorbed in the struggle with the vast empire of 
 the Hapsburgs. For the next forty years she was 
 completely occupied with the wars of religion. Ex- 
 ternally, she played a weak role because of civil strife 
 and of a contemptible government. Indeed, all her 
 interests, both foreign and domestic, were from this 
 
THE CALVINIST PARTY 207 
 
 time forgotten in the intensity of the passions aroused 
 by fanaticism. The date of Henry's demise also 
 marks a change in the evolution of the French gov- 
 ernment. Hitherto, for some centuries, the trend had 
 been away from feudalism to absolute monarchy. The 
 ideal, *'une foi, une loi, un roi" had been nearly at- 
 tained. But this was now checked in two ways. The 
 great nobles found in Calvinism an opportunity to 
 assert their privileges against the king. The middle 
 classes in the cities, especially in those regions where 
 sectionalism was still strong, found the same oppor- 
 tunity but turned it to the advantage of republican- 
 ism. A fierce spirit of resistance not only to the prel- 
 ates but to the monarch, was born. There was even 
 a considerable amount of democratic sentiment. The 
 poor clergy, Avho had become converted to Calvinism, 
 were especially free in denouncing the inequalities of 
 the old regime which made of the higher clergy great 
 lords and left the humbler ministers to starve. The 
 fact is that the message of Calvinism was essentially 
 democratic in that the excellence of all Christians and 
 their perfect equality before God was preached. In- Equality 
 terest in religion and the ability to discuss it was not ^^^^^ ^ 
 confined to a privileged hierarchy, but was shared 
 by the humblest. In a ribald play written in 1564 it 
 is said ; ^ 
 
 If faut que Jeanne [a servant] entre les pots 
 
 Parle de reformation ; 
 
 La nouvelle religion 
 
 A tant fait que les chambrieres, 
 
 Les serviteurs et les tripieres 
 
 En disputent publiqnement. 
 
 But while the gay courtier and worldling sneered, at 
 the religion of market women and scullerymaids, lie 
 had little cause to scoff when he met the Protestants 
 
 I Remy Belleau : La Recormue, act 4, scene 2. 
 
208 FRANCE 
 
 in debate at the to^vn hall of his city, or on the field of 
 battle. 
 
 Finally, the year 1559 very well marks a stage in the 
 development of French Protestantism. Until about 
 1536 it had been a mere unorganized opinion, rather a 
 philosophy than a coherent body. From the date of 
 the publication of the Institutes to that of the Synod 
 of 1559 the new church had become organized, self- 
 conscious, and definitely political in aims. But after 
 1559 it became more than a party; it became an im- 
 perium in imperio. There was no longer one govern- 
 ment and one allegiance in France but two, and the 
 two were at war. 
 
 It was just at this time that the name of Huguenot 
 began to be applied to the Protestants, hitherto called 
 *' Lutherans," ''heretics of Meaux" and, more rarely, 
 ''Calvinists." The origin of the word, first used at 
 Tours in 1560, is uncertain. It may possibly come 
 from ''le roi Hugiiet" or ''Hugon," a night spectre; 
 the allusion then would be to the ghostly manner in 
 which the heretics crept by night to their conventicles. 
 Huguenot is also found as a family name at Belfort 
 as early as 1425. It may possibly come from the 
 term "Hausgenossen" as used in Alsace of those 
 metal-workers who were not taken into the gild but 
 worked at home, hence a name of contempt like the 
 modern ''scab." It may also come from the name 
 of the Swiss Confederation, "Eidgenossen," and per- 
 haps this derivation is the most likely, though it can- 
 not be considered beyond doubt. Whatever the origin 
 of the name the picture of the Huguenot is familiar to 
 us. Of all the fine types of French manhood, that of 
 the Huguenot is one of the finest. Gallic gaiety is 
 tempered Avith earnestness; intrepidity is strength- 
 ened with a new moral fibre like that of steel. Except 
 in the case of a few great lords, who joined the party 
 
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210 FRANCE 
 
 without serious conviction, the high standard of the 
 Huguenot morals was recognized even by their ene- 
 mies. In an age of profligacy the ''men of the reli- 
 gion," as they called themselves, walked the paths of 
 rectitude and sobriety. 
 
 § 3. The Waks op Religion. 1559-1598 
 
 Henry II was followed by three of his sons in suc- 
 cession, each of them, in different degrees and ways, 
 a weakling. The first of them was Francis II, a deli- 
 cate lad of fifteen, who suffered from adenoids. Child 
 as he was he had already been married for more than 
 a year to Mary Stuart, a daughter of James V of 
 Scotland and a niece of Francis of Guise and the 
 Cardinal of Lorraine. As she was the one passion 
 of the morose and feeble king, who, being legally of 
 age was able to choose his own ministers, the govern- 
 ment of the realm fell into the strong hands of ''the 
 false brood of Lorraine." Fearing and hating these 
 men above all others the Huguenots turned to the 
 Bourbons for protection, but the king of Navarre was 
 too weak a character to afford them much help. Find- 
 ing in the press their best weapon the Protestants 
 produced a flood of pamphlets attacking the Cardinal 
 of Lorraine as ' ' the tiger of France. ' ' 
 
 A more definite plan to rid the country of the hated 
 tyranny was that known as the Conspiracy of Amboise. 
 Godfrey de Barry, Sieur de la Renaudie, pledged sev- 
 eral hundred Protestants to go in a body to present 
 a petition to the king at Blois. How much further 
 their intentions went is not known, and perhaps was 
 not definitely formulated by themselves. The Vene- 
 tian ambassador spoke in a contemporary dispatch 
 of a plot to kill the cardinal and also the king if he 
 would not assent to their counsels, and said that the 
 conspirators relied, to justify this course, on the dec- 
 
THE WARS OP RELIGION 211 
 
 laration of Calvin that it was lawful to slay those who 
 hindered the preaching of the gospel. Hearing of the 
 conspiracy, Guise and his brother were ready. They 
 transferred the court from Blois to Amboise, by which 
 move they upset the plans of the petitioners and also 
 put the king into a more defensible castle. Soldiers, 
 assembled for the occasion, met the Huguenots as 
 they advanced in a body towards Amboise, shot down The tumult 
 La Eenaudie and some others on the spot and arrested Jiardi °'^^' 
 the remaining twelve hundred, to be kept for subse- i560 
 quent trial and execution. The suspicion that fastened 
 on the prince of Conde, a brother of the king of Na- 
 varre, was given some color by his frank avowal of 
 sympathy with the conspirators. Though the Guises 
 pressed their advantage to the utmost in forbidding 
 all future assemblies of heretics, the tumult of Amboise 
 was vaguely felt, in the sultry atmosphere of pent-up 
 passions, to be the avant-courier of a terrific storm. 
 
 The early death of the sickly king left the throne chariesix, 
 to his brother Charles IX, a boy of nine. As he was 1560-74 
 a minor, the regency fell to his mother, Catharine de' 
 Medici, who for almost thirty years was the real Policy of 
 ruler of France. Notwithstanding what Brantome de^Aiedici 
 calls ''ung embonpoint tres-riche," she was active of 
 body and mind. Her large correspondence partly re- 
 veals the secrets of her power: much tact and infinite 
 pains to keep in touch with as many people and as 
 many details of business as possible. Her want of 
 beauty was supplied by gracious manners and an ele- 
 gant taste in art. As a connoisseur and an indefa- 
 tigable collector she gratified her love of the magnifi- 
 cent not only by beautiful palaces and gorgeous clothes, 
 but in having a store of pictures, statues, tapestries, 
 furniture, porcelain, silver, books, and manuscripts. 
 
 A "politique" to her fingertips, Catharine had 
 neither sympathy nor patience with the fanatics who 
 
212 FEANCE 
 
 would put their religion above peace and prosperity. 
 Surrounded by men as fierce as lions, she showed no 
 little of the skill and intrepidity of the tamer in keep- 
 ing them, for a time, from each others' throats. Soon 
 after Charles ascended the throne, she was almost 
 hustled into domestic and foreign war by the offer of 
 Philip II of Spain to help her Catholic subjects against 
 the Huguenots without her leave. She knew if that 
 were done that, as she scrawled in her own peculiar 
 French, ''le Roy mon fils nave jeames lantyere aubey- 
 sance,"^ and she was determined "que personne ne 
 pent nous brouller en lamitie en la quele je desire 
 que set deus Royaumes demeurent pendant mauye."^ 
 Through her goggle eyes she saw clearly where lay the 
 path that she must follow. '*I am resolved," she 
 wrote, "to seek by all possible means to preserve the 
 authority of the king my son in all things, and at the 
 same time to keep the people in peace, unity and con- 
 cord, without giving them occasion to stir or to change 
 anything." Fundamentally, this was the same policy 
 as that of Henry IV. That she failed where he suc- 
 ceeded is not due entirely to the difference in ability. 
 In 1560 neither party was prepared to yield or to 
 tolerate the other without a trial of strength, whereas 
 a generation later many members of both parties were 
 sick of war. 
 December Just as Francis was dying, the States General met 
 at Orleans. This body was divided into three houses, 
 or estates, that of the clergy, that of the nobles, and 
 that of the commons. The latter was so democratically 
 chosen that even the peasants voted. "Whether they 
 had voted in 1484 is not known, but it is certain that 
 they did so in 1560, and that it was in the interests of 
 the cro^vn to let them vote is shown by the increase in 
 
 1 "The king my son will never have entire obedience." 
 - "Tliat no one may embroil us in the friendship in which I desire 
 that these two kingdoms shall remain during my lifetime." 
 
THE WARS OF RELIGION 213 
 
 the number of royal officers among the deputies of the 
 third estate. The peasants still regarded the king 
 as their natural protector against the oppression of the 
 nobles. 
 
 The Estates were opened by Catharine's minister, 
 Michael de I'Hopital. Fully sympathizing with her 
 policy of conciliation, he addressed the Estates as fol- 
 lows: **Let us abandon those diabolic words, names February 
 of parties, factions and seditions : — Lutherans, Hugue- ' ^ ^ 
 nots, Papists; let us not change the name of Chris- 
 tians." Accordingly, an edict was passed granting 
 an amnesty to the Huguenots, nominally for the pur- 
 pose of allowing them to return to the Catholic church, 
 but practically interpreted without reference to this 
 proviso. 
 
 But the government found it easier to pass edicts 
 than to restrain the zealots of both parties. The 
 Protestants continued to smash images; the Catholics 
 to mob the Protestants. Paris became, in the words 
 of Beza, ' ' the city most bloody and murderous among 
 all in the world." Under the combined effects of legal 
 toleration and mob persecution the HugTienots grew 
 mightily in numbers and power. Their natural leader, 
 the King of Navarre, indeed failed them, for he 
 changed his faith several times, his real cult, as Calvin 
 remarked, being that of Venus. His wife, Joan 
 d'Albret, however, became an ardent Calvinist. 
 
 At this point the government proposed a means of 
 conciliation that had been tried by Charles V in Ger- 
 many and had there failed. The leading theologians 
 of both confessions were summoned to a colloquy at Colloquy of 
 Poissy. Most of the German divines invited were pre- Augult, 1561 
 vented by politics from coming, but the noted Italian 
 Protestant Peter Martyr Vermigli and Theodore Beza 
 of Geneva were present. The debate turned on the 
 usual points at issue, and was of course indecisive, 
 
214 
 
 FRANCE 
 
 though the Huguenots did not hesitate to proclaim 
 their own victory. 
 
 January, 1562 A fresh edict of toleration had hardly been issued 
 when civil war was precipitated by a horrible crime. 
 Some armed retainers of the Duke of Guise, coming 
 
 Massacre of upon a Hugucnot Congregation at Vassy in Cham- 
 pagne, attacked them and murdered three hundred. 
 A wild cry of fury rose from all the Calvinists; 
 throughout the whole land there were riots. At Tou- 
 louse, for example, fighting in the streets lasted four 
 days and four hundred persons perished. It was one 
 of the worst years in the history of France. A veri- 
 table reign of terror prevailed everywhere, and w^hile 
 the crops were destroyed famine stalked throughout 
 the land. Bands of robbers and ravishers, under the 
 names of Christian parties but savages at heart, put 
 the whole people to ransom and to sack. Indeed, the 
 Wars of Eeligion were like hell; the tongue can de- 
 scribe them better than the imagination can conceive 
 them. The whole sweet and pleasant land of France, 
 from the Burgundian to the Spanish frontier, was 
 widowed and desolated, her pride humbled by her own 
 sons and her Golden Lilies trampled in the bloody mire. 
 Foreign levy was called in to supply strength to fratri- 
 cidal arms. The Protestants, headed by Conde and 
 Colign}^, raised an army and started negotiations with 
 England. The Catholics, however, had the best of 
 the fighting. They captured Rouen, defended by Eng- 
 lish troops, and, under Guise, defeated the Huguenots 
 under Coligny at Dreux. 
 
 Two months later, Francis of Guise was assassinated 
 by a Protestant near Orleans. Coligny was accused 
 of inciting the crime, which he denied, though he con- 
 fessed that he was glad of it. The immediate benefi- 
 ' ciary of the death of the duke was not the Huguenot, 
 however, so much as Catharine de* Medici. Continu- 
 
THE WARS OF RELIGION 215 
 
 ing to put into practise her policy of tolerance she 
 issued an edict granting liberty of conscience to all 
 and liberty of worship under certain restrictions. 
 Great nobles were allowed to hold meetings for divine 
 service according to the refoimed manner in their 
 own houses, and one village in each bailiwick was al- 
 lowed to have a Protestant chapel. 
 
 TIow consistently secular was Catharine 's policy be- 
 came apparent at this time when she refused to pub- 
 lish the decrees of the Council of Trent, fearing that 
 they might infringe on the liberties of the Galilean 
 church. In this she had the full support of most - 
 French Catholics. She continued to work for religious 
 peace. One of her methods was characteristic of her 
 and of the time. She selected "a flying squadron" of 
 twenty-four beautiful maids of honor of • high rank 
 and low principles to help her seduce the refractory 
 nobles on both sides. In many cases she was success- 
 ful. Conde, in love with one — or possibly with several 
 — of these sirens, forgot everything else, his wife, his 
 party, his religion. His death in 1569 threw the lead- 
 ership of the Huguenots into the steadier and stronger 
 grasp of Coligny. 
 
 But such means of dealing with a profoundly dan- 
 gerous crisis were of course but the most wretched 
 palliatives. The Catholic bigots would permit no 
 dallying with the heretics. In 1567 they were strong 
 enough to secure the disgrace of L'llopital and in the 
 following year to extort a royal edict unconditionally 
 forbidding the exercise of the reformed cult. The 
 Huguenots again rebelled and in 1569 suffered two Huguenots 
 severe defeats at Jarnac and at Moncontour. The 
 Catholics were jubilant, fully believing, as Sully says, 
 that at last the Protestants would have to submit. 
 But nothing is more remarkable than the apparently 
 slight effect of military success or failure on the 
 
216 FEANCE 
 
 strength and numbers of the two faiths. *'We had 
 beaten our enemies over and over again, '^ cried the 
 Catholic soldier Montluc in a rage, "we were winning 
 by force of arms but they triumphed by means of their 
 diabolical writings. ' ^ 
 
 The Huguenots, however, did not rely entirely on 
 the pen. Their stronghold was no longer in the north 
 but was now in the south and west. The reason for 
 this may be partly found in the preparation of the 
 soil for their seed by the medieval heresies, but still 
 more in the strong particularistic spirit of that re- 
 gion. The ancient provinces of Poitou and Guienne, 
 Gascony and Langiiedoc, were almost as conscious of 
 their southern and Provencal culture as they were 
 of their French citizenship. The strength of the cen- 
 tralizing tendencies lay north of the Loire ; in the south 
 local privileges were more esteemed and more insisted 
 upon. While Protestantism was persecuted by the 
 LaRocheile government at Paris it was often protected by cities 
 of the south. The most noteworthy of these w^as La 
 Eochelle on the Atlantic coast near Bordeaux. Though 
 coming late to the sui3port of the Reformation, its con- 
 version was thorough and lasting. To protect the new 
 religion it successfully asserted its municipal free- 
 dom almost to the point of independence. Like the 
 Dutch Beggars of the Sea its armed privateers preyed 
 ^ upon the commerce of Catholic powers, a mode of 
 warfare from which the city derived immense booty. 
 
 The Huguenots tried but failed to get foreign allies. 
 Neither England nor Germany sent them any help. 
 Their policy of suj)porting the revolt of the Low Coun- 
 tries against Spain turned out disastrously for them- 
 selves when the French under Coligny were defeated 
 at Mons by the troops of Philip. 
 
 The Catholics now believed the time ripe for a de- 
 cisive blow. Under the stimulus of the Jesuits they 
 
THE WAES OF RELIGION 217 
 
 had for a short time been conducting an offensive 
 and effective propaganda. Leagues were formed to 
 combat the organizations of the Huguenots, armed 
 ' ' Brotherhoods of the Holy Spirit ' ' as they were called. 
 The chief obstacle in their path seemed to be a small 
 group of powerful nobles headed by Coligny. Cath- 
 arine and the Guises resolved to cut away this obstacle 
 with the assassin's knife. Charles, who was person- 
 ally on good terms with Coligny, hesitated, but he was 
 too weak a youth to hold out long. There seems to 
 be good reason to believe that all the queen dowager 
 and her advisers contemplated was the murder of a 
 few leaders and that they did not foresee one of the 
 most extensive massacres in history. 
 
 Her first attempt to have Coligny assassinated August 22, 
 aroused the anger of the Huguenot leaders and made 
 them more dangerous than before. A better laid and 
 more comprehensive plan was therefore carried out Massacre of 
 on the eve of St. Bartholomew's day. Early in the St.Barthol- 
 
 ^ '' omew, 
 
 evening of August 23, Henry of Guise, a son of Duke August 24, 
 Francis, and Coligny 's bitterest personal enemy, went to October 3 
 with armed men to the house of the admiral and mur- 
 dered him. From thence they proceeded to the houses 
 of other prominent Huguenots to slay them in the 
 same manner. News of the man-hunt spread through 
 the city with instant rapidity, the mob rose and mas- 
 sacred all the Huguenots they could find as well as 
 a number of foreigners, principally Germans and Flem- 
 ings. De Thou says that two thousand were slain in 
 Paris before noon of August 24. A general pillage 
 followed. 
 
 The king hesitated to assume responsibility for so 
 serious a tumult. His letters of August 24 to various 
 governors of provinces and to ambassadors spoke only 
 of a fray between Guise and Coligny, and stated that 
 be wished to preserve order. But with these very 
 
218 FRANCE 
 
 letters he sent messengers to all quarters with verbal 
 orders to kill all the leading Protestants. On August 
 27 he again wrote of it as *'a great and lamentable 
 sedition" originating in the desire of Guise to revenge 
 his father on Coligny. The king said that the fury 
 of the populace was such that he was unable to bring 
 the remedy he wished, and he again issued directions 
 for the preservation of order. But at the same time 
 he declared that the Guises had acted at his command 
 to punish those who had conspired against him and 
 against the old religion. In fact, he gave out a rapid 
 series of contradictory accounts and orders, and in 
 the meantime, from August 25 to October 3 terrible 
 series of massacres took place in almost all the prov- 
 inces. Two hundred Huguenots perished at Meaux, 
 from 500 to 1000 at Orleans, a much larger number 
 at Lyons. It is difficult to estimate the total number 
 of victims. Sully, who narrowly escaped, says that 
 70,000 were slain. Hotman, another contemporary, 
 says 50,000. Knowing hoAv much figures are apt to 
 be exaggerated even by judicious men, we must as- 
 sume that this number is too large. On the other hand 
 the lowest estimate given by modern Catholic investi- 
 gators, 5000, is certainly too small. Probably between 
 10,000 and 20,000 is correct. Those who fell were the 
 flower of the party. 
 
 AVliatever may have been the precise degree of guilt 
 of the French rulers, which in any case was very grave, 
 they took no pains to conceal their exultation over an 
 event that had at last, as they believed, ground their 
 enemies to powder. In jubilant tone Catharine wrote 
 to her son-in-law, Philip of Spain, that God had given 
 her son the king of France the means *'of wiping out 
 those of his subjects who were rebellious to God and 
 to himself." Philip sent his hearty congratulations 
 and heard a Te Deum sung. The pope struck a medal 
 
THE WARS OF RELIGION 219 
 
 with, a picture of an avenging angel and the legend, 
 ''Ugonotorum strages," and ordered an annual Te 
 Deum which was, in fact, celebrated for a long time. 
 But on the other hand a cry of horror arose from 
 Germany and England. Elizabeth received the French 
 ambassador dressed in mourning and declared to him 
 that 'Hhe deed had been too bloody.'^ 
 
 Though the triumph of the Catholics was loudly 
 shouted, it was not as complete as they hoped. The 
 Huguenots seemed cowed for a moment, but nothing, 
 is more remarkable than the constancy of the people. 
 Recantations were extremely few. The Reformed pas- 
 tors, nourished on the Old Testament, saw in the af- 
 fliction that had befallen them nothing but the means 
 of proving the faithful. Preparations for resistance 
 were made at once in the principal cities of the south. 
 La Rochelle, besieged by the royal troops, evinced a siege of 
 heroism worthy of the cause. While the men repulsed 
 the furious assaults of the enemy the women built up 
 the walls that crumbled under the powerful fire of the 
 artillery. A faction of citizens who demanded sur- 
 render was sternh^ suppressed and the city held out 
 until relief came from an unhoped quarter. The king's 
 brother, Henry Duke of Anjou, was elected to the 
 throne of Poland on condition that he would allow 
 liberty of conscience to Polish Protestants. In order 
 to appear consistent the French goverimient therefore 
 stopped for the moment the persecution of the Hugue- 
 nots. The siege of La Rochelle was abandoned and 
 a treaty made allowing liberty of worship in that city, 
 in Nimes and Montauban and in the houses of some 
 of the great nobles. 
 
 In less than two years after the appalling massacre 
 the Protestants were again strong and active. A chant 
 of victory sounded from their dauntless ranks. More 
 than ever before they became republican in principle. 
 
 La Rochelle 
 
220 FEANCE 
 
 Their pamphleteers, among them Hotman, fiercely at- 
 tacked the government of Catharine, and asserted their 
 rights. 
 
 Charles was a consumptive. The hemorrhages 
 characteristic of his disease reminded him of the tor- 
 rents of blood that he had caused to flow from his coun- 
 ' try. Broken in body and haunted by superstitious 
 terrors the wretched man died on May 30, 1574. 
 Henry III, He was succecdcd by his brother, Henry III, re- 
 1547-89 _ cently elected king of Poland, a man of good parts, 
 (7^' ^fj interested in culture and in study, a natural orator, 
 ^^^^^■^^f^^ not destitute of intelligence. His mother's pet and 
 spoiled child, brought up among the girls of the ''fly- 
 ing squadron," he was in a continual state of nerv- 
 ous and sensual titillation that made him avid of ex- 
 citement and yet unable to endure it. A thunderstorm 
 drove him to hide in the cellar and to tears. He was 
 at times overcome by fear of death and hell, and at 
 times had crises of religious fervour. But his life 
 was a perpetual debauch, ever seeking new forms of 
 pleasure in strange ways. He would walk the streets 
 at night accompanied by gay young rufflers in search 
 of adventures. He had a passion for some handsome 
 young men, commonly called * ' the darlings, ' ' whom he 
 kept about him dressed as women. 
 
 His reign meant a new lease of power to his mother, 
 who worshipped him and to whom he willingly left 
 the arduous business of government. By this time 
 she was bitterly hated by the Huguenots, who paid 
 their compliments to her in a pamphlet entitled A 
 wonderful Discourse on the Life, Deeds and Debauch- 
 ery of Catharine de' Medici, perhaps written in part 
 by the scholar Henry Estienne. She was accused not 
 only of crimes of which she was really guilty, like the 
 massacre of St. Bartholomew, but of having mur- 
 
THE WARS OF RELIGION 221 
 
 dered the dauphin Francis, her husband's elder brother, 
 and others who had died natural deaths, and of having 
 systematically depraved her children in order to keep 
 the reins of authority in her own hands. 
 
 Frightened by the odium in which his mother was 
 held, Henry III thought it wise to disavow all part 
 or lot in St. Bartholomew and to'concede to the Hugue- 
 nots liberty of worship everywhere save in Paris and . 
 in whatever place the court might be for the moment. 
 
 So difficult was the position of the king that by this 
 attempt to conciliate his enemies he only alienated his 
 friends. The bigoted Catholics, finding the crown im- 
 potent, began to take energetic measures to help them- 
 selves. In 1576 they formed a League to secure the 
 benefit of association. Henry Duke of Guise drew up 
 the declaration that formed the constituent act of the The League 
 League. It proposed ''to establish the law of God 
 in its entirety, to reinstate and maintain divine serv- 
 ice according to the form and manner of the holy, 
 Catholic and apostolic church," and also "to restore 
 to the provinces and estates of this kingdom the rights, 
 privileges, franchises, and ancient liberties such as 
 they were in the time of King Clovis, the first Chris- 
 tian king." This last clause is highly significant as 
 showing how the Catholics had now adopted the tactics 
 of the Huguenots in appealing from the central govern- 
 ment to the provincial privileges. It is exactly the 
 same issue as that of Federalism versus States' Rights 
 in American history; the party in power emphasizes 
 the national authority, while the smaller divisions 
 furnish a refuge for the minority. 
 
 The constituency of the League rapidly became large. 
 The declaration of Guise was circulated throughout 
 the country something like a monster petition, and 
 those who wished bound themselves to support it. The 
 
222 FRANCE 
 
 power of tliis association of Catholics among nobles and 
 people soon made it so formidable that Henry III re- 
 versed his former jDolicy, recognized the League and 
 
 Estates Gen- declared himself its head. 
 
 eralofBlois rj^j^^ elections for the States General held at Blois 
 in 1576 proved highly favorable to the League. The 
 chief reason for their overwhelming success was the 
 abstention of the Protestants from voting. In con- 
 tinental Europe it has always been and is now common 
 for minorities to refuse to vote, the idea being that this 
 refusal is in itself a protest more effective than a defi- 
 nite minority vote would be. To an American this 
 seems strange, for it has been proved time and again 
 that a strong minority can do a great deal to shape 
 legislation. But the Hnguenots reasoned differently, 
 and so seated but one Protestant in the whole assem- 
 bly, a depnty to the second, or noble, estate. The priv- 
 ileged orders pronounced immediately for the enforce- 
 ment of religious nnity, but in the Third Estate there 
 was a warm debate. John Bodin, the famous pub- 
 licist, though a Catholic, pleaded hard for tolerance. 
 As finally passed, the law demanded a return to the 
 old religion, but added the proviso that the means 
 taken should be '* gentle and pacific and without war." 
 So impossible was this in practice that the government 
 was again obliged to issne a decree granting liberty of 
 
 15T7 conscience and restricted liberty of worship. 
 
 Under the oppression of the ruinous civil wars the 
 people began to grow more and more restless. The 
 king was extremely unpopular. Perhaps the people 
 might have winked even at snch outrages against de- 
 cency as were perpetrated by the king had not their 
 critical faculties been sharpened by the growing misery 
 of their condition. The wars had bankrupted both 
 them and the government, and the desperate expedients 
 of the latter to raise money only increased the poverty 
 
THE WARS OF EELIGION 223 
 
 of the masses. Every estate, every province, was 
 urged to contribute as much as possible, and most of 
 them replied, in humble and loyal tone, but firmly, 
 begging for relief from the ruinous exactions. The 
 sale of offices, of justice, of collector ships of taxes, 
 of the administration, of the army, of the public do- 
 main, was only less onerous than the sale of monop- 
 olies and inspectorships of markets and ports. The 
 only prosperous class seemed to be the government 
 agents and contractors. In fact, for the first time in 
 the history of France the people were becoming thor- 
 oughly disafifected and some of them semi-republican 
 in feeling. 
 
 The king had no sons and when his only remaining ^^^ 
 brother died a new element of discord and perplexity 
 was introduced in that the heir to the throne, Henry 
 of Xavarre, was a Protestant. Violent attacks on him 
 were published in the pamphlet press. The League 
 was revived in stronger form than before. Its head, 
 Guise, selected as candidate for the throne the uncle 
 of Henry of Xavarre, Charles, Cardiaal of Bourbon, 
 a stupid and violent man of sixty-four. The king 
 hastened to make terms with the League and com- 
 manded all Protestants to leave the country in six 
 months. At this point the pope intervened to 
 strengthen his cause by issuing the ' ' Bull of Depriva- ^^^ 
 tion" declaring Henry of Xavarre incapable, as a 
 heretic, of succeeding to the throne. Xavarre at once 
 denounced the buU as contrary to French law and 
 invalid, and he was supported both by the Parlement 
 of Paris and by some able pamphleteers. Hotman 
 published his attack on the ''vain and blind fulmina- 
 tion" of the pontiff. 
 
 An appeal to arms was inevitable. At the battle of Q,aJas. 
 Coutras, the Huguenots, led by Henry of Xavarre, October 20, 
 won their first victorv. While this increased Xa- •^^^ 
 
224 FRANCE 
 
 varre^s power and his popularity with his followers, 
 the majority of the people rallied to the League. In 
 the ''war of the three Henrys" as it was called, the 
 king had more to fear from Henry of Guise than from 
 the Huguenot. Cooped up at the Tuileries the mon- 
 arch was under so irksome a restraint that he was 
 finally obliged to regain freedom by flight, on May 12, 
 1588. The elections for the States General gave an 
 enormous majority to the League. In an evil hour for 
 himself the king resorted again to that much used 
 weapon, assassination. By his order Guise was mur- 
 dered. "Now I am king," he wrote with a sigh of 
 relief. But he was mistaken. The League, more hos- 
 tile than ever, swearing to avenge the death of its cap- 
 tain, was now frankly revolutionary. 
 
 It continued to exercise its authority under the lead- 
 ership of a Committee of Sixteen. These gentlemen 
 purged the still royalist Parlement of Paris. By the 
 hostility of the League the king was forced to an alli- 
 ance with Henry of Navarre. This is interesting as 
 showing how completely the position of the two lead- 
 ing parties had become reversed. The throne, once 
 the strongest ally of the church, was now supported 
 chiefly by the Huguenots who had formerly been in re- 
 -^ bellion. Indeed by this time "the wars of religion" 
 
 had become to a very large extent dynastic and social. 
 
 On August 1, 1589, the king was assassinated by a 
 Dominican fanatic. His death was preceded shortly 
 by that of Catharine de' Medici. 
 Henry IV, Henry IV was a man of thirty-five, of middle stature, 
 but very hardy and brave. He was one of the most 
 y intelligent of the French kings, vigorous of brain as of 
 body. Few could resist his delicate compliments and 
 the promises he knew how to lavish. The glamour of 
 his personality has survived even until now. In a song 
 still popular he is called "the gallant king who knew 
 
THE WARS OF RELIGION 225 
 
 how to fight, to make love and to drink." He is also 
 remembered for his wish that every peasant might have 
 a fowl in his pot. His supreme desire was to see 
 France, bleeding and impoverished by civil war, again 
 united, strong and happy. He consistently subordi- 
 nated religion to political ends. To him almost alone 
 is due the final adoption of tolerance, not indeed as a ' 
 natural right, but as a political expedient. 
 
 The difficulties with which he had to contend were 
 enormous. The Catholics, headed by the Duke of 
 Mayenne, a brother of Guise, agreed to recognize him 
 for six months in order that he might have the oppor- 
 tunity of becoming reconciled to the church. But 
 ■Mayenne, who wished to be elected king by the States 
 General, soon commenced hostilities. The skirmish 
 at Arques between the forces of Henry and Mayenne, 
 resulting favorably to the former, was followed by 
 the battle of Ivry. Henrj^, with two thousand horse Battle of 
 and eight thousand foot, against eight thousand horse 14^^590^'^*^ 
 and twelve thousand foot of the League, addressed his 
 soldiers in a stirring oration: ''God is with us. Be- 
 hold his enemies and ours; behold your king. 
 Charge ! If your standards fail you, rally to my white 
 plume; you will find it on the road to victory and 
 honor." At first the fortune of war went against the 
 Huguenots, but the personal courage of the king, who, 
 with ''a terrible white plume" in his helmet led his 
 cavalry to the attack, wrested victory from the foe. 
 
 From Ivry Henry marched to Paris, the headquar- Siege of 
 ters of the League. AVith thirteen thousand soldiers 
 he besieged this town of 220,000 inhabitants, garri- 
 soned by fifty thousand troops. With their usual self- 
 sacrificing devotion, the people of Paris held out 
 against the horrors of famine. The clergj^ aroused 
 the fanaticism of the populace, promising heaven to 
 those who died ; women protested that they would eat 
 
226 FEANCE 
 
 their children before they would surrender. With 
 provisions for one month, Paris held out for four. 
 Dogs, cats, rats, and grass were eaten; the bones of 
 animals and even of dead people were ground up and 
 used for flour; the skins of animals were devoured. 
 Thirteen thousand persons died of hunger and twenty 
 thousand of the fever brought on by lack of food. 
 But even this miracle of fanaticism could not have 
 saved the capital eventually, but for the timely inva- 
 sion of France from the north by the Duke of Parma, 
 who joined Mayenne on the Mame. Henry raised the 
 siege to meet the new menace, but the campaign of 
 1591 was fruitless for both sides. 
 
 Anarchy France seemed to be in a state of anarchy under the 
 
 operation of many and various forces. Pope Gregory 
 XIV tried to influence the Catholics to unite against 
 Henry, but he was met by protests from the Parle- 
 ments in the name of the Galilean Liberties. The 
 ''Politiques" were ready to support any strong de 
 facto government, but could not find it. The cities 
 hated the nobles, and the republicans resented the 
 ''courteous warfare'^ which either side was said to 
 wage on the other, sparing each other's nobles and 
 slaughtering the commons. 
 
 1593 At this point the States General were convoked at 
 
 Paris by the League. So many provinces refused to 
 send deputies that there were only 128 members out 
 of a normal 505. A serial publication by several au- 
 thors, called the Satyre Menippee, poured ridicule on 
 the pretentions of the national assemblj^ Various so- 
 lutions of the deadlock were proposed. Philip II of 
 Spain offered to support Mayenne as Lieutenant Gen- 
 eral of France if the League would make his daughter, 
 as the heiress through her mother, Elizabeth of Valois, 
 queen. This being refused, Philip next proposed that 
 the young Duke of Guise should marry his daughter 
 
conversion 
 
 THE WARS OF RELIGION 227 
 
 and become king. But this proposal also won little 
 support. The enemies of Henry IV were conscious 
 of his legitimate rights and jealous of foreign inter- 
 ference ; the only thing that stood in the way of their 
 recognizing him was his heresy. 
 
 Henry, finding that there seemed no other issue to Henry's 
 an intolerable situation, at last resolved, though Avith 
 much reluctance, to change his religion. On July 25, 
 1593, he abjured the Protestant faith, kneeling to the 
 Archbishop of Bourges, and was received into the 
 bosom of the Roman church. That his conversion 
 was due entirely to the belief that "Paris was worth 
 a mass" is, of course, plain. Indeed, he frankly 
 avowed that he still scrupled at some articles, such as 
 purgatory, the worship of the saints, and the power of 
 the pope. And it must be remembered that his mo- 
 tives were not purely selfish. The alternative seemed 
 to be indefinite civil war with all its horrors, and 
 Henry deliberately but regretfully sacrificed his con- 
 fessional convictions on the altar of his country. 
 
 The step was not immediately successful. The 
 Huguenots were naturally enraged. The Catholics 
 doubted the king's sincerity. At Paris the preachers 
 of the League ridiculed the conversion from the pulpit. 
 "My dog," sneered one of them, "were you not at 
 mass last Sunday? Come here and let us offer you 
 the crown." But the "politiques" rallied to the 
 throne and the League rapidly melted away. The 
 Satyre Menipi)ee, supporting the interests of Henry, 
 did much to turn public opinion in his favor. 
 
 A further impression was made by his coronation 
 at Chartres in 1594. When the surrender of Paris 
 followed, the king entered his capital to receive the 
 homage of the Sorbonne and the Parlement of Paris. 
 Tlie su})erstitious were convinced of Henry's sincerity 
 when he touched some scrofulous persons and they 
 
228 FRANCE 
 
 were said to be healed. Curing the ''king's evil" was 
 one of the oldest attributes of royalty, and it could 
 not be imagined that it would descend to an impostor. 
 Henry showed the wisest statesmanship in consoli- 
 dating his power. He bought up those who still held 
 out against him at their own price, remarking that 
 whatever it cost it would be cheaper than fighting 
 them. He showed a wise clemency in dealing with his 
 enemies, banishing only about 130 persons. Next 
 came absolution by Pope Clement VIII, who, after 
 driving as hard a bargain as he could, finally granted 
 it on September 17, 1595. 
 
 But even yet all danger was not past. Enraged at 
 seeing France escape from his clutches, Philip of 
 Spain declared war, and he could still count on the 
 support of Mayenne and the last remnant of the 
 League. The daring action of Henry at Fontaine- 
 Frangaise on June 5, 1595, where with three hundred 
 horse he routed twelve hundred Spaniards, so dis- 
 couraged his enemies that Mayenne hastened to sub- 
 mit, and peace was signed with Spain in 1598. The 
 finances of the realm, naturally in a chaotic state, were 
 brought to order and solvency by a Huguenot noble, 
 the Duke of Sully, Henry's ablest minister. 
 
 The legal status of the Protestants was still to be 
 settled. It was not changed by Henry's abjuration, 
 and the king was determined at all costs to avoid 
 another civil war. He therefore published the Edict 
 Edict of of Nantes, declared to be perpetual and irrevocable. 
 April 13, ^y i^ liberty of conscience was granted to all ''without 
 1598 being questioned, vexed or molested," and without 
 
 being "forced to do anything contrary to their reli- 
 gion." Liberty of worship was conceded in all places 
 in which it had been practised for the last two years ; 
 i.e. in two places in every bailiwick except large towns, 
 where services were to be held outside the walls, and 
 
THE WARS OF EELIGION 229 
 
 in the houses of the great nobles. Protestant wor- 
 ship was forbidden at Paris and for five leagues 
 (twelve and one-half miles) outside the walls. Prot- 
 estants had all other legal rights of Catholics and 
 were eligible to all offices. To secure them in these 
 rights a separate court of justice was instituted, a 
 division of the Parlement of Paris to be called the 
 Edict Chamber and to consist of ten Catholic and six 
 Protestant judges. But a still stronger guarantee was 
 given in their recognition as a separately organized 
 state within the state. The king agreed to leave two 
 hundred towns in their hands, some of which, like 
 OVIontpellier, INIontauban, and La Rochelle, were for- 
 tresses in which they kept garrisons and paid the gov- 
 ernors. As they could raise 25,000 soldiers at a time 
 when the national army in time of peace was only 
 10,000, their position seemed absolutely impregnable. 
 So favorable was the Edict to the Huguenots that it 
 was bitterly opposed by the Catholic clergy and by the 
 Parlement of Paris. Only the personal insistence of 
 the king finally carried it. 
 
 Protestantism was stronger in the sixteenth cen- Reasons for 
 tury in France than it ever was thereafter. During fa>i"reof 
 the eighty-seven years while the Edict of Nantes was protestant- 
 in force it lost much ground, and when that Edict was ^sm 
 revoked by a doting king and persecution began afresh, 
 the Huguenots were in no condition to resist. From 
 a total constituency at its maximum of perhaps a fifth 1685 
 or a sixth of the whole population, the Protestants 
 have now sunk to less than two per cent. (650,000 out 
 of 39,000,000). The history of the rise and decline of 
 the Huguenot movement is a melancholy record of per- 
 secution and of heroism. How great the number of 
 martyrs was can never be known accurately. Apart 
 from St. Bartholomew there were several lesser mas- 
 sacres, the wear and tear of a generation of war, and 
 
230 
 
 FEANCE 
 
 Hostility of 
 the Gov- 
 ernment 
 
 Protestant- 
 ism came 
 too late 
 
 the unremitting pressure of the law that claimed hun- 
 dreds of victims a year. 
 
 Three principal causes can be assigned for the fail- 
 ure of the Reformation to do more than fight a drawn 
 battle in France. The first and least important of 
 these was the steady hostility of the government. 
 This hostility was assured by the mutually advan- 
 tageous alliance between the throne and the church 
 sealed in the Concordat of Bologna of 1516. But that 
 the opposition of the government, heavily as it 
 weighed, was not and could not be the decisive force 
 in defeating Protestantism is proved, in my judgment, 
 by the fact that even when the Huguenots had a king 
 of their own persuasion they were unable to obtain 
 the mastery. Had their faith won the support not 
 only of a considerable minority, but of the actual ma- 
 jority of the people, they could surely at this time 
 have secured the government and made France a Prot- 
 estant state. 
 
 The second cause of the final failure of the Refor- 
 mation was the tardiness with which it came to 
 France. It did not begin to make its really popular 
 appeal until some years after 1536, when Calvin's 
 writings attained a gradual publicity. This was 
 twenty years later than the Reformation came forcibly 
 home to the Germans, and in those twenty years it had 
 made its greatest conquests north of the Rhine. Of 
 causes as well as of men it is true that there is a tide 
 in their affairs which, taken at the flood, leads on to 
 fortune, but which, once missed, ebbs to defeat. 
 Every generation has a different interest; to every 
 era the ideals of that immediately preceding become 
 stale and old-fashioned. The writings of every age 
 are a polemic against those of their fathers; every 
 dogma has its day, and after every wave of enthusiam 
 a reaction sets in. Thus it was that the Reformation 
 
THE WAKS OF RELIGION 231 
 
 missed, though it narrowly missed, the propitious mo- 
 ment for conquering France. Enough had been said 
 of it during the reign of Francis to make the people 
 tired of it, but not enough to make them embrace it. 
 By the time that Calvin had become well kno^vn, the 
 Catholics had awakened and had seized many of the 
 weapons of their opponents, a fresh statement of be- 
 lief, a new enthusiasm, a reformed ethical standard. 
 The Council of Trent, the Jesuits, the other new orders, 
 were only symptoms of a still more widely prevalent 
 Catholic revival that came, in France, just in the nick 
 of time to deprive the Protestants of many of their 
 claims to popular favor. 
 
 But probably the heaviest weight in the scale against. Beaten by 
 the Reformation was the Renaissance — far stronger in ^^^^^^ 
 France than in Germany. The one marched from the 
 north, while the other was wafted up from Italy. 
 They met, not as hostile armies but rather — to use a 
 humble, commercial illustration — as two competing 
 merchants. The goods they offered were not the same, 
 not even similar, but the appeal of each was of such a 
 nature that few minds could be the whole-hearted 
 devotees of both. The new learning and the beauties 
 of Italian art and literature sapped away the interest 
 of just those intelligent classes whose support was 
 needed to make the triumph of the Reformation com- 
 plete. Terrible as were the losses of the Huguenots 
 by lire and sword, considerable as were the defections 
 from their ranks of those who found in the reformed 
 Catholic church a spiritual refuge, still greater was the 
 loss of the Protestant cause in failing to secure the 
 adherence of such minds as Dolet and Rabelais, Ron- 
 sard and Montaigne, and of the thousands influenced 
 by them. And a study of just these men will show 
 how the Italian influence worked and how it grew 
 stronger in its rivalry M^th the religious interest. 
 
232 FRANCE 
 
 Whereas Marot had found something to interest him 
 in the new doctrines, Ronsard bitterly hated them. 
 Passionately devoted, as he and the rest of the Pleiade 
 were, to the sensuous beauties of Italian poetry, he had 
 neither understanding of nor patience with dogmatic 
 subtleties. In the Huguenots he saw nothing but mad 
 fanatics and dangerous fomentors of rebellion. In his 
 Discourses on the Evils of the Times, he laid all the 
 woes of France at the door of the innovators. And 
 powerfully his greater lyrics seduced the mind of the 
 public from the contemplation of divinity to the en- 
 joyment of earthly beauty. 
 
 The same intensification of the contrast between 
 the two spirits is seen in comparing Montaigne with 
 Rabelais. It is true that Rabelais ridiculed all posi- 
 tive religion, but nevertheless it fascinated him. His 
 theological learning is remarkable. But Montaigne 
 ignored religion as far as possible. Nourished from 
 his earliest youth on the great classical writers, he had 
 Montaigne's no interest apart from ''the kingdom of man." He 
 a oo ness preferred to remain in the old faith because that course 
 caused him the least trouble. He had no sympathy 
 with the Protestants, but he did not hate them, as did 
 Ronsard. During the wars of religion, he maintained 
 friendly relations with the leaders of both parties. 
 And he could not believe that creed was the real cause 
 of the civil strife. "Take from the Catholic army," 
 said he, ''all those actuated by pure zeal for the church 
 or for the king and country, and you will not have 
 enough men left to form one company. " It is strange 
 that beneath the evil passions and self-seeking of the 
 champions of each party he could not see the fierce 
 flame of popular heroism and fanaticism ; but that he, 
 and thousands of men like him, could not do so, and 
 could not enter, even by imagination, into the causes 
 
THE WARS OF RELIGION 233 
 
 which, but a half century earlier, had set the world on 
 fire, largely explains how the religious issue had lost 
 its savour and why Protestantism failed in France. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 THE NETHERLANDS 
 
 § 1. The Lutheean Reform 
 
 TheNeth- The Netherlands have always been a favorite topic 
 for the speculation of those philosophers who derive a 
 large part of national character from geographical 
 conditions. A land that needed reclaiming from the 
 sea by hard labor, a country situated at those two great 
 outlets of European commerce, the mouths of the Rhine 
 and the Scheldt, a borderland between German and 
 Latin culture, naturally moulded a brave, stubborn, 
 practical and intelligent people, destined to play in 
 history a part seemingly beyond their scope and re- 
 sources. 
 
 The people of the Netherlands became, to all in- 
 tents, a state before they became a nation. The Bur- 
 gundian dukes of the fourteenth and fifteenth century 
 added to their fiefs counties, dukedoms and bishoprics, 
 around the nucleus of their first domain, until they had 
 Philip the forged a compact and powerful realm. Philip the 
 1419-67 Grood, Duke of Burgundy and lord, under various titles, 
 of much of the Netherlands, deserved the title of Con- 
 ditor Belgii by his successful wars on France and by 
 his statesmanlike policy of centralization. To foster 
 unity he created the States General — ^borrowing the 
 name and function thereof from France — in which all 
 of tlie seventeen provinces ^ of the Netherlands were 
 represented on great occasions. Continually increas- 
 
 1 Brabant, Limburg, Luxemburg, Guelders, Flanders, Artois, Hainaut, 
 Holland, Zecland, Malines, Namur, Lille, Tournay, Friesland, Utrecht, 
 Overyssel and Groningen. 
 
 234 
 
THE LUTHERAN EEFORM 235 
 
 ing in power with reference to the various localities, it 
 remained subordinate to the prince, who had the sole 
 right of initiating legislation. At first it met now in 
 one city, then in another, but after 1530 always con- 
 vened at Brussels, and always used the French lan- 
 guage officially. 
 
 Charles the Bold completed and yet endangered the Charles the 
 work of Philip, for he was worsted in mortal strife ii^ylyy 
 with Louis XI of France and, dying in battle, left his 
 dominions to his daughter, Mary. Her husband, the 
 Emperor Maximilian, and her son, Philip the Hand- Maximilian, 
 
 . . 1477-93 
 
 some, added to her realms those vast dominions that phiUpthe 
 made her grandson, Charles, the greatest potentate in Handsome, 
 Europe. Born in Ghent, reared in the Netherlands, 
 and speaking only the French of the Walloons, Charles 
 was always regarded by his subjects as one of them- 
 selves. He almost completed the unification of the 
 Burgundian state by the conquest of Tournay from 
 France (1521), and the annexation of the independent 
 provinces of Friesland (1523), Overyssel and Utrecht 
 (1528), Groningen (1536) and Guelders (1543). Liege 
 still remained a separate entity under its prince- 
 bishops. But even under Charles, notwithstanding a 
 general feeling of loyalty to the house of Hapsburg, 
 each province was more conscious of its o^^^l individ- 
 uality than were the people as a whole of common pa- 
 triotism. Some of the provinces lay within the Em- 
 pire, others were vassals of France, a few were inde- 
 pendent. Dutch was regarded as a dialect of German. 
 The most illustrious Netherlander of the time, Eras- 
 mus, in discussing his race, does not even contemplate 
 the possibility of there being a nation composed of 
 Dutch and Flemish men. The only alternative that 
 presents itself to him is whether ho is French or Ger- 
 man and, having been born at Rotterdam, he decides 
 in favor of the latter. 
 
236 THE NETHEELANDS 
 
 Classes The Burguiidiaii princes found their chief support 
 
 in the nobility, in a numerous class of officials, and in 
 the municipal aristocracies. The nobles, transformed 
 from a feudal caste to a court clique, even though they 
 retained, as satellites of the monarch, much wealth 
 and power, had relatively lost ground to the rising pre- 
 tensions of the cities and of the commercial class. The 
 clergy, too, were losing their old independence in sub- 
 servience to a government which regulated their tithes 
 and forbade their indulgence-trade. In 1515 Charles 
 secured from Leo X and again in 1530 from Clement 
 VII the right of nomination to vacant benefices. He 
 was able to make of the bishops his tools and to cur- 
 tail the freedom, jurisdiction,, and financial privileges 
 of the clergy considerably because the spiritual estate 
 had lost favor with the people and received no support 
 from them. 
 
 As the two privileged classes surrendered their pow- 
 ers to the monarch, the third estate was coming into 
 its own. Not until the war of independence, however, 
 was it able to withstand the combination of bureaucracy 
 and plutocracy that made common cause with the cen- 
 tral government against the local rights of the cities 
 and the customary privileges of the gilds. Almost 
 everywhere the prince was able, with the tacit support 
 of the wealthier burghers, to substitute for the officers 
 elected by the gilds his own commissioners. But this 
 
 Ghent '^ usurpation, together with a variety of economic ills for 
 which the commoners were inclined, quite wrongly, to 
 blame the government, caused general discontent and 
 in one case open rebellion. The gilds of Ghent, a 
 proud and ancient city, suffering from the encroach- 
 ments of capitalism and from the decline of the Flem- 
 ish cloth industry, had long asserted among their rights 
 that of each gild to refuse to pay one of the taxes, any 
 
 1539 one it chose, levied by the government. The attempt 
 
THE LUTHERAN EEFORM 237 
 
 of the government to suppress this privilege caused a 
 rising which took the characteristically modern form 
 of a general strike. The regent of the Netherlands, 
 Mary, yielded at first to the demands of the gilds, as 
 she had no means of coercion convenient. Charles was 
 in Spain at the time, but hurried northward, being 
 granted free passage through France by the king w^ho 
 felt he had an interest in aiding his fellow monarch 
 to put dowTi rebellious subjects. Early in 1540 Charles 
 entered Ghent at the head of a sufficient army. He 
 soon meted out a sanguinary punishment to the 
 ** brawlers'* as the strikers were called, humbled the 
 city government, deprived it of all local privileges, 
 suppressed all independent corporations, asserted the 
 royal prerogative of nominating aldermen, and erected 
 a fortress to overawe the burghers. Thus the only 
 overt attempt to resist the authority of Charles V, 
 apart from one or two insignificant Anabaptist riots, 
 was crushed. 
 
 In matters of foreign policy the people of the Nether- 
 lands naturally wished to be g-uided in reference to 
 their own interests and not to the larger interests of 
 the emperor's other domains. Wielding immense 
 wealth — during the middle decades of the sixteenth 
 century Antwerp was both the first port and the first 
 money-market of Europe — and cherishing the senti- 
 ment that Charles was a native of their land, they for 
 some time sweetly flattered themselves that their in- 
 terests w^ere the center around which gravitated the 
 desires and needs of the Empire and of Spain. In- 
 deed, the balance of these two great states, and the 
 regency of Margaret of Austria, a Hapsburg deter- Margaret of 
 mined to give the Netherlands their due, for a time al- Regent, 
 lowed them at least the semblance of getting their 1522-31 
 wishes. But w^hen Charles 's sister, Mary of Hungary, 
 succeeded Margaret as regent, she was too entirely de- 
 
238 THE NETHERLANDS 
 
 pendent on her brother, and he too determined to con- 
 sult larger than Burgundian interests, to allow the 
 Netherlands more than the smallest weight in larger 
 plans. The most that she could do was to unify, cen- 
 tralize and add to the provinces, and to get what com- 
 mercial advantages treaties could secure. Thus, she 
 redeemed Luxemburg from the Margrave of Baden to 
 whom Maximilian had pawned it. Thus, also, she ne- 
 gotiated fresh commercial treaties with England and 
 unified the coinage. But with all these achievements, 
 distinctly advantageous to the people she governed, 
 her efforts to increase the poAver of the crown and the 
 necessity she was under of subordinating her policy 
 to that of Germany and Spain, made her extremely un- 
 popular. 
 
 The relationship of the Netherlands to the Empire 
 was a delicate and important question. Though the 
 Empire was the feudal suzerain of most of the Bur- 
 gundian provinces, Charles felt far more keenly for 
 his rights as an hereditary, local prince than for the 
 aggrandizement of his Empire, and therefore tried, 
 especially after he had left Austria to his brother 
 September Ferdinand, to loosen rather than to strengthen the 
 7, 1522 bond. Even as early as 1512, when the Imperial Diet 
 demanded that the "common penny" be levied in the 
 Netherlands, Charles's council aided and abetted his 
 Burgundian subjects in refusing to pay it. In 1530 
 the Netherlands, in spite of urgent complaints from the 
 Diet, completely freed itself from imperial jurisdic- 
 tion in the administration of justice. Matters became 
 still more complicated when Utrecht, Friesland, Gro- 
 ningen and Guelders, formerly belonging to the West- 
 phalian district of the Empire, were annexed by 
 Charles as Burgundian prince. Probably he would not 
 have been able to vindicate these acts of jDower, had 
 1547 not his victory at Miihlberg freed him from the re- 
 
THE LUTHERAN REFORM 239 
 
 straints of the imperial constitution. A convention 
 was made at the next Diet of Augsburg, providing 
 that henceforth the Netherlands should form a sep- 
 arate district, the ''Burgundian circle," of the Empire, Convention 
 and that their prince, as such, should be represented 26,1548 
 in the Diet and in the Imperial Supreme Court. Taxes 
 were so apportioned that in time of peace the Nether- 
 lands should contribute to the imperial treasury as 
 much as did two electors, and in time of war as much 
 as three. This treaty nominally added to the Empire 
 two new counties, Flanders and Artois, and it gave the 
 whole Netherlands the benefit of imperial protection. 
 But, though ratified by the States General promptly, 
 the convention remained almost a dead letter, and 
 loft the Netherlands virtually autonomous. As long 
 as they were unmolested the Netherlands forgot their 
 union entirely, and when, under the pressure of Span- 
 ish rule, they later remembered and tried to profit by 
 it, they found that the Empire had no wish to revive 
 it. 
 
 The general causes of the religious revolution were ^eforma- 
 
 tion 
 
 the same in the Low Countries as in other lands. The 
 ground was prepared by the mystics of the earlier 
 ages, by the corruption of and hatred for the clergy, 
 and by the Renaissance. The central situation of the 
 country made it especially open to all currents of Eu- 
 ropean thought. Printing was early introduced from 
 Germany and expanded so rapidly in these years that 1525-55 
 no less than fifty new publishing houses were erected. 
 As Antwerp was the most cosmopolitan of cities, so 
 Erasmus was the most nearly the citizen of the world 
 in that era. The great humanist, who did so much to 
 prepare for the Reformation, spent in his native land 
 just those early years of its first appearance when he 
 most favored Luther. 
 
240 THE NETHERLANDS 
 
 A group to take up with the Wittenberg professor's 
 doctrines were the Augustinians, many of whom 
 had been in close relations with the Saxon friar- 
 ies. One of them, James Probst, had been prior of 
 
 1515 "Wittenberg where he learned to know Luther well and 
 
 when he became prior of the convent at Antwerp he 
 
 ^^^^ started a rousing propaganda in favor of the reform. 
 
 Another Augustinian, Henry of Ziitphen, made his 
 friary at Dordrecht the center of a Lutheran move- 
 ment. Hoen at the Hague, Hinne Rode at Utrecht, 
 Gerard Lister at Zwolle, Melchior Miritzsch at Ghent, 
 were soon in correspondence with Luther and became 
 missionaries of his faith. His books, which circulated 
 among the learned in Latin, were some of them trans- 
 lated into Dutch as early as 1520. 
 
 The German commercial colony at Antwerp was 
 another channel for the infiltration of the Lutheran 
 gospel. The many travelers, among them Albert 
 
 1520-1 Diirer, brought with them tidings of the revolt and 
 sowed its seeds in the soil of Flanders and Holland. 
 Singularly enough, the colony of Portuguese Jews, the 
 Marranos as they were called, became, if not converts, 
 at least active agents in the dissemination of Lutheran 
 works. 
 
 Catholic ^ vigorous couutcr-propaganda was at once started 
 
 answers . on rm • t i ^ 
 
 by the partisans ot the pope. This was directed 
 against both Erasmus and Luther and consisted 
 largely, according to the reports of the former, in the 
 most violent invective. Nicholas of Egmont, ''a man 
 with a white pall but a black heart" stormed in the 
 pulpit against the new heretics. Another man inter- 
 spersed a sermon on charity with objurgations against 
 1533 those whom he called "geese, asses, stocks, and Anti- 
 
 christs." One Dominican said he wished he could 
 fasten his teeth in Luther's throat, for he would not 
 fear to go to the Lord's supper with that blood on his 
 
THE LUTHERAN REFORM 241 
 
 mouth. It was at Antwerp, a little later, that were 
 first coined, or at least first printed, the so celebrated 
 epigrams that Erasmus was Luther's father, that 
 Erasmus had laid the eggs and Luther had hatched the 
 chickens, and that Luther, Zwingli, Oecolampadius and 
 Erasmus were the four soldiers who had crucified 
 Christ. 
 
 The principal literary opposition to the new doc- 
 trines came from the University of Louvain. Luther's 
 works were condemned by Cologne, and this sentence 
 was ratified by Louvain. A number of the leading pro- 15"!"^ ' 
 fessors w^ote against him, among them the ex-pro- November? 
 fessor Adrian of Utrecht, recently created Bishop of 
 Tortosa and cardinal, and soon to be pope. 
 
 The conservatives, however, could do little but scold 
 until the arrival of Charles V in June 1520, and of the 
 papal nuncio Aleander in September. The latter saw 
 Charles immediately at Antweri? and found him al- 
 ready determined to resist heresy. Acting under the 
 edict procured at that time, though not published 
 until the following March 22, Aleander busied himself 
 by going around and burning Lutheran works in vari- P.'''°^^''' 
 ous cities and preaching against the heresy. He 
 found far more opposition than one would think prob- 
 able, and the burning of the books, as Erasmus said, 
 removed them from the bookstores only, not from the 
 hearts of the people. The nuncio even discovered, he 
 said, at this early date, heretics who denied the real 
 presence in the eucharist: evidently independent spir- 
 its like Hoen who anticipated the doctrine later taken 
 up by Carlstadt and Zwingli. 
 
 The validity of the Edict of Worms was afiirmed 
 for the Burgundian provinces. The edict was read 
 publicly at Antwerp while four hundred of Luther's ^"21 ' 
 books were burnt, three hundred confiscated from 
 the shops and one hundred brought by the people. 
 
242 
 
 THE NETHEKLANDS 
 
 1522 
 
 The Inqui- 
 sition 
 
 April 23, 
 1522 
 June 1, 
 1523 
 
 Martyrs, 
 July 1, 
 1523 
 
 1524 
 
 1525 
 
 July 31 
 
 Whereas spiritual officers were at first employed, civil 
 magistrates now began to act against the innovators. 
 In the beginning, attention was paid to municipal priv- 
 ileges, but these soon came to be disregarded, and re- 
 sistance on any pretext was treated as rebellion and 
 treason. The first persons to be arrested were the 
 Prior of Antwerp, Probst, who recanted, but later es- 
 caped and relapsed, and two other intimate friends of 
 Erasmus. 
 
 Charles wished to introduce the Spanish inquisition, 
 but his councillors were all against it. Under a dif- 
 ferent name, however, it was exactly imitated when 
 Francis van der Hulst was appointed chief inquisitor 
 by the state, and was confirmed by a bull of Adrian VI. 
 The original inquisitorial powers of the bishops re- 
 mained, and a supreme tribunal of three judges was 
 appointed in 1524. 
 
 The first martyrs, Henry Voes and John Esch of 
 Brussels, said Erasmus, made many Lutherans by 
 their death. Luther wrote a hymn on the subject and 
 published an open letter to the Christians of the Neth- 
 erlands. Censorship of the press was established in 
 Holland in vain, for everything goes to show that Lu- 
 theranism rapidly increased. Popular interest in the 
 subject seemed to be great. Every allusion to ec- 
 clesiastical corruption in speeches or in plays was ap- 
 plauded. Thirty-eight laborers were arrested at Ant- 
 werp for assembling to read and discuss the gospel. 
 Iconoclastic outbreaks occurred in which crucifixes 
 were desecrated. In the same year an Italian in Ant- 
 werp wrote that though few people were openly Lu- 
 theran many were secretly so, and that he had been 
 assured by leading citizens that if the revolting peas- 
 ants of Germany approached Antwerp, twenty thou- 
 sand armed men would rise in the city to assist 
 them. When a Lutheran was drowned in the Scheldt, 
 
THE LUTHERAN EEFORM 243 
 
 the act precipitated a riot. In 1527 the English am- 
 bassador wrote Wolsey from the Netherlands that two 
 persons out of three ''kept Luther's opinions," and 
 that while the English New Testament was being 
 printed in that city, repeated attempts on his part to 
 induce the magistrates to interfere came to nothing. 
 Protestant works also continued to pour from the 
 presses. The Bible was soon translated into Dutch, 
 and in the course of eight years four editions of the 
 whole Bible and twenty-five editions of the New Testa- 
 ment were called for, though the complete Scriptures 
 had never been printed in Dutch before. 
 
 Alarmed by the spread of heresy, attributed to too October 14, 
 great mildness, the government now issued an edict 
 that inaugurated a reign of terror. Death was de- 
 creed not only for all heretics but for all who, not being 
 theologians, discussed articles of faith, or who cari- 
 catured God, Mary, or the saints, and for all who failed 
 to denounce heretics kno^^m to them. While the gov- 
 ernment momentarily flattered itself that heres}^ had 
 been stamped out, at most it had been driven under 
 ground. One of the effects of the persecution was to 
 isolate the Netherlands from the Empire culturally 
 and to some small extent commercially. 
 
 But heresy proved to be a veritable hydra. From Anabaptists 
 one head sprang many daughters, the Anabaptists, 
 harder to deal with than their mother. For while Lu- 
 theranism stood essentially for passive obedience, and 
 flourished nowhere save as a state church, Anabaptism 
 was frankly revolutionary and often socialistic. Mel- ' 
 chior Hoffmann, the most striking of their early lead- 
 ers, a fervent and uneducated fanatic, driven from 
 place to place, wandered from Sweden and Denmark to ^ 
 Italy and Spain preaching chiliastic and communistic 1530-1533 
 ideas. Only for three years was he much in the Neth- 
 erlands, but it was there that he won his greatest sue- 
 
244 THE NETHERLANDS 
 
 cesses. Appealing, as the Anabaptists always did, to 
 the lower classes, he converted thousands and tens of 
 thousands of the very poor — beggars, laborers and 
 sailors — who passionately embraced the teaching that 
 promised the end of kings and governments and the 
 advent of the **rule of the righteous." Mary of Hun- 
 gary was not far wrong when she wrote that they 
 planned to plunder all churches, nobles, and wealthy 
 merchants, in short, all who had property, and from 
 the spoil to distribute to every individual according to 
 
 October?, his need. A new and severer edict would have meant 
 
 ^^^^ a general massacre, had it been strictly enforced, but 
 
 another element entered into the situation. The city 
 bourgeoisies that had previously resisted the govern- 
 ment, now supported it in this one particular, persecu- 
 tion of the Anabaptists. When at Amsterdam the 
 
 1534 sectaries rose and very nearly mastered the city, death 
 
 by fire was decreed for the men, by water for the 
 women. From Antwerp they w^ere banished by a 
 
 June 24, general edict especially aimed at them supplemented 
 by massacres in the northern provinces. After the 
 crisis at Miinster, though the Anabaptists continued to 
 be a bugbear to the ruling classes, their propaganda 
 lost its dangerously revolutionary character. Menno 
 Simons of Friesland, after his conversion in 1536, be- 
 came the leader of the movement and succeeded in 
 gathering the smitten people into a large and harmless 
 body. The Anabaptists furnished, however, more 
 martyrs than did any other sect. 
 
 Lutheranism also continued to spread. The edict of 
 1540 confesses as much while providing new and 
 sterner penalties against those who even interceded 
 for heretics. The fact is that the inquisition as di- 
 rected against Lutherans was thoroughly unpopular 
 and was resisted in various provinces on the technical 
 ground of local privileges. The Protestants managed 
 
 1535 
 
THE LUTHERAN REFOBM 245 
 
 to keep unnoticed amidst a general intention to con- 
 nive at them, and though they did not usually flinch 
 from martyrdom tliey did not court it. The inquis- 
 itors were obliged to arrest their victims at the dead 
 of night, raiding their houses and hauling them from 
 bed, in order to avoid popular tumult. When Enzinas ^543 
 printed his Spanish Bible at Antwerp the printer told 
 him that in that city the Scriptures had been published 
 in almost every European language, doubtless an ex- 
 aggeration but a significant one. Arrested and im- 
 prisoned at Brussels for this cause, Enzinas received 
 while under duress visits from four hundred citizens of 
 that city who were Protestants. To control the book 
 trade an oath was exacted of every bookseller not to 1546 
 deal in heretical works and the first "Index of prohib- 
 ited books," drawn up by the University of Louvain, 
 was issued. A censorship of plays was also attempted. 
 This was followed by an edict of 1550 requiring of 
 everj^ person entering the Netherlands a certificate 
 of Catholic belief. As Brabant and Antwerp repudi- 
 ated a law that would have ruined their trade, it re- 
 mained, in fact, a dead letter. 
 
 Charles's policy of repression had been on the 
 whole a failure, due partly to the cosmopolitan culture 
 of the Netherlands and their commercial position mak- 
 ing them open to the importation of ideas as of mer- 
 chandise from all Europe. It was due in part to the 
 local jealousies and privileges of the separate prov- 
 inces, and in part to the strength of certain nobles and 
 cities. The persecution, indeed, had a decidedly class 
 character, for the emperor well knew Protestant nobles 
 whom he did- not molest, while the poor seldom failed 
 to suffer. And yet Charles had accomplished some- 
 thing. Even the Protestants were loyal, strange to 
 say, to him personally. The number of martyrs in 
 his reign has been estimated at barely one thousand, 
 
246 
 
 THE NETHERLANDS 
 
 Anna 
 Bijns, 
 1494-1575 
 
 Spain and 
 the Neth- 
 lands 
 
 Abdication 
 of Charles 
 
 October 25, 
 1555 
 
 but it must be remembered that for every one put to 
 death there were a number punished in other ways. 
 And the body of the people was still Catholic, even in 
 the North, It is noteworthy that the most popular 
 writer of this period, as well as the first to use the 
 Dutch tongue with precision and grace, was Anna 
 Bijns, a lay nun, violently anti-Lutheran in sentiment. 
 
 § 2. The CaijVInist Revolt 
 
 When Charles V, weary of the heaviest scepter ever 
 wielded by any European monarch from Charlemagne 
 to Napoleon, sought rest for his soul in a monk's cell, 
 he left his great possessions divided between his 
 brother Ferdinand and his son Philip. To the former 
 went Austria and the Empire, to the latter the Bur- 
 gundian provinces and Spain with its vast dependen- 
 cies in the New World. 
 
 The result of this was to make the Netherlands prac- 
 tically a satellite of Spain. Hitherto, partly because 
 their interests had largely coincided with those of the 
 Empire, partly because by balancing Germany against 
 Spain they could manage to get their own rights, they 
 had found prosperity and had acquired a good deal of 
 national power. Indeed, with their wealth, their cen- 
 tral position, and growing strength as province after 
 province was annexed, and their consciousness that 
 their ruler was a native of Flanders, their pride had 
 been rather gratified than hurt by the knowledge that 
 he possessed far larger dominions. But when Charles, 
 weeping copiously and demanding his subjects' par- 
 don, descended from the throne supported by the young 
 Prince of Orange, and when his son Philip II had re- 
 plied to his father in Spanish, even those present had 
 an uneasy feeling that the situation had changed for 
 the worse, and that the Netherlands were being handed 
 over from a Burgundian to a Spanish ruler. From 
 
THE CALVINIST KEVOLT 
 
 247 
 
 1559 
 
 Religious 
 issue 
 
 this time forth the interests and sentiments of the two 
 countries became more and more sharply divergent, 
 and, as the smaller was sacrificed to the larger, a con- 
 flict became inevitable. The revolt that followed 
 within ten years after Philip had permanently aban- 
 doned the Netherlands to make his home in Spain was 
 first and foremost a nationalist revolt. Contrasted 
 with the particularistic uprising of 1477 it evinced the 
 enormous growth, in the intervening century, of a na- 
 tional self-consciousness in the Seventeen Provinces. 
 
 But though the catastrophe was apparently inevit- 
 able from political grounds, it was greatly complicated 
 and intensified by the religious issue. Philip was de- 
 termined, as he himself said, either to bring the Neth- 
 erlands back to the fold of Kome or ''so to waste their 
 land that neither the natives could live there nor should ^ 
 any thereafter desire the place for habitation." And 
 yet the means he took were even for his purpose the 
 worst possible, a continual vacillation between timid 
 indulgence and savage cruelty. Though he insisted 
 that his ministers should take no smallest step without 
 his sanction, he could never make up his mind what to 
 do, waited too long to make a decision and then, with 
 fatal fatuity, made the wrong one. 
 
 At the same time the people were coming under the Calvinism 
 spell of a new and to the government more dangerous 
 form of Protestantism. Whereas the Lutherans had 
 stood for passive obedience and the Anabaptists for 
 revolutionary communism, the Calvinists appealed to 
 the independent middle classes and gave them not 
 only the enthusiasm to endure martyrdom but also^ 
 what the others had lacked — the will and the power 
 to resist tyranny by force. Calvin's polity, as worked 
 out in Geneva, was a subordination of the state to the 
 church. His reforms were thorough and consciously 
 social and political. Calvinism in all lands aroused 
 
248 THE NETHERLANDS 
 
 republican passions and excited rebellion against the 
 powers that be. This feature was the more promi- 
 1545 nent in the Netherlands in that its first missionaries 
 
 were French exiles who irrigated the receptive soil of 
 the Low Countries with doctrines subversive of church 
 and state alike. The intercourse with England, partly 
 through the emigration from that land under Mary's 
 reigii, partly through the coming and going of Flem- 
 ings and Walloons, also opened doors to Protestant 
 doctrine. 
 
 At first the missionaries came secretly, preaching to 
 a few specially invited to some private house or inn. 
 People attended these meetings disguised and after 
 dark. First mentioned in the edict of 1550, nine years 
 later the Calvinists drew up a Confessio Belgica, as a 
 sign and an aid to union. Calvin's French writings 
 could be read in the southern provinces in the original. 
 Though as early as 1560 some nobles had been con- 
 verted, the new religion undoubtedly made its strong- 
 est appeal, as a contemporary put it, "to those who 
 had grown rich by trade and w^ere therefore ready for 
 revolution. ' ' It was among the merchants of the great 
 cities that it took strongest root and from the middle 
 class spread to the laborers ; influenced not only by the 
 example of their masters, but sometimes also by the 
 policy of Protestant employers to give work only to co- 
 religionists. In a short time it had won a very consid- 
 erable success, though perhaps not the actual majority 
 of the pojDulation. Many of the poor, hitherto Ana- 
 baptists, thronged to it in hopes of social betterment. 
 Many adventurers with no motive but to stir the waters 
 in which they might fish joined the new party. But 
 on the whole, as its appeal was primarily moral and 
 religious, its constituency was the more substantial, 
 progressive, and intelligent part of the community. 
 
 The greatest weakness of the Protestants was their 
 
THE CALVINIST EEVOLT 249 
 
 division. Lutheran, Calvinist, and Anabaptist con- 
 tinued to compete for the leadership and hated each 
 other cordially. The Calvinists themselves were di- 
 vided into two parties, the ''Rekkelijken" or "Com- 
 promisers" and the '^Preciesen" or ''Stalwarts." 
 Moreover there were various other shades of opinion, 
 not amounting quite to new churches. The pure Eras- 
 mians, under Cassander, advocated tolerance. More 
 pronounced was the movement of Dirck Volckertszoon 
 Coornheert a merchant of Amsterdam who, in addition ^coo^in^'^' 
 to advising his followers to dissimulate their views 
 rather than to court martyrdom, rejected the Calvinist 
 dogma of predestination and tried to lay the emphasis 
 in religion on the spirit of Jesus rather than on either 
 dogma or ritual. 
 
 Though the undertow was slowly but surely carrying 
 the Low Countries adrift from Spain, for the moment 
 their new monarch, then at the age of twenty-eight, 
 seemed to have the winds and waves of politics all in 
 his favor. He was at peace with France ; he had noth- 
 ing to fear from Germany; his marriage with Mary of 
 England made that country, always the best trader 
 with the Netherlands, an ally. His first steps were to 
 relieve Mary of Hungary of her regency and to give - 
 it to Emanuel Philibert, to issue a new edict against 
 heresy and to give permission to the Jesuits to enter 1556 
 the Low Countries. 
 
 The chief difficulties were financial. The increase in 
 the yield of the taxes in the reign of Charles had been 
 from 1,500,000 guilders ^ to 7,000,000 guilders. Li ad- 
 dition to this, immense loans had exhausted the credit 
 of the government. The royal domain was mortgaged. 
 As the floating debt of the Provinces rose rapidly the 
 
 1 The guilder, also called the "Dutch pound," at this time was worth 
 40 cents intrinsically. Money had many times the purchasing power 
 that it has in 1920. 
 
250 
 
 THE NETHEELANDS 
 
 March, 
 1556 
 
 1559 
 
 / 
 
 Anthony 
 
 Perrenot 
 
 Cardinal 
 
 Granvelle, 
 
 1517^6 
 
 government was in need of a grant to keep up the 
 army. The only way to meet the situation was to call 
 the States General. When they met, they complained 
 that they were taxed more heavily than Spain and de- 
 manded the removal of the Spanish troopSj a force 
 already so unpopular that William of Orange refused 
 to take command of it. In presenting their several 
 grievances one province only, Holland, mentioned the 
 religious question to demand that the powers of the 
 inquisitors be curtailed. To obtain funds Philip was 
 obliged to promise, against his will, to withdraw the 
 soldiers. This was only done, under pressure, on 
 January 10, 1561. 
 
 Philip had left the Netherlands professing his inten- 
 tion of returning, but hoping and resolving in his heart 
 never to do so. His departure made easier the un- 
 avoidable breach, but the struggle had already begun. 
 Wishing to leave a regent of royal blood Philip ap- 
 pointed Margaret of Parma, a natural daughter of 
 Charles V. Born in 1522, she had been married at 
 the age of fourteen to Alexander de' Medici, a nephew 
 of Clement VII; becoming a widow in the following 
 year she was in 1538 married to Ottavio Farnese, a 
 nephew of Paul III, at that time only fourteen years 
 old. Given as her dower the cities of Parma and 
 Piacenza, she had become thoroughly Italian in feeling. 
 
 To guide her Philip left, besides the Council of State, 
 a special "consulta" or ''kitchen cabinet" of three 
 members, the chief of whom was Granvelle. The real 
 fatherland of this native of the Free County of Bur- 
 gundy was the court. As a passionate servant of the 
 crown and a clever and knowing diplomat, he was in 
 constant correspondence with Philip, recommending 
 measures over the head of Margaret. His acts made 
 her intensely unpopular and her attempts to coax and 
 cozen public opinion only aroused suspicion. 
 
THE CALVINIST REVOLT 
 
 25i 
 
 William the 
 
 Silent, 
 
 1533-84 
 
 Three members in the Council of State, Granvelle Egmont, 
 and two others, were partisans of the cro^vn; three 
 other members may be said to represent the people. 
 One of them was Lamoral Count of Egmont, the most 
 brilliant and popular of the high nobility. Though a 
 favorite of Charles V on account of his proved ability 
 as a soldier, his frankness and generosity, he was 
 neither a sober nor a weighty statesman. The popular 
 proverb, '^Eg-mont for action and Orange for coun- 
 sel," well characterized the difference between the two 
 leading members of the Council of State. William, 
 Prince of Orange, lacking the brilliant qualities of 
 Egmont, far surpassed him in acumen and in strength 
 of character. From his father, William Count of Nas- 
 sau-Dillenburg, he inherited important estates in Ger- 
 many near the Netherlands, and by the death of a 
 cousin he became, at the age of eleven, Prince of 
 Orange — a small, independent territory in southern 
 France — and Lord of Breda and Gertruidenberg in 
 Holland. With an income of 150,000 guilders per an- 
 num he was by far the richest man in the Netherlands, 
 Egmont coming next with an income of 62,000. Wil- 
 liam was well educated. Though he spoke seven 
 languages and was an eloquent orator, he was called 
 'Hlie Silent" because of the rare discretion that never 
 revealed a secret nor spoke an imprudent word. In 
 religion he w^as indifferent, being first a Catholic, then 
 a Lutheran, then a Calvinist, and always a man of the 
 world. His broad tolerance found its best, or only, 
 support in the Erasmian tendencies of Coornheert. 
 His second wife, Anne of Saxony, having proved un- 
 faithful to him, he married, while she was yet alive, 
 Charlotte of Bourbon. This act, like the bigamy of 
 Philip of Hesse, was approved by Protestant divines. 
 Behind them Egmont and Orange had the hearty sup- 
 port of the patriotic and well educated native nobility. 
 
252 
 
 THE NETHERLANDS 
 
 New 
 bishoprics 
 
 March 12, 
 1559 
 
 February, 
 1561 
 
 The rising generation of the aristocracy saw only the 
 bad side of the reign of Charles ; they had not shared 
 in his earlier victories but had witnessed his failure to 
 conquer either France or Protestantism. 
 
 In order to deal more effectively with the religious 
 situation Granvelle wished to bring the ecclesiastical 
 territorial divisions into harmony with the political. 
 Hitherto the Netherlands had been partly under the 
 Archbishop of Cologne, partly under the Archbishop of 
 Rheims. But as these were both foreigners Granvelle 
 applied for and secured a bull creating fourteen new 
 bishoprics and three archbishoprics, Cambrai, Utrecht, 
 and Malines, of which the last held the primacy. His 
 object was doubtless in large part to facilitate the ex- 
 tirpation of heresy, but it was also significant as one 
 more instance of the nationalization of the church, a 
 tendency so strong that neither Catholic nor Protes- 
 tant countries escaped from it. In this case all the 
 appointments were to be made by the king with con- 
 sent of the pope. The people resented the autocratic 
 features of a plan they might otherwise have ap- 
 proved ; a cry was raised throughout the provinces that 
 their freedom was infringed upon, and that the plan 
 furnished a new instrument to the hated inquisition. 
 
 Granvelle, more than ever detested when he received 
 the cardinal's hat, was dubbed *'the red devil," ''the 
 archrascal," ''the red dragon," "the Spanish swine," 
 "the pope's dung." In July Egmont and Orange sent 
 their resignations from the Council of State to Philip, 
 saying that they could no longer share the responsibil- 
 ity for Granvelle 's policy, especially as everything was 
 done behind their backs. Philip, however, was slow 
 to take alarm. For the moment his attention was 
 taken up with the growth of the Huguenot party in 
 France and his efforts centered on helping the French 
 Catholics against them. But the Netherlands were im- 
 
THE CALVINIST REVOLT 253 
 
 portunate. In voicing the wishes of the people the 
 province of Brabant, with the capital, Brussels, the 
 metropolitan see, Malines, and the university, Louvain, 
 took as decided a lead as the Parlement of Paris did 
 in France. The estates of Brabant demanded that 
 Orange be made their governor. The nobles began to 
 remember that they were legally a part of the Empire. 
 The marriage of Orange, on August 26, 1561, with the ^ 
 
 Lutheran Anne of Saxony, was but one sign of the rap- iM^ 
 prochement. Though the prince continued to profess 
 Catholicism, he entertained many Lutherans and em- 
 phasized as far as possible his position as vassal of 
 the Empire. Philip, indeed, believed that the whole 
 trouble came from the wounded vanity of a few nobles. 
 
 But Granvolle saw deeper. When the Estates of jggj 
 Brabant stopped the payment of the principal tax or 
 ''Bede," ^ and when the people of Brussels took as a 
 party uniform a costume derived from the carnival, a 
 black cloak covered with red fool's heads, the cardinal, 
 whose red hat was caricatured thereby, stated that 
 nothing less than a republic was aimed at. This was 
 true, though in the anticipation of the nobles, at least, 
 the republic should have a decidedly aristocratic char- 
 acter. But Granvclle had no policy to propose but 
 repression. In order to prevent condemned heretics 
 from preaching and singing on the scaifold a gag 
 was put into their mouths. How futile a measure! 
 The Calvinists no longer disguised, but armed — a new 
 and significant fact — thronged to their conventicles. 
 Emigration continued on a large scale. By 1556 it 
 was estimated that thirty thousand Protestants from 
 the Low Countries were settled in or near London. 
 Elizabeth encouraged them to come, assigning them 
 
 1 The word, meaning "prayer," indicated, like tlie Eufjlish "benevo- 
 lence" and the French "don gratuit," that the tax had once been volun- 
 tarily granted. 
 
254 
 
 THE NETHERLANDS 
 
 1563 
 
 Revolt 
 
 h^ 
 
 The Intel- 
 lectuals 
 
 Norwich as a place of refuge. She also began to tax 
 imports from the Netherlands, a blow to which Philip 
 replied by forbidding all English imports. 
 
 Hitherto the resistance to the government had been 
 mostly passive and constitutional. But from 1565 
 may be dated the beginning of the revolt that did not 
 cease until it had freed the northern provinces forever 
 from Spanish tyranny. The rise of the Dutch Re- 
 public is one of the most inspiring pages in history. 
 Superficially it has many points of resemblance with 
 the American War of Independence. In both there 
 was the absentee king, the national hero, the local 
 jealousies of the several provinces, the economic griev- 
 ances, the rising national feeling and even the religious 
 issue, though this had become very small in America. 
 But the difference was in the ferocity of the tyranny 
 and the intensity of the struggle. The two pictures 
 are like the same landscape as it might be painted by 
 Millet and by Turner: the one is decent and familiar, 
 the other lurid and ghastly. With true Anglo-Saxon 
 moderation the American war was fought like a game 
 or an election, with humanity and attention to rules; 
 but in Holland and Belgium was enacted the most ter- 
 rible f rightfulness in the world; over the whole land, 
 mingled with the reek of candles carried in procession 
 and of incense burnt to celebrate a massacre, brooded 
 the sultry miasma of human blood and tears. On the 
 one side flashed the savage sword of Alva and the piti- 
 less flame of the inquisitor Tapper; on the other were 
 arrayed, behind their dykes and walls, men resolved to 
 win that freedom which alone can give scope and nobil- 
 ity to life. 
 
 And in the melee those suffered most who would fain 
 have been bystanders, the humanists. Persecuted by 
 both sides, the intellectuals, who had once deserted the 
 Reform now turned again to it as the lesser of the two 
 
THE CALVINIST REVOLT 255 
 
 evils. Tliey would have been glad to make terms with 
 any church that would have left them in liberty, but 
 they found the whips of Calvin lighter than the scor- 
 pions of Philip. Even those who, like Van Helmont, 
 wished to defend the church and to reconcile the Tri- 
 dentine decrees with philosophy, found that their la- 
 bors brought them under suspicion and that what the 
 church demanded was not harmony of thought but 
 abnegation of it. 
 
 The first act of the revolt may be said to be a secret 
 compact, kno's\Ti as the Compromise, originally en- The Com- 
 
 promise 
 
 tered into by twenty nobles at Brussels and soon 1555 
 joined by three hundred other nobles elsewhere. The 
 document signed by them denounced the Edicts as sur- 
 passing the greatest recorded barbarity of tyrants and 
 as threatening the complete ruin of the country. To 
 resist them the signers promised each other mutual 
 support. In this as in subsequent developments the 
 Calvinist minority took the lead, but was supported by 
 strong Catholic forces. Among the latter was the 
 Prince of Orange, not yet a Protestant. His conver- 
 sion really made little diif erence in his program ; both 
 before and after it he wanted tolerance or reconcili- 
 ation on Cassander's plan of compromise. He would 
 have greatly liked to have seen the Peace of Augsburg, 
 now the public law of the Empire, extended to the Low 
 Countries, but this was made difficult even to advocate 
 because the Peace of Augsburg provided liberty only 
 for the Lutheran confession, whereas the majority of / 
 Protestants in the Netherlands were now Calvinists. 
 For the same reason little help could be expected from 
 the German princes, for the mutual animosity that was 
 tlie curse of the Protestant churches prevented their 
 making common cause against the same enemy. 
 
 As the Huguenots — for so they began to be called 
 in Brabant as well as in France — were as yet too few 
 
256 THE NETHERLANDS 
 
 to rebel, the only course open was to appeal to the gov- 
 ernment once more. A petition to make the Edicts 
 milder was presented to Margaret in 1566. One of her 
 advisers bade her not to be afraid of ''those beggars." 
 Originating in the scorn of enemies, like so many party 
 names, the epithet ''Beggars" (Gueux) presently be- 
 came the designation, and a proud one, of the nobles 
 who had signed the Compromise, and later of all the 
 rebels. 
 
 Encouraged by the regent's apparent lack of power 
 to coerce them, the Calvinist preachers became daily 
 bolder. Once again their religion showed its remark- 
 able powers of organization. Lacking nothing in 
 funds, derived from a constituency of wealthy mer- 
 chants, the preachers of the Reformation were soon 
 able to forge a machinery of propaganda and party 
 action that stood them in good stead against the 
 greater numbers of their enemies. Especially in crit- 
 ical times, discipline, unity, and enthusiasm make head- 
 way against the deadly hatred of enemies and the 
 deadlier apathy and timidity of the mass of mankind. 
 It is true that the methods of the preachers often 
 aroused opposition. 
 Iconoclasm The zeal of the Calvinists, inflamed by oppression 
 and encouraged by the weakness of the government, 
 burst into an iconoclastic riot, first among the»unem- 
 / August 11, ployed at Armentieres, but spreading rapidly to 
 Antwerp, Brussels, Ghent, and then to the northern 
 provinces, Holland and Zeeland. The English agent 
 at Brussels wrote: "Coming into Oure Lady Church, 
 yt looked like hell wher were above 1000 torches bran- 
 nyng and syche a noise as yf heven and erth had gone 
 together with fallyng of images and fallyng down of 
 costly works." Books and manuscripts as well as 
 pictures were destroyed. The cry "Long live the 
 Beggars" resounded from one end of the land to the 
 
THE CALVINIST REVOLT 257 
 
 other. But withal there was no pillage and no rob- 
 bery. The gold in the churches was left untouched. 
 Margaret feared a jacquerie but, lacking troops, had to 
 look on with folded hands at least for the moment. 
 By chance there arrived just at this time an answer 
 from Philip to the earlier petition of the Beggars. 
 The king promised to abolish the Spanish inquisition 
 and to soften the edicts. Freedom of conscience was 
 tacitly granted, but the government made an exception, 
 as soon as it dared, of those who had committed sac- 
 rilege in the recent riots. These men were outlawed. 
 
 No longer fearing a religious war the Calvinists Civil war 
 started it themselves. Louis of Nassau, a brother of 
 Prince William, hired German mercenaries and in- 
 vaded Flanders, where he won some slight successes. 
 In Amsterdam the great Beggar Brederode entered 
 into negotiations with Huguenots and English friends. 
 The first battle between the Beggars and the govern- March 13, 
 ment troops, near Antwerp, ended in a rout for the ^^^'^ 
 former. 
 
 Philip now ordered ten thousand Spanish veterans, 
 led by Alva, to march from Italy to the Netherlands. 
 ■Making their way through the Free County of Bur- 
 gundy and Lorraine they entered Brussels on August ^503 o, 
 9, 1567. Ferdinand Alvarez de Toledo, Duke of Alva, 
 had won experience and reputation as a soldier in the 
 German wars. Though self-controlled and courtly in 
 manner, his passionate patriotism and bigotry made 
 liim a fit instrument to execute Philip's orders to make 
 the Netherlands Spanish and Catholic. He began with 
 no uncertain hand, building forts at Antwerp and 
 quartering his troops at Brussels where their foreign 
 manners and Roman piety gave offence to the citizens. 
 On September 9 he arrested the counts of Egmont and 
 Horn, next to Orange the chief leaders of the patriotic 
 party. Setting up a tribunal, called the Council of 
 
258 THE NETHERLANDS 
 
 Troubles, to deal with cases of rebellion and heresy, he 
 inaugurated a reign of terror. He himself spent seven 
 hours a day in this court trying cases and signing 
 death-warrants. Not only heretics were punished but 
 also agitators and those who had advocated tolerance. 
 Sincere Catholics, indeed, noted that the crime of 
 heresy was generally the mere pretext for dealing with 
 patriots and all those obnoxious to the government. 
 Executions Por the tirst time we have definite statistics of the 
 numbers executed. For instance, on January 4, 1568, 
 48 persons were sentenced to death, on February 20, 
 37 ; on February 21, 71 ; on March 20, 55 ; and so on for 
 day after day, week in and week out. On March 3 at 
 the same hour throughout the whole land 1500 men 
 were executed. The total number put to death during 
 the six years of Alva's administration has been vari- 
 ously estimated at from 6,000 to 18,000. The lower 
 number is probably nearer the truth, though not high 
 enough. Emigration on a hitherto unknown scale 
 within the next thirty or forty years carried 400,000 
 persons from the Netherlands. Thousands of others 
 fled to the woods and became freebooters. The people 
 as a whole were prostrated with terror. The prosper- 
 ity of the land was ruined by the wholesale confisca- 
 tions of goods. Alva boasted that by such means he 
 had added to the revenues of his territories 500,000 
 ducats per annum. 
 
 William of Orange retired to his estates at Dillen- 
 burg not to yield to the tyrant but to find a point 
 d'appui from which to fight. Wishing to avoid any- 
 thing that might cause division among the people he 
 kept the religious issue in the background and com- 
 plained only of foreign tyranny. He tried to enlist 
 the sjTupathies of the Emperor Maximilian II and to 
 collect money and men. William's friend Villiers in- 
 vaded the Burgundian State near Maastricht and Louis 
 
THE CALVINIST EEVOLT 259 
 
 of Nassau inarched with troops into Friesland. By April, 1568 
 this time Alva had increased his army by 10,000 Ger- 
 man cavalry and both the rebel leaders were severely 
 defeated. 
 
 This triumph was followed by an act of power and 
 defiance on Alva's part sometimes compared to the 
 execution of Louis XVI by the French Republicans. 
 Hitherto the sufferers from his reign of blood had not 
 in any case been men of the highest rank. The first 
 execution of nobles took place at Brussels on June 1, 
 that of the captured Villiers followed on June 2, and 
 that of Egmont and Horn on June 5. 
 
 Orange himself now took the field with 25,000 troops, 
 a motley aggregate of French, Flemish, and Walloon 
 Huguenots and of German mercenaries. But he had 
 no genius for war to oppose to the veterans of Alva. 
 Continually harassed by the Spaniards he was kept in 
 fear for his communications, dared not risk a general 
 engagement and was humiliated by seeing his retreat, 
 in November, turned into a rout. 
 
 Finding that severity did not pacify the provinces, Ju'yi6, 
 Alva issued a proclamation that on the face of it was 
 a general amnesty with pardon for all who submitted. 
 But he excepted by name several hundred emigrants, 
 all the Protestant clergy, all who had helped them, all 
 iconoclasts, all who had signed petitions for religious 
 liberty, and all who had rebelled. As these exceptions 
 included the greater portion of those who stood in 
 need of pardon the measure proved illusory as a means 
 of reconciliation. Coupled with it were other meas- 
 ures, including the prohibition to subjects to attend 
 foreign universities, intended to put a check on free 
 trade in ideas. 
 
 Alva's difficulties and the miseries of the unhappy Taxation 
 land entrusted to his tender mercies were increased by 
 want of money. Notwithstanding the privilege of 
 
260 
 
 THE NETHERLANDS 
 
 March 21, 
 1569 
 
 Beggars of 
 the Sea 
 
 granting their own taxes the States General were sum- 
 moned and forced to accept new imposts of one per 
 cent, on all property real and personal, ten per cent, 
 on the sale of all movable goods and five per cent, on 
 the sale of real estate. These were Spanish taxes, ex- 
 orbitant in any case but absolutely ruinous to a com- 
 mercial people. A terrible financial panic followed. 
 Houses at Antwerp that had rented for 300 gulden 
 could now be had for 50 gulden. Imports fell off to 
 such an extent that at this port they yielded but 14,000 
 gulden per annum instead of 80,000 as formerly. The 
 harbor was filled with empty boats; the market 
 drugged with goods of all sorts that no one would buy. 
 The cause of the patriots looked hopeless. Orange, 
 discredited by defeat, had retired to Germany. At one 
 time, to avoid the clamors of his troops for pay, he was 
 obliged to flee by night from Strassburg. But in this 
 dark hour help came from the sea. Louis of Nassau, 
 not primarily a statesman like his brother but a pas- 
 sionate crusader for Protestantism, had been at La 
 Rochelle and had there seen the excellent work done 
 by privateers. In emulation of his French brethren 
 he granted letters of marque to the sailors of Holland 
 and Zeeland. Recruits thronged to the ships. Hugue- 
 nots, men from Liege, and the laborers of the Walloon 
 provinces thrown out of work by the commercial crisis. 
 These men promptly won striking successes in preying 
 on Spanish commerce. Their many and rich prizes 
 were taken to England or to Emden and sold. Often 
 they landed on the coasts and attacked small Catholic 
 forces, or murdered priests. On the night of March 
 31-April 1, 1572, these Beggars of the Sea seized the 
 small town of Brielle on a large island at the mouth of 
 the Meuse not far from the Hague. This success was 
 immediately followed by the insurrection of Rotterdam 
 and Flushing. The war was conducted with combined 
 
THE CALVINIST EEVOLT 261 
 
 heroism and frightfulness. Receiving no quarter the 
 Beggars gave none, and to avenge themselves on the 
 unspeakable wrongs committed by Alva they them- 
 selves at times massacred the innocent. But their suc- 
 cess spread like wildfire. The coast towns ''fell away 
 like beads from a rosary when one is gone." Forti- 
 fications in all of them were strengthened and, where 
 necessary, dykes were opened. Reinforcements also 
 came from England. 
 
 By this time the revolt had become a veritable revo- devolution 
 lution. It found its battle hymn -in the Wilhelmuslied 
 and its Washington in William of Orange. As all the 
 towns of Holland save Amsterdam were in his hands, 
 in June the provincial Estates met — albeit illegally, 
 for there was no one authorized to convene them — as- 
 sumed sovereign power and made William their Stat- 
 holder. They voted large taxes and forced loans from 
 rich citizens, and raised money from the sale of prizes 
 taken at sea. All defect in prescriptive and legal 
 power was made up by the popularity of the prince, 
 deeply loved by all classes, not only on account of his 
 affability to all, even the humblest, but still more be- 
 cause of confidence in his ability. Never did his ver- 
 satility, patience and skill in management shine more 
 brightly. Among the troops raised by the patriots 
 he kept strict discipline, thus making by contrast more 
 lurid the savage jDillage by the Spaniards. He kept 
 far from fanatics and swashbucklers of whom there 
 were plenty attracted to the revolt. His master idea 
 was to keep the Netherlands together and to free them 
 from the foreigner. Complete independence of Spain 
 was not at first planned, but it soon became inevitable. 
 
 For a moment there was a prospect of help from 
 Coligny's policy of prosecuting a war with Spain, but 
 these hopes were destroyed by the defeat of the French July 17, 
 Huguenots near Mons and by the massacre of Saint ^^^^ 
 
262 THE NETHERLANDS 
 
 August 24, Bartholomew. Freed from menace in this quarter 
 ^^^^ and encouraged by his brilliant victory, Alva turned 
 
 north with an army now increased to 40,000 veterans. 
 First he took Malines and delivered it to his soldiers 
 for '*the most dreadful and inhuman sack of the day" 
 as a contemporary wrote. The army then marched to 
 Guelders and stormed Zutphen under express orders 
 from their general ''not to leave one man alive or one 
 building unburnt. ' ' * 'With the help of God, ' ' as Alva 
 piously reported, the same punishment was meted 
 out to Naarden. Then he marched to the still royalist 
 Amsterdam from which base he proceeded to invest 
 Haarlem. The siege was a long and hard one for the 
 Spaniards, harassed by the winter weather and by 
 epidemics. Alva wrote Philip that it was "the bloodi- 
 est war known for long years" and begged for rein- 
 July 12, forcements. At last famine overcame the brave de- 
 fenders of the city and it capitulated. Finding that 
 his cruelty had only nerved the people to the most des- 
 perate resistance, and wishing to give an example of 
 clemency to a city that would surrender rather than 
 await storming, Alva contented himself with putting to 
 death to the last man 2300 French, English, and Wal- 
 loon soldiers of the garrison, and five or six citizens. 
 He also demanded a ransom of 100,000 dollars ^ in lieu 
 of plunder. Not content with this meager largess the 
 Spanish troops mutinied, and only the promise of 
 further cities to sack quieted them. The fortunes of 
 the patriots were a little raised by the defeat of the 
 Spanish fleet in the Zuiderzee by the Beggars on Oc- 
 tober 12, 1573. 
 Requesens ^OT some time Philip had begun to suspect that 
 Alva's methods were not the proper ones to win back 
 the affectionate loyalty of his people. Though he hes- 
 itated long he finally removed him late in 1573 and 
 1 The dollar, or Thaler, is worth 75 cents, intrinBioally. 
 
THE CALVINIST REVOLT 263 
 
 appointed in his stead Don Louis Requesens. Had 
 Philip come himself he might have been able to do 
 something, for the majority professed personal loyalty 
 to him, and in that age, as Shakespeare reminds us, 
 divinity still hedged a king. But not having the de- 
 cision to act in person Philip picked out a favorite, 
 kno"\\ni from his constant attendance on his master as 
 ''the king's hour-glass," in whom he saw the slavishly 
 obedient tool that he thought he wanted. The only 
 difference between the new governor and the old was 
 that Requesens lacked Alva's ability; he had all the 
 other's narrowly Spanish views, his bigotry and abso- 
 lutism. 
 
 Once arrived in the provinces committed to his 
 charge, he had no choice but to continue the war. But 
 on January 27, 1574, Orange conquered Middelburg 
 and from that date the Spanish flag ceased to float over 
 any portion of the soil of Holland or Zeeland. Li open 
 battle at Mook, however, the Spanish veterans again 1574 
 achieved success, defeating the patriots under Louis of 
 Nassau, who lost his life. The beginning of the year 
 saw the investment of Leyden in great force. The 
 heroism of the defence has become proverbial. When, 
 in September, the dykes were cut to admit the sea, so 
 that the vessels of the Beggars were able to sail to the 
 relief of the city, the siege was raised. It was the first 
 important military victory for the patriots and marks 
 the turning-point of the revolt. Henceforth the Neth- 
 erlands could not be wholly subdued. 
 
 Requesens summoned the States General and of- 
 fered a pardon to all who would submit. But the peo- 
 ple saw in this only a sign of weakness. A flood of 
 pamphlets calling to arms replied to the advances of 
 the government. Among the pamphleteers the ablest 
 was Philip van Mamix, a Calvinist who turned his Mamix, 
 
 . 1538-Q8 
 
 powers of satire against Spain and the Catholic 
 
264 THE NETHERLANDS 
 
 church. William of Orange, now a Protestant, living 
 at Delft, inspired the whole movement. Requesens, be- 
 lieving that if he were out of the way the revolt would 
 collapse, like Alva offered public rewards for his assas- 
 sination. That there was really no common ground 
 w^as proved at a conference between the two foes, 
 broken off without result. In the campaign of 1575 
 the Spanish army again achieved great things, taking 
 Oudewater, Schoonhoven and other places. But the 
 rebels would not give up. 
 157?^^' ^^^ situation was changed by the death of Reque- 
 
 sens. Before his successor could be appointed events 
 moved rapidly. After taking Zierikzee on June 29, the 
 Spanish army turned to Aalst, quartered the soldiers on 
 the inhabitants, and forced the loj^al city to pay the full 
 costs of their maintenance. If even the Catholics were 
 alienated by this, the Protestants went so far as to 
 preach that any Spaniard might be murdered without 
 sin. In the concerted action against Spain the Estates 
 of Brabant now took the leading part; meeting at 
 Brussels they intimidated the Council of State and 
 raised an army of 3000 men. By this time Holland and 
 Zeeland were to all intents and purposes an independ- 
 ent state. The Calvinists, strong among the native 
 population, were recruited by a vast influx of immi- 
 grants from other provinces until theirs became the 
 dominant religion. Holland and Zeeland pursued a 
 separate military and financial policy. Alone among 
 the provinces they were prosperous, for they had com- 
 mand of the rich sea-borne commerce. 
 
 The growth of republican theory kept pace with the 
 progress of the revolt. Orange was surrounded by 
 men holding the free principles of Duplessis-Mornay 
 and corresponding with him. Dutchmen now openly 
 voiced their belief that princes Avere made for the 
 sake of their subjects and not subjects for the sake 
 
THE CALVINIST REVOLT 2G5 
 
 of princes. Even though they denied the equal 
 rights of the common people they asserted the sov- 
 ereignty of the representative assembly. The Council 
 of State, having assumed the authority of the viceroy 
 during the interim, was deluged with letters petition- 
 ing them to shake off the Spanish yoke entirely. But, 
 as the Council still remained loyal to Philip, on Sep- 
 tember 4 its members were arrested, a coup d'etat 
 planned in the interests of Orange and doubtless with 
 his knowledge. It was, of course, tantamount to trea- 
 son. The Estates General now seized sovereign pow- 
 ers. Still protesting their loyalty to the monarch's 
 person and to the Catholic religion, they demanded 
 virtual independence and the withdrawal of the Span- 
 ish troops. To enforce their demands they collected 
 an army and took possession of several forts. But 
 the Spanish veterans never once thought of giving 
 way. Gathering at Antwerp) where they were besieged 
 by the soldiers of the States General, they attacked ^''^^J^^'' 
 and scattered the bands sent against them and then 
 proceeded to sack Antwerp like a captured to^vn. In 
 one dreadful day 7000 of the patriots, in part soldiers, 
 in part noncombatants, perished. The wealth of the 
 city was looted. The army of occupation boasted as 
 of a victory of this deed of blood, kno\\Ti to the Neth- 
 erlanders as 'Hhe Spanish fury." 
 
 Naturally, such a blow only welded the provinces 
 more firmly together and steeled their temper to an 
 even harder resistance. Its immediate result was a ^^ 
 treaty, known as the Pacification of Ghent, between the 
 provinces represented in the States General on the one 
 hand and Holland and Zeeland on the other, for the 
 purposes of union and of driving out the foreigner. 
 The religious question was left undecided, save that 
 the northern provinces agreed to do nothing for the 
 present against the Roman church. But, as hereto- 
 
266 THE NETHERLANDS 
 
 fore, the Calvinists, now inscribing ''Pro fide et pa- 
 tria ' ' on their banners, were the more active and patri- 
 otic party. 
 Don John, ~0n May 1, 1577, the new Governor General, Don 
 
 -| C J 7 '70 J ^ ' 
 
 John of Austria, entered Brussels. A natural son of 
 Charles V, at the age of twenty-four he had made him- 
 self famous by the naval victory of Lepanto, and his 
 name still more celebrated in popular legend on ac- 
 count of his innumerable amours. That he had some 
 charm of manner must be assumed; that he had abil- 
 ity in certain directions cannot be denied ; but his aris- 
 tocratic hauteur, his contempt for a nation of mer- 
 chants and his disgust at dealing with them, made him 
 the worst possible person for the position of Governor. 
 Philip's detailed instructions left nothing to the im- 
 agination : the gist of them was to assure the Catholic 
 religion and obedience of his subjects *'as far as pos- 
 sible," to speak French, and not to take his mistresses 
 from the most influential families, nor to alienate them 
 in any other way. After force had been tried and 
 failed the effect of gentleness was to be essayed. Don 
 John was to be a dove of peace and an angel of love. 
 But even if a far abler man had been sent to heal 
 the troubles in the Netherlands, the breach was now 
 past mending. In the States General, as in the nation 
 at large, there were still two parties, one for Orange 
 and one for Philip, but both were determined to get 
 rid of the devilish incubus of the Spanish army. The 
 division of the two parties was to some extent sec- 
 tional, but still more that class division that seems in- 
 evitable between conservatives and liberals. The king 
 still had for him the clergy, the majority of the nobles 
 and higher bourgeoisie ; with William were ranged the 
 Calvinists, the middle and lower classes and most of 
 the ''intellectuals," la^^yers, men of learning and those 
 publicists known as the "monarchomachs." Many of 
 
May 12 
 
 THE CALVINIST REVOLT 267 
 
 these were still Catholics who wished to distinguish 
 sharply between th^e religious and the national issue. 
 At the very moment of Don John's arrival the Estates 
 passed a resolution to uphold the Catholic faith. 
 
 Even before he had entered his capital Don John February, 
 
 1577 
 
 issued the ''Perpetual Edict" agreeing to withdraw 
 the Spanish troops in return for a grant of 600,000 
 guilders for their pay. He promised to respect the 
 privileges of the provinces and to free political pris- 
 oners, including the son of Orange. In April the 
 troops really withdrew. The small effect of these 
 measures of conciliation became apparent when the 
 Estates General voted by a majority of one only to 
 recognize Don John as their Statholder. So little in- 
 fluence did he have that he felt more like a prisoner 
 than a governor; he soon fled from his capital to the 
 fortress of Namur whence he wrote urging his king to 
 send back the troops at once and let him ''bathe in 
 the blood of the traitors." 
 
 William was as much pleased as John was enraged 
 at the failure of the policy of reconciliation. While 
 the majority of the Estates still hoped for peace Wil- 
 liam was determined on independence at all costs. In 
 August he sent a demand to the representatives to do 
 their duty by the people, for he did not doubt that they 
 had the right to depose the tyrant. Never did his 
 prospects look brighter. Help was offered by Eliza- 
 beth and the tide of republican feeling began to rise 
 higher. In proportion as the laborers were drawn to 
 the party of revolt did the doctrine of the monarcho- 
 machs become liberal. No longer satisfied with the 
 democracy of corporations and castes of the Middle 
 Ages, the people began to dream of the individualistic 
 democracy of modem times. 
 
 The executive power, virtually abandoned by Don 
 John, now became centered in a Committee of Eigh- 
 
2G8 
 
 THE NETHERLANDS 
 
 Archduke 
 Matthew 
 
 October 12, 
 1576 
 
 teen, nominally on fortifications, but in reality, like the 
 French Committee of Public Safety, supreme in all 
 matters. This body was first appointed by the citizens 
 of Brussels, but the States Greneral were helpless 
 against it. It Avas supported by the armed force of 
 the patriots and by the personal prestige of Orange. 
 His power was growing, for, with the capitulation of 
 the Spanish garrison at Utrecht he had been appointed 
 Statholder of that province. When he entered Brus- 
 sels on September 23, he was received w^ith the wild 
 acclamations of the populace. Opposition to him 
 seemed impossible. And yet, even at this high-water 
 mark of his power, his difficulties were considerable. 
 Each province w^as jealous of its rights and, as in the 
 American Revolution, each province wished to con- 
 tribute as little as possible to the common fund. 
 Moreover, the religious question was still extremely 
 delicate. Orange 's permission to the Catholics to cele- 
 brate their rites on his estates alienated as many Prot- 
 estant fanatics as it conciliated those of the old religion. 
 The Netherlands were not yet strong enough to do 
 without powerful foreign support, nor was public 
 opinion yet ripe for the declaration of an independent 
 republic. Feeling that a statholder of some sort was 
 necessary, the States General petitioned Philip to re- 
 move Don John and to appoint a legitimate prince of 
 the blood. This petition was perhaps intentionally im- 
 possible of fulfilment in a way agreeable to Philip, for 
 he had no legitimate brother or son. But a prince of 
 the House of Hapsburg offered himself in the person 
 of the Archduke Matthew, a son of the Emperor Maxi- 
 milian, recently deceased. Though he had neither 
 ability of his own nor support from his brother, the 
 Emperor Rudolph II, and though but nineteen years 
 old, he offered his services to the Netherlands and im- 
 mediately went thither. With high statecraft William 
 
THE CALVINIST EEVOLT 
 
 269 
 
 December 
 7, 1577 
 
 drew Matthew into his policy, for he saw that the dan- 
 gers to be feared were anarchy and disunion. In some 
 cities, notably Ghent, where another Committee of 
 Eighteen was appointed on the Brussels model, the 
 lowest classes assumed a dictatorship analagous to 
 that of the Bolsheviki in Russia. At the same time 
 the Patriots' demand that Orange should be made Gov- 
 ernor of Brabant was distasteful to the large loyalist 
 element in the population. William at once saw the 
 use that might be made of Matthew as a figure-head to 
 rally those who still reverenced the house of Ilapsburg 
 and who saw in monarchy the only guarantee of order 
 at home and consideration abroad. Promptly arrest- 
 ing tlie Duke of Aerschot, a powerful noble who tried 
 to use Matthew's name to create a separate faction. 
 Orange induced the States General first to decree Don 
 John an enemy of the country and then to offer the gov- 
 ernorship of the Netherlands to the archduke, at the 
 same time begging him, on account of his youth, to 
 leave the administration in the hands of William. 
 After Matthew's entry into Brussels the States Gen- j^""^!^ 
 eral swore allegiance to this puppet in the hands of 
 their greatest statesman. 
 
 Almost immediately the war broke out again. Both 
 sides had been busy raising troops. At Genibloux Don 
 John with 20,000 men defeated about the same number 
 of Patriot troops. But this failed to clarify a situa- 
 tion that tended to become ever more complicated. 
 Help from England and France came in tiny dribblets 
 just sufficient to keep Philip's energies occupied in the 
 cruel civil war. But the vacancy, so to speak, on the 
 ducal throne of the Burgundian state, seemed to invite 
 the candidacy of neighboring princes and a chance of 
 seriously interesting France came when the ambition 
 of Francis, Duke of Anjou, was stirred to become ruler 
 of the Low Countries. William attempted also to make 
 
 January 31 
 
270 
 
 THE NETHERLANDS 
 
 Protestant 
 schism 
 
 July, 1578 
 
 Division of 
 the Nether- 
 lands 
 
 use of him. In return for the promise to raise 12,000 
 troops, Anjou received from the States General the 
 title of ''Defender of the Freedom of the Netherlands 
 against the tyranny of the Spaniards and their allies." 
 The result was that the Catholic population was di- 
 vided in its support between Matthew and Anjou, and 
 that Orange retained the balance of influence. 
 
 The insuperable difficulty in the way of success for 
 the policy of this great man was still the religious one. 
 Calvinism had been largely drawn off to Holland and 
 Zeeland, and Catholicism remained the religion of the 
 great majority of the population in the other prov- 
 inces. At first sight the latter appeared far from 
 being an intractable force. In contrast with the fiery 
 zeal of the Calvinists on the one hand and of the Spani- 
 ards on the other, the faith of the Catholic Flemings 
 and Walloons seemed lukewarm, an old custom rather 
 than a living conviction. Most were shocked by the 
 fanaticism of the Spaniards, who thus proved the worst 
 enemies of their faith, and yet, within the Netherlands, 
 they were very unwilling to see the old religion perish. 
 When the lower classes at Ghent assumed the leader- 
 ship they rather forced than converted that city to the 
 Calvinist confession. Their acts were taken as a 
 breach of the Pacification of Ghent and threatened the 
 whole policy of Orange by creating fresh discord. To 
 obviate this, William proposed to the States General a 
 religious peace on the basis of the status quo with re- 
 fusal to allow further proselyting. But this measure, 
 acceptable to the Catholics, was deeply resented by the 
 Calvinists. It was said that one who changed his re- 
 ligion as often as his coat must prefer human to divine 
 things and that he who would tolerate Romanists must 
 himself be an atheist. 
 
 It was, therefore, a primarily religious issue, and 
 no difference of race, language or material interest, 
 
THE CALVINIST REVOLT 271 
 
 that divided the Netherlands into two halves. For a 
 time the common hatred of all the people for the for- 
 eigner welded them into a united whole ; but no sooner 
 was the pressure of the Spanish yoke even slightly re- 
 laxed than the mutual antipathy of Calvinist and Cath- 
 olic showed itself. If we look closely into the causes 
 why the North should become predominantly Protes- 
 tant while the South gradually reverted to an entirely 
 Catholic faith, we must see that the reasons were in 
 part racial, in part geographical and in part social. * 
 Geographically and linguistically the Northern prov- 
 inces looked for their culture to Germany, and the 
 Southern provinces to France. Moreover the easy de- 
 fensibility of Holland and Zeeland, behind their moats, 
 made them the natural refuge of a hunted sect and, this 
 tendency once having asserted itself, the polarization 
 of the Netherlands naturally followed, Protestants be- 
 ing dra\\ni and driven to their friends in the North and 
 Catholics similarly finding it necessary or advisable to 
 settle in the South. Moreover in the Southern prov- 
 inces the two privileged classes, clergy and nobility, 
 were relatively stronger than in the almost entirely 
 bourgeois and commercial North. And the influence 
 of both was thrown into the scale of the Eoman church, 
 the first promptly and as a matter of course, the second 
 eventually as a reaction from the strongly democratic 
 tendency of Calvinism. In some of the Southern cities 
 there ensued at this time a desperate struggle between 
 the Protestant democracy and the Catholic aristocracy. 
 The few Protestants of gentle birth in the Walloon 
 provinces felt ill at ease in company with their Dutch 
 co-religionists and were called by them * ' Malcontents ' ' 
 because they looked askance at the political principles 
 of the North. 
 
 The separatist tendencies on both sides crystallized January, 
 as some of the Southern provinces signed a league at 
 
272 THE NETHERLANDS 
 
 Arras on January 5 for the protection of the Catholic 
 religion. On the 29th this was answered by the Union 
 of Utrecht, signed by the representatives of Holland, 
 Zeeland, Utrecht, Friesland, Guelders, Zutphen, and the 
 city of Ghent, binding the said provinces to resist all 
 foreign tyranny. Complete freedom of worship was 
 granted, a matter of importance as the Catholic mi- 
 nority was, and has always remained, large. By this 
 act a new state was born. Orange still continued to 
 labor for union with the Southern provinces, but he 
 failed. A bitter religious war broke out in the cities 
 of the South. At Ghent the churches were plundered 
 1581 anew. At Brussels and Antwerp the Protestant pro- 
 
 letariat won a temporary ascendancy and Catholic 
 worship was forbidden in both cities. A general emi- 
 gration from them ensued. Under the stress of the 
 religious war which was also a class war, the last ves- 
 tiges of union perished. The States General ceased 
 to have power to raise taxes or enforce decrees, and 
 presently it was no more regarded. 
 
 Even William of Orange now abandoned his show 
 of respect for the monarch and became wholly the 
 
 1580 champion of liberty and of the people. The States 
 General recognized Anjou as their prince, but at the 
 same time drew up a very republican constitution. 
 The representatives of the people were given not only 
 the legislative but also the executive powers, includ- 
 ing the direction of foreign affairs. The States of the 
 Northern Provinces formally deposed Philip, who 
 
 ^r^S?^!l^°" could do nothing in reply. A proclamation had al- 
 
 01 rhinp, . . 
 
 1581 ready been issued offering 25,000 dollars and a patent 
 of nobility to anyone who would assassinate Orange, 
 who was branded as ''a traitor and rascal" and as 
 *'the enemy of the human race." 
 
 October 1, j)qjj John, having died unlamented, was succeeded 
 by Alexander Farnese, a son of the ex-regent Margaret 
 
THE CALVINIST REVOLT 273 
 
 of Parma. Though an Italian in temperament he Farnese, 
 
 . . . . 1545-92 
 
 united a rare diplomatic pliability with energy as a 
 soldier. Moreover, whereas his predecessors had de- 
 spised the people they were sent to govern and had 
 hated the task of dealing with them, he set his heart 
 on making a success. By this time the eyes of all 
 Europe were fixed on the struggle in the Low Coun- 
 tries and it seemed a worthy achievement to accom- 
 plish what so many famous soldiers and statesmen had 
 failed in. It is doubtless due to the genius of Farnese 
 that the Spanish yoke was again fixed on the neck of 
 the southern of the two confederacies into which the 
 Burgundian state had spontaneously separated. Wel- 
 comed by a large number of the signers of the Treaty 
 of Arras, he promptly raised an army of 31,000 men, 1579 
 mostly Germans, attacked and took Maastricht. A 
 sickening pillage followed in which no less than 1700 
 women were slaughtered. Seeing his mistake, on cap- 
 turing the next towm, Tournai, he restrained his army 
 and allowed even the garrison to march out with the 
 honors of war. Not one citizen was executed, though 
 an indemnity of 200,000 guilders was demanded. His 
 clemency helped his cause more than his success in 
 arms. 
 
 Slowly but surely his campaign of conquest pro- Conquest of 
 gressed. It was a war of sieges only, without battles. 
 Bruges was taken after a long investment, and was 
 mildly treated. Ghent surrendered and was also let 1584 
 off with an indemnity but without bloody punishment. 
 After a hard siege Antwerp capitulated. Practically 1585 
 the whole of the Southern confederacy had been re- -" 
 duced to obedience to the king of Spain. The Protes- 
 tant religion was forbidden by law but in each case 
 when a city was conquered the Protestants were given 
 from two to four years either to become reconciled or 
 to emigrate. 
 
274 
 
 THE NETHERLANDS 
 
 Freedom of 
 the North 
 
 January 17, 
 1583 
 
 June, 1584 
 
 July 10, 
 1584 
 
 But the land that was reconqnered was not the land 
 that had revolted. A ghastly ruin accompanied by a 
 numbing blight on thought and energy settled on the 
 once happy lands of Flanders and Brabant. The civil 
 wars had so wasted the country that wolves prowled 
 even at the gates of great cities. The coup de grace 
 was given to the commerce of Antwerp by the barring 
 of the Scheldt by Holland. Trade with the East and 
 West Indies was forbidden by Spain until 1640. 
 
 But the North, after a desperate struggle and much 
 suffering, vindicated its freedom. Anjou tried first to 
 make himself their tyrant ; his soldiers at Antwerp at- 
 tacked the citizens but were beaten off after frightful 
 street fighting. The ''French fury" as it was called, 
 taught the Dutch once again to distrust foreign gov- 
 ernors, though the death of Anjou relieved them of 
 fear. 
 
 But a sterner foe was at hand. Having reduced 
 what is now called Belgium, Farnese attacked the Ref- 
 ormation and the republicans in their last strongholds 
 in Holland, Zeeland, and Utrecht. The long war, of a 
 high technical interest because of the peculiar military 
 problems to be solved, was finally decided in favor of 
 the Dutch. The result was due in part to the heroic 
 courage of the people, in part to the highly defensible 
 nature of their country, saved time and again by that 
 great ally, the sea. 
 
 A cruel blow was the assassination of Orange whose 
 last words were "God have pity on this poor people." 
 His life had been devoted to them in no spirit of am- 
 bition or vulgar pride; his energy, his patience, his 
 breadth had served the people well. And at his death 
 they showed themselves worthy of him and of the 
 cause. Around his body the Estates of Holland con- 
 vened and resolved to bear themselves manfully with- 
 
THE CALVINIST REVOLT 275 
 
 out abatement of zeal. Eight nobly did they aquit 
 themselves. 
 
 The bad ending of a final attempt to get foreign help 1586 
 taught the Dutch Republic once and for all to rely only ^^^^^ ^^ 
 on itself. Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, Eliza- 
 beth's favorite, was inaugurated as Governor General. 
 His assumption of independent power enraged his 
 royal mistress, whereas the Dutch were alienated by 
 the suspicion that he sacrificed their interests to those 
 of England, and by his military failures. In less than 1587 
 two years he was forced to return home. 
 
 Under the statesmanlike guidance of John van Old- Olden- 
 enbarneveldt, since 1586 Pensionary of Holland, a Re- i547!i5i9' 
 public was set up founded on the supremacy of the 
 Estates. Under his exact, prudent, and resolute lead- 
 ership internal freedom and external power were alike 
 developed. Though the war continued long after 1588 
 the defeat of the Armada in that year crippled Spain 
 beyond hope of recovery and made the new nation 
 practically safe. 
 
 The North had suffered much in the war. The f re- The Dutch 
 quent inundation of the land destroyed crops. Am- 
 sterdam long held out against the rest of Holland in 
 loyalty to the king, but she suffered so much by the 
 blockade of the Beggars of the Sea and by the emigra- 
 tion of her merchants to nearby cities, that at last she 
 gave in and cast her lot with her people. From that 
 time she assumed the commercial hegemony once exer- 
 cised by Antwerp. Recovering rapidly from the de- 
 vastations of war, the Dutch Republic became, in the 
 seventeenth century, the first sea-power and first 
 money-power in the world. She gave a king to Eng- 
 land and put a bridle in the mouth of France. She 
 established colonies in America and in the East Indies. 
 With her celebrated new university of Leyden, with 
 
 Republic 
 
276 THE NETHERLANDS 
 
 publicists like Grotius, theologians like Jansen, pain- 
 ters like Van Dyke and Eembrandt, philosophers like 
 Spinoza, she took the lead in many of the tields of 
 thought. Her material and spiritual power, her toler- 
 ance and freedom, became the envy of the world. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 ENGLAND 
 
 § 1. Henry VIII and the NATioN^yij Chubch. 
 1509-i7 
 
 ''The heavens lausrh, the earth exults; all is full of Henry VIII, 
 
 1509-47 
 milk and honey and nectar." With these words the 
 
 accession of Henry VIII was announced to Erasmus 
 by his pupil and the king's tutor, Lord Mount joy. 
 This lover of learning thought the new monarch would 
 be not only Octavus but Octavius, fostering letters and 
 cherishing the learned. There was a general feeling 
 that a new era was beginning and a new day dawning 
 after the long darkness of the Middle Age with its 
 nightmares of Black Deaths and Peasants' Revolts 
 and, worst of all, the civil war that had humbled Eng- 
 land's power and racked her almost to pieces within. 
 
 It was commonly believed that the young prince was 
 a paragon : handsome, athletic, learned, generous, wise, 
 and merciful. That he was fond of sports, strong and 
 in early life physically attractive, is well attested. The 
 principal evidences of his learning are the fulsome tes- . 
 timony of Erasmus and his work against Luthei. But 
 it has been lately shown that Erasmus was capable of 
 passing off, as the work of a powerful patron, composi- 
 tions which he knew to be written by Latin secretaries ; 
 and the royal author of the Defence of the Seven Sac- 
 raments, which evinces but mediocre talent, received 
 nmch unacknowledged assistance. 
 
 If judged by his foreign relations Henry's states- 
 manship was unsuccessful. His insincerity and per- 
 fidy often overreached themselves, and he Avas often 
 
 277 
 
278 ENGLAND 
 
 deceived. Moreover, he was inconstant, pursuing no 
 worthy end whatever. England was by her insular 
 location and by the nearly equal division of power on 
 the Continent between France and the emperor, in a 
 wonderfully safe and advantageous place. But, so far 
 was Henry from using this gift of fortune, that he 
 seems to have acted only on caprice. 
 Domestic In domestic policy Henry achieved his greatest suc- 
 ^°^^^ cesses, in fact, very remarkable ones indeed. Doubt- 
 
 less here also he was favored by fortune, in that his 
 own ends happened in the main to coincide with the 
 deeper current of his people's purpose, for he was sup- 
 ported by just that wealthy and enterprising bour- 
 geois class that was to call itself the people and to 
 make public opinion for the next three centuries. In 
 time this class would become sufficiently conscious of 
 its own power to make Parliament supreme and to de- 
 mand a reckoning even from the crown, but at first 
 it needed the prestige of the royal name to conquer 
 the two privileged classes, the clergy and the nobility. 
 The merchants and the moneyed men only too willingly 
 became the faithful followers of a chief who lavishly 
 tossed to them the wealth of the church and the po- 
 litical privileges of the barons. And Henry had just 
 one strong quality that enabled him to take full ad- 
 vantage of this position ; he seemed to lead rather than 
 to drive, and he never wantonly challenged Parliament. 
 The atrocity of his acts was only equaled by their scru- 
 pulous legality. 
 
 On Henry's morals there should be less disagree- 
 ment than on his mental gifts. Holbein's faithful 
 portraits do not belie him. The broad-shouldered, 
 heavy-jowled man, standing so firmly on his widely 
 parted feet, has a certain strength of will, or rather 
 of boundless egotism. Francis and Charles showed 
 themselves persecuting, and were capable of having a 
 
HENRY VIII 
 
 279 
 
 defaulting minister or a rebel put to death ; but neither 
 Charles nor Francis, nor any other king in modern 
 times, has to answer for the lives of so many nobles 
 and ministers, cardinals and queens, whose heads, as 
 Thomas More put it, he kicked around like footballs. 
 
 The reign began, as it ended, with political murder. 
 The miserly PTenry VII had made use of two tools, 
 Empson and Dudley, who, by minute inquisition into 
 technical offences and by nice adjustment of fines to 
 the wealth of the offender, had made the law unpopular 
 and the king rich. Four days after his succession, 
 Henry VIII issued a proclamation asking all those who 
 had sustained injury or loss of goods by these commis- 
 sioners, to make supplication to the king. The flood- 
 gates of pent-up wrath were opened, and the two un- 
 happy ministers swept away by an act of attainder. 
 
 The pacific policy of the first years of the reign did 
 not last long. The young king felt the need of mar- 
 tial glory, of emulating the fifth Henry, of making 
 himself talked about and enrolling his name on the 
 list of conquerors who, in return for plaguing man- 
 kind, have been deified by them. It is useless to look 
 for any statesmanlike purpose in the war provoked 
 with France and Scotland, but in the purpose for which 
 he set out Henry was brilliantly successful : the French 
 were so quickly routed near Guinegate that the action 
 has been known in history as the Battle of the Spurs. 
 While the king was still absent in France and his queen 
 regent in England, his lieutenants inflicted a decisive 
 defeat on the Scots and slew their king, James IV, at 
 Flodden. England won nothing save military glory 
 by these campaigns, for the invasion of France was 
 at once abandoned and that of Scotland not even un- 
 dertaken. 
 
 The gratification of the national vanity redounded 
 to the profit not only of Henry but of his minister, 
 
 Empson 
 and Dudley 
 executed, 
 April 25, 
 1509 
 
 War with 
 France and 
 Scotland 
 
 August 13, 
 1513 
 
 September 
 
 Wolsey, 
 c. 1475- 
 1530 
 
280 ENGLAND 
 
 Thomas Wolsey. A poor man, like the other tools 
 of the Tudor despot, he rose rapidly in church and 
 state partly by solid gifts of statesmanship, partly 
 by baser arts. By May, 1515, Erasmus described 
 him as all-powerful with the king and as bearing the 
 main burden of public affairs on his shoulders, and 
 fifteen years later Luther spoke of him as ''the demi- 
 god of England, or rather of Europe." His position 
 at home he owed to his ability to curry favor with the 
 king by shouldering the odium of unpopular acts. 
 May, 1521 "When the Duke of Buckingham was executed for the 
 crime of standing next in succession to the throne, 
 Wolsey was blamed; many people thought, as it was 
 put in a pun attributed to Charles V, that "it was a 
 pity so noble a hucli, should have been slain by such a 
 hound." Wolsey lost the support of the nobles by the 
 pride that delighted to humble them, and of the com- 
 mons by the avarice that accumulated a corrupt for- 
 tune. But, though the rich hated him for his law in 
 regard to enclosures, and the poor for not having that 
 law enforced, he recked little of aught, knowing himself 
 secure under the royal shield. 
 
 To make his sovereign abroad as great as at home, he 
 took advantage of the nice balance of power existing 
 on the Continent. ''Nothing pleases him more than 
 to be called the arbiter of Christendom," wrote Gius- 
 tiniani, and such, in fact, he very nearly was. His 
 diplomatic gifts were displaj^ed with immense show 
 during the summer of 1520, when Henry met both 
 Francis and Charles V, and promised each secretly 
 to support him against his rival. The camp where 
 the royalties of France and England met, near Guines, 
 amid- scenes of pageantry and chivalry so resplendent 
 as to give it the name of The Field of Cloth of Gold, 
 saw an alliance cemented by oath, only to be followed 
 by a solemn engagement between Henry and Charles, 
 
HENRY VIII 281 
 
 repugnant in every particular to that with France. 
 When war actually broke out between the two, Eng- 
 land preferred to throw her weight against France, 
 thereby almost helping Charles to the throne of uni- 
 versal empire and raising up for herself an enemy to 
 menace her safety in many a crisis to come. In the 
 end, then, Wolsey's perfidious policy failed; and his 
 personal ambition for the papacy was also frustrated. 
 
 But while ''the congress of kings," as Erasmus 
 called it, was disporting itself at Guines and Calais, 
 the tide of a new movement was swiftly and steadily 
 rising, no more obeying them than had the ocean obeyed 
 Canute. More in England than in most countries the 
 Reformation was an imported product. Its ''dawn 
 came up like thunder" from across the North Sea. 
 
 Luther's Theses on Indulgences were sent by Eras- 
 mus to his English friends Thomas More and John ,. , ^ 
 
 ° . March 5, 
 
 Colet little more than four months after their pro- 1518 
 mulgation. By February, 1519, Froben had exported 
 to England a number of volumes of Luther's works. 
 One of them fell into the hands of Henry VIII or his 
 sister Mary, quondam Queen of France, as is shown ' 
 by the royal arms stamped on it. Many others were 
 sold by a bookseller at Oxford throughout 1520, in 
 which year a government official in London w^rote to 
 his son in the countr)^, ''there be heretics here which March 3, 
 take Luther's opinions." The universities were both 
 infected at the same time. At Cambridge, especially, 
 a number of young men, many of them later prominent 
 reformers, met at the "White Horse Tavern regularly 
 to discuss the new ideas. The tavern w^as nicknamed 
 "Germany" and the young enthusiasts "Germans'^ 
 in consequence. But surprisingly numerous as are the 
 evidences of the spread of Lutheranism in these early 
 years, naturally it as yet had few prominent adherents. 
 When Erasmus wrote Luther that he had well-wishers 
 
 1521 
 
282 
 
 ENGLAND 
 
 May, 1519 
 
 1520 
 
 May 12, 
 1521 
 
 1526 
 
 January 
 21, 1521 
 
 in England, and those of the greatest, he was exagger- 
 ating or misinformed. At most he may have been 
 thinking of John Colet, whose death in September, 
 1519, came before he could take any part in the religious 
 controversy. 
 
 At an early date the government took its stand 
 against the heresy. Luther's books were examined 
 by a committee of the University of Cambridge, con- 
 demned and burnt by them, and soon afterwards by 
 the government. At St. Paul's in London, in the pres- 
 ence of many high dignitaries and a crowd of thirty 
 thousand spectators Luther's books were burnt and 
 his doctrine "reprobated" in addresses by John 
 Fisher, Bishop of Eochester, and Cardinal Wolsey. 
 A little later it was forbidden to read, import or keep 
 such works, and measures were taken to enforce this 
 law. Commissions searched for the said pamphlets; 
 stationers and merchants were put under bond not 
 to trade in them; and the German merchants of the 
 Steelyard were examined. When it was discovered 
 that these foreigners had stopped "the mass of the 
 body of Christ," commonly celebrated by them in All 
 Hallows' Church the Great, at London, they were 
 haled before Wolsey 's legatine court, forced to ac- 
 knowledge its jurisdiction, and dealt with. 
 
 With one accord the leading Englishmen declared 
 against Luther. Cuthbert Tunstall, a mathematician 
 and diplomatist, and later Bishop of London, wrote 
 Wolsey from Worms of the devotion of the Germans 
 to their leader, and sent to him The Babylonian Cap- 
 tivity with the comment, "there is much strange opin- 
 ion in it near to the opinions of Boheme ; I pray God 
 keep that book out of England." Wolsey himself, 
 biassed perhaps by his ambition for the tiara, labored 
 to suppress the heresy. Most important of all, Sir 
 Thomas More was promptly and decisively alienated. 
 
 / 
 
HENEY VIII 283 
 
 It was More, according to Henry VIIT, who ''by subtle, 
 sinister slights unnaturally procured and provoked 
 him" to write against the heretic. His Defence of the 
 Seven Sacraments, in reply to the Babylonian Cap- 
 tivity, though an extremely poor work, was greeted, 
 on its appearance, as a masterpiece. The handsome July, 1521 
 copy bound in gold, sent to Leo X, was read to the 
 pope and declared by him the best antidote to heresy 
 yet produced. In recognition of so valuable an arm, 
 or of so valiant a champion, the pope granted an in- 
 dulgence of ten years and ten periods of forty days 
 to the readers of the book, and to its author the long 
 coveted title Defender of the Faith. Luther answered 
 the king with ridicule and the controversy was con- 
 tinued by Henry 's henchmen More, Fisher, and others. 
 Stung to the quick, Henry, who had already urged 
 the emperor to crush the heretic, now wrote with the 
 same purpose to the elector and dukes of Saxony and 
 to other German princes. 
 
 But while the chief priests and rulers were not slow pro^^thof 
 
 11 TIT JLuther- 
 
 to reject the new ''gospel," the common people heard anism 
 it gladly. The rapid diffusion of Lutheranism is 
 proved by many a side light and by the very proclama- 
 tions issued from time to time to ' ' resist the damnable 
 heresies" or to suppress tainted books. John Hey- 
 wood's Tlie Four P's: a merry Interlude of a Palmer, 
 a Pardoner, a Potycary and a Pedlar, written about 
 1528 though not published until some years later, is 
 full of Lutheran doctrine, and so is another book very 
 popular at the time, Simon Fish's Supplication of 
 Beggars. John Skelton's Colyn Clout, a scathing in- c. 1522 
 dictment of the clergy, mentions that 
 
 Some have smacke 
 Of Luther's sacke, 
 And a brennyng sparke 
 Of Luther's warke. 
 
284 ENGLAND 
 
 William But the acceptance of the Reformation, as apart 
 
 Bible^^^ from mere grumbling at the church, could not come 
 until a Protestant literature was built up. In Eng- 
 land as elsewhere the most powerful Protestant tract 
 was the vernacular Bible. Owing to the disfavor in 
 which Wyclif's doctrines were held, no English ver- 
 sions had been printed until the Protestant divine Wil- 
 liam Tyndale highly resolved to make the holy book 
 more familiar to the ploughboy than to the bishop. 
 
 Educated at both Oxford and Cambridge, Tyndale 
 imbibed the doctrines first of Erasmus, then of Luther, 
 and finally of Zwingli. Applying for help in his pro- 
 ject to the bishop of London and finding none, he sailed 
 
 1524 f^^ Germany where he completed a translation of the 
 
 New Testament, and started printing it at Cologne. 
 Driven hence by the intervention of Cochlaeus and the 
 magistrates, he went to Worms and got another printer 
 
 1526 to finish the job. Of the six thousand copies in the 
 
 first edition many were smuggled to England, where 
 Cuthbert Tunstall, Bishop of London, tried to buy 
 them all up, "thinking," as the chronicler Hall phrased 
 it, ''that he had God by the toe when he indeed had 
 the devil by the fist." The money went to Tyndale 
 and was used to issue further editions, of which no 
 less than seven appeared in the next ten years. 
 The government's attitude was that 
 
 Having respect to the malignity of this present time, 
 with the inclination of the people to erroneous opinions, 
 the translation of the New Testament should rather be the 
 occasion of continuance or increase of errors among the 
 said people than anj'- benefit or commodity towards the 
 weal of their souls. 
 
 But the magistrates were unable to quench the fiery 
 zeal of Tyndale who continued to translate parts of the 
 Old Testament and to print them and other tracts at 
 Antwerp and at Cologne, until his martyrdom at Vil- 
 
HENRY VIII 285 
 
 vorde, near Brussels, on October 6, 1536. In 1913 a 
 monument was erected on the place of his death. 
 
 Under the leadership of Tyndale on the one side 
 and of More on the other the air became dark with a 
 host of controversial tracts. They are half filled with Contro- 
 theolog'ical metaphysic, half with the bitterest invec- J^^^^^Jg 
 tive. Luther called Henry VIII ''a damnable and rot- __ 
 ten worm, a snivelling, drivelling swine of a sophist ' ' ; 
 More retorted by complaining of the violent language 
 of ''this apostate, this open incestuous lecher, this plain 
 limb of the devil and manifest messenger of hell." 
 Absurd but natural tactic, with a sure effect on the 
 people, which relishes both morals and scandal! To 
 prove that faith justifies, the Protestants pointed to 
 the debauchery of the friars ; to prove the mass a sacri- 
 fice their enemies mocked at ''Friar Martin and Gate 
 Callate his nun lusking together in lechery." But 
 with all the invective there was much solid argument 
 of the kind that appealed to an age of theological poli- 
 tics. In England as elsewhere the significance of the 
 Reformation was that it was the first issue of supremo 
 importance to be argued by means of the press before 
 the bar of a public opinion sufficiently enlightened to 
 appreciate its importance and sufficiently strong to 
 make a choice and to enforce its decision. 
 
 The party of the Reformation in England at first 
 consisted of two classes, London tradesmen and cer- • 
 tain members of what Bismarck long afterward called 
 "the learned proletariat." In 1532 the bishops were 
 able to say: 
 
 In the crime of heresy, thanked be God, there hath no 
 notable person fallen in our time. Truth it is that cer- 
 tain apostate friars and monks, lewd priests, bankrupt 
 merchants, vagabonds and lewd, idle fellows of corrupt 
 nature have embraced the abominable and erroneous 
 
286 ENGLAND 
 
 opinions lately sprung in Germany and by them have 
 been some seduced in simplicity and ignorance. 
 
 Anti-cler- Biit though both antl-clerical feeling and sympathy 
 
 ical feeling -^yii]^ the ncw doctrines waxed apace, it is probable that 
 no change would have taken place for many years had 
 it not been for the king's divorce. The importance of 
 this episode, born of the most strangely mingled mo- 
 tives of conscience, policy, and lust, is not that, as some- 
 times said, it proved the English people ready to fol- 
 low their government in religious matters as sheep 
 follow their shepherd. Its importance is simply that 
 it loosed England from its ancient moorings of papal 
 supremacy, and thus established one, though only one, 
 of the cardinal principles of the Protestant revolt. 
 The Eeformation consisted not only in a religious 
 change but in an assertion of nationalism, in a class 
 revolt, and in certain cultural revolutions. It was 
 only the first that the government had any idea of 
 sanctioning, but by so doing it enabled the people later 
 to take matters into their own hands and add the so- 
 cial and cultural elements. Thus the Eeformation in 
 England ran a course quite different from that in 
 Germany. In the former the cultural revolution came 
 first, followed fast by the rising of the lower and the 
 triumph of the middle classes. Last of all came the 
 successful realization of a national state. But in Eng- 
 land nationalism came first; then under Edward the 
 economic revolution; and lastly, under the Puritans, 
 the transmutation of spiritual values. 
 Divorce of The occasion of the breach with Eome was the di- 
 Catherine vorce of Henry from Catharine of Aragon, who had 
 previously married his brother Arthur when they were 
 both fifteen, and had lived with him as his wife for 
 five months until his death. As marriage with a broth- 
 er's widow was forbidden by Canon Law, a dispensa- 
 
 of Aragon 
 
HENRY VIII 287 
 
 tion from the pope had been secured, to enable Cath- 
 arine to marry Henry. The king's scruples about the 
 legality of the act were aroused by the death of all 
 the queen's children, save the Princess Mary, in which 
 he saw the fulfilment of the curse denounced in Levi- 
 ticus XX, 21: ''If a man shall take his brother's wife 
 . . . they shall be childless," Just at this time Henry 
 fell in love with Anne Boleyn, and this further in- Anne 
 creased his dissatisfaction with his present estate. Boleyn 
 
 He therefore applied to the pope for annulment of 
 marriage, but the unhappy Clement VII, now in the 
 emperor's fist, felt unable to give it to him. He 
 writhed and twisted, dallied with the proposals that 
 Henry should take a second wife, or that his illegiti- 
 mate son the Duke of Richmond should marry his half 
 sister Mary ; in short he was ready to grant a dispen- 
 sation for anything save for the one horrible crime 
 of divorce — as the annulment was then called. His 
 difficulties in getting at the rights of the question were 
 not made easier by the readiness of both parties to 
 commit a little perjury or to forge a little bull to 
 further their cause. 
 
 Seeing no help in sight from Rome Henry began to 
 collect the opinions of universities and ** strange doc- 
 tors." The English, French, and Italian universities 
 decided as the king wished that his marriage was null ; 
 "Wittenberg and Marburg rendered contrary opinions. 
 Many theologians, including Erasmus, Luther, and 
 Melanchthon, expressed the opinion that bigamy would 
 be the best way to meet the situation. 
 
 But more was needed to make the annulment legal 
 than the verdict of universities. Repulsed by Rome 
 Henry was forced to make an alliance, though it proved 
 but a temporary one, with the Reforming and anti- 
 clerical parties in his realm. At Easter, 1529, Lu- 
 theran books began to circulate at court, books advo- 
 
ENGLAND 
 
 November 
 4, 1530 
 
 Reforma- 
 tion Par- 
 liament, 
 November 
 3, 1529 
 
 eating the confiscation of ecclesiastical property and 
 the reduction of the church to a state of primitive 
 simplicity. To Chapuis, the imperial ambassador, 
 Henry pointedly praised Luther, whom he had lately 
 called ' ' a wolf of hell and a limb of Satan, ' ' remarking 
 that though he had mixed heresy in his books that was 
 not sufficient reason for reproving and rejecting the 
 many truths he had brought to light. To punish Wol- 
 sey for the failure to secure what was wanted from 
 Eome, the pampered minister was arrested for trea- 
 son, but died of chagrin before he could be executed. 
 ''Had I served my God," said he, ''as diligently as I 
 have served my king, he would not have given me over 
 in my grey hairs." 
 
 In the meantime there had already met that Parlia- 
 ment that was to pass, in the seven years of its exist- 
 ence, the most momentous and revolutionary laws as 
 yet placed upon the statute-books. The elections were 
 free, or nearly so ; the franchise varied from a fairly 
 democratic one in London to a highly oligarchical one 
 in some boroughs. Notwithstanding the popular feel- 
 ing that Catharine was an injured woman and that war 
 with the Empire might ruin the valuable trade with 
 Flanders, the "government," as would now be said, 
 that is, the king, received hearty support by the ma- 
 jority of members. The only possible explanation for 
 this, apart from the king's acknowledged skill as a 
 parliamentary leader, is the strength of the anti-clerical 
 feeling. The rebellion of the laity against the clergy, 
 and of the patriots against the Italian yoke, needed 
 but the example of Germany to burst all the dykes and 
 barriers of medieval custom. The significance of the 
 revolution was that it was a forcible reform of the 
 church by the state. The wish of the people was to 
 end ecclesiastical abuses without much regard to doc- 
 trine ; the wish of the king was to make himself ' ' em- 
 
HENRY VIII 
 
 289 
 
 Submission 
 of the 
 clergy, 
 December, 
 1530 
 
 peror and pope" in his own dominions. While Henry 
 studied Wyclif's program, and the people read the 
 English Testament, the lessons they derived from these 
 sources were at first moral and political, not doctrinal 
 or philosophic. 
 
 The first step in the reduction of the church was 
 taken when the attorney-general filed in the court of 
 King's Bench an information against the whole body 
 of the clergy for violating the statutes of Provisors 
 and Praemunire by having recognized Wolsey's lega- 
 tine authority. Of course there was no justice in this ; 
 the king himself had recognized Wolsey's authority 
 and anyone who had denied it would have been pun- 
 ished. But the suit was sufficient to accomplish the 
 government's purposes, which were, first to wring 
 money from the clergy and then to force them to de- 
 clare the king *^sole protector and supreme head of 
 the church and clergy of England." Reluctantly the 
 Convocation of Canterbury accepted this demand in 
 the form that the king was, ^' their singular protector, 
 only and supreme lord and, as far as the law of Christ 
 allows, even Supreme Head." Henry further pro- 
 posed that the oaths of the clergy to the pope be abol- 
 ished and himself made supreme legislator. Convoca- 
 tion accepted this demand also in a document known as 
 ''the submission of the clergy." 
 
 If such was the action of the spiritual estate, it 
 was natural that the temporal peers and the Commons 
 in parliament should go much further. A petition of 
 the Commons, really emanating from the government 
 and probably from Thomas Cromwell, complained bit- 
 terly of the tyranny of the ordinaries in ecclesiastical 
 jurisdiction, of excessive fees and vexations and friv- 
 olous charges of heresy made against unlearned lay- 
 men. Abuses of like nature were dealt with in stat- ^Iay.i532 
 utes limiting the fees exacted by priests and regulating 
 
 May 15, 
 1532 
 
 1532 
 
290 
 
 ENGLAND 
 
 Marriage 
 with Anne 
 Boleyn 
 
 Cranmer 
 
 pluralities and non-residence. Annates were abol- 
 ished with the proviso that the king might negotiate 
 with the pope, — the intention of the government being 
 thus to bring pressure to bear on the curia. No won- 
 der the clergy were thoroughly frightened. Bishop 
 Fisher, their bravest champion, protested in the House 
 of Lords : * * For God 's sake, see what a realm the king- 
 dom of Boheme was, and when the church fell down, 
 there fell the glory of the kingdom. Now with the 
 Commons is nothing but 'Down with the church,' and 
 all this meseemeth is for lack of faith only. ' ' 
 
 It had taken Henry several years to prepare the way 
 for his chief object, the divorce. His hand was at 
 last forced by the knowledge that Anne was pregnant ; 
 he married her on January 25, 1533, without waiting 
 for final sentence of annulment of marriage with 
 Catharine. In so doing he might seem, at first glance, 
 to have followed the advice so freely tendered him to 
 discharge his conscience by committing bigamy; but 
 doubtless he regarded his first marriage as illegal all 
 the time and merely waited for the opportunity to get 
 a court that would so pronounce it. The vacancy of 
 the archbishopric of Canterbury enabled him to ap- 
 point to it Thomas Cranmer, the obsequious divine 
 who had first suggested his present plan. Cranmer 
 was a Lutheran, so far committed to the new faith 
 that he had married ; he was intelligent, learned, a won- 
 derful master of language, and capable at last of dying 
 for his belief. But that he showed himself pliable to 
 his master's wishes beyond all bounds of decency is a 
 fact made all the more glaring by the firm and honor- 
 able conduct of More and Fisher. His worst act was 
 possibly on the occasion of his nomination to the prov- 
 ince of Canterbury; wishing to be confirmed by the 
 pope he concealed his real views and took an oath of 
 obedience to the Holy See, having previously signed 
 
HENRY VIII 
 
 291 
 
 a protest that he considered the oath a mere form and 
 not a reality. 
 
 The first use he made of his position was to pro- 
 nounce sentence that Henry and Catharine had never 
 been legally married, though at the same time assert- 
 ing that this did not affect the legitimacy of Mary 
 because her parents had believed themselves married. 
 Immediately afterwards it was declared that Anne 
 was a lawful wife, and she was crowned queen, amid 
 the smothered execrations of the populace, on June 1. 
 On September 7, the Princess Elizabeth was born. 
 Catharine's cause was taken up at Rome; Clement's 
 brief forbidding the king to remarry was followed by 
 final sentence in Catharine's favor. Her last ^^ears 
 were rendered miserable by humiliation and acts of 
 petty spite. When she died her late husband, with 
 characteristic indecency, celebrated the joyous event by 
 giving a ball at which he and Anne appeared dressed 
 in yellow. 
 
 The feeling of the people showed itself in this case 
 finer and more chivalrous than that prevalent at court. 
 The treatment of Catharine was so unpopular that 
 Chapuis wrote that the king was much hated by his 
 subjects. Resolved to make an example of the mur- 
 murers, the government selected Elizabeth Barton, the 
 ''Holy Maid of Kent." After her hysterical visions 
 and a lucky prophecy had won her an audience, she 
 fell under the influence of monks and prophesied that 
 the king would not survive his marriage with Anne 
 one month, and proclaimed that he was no longer king 
 in the eyes of God. She and her accomplices were 
 arrested, attainted without trial, and executed. She 
 may pass as an English Catholic martyr. 
 
 Continuing its course of making the king absolute 
 master the Parliament passed an Act in Restraint of 
 Appeals, the first constitutional break with Rome. 
 
 1533 
 
 January, 
 1536 
 
 March, 
 1534 
 
 January, 
 1536 
 
 April 1, 
 1534 
 
 Act in Re- 
 straint of 
 Appeals, 
 February, 
 1533 
 
1534 
 
 292 ENGLAND 
 
 The theory of the government was set forth in the pre- 
 amble : 
 
 Wliereas by divers sundry old authentic histories and 
 chronicles, it is manifestly declared and expressed, that 
 this realm of England is an Empire, and so hath been 
 accepted in the world, governed by one supreme head and 
 king , . . unto whom a body politic compact of all sorts 
 and degrees of people, divided in terms, and by names of 
 spirituality and temporalty, be bounden and ought to 
 bear, next to God, a natural and humble obedience. . . , 
 
 therefore all jurisdiction of foreign powers was denied. 
 January 15, When, after a recess, Parliament met again there 
 were forty vacancies to be filled in the Lower House, 
 and this time care was taken that the new members 
 should be well affected. Scarcely a third of the spir- 
 itual lords assembled, though whether their absence 
 was commanded, or their presence not required, by the 
 king, is uncertain. As, in earlier Parliaments, the 
 spiritual peers had outnumbered the temporal, this was 
 a matter of importance. Another sign of the seculari- 
 zation of the government was the change in the char- 
 acter of the chancellors. Wolsey was the last great 
 ecclesiastical minister of the reign ; More and Cromwell 
 who followed him were lajTnon. 
 
 The severance with Eome was now completed by 
 three laws. In the first place the definite abolition of 
 ' the annates meant that henceforth the election of arch- 
 bishops and bishops must be under licence by the king 
 and that they must swear allegiance to him before con- 
 secration. A second act forbade the payment of Pe- 
 ter's pence and all other fees to Rome, and vested in 
 the Archbishop of Canterbury the right to grant li- 
 cences previously granted by the pope. A third act, 
 for the subjection of the clergy, put convocation under 
 the royal power and forbade all privileges inconsistent 
 with this. The new pope, Paul III, struck back, though 
 
HENRY VIII 
 
 293 
 
 with hesitation, excommunicating the king, declaring 153&^ 
 all his children by Anne Boleyn illegitimate, and ab- 
 solving his subjects from their oath of allegiance. 
 
 Two acts entrenched the king in his despotic pre- 1534 
 tensions. The Act of Succession, notable as the first succession 
 assertion by crown and Parliament of the right to 
 legislate in this constitutional matter, vested the in- 
 heritance of the crown in the issue of Henry and Anne, 
 and made it high treason to question the marriage. 
 The Act of Supremacy declared that the king's maj- 
 esty "justly and rightfully is and ought to be supreme Act of 
 head of the church of England," pointedly omitting "P''^'"^<^y 
 the qualification insisted on by Convocation, — '*as far 
 as the law of Christ allows." Exactly how far this 
 supremacy went w^as at first puzzling. That it ex- 
 tended not only to the governance of the temporalities 
 of the church, but to issuing injunctions on spiritual 
 matters and defining articles of belief was soon made 
 apparent ; on the other hand the monarch never claimed . 
 in person the power to celebrate mass. 
 
 That the abrogation of the papal authority was 
 accepted so easily is proof of the extent to which the 
 national feeling of the English church had already 
 gone. An oath to recognize the supremacy of the king 
 was tendered to both convocations, to the universities, 
 to the clergy and to prominent laymen, and was with 
 few exceptions readily taken. Doubtless many swal- 
 lowed the oath from mere cowardice; others took it 
 with mental reservations; and yet that the majority 
 comjDlied shows that the substitution of a royal for 
 a papal despotism was acceptable to the conscience of 
 the countrj^ at large. Many believed that they were 
 not departing from the Catholic faith; but that others 
 welcomed the act as a step towards the Reformation 
 cannot be doubted. How strong was the hold of Lu- 
 ther on the country Avill presently be shown, but here 
 
^94 ENGLAND 
 
 only one instance of the exuberance of the will for 
 a purely national religion need be quoted. ' * God hath 
 showed himself the God of England, or rather an Eng- 
 
 1537 lish God," wrote Hugh Latimer, a leading Lutheran; 
 
 not only the church but the Deity had become insular ! 
 
 Fisher But there were a few, and among them the greatest, 
 
 , who refused to become accomplices in the break with 
 Eoman Christendom. John Fisher, Bishop of Roches- 
 ter, a friend of Erasmus and a man of admirable stead- 
 fastness, had long been horrified by the tyranny of 
 Henry. He had stoutly upheld the rightfulness of 
 Catharine's marriage, and now he refused to see in 
 the monarch the fit ruler of the church. So strongly 
 did he feel on these subjects that he invited Charles 
 to invade England and depose the king. This was trea- 
 son, though probably the government that sent him to 
 the tower was ignorant of the act. When Paul III 
 
 May 20, rewarded Fisher by creating him a cardinal Henry 
 furiously declared he would send his head to Eome to 
 
 June 22, g^^. ^|-^g Y\at. The old man of seventy-six was accord- 
 ingly beheaded. 
 
 Sir Thomas Tliis exccutiou was followcd by that of Sir Thomas 
 
 ^^^^^ , More, the greatest ornament of his countrv. As More 
 
 executed, 70 ^ .- ^ 
 
 July 6 has been remembered almost entirely by his noble 
 
 Utopia and his noble death, it is hard to estimate his 
 character soberly. That his genius was polished to the 
 highest perfection, that in a hard age he had an alto- 
 gether lovely sympathy with the poor, and in a servile 
 age the courage of his convictions, would seem enough 
 to excuse any faults. But a deep vein of fanaticism 
 ran through his whole nature and tinctured all his acts, 
 political, ecclesiastical, and private. Not only was his 
 language violent in the extreme, but his acts were 
 equally merciless when his passions were aroused. 
 Appointed chancellor after the fall of Wolsey, he did 
 not scruple to hit the man who was down, describing 
 
HENRY VIII 
 
 295 
 
 him, in a scathing speech in Parliament, as the scabby 
 wether separated by the careful shepherd from the 
 sound sheep. In his hatred of the new opinions he 
 not only sent men to death and torture for holding 
 them, but reviled them while doing it. "Heretics as 
 they be," he wrote, "the clergy doth denounce them. 
 And as they be well worthy, the temporality doth burn 
 them. And after the fire of Smithfield, hell doth re- 
 ceive them, where the wretches burn for ever.'^ 
 
 As chancellor he saw with growing disapproval the 
 course of the tyrant. He opposed the marriage with 
 Anne BolejTi. The day after the submission of the 
 clergy he resigned the great seal. He could not long 
 avoid further offence to his master, and his refusal 
 to take the oath of supremacy was the crime for which 
 he was condemned. His behaviour during his last days 
 and on the scaffold was perfect. He spent his time 
 in severe self-discipline; he uttered eloquent words of 
 forgiveness of his enemies, messages of love to the 
 daughter whom he tenderly loved, and brave jests. 
 
 But while More's passion was one that any man 
 might envy, his courage was shared by humbler mar- 
 tyrs. In the same year in which he was beheaded 
 thirteen Dutch Anabaptists were burnt, as he would 
 have approved, by the English government. Mute, in- 
 glorious Christs, they were led like sheep to the slaugh- 
 ter and as lambs dumb before their shearers. They 
 had no eloquence, no high position, to make their words 
 ring from side to side of Europe and echo down the 
 centuries ; but their meek endurance should not go un- 
 remembered. 
 
 To take More's place as chief minister Henry ap- 
 pointed the most obsequious tool he could find, Thomas 
 Cromwell. To good purpose this man had studied 
 Machiavelli's Prince as a practical manual of tyranny. 
 His most important service to the crown was the 
 
 Anabaptist 
 
 martyrs, 
 
 1536 
 
 Thomas 
 
 Cromwell, 
 
 14857-1540 
 
monasteries 
 
 296 ENGLAND 
 
 Dissolution ^ext step ill the reduction of the medieval church, the 
 dissolution of the monasteries. Like other acts tend- 
 ing towards the Eeformation this was, on the whole, 
 popular, and had been rehearsed on a small scale on 
 several previous occasions in English history. The 
 pope and the king of France taught Edward II to dis- 
 solve the preceptories, to the number of twenty-three, 
 belonging to the Templars; in 1410 the Commons pe- 
 titioned for the confiscation of all church property; in 
 1414 the alien priories in England fell under the ani- 
 madversion of the government; their property was 
 handed over to the crown and they escaped only by the 
 payment of heavy fines, by incorporation into Eng- 
 lish orders, and by partial confiscation of their land. 
 The idea prevailed that mortmain had failed of its 
 object and that therefore the church might rightfully 
 be relieved of her ill-gotten gains. These were grossly 
 exaggerated, a pamphleteer believing that the wealth 
 of the church amounted to half the property of the 
 realm. In reality the total revenue of the spirituality 
 amounted to only £320,000; that of the monasteries 
 to only £140,000. There had been few endowments in 
 the fifteenth century; only eight new ones, in fact, in 
 the whole period 1399-1509. Colleges, schools, and 
 hospitals now attracted the money that had previously 
 gone to the monks. 
 
 Moreover, the monastic life had fallen on evil days. 
 The abbeys no longer were centers of learning and 
 of the manufacture of books. The functions of hos- 
 pitality and of charity that they still exercised were 
 not sufficient to redeem them in the eyes of the people 
 for the ''gross, carnal, and vicious living" with which 
 they were commonly and quite rightly charged. Visi- 
 tations undertaken not by hostile governments but b}'' 
 bishops in the fifteenth century prove that much im- 
 morality obtained within the cloister walls. By 1528 
 
HENRY VIII 297 
 
 they had become so intolerable that a popular pam- 
 phleteer, Simon Fish, in his Supplication of Beggars, 
 proposed that the mendicant friars be entirely sup- 
 pressed. 
 
 A commission was now issued to Thomas Crom- January 21, 
 
 1535 
 
 well, empowering him to hold a general visitation of 
 all churches, monasteries, and collegiate bodies. The 
 evidence gathered of the shocking disorders obtaining 
 in the cloisters of both sexes is on the whole credible 
 and well substantiated. Nevertheless these disorders 
 furnished rather the pretext than the real reason for 
 the dissolutions that followed. Cromwell boasted that 
 he would make his king the richest in Christendom, 
 and this was the shortest and most popular way to do 
 it. 
 
 Accordingly an act was passed for the dissolution 1536 
 of all small religious houses with an income of less 
 than £200 a year. The rights of the founders were 
 safe-guarded, and pensions guaranteed to those in- 
 mates who did not find shelter in one of the larger 
 establishments. By this act 376 houses were dis- 
 solved with an aggregate revenue of £32,000, not count- 
 ing plate and jewels confiscated. Two thousand monks 
 or nuns were affected in addition to about eight thou- 
 sand retainers or servants. The immediate effect was 
 a large amount of misery, but the result in the long 
 run was good. Perhaps the principal political im- 
 portance of this and the subsequent spoliations of the 
 church was to make the Reformation profitable and 
 therefore popular with an enterprising class. For the 
 lion's share of the prey did not go to the lion, but to 
 the jackals. From the king's favorites to whom he 
 threw the spoils was founded a new aristocracy, a class 
 with a strong vested interest in opposing the restora- 
 tion of the papal church. To the Protestant citizens of 
 London was noAV added a Protestant landed gentry. 
 
298 
 
 ENGLAND 
 
 Union with 
 Wales, 1536 
 
 April 14, 
 1536 
 
 Execution 
 of Anne 
 Boleyn 
 
 May 19, 
 1536 
 
 Before the ** Reformation Parliament" had ceased 
 to exist, one more act of great importance was passed. 
 Wales was a wild country, imperfectly governed by ir- 
 regular means. By the first Act of Union in British 
 history, Wales was now incorporated with England 
 and the anomalies, or distinctions, in its legal and ad- 
 ministrative system, wiped out. By severe measures, 
 in the course of which 5000 men were sent to the gal- 
 lows, the western mountaineers were reduced to order 
 during the years 1534-40; and in 1543 their union with 
 England was completed. The measure was statesman- 
 like and successful; it was undoubtedly aided by the 
 loyalty of the Welsh to their own Tudor dynasty. 
 
 When Parliament dissolved after having accom- 
 plished, during its seven years, the greatest per- 
 manent revolution in the history of England, it had 
 snapped the bands with Eome and determined articles 
 of religious belief; it had given the king more power 
 in the church than the pope ever had, and had exalted 
 his prerogative in the state to a pitch never reached 
 before or afterwards; it had dissolved the smaller 
 monasteries, abridged the liberties of the subject, set- 
 tled the succession to the throne, created new treasons 
 and heresies; it had handled grave social problems, 
 like enclosures and mendicancy ; and had united Wales 
 to England. 
 
 And now the woman for whose sake, one is tempted 
 to say, the king had done it all — though of course his 
 share in the revolution does not represent the real 
 forces that accomplished it — the woman he had won 
 with ''such a world of charge and hell of pain," was 
 to be cast into the outer darkness of the most hideous 
 tragedy in history. Anne Boleyn was not a good 
 woman. And yet, when she was accused of adultery 
 with four men and of incest with her own brother, 
 
HENEY VIII 
 
 299 
 
 Seymour 
 
 though she was tried by a large panel of peers, con- 
 demned, and beheaded, it is impossible to be sure of her 
 guilt. 
 
 On the day following Anne's execution or, as some Jane 
 say, on May 30, Henry married his third wife, Jane 
 Seymour. On October 12, 1537, she bore him a son, 
 Edward. Forced by her husband to take part in the 
 christening, an exhausting ceremony too much for her 
 strength, she sickened and died soon afterwards. 
 
 In the meantime the Lutheran movement was grow- 
 ing apace in England. In the last two decades of 
 Henry's reign seven of Luther's tracts and some of 
 his hymns were translated into English. Five of the 
 tracts proved popular enough to be reprinted. One 
 of them was The Liberty of a Christian Man, turned 
 into English by John Tewkesbury whom, having died 
 for his faith. More called ''a stinking martyr." The 
 hymns and some of the other tracts were Englished 
 by Miles Coverdale. In addition to this there was 
 translated an account of Luther's death in 1546, the 
 Augsburg Confession and four treatises of Melanch- 
 tlion, and one each of Zwingli, Oecolampadius and 
 Bullinger, — this last reprinted. Of course these ver- 
 sions are not a full measure of Lutheran influence, but 
 a mere barometer. The party now numbered powerful 
 preachers like Latimer and Eidley; Thomas Cranmer 
 the Archbishop of Canterbury and Thomas Cromwell, 
 since May, 1534, the king's principal secretary. The 
 adherence of the last named to the Reforming party 
 is i^erhaps the most significant sign of the times. As 
 his only object was to be on the winning side, and as 
 he had not a bit of real religious interest, it makes it all 
 the more impressive that, believing the cat was about 
 to jump in the direction of Lutheranism, he should 
 have tried to put himself in the line of its trajectory 
 
 Lutheran 
 tracts 
 
300 ENGLAND 
 
 by doing all he could to foster the Reformers at home 
 and the Protestant alliance abroad. 
 
 Coverdale, One of the decisive factors in the Reformation again 
 
 1483?-1569 ppoved to be the English Bible, completed, after the 
 
 end of Tyndale's labors by a man of less scholarship 
 
 but equally happy mastery of lang-uage, Miles Cover- 
 
 ' ' dale. Of little original genius, he spent his life largely 
 
 in the labor of translating tracts and treatises by the 
 
 TheEng- German Reformers into his native tongue. His first 
 
 F35^*^^^' great work was the completion of the English Bible 
 which was published by Christopher Froschauer of 
 Zurich in 1535, the title-page stating that it had been 
 translated ''out of Douche and Latyn" — the ''Douche" 
 being, of course, Luther's German version. For the 
 New Testament and for the Old Testament as far as 
 the end of Chronicles, Tyndale's version was used; the 
 rest v/as by Coverdale. The work was dedicated to the 
 king, and, as Cromwell had already been considering 
 the advisability of authorizing the English Bible, this 
 was not an unwelcome thing. But as the government 
 was as yet unprepared to recognize w^ork avowedly 
 
 1537 based on German Protestant versions, they resorted to 
 
 the device of re-issuing the Bible with the name of 
 Thomas Matthew as translator, though in fact it con- 
 
 1538-9 sisted entirely of the work of Tyndale and Coverdale. 
 
 October 11, A light rcvisiou of this work was re-issued as the Great 
 Bible, and Injunctions were issued by Cromwell or- 
 dering a Bible of the largest size to be set up in every 
 church, and the people to be encouraged to read it. 
 They were also to be taught the Lord's prayer and 
 creed in English, spiritual sermons were to be 
 preached, and superstitions, such as going on pilgrim- 
 ages, burning candles to saints, and kissing and licking 
 relics, were to be discouraged. 
 
 At the same time Cromwell diligently sought a rap- 
 prochement with the German Protestants. The idea 
 
 1538 
 
HENRY VIII 
 
 301 
 
 1536 
 
 April 
 
 was an obvious one that, having won the enmity of 
 Charles, England should support his dangerous intes- 
 tine enemies, the Schmalkaldic princes. In that day 
 of theological politics it was natural to try to find 
 cement for the alliance in a common confession. Em- 
 bassy after embassy made pilgrimages to Wittenberg, 
 where the envoys had long discussions with the Re- January, 
 formers both about the divorce and about matters of 
 faith. They took back with them to England, together 
 with a personal letter from Luther to Cromwell, a 
 second opinion unfavorable to the divorce and a con- 
 fession drawn up in Seventeen Articles. In this, 
 though in the main it was, as it was called, '*a repeti- 
 tion and exegesis of the Augsburg Confession," con- 
 siderable concessions were made to the wishes of the 
 English. Mclanchthon was the draughtsman and Lu- 
 ther the originator of the articles. 
 
 This symbol now became the basis of the first defini- 
 tion of faith drawn up by the government. Some such 
 statement was urgently needed, for, amid the bewilder- 
 ing acts of the Reformation Parliament, the people 
 hardly knew what the king expected them to believe. 
 The king therefore presented to Convocation a Book 
 of Articles of Faith and Ceremonies, commonly called ^"^^^^ , 
 the Ten Articles, drafted by Fox on the basis of the of Articles 
 memorandum he had received at Wittenberg, in close 
 substantial and frequently in verbal agreement with it. 
 By this confession the Bible, the three creeds, and the 
 acts of the first four councils were designated as au- 
 thoritative ; the three Lutheran sacraments of baptism, 
 penance, and the altar were retained; justification by 
 faith and good works jointly w^as proclaimed ; the use 
 of images was allowed and purgatory disallowed ; the 
 real presence in the sacrament was strongly affirmed. 
 The significance of the articles, however, is not so much 
 in their Lutheran provenance, as in their promulgation 
 
302 ENGLAND 
 
 by the crown. It was the last step in the enslavement 
 of religion. ^ ' This king, ' ' as Luther remarked, ' ' wants 
 to be God. He founds articles of faith, which even the 
 pope never did." 
 ThePii- j^ Qjjiy remained to see what the people would say 
 
 Grace" to the now order. Within a few months after the dis- 
 solution of the Reformation Parliament and the pub- 
 lication of the Ten Articles, the people in the north 
 spread upon the page of history an extremely emphatic 
 protest. For this is really what the Pilgrimage of 
 Grace was — not a rebellion against king, property, or 
 any established institution, but a great demonstration 
 against the policy for which Cromwell became the 
 scapegoat. In those days of slow communication opin- 
 ions travelled on the beaten roads of commerce. As 
 late as Mary's reign there is proof that Protestantism 
 was confined to the south, east, and midlands, — roughly 
 speaking to a circle with London as its center and a 
 radius of one hundred miles. In these earlier years, 
 Protestant opinion was probably even more confined; 
 London was both royalist and anti-Roman Catholic; 
 the ports on the south-eastern coast, including Calais, 
 at that time an English station in France, and the uni- 
 versity towns had strong Lutheran and still stronger 
 anti-clerical parties. 
 
 But in the wilds of the north and west it was differ- 
 ent. There, hardly any bourgeois class of traders 
 existed to adopt *'the religion of merchants" as Prot- 
 estantism has been called. Perhaps more important 
 was the mere slowness of the diffusion of ideas. The 
 good old ways were good enough for men who never 
 knew anything else. The people were discontented 
 with the high taxes, and the nobles, who in the north 
 retained feudal affections if not feudal power, were 
 outraged by the ascendency in the royal councils of 
 low-born upstarts. Moreover, it seems that the clergy 
 
HENRY VIII 303 
 
 were stronger in the north even before the inroads 
 of the new doctrines. In the suppression of the lesser 
 monasteries Yorkshire, the largest county in England, 
 had lost the most foundations, 53 in all, and Lincoln- 
 shire the next most, 37. Irritation at the suppression 
 itself was greatly increased among the clergy by the 
 insolence and thoroughness of the visitation, in which 
 not only monasteries but parish priests had been ex- 
 amined. In resisting the king in the name of the 
 church the priests had before them the example of the 
 most popular English saint, Thomas Becket. They 
 were the real fomenters of the demonstration, and the -^ 
 gentlemen, not the people, its leaders. 
 
 Eioting began in Lincolnshire on October 1, 1536, and 
 before the end of the month 40,000 men had joined the 
 movement. A petition to the king was drawn up de- 
 manding that the church holidays be kept as before, 
 that the church be relieved of the payment of first- 
 fruits and tithes, that the suppressed houses be re- 
 stored except those which the king ''kept for his pleas- 
 ure only," that taxes be reduced and some unpopular 
 ofiBcials banished. 
 
 Henry thundered an answer in his most high and 
 mighty style: ''How presumptuous then are ye, the 
 rude commons of one shire, and that one of the most 
 brute and beastly of the whole realm, and of least ex- 
 perience to find fault with your prince in the electing 
 of his councillors and prelates!" He at once dis- 
 patched an army with orders "to invade their coun- 
 tries, to burn, spoil and destroy their goods, wives and ^^arch, 
 children." Eepression of the rising in Lincolnshire 
 was followed by the execution of forty-six leaders. 
 
 But the movement had promptly spread to York- 
 shire, where men gathered as for a peaceable demon- 
 stration, and swore not to enter "this pilgrimage of October, 
 grace for the commonwealth, save only for the main- 
 
304 ENGLAND 
 
 tenance of God's faith and church militant, preserva- 
 tion of the king's person, and purifying the nobility of 
 all villein's blood and evil counsellors, to the restitu- 
 tion of Christ's church and the suppression of here- 
 tics' opinions." In Yorkshire it was feared that the 
 money extorted from the abbeys was going to Lon- 
 don; and that the new treason's acts would operate 
 harshly. Cumberland and Westmoreland soon joined 
 the rising, their special grievance being the economic 
 one of the rise of rents, or rather of the heavy fines 
 exacted by landlords on the renewal of leases. An 
 army of 35,000 was raised by the insurgents but their 
 leader, Eobert Aske, did not wish to fight, though he 
 was opposed by only 8,000 royal troops. He preferred 
 a parley and demanded, in addition to a free pardon, 
 the acceptance of the northern demands, the summons 
 of a free Parliament, the restoration of the papal su- 
 premacy as touching the cure of souls, and the suppres- 
 sion of the books of Tyndale, Huss, Luther, and Me- 
 lanchthon. The king invited Aske to a personal inter- 
 view, and promised to accede to the demand for a 
 Parliament if the petitioners would disperse. An act 
 of violence on a part of a few of the northerners was 
 held to absolve the government, and Henry, having 
 gathered his forces, demanded, and secured, a * ' dread- 
 ful execution" of vengeance. 
 
 Though the Pilgrimage of Grace had some effect in 
 warning Henry not to dabble in foreign heresies, the 
 policy he had most at heart, that of making himself 
 absolute in state and church, went on apace. The cul- 
 mination of the growth of the royal power is commonly 
 Statute of seen in the Statute of Proclamations apparently giv- 
 tions^i539 "^S the king's proclamations the same validity as law 
 save when they touched the lives, liberty, or property 
 of subjects or were repugnant to existing statutes. 
 Probably, however, the intent of Parliament was not 
 
1539 
 
 HENRY VIII 305 
 
 to confer new powers on the crown but to regulate the 
 enforcement of already existing prerogatives. As a 
 matter of fact no proclamations were issued during 
 the last years of Henry's reign that might not have 
 been issued before. 
 
 But the reform of the church by the government, in 
 morals and usages, not in doctrine, proceeded un- 
 checked. The larger monasteries had been falling into 
 the king's hands by voluntary surrender ever since 
 1536; a new visitation and a new Act for the dissolu- 
 tion of the greater monasteries completed the process. 
 
 An iconoclastic war was now begun not, as in other W-'^ro" 
 
 , relics 
 
 countries, by the mob, but by the government. Relics 
 like the Blood of Hailes were destroyed, and the Rood 
 of Boxley, a crucifix mechanically contrived so that the 
 priests made it nod and smile or shake its head and 
 frown according to the liberality of its worshipper, 
 was taken down and the mechanism exposed in various 
 places. At Walsingham in Norfolk was a nodding 
 image of the Virgin, a bottle of her milk, still liquid, 
 and a knuckle of St. Peter. The shrine, ranking 
 though it did with Loretto and Compostella in popular 
 veneration, was now destroyed. "With much zest the 
 government next attacked the shrine of St. Thomas 
 Becket at Canterbury, thus revenging the humiliation 
 of another Henry at the hands of the church. The 
 martyr was now declared to be a rebel who had fled 
 from the realm. 
 
 The definition of doctrine, coupled with negotiations 
 with the Schmalkaldic princes, continued briskly. The 
 project for an alliance came to nothing, for John Fred- 
 eric of Saxony wrote that God would not allow them 
 to have connnunication with Heniy. Two embassies 
 to England engaged in assiduous, but fruitless, theo- 
 logical discussion. Henry himself, with the aid of 
 Cuthbert Tunstall, drew up a long statement "against 
 
 1536 
 
306 
 
 ENGLAND 
 
 Definitions 
 of Faith 
 
 1537 
 1539 
 
 July 10, 
 1539 
 
 January 6, 
 1540 
 
 the opinions of the Germans on the sacrament in both 
 kinds, private masses, and sacerdotal marriage." The 
 reactionary tendency of the English is seen in the In- 
 stitution of the Christian Man, published with royal 
 authority, and still more in the Act of the Six Articles. 
 In the former the four sacraments previously dis- 
 carded are again "found." In the latter, transubstan- 
 tiation is affirmed, the doctrine of communion in both 
 kinds branded as heresy, the marriage of priests de- 
 clared void, vows of chastity are made perpetually 
 binding, private masses and auricular confessions are 
 sanctioned. Denial of transubstantiation was made 
 punishable by the stake and forfeiture of goods ; those 
 who spoke against the other articles were declared 
 guilty of felony on the second offence. This act, offi- 
 cially entitled "for abolishing diversity in opinions" 
 was really the first act of uniformity. It was carried 
 by the influence of the king and the laity against the 
 parties represented by Cromwell and Cranmer. It 
 ended the plans for a Schmalkaldic alliance. Luther 
 thanked God that they were rid of that blasphemer 
 who had tried to enter their league but failed. 
 
 By a desperate gamble Cromwell now tried to save 
 what was left of his pro-German policy. Duke William 
 of Cleves-Jiilich-Berg had adopted an Erasmian com- 
 promise between Lutheranism and Komanism, in some 
 respects resembling the course pursued by Henry. In 
 this direction Cromwell accordingly next turned and 
 induced his master to contract a marriage with Anne, 
 the duke's sister. As Henry had offered to the Euro- 
 pean audience three tragedies in his three former 
 marriages, he now, in true Greek style, presented in 
 his fourth a farce or "satyric drama." The monarch 
 did not like his new wife in the least, and found means 
 of ridding himself of her more speedily than was usual 
 even with him. Having shared her bed for six months 
 
HENRY VIII 307 
 
 he divorced her on the ground that the marriage had j^j 28 
 not been consummated. The ex-queen continued to 1540 
 live as ''the king's good sister" with a pension and 
 establishment of her own, but Cromwell vicariously --" 
 expiated her failure to please. He was attainted, with- 
 out trial, for treason, and speedily executed. 
 
 On the same day Henry married Catharine Howard, Bluebeard's 
 a beautiful girl selected by the Catholics to play the ^^^^'^* 
 same part for them that Anne Boleyn had played for 
 the Lutherans, and who did so more exactly than her 
 backers intended. Like her predecessor she was be- 
 headed for adultery on February 13, 1542. On July 
 12, 1543, Bluebeard concluded his matrimonial adven- 
 tures by taking Catharine Parr, a lady who, like Sieyes 
 after the Terror, must have congratulated herself on 
 her rare ability in surviving. / 
 
 As a Catholic reaction marked the last eight years Catholic 
 of Henry's reign, it may perhaps be well to say a few ^^^^ '"" 
 words about the state of opinion in England at that 
 time. The belief that the whole people took their re- 
 ligion with sheepish meekness from their king is too 
 simple and too dishonorable to the national character 
 to be believed. That they appeared to do this is really 
 a proof that parties were nearly divided. Just as in 
 modern times great issues are often decided in gen- 
 eral elections by narrow majorities, so in the sixteenth 
 century public opinion veered now this way, now that, 
 in part guided by the government, in part affecting it 
 even when the channels by which it did so are not 
 obvious. We must not imagine that the people took 
 no interest in the course of affairs. On the contrary 
 the burning issues of the day were discussed in public 
 house and marketplace with the same vivacity with 
 which politics are now debated in the New England 
 country store. "The Word of God was disputed, 
 rhymed, sung and jangled in every alehouse and tav- 
 
308 ENGLAND 
 
 em/' says a contemporary state paper. In private, 
 graver men argued with the high spirit reflected in 
 More's dialogues. 
 
 Four parties may be plainly discerned. First and 
 most numerous were the strict Anglicans, orthodox and 
 royalist, comprising the greater part of the crown- 
 loving, priest-hating and yet, in intellectual matters, 
 conservative common people. Secondly, there were 
 the pope's followers, still strong in numbers especially 
 among the clergy and in the north. Their leaders 
 were among the most high-minded of the nation, but 
 were also the first to be smitten by the king's wrath 
 which, as his satellites were always repeating in Latin 
 proverb, meant death. Such men were More and 
 Fisher and the London Carthusians executed in 1535 
 for refusing the oath of supremacy. Third, there 
 were the Lutherans, an active and intelligent minority 
 of city merchants and artisans, led by men of con- 
 spicuous talents and generally of high character, like 
 Coverdale, Eidley, and Latimer. With these leaders 
 were a few opportunists like Cranmer and a few Ma- 
 chiavellians like Cromwell. Lastly there was a very 
 small contingent of extremists, Zwinglians and Ana- 
 baptists, all classed together as blasphemers and as 
 social agitators. Their chief notes were the variety 
 of their opinions and the unanimity of their persecu- 
 tion by all other parties. Some of them were men of 
 intelligible social and religious tenets; others fur- 
 nished the * lunatic fringe" of the reform movement. 
 The proclamation banishing them from England on 
 1538 pain of death merely continued the previous practice 
 
 of the government. 
 
 The fall of the Cromwell ministry, if it may be so 
 termed by modern analogy, was followed by a govern- 
 ment in which Henry acted as his own prime minister. 
 
measures 
 
 REFORMATION UNDER EDWARD VI 309 
 
 He had made good his boast that if his shirt knew his 
 counsel he would strip it off.^ Two of his great min- 
 isters he had cast down for being too Catholic, one 
 for being too Protestant. Having procured laws en- 
 abling him to burn Romanists as traitors and Luther- 
 ans as heretics, he established a regime of pure An- 
 glicanism, the only genuine Anglican Catholicism, how- 
 ever much it may have been imitated in after centuries, 
 that ever existed. 
 
 Measures were at once taken towards suppressing Anti- 
 the Protestants and their Bible. One of the first mar- ^11^1^°^ 
 tyrs was Robert Barnes, a personal friend of Luther. 
 Much stir was created by the burning, some years later, 
 of a gentlewoman named Anne Askewe and of three 
 men, at Smithfield. The revulsion naturally caused 
 by this cruelty prepared the people for the Protestant 
 rule of Edward. The Bible was also attacked. The 
 translation of 1539 was examined by Convocation in 
 1540 and criticized for not agreeing more closely with 
 the Latin. In 1543 all marginal notes were obliterated 
 and the lower classes forbidden to read the Bible at all. 
 
 Henry's reign ended as it began with war on France 
 and Scotland, but with little success. The government 
 was put to dire straits to raise money. A forced loan 
 of 10 per cent, on property was exacted in 1542 and 
 repudiated by law the next year. An income tax ris- 
 ing from four pence to two shillings in the pound 
 on goods and from eight pence to three shillings on 
 revenue from land, was imposed. Crown lands were 
 sold or mortgaged. The last and most disastrous ex- 
 pedient was the debasement of the coinage, the old 
 equivalent of the modern issue of irredeemable paper. 
 As a consequence of this prices rose enormously. 
 
 1 The metaphor came from Erasmus, De Lingua, 1525, Opera, iv, 682, 
 where the words are attributed to Caecilius Metellus. 
 
310 
 
 ENGLAND 
 
 Accession 
 of Edward 
 VI, Janu- 
 ary 28, 1547 
 
 Somerset 
 Regent 
 
 1547 
 
 Repeal of 
 treason and 
 heresy laws 
 
 § 2. The Keformation Under Edward VI. 1547-1553 
 
 The real test of the popularity of Henry's double 
 revolution, constitutional and religious, came when 
 England was no longer guided by his strong person- 
 ality, but was ruled by a child and governed by a weak 
 and shifting regency. It is signiiicant that, whereas 
 the prerogative of the crown was considerably relaxed, 
 though substantially handed on to Edward's stronger 
 successors, the Keformation proceeded at accelerated 
 pace. 
 
 Henry himself, not so much to insure further change 
 as to safeguard that already made, appointed Reform- 
 ers as his son's tutors and made the majority of the 
 Council of Regency Protestant. The young king's 
 maternal uncle, Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford, 
 was chosen by the council as Protector and created 
 Duke of Somerset. Mildness was the characteristic 
 of his rule. He ignored Henry's treason and heresy 
 acts even before they had been repealed. 
 
 The first general election was held with little govern- 
 ment interference. Parliament may be assumed to 
 have expressed the will of the nation when it repealed 
 Henry's treason and heresy laws, the ancient act De 
 Eaeretico comhurendo, the Act of the Six Articles, and 
 the Statute of Proclamations. 
 
 To ascertain exactly what, at a given time, is the 
 ''public opinion" of a political group, is one of the 
 most difficult tasks of the historian.^ Even nowadays 
 it is certain that the will of the majority is frequently 
 not reflected either in the acts of the legisature or in 
 the newspaper press. It cannot even be said that the 
 w^ishes of the majority are always public opinion. In 
 expressing the voice of the people there is generally 
 some section more vocal, more powerful on account 
 
 iSee A. L. Lowell: Pullio Opinion and Popular Oovernment, 1914. 
 
REFOEMATION UNDER EDWARD VI 311 
 
 of wealth or intelligence, and more deeply in earnest 
 than any other; and this minority, though sometimes 
 a relatively small one, imposes its will in the name of 
 the people and identifies its voice with the voice of 
 God. 
 
 Therefore, when we read the testimony of contem- Protestant 
 poraries that the majority of England was still Cath- opinion 
 olic by the middle of the sixteenth century, a further 
 analysis of popular opinion must be made to account 
 for the apparently spontaneous rush of the Reforma- 
 tion. Some of these estimates are doubtless exaggera- 
 tions, as that of Paget who wrote in 1549 that eleven 
 Englishmen out of twelve were Catholics. But con- 
 ceding, as we must, that a considerable majority was 
 still anti-Protestant, it must be remembered that this 
 majority included most of the indifferent and listless 
 and almost all those who held their opinions for no 
 better reason than they had inherited them and re- 
 fused the trouble of thinking about them. Nearly the 
 solid north and west, the country districts and the un- 
 represented and mute proletariat of the cities, counted 
 as Catholic but hardly counted for anything else. The 
 commercial class of the to^vns and the intellectual class, 
 which, though relatively small, then as now made pub- 
 lic opinion as measured by all ordinary tests, was pre- 
 dominantly and enthusiastically Protestant. 
 
 If we analyse the expressed wishes of England, we 
 shall find a mixture of real religious faith and of 
 worldly, and sometimes discreditable, motives. A new 
 party always numbers among its constituency not only 
 those who love its principles but those who hate its 
 opponents. With the Protestants were a host of allies 
 varying from those wiio detested Rome to those who 
 repudiated all religion. Moreover every successful 
 party lias a number of hangers-on for the sake of 
 political spoils, and some who follow its fortunes 
 
312 ENGLAND 
 
 with no purpose save to fish in troubled waters. 
 But whatever their constituency or relative numbers, 
 the Protestants now carried all before them. In the 
 free religious debate that followed the death of Henry, 
 the press teemed with satires and pamphlets, mostly 
 Protestant. From foreign parts flocked allies, while 
 the native stock of literary ammunition was reinforced 
 by German and Swiss books. In the reign of Edward 
 there were three new translations of Luther's books, 
 five of Melanchthon 's, two of Zwingli's, two of Oeco- 
 lampadius's, three of Bullinger's and four of Calvin's. 
 Many English religious leaders were in correspondence 
 with Bullinger, many with Calvin, and some with 
 Melanchthon. Among the prominent European Prot- 
 estants called to England during this reign were Bucer 
 and Fagius of Germany, Peter Martyr and Bernar- 
 dino Ochino of Italy, and the Pole John Laski. 
 
 The purification of the churches began promptly. 
 
 1547 Images, roods and stained glass windows were de- 
 
 stroyed, while the buildings were whitewashed on the 
 inside, properly to ex{)ress the austerity of the new 
 cult. Evidence shows that these acts, countenanced 
 by the government, were popular in the towns but not 
 in the country districts. 
 
 Book of Next came the preparation of an English liturgy. 
 
 Prayer, The first Book of Commou Prayer was the work of 
 
 1549 Cranmer. Many things in it, including some of the 
 
 most beautiful portions, were translations from the 
 Roman Breviary ; but the high and solemn music of its 
 language must be credited to the genius of its trans- 
 lator. Just as the English Bible popularized the 
 Reformation, so the English Prayer Book strength- 
 ened and broadened the hold of the Anglican church. 
 Doctrinally, it was a compromise between Romanism, 
 Lutheranism and Calvinism. Its use was enforced by 
 the Act of Uniformity, the first and mildest of the 
 
 1549 
 
REFORMATION UNDER EDWARD VI 313 
 
 statutes that bore that name. Though it might be 
 celebrated in Greek, Latin or Hebrew as well as in 
 English, priests using any other service were pun- 
 ished with loss of benefices and imprisonment. 
 
 At this time there must have been an unrecorded 
 struggle in the Council of Regency between the two 
 religious parties, followed by the victory of the inno- End of 1549 
 vators. The pace of the Reformation was at once in- 
 creased; between 1550 and 1553 England gave up most 
 of what was left of distinctively medieval Catholicism. 
 For one thing, the marriage of priests was now legal- 
 ized. That public opinion was hardh' prepared for Accelerated 
 this as yet is shown by the act itself in which celibacy ^^^^ 
 of the clergy is declared to be the better condition, and 
 marriage only allowed to prevent vice. The people 
 still regarded priests' wives much as concubines and 
 the government spoke of clergymen as '^sotted with 
 their wives and children." There is one other bit of 
 evidence, of a most singular character, showing that 
 this and subsequent Acts of Uniformity were not thor- 
 oughly enforced. The test of orthodoxy came to be 
 taking the communion occasionall}^ according to the 
 Anglican rite. This was at first expected of every- 
 one and then demanded by law ; but the law was evaded 
 by permitting a conscientious objector to hire a sub- 
 stitute to take communion for him. 
 
 In 1552 the Prayer Book was revised in a Protestant 
 sense. Bucer had sometliing to do with this revision, 
 and so did John Knox. Little was now left of the 
 mass, nothing of private confession or anointing the 
 sick. Further steps were the reform of the Canon Law 
 and the publication of the Forty-two Articles of Re- 
 ligion. These were drawn up by Cranmer on the basis 
 of thirteen articles agreed upon by a conference of 
 three English Bishops, four English doctors, and two 
 German missionaries, Boyneburg and Myconius, in 
 
314 ENGLAND 
 
 May, 1538. Cranmer hoped to make his statement 
 irenic; and in fact it contained some Eoman and Cal- 
 vinistic elements, but in the main it was Lutheran. 
 Justification by faith was asserted; only two sacra- 
 ments were retained. Transubstantiation was de- 
 nounced as repugnant to Scripture and private masses 
 as ^'dangerous impostures." The real presence was 
 maintained in a Lutheran sense: the bread was said 
 to be the Body of Christ, and the wine the Blood of 
 Christ, but only after a heavenly and spiritual man- 
 ner. It was said that by Christ 's ordinance the sacra- 
 ment is not reserved, carried about, lifted up, or wor- 
 shipped. 
 
 A reform of the clergy was also undertaken, and 
 was much needed. In 1551 Bishop Hooper found in 
 his diocese of 311 clergymen, 171 could not repeat the 
 Ten Commandments, ten could not say the Lord's 
 Prayer in English, seven could not tell who was its 
 author, and sixty-two were absentees, chiefly because 
 of pluralities. 
 
 The notable characteristic of the Edwardian Eefor- 
 mation was its mildness. There were no Catholic 
 martyrs. It is true that heretics coming under the 
 category of blasphemers or deniers of Christianity 
 could still be put to death by common law, and two 
 men were actually executed for speculations about the 
 divinity of Christ, but such cases were wholly excep- 
 tional. 
 Social The social disorders of the time, coming to a head, 
 
 seemed to threaten England with a rising of the lower 
 classes similar to the Peasants' War of 1525 in Ger- 
 many. The events in England prove that, however 
 much these ebullitions might be stimulated by the at- 
 mosphere of the religious change, they were not the 
 direct result of the new gospel. In the west of Eng- 
 land and in Oxfordshire the lower classes rebelled 
 
 disorders 
 
REFORMATION UNDER EDWARD VI 315 
 
 under the leadership of Catholic priests; in the east 
 the rising, known as Rett's rebellion, took on an Ana- 
 baptist character. The real causes of discontent were 
 the same in both cases. The growing wealth of the 
 commercial classes had widened the gap between rich 
 and poor. The inclosures continued to be a grievance, 
 by the ejection of small tenants and the appropriation 
 of common lands. But by far the greatest cause of 
 hardship to the poor was the debasement of the coin- 
 age. Wheat, barley, oats and cattle rose in price to 
 two or three times their previous cost, while wages, 
 kept down by law, rose only 11 per cent. No wonder 
 that the condition of the laborer had become impos- 
 sible. 
 
 The demands of the eastern rising, centering at Nor- 
 wich, bordered on communism. The first was for the 
 enfranchisement of all bondsmen for the reason that 
 Christ had made all men free. Inclosures of commons 
 and private property in game and fish were denounced 
 and further agrarian demands were voiced. The 
 rebels committed no murder and little sacrilege, but 
 vented their passions by slaughtering vast numbers 
 of sheep. All the peasant risings were suppressed by 
 the government, and the economic forces continued to 
 operate against the wasteful agricultural system of 
 the time and in favor of wool-growing and manufac- 
 ture. 
 
 After five years under Protector Somerset there Execution 
 
 '' _ _ oi bomerset, 
 
 was a change of government signalized, as usual un- January 22, 
 der Henry VIII, by the execution of the resigning }^^^ 
 minister. Somerset suffered from the unpopularity 
 of the new religious policy in some quarters and from 
 that following the peasants' rebellion in others. As 
 usual, the government was blamed for the economic 
 evils of the time and for once, in having debased the 
 coinage, justly. Moreover the Protector had been in- 
 
316 ENGLAND 
 
 volved by scheming rivals in the odium more than in 
 the guilt of fratricide, for this least bloody of all Eng- 
 lish ministers in that century, had executed his brother, 
 Thomas, Baron Seymour, a rash and ambitious man 
 rightly supposed to be plotting his own advancement 
 by a royal marriage. 
 
 Among the leaders of the Reformation belonging to 
 the class of mere adventurers, John Dudley, Earl of 
 Warwick, was the ablest and the w^orst. As the Pro- 
 tector held quasi-royal powers, he could only be de- 
 posed by using the person of the young king. War- 
 wick ingratiated himself wdth Edward and brought 
 the child of thirteen to the council. Of course he could 
 only speak what was taught him, but the name of roy- 
 alty had so dread a prestige that none dared disobey 
 him. At his command "Warwick was created Duke of 
 NorUium- Northumberland, and his confederate, Henry Grey 
 bcriand :^[arquis of Dorset, was created Duke of Suffolk. A 
 little later these men, again using the person of the 
 king, had Somerset tried and executed. 
 
 The conspirators did not long enjoy their triumph. 
 While Edward lived and was a minor they were safe, 
 but Edward was a consumptive visibly declining. 
 They had no hope of perpetuating their power save to 
 alter the succession, and this they tried to do. An- 
 other Earl of Warwick had been a king-maker, wiiy 
 not the present one? Henry VIII 's will appointed to 
 succeed him, in case of Edward's death without issue, 
 (1) Mary, (2) Elizabeth, (3) the heirs of his younger 
 sister Mary who had married Charles Brandon, Duke 
 of Suffolk. Of this marriage there had been born two 
 daughters, the elder of whom, Frances, married Henry 
 Grey, recently created Duke of SulTolk. The issue of 
 this marriage were three daughters, and the eldest of 
 them. Lady Jane Grey, was picked by the two dukes 
 as the heir to the throne, and W9.s jnarried to Northum- 
 
CATHOLIC EEACTION UNDER MARY 317, 
 
 berland's son, Guilford Dudley. The young king was 
 now appealed to, on the ground of his religious feeling, 
 to alter the succession so as to exclude not only his 
 Catholic sister Mary but his lukewarm sister Eliza- 
 beth in favor of the strongly Protestant Lady Jane. 
 Though his la\\^ers told him he could not alter the 
 succession to the crown, he intimidated tliem into draw- 
 ing up a ''devise" purporting to do this. 
 
 § 3. The Catholic Reaction Under Mary. 1553-58 
 
 When Edward died on July 6, 1553, Northumber- 
 land had taken such precautions as he could to ensure 
 the success of his project. He had gathered his own 
 men at London and tried to secure help from France, 
 whose king would have been only too glad to involve 
 England in civil war. The death of the king was con- 
 cealed for four days w^hile preparations were being 
 made, and then Queen Jane was proclaimed. Mary's 
 challenge arrived the next day and she (Mary) at once 
 began raising an army. Had her person been secured 
 the plot might have succeeded, but she avoided the set 
 snares. Charles V wished to support her for religious 
 reasons, but feared to excite patriotic feeling by dis- 
 patching an army and therefore confined his interven- 
 tion to diplomatic representations to Northumberland. 
 
 There was no doubt as to the choice of the people. 
 Even the strongest Protestants hated civil turmoil 
 more than they did Catholicism, and the people as a 
 whole felt instinctively that if the crown was put up as 
 a prize for unscrupulous politicians there would be no 
 end of strife. All therefore flocked to Mary, and al- 
 most without a struggle she overcame the conspirators 
 and entered her capital amid great rejoicing. North- 
 umberland, after a despicable and fruitless recanta- 
 tion, was executed and so were his son and his son's 
 wife. Queen Jane. Sympathy was felt for her on ac- 
 
 Proclama- 
 tion of 
 Queen Jane, 
 July 10, 
 1553 
 
 Accession 
 of Mary 
 
318 ENGLAND 
 
 count of her youth, beauty and remarkable talents, 
 but none for her backers. 
 
 The relief with which the settlement was regarded 
 gave the new queen at least the good will of the na- 
 tion to start with. This she gradually lost. Just as 
 Elizabeth instinctively did the popular thing, so Mary 
 seemed almost by fatality to choose the worst course 
 possible. Her foreign policy, in the first place, was 
 both un-English and unsuccessful. Almost at once 
 Charles V proposed his son Philip as Mary's husband, 
 Marriage ^nd, after about a year of negotiation, the marriage 
 and PMip, ^^^k place. The tremendous unpopularity of this step 
 July 25, was due not so much to hostility to Spain, though Spain 
 was beginning to be regarded as the national foe 
 rather than France, but to the fear of a foreign domi- 
 nation. England had never before been ruled by a 
 queen, if we except the disastrous reign of Mathilda, 
 and it was natural to suppose that Mary's husband 
 should have the prerogative as well as the title of king. 
 In vain Philip tried to disabuse the English of the idea 
 that he was asserting any independent claims ; in some 
 way the people felt that they were being annexed to 
 Spain, and they hated it. 
 
 The religious aim of the marriage, to aid in the 
 restoration of Catholicism, was also disliked. Car- 
 dinal Pole frankly avowed this purpose, declaring that 
 
 as Christ, being heir of the world, was sent down by his 
 Father from the royal throne, to be at once Spouse and 
 Son of the Virgin Mary and to be made the Comforter 
 and Saviour of mankind ; so, in like manner, the greatest 
 of all princes upon earth, the heir of his father's king- 
 dom, departed from his own broad and happy realms that 
 he, too, might come hither into this land of trouble, to be 
 the spouse and son of this virgin Mary ... to aid in the 
 reconciliation of this people to Christ and the church. 
 
 For Mary herself the marriage was most unhappy. 
 
CATHOLIC REACTION [UNDER MARY 319 
 
 She was a bride of thirty-eight, already worn and aged 
 by grief and care; her bridegroom was only twenty- 
 seven. She adored him, but he almost loathed her and 
 made her miserable by neglect and unfaithfulness. 
 Her passionate hopes for a child led her to believe 
 and announce that she was to have one, and her dis- 
 appointment was correspondingly bitter. 
 
 So unpopular was the marriage coupled with the 
 queen's religious policy, that it led to a rebellion un- 
 der Sir Thomas Wyatt. Though suppressed, it was a 
 dangerous symptom, especially as Mary failed to profit 
 by the warning. Her attempts to implicate her sister 
 Elizabeth in the charge of treason failed. 
 
 Had Mary's foreign policy only been strong it might 
 have conciliated the patriotic pride of the ever present 
 jingo. But under her leadership England seemed to 
 decline almost to its nadir. The command of the sea 
 was lost and, as a consequence of this and of the mili- 
 tary genius of the Duke of Guise, Calais, held for 
 over two centuries, was conquered by the French. 1553 
 With the subsequent loss of Guines the last English 
 outpost on the continent was reft from her. Religious 
 
 Notwithstanding Mary 's saying that * ' Calais ' ' would P°^*^y 
 be found in her heart when she died, by far her deep- 
 est interest was the restoration of Catholicism. To 
 assist her in this task she had Cardinal Reginald Pole, 
 in whose veins flowed the royal blood of England and 
 whom the pope appointed as legate to the kingdom. 
 Though Mary's own impulse was to act strongly, she 
 sensibly adopted the emperor's advice to go slowly 
 and, as far as possible, in legal forms. Within a 
 month of her succession she issued a proclamation 
 stating her intention to remain Catholic and her hope 
 that her subjects would embrace the same religion, 
 but at the same time disclaiming the intention of 
 forcing them and forbidding strife and the use of 
 
320 ENGLAND 
 
 ** those new-found devilish terms of papist or heretic 
 or such like." 
 
 Elections to the first Parliament were free ; it passed 
 two noteworthy Acts of Repeal, the first restoring the 
 ■^ status quo at the death of Henry VIII, the second re- 
 
 Repeal of storine: the status quo of 1529 on the eve of the Refor- 
 
 neiorming " 
 
 acts mation Parliament. This second act abolished eight- 
 
 een statutes of Henry VIII and one of Edward VI, 
 but it refused to restore the church lands. The fate 
 of the confiscated ecclesiastical property was one of the 
 greatest obstacles, if not the greatest, in the path of 
 reconciliation Avith Rome. The pope at first insisted 
 upon it, and Pole was deeply grieved at being obliged 
 to absolve sinners who kept the fruits of their sins. 
 But the English, as the Spanish ambassador Renard 
 wrote, "would rather get themselves massacred than 
 let go" the abbey lands. The very Statute of Repeal, 
 therefore, that in other respects met Mary's demands, 
 carefully guarded the titles to the secularized lands, 
 making all suits relating to them triable only in crown 
 courts. 
 
 The second point on which Parliament, truly repre- 
 senting a large section of public opinion, was obstinate, 
 was in the refusal to recognize the papal supremacy. 
 The people as a whole cared not what dogma they were 
 supposed to believe, but they for the most part cor- 
 dially hated the pope. They therefore agreed to pass 
 the acts of repeal only on condition that nothing was 
 said about the royal supremacy. To Mary's insistence 
 they returned a blank refusal to act and she was com- 
 pelled to wait ''while Parliament debated articles that 
 might well puzzle a general council," as a contem- 
 porary wrote. 
 
 Lords and Commons were quite willing to pass acts 
 to strengthen the crown and then to leave the responsi- 
 
CATHOLIC REACTION UNDER MARY 321 
 
 bility for further action to it. Thus the divorce of 
 Henry and Catharine of Aragon was repealed and the Revival of 
 treason laws were revived. Going even beyond the j^^^^^" 
 limit of Henry VIII it was made treason to ''pray or 
 desire" that God would shorten the queen's days. 
 Worse than that, Parliament revived the heresy laws. 
 It is a strange comment on the nature of legislatures 
 that they have so often, as in this case, protected prop- • 
 erty better than life, and made money more sacred 
 than conscience. However, it was not Parliament but 
 the executive that carried out to its full extent the 
 policy of persecution and religious reaction. 
 
 The country soon showed its opposition. A tem- 
 porary disarray that might have been mistaken for 
 disintegration had been joroduced in the Protestant 
 ranks by the recantation of Northumberland. The 
 restoration of the mass was accomplished in orderly 
 manner in most places. The English formulas had 
 been patient of a Catholic interpretation, and doubt- 
 less many persons regarded the change from one 
 liturgy to the other as a matter of slight importance. 
 Moreover the majority made a principle of conformity 
 to the government, believing that an act of the laAV re- 
 lieved the conscience of the individual of responsibil- 
 ity. But even so, there was a large minority of recus- 
 ants. Of 8800 beneficed clergy in England, 2000 were 
 ejected for refusal to comply. A very large number 
 fled to the Continent, forming colonies at Frankfort-on- 
 the-Main and at Geneva and scattering in other places. 
 The opinion of the imperial ambassador Reuard that 
 English Protestants depended entirely on support 
 from abroad was tolerably true for this reign, for their 
 books continued to be printed abroad, and a few fur- 
 ther translations from foreign reformers were made. 
 It is noteworthy that these mostly treat of the ques- 
 
322 
 
 ENGLAITD 
 
 Passive 
 resistance 
 
 Martyrs, 
 October 16, 
 1555 
 
 tion, then so much in debate, whether Protestants 
 might innocently attend the mass. 
 
 Other expressions of the temper of the people were 
 the riots in London. On the last day of the first Par- 
 liament a dog with a tonsured crown, a rope around 
 its neck and a writing signifying that priests and bish- 
 ops should be hung, was thrown through a window into 
 the queen's presence chamber. At another time a cat 
 was found tonsured, surpliced, and with a wafer in 
 its mouth in derision of the mass. The perpetrators 
 of these outrages could not be found. 
 
 A sterner, though passive, resistance to the govern- 
 ment was gloriously evinced when stake and rack be- 
 gan to do their work. Mary was totally unprepared 
 for the strength of Protestant feeling in the country. 
 She hoped a few executions would strike terror into 
 the hearts of all and render further persecution un- 
 necessary. But from the execution of the first martyr, 
 John Eogers, it was plain that the people sympathized 
 with the victims rather than feared their fate. Not 
 content with warring on the living, Mary even broke 
 the sleep of the dead.^ The bodies of Bucer and Fa- 
 gius were dug up and burned. The body of Peter 
 Martyr's wife was also exhumed, though, as no evi- 
 dence of heresy could be procured, it was thrown on a 
 dunghill to rot. 
 
 The most famous victims were Latimer, Eidley and 
 Cranmer. The first two were burnt alive together, 
 Latimer at the stake comforting his friend by assuring 
 him, "This day we shall light such a candle, by God's 
 grace, in England, as I trust, shall never be put out." 
 A special procedure was reserved for Cranmer, as 
 primate. Every effort was made to get him to recant. 
 He at first signed four submissions recognizing the 
 
 1 The canon law forbade the burial of heretics in consecrated 
 ground, but it is said that Charles V refused to dig up Luther's body 
 when he took Wittenberg. 
 
CATHOLIC REACTION UNDER MARY 323 
 
 power of the pope as and if restored by Parliament. 
 He then signed two real recantations, and finally drew 
 up a seventh document, repudiating his recantations, 
 re-affirming his faith in the Protestant doctrine of the 
 sacraments and denouncing the pope. By holding his 
 right hand in the fire, when he was burned at the stake, 
 he testified his bitter repentance for its act in signing March 21, 
 the recantations. ^^^ 
 
 The total number of martyrs in Mary's reign fell 
 very little, if at all, short of 300. The lists of them 
 are precise and circumstantial. The geographical dis- 
 tribution is interesting, furnishing, as it does, the only 
 statistical information available in the sixteenth cen- 
 tury for the spread of Protestantism. It graphically 
 illustrates the fact, so often noticed before, that the 
 strongholds of the new opinions were the commercial 
 towns of the south and east. If a straight line be 
 drawn from the Wash to Portsmouth, passing about 
 twenty miles west of London, it will roughly divide the 
 Protestant from the Catholic portions of England. 
 Out of 290 martyrdoms known, 247 took place east of 
 this line, that is, in the city of London and the coun- 
 ties of Essex, Hertford, Kent, Sussex, Norfolk, Suf- 
 folk and Cambridge. Thirteen are recorded in the 
 south center, at "Winchester and Salisbury, eleven at 
 the western ports of the Severn, Bristol and Glouces- 
 ter. There were three in Wales, all on the coast at 
 St. David's; one in the south-western peninsula at 
 Exeter, a few in the midlands, and not one north of 
 Lincolnshire and Cheshire. 
 
 When it is said that the English changed their re- 
 ligion easily, this record of heroic opposition must be 
 remembered to the contrary. Mary's reign became 
 more and more hateful to her people until at last it is 
 possible that only the prospect of its speedy termina- 
 tion prevented a rebellion. The popular epithet of 
 
324 ENGLAND 
 
 ** bloody '^ rightly distinguishes her place in the esti- 
 mate of history. It is true that her persecution sinks 
 into insignificance compared with the holocausts of 
 victims to the inquisition in the Netherlands. But the 
 English people naturally judged by their own history, 
 and in all of that such a reign of terror was unexam- 
 pled. The note of Mary's reign is sterility and its 
 achievement was to create, in reaction to the policy 
 then pursued, a ferocious and indelible hatred of Rome. 
 
 § 3. The Elizabethan Settlement. 1558-88. 
 
 Elizabeth, However numerous and thorny were the problems 
 1558-1603 ppeggg^j for solution into the hands of the maiden of 
 twenty-five now called upon to rule England, the great- 
 est of all questions, that of religion, almost settled it- 
 self. It is extremely hard to divest ourselves of the 
 wisdom that comes after the event and to put ourselves 
 in the position of the men of that time and estimate 
 fairly the apparent feasibility of various alternatives. 
 But it is hard to believe that the considerations that 
 seem so overwhelming to us should not have forced 
 themselves upon the attention of the more thoughtful 
 men of that generation. 
 
 In the first place, while the daughter of Anne Boleyn 
 was predestined by heredity and breeding to oppose 
 Rome, yet she was brought up in the Anglican Cath- 
 olicism of Henry VTII. At the age of eleven she had 
 translated Margaret of Navarre's Mirror of the Sinful 
 Soul, a w^ork expressing the spirit of devotion joined 
 with liberalism in creed and outward conformity in 
 cult. The rapid vicissitudes of faith in England taught 
 her tolerance, and her own acute intellect and prac- 
 tical sense inclined her to indifference. She did not 
 scruple to give all parties. Catholic, Lutheran and Cal- 
 vinist, the impression, when it suited her, that she was 
 almost in a s:r cement with each of them. The accusa- 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SETTLEMENT 325 
 
 tion that she was "an atheist and a maintainer of 
 atheism" meant no more than that her interests were 1601 
 secular. She once said that she would rather hear 
 a thousand masses than be guilty of the millions of 
 crimes perpetrated by some of those who had sup- 
 pressed the mass. She liked candles, crucifixes and 
 ritual just as she inordinately loved personal display. 
 And politicall}^ she learned very early to fear the re- 
 publicanism of Knox. 
 
 The conservatism of Elizabeth's policy was deter- Most of 
 mined also by the consideration that, though the more catLuc 
 intelligent and progressive classes were Protestant, 
 the mass of the people still clung to the Roman faith, 
 and, if they had no other power, had at least the vis 
 inertiae. Accurate figures cannot be obtained, but a 
 number of indications are significant. Li 1559 Con- 
 vocation asserted the adherence of the clergy to the an- 
 cient faith. Maurice Clenoch estimated in 1561 that 
 the majority of the people would welcome foreign in- 
 tervention in favor of Mary Stuart and the old faith. 
 Nicholas Sanders, a contemporary Catholic apologist, 
 said that the common people of that period were di- 
 vided into three classes: husbandmen, shepherds and 
 mechanics. The first two classes he considered en- 
 tirely Catholic; the third class, he said, were not 
 tainted with schism as a whole, but only in some parts, 
 those, namely of sedentary occupation such as weavers, 
 cobblers and some lazy *'aulici," i.e. servants and 
 humble retainers of the great. The remote parts of 
 the kingdom, he added, were least tainted with heresy 
 and, as the towns were few and small, he estimated that 
 less than one per cent, of the population was Protes- 
 tant. Though these figures are a tremendous exag- 
 geration of the proportion of Catholics, some support 
 may bo found for them in the information sent to the 
 Curia in 1567 that 32 English nobles were Catholic, 20 
 
326 
 
 ENGLAND 
 
 But most 
 powerful 
 class 
 Protestants 
 
 well affected to the Catholics and 15 Protestants. Only 
 slightly different is the report sent in 1571 that at that 
 time 33 English peers were Catholic, 15 doubtful and 
 16 heretical. As a matter of fact, in religious ques- 
 tions we find that the House of Lords would have been 
 Catholic but for the bishops, a solid phalanx of gov- 
 ernment nominees. 
 
 But if the masses were Catholic, the strategically 
 situated classes were Keformed. The first House of 
 Commons of Elizabeth proved by its acts to be strongly 
 Protestant. The assumption generally made that it 
 was packed by the government has been recently ex- 
 ploded. Careful testing shows that there was hardly 
 any government interference. Of the 390 members, 
 168 had sat in earlier Parliaments of Mary, and that 
 was just the normal proportion of old members. It 
 must be remembered that the parliamentary franchise 
 approached the democratic only in the towns, the 
 strongholds of Protestantism, and that in the small 
 boroughs and in some of the counties the election was 
 determined by just that middle class most progressive 
 and at this time most Protestant. 
 
 Another test of the temper of the country is the 
 number of clergj^ refusing the oath of supremacy. 
 Out of a total number of about nine thousand only 
 about two hundred lost their livings as recusants, and 
 most of these were Mary's appointees. 
 
 The same impression of Protestantism is given by 
 the literature of the time. The fifty-six volumes of 
 Elizabethan divinity published by the Parker Society 
 testify to the number of Reformation treaties, tracts, 
 hymns and letters of this period. During the first 
 thirty years of Elizabeth's reign there were fifteen new 
 translations of Luther's works, not counting a num- 
 ber of reprints, two new translations from Melanch- 
 thon, thirteen from Bullinger and thirty-four from Cal- 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SETTLEMENT 327 
 
 vin. Notwithstanding this apparently large foreign 
 influence, the English Reformation at this time re- 
 sumed the national character temporarily lost during 
 Mary's reign. John Jewel's Apologia Ecclesiae An- 1562 
 glicanae has been called by Creighton, ''the first me- 
 thodical statement of the position of the church of 
 England against the church of Rome, and the ground- 
 work of all subsequent controversy. ' ' 
 
 Finally, most of the prominent men of the time, and 
 most of the rising young men, were Protestants. The 
 English sea-captains, wolves of the sea as they were, 
 found it advisable to disguise themselves in the sheep 's 
 clothing of zeal against the idolater. More creditable 
 to the cause was the adherence of men like Sir William 
 Cecil, later Lord Burghley, a man of cool judgment 
 and decent conversation. Coverdale, still active, was 
 made a bishop. John Foxe published, all in the inter- 
 ests of his faith, the most popular and celebrated his- 
 tory of the time. Roger Ascham, Elizabeth's tutor, 
 still looked to Lutheran Germany as "a place where 
 Christ's doctrine, the fear of God, punishment of sin, 
 and discipline of honesty were held in special regard." 
 Edmund Spenser's great allegory, as well as some of 
 his minor poems, were largely inspired by Anglican 
 and Calvinistic purposes. 
 
 It was during Elizabeth's reign that the Roman Conversion 
 Catholics lost the majority they claimed in 1558 and 
 became the tiny minority they have ever since re- 
 mained. The time and to some extent the process 
 through which this came to pass can be traced with 
 fair accuracy. In 1563 the policy of the government, 
 till then wavering, became more decided, indicating 
 that the current had begun to set in favor of Protes- 
 tantism. The failure of the Northern rising and of 
 the papal bull in 1569—70, indicated the weakness of 
 the ancient faith. In 1572 a careful estimate of the 
 
 of the 
 masses 
 
328 ENGLAND 
 
 Carieton's religious state of England was made by a contempo- 
 estimate rary, who thought that of the three classes into which 
 he divided the population, papist, Protestant and ath- 
 eist (by which he probably meant, indifferent) the first 
 was smaller than either of the other two. Ten years 
 later (1580-85) the Jesuit mission in England claimed 
 120,000 converts. But in reality these adherents were 
 not new converts, but the remnant of Eomanism re- 
 maining faithful. If we assume, as a distinguished 
 historian has done, that this number included nearly 
 all the obstinately devoted, as the population of Eng- 
 land and Wales was then about 4,000,000, the propor- 
 tion of Catholics was only about 3 per cent, of the total, 
 at which percentage it remained constant during the 
 next century. But there were probably a considerable 
 number of timid Roman Catholics not daring to make 
 themselves known to the Jesuit mission. But even 
 allowing liberally for these, it is safe to say that by 
 1585 the members of that church had sunk to a very 
 small minority. 
 
 Those who see in the conversion of the English peo- 
 ple the result merely of government pressure must 
 explain two inconvenient facts. The first is that the 
 Puritans, who were more strongly persecuted than the 
 papists, waxed mightily notwithstanding. The second 
 is that, during the period when the conversion of the 
 masses took place, there were no martyrdoms and 
 there was little persecution. The change was, in fact, 
 but the inevitable completion and consequence of the 
 conversion of the leaders of the people earlier. With 
 the masses, doubtless, the full contrast between the 
 old and the new faiths was not realized. Attending the 
 same churches if not the same church, using a liturgy 
 which some hoped would obtain papal sanction, and 
 ignorant of the changes made in translation from the 
 Latin ritual, the uneducated did not trouble themselves 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SETTLEMENT 329 
 
 about abstruse questions of dogma or even about more 
 obvious matters such as the supremacy of the pope and 
 the marriage of the clergy. Moreover, there were 
 strong positive forces attracting them to the Anglican 
 communion. They soon learned to love the English 
 prayer-book, and the Bible became so necessary that 
 the Catholics were obliged to produce a version of their 
 own. English insularity and patriotism drew them 
 powerfully to the bosom of their omti peculiar com- 
 munion. 
 
 Though we can now see that the forces drawing Elizabeth's 
 England to the Reformation were decisive, the policy ^'^^^^ 
 of Elizabeth was at first cautious. The old services 
 went on until Parliament had spoken. As with Henry 
 VIII, so with this daughter of his, scrupulous legality 
 of form marked the most revolutionary acts. Eliza- 
 beth had been proclaimed ''Queen of England, France 
 and Ireland, Defender of the Faith &c," this ''&c" 
 being chosen to stand in place of the old title "Supreme 
 Head of the Church," thus dodging the question of its 
 assumption or omission. Parliament, however, very 
 soon passed supremacy and uniformity acts to supply 
 the needed sanction. The former repealed Philip and 
 Mary's Heresy Act and Kepealing Statute, revived ten 
 acts of Henry VIII and one of Edward VI, but con- 
 firmed the repeal of six acts of Henry VIII. Next, 
 Parliament proceeded to seize the episcopal lands. Its 
 spirit was just as secular as that of Henry's Parlia- 
 ments, only there was less ecclesiastical property left 
 to grab. 
 
 The Book of Common Prayer was revised by intro- 
 ducing into the recension of 1552 a few passages from 
 the first edition of 1549, previously rejected as too 
 Catholic. Three of the Forty-two Articles of Religion The Thirty- 
 of Edward were dropped, thus making the Thirty-nine "'"eArti- 
 Articles that have ever since been the authoritative 1553 
 
330 
 
 ENGLAND 
 
 The Church 
 of England 
 
 Succession 
 
 statement of Anglican doctrine. Thus it is true to 
 some extent that the Elizabethan settlement was a 
 compromise. It took special heed of various parties, 
 and tried to avoid offence to Lutherans, Zwinglians, 
 and even to Roman Catholics. But far more than a 
 compromise, it was a case of special development. As 
 it is usually compared with the English Dissenting 
 sects, the church of England is often said to be the 
 most conservative of the reformed bodies. It is often 
 said that it is Protestant in doctrine and Catholic in 
 ritual and hierarchy. But compared with the Lu- 
 theran church it is found to be if anything further 
 from Rome. In fact the Anglicans of the sixteenth 
 and seventeenth centuries abhorred the Lutherans as 
 ''semi-papists." 
 
 And yet the Anglican church was like the Lutheran 
 not only in its conservatism as compared with Calvin- 
 ism, but in its political aspects. Both became the 
 strong allies of the throne; both had not only a 
 markedly national but a markedly governmental qual- 
 ity. Just as the Reformation succeeded in England by 
 becoming national in opposition to Spain, and remain- 
 ing national in opposition to French culture, so the 
 Anglican church naturally became a perfect expression 
 of the English character. Moderate, decorous, detest- 
 ing extremes of speculation and enthusiasm, she cares 
 less for logic than for practical convenience. 
 
 Closely interwoven with the religious settlement 
 were the questions of the heir to the throne and of 
 foreign policy. Elizabeth's life was the only break- 
 water that stood between the people and a Catholic, 
 if not a disputed, succession. The nearest heir was 
 Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots, a granddaughter of Mar- 
 garet Tudor, Henry VIII 's sister. As a Catholic and 
 a Frenchwoman, half by race and wholly by her first 
 marriage to Francis II, she would have been most dis- 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SETTLEMENT 331 
 
 tasteful to the ruling party in England. Elizabeth was 
 therefore desired and finally urged by Parliament to 
 marry. Her refusal to do this has been attributed to 
 some hidden cause, as her love for Leicester or the 
 knowledge that she was incapable of bearing a child. 
 But though neither of these hypotheses can be dis- 
 proved, neither is necessary to account for her policy. 
 It is true that it would have strengthened her position 
 to have had a child to succeed her; but it would have 
 weakened her personal sway to have had a husband. 
 She wanted to rule as well as to reign. Her many 
 suitors were encouraged just sufficiently to flatter her 
 vanity and to attain her diplomatic ends. First, her 
 brother-in-law Philip sought her hand, and was 
 promptly rejected as a Spanish Catholic. Then, there 
 was Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, apparently her 
 favorite in spite of his worthless character, but his 
 rank was not high enough. Then, there were princes 
 of Sweden and Denmark, an Archduke of Austria and 
 two sons of Catharine de' Medici's. The suit of one of 
 the latter began when Elizabeth was thirty-nine years 
 old and he was nineteen and continued for ten years 
 with apparent zest on both sides. Parliament put all 
 the pressure it could upon the queen to make her flirta- 
 tions end in matrimony, but it only made Elizabeth 
 angry. Twice she forbade discussion of the matter, 
 and, though she afterwards consented to hear the peti- 
 tion, she was careful not to call another Parliament 
 for five years. 
 
 Vexatious financial difficulties had been left to Eliza- Financial 
 
 measures 
 
 beth. Largely owing to the debasement of the cur- 
 rency royal expenditure had risen from £56,000 per 
 annum at the end of Henry's reign to £345,000 in the 
 last year of Marj^'s reign. The government's credit 
 was in a bad way, and the commerce of the kingdom 
 deranged. By the wise expedient of calling in the de- 1560 
 
 1566 
 
332 ENGLAND 
 
 based coins issued since 1543, the hardest problems 
 were solved. 
 Underhand Towards France and Spain Elizabeth's policy was 
 ^^^ one well described by herself as ** underhand war." 
 
 English volunteers, with government connivance, but 
 nominall}^ on their own responsibility, fought in the 
 ranks of Huguenots and Netherlanders. Torrents of 
 money poured from English churches to support their 
 fellow-Protestants in France and Holland. English 
 sailors seized Spanish galleons ; if successful the queen 
 secretly shared the spoil ; but if they were caught they 
 might be hanged as pirates by Philip or Alva. This 
 condition, unthinkable now, was allowed by the inchoate 
 state of international law; the very idea of neutrality 
 was foreign to the time. States were always trying 
 to harm and overreach each other in secret ways. In 
 Elizabethan England the anti-papal and anti-Spanish 
 ardor of the mariners made possible this buccaneering 
 without government support, had not the rich prizes 
 themselves been enough to attract the adventurous. 
 Doubtless far more energy went into privateering than 
 into legitimate commerce. 
 
 Peace was officially made with France, recognizing 
 the surrender of Calais at first for a limited period of 
 years. Though peace was still nominally kept with 
 Spain for a long time, the shift of policy from one 
 of hostility to France to one of enmity to Spain was 
 soon manifest. As long, however, as the government 
 relied chiefly on the commercial interests of the capital 
 and other large towns, and as long as Spain controlled 
 the Netherlands, open war was nearly impossible, for 
 it would have been extremely unpopular with the mer- 
 chants of both London and the Low Countries. In 
 1569 times of crisis, however, an embargo was laid on all 
 
 trade with Philip's dominions. 
 Elizabeth's position was made extremely delicate by 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SETTLEMENT 333 
 
 the fact that the heiress to her throne was the Scotch 
 Queen Mary Stuart, who, since 1568, had been a re- 
 fugee in England and had been kept in a sort of honor- 
 able captivity. On account of her religion she became 
 the center of the hopes and of the actual machinations 
 of all English malcontents. In these plots she partici- 
 pated as far as she dared. 
 
 Elizabeth 's crown would have been jeoparded had the The Cath- 
 Catholic powers, or any one of them, acted promptly, ^hc Powers 
 That they did not do so is proof, partly of their mutual 
 jealousies, party of the excellence of Cecil's statesman- 
 ship. Convinced though he was that civil peace could 
 only be secured by religious unity, for five years he 
 played a hesitating game in order to hold off the Cath- 
 olics until his power should be strong enough to crush 
 them. By a system of espionage, by permitting only 
 nobles and sailors to leave the kingdom without special 
 licence, by welcoming Dutch Protestant refugees, he 
 clandestinely fostered the strength of his party. His 
 scheme was so far successful that the pope hesitated 
 more than eleven years before issuing the bull of dep- 
 rivation. For this Elizabeth had also to thank the 
 Catholic Hapsburgs ; in the first place Philip who then 
 hoped to marry her, and in the second place the Em- 
 peror Ferdinand who said that if Elizabeth were ex- 
 communicated the German Catholics would suffer for 
 it and that there were many German Protestant princes 
 who deserved the ban as much as she did. 
 
 Matters were clarified by the calling of the Council of 
 Trent. Asked to send an embassy to this council 
 Elizabeth refused for three reasons: (1) because she 
 had not been consulted about calling the council; (2) 
 because she did not consider it free, pious and Chris- 
 tian; (3) because the pope sought to stir up sedition 
 in her realms. The council replied to this snub by 
 excommunicating her, but it is a significant sign of the 
 
334 ENGLAND 
 
 times that neither they nor the pope as yet dared to 
 use spiritual weapons to depose her, as the pope en- 
 deavored to do a few years later. 
 oHckws ' Whether as a reply to this measure or not, Parlia- 
 1563 ment passed more stringent laws against Catholics. 
 
 Cecil's policy, inherited from Thomas Cromwell, to 
 centralize and unify the state, met with threefold op- 
 position; first from the papists who disliked national- 
 izing the church, second from the holders of medieval 
 franchises who objected to their absorption in a cen- 
 tripetal system, and third from the old nobles who re- 
 sented their replacement in the royal council by up- 
 starts. All these forces produced a serious crisis in 
 the years 1569-70. The north, as the stronghold of 
 both feudalism and Catholicism, led the reaction. The 
 Duke of Norfolk, England's premier peer, plotted 
 w^ith the northern earls to advance Mary's cause, and 
 thought of marrying her himself. Pope Pious V 
 warmly praised their scheme which culminated in a 
 2551 ' rebellion. The nobles and commons alike were filled 
 with the spirit of crusaders, bearing banners with the 
 cross and the five wounds of Christ. At the same time 
 they voiced the grievance of the old-fashioned farmer 
 against the new-fangled merchant. Their banners in- 
 scribed *'God speed the plough" bear witness to the 
 agrarian element common to so many revolts. Their 
 demands were the restoration of Catholicism, interven- 
 tion in Scotland to put Mary back on her throne, and 
 her recognition as heiress of England, and the expul- 
 sion of foreign refugees. Had they been able to secure 
 Mary's person or had the Scotch joined them, it is 
 probable that they would have seceded from the south 
 of England. 
 
 But the new Pilgrimage of Grace was destined to no 
 more success than the old one. Moray, Eegent of 
 Scotland, forcibly prevented assistance going to the 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SETTLEMENT 335 
 
 rebels from North Britain. Elizabeth prepared an 
 overwhelming army, but it was not needed. The reb- 
 els, seeing the hopelessness of their cause, dispersed 
 and were pursued by an exemplary punishment, no less , 
 than eight hundred being executed. Three years later 
 Norfolk trod the traitor's path to the scaffold. His 
 death sealed the ruin of the old nobility whose priv- 
 ileges were incompatible w^ith the new regime. In the 
 same year a parliamentary agitation in favor of the 
 execution of Mary witnessed how dead were medieval 
 titles to respect. 
 
 Too late to have much effect, Pius V issued the Papal Bull, 
 bull Regnans in excelsis, declaring that w^hercas the 25,1570 
 Koman pontiff has power over all nations and king- 
 doms to destroy and ruin or to plant and build up, and 
 whereas Elizabeth, the slave of vice, has usurped the 
 place of supreme head of the church, has sent her realm 
 to perdition and has celebrated the impious mysteries 
 of Calvin, therefore she is cut off from the body of 
 Christ and deprived of her pretended right to rule 
 England, while all her subjects are absolved from their 
 oaths of allegiance. The bull also reasserted Eliza- 
 beth's illegitimacy, and echoed the complaint of the 
 northern earls that she had expelled the old nobility 
 from her council. The promulgation of the bull, with- 
 out the requisite warning and allowance of a year for 
 repentance, was contrary to the canon law. 
 
 The fulmination was sent to Alva to the Netherlands 
 and a devotee was found to carry it to England. 
 Forthwith Elizabeth issued a masterly proclamation 
 vouchsafing that, 
 
 her majesty would have all her loving subjects to under- 
 stand that, as long as they shall openly continue in the 
 observation of her laws, and shall not wilfully and mani- 
 festly break them by open actions, her majesty's means 
 is not to have any of them molested by any inquisition or 
 
336 ENGLAND 
 
 examination of their consciences in causes of religion, but 
 to accept and entreat them as her good and obedient sub- 
 jects. 
 
 But to obviate the contamination of her people by 
 political views expressed in the bull, and to guard 
 
 Anti-papal against the danger of a further rising in the interests 
 of Mary Stuart, the Parliament of 1571 passed sev- 
 eral necessary laws. One of these forbade bringing 
 the bull into England ; another made it treasonable to 
 declare that Elizabeth was not or ought not to be 
 queen or that she was a heretic, usurper or schismatic. 
 The first seventeen years of Elizabeth's reign had 
 been blessedly free from persecution. The increasing 
 strain between England and the papacy was marked by 
 a number of executions of Romanists. A recent Cath- 
 olic estimate is that the total number of this faith who 
 suffered under Elizabeth was 189, of whom 128 were 
 priests, 58 laymen and three women ; and to this should 
 be added 32 Franciscans who died in prison of starva- 
 tion. The contrast of 221 victims in Elizabeth's forty- 
 five years as against 290 in Mary's five years, is less 
 important than the different purpose of the govern- 
 ment. Under Mary the executions were for heresy; 
 under Elizabeth chiefly for treason. It is true that 
 the whole age acted upon Sir Philip Sidney's maxim 
 that it was the highest wisdom of statesmanship never 
 to separate religion from politics. Church and state 
 were practically one and the same body, and opinions 
 repugnant to established religion naturally resulted in 
 acts inimical to the civil order. But the broad distinc- 
 tion is plain. Cecil put men to death not because he 
 detested their dogma but because he feared their poli- 
 tics. 
 
 Nothing proves more clearly the purposes of the 
 
 Jesuit English government than its long duel with the Jesuit 
 mission. It is unfair to say that the primary purpose 
 
 mission 
 
of Jesuits 
 
 THE ELIZABETHAN SETTLEMENT 337 
 
 of the Curia was to get all the privileges of loyalty for 
 English Catholics while secretly inciting them to rise 
 and murder their sovereign. But the very fact that 
 the Jesuits were instructed not to meddle in politics 
 and yet were unable to keep clear of the law, proves 
 how inextricably politics and religion were inter- 
 twined. Immediately drawing the suspicion of Burgh- 
 ley, they were put to the ''bloody question" and illeg- 
 ally tortured, even while the government felt called 
 upon to explain that they were not forced to the rack 
 to answer "any question of their supposed conscience" 
 but only as to their political opinions. But one of 
 these opinions was whether the pope had the right to 
 depose the queen. 
 
 The history of these years is one more example of Character 
 how much more accursed it is to persecute than to be 
 persecuted. The Jesuits sent to England were men of 
 the noblest character, daring and enduring all with 
 fortitude, showing charity and loving-kindness even to 
 their enemies. But the character of their enemies cor- 
 respondingly deteriorated. That sense of fair play 
 that is the finest English quality disappeared under the 
 stress of fanaticism. Not only Jesuits, but Catholic 
 women aad children were attacked; one boy of thir- 
 teen was racked and executed as a traitor. The per- 
 secution by public opinion supplied what the activity 
 of the government overlooked. In fact it was the gov- 
 ernment that was the moderating factor. The act 
 passed in 1585 banishing the Jesuits was intended to 
 obviate sterner measures. In dealing with the mass 
 of the population Burghley made persecution pay its 
 way by resorting to fines as the principal punishment. 
 During the last twenty years of the reign no less than 
 £6,000 per annum w^as thus collected. 
 
 The helpless rage of the popes against "the Jezebel 
 of the north" waxed until one of them, Gregory XIII, 
 
cies 
 
 338 ENGLAND 
 
 Conspira- Sanctioned an attempt at her assassination. In 1580 
 there appeared at the court of Madrid one Humphrey 
 Ely, later a secular priest. He informed the papal 
 nunciature that some English nobles, mentioned by 
 name, had determined to murder Elizabeth but wished 
 the pope's own assurance that, in case they lost their 
 lives in the attempt, they should not have fallen into 
 sin by the deed. After giving his own opinion that the 
 bull of Pius V gave all men the right to take arms 
 against the queen in any fashion, the nuncio wrote to 
 Eome. Prom the papal secretary, speaking in the 
 pope's name, he received the following reply: 
 
 As that guilty woman of England rules two so noble 
 realms of Christendom, is the cause of so much harm to 
 the Catholic faith, and is guilty of the loss of so many 
 million souls, there is no doubt that any one who puts 
 her out of the world with the proper intention of serving 
 God thereby, no.t only commits no sin but even wins 
 merit,' especially seeing that the sentence of the late 
 Pius V is standing against her. If, therefore, these 
 English nobles have really decided to do so fair a work, 
 your honor may assure them that they commit no sin. 
 Also we may trust in God that they will escape all danger. 
 As to your own irregularity [caused to the nuncio as a 
 priest by conspiracy to murder] the pope sends you his 
 holy blessing.^ 
 
 A conspiracy equally unsuccessful but more famous, 
 because discovered at the time, was that of Anthony 
 Babington. Burghley's excellent secret service ap- 
 prised the government not only of the principals but 
 also of aid and support given to them by Philip II 
 and Mary Queen of Scots. Parliament petitioned for 
 the execution of Mary. Though there was no doubt 
 of her guilt, Elizabeth hesitated to give the dangerous 
 example of sending a crowned head to the block. 
 
 1 A. O. Meyer : England und die katholische Kirche unter Elizabeth, 
 p. 231. 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SETTLEMENT 339 
 
 With habitual indirection she did her best to get 
 Mary's jailer, Sir Amyas Paulet, to put her to death 
 without a warrant. Failing in this, she finally signed 
 the warrant, but when her council acted upon it in iMarybe- 
 secret haste lest she should change her mind, she flew ^^^'^^^' 
 
 ' . Februarys, 
 
 into a rage and, to prove her innocence, heavily fined i587 
 and imprisoned one of the privy council whom she 
 selected as scapegoat. 
 
 The war with Spain is sometimes regarded as the War with 
 inevitable consequence of the religious opposition of ^^"* 
 the chief Catholic and the chief Protestant power. 
 But probably the war would never have gone beyond 
 the stage of privateering and plots to assassinate in 
 which it remained inchoate for so long, had it not been 
 for the Netherlands. The comer-stone of English pol- 
 icy has been to keep friendly, or weak, the power con- 
 trolling the mouths of the Rhine and the Scheldt. The 
 war of liberation in the Netherlands had a twofold 
 effect ; in the first place it damaged England's best cus- 
 tomer, and secondly, Spanish "f rightfulness" shocked 
 the English conscience. For a long time the policy of 
 the queen herself was as cynically selfish as it could 
 possibly be. She not only w^atched complacently the 
 butcheries of Alva, but she plotted and counterplotted, 
 now offering aid to the Prince of Orange, now betray- 
 ing his cause in a way that may have been sport to her 
 but was death to the men she played with. Her aim, 
 as far as she had a consistent one, was to allow SjDain 
 and the Netherlands to exhaust each other. 
 
 Not only far nobler but, as it proved in the end, far 
 wiser, was the action of the Puritan party that poured 
 money and recruits into the cause of their oppressed 
 fellow-Calvinists. But an equally great ser^'-ice to 
 them, or at any rate a greater amount of damage to 
 Spain, was done by the hardy buccaneers, Hawkins 
 and Drake, who preyed upon the Spanish treasure gal- 
 
340 ENGLAND 
 
 leons and pillaged the Spanish settlements in the New 
 World. These men and their fellows not only cut the 
 sinews of Spain 's power but likewise built the fleet. 
 England's The eventual naval victory of England was preceded 
 sea power -^^^ ^ long course of successf ul diplomacy. As the ag- 
 gressor England forced the haughtiest power in Eu- 
 rope to endure a protracted series of outrages. Not 
 only were rebels supported, not only were Spanish 
 fleets taken forcibly into English harbors and there 
 stripped of moneys belonging to their government, but 
 refugees were protected and Spanish citizens put to 
 death by the English queen. Philip and Alva could 
 not effectively resent and hardly dared to protest 
 against the treatment, because they felt themselves 
 powerless. As so often, the island kingdom was pro- 
 tected by the ocean and by the proved superiority of 
 her seamen. After a score of petty fights all the way 
 from the Bay of Biscay to the Pacific Ocean, Spanish 
 sailors had no desire for a trial of strength in force. 
 But in every respect save in sea power Spain felt 
 herself immeasurably superior to her foe. Her wealth, 
 her dominions, recently augmented by the annexation 
 of Portugal, were enormous ; her army had been tried 
 in a hundred battles. England's force w^as doubtless 
 underestimated. An Italian expert stated that an 
 army of 10,000 to 12,000 foot and 2,000 horse would be 
 sufficient to conquer her. Even to the last it was 
 thought that an invader would be welcomed by a large 
 part of the population, for English refugees never 
 wearied of picturing the hatred of the people for their 
 queen. 
 
 But the decision was long postponed for two reasons. 
 First, Spain was fully employed in subduing the Neth- 
 erlands. Secondly, the Catholic powders hoped for the 
 accession of Mary. But after the assassination of 
 Orange in 1584, and after the execution of the Queen 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SETTLEMENT 341 
 
 of Scots, these reasons for delay no longer existed. 
 Drake carried the naval war to the coasts of Spain 1585 
 and to her colonies. The consequent bankruptcy of 
 the Bank of Seville and the wounded national pride 
 brought home to Spaniards the humiliation of their 
 position. All that Philip could do was to pray for help 
 and to forbid the importation of English wares. In AprU,l587 
 reply Drake fell upon the harbor of Cadiz and de- 
 stroyed twenty-four or more warships and vast mili- 
 tary stores. 
 
 So at last the decision was taken to crush the one 
 power that seemed to maintain the Reformation, to up- 
 hold the Huguenots and the Dutch patriots -and to 
 harry with impunity the champions of Catholicism. 
 Pope Sixtus V, not wishing to hazard anything, prom- 
 ised a subsidy of 1,000,000 crowns of gold, the first 
 half payable on the landing of the Spanish army, the 
 second half two months later. Save this, Philip had 
 no promise of help from any Catholic power. 
 
 The huge scale of his preparations was only equaled 
 by their vast lack of intelligence, insuring defeat from 
 the first. The type of ship adopted was the old galley, 
 intended to ram and grapple the enemy but totally un- 
 fitted for manoeuvring in the Atlantic gales. The 130 
 ships carried 2500 guns, but the artillery, though nu- 
 merous, was small, intended rather to be used against 
 the enemy crews than against the ships themselves. 
 The necessary geographical information for the in- 
 vasion of Britain in the year 1588 was procured from 
 Caesar's De Bello Gallico. The admiral in chief, the 
 Duke of Medina Sidonia, had never even commanded a 
 ship before and most of the high officers were equally 
 innocent of professional knowledge, for sailors were 
 despised as inferior to soldiers. Three-fourths of the 
 crews were soldiers, all but useless in naval warfare of 
 the ijew type. Blind zeal did little to supply the lack 
 
342 ENGLAND 
 
 of foresight, though Philip spent hours on his knees 
 before the host in intercession for the success of his 
 venture. The very names of the ships, though quite 
 in accordance with Spanish practice, seem symbolic of 
 the holy character of the crusade: Santa Maria de 
 Gracia, Neustra Senora del Rosario, San Juan Bap- 
 tista, La Concepcion. 
 
 On the English side there was also plenty of fanat- 
 ical fury, but it was accompanied by practical sense. 
 The grandfathers of Cromwell 's Ironsides had already 
 learned, if they had not yet formulated, the maxim, 
 *'Fear God and keep your powder dry." Some of the 
 ships in the English navy had religious names, but 
 many were called by more secular appellations: The 
 Bull, The Tiger, The Dreadnought, The Revenge. To 
 meet the foe a very formidable and self-confident force 
 of about forty-five ships of the best sort had gathered 
 from the well-tried ranks of the buccaneers. It is true 
 that patronage did some damage to the English serv- 
 ice, but it was little compared to that of Spain. Lord 
 Howard of Effingham was made admiral on account of 
 his title, but the vice-admiral was Sir Francis Drake, 
 to whom the chief credit of the action must fall. 
 July, 1588 The battle in the Channel was fought for nine days. 
 There was no general strategy or tactics ; the English 
 simply sought to isolate and sink a ship w^herever they 
 could. Their heavier cannon were used against the 
 ' enemy, and fire-ships were sent among his vessels. 
 When six Spanish ships had foundered in the Channel, 
 the fleet turned northward to the coasts of Holland. 
 During their flight an uncertain number were destroyed 
 by the English, and a few more fell a prey to the Sea 
 Beggars of Holland. The rest, much battered, turned 
 north to sail around Scotland. In the storms nineteen 
 ships were wrecked on the coasts of Scotland and Ire- 
 land j of thirty-five ships the Spaniards themselves 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SETTLEMENT 343 
 
 could give no account. For two months Philip was in 
 suspense as to the fate of his great Armada, of which 
 at last only a riddled and battered remnant returned 
 to home harbors. 
 
 The importance of the victory over the Armada, like ^^ 
 that of most dramatic events, has been overestimated. 
 To contemporaries, at least to the victors and their 
 friends it appeared as the direct judgment of God: 
 ''Plavit Deus et dissipati sunt." The gorgeous rhet- 
 oric of Ranke -and Froude has painted it as one of the 
 turning points in world history. But in reality it 
 rather marked than made an epoch. Had Philip's 
 ships won, it is still inconceivable that he could have 
 imposed his dominion on England any more than he 
 could on the Netherlands. England was ripening and 
 Spain was rotting for half a century before the col- 
 lision made this fact plain to all. The Armada did not 
 end the war nor did it give the death blow to Spanish 
 power, much less to Catholicism. On the Continent of 
 Europe things went on almost unchanged. 
 
 But in England the effect was considerable. The 
 victory stimulated national pride; it strengthened the 
 Protestants, and the left wing of that party. Though 
 the Catholics had sho^vn themselves loyal during the 
 crisis they were subjected, immediately thereafter, to 
 the severest persecution they had yet felt. This was 
 due partly to nervous excitement of the whole popula- 
 tion, partly to the advance towards power of the Puri- 
 tans, always the war party. 
 
 Even in the first years of the great queen there had Puritans 
 been a number of Calvinists who looked askance at the 
 Anglican settlement as too much of a compromise with 
 Catholicism and Luthcranism. The Thirty-nine Arti- 
 cles passed Convocation by a single vote as against a 1563 
 more Calvinistic confession. Low-churchmen (as they 
 would now be called) attacked the **Aaronic" vest- 
 
344 ENGLAND 
 
 ments of the Anglican priests, and prelacy was de- 
 tested as but one degree removed from papacy. 
 
 The Puritans were not dissenters but were a party 
 in the Anglican communion thoroughly believing in a 
 national church, but wishing to make the breach with 
 Eome as wide as possible. They found fault with all 
 that had been retained in the Prayer Book for which 
 there was no direct warrant in Scripture, and many of 
 them began to use, in secret conventicles, the Genevan 
 instead of the English liturgy. Their leader, Thomas 
 Cartwright, Cartwright, a professor of divinity at Cambridge until 
 deprived of his chair by the government, had brought 
 back from the Netherlands ideals of a presbyterian 
 form of ecclesiastical polity. In his view many ** Pop- 
 ish Abuses" remained in the church of England, 
 among them the keeping of saints' days, kneeling at 
 communion, "the childish and superstitious toys" con- 
 nected with the baptismal service, the words then used 
 in the marriage service by the man, ''with my body I 
 thee worship" by which the husband ''made an idol 
 of his wife, ' ' the use of such titles as archbishop, arch- 
 deacon, lord bishop. 
 
 It was because of their excessively scrupulous con- 
 science in these matters, that the name "Puritan" was 
 given to the Calvinist by his enemy, at first a mocking 
 designation analogous to "Catharus" in the Middle 
 Ages. But the tide set strongly in the Puritan direc- 
 tion. Time and again the Commons tried to initiate 
 legislation to relieve the consciences of the stricter 
 party, but their efforts were blocked by the crown. 
 From this time forth the church of England made an 
 alliance with the throne that has never been broken. 
 As Jewel had been compelled, at the beginning of 
 Elizabeth's reign, to defend the Anglican church 
 against Eome, so Eichard Hooker, in his famous Ec- 
 
 1562 
 
THE ELIZABETHAN SETTLEMENT 345 
 
 clesiastical Polity was now forced to defend it from the 1594 
 extreme Protestants. In the very year in which this 
 finely tempered work was written, a Jesuit reported 
 that the Puritans were the strongest body in the king- 
 dom and particularly that they had the most officers 
 and soldiers on their side. The coming Commonwealth 
 was already casting its shadow on the age of 'Shake- 
 speare. 
 
 As a moral and religious influence Puritanism was 
 of the utmost importance in moulding the English — 
 and American — character and it was, take it all in all, 
 a noble thing. If it has been justly blamed for a cer- 
 tain narrowness in its hostility, or indifference, to art 
 and refinement, it more than compensated for this by 
 the moral earnestness that it impressed on the people. 
 To bring the genius of the Bible into English life and 
 literature, to impress each man with the idea of living 
 for duty, to reduce politics and the whole life of the 
 state to ethical standards, are undoubted services of 
 Puritanism. Politically, it favored the growth of self- 
 reliance, self-control and a sense of -personal worth that 
 made democracy possible and necessaiy. 
 
 To the left of the Puritans were the Independents Browne, 
 or Brownists as they were called from their leader 1^339" 
 Robert Browne, the advocate of Reformation ivithout 
 Tarrying for Any. He had been a refugee in the 
 Netherlands, where he may have come under Anabap- 
 tist influence. His disciples differed from the follow- 
 ers of Cartwright in separating themselves from the 
 state church, in which they found many ''filthy tradi- 
 tions and inventions of men." Beginning to organize 
 in separate congregations about 1567, they were said 
 by Sir Walter Raleigh to have as many as 20,000 ad- 
 herents in 1593. Though heartily disliked by re-ac- 
 tionaries and by the heati possidentes in both church 
 
346 ENGLAND 
 
 and state, they were, uevertlieless, the party of the 
 future. 
 
 § 5. IeeLlVxd 
 
 If the union of EngUmd and Wales has been a mar- 
 riage — after a courtship of the primitive type; if the 
 union with Scothmd has been a successful partnership 
 — following a long period of cut-throat competition; 
 the position of Ireland has been that of a captive and 
 a slave. To her unwilling mind the English domina- 
 tion has always been a foreign one, and this fact makes 
 more dilTerence with her than whether her master has 
 been ci-uel, as formerly, or kind, as of late. 
 English rule rp^^^, saddcst pcriod in all Erin's sad life was that of 
 the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, when to the 
 old antagonism of race was added a new hatred of 
 creed and a new commercial competition. The policy 
 of Henry was '"to reduce that realm to the knowledge 
 of God and obedience of Us." The policy of Elizabeth 
 was to pray that God might "call them to the knowl- 
 edge of his truth and to a civil polity," and to assist 
 the Almighty by the most fiendish means to accomplish 
 these ends. The government of the island was a crime, 
 and yet for this crime some considerations must be 
 urged in extenuation. England then regarded the 
 Irish much as the Americans have seemed to regard 
 the Indians, as savages to be killed and driven off to 
 make room for a higher civilization. Had England 
 been able to apply the method of extermination she 
 would doubtless have done so and there would then be 
 no Irish question today. But in 1540 it was«recognized 
 that "to enterprise the whole extirpation and total de- 
 struction of all the Irishmen in the land would be a 
 marvellous sumptions charge and great dit^culty." 
 Being unable to accomplish tliis or to put Ireland at 
 
mjsery 
 
 IRELAND 347 
 
 the bottom of the sea, where Elizabeth's minister Wals- 
 ingham often wished that it were, the English had the 
 alternatives of half governing or wholly abandoning 
 their neighbors. The latter course was felt to be too 
 dangerous, but had it been adopted, Ireland might have 
 evolved an adequate government and prosperity of her 
 own. It is true that she was more backward than Eng- 
 land, but yet she had a considerable trade and cul- 
 ture. Certain points, like Dublin and Waterford, had ^i^^ 
 much commerce with the Continent. And yet, as 
 to the nation as a whole, the report of 1515 prob- 
 ably speaks true in saying: ''There is no common 
 folk in all this world so little set by, so greatly de- 
 spised, so feeble, so poor, so greatly trodden under 
 foot, as the king's poor common folk of Ireland." 
 There was no map of the whole of Ireland; the roads 
 were few and poor and the vaguest notions prevailed 
 as to the shape, size and population of the country. 
 The most civilized part was the English Pale around 
 Dublin ; the native Irish lived ''west of the Barrow and 
 west of the law," and w^ere governed by more than 
 sixty native chiefs. Intermarriage of colonists and 
 natives was forbidden by law. The only way the 
 Tudor government knew of asserting its suzerainty 
 over these septs, correctly described as "the king's 
 Irish enemies," was to raid them at intervals, slaying, 
 robbing and raping as they went. It was after one of 
 these raids in 1580 that the poet Spencer wrote : 
 
 The people were brought to such wretchedness that any 
 strong heart would have rued the same. Out of every 
 corner of the woods and glens they came, creeping forth 
 upon their hands, for their legs would not bear them. 
 They looked like anatomies of death; they spoke like 
 ghosts crying out of their graves. They did eat the dead 
 carrions, happy where they could find them ; yea and one 
 
348 ENGLAND 
 
 another soon after, inasmuch as the very carcasses they 
 
 spared not to scrape out of their graves; and if they 
 
 found a plot of watercresses or shamrocks, there they 
 thronged as to a feast for a time. 
 
 The Irish chiefs were not to be tamed by either kind- 
 ness or force. Henry and Elizabeth scattered titles 
 of ^^earl" and ^^lord" among the O's and Macs of her 
 western island, only to find that the coronet made not 
 the slightest difference in either their affections or 
 their manners. They still lived as marauding chiefs, 
 surrounded by wild kerns and gallowglasses fighting 
 each other and preying on their own poor subjects. 
 *'Let a thousand of my people die," remarked one of 
 them, Neil Garv, *'I pass not a pin. ... I will punish, 
 exact, cut and hang where and whenever I list. ' ' Had 
 they been able to make common cause they might per- 
 haps have shaken the English grasp from their necks, 
 for it was commonly corrupt and feeble. Sir Heniy 
 Sidney was the strongest and best governor sent to the 
 island during the century, but he was able to do little. 
 Though the others could be bribed and though one of 
 them, the Earl of Essex, conspired with the chiefs to 
 rebel, and though at the very end of Elizabeth's reign 
 a capable Spanish army landed in Ireland to help the 
 natives, nothing ever enabled them to turn out the 
 hated "Sassenach." 
 English col- England had already tried to solve the Irish problem 
 by colonization. Leinster had long been a center of 
 English settlement, and in 1573 the first English colony 
 was sent to Ulster. But as it consisted chiefly of 
 bankrupts, fugitives from justice and others "of so 
 corrupt a disposition as England rather refuseth," it 
 did not help matters much but rather "irrecuperably 
 damnified the state. ' ' The Irish Parliament continued 
 to represent only the English of the Pale and of a few 
 towns outside of it. Though the inhabitants of the 
 
 onization 
 
IRELAND 349 
 
 Pale remained nominally Catholic, the Parliament was 
 so servile that in 1541 it destroyed the monasteries and 
 repudiated the pope, shortly after which the king took Religion 
 the title of Head of the Irish Church. Not one penny 
 of the confiscated wealth went to endow an Irish uni- 
 versity until 1591, when Trinity College was founded 
 in the interests of Protestantism. Though almost 
 every other country of Europe had its own printing 
 presses before 1500, Ireland had none until 1551, and 
 then the press was used so exclusively for propaganda 
 that it made the very name of reading hateful to the 
 natives. There were, however, no religious massacres 
 and no martyrs of either cause. The persecuting laws 
 were left until the following century. 
 
 The rise of the traders to political power was more Commercial 
 ominous than the inception of a new religion. The 
 country was drained of treasure by the exaction of 
 enormous ransoms for captured chiefs. The Irish 
 cloth-trade and sea-borne commerce were suppressed. 
 The country was flooded with inferior coin, thus put- 
 ting its merchants at a vast disadvantage. Finally, 
 there was little left that the Irish were able to import 
 save liquors, and those ''much corrupted." 
 
 With every plea in mitigation of judgment that can 
 be offered, it must be recognized that England's gov- 
 ernment of Ireland proved a failure. If she did not 
 make the Irish savage she did her best to keep them so, 
 and then punished them for it. By exploiting Erin's 
 resources she impoverished herself. By trying to im- 
 pose Protestantism she made Ireland the very strong- 
 hold of papacy. By striving to destroy the septs she 
 created the nation. 
 
 exploitation 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 SCOTLAND 
 
 One of the most important effects of modern means 
 of easy communication between all parts of the world 
 has been to obliterate or minimize distinctions in na- 
 ■ tional character and in degrees of civilization. The 
 manner of life of England and Australia differ less 
 now than the manner of life of England and Scotland 
 differed in the sixteenth century. The great stream of 
 culture then flowed much more strongly in the central 
 than in the outlying parts of Western Europe. The 
 Latin nations, Italy and France, lay nearest the heart 
 of civilization. But slightly less advanced in culture 
 and in the amenities of life, and superior in some re- 
 spects, were the Netherlands, Switzerland, England 
 and the southern and central parts of Germany. In 
 partial shadow round about lay a belt of lands: 
 Spain, Portugal, Northern Germany, Prussia, Poland, 
 Hungary, Scandinavia, Scotland, and Ireland. 
 Scotland Scotland, indeed, had her own universities, but her 
 best scholars were often found at Paris, or in German 
 or Italian academies. Scotch humanists on the con- 
 tinent, the Scotch guard of the French king, and Scotch 
 monasteries, such as those at Erfurt and Wiirzburg, 
 raised the reputation of the country abroad rather 
 than advanced its native culture. Printing was not 
 introduced until 1507. Brantome in the sixteenth cen- 
 tury, like Aeneas Silvius in the fifteenth, remarked the 
 uncouthness of the northern kingdom. 
 
 Most backward of all was Scotland's political de- 
 velopment. No king arose strong enough to be at once 
 
 350 
 
SCOTLAND 351 
 
 the tyrant and the saviour of his countr}^; under the 
 weak rule of a series of minors, regents and wanton 
 women a feudal baronage with a lush growth of intes- 
 tine war and crime, flourished mightily to curse the 
 poor people. AVhen Sir David Lyndsay asked, Why 
 are the Scots so poor? he gave the correct answer: i528 
 
 Wanting of justice, policy and peace, 
 Are cause of their unhappiness, alas ! 
 
 Something may also be attributed to the poverty of 
 the soil and the lack of important commerce or in- 
 dustries. 
 
 The policy of any small nation situated in dangerous Relations 
 proximity to a larger one is almost necessarily deter- England 
 mined by this fact. In order to assert her independ- 
 ence Scotland was forced to make common cause A\'ith 
 England's enemies. Guerrilla warfare was endemic 
 on the borders, breaking out, in each generation, into 
 some fiercer crisis. England, on the other hand, was 
 driven to seek her own safety in the annexation of her 
 small enemy, or, failing that, by keeping her as im- 
 potent as possible. True to the maxims of the im- 
 moral political science that has commonly passed for 
 statesmanship, the Tudors consistently sought by 
 every form of deliberate perfidy to foster factions in 
 North Britain, to purchase traitors, to hire stabbers, 
 to subsidize rebels, to breed mischief, and to waste the 
 country, at opportune intervals, with armies and fleets. 
 Simply to protect the independence that England de- 
 nied and attacked, Scotch rulers became fast allies of 
 France, to be counted on, in every war between the 
 great powers, to stir up trouble in England's rear. 
 
 On neither side was the policy one of sheer hatred. 
 North and south the purpose increased throughout the 
 century to unite the two countries and thus put an end 
 to the perennial ^nd noxious war, If the early Tudors 
 
352 SCOTLAND 
 
 were mistaken in thinking they could assert a suze- 
 rainty by force of arms, they also must be credited with 
 laying the foundations of the future dynastic union. 
 Margaret Tudor, Henry VIII 's sister, was married to 
 James IV of Scotland. Somerset hoped to effect the 
 union more directly by the marriage of Edward VI 
 and Mary Queen of Scots. That a party of enlight- 
 ened statesmen in England should constantly keep the 
 union in mind, is less remarkable under the circum- 
 stances than that there should have been built up a 
 considerable body of Scotchmen aiming at the same 
 goal. Notwithstanding the vitality of patriotism and 
 the tenacity with which small nations usually refuse 
 to merge their own identity in a larger whole, very 
 strong motives called forth the existence of an English 
 party. One favorable condition was the feudal dis- 
 organization of society. Faction was so common and 
 so bitter that it was able to call in the national enemy 
 without utterly discrediting itself. A second element 
 was jealousy of France. For a time, with the French 
 marriages of James V with Mary of Lorraine, a sister 
 of the Duke of Guise, and of Mary Queen of Scots with 
 Francis II, there seemed more danger that the little 
 kingdom should become an appanage of France than 
 a satellite of her southern neighbor. The licentious- 
 ness of French officers and French soldiers on Scotch 
 soil made their nation least loved when it was most 
 Influence sccn. But the great influence overcoming national sen- 
 o reigion timent was religion. The Reformation that brought 
 not peace but a sword to so much of Europe in this 
 case united instead of divided the nations. 
 
 It is sometimes said that national character reveals 
 itself in the national religion. This is true to some 
 extent, but it is still more important to say that a na- 
 tion 's history reveals itself in its forms of faith. 
 From religious statistics of the present day one could 
 
SCOTLAND 353 
 
 deduce with considerable accuracy much of the history 
 of any people. 
 
 The contrast between the churches of England and 
 Scotland is the more remarkable when it is considered 
 that the North of England was the stronghold of 
 Catholicism, and that the Lowland Scot, next door to 
 the counties of the Northern Earls who rose against 
 Elizabeth, flew to the opposite extreme and embraced 
 Protestantism in its most pronounced form. To say 
 that Calvinism, uncompromising and bare of adorn- 
 ment, appealed particularly to the dour, dry, rational- 
 istic Scot, is at best but a half truth and at worst a 
 begging of the question. The reasons why England 
 became Anglican and Scotland Presbyterian are found 
 immediately not in the diversity of national character 
 but in the circumstances of their respective polities and 
 history. England cast loose from Rome at a time 
 when the conservative influence of Luther was pre- 
 dominant ; Scotland was swept into the current of rev- 
 olution under the fiercer star of Calvin. The English 
 Eeformation was started by the crown and supported 
 by the new noblesse of commerce. The Scotch revolu- 
 tion Avas markedly baronial in tone. It began with the 
 humanists, continued and flourished in the junior 
 branches of great families, among the burgesses of the 
 towns and among the more vigorous of the clergy, both 
 regular and secular. The crown was consistently 
 against the new movement, but the Scottish monarch 
 was too weak to impose his will, or even to have a will 
 of his owm. Neither James V nor his daughter could 
 afford to break with Rome and with France. James 
 V, especially, was thrown into the arms of his clergy 
 by the hostility of his nobles. Moreover, after the 
 death of manj^ nobles at the battle of Flodden, the 
 clergy became, for a time, the strongest estate in the 1513 
 kingdom. 
 
354 
 
 SCOTLAND 
 
 Reforma- 
 tion 
 
 February 
 29, 1528 
 
 Like the other estates the clergy were still in the 
 Middle Ages when the Reformation came on them like 
 a thief in the night. In no country was the corruption 
 greater. The bishops and priests took concubines and 
 ate and drank and were drunken and buffeted their fel- 
 low men. They exacted their fees to the last farthing, 
 an especially odious one being the claim of the priest 
 to the best cow on the death of a parishioner. As a 
 consequence the parsons and monks were hated by the 
 laity. 
 
 Humanism shed a few bright beams on the hyper- 
 borean regions of Dundee and Glasgow. Some Eras- 
 mians, like Hector Boece, prepared others for the Ref- 
 ormation without joining it themselves; some, like 
 George Buchanan, threw genius and learning into the 
 scales of the new faith. The unlearned, too, were 
 touched with reforming zeal. Lollardy sowed a few 
 seeds of heresy. About 1520 Wyclif 's version of the 
 New Testament was turned into Scots by one John 
 Nesbit, but it remained in manuscript. 
 
 In the days before newspapers tidings were carried 
 from place to place by wandering merchants and itiner- 
 ant scholars. Far more than today propaganda was 
 dependent on personal intercourse. One of the first 
 preachers of Lutheranism in Scotland was a French- 
 man named La Tour, who was martyred on his return 
 to his own country. The noble Patrick Hamilton made 
 a pilgrimage to the newly founded University of Mar- 
 burg, and possibly to Wittenberg. Filled, as his Cath- 
 olic countryman. Bishop John Leslie put it, ''with 
 venom very poisonable and deadly . . . soaked out of 
 Luther and other archheretics, " he returned to find 
 the martyr's crown in his native land. "The reek of 
 Patrick Hamilton" infected all upon whom it blew. 
 Other young men visited Germany. Some, like Alex- 
 ander Alesius and John MacAlpine, found positions in 
 
SCOTLAND 
 
 355 
 
 July 17, 
 1525 
 
 February 
 20, 1527 
 
 foreign universities. Others visited Wittenberg for a 
 short time to carry thence the new gospel. A Scotch 
 David ^ appears at Wittenberg in January 1528. An- 
 other Scot, ''honorably born and well seen in scholas- 
 tic theology, exiled from his land on account of the 
 Word," made Luther's acquaintance in May, 1529. 
 Another of the Reformer's visitors was James Wed- 
 derburn whose brother, John, translated some of the 1540-2 
 German's hymns, and published them as ''Ane com- 
 pendious Booke of Godly and spiritual Songs." 
 
 AVhile men like these were bringing tidings of the 
 new faith back to their countr;}Tnen, others were busy 
 importing and distributing Lutheran books. The Par- 
 liament prohibited all works of "the heretic Luther and 
 his disciples," but it could not enforce this law. The 
 English agent at Antwerp reported to Wolsey that 
 New Testaments and other English works were bought 
 by Scottish merchants and sent to Edinburgh and St. 
 Andrews. The popularity and influence of Tyndale's 
 and Coverdale 's Bible is proved by the rapid angliciz- 
 ing, from this date onward, of the Scots dialect. The 
 circulation of the Scriptures in English is further 
 proved by the repetition of the injunctions against 
 using them. But the first Bible printed in Scotland 
 was that of Alexander Arbuthnot in 1579, based on the 
 Geneva Bible in 1561. 
 
 Another indication of the growth of Lutheranism is 
 the request of King James V to Consistory for per- 
 mission to tax his clergy one-third of their revenues 
 in order to raise an army against the swarm of his 
 Lutheran subjects. As these Protestants met in pri- 
 vate houses, Parliament passed a law, ' ' That none hold 
 nor let be liolden in their houses nor other ways, con- 
 gregations or conventicles to commune or dispute of 
 
 1 Could he have been David Borthwick or David Lyndsay ? See 
 Luther's letters and Dictionary of Xational Biography. 
 
 March 14, 
 1531 
 
 1540 
 
356 
 
 SCOTLAND 
 
 the Holy Scripture, without they be theologians ap- 
 proved by famous universities." 
 
 As the new party grew the battle was joined. At 
 
 ramplilets least twelve martyrs perished in the years 1539-40. 
 The field was taken on either side by an army of pam- 
 phlets, ballads and broadsides, of which the best 
 known, perhaps, is David Lyndsay's xine Satire of the 
 thrie Estatis. In this the clergy are mercilessly at- 
 
 1540 tacked for greed and wantonness. The New Testa- 
 
 ment is highly praised by some of the characters in- 
 troduced into the poem, but a pardoner complains that 
 his credit has been entirely destroyed by it and wishes 
 the devil ma^^ take him who made that book. He fur- 
 ther wishes that ''^Martin Luther, that false loon, Black 
 Bullinger and Melanchthon" had been smothered in 
 their chrisom-cloths and that St. Paul had never been 
 born. 
 
 Mary 
 Stuart, 
 born Dec. 
 8, 1542 
 
 Cardinal 
 Beaton 
 
 When James V died, he left the cro-\vii to his infant 
 daughter of six days old, that Mary whose beauty, 
 crimes and tragic end fixed the attention of her con- 
 temporaries and of posterity alike. For the first 
 three years of her reign the most powerful man in 
 -the kingdom was David Beaton, Cardinal Archbishop 
 of St. Andrews. His policy, of course, was to main- 
 tain the Catholic religion, and this implied the defence 
 of Scotch independence against England. Henry VIII, 
 with characteristic lack of scruple, plotted to kidnap 
 the infant queen and either to kidnap or to assassinate 
 the cardinal. Failing in both, he sent an army north 
 with orders to put man, woman and child to the sword 
 wherever resistance was made. Edinburgh castle re- 
 mained untaken, but Holyrood was burned and the 
 country devastated as far as Sterling. 
 
 Defeated by England, Beaton was destined to per- 
 
SCOTLAND 357 
 
 ish in conflict with his other enemy, Protestantism. 
 During this time of transition from Luthcranism to 
 Calvinism, the demands of the Scotch reformers would 
 have been more moderate than they later became. 
 They would doubtless have been content with a free 
 Bible, free preaching and the sequestration of the 
 goods of the religious orders. Under George Wishart, 
 who translated the First Helvetic Confession, the Kirk ^^-^^^^ 
 began to assume its Calvinistic garb and to take the 
 aspect of a party with a definite political program. 
 The place of newspapers, both as purveyors of infor- 
 mation and as organs of public opinion, was taken by 
 the sermons of the ministers, most of them political 
 and all of them controversial. Of this party Beaton 
 was the scourge. He himself believed that in 15-45 he- 
 resy Avas almost extinct, and doubtless his belief was 
 confirmed when he was able to put Wishart to death. 1545 
 In revenge for this a few fanatics murdered him. May 29 
 
 in the consummation of the religious revolution John Knox 
 during the next quarter of a century, one factor was 
 the personality of John Knox. A born partisan, a man 
 of one idea who could see no evil on his own side and 
 no good on the other, as a good fighter and a good 
 hater he has had few equals. His supreme devotion 
 to the cause he embraced made him credulous of evil 
 in his foes, and capable of using deceit and of applaud- 
 ing political murder. Of his first preaching against 
 Romanism it was said, ''Other have sned [snipped] 
 the branches, but this man strikes at the root," and 
 well nigh the latest judgment passed upon him, that 
 of Lord Acton, is that he differed from all other Prot- 
 estant founders in his desire that the Catholics should 
 be exterminated, either by the state or by the self- 
 help of all Christian men. His not to speak the words 
 of love and mercy from the gospel, but to curse and 
 
358 SCOTLAND 
 
 thunder against ''those dumb dogs, the poisoned and 
 pestilent papists" in the style of the Old Testament 
 prophet or psalmist. But while the harshness of his 
 character has repelled many, his fundamental consist- 
 ency and his courage have won admiration. As a 
 great preacher, "or he had done with his sermon he 
 was so active and vigorous that he was like to ding 
 the pulpit in blads and fly out of it." His style was 
 direct, vigorous, plain, full of pungent wit and biting 
 sarcasm. 
 
 Even the year of his birth is in dispute. The tra- 
 ditional date is 1505 ; but it has been showai with much 
 reason that the more likely date is 1513 or 1514. That 
 he had a university education and that he was or- 
 dained priest is all that is known of him until about 
 1540. During the last months of Wishart's life Knox 
 was his constant attendant. His o^vn preaching con- 
 tinued the work of the martyr until June, 1547, when 
 ^ St. Andrews was captured by the French fleet and 
 / Knox was made a galley slave for nineteen months. 
 Under the lash and, what grieved him even more, con- 
 stantly plied with suggestions that he should ' ' commit 
 idolatry" in praying to the image of Mary, his heart 
 grew bitter against the French and their religion. 
 Released, either through the influence of the Eng- 
 
 1549^^^' lish government, or by an exchange of prisoners, Knox 
 spent the next five years in England. After filling 
 
 1551 positions as preacher at Berwick and Newcastle, he 
 
 Avas appointed royal chaplain and was offered the 
 bishopric of Rochester, which he declined because he 
 foresaw the troubles under Mary. As the pioneer of 
 Puritanism in England he used his influence to make 
 the Book of Common Prayer more Protestant. Not 
 long after Mary's accession Knox fled to the Con- 
 tinent, spending a few years at Frankfort and Geneva. 
 He was much impressed by ''that notable servant of 
 
SCOTLAND 359 
 
 God, John Calvin" whose system he adopted with 
 political modifications of his own. .., 
 
 In the meantime things were not going well in Scot- 
 land. The country had suffered another severe defeat September 
 at the hands of the English in the battle of Pinkie. 
 The government was largely in the hands of the Queen 
 Dowager, Mary of Lorraine, who naturally favored 
 France, and who married her daughter, the Queen of 
 Scots, to the Dauphin Francis, both of them being April 24, 
 fifteen years old. By treaty she conveyed Scotland ^^^ 
 to the king of France, acting on the good old theory 
 that her people were a chattel. Though the pact, with 
 its treason to the people, was secret, its purport was 
 guessed by all. Whereas the accession of Francis II __ 
 momentarily bound Scotland closer to France, his 
 death in the following year again cut her loose, and al- 
 lowed her to go her own way. 
 
 All the while the Eeformed party had been slowly 
 growing in strength. Somerset took care to send 
 plenty of English Bibles across the Cheviot Hill, 
 rightly seeing in them the best emissaries of the Eng- 
 lish interest. The Scotch were dra^\m towards Eng- 
 land by the mildness of her government as much as 
 they were alienated from France by the ferocity of 
 hers. In Scotland the English party, when it had the 
 chance, made no Catholic martyrs, but the French party 
 continued to put heretics to death. The execution of 1558 
 the aged Walter Milne, the last of the victims of the 
 Catholic persecution, excited especial resentment. 
 
 Knox now returned to his o^\'ll country for a short ^nox, 
 visit. He there preached passionately against the August, 
 mass and addressed a letter to the Regent Mary of 
 Lorraine, begging her to favor the gospel. This she 
 treated as a joke, and, after Knox had departed, she 
 sentenced him to death and burnt him in effigy. From 
 Geneva he continued to be the chief adviser of the 
 
1558 
 
 360 SCOTLAND 
 
 December Protestant party, whose leaders drew up a ' * Common 
 Band," usually known as the First Scottish Covenant. 
 The signers, including a large number of nobles and 
 gentlemen headed by the earls of Argyle, Glencaim 
 and Morton, promised to apply their whole power, 
 substance and lives to maintain, set forward and estab- 
 lish *'the most blessed Word of God and his congre- 
 gation. ' ' Under the protection of this bond, reformed 
 churches were set up openly. The Lords of the Con- 
 gregation, as they were called, demanded that penal 
 statutes against heretics be abrogated and "that it 
 be lawful to us to use ourselves in matters of religion 
 and conscience as we must answer to God." This 
 scheme of toleration was too advanced for the time. 
 
 1557 As the assistance of Knox was felt to be desirable, 
 
 the Lords of the Congregation urgently requested his 
 return. Before doing so he published his "Appella- 
 
 May2, tion" to the nobles, estates and commonalty against 
 the sentence of death recently passed on him. When 
 he did arrive in Edinburgh, his preaching was like a 
 match set to kindling wood. Wherever he went burst 
 forth the flame of iconoclasm. Lnages w^ere broken 
 and monasteries stormed not, as he himself wrote, by 
 gentlemen or by ''earnest professors of Christ," but 
 by "the rascal multitude." In reckoning the forces 
 of revolution, the jo}^ of the mob in looting must not 
 
 May 11 -^Q forgotten. From Perth Knox wrote: "The places 
 of idolatry were made equal with the ground ; all mon- 
 uments of idolatry that could be apprehended, con- 
 sumed with fire; and priests commanded, under pain 
 of death, to desist from their blasphemous mass." 
 Similar outbursts occurred at St. Andrews, and when 
 Knox returned to Edinburgh, civil war seemed im- 
 minent. Pamphlets of the time, like The Beggars' 
 
 1559 ^' Warning, distinctly made the threat of social revolu- 
 tion. 
 
SCOTLAND 361 
 
 But as a matter of fact the change came as the most 
 bloodless in Europe. The Reformers, popular with the 
 middle and with part of the upper classes, needed only 
 to win English support to make themselves perfectly 
 secure. The difficulty in this course lay in Queen 
 Elizabeth's natural dislike of Knox on account of his 
 First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstrous 
 Regiment of Women. In this war-whoop, aimed 
 against the Marys of England and Scotland, Knox had 
 argued that 'Ho promote a woman to bear rule, super- 
 iority, dominion or empire above any realm is repug- 
 nant to nature, contrary to God, and, finally, it is the 
 subversion of good order and of all equity and justice." 
 The author felt not a little embarrassment when a 
 Protestant woman ascended the throne of England 
 and he needed her help. But to save his soul he ''that 
 never feared nor flattered any flesh" could not admit 
 that he was in the wrong, nor take back aught that he 
 had said. He seems to have acted on Barry Lyn- 
 don 's maxim that ' ' a gentleman fights but never apol- 
 ogizes." When he wrote Elizabeth, all he would say July 20, 
 
 1559 
 
 was that he was not her enemy and had never offended 
 her or her realm maliciously or of purijose. He sea- 
 soned this attempt at reconciliation by adding a sting- 
 ing rebuke to the proud 5^oung queen for ha\dng ''de- 
 clined from God and bowed to idolatry," during her 
 sister's reign, for fear of her life. 
 
 But the advantages of union outweighed such minor 
 considerations as bad manners, and early in 1560 a 
 league was formed between England and the Lords of 
 the Congregation. Shortly after the death of Mary June 11, 
 of Lorraine the Treaty of Edinburgh was signed be- Treaty of 
 tween the queen of England and the lords of Scot- Edinburgh, 
 land. This provided: (1) that all English and French "^"'^^ 
 troops be sent out of Scotland except 120 French; 
 (2) that all warlike preparations cease; (3) that the 
 
362 
 
 SCOTLAND 
 
 Revolution 
 
 Scottish 
 Confessioi^'^ 
 
 Berwickshire citadel of the sea, Eyemouth, be disman- 
 tled; (4) that Mary and Francis should disuse the Eng- 
 lish title and arms; (5) that Philip of Spain should 
 arbitrate certain points, if necessary; (6) that Eliza- 
 beth had not acted wrongfully in making a league with 
 the Lords of the Congregation. Mary and Francis 
 refused to ratify this treaty. 
 
 A supplementary agreement was proposed between 
 Mary Stuart and her rebellious Protestant subjects. 
 She promised to summon Parliament at once, to make 
 neither war nor peace without the consent of the es- 
 tates, and to govern according to the advice of a coun- 
 cil of twelve chosen jointly by herself and the estates. 
 She promised to give no high offices to strangers or to 
 clergymen ; and she extended to all a general amnesty. 
 
 The summons of Parliament immediately after these 
 negotiations proved as disastrous to the old regime 
 as the assembly of the French Estates General in 1789. 
 Though bloodless, the Scotch revolution was as thor- 
 ough, in its o^vn small way, as that of Robespierre. 
 Religion was changed and a new distribution of po- 
 litical power secured, transferring the ascendency of 
 the crown and of the old privileged orders to a class 
 of ''new men,'^ low-bom ministers of the kirk, small 
 ''lairds'' and burgesses. The very constitution of 
 -the new Parliament was revolutionary. In the old 
 legislative assemblies between ten and twenty greater 
 barons were summoned; in the Parliament of 1560 no 
 less than 106 small barons assembled, and it was to 
 them, together with the burgesses of the cities, that 
 the adoption of the new religion was due. A Confes- 
 sion of Faith, on extreme Calvinistic lines, had been 
 drawn up by Knox and his fellows ; this was presented 
 to Parliament and adopted with only eight dissenting 
 voices, those of five laymen and three bishops. The 
 minority was overawed^ not only by the majority in 
 
the estates 
 
 SCOTLAND 363 
 
 Parliament but by the public opinion of the capital 
 and of the whole Lowlands, 
 
 Just a week after the adoption of the Confession, the Laws of 
 estates passed three laws: (1) Abolishing the pope's 
 authority and all jurisdiction by Catholic prelates; 
 (2) repealing all previous statutes in favor of the Ro- 
 man church; (3) forbidding the celebration of mass. 
 The law calls it 'Svicked idolatry" and provides that 
 ''no manner of person nor persons say mass, nor yet 
 hear mass, nor be present thereat under pain of con- 
 fiscation of all their goods movable and immovable and 
 punishing their bodies at the discretion of the magis- 
 trate." The penalty for the third offence was made 
 death, and all officers were commanded to ''take dili- 
 gent suit and inquisition" to prevent the celebration 
 of the Catholic rite. In reality, persecution was ex- 
 tremely mild, simply because there w^as hardly any 
 resistance. Scarcely three Catholic martyrs can be 
 named, and there was no Pilgrimage of Grace. This 
 is all the more remarkable in that probably three- 
 fourths of the people were still Catholic. The Refor- 
 mation, like most other revolutions, was the work not 
 of the majority, but of that part of the people that 
 had the energy and intelligence to see most clearly and 
 act most strongly. For the first time in Scotch his- 
 tory a great issue was submitted to a public opinion 
 sufficiently developed to realize its importance. The 
 great choice was made not by counting heads but by 
 w^eighing character. 
 
 The burgher class having seized the reins of govern- 
 ment proceeded to use them in the interests of their 
 kirk. The prime duty of the state was asserted to be 
 the maintenance of the true religion. Ministers were 
 paid by the government. Almost any act of govern- 
 ment might be made the subject of interference by the 
 church, for Knox's profession, "with the policy, mind 
 
364 SCOTLAND 
 
 us to meddle no further than it hath religion mixed 
 in it," was obviously an elastic and self-imposed limi- 
 tation. 
 
 Theocracy The character of the kirk was that of a democratic, 
 puritanical theocracy. The real rulers of it, and 
 through it of the state, were th6 ministers and elders 
 elected by the people. The democracy of the kirk con- 
 sisted in the rise of most of these men from the lower 
 ranks of the people; its theocracy in the claim of these 
 men, once established in Moses' seat, to interpret the 
 commands of God. '*I see," said Queen Mary, after 
 a conversation with Knox, ''that my subjects shall 
 obey you rather than me." "Madam," replied Knox, 
 **my study is that both princes and people shall obey 
 God" — but, of course, the voice of the pulpit was the 
 voice of God. As a contemporary put it: ''Knox is 
 king; what he wills obey it is." Finally the kirk was 
 a tyranny, as a democracy may well be. In life, in 
 manners, in thought, the citizen was obliged, under 
 severe social penalty, to conform exactly to a very 
 narrow standard. 
 
 Queen "When Quecu ]\Iarv, a widow eighteen vears old, 
 
 Mary in r' . 7 
 
 Scotland, landed in Scotland, she must have been aware of the 
 Auf;usti9, thorny path she was to tread. It is impossible not to 
 pity her, the spoiled darling of the gayest court of 
 Europe, exposed to the bleak skies and bleaker winds 
 of doctrines at Edinburgh. Endowed with high spirit, 
 courage, no little cleverness and nmch charm, she 
 might have mastered the situation had her character 
 or discretion equaled her intellect and beauty. But, 
 thwarted, nagged and bullied by men whose religion 
 she hated, whose power she feared and whose low birth 
 she despised, she became more and more reckless in 
 the pursuit of pleasure until she was tangled in a net- 
 work of vice and crime, and delivered helpless into the 
 hands of her enemies. 
 
SCOTLAND 
 
 165 
 
 Her true policy, and the one which she began to fol- 
 low, was marked out for her by circumstances. Scot- 
 land was to her but the stepping-stone to the throne 
 of England. As Elizabeth's next heir she might be- 
 come queen either through the death of the reigning 
 sovereign, or as the head of a Catholic rebellion. At 
 first she prudently decided to wait for the natural 
 course of events, selecting as her secretary" of state 
 Maitland, **the Scottish Cecil," a staid politician bent 
 on keeping friends with England. But at last growing 
 impatient, she compromised herself in the Catholic 
 plots and risings of the disaffected southerners. 
 
 So, while aspiring to three crowns, Mary showed 
 herself incapable of keeping even the one she had. 
 Not religion but her own crimes and follies caused 
 her downfall, but it was over religion that the first 
 clash with her subjects came. She would have liked 
 to restore Catholicism, though this was not her first 
 object, for she would have been content to be left in 
 the private enjoyment of her o\vn worship. Even on 
 this the stalwarts of the kirk looked askance. Knox 
 preached as Mary landed that one mass was more ter- 
 rible to him than ten thousand armed invaders. Marj- 
 sent for him, hoping to win the hard man by a display 
 of feminine and queenly graciousness. In all he had 
 five interviews with her, picturesquely described by 
 himself. On his side there were long, stern sermons 
 on the duties of princes and the wickedness of idolatry, 
 all richly illustrated with examples drawn from the 
 sacred page. On her side there was ''howling to- 
 gether with womanly weeping," ''more howling and 
 tears above that the matter did require," "so many 
 tears that her chamber-boy could scarce get napkins 
 enough to dry her eyes." With absurdly unconscious 
 offensiveness and egotism Knox began acquaintance 
 with his sovereign by remarking that he was as well 
 
 August, 
 1561- 
 December, 
 1563 
 
366 
 
 SCOTLAND 
 
 Marriage 
 with 
 Darnley, 
 July, 1565 
 
 March 9, 
 1566 
 
 content to live under her as Paul under Nero. Pre- 
 viously he had maintained that the government was 
 set up to control religion ; now he informed Mary that 
 ** right religion took neither original nor authority 
 from worldly princes but from the Eternal God alone." 
 ^* 'Think ye,' quoth she, 'that subjects, having power, 
 may resist their princes?' 'If princes exceed their 
 bounds, madam, they may be resisted and even de- 
 posed,' " replied Knox. Mary's marriage was the 
 most urgent immediate question of policy. When 
 Knox took the liberty of discussing it with her she 
 burst out : ' ' What have you to do with my marriage ? 
 Or what are you within this commonwealth?" "A 
 subject born within the same," superbly retorted the 
 East Lothian peasant, "and though neither earl, lord 
 nor baron, God has made me a profitable member." 
 
 Determined, quite excusably, to please herself rather 
 than her advisers in the choice of a husband, Mary 
 selected her cousin Henry Stuart Lord Darnley; a 
 "long lad" not yet twenty. The marriage was cele- 
 brated in July, 1565 ; the necessary papal dispensation 
 therefor was actually drawn up on September 25 but 
 was thoughtfully provided with a false date as of 
 four months earlier. Almost from the first the mar- 
 riage was wretchedly unhappy. The petulant boy in- 
 sisted on being treated as king, whereas Mary allowed 
 him only "his due." Darnley was jealous, probably 
 with good cause, of his wife 's Italian secretary, David 
 Riccio, and murdered him in Mary's presence; "an 
 action worthy of all praise," pontificated Knox. 
 
 With this crime begins in earnest that sickening tale 
 of court intrigue and blackest villainy that has com- 
 monly passed as the then history of Scotland. To re- 
 venge her beloved secretary Mary plotted with a new 
 paramour, the Earl of Bothwell, an able soldier, a 
 
SCOTLAND 367 
 
 nominal Protestant and an evil liver. On the night of 
 February 9-10, 1567, the house of Kirk o' Field near 
 Edinburgh where Darnley was staying and where his 
 wife had but just left him, was blown up by gunpowder 
 and later his dead body was found near by. Public ^ 
 opinion at once laid the crime at the right doors, and it Marriage 
 did not need Mary's hasty marriage with Bothwell JJJ^jj^ jJJ^y 
 to confirm the suspicion of her complicity. 15, 1567 
 
 The path of those opposed to the queen was made James vi, 
 easier by the fact that she now had an heir, James, i^| ' 
 of Scotland the sixth and afterwards of England the 
 first. The temper of the people of Edinburgh was 
 indicated by the posting up of numerous placards 
 accusing Bothwell and Mary. One of these was a 
 banner on which was painted a little boy kneeling and 
 crowned, and thereon the legend: '^Avenge the death 
 of my father!" Deeds followed words; Parliament July 16 
 compelled the queen under threat of death to abdicate 
 in favor of her son and to appoint her half-brother, 
 the Earl of Moray, regent. At the coronation of the July 29 
 infant king Knox preached. A still more drastic step 
 was taken when Parliament declared Mary guilty of December 
 murder and formally deposed her from the throne. 
 That Mary really w^as guilty in the fullest degree there 
 can be no reasonable doubt. An element of mystery 
 has been added to the situation by a dispute over the 
 genuineness of a series of letters and poems purport- 
 ing to have been written by Mary to Bothwell and y- 
 known collectively as the Casket Letters. They were 
 discovered in a suspiciously opportune way by her 
 enemies. The originals not being extant, some his- 
 torians have regarded them in whole or in part as 
 forgeries, but Robertson, Ranke, Froude, Andrew 
 Lang and Pollard accept them as genuine. This is mj^ 
 opinion, but it seems to me that the fascination of 
 
368 SCOTLAND 
 
 mystery has lent the documents undue importance. 
 Had they never been found Mary's guilt would have 
 been established by circumstantial evidence. 
 
 Mary was confined for a short time in the castle of 
 Lochleven, but contrived to escape. As she ap- 
 May,i568 proached Glasgow she risked a battle, but her troops 
 w^ere defeated and she fled to England. Throwing 
 herself on Elizabeth's mercy she found prison and 
 finally, after nineteen years, the scaffold. An inquiry 
 was held concerning her case, but no verdict was ren- 
 dered because it did not suit Elizabeth to degrade her 
 sister sovereign more than was necessary. Not for 
 the murder of her husband, but for complicity in a 
 ' plot against Elizabeth, was Mary finally condemned 
 to die. In spite of the fact that she did everything 
 possible to disgrace herself more deeply than ever, such 
 as pensioning the assassin of her brother Moray, her 
 sufferings made her the martyr of sentimentalists^ 
 and pieces of embroidery or other possessions of the 
 beautiful queen have been handed down as the precious 
 relics of a saint.^ 
 
 All the murderous intrigues just narrated contrib- 
 uted thoroughly to disgrace the Catholic and royalist 
 party. The revolution had left society dissolved, full 
 of bloodthirsty and false men. But though the Prot- 
 estants had their share of such villains, they also had 
 the one consistent and public-spirited element in the 
 kingdom, namely Knox and his immediate followers. 
 Moray w^as a man rather above the average respecta- 
 bility and he confirmed the triumph of Protestantism 
 in the Lowlands in the few short years preceding his 
 assassination in January, 1570. But by this time the 
 revolution had been so firmly accomplished that noth- 
 ing could shake it. The deposition of a queen, though 
 
 1 Such a piece of embroidery liaa been kept in my mother's family 
 from that day to this, 
 
SCOTLAND 369 
 
 a defiance of all the Catholic powers and of all the 
 royalist sentiment of Europe, had succeeded. The 
 young king was brought up a Protestant, and his mind 
 was so thoroughly turned against his mother that he 
 acquiesced without a murmur in her execution. At 
 last peace and security smiled upon North Britain. J^^imSn"" 
 The coming event of the union with England cast its with 
 beneficent shadow over the reign of Elizabeth's sue- England 
 cessor. 
 
 The Reformation ran the same course as in Eng- Absolution 
 land earlier; one is almost tempted to hypostatize it 
 and say that it took the bit between its teeth and ran 
 away with its riders. Actually, the man cast for the 
 role of Henry VIII was James VI; the slobbering 
 pedant without drawing the sword did what his abler 
 ancestors could not do after a life-time of battle. He 
 made himself all but absolute, and this, demonstrably, 
 as head of the kirk. 
 
 In 1584 Parliament passed a series of statutes kno^vn 
 as the Black Acts, putting the bodies and souls of the 
 Scotch under the yoke of the king, who was now j)ope 
 as well. In 1587 the whole property of the pre-Refor- 
 mation church, with some trifling exceptions, was con- 
 fiscated and put at the king's disposition. As in Eng- 
 land, so here, the lands of abbeys and of prelates was 
 thro^vn to new men of the pushing, commercial type. 
 Thus was founded a landed aristocracy with interests 
 distinct from the old barons and strong in supporting 
 both king and Reformation. 
 
 It is true that this condition was but temporary. Reaction in 
 Just as in England later the Parliament and the Puri- I'i^i'''^''' 
 tans called the crown to account, so in Scotland the 
 kirk continued to administer drastic advice to the mon- 
 arch and finally to put direct legal pressure upon him. 
 The Black Acts were abrogated by Parliament in 1592 
 and from that time forth ensued a struggle between the 
 
 1592 
 
370 SCOTLAND 
 
 king and the presbyteries which, in the opinion of the 
 former, agreed as well together as God and the devil. 
 Still more after his accession to the English throne 
 James came to prefer the episcopal form of church 
 government as more subservient, and to act on the 
 maxim, '*no bishop, no king." 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 
 
 § 1. Itax.y 
 
 It is sometimes so easy to see, after the event, why 
 things should have taken just the course they did 
 take, that it may seem remarkable that political fore- 
 sight is so rare. It is probable, however, that the 
 study of history not only illumines many things, and 
 places them in their true perspective, but also tends to 
 simplify too much, overemphasizing, to our minds, the 
 elements that finally triumphed and casting those that 
 succumbed into the shadow. 
 
 However this may be, Italy of the sixteenth century Italy 
 appears to offer an unusually clear case of a logical 
 sequence of effects due to previously ascertainable 
 causes. That Italj^ should toy with the Reformation 
 without accepting it, that she should finally suppress 
 it and along with it much of her owii spiritual life, 
 seems to be entirely due to her geographical, political 
 and cultural condition at the time when she felt the 
 impact of the new ideas. 
 
 In all these respects, indeed, there was something 
 that might at first blush have seemed favorable to the 
 Lutheran revolt. Few lands were more open to Ger- 
 man and Swiss influences than was their transalpine 
 neighbor. Commercially, Italy and Germany were 
 united by a thousand bonds, and a constant influx of 
 northern travellers, students, artists, officials and sol- 
 diers, might be supposed to carry with them the conta- 
 gion of the new ideas. Again, the lack of political 
 unity might be supposed, as in Germany, so in Italy, 
 
 371 
 
372 
 
 THE COUNTER-EEFORMATION 
 
 1525 
 1529 K' 
 
 .Hf"' 
 
 1527 
 
 Cosimo de' 
 
 Medici, 
 
 1537-74 
 
 to facilitate sectional reformation. Finally, the Re- 
 naissance, Avith its unparalleled freedom of thought and 
 its strong anti-clerical bias, would at least insure a fair 
 hearing for innovations in doctrine and ecclesiastical 
 ideals. 
 
 And yet, as even contemporaries saw, there were 
 some things which weighed far more heavily in the 
 scale of Catholicism than did those just mentioned in 
 the scale of Protestantism. In the first place the au- 
 tonomy of the political divisions was more apparent 
 than real. Too weak and too disunited to offer re- 
 sistance to any strong foreign power, contended for by 
 the three greatest, Italy became gradually more and 
 more a Spanish doocjndency. After Pavia and the 
 treaty of Caieau-Cambresis French influence was re- 
 duced to a threat rather than a reality. Naples had 
 long been an appendage of the Spanish crown ; Milan 
 w^as now wrested from the French, and one after an- 
 other most of the smaller states passed into Spain's 
 ''sphere of influence." The strongest of all the states, 
 the papal dominions, became in reality, if not nom- 
 inally, a dependency of the emperor after the sack of 
 Pome. Tuscany, Savoy and Venetia maintained a 
 semblance of independence, but Savoy was at that time 
 hardly Italian. Venice had passed the zenith of her 
 power, and Florence, even under her brilliant Duke 
 Cosimo de' Medici was amenable to the pressure of 
 the Spanish soldier and the Spanish priest. 
 
 Enormous odds were thrown against the Reformers 
 because Italy was the seat of the papacy. In spite of 
 all hatred of Roman morals and in spite of all distrust 
 of Roman doctrine, this was a source of pride and of 
 advantage of the whole country. As long as tribute 
 flowed from all Western Europe, as long as kings and 
 emperors kissed the pontiff's toe, Rome was still in a 
 sense the capital of Christendom. An example of how 
 
ITALY 373 
 
 the papacy was both served and despised has been left 
 
 us by the Florentine statesman and historian Guicci- Guiccidar- 
 
 dardini: *'So much evil cannot be said of the Roman 1483-1540 
 
 curia," he wrote, ''that more does not deserve to be 
 
 said of it, for it is an infamy, an example of all the 
 
 shame and wickedness of the world." He might have 
 
 been supposed to be ready to support any enemy of 
 
 such an institution, but what docs he say? 
 
 No man dislikes more than do I the ambition, avarice 
 and effeminacy of the priests, not onl}^ because these 
 vices are hateful in themselves but because they are 
 especially unbecoming to men who have vowed a life de- 
 pendent upon God. . . . Nevertheless, my employment 
 Avitli several popes has forced me to desire their greatness 
 for my OAvn advantage. But for this consideration I 
 should have loved Luther like myself, not to free myself 
 from the silly laws of Christianity as commonly under- 
 stood, but to put this gang of criminals under restraint, 
 so that they might live either without vices or without 
 power. 
 
 From this precious text we learn much of the inner 
 history of contemporary Italy. As far as the Italian 
 mind was liberated in religion it was atheistic, as far 
 as it was reforming it went no further than rejection 
 of the hierarchy. The enemies to be dreaded by Rome 
 were, as the poet Luigi Alamanni wrote, not Luther ^jg™^""!: 
 and Germany, but her own sloth, drunkenness, avarice, 
 ambition, sensuality and gluttony. 
 
 The great spiritual factor that defeated Protestant-^ 
 ism in Italy was not Catholicism but the Renaissance. Renais- 
 Dceply imbued witE~the tincture of classical learning, RXrma- 
 natnrally speculative and tolerant, the Italian mind tion 
 had already advanced, in its best representatives, far 
 beyond the intellectual stage of the Reformers. The 
 hostility of the Renaissance to the Reformation was a 
 deep and subtle antithesis of the interests of this world 
 
374; 
 
 THE COUNTER-EEFORMATION 
 
 and of the next. It is notable that whereas some philo- 
 sophical minds, like that of the brilliant Olympia Mo- 
 rata, who had once been completely skeptical, later 
 came under the influence of Luther, there was not 
 one artist of the first rank, not one of the greatest 
 poets, that seems to have been in the least attracted 
 by him. A few minor poets, like Folengo, showed 
 traces of his influence, but Ariosto and Tasso were 
 bitterly hostile. The former cared only for his fan- 
 tastic world of chivalry and faery, and when he did 
 mention, in a satire dedicated to Bembo, that Friar 
 Martin had become a heretic as Nicoletto had become 
 an infidel, the reason in both cases is that they had 
 overstrained their intellects in the study of metaphys- 
 ical theology, '^ because when the mind soars up to see 
 God it is no wonder that it falls do^vn sometimes blind 
 and confused." Heresy he elsewhere pictures as a 
 devastating monster. 
 
 But there was a third reason why the Reformation 
 could not succeed in Italy, and that was that it could 
 not catch the ear of the common people. If for the 
 churchman it was a heresy, and for the free-thinker a 
 superstition, for the ''general public" of ordinarily 
 educated persons it was an aristocratic fad. Those 
 who did embrace its doctrines and read its books, and 
 they were not a few of the second-rate humanists, 
 cherished it as their fathers had cherished the neo- 
 Platonism of Pico della Mirandola, as an esoteric phi- 
 losophy. So little inclined were they to bring their 
 faith to the people that they preferred to translate 
 the Bible into better Greek or classical Latin rather 
 than into the vulgar Tuscan. And just at the moment 
 when it seemed as if a popular movement of some sort 
 might result from the efforts of the Reformers, or in 
 spite of them, came the Roman Inquisition and nipped 
 the budding plant. 
 
ITALY 375 
 
 But between the levels of the greatest intellectual Christian 
 leaders and that of the illiterate masses, there was a g^^^g 
 surprising number of groups of men and women more 
 or less tinctured with the doctrines of the north. And 
 yet, even here, one must add that their religion was 
 seldom pure Lutheranism or Calvinism; it was Chris- 
 tianized humanism. There was the brilliant woman 
 Vittoria Colonna, who read with rapture the doctrine 
 of justification by faith, but who remained a conform- 
 ing Catholic all her life. There was Ochino, the gen- ^"^ 
 eral of the Capuchins, whose defection caused a panic 
 at Rome but who remained, nevertheless, an independ- 
 ent rather than an orthodox Protestant. Of like qual- 
 ity were Peter Martyr Vermigli, an exile for his faith, 
 and Jerome Bolsec, a native of France but an inhab- 
 itant of Ferrara, whence he took to Geneva an eccentric 
 doctrine that caused much trouble to Calvin. Finally, 
 it was perfectly in accordance with the Italian genius 
 that the most radical of Protestant dissenters, the 
 unitarians Lelio and Fausto Sozzini, should have been 
 born in Siena. 
 
 Among the little nests of Lutherans or Christian 
 mysti'cs the most important were at Venice, Ferrara 
 and Naples. As early as 1519 Luther's books found 
 their way to Venice, and in 1525 one of the leading 
 canon la^vyers in the city wrote an elaborate refuta- 
 tion of them, together with a letter to the Reformer 
 himself, informing him that his act of burning the papal 
 decretals was worse than that of Judas in betraying, 
 or of Pilate in crucifying, Christ. The first sufferer 
 for the new religion was Jerome Galateo. Never- 1530 
 theless, the new church waxed strong, and many were 
 executed for their opinions. A correspondence of the 
 brethren with Bucer and Luther has been preserved. 
 In one letter they deeply deplore the schisms on the doc- 
 trine of the eucharist as hurtful to their cause. The 
 
376 
 
 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 
 
 famous artist Lorenzo Lotto was employed to paint 
 pictures of Luther and his wife, probably copies of 
 Cranach. The appearance of the Socinians about 1550, 
 and the mutual animosity of the several sects, includ- 
 ing the Anabaptist, was destructive. Probably more 
 fatal was the disaster of the Schmalkaldic war and the 
 complete triumph of the emperor. The Inquisition 
 finished the work of crushing out what remained of the 
 new doctrines. 
 
 That Naples became a focus of Protestantism was 
 due mainly to John de Valdes, a deeply religious Span- 
 iard. From his circle went out a treatise on justifica- 
 tion entitled The Benefit of Christ's Death, by Benedict 
 of Mantua, of which no less than 40,000 copies were 
 sold, for it was the one reforming work to enjoy popu- 
 larity rivalling that of Luther and Erasmus. Influ- 
 enced by Valdes, also, Bartholomew Forzio translated 
 Luther's Address to the German Nobility into Italian. 
 
 At the court of Ferrara the duchess, Renee de France, 
 gathered a little circle of Protestants. Calvin himself 
 spent some time here, and his influence, together with 
 the high protection of his patroness, made the place 
 a fulcrum against Rome. Isabella d'Este, originally 
 of Ferrara and later Marchioness of Mantua, one of 
 the brilliant women of the Renaissance, for a while 
 toyed with the fashionable theology. Cardinal Bembo 
 saw at her castle at Mantua paintings of Erasmus and 
 Luther. One of the courtly poets of Northern Italy, 
 Francis Berni, bears witness to the good repute of the 
 Protestants. In his Rifacimento of Boiardo's Orlando 
 Inamorato, he wrote: '^Some rascal hypocrites snarl 
 between their teeth, ' Freethinker ! Lutheran ! ' but Lu- 
 theran means, you know, good Christian." 
 
 The most significant sign of the times, and the most 
 ominous for the papacy, was that among those affected 
 by the leaven of Lutheranism were many of the leading 
 
THE PAPACY 377 
 
 luminaries in the bosom of the church. That the Flor- 
 entine chronicler Bartholomew Cerratani expressed his 
 hope that Luther's distinguished morals, piety and 
 learning should reform the curia was bad enough ; that 
 the papal nuncio Vergerio, after being sent on a mis- 
 sion to Wittenberg, should go over to the enemy, was 
 worse; that cardinals like Contarini and Pole should 
 preach justification by faith and concede much that 
 the Protestants asked, was worst of all. *'No one 
 now passes at Rome," wrote Peter Anthony Bandini 
 about 1540, ''as a cultivated man or a good courtier 
 who does not harbor some heretical opinions." Paul 
 Sarpi, the eminent historian of Trent, reports that 
 Luther's arguments were held to be unanswerable at 
 Rome, but that he was resisted in order that authority 
 might be upheld. For this statement he appeals to a 
 diary of Francis Chieregato, an eminent ecclesiastic 
 who died on December 6, 1539. As the diary has not 
 been found, Lord Acton rejects the assertion, believing 
 that Sarpi 's word cannot be taken unsupported. But 
 a curious confirmation of Sarpi 's assertion, and one Sarpi's 
 that renders it acceptable, is found in Luther's table 
 talk. Speaking on February 22, 1538, he says that 
 he has heard from Rome that it was there believed to 
 be impossible to refute him until St. Paul had been 
 deposed. He regarded this as a signal testimony to 
 the truth of his doctrines ; to us it is valuable only as 
 an evidence of Roman opinion. It is not too much to 
 say that at about that time the most disting-uished 
 Italian prelates were steering for Wittenberg and 
 threatened to take Rome with them. How they failed 
 is the history of the Counter-reformation. 
 
 § 2. The Papacy. 1522-1590 
 
 Nothing can better indicate the consternation caused 
 at Rome by the appearance of the Lutheran revolt thau 
 
 assertion 
 
378 
 
 THE COUNTEH-EEFORMATION 
 
 Adrian VI, 
 
 January, 
 
 1522-Sep- 
 
 tember, 
 
 1523 
 
 December, 
 1521 
 
 the fact that for the first time in 144 years and for 
 the last time in history the cardinals elected as supreme 
 pontiff a man who was not an Italian, Adrian of 
 Utrecht. After teaching theology at Louvain he had 
 been appointed tutor to Prince Charles and, on the 
 accession of his pupil to the Spanish throne was cre- 
 ated Bishop of Tortosa, and shortly thereafter car- 
 dinal and Inquisitor General of Spain. While in this 
 country he distinguished himself equally by the just- 
 ness of his administration and by his bitter hatred 
 of Luther, against Avhom he wrote several letters both 
 to his imperial master and to his old colleagues at 
 Louvain. 
 
 The death of Leo X was followed by an unusually 
 long conclave, on account of the even balance of par- 
 ties. At last, despairing of agreement, and feeling 
 also that extraordinary measures were needed to meet 
 the exigencies of the situation, the cardinals, in Jan- 
 uary, offered the tiara to Adrian, who, alone among 
 modern popes, kept his baptismal name while in office. 
 The failure of Adrian VI to accomplish much was due 
 largely to the shortness of his pontificate of only twenty 
 months, and still more to the invincible corruption he 
 found at Rome. His really high sense of duty awak- 
 ened no response save fear and hatred among the 
 courtiers of the Medicis. When he tried to restore 
 the ruined finances of the church he was accused of 
 .niggardliness; when he made war on abuses he was 
 called a barbarian; when he frankly confessed, in his 
 appeal to the German Diets, that perchance the whole 
 evil infecting the church came from the rottenness of 
 the Curia, he was assailed as putting arms into the 
 arsenal of the enemy. His greatest crime in the eyes 
 of his court was that he was a foreigner, an austere, 
 phlegmatic man, who could understand neither their 
 tongue nor their ways. 
 
THE PAPACY 379 
 
 Exhausted by the fruitless struggle, Adrian sank 
 into his grave, a good pope unwept and unhonored as 
 few bad popes have ever been. On his tomb the car- 
 dinals wrote: '^Here lies Adrian VI whose supreme 
 misfortune in life was that he was called upon to 
 rule." A like judgment was expressed more wittily 
 by the people, who erected a monument to Adrian's 
 physician and labeled it, ''Liberatori Patriae." 
 
 The swing of the pendulum so often noticed in poli- Clement 
 tics was particularly marked in the elections to the 1523-34 
 papacy of the sixteenth century. In almost every in- 
 stance the new pope was an opponent, and in some 
 sort a contrast, to his predecessor. In no case was 
 this more true than in the election of 1523. Deciding 
 that if Adrian's methods were necessary to save the 
 church the medicine was worse than the disease, the 
 cardinals lost no time in raising another Medici to 
 the throne. Like all of his race, Clement VII was a 
 patron of art and literature, and tolerant of abuses. 
 Personally moral and temperate, he cared little save 
 for an easy life and the advancement of the Three 
 Balls. He began that policy, which nearly proved fatal 
 to the church, of treating the Protestants with alternate 
 indulgence and severity. But for himself the more im- 
 mediate trouble came not from the enemy of the church 
 but from its protector. Though Adrian was an old 
 officer of Charles V, it was really in the reign of Cle- 
 ment that the process began by which first Italy, then 
 the papacy, then the whole church was put under the 
 Spanish yoke. 
 
 After Pavia and the treaty of Madrid had eliminated Spanish 
 French influence, Charles naturally felt his power and 
 naturally intended to have it respected even by the 
 pope. Irritated by Clement's perpetual deceit and 
 intrigue with France, Charles addressed to him, in 
 1526, a document which Ranke calls the most formi- 
 
 influence, 
 1525-6 
 
380 THE COUNTER-EEFORMATION 
 
 dable ever used by any Catholic prince to a pope dur- 
 ing the century, containing passages ''of which no 
 follower of Luther need be ashamed." 
 Sack of Rather to threaten the pope than to make war on 
 
 andSeptem- ^^^^' Charles gathered a formidable army of German 
 ber, 1527 and Spanish soldiers in the north under the command 
 of his general Frundsberg. All the soldiers were rest- 
 less and mutinous for want of pay, and in addition 
 to this a powerful motive worked among the German 
 landsknechts. Many of them were Lutheran and 
 looked to the conquest of Rome as the triumph of their 
 cause. As they loudly demanded to be lead against 
 Antichrist, Frundsberg found that his authority was 
 March 16, powcrlcss to stop them. When he died of rage and 
 mortification the French traitor Charles, Constable of 
 Bourbon, was appointed by the emperor in his place, 
 and, finding there was nothing else to do, led the army 
 against Rome and promised the soldiers as much booty 
 as they could take. Twice, in May and September, 
 the city was put to the horrors of a sack, with all the 
 atrocities of murder, theft and rapine almost insep- 
 arable from war. In addition to plundering, the Lu- 
 therans took particular pleasure in desecrating the 
 objects of veneration to the Catholics. Many an image 
 and shrine was destroyed, while Luther was acclaimed 
 pope by his boisterous champions. But far away on 
 the Elbe he heard of the sack and expressed his sorrow 
 for it. 
 
 The importance of the sack of Rome, like that of 
 other dramatic events, is apt to be exaggerated. It 
 has been called the end of the Renaissance and the be- 
 ginning of the Catholic reaction. It was neither the 
 one nor the other, but only one incident in the long, 
 stubborn process of the Hispanization of Italy and the 
 church. For centuries no emperor had had so much 
 power in Italy as had Charles. With Naples and Mi- 
 
THE PAPACY 381 
 
 Ian were now linked Siena and Genoa under his rule ; 
 the states of the church were virtually at his disposal, 
 and even Florence, under its hereditary duke, Alex- 
 ander de' Medici, was for a while under the control 
 of the pope and through him, of Charles. 
 
 Nor did the fall of the holy city put the fear of God 
 into the hearts of the prelates for more than a mo- 
 ment. The Medici, Clement, who never sold his soul 
 but only pawned it from time to time, without entirely 
 abandoning the idea of reform, indefinitely postponed 
 it. Procrastinating, timid, false, he was not the man 
 to deal with serious abuses. He toyed with the idea 
 of a council but when, on the mere rumor that a coun- 
 cil was to be called the prices of all salable offices 
 dropped in a panic, he hesitated. Moreover he feared 
 the council would be used by the emperor to subordi- 
 nate him even in spiritual matters. Perhaps he meant 
 well, but abuses were too lucrative to be lightly af- 
 fronted. As to Lutheranism, Clement was completely 
 misinformed and almost completely indifferent. 
 While he and the emperor were at odds it grew might- 
 ily. Here as elsewhere he was irresolute ; his pontifi- 
 cate, as a contemporary wrote, was "one of scruples, 
 considerations and discords, of buts and ifs and tliens 
 and moreovers, and plenty of words without effect. ' ' 
 
 The pontificate of Paul III marks the turning point Paul ill, 
 in the Catholic reaction. Under him the council of 
 Trent was at last opened; the new orders, especially 
 the Jesuits, were formed, and such instiTimentalities I 
 as the Inquisition and Index of prohibited books put 
 on a new footing. Paul III, a Farnese from the States 
 of the Church, owed his election partly to his strength 
 of character, partly to the weakness of his health, for 
 the cardinals liked frequent vacancies in the Holy See. 
 Cautious and choleric, prolix and stubborn, he had a 
 real desire for reform and an earnest wish to avoid 
 
382 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 
 
 quarrels with either of the great powers that menaced 
 him, the emperor and France. The reforming spirit 
 of the pope showed itself in the appointment of several 
 men of the highest character to the cardinalate, among 
 them Gaspar Contarini and Fisher, Bishop of Roches- 
 ter. In other cases, however, the exigencies of poli- 
 tics induced the nomination of bad men, such as Del 
 Monte and David Beaton. At the same time a com- 
 mission was named to recommend practical reforms. 
 The draft for a bull they presented for this purpose 
 was rejected by the Consistory, but some of their re- 
 commendations, such as the prohibition of the Roman 
 clergy to visit taverns, theaters and gambling dens, 
 were adopted. 
 May, 1535 A second commission of nine ecclesiastics of high 
 ddectorum ^^^^^I'acter, including John Peter Caraffa, Contarini, 
 cardinaiium Polc and Giberti, was created to make a comprehensive 
 et aiiorum j-Qpoj.^ q^ reform. The important memorial they drew 
 
 praelatorum '- i ^ 
 
 up fully exposed the prevalent abuses. The root of all 
 they found in the exaggeration of the papal power of 
 collation and the laxity with which it was used. Not 
 only were morally unworthy men often made bishops 
 and prelates, but dispensations for renunciation of 
 benefices, for absenteeism and for other hurtful prac- 
 tices were freely sold. The coromission demanded 
 drastic reform of these abuses as well as of the monas- 
 tic orders, and called for the abolition of the venal 
 exercise of spiritual authority by legates and nuncios. 
 But the reform memorial, excellent and searching as 
 it was, led to nothing. At most it was of some use 
 as a basis of reforms made by the Council of Trent 
 later. But for the moment it only rendered the posi- 
 tion of the church more difficult. The reform of the 
 Dataria, for example, the office which sold graces, priv- 
 ileges, indults, dispensations and benefices, was con- 
 
THE PAPACY 383 
 
 sidered impossible because half of the papal revenue, 
 or 110,000 ducats annually, came from it. Nor could 
 the fees of the Penitentiary be abolished for fear of 
 bankruptcy, though in 1540 they were partially re- 
 duced. The most obvious results of the Consilium was ^538 
 to put another weapon into the hands of the Lutherans. 
 Published by an unauthorized person, it was at once 
 seized upon by the Reformers as proof of the hopeless 
 depravity of the Curia. So dangerous did it prove to 
 simple-minded Catholics that it was presently put on 
 the Index ! 
 
 Paul's diplomacy tried to play off the Empire 
 against France and to divert the attention of both to 
 a crusade against the Turk. Hoping to advance the 
 cause of the church by means of the war declared by 
 Charles V on the Schmalkaldic League, the pope, in 
 return for a subsidy, exacted a declaration in the --- 
 treaty, that the reason of the war was religious and the 
 occasion for it the refusal of the Protestants to recog- 
 nize the Council of Trent's authority. But when 
 Charles was victor he used his advantage only to 
 strengthen his o^\ti prerogative, not effectively to sup- 
 press heresy. Paul now dreaded the emperor more 
 than he did the Protestants and his position was not 
 made easier by the threat of Charles to come to terms 
 mth the Lutherans did Paul succeed in rousing France 
 against him. In fact, with all his squirming, Paul III 
 only sank deeper into the Spanish vassalage, while 
 the championship of the church passed from his con- 
 trol into that of new agencies that he had created. 
 
 It was perhaps an effort to free the Holy See from Julius ni, 
 the Spanish yoke that led the cardinals to raise to the ^^^^~^ 
 purple, as Julius III, Cardinal John Mary Ciocchi del 
 Monte who as one of the presidents of the oecumenical 
 pouncil had distinguished himself by his opposition to 
 
384 
 
 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 
 
 Marcellus 
 II, April 
 9-May 1, 
 1555 ^^' 
 
 Paul IV, 
 1555-9 ; 
 
 Pius IV, 
 1560-5 
 
 the emperor. Nevertheless his pontificate marked a 
 relaxation of the church 's effort, for policy or strength 
 to pursue reform he had none. 
 
 Marcellus II, who was pope for twenty-two days, 
 would hardly be remembered save for the noble Mass 
 of Pope Marcellus dedicated to him by Palestrina. 
 
 With the elevation of Cardinal Caraffa to the tiara 
 Peter's keys were once more restored to strong hands 
 and a reforming heart. The founder of the Theatines 
 was a hot-blooded Neapolitan still, in spite of his 
 seventy-nine years, hale and hearty. Among the re- 
 forms he accomplished were some regulations relating 
 to the residence of bishops and some rules for the 
 bridling of Jews, usurers, prostitutes, players and 
 mountebanks. But he was unable to reform himself. 
 He advanced his young kinsmen shamelessly to polit- 
 ical office. His jealousy of the Jesuits, in whom he 
 saw a rival to his own order, not only caused him to 
 neglect to use them but made him put them in a very 
 critical position. Nor did he dare to summon again 
 the council that had been prorogued, for fear that 
 some stronger power should use it against himself. 
 He chafed under the Spanish yoke, coming nearer to 
 a conflict with Charles V and his son Philip II than 
 any pope had ventured to do. He even thought of 
 threatening Philip with the Inquisition, but was re- 
 strained by prudence. In his purpose of freeing Italy 
 from foreign domination he accomplished nothing 
 whatever. 
 
 Pius IV was a contrast to the predecessor whom he 
 hated. John Angelo Medici, of Milan, not connected 
 with the Florentine family, was a cheerful, well-wish- 
 ing, beneficent man, genial and fond of life, a son of the 
 Renaissance, a patron of art and letters. The choice 
 of a name often expresses the ideals and tendencies of 
 ^ pope J that of Pius was chosen perhaps in imitation 
 
THE PAPACY 385 
 
 of Pius II, Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, the most fa- 
 mous humanist to sit on the fisherman's throne. And 
 yet the spirit of the times no longer allowed the gross 
 licentiousness of the earlier age, and the cause of re- 
 form progressed not a little under the diplomatic guid- 
 ance of the Milanese. In the first place, doubtless 
 from personal motives, he made a fearful example of 
 the kinsmen of his predecessor, four of whcm he exe- 
 cuted chiefly for the reason that they had been ad- 
 vanced by papal influence. This salutary example 
 practically put an end to nepotism; at least the un- 
 fortunate nephews of Paul IV were the last to aspire 
 to independent principalities solely on the strength of 
 kinship to a pope. 
 
 The demand for the continuation and completion of Reforms 
 the general council, which had become loud, was ac- 
 ceded to by Pius who thought, like the American boss, 
 that at times it was necessary to ''pander to the pub- 
 lic conscience." The happy issue of the council, from 
 his point of view, in its complete submissiveness to 
 the papal prerogative, led Pius to emphasize the spir- 
 itual rather than the political claims of the hierarchy. 
 In this the church made a great gain, for, as the his- 
 tory of the time shows plainly, in the game of politics 
 the papacy could no longer hold its own against the 
 national states surrounding it. Pius leaned heavily 
 on Philip, for by this time Spain had become the ac- 
 knowledged champion of the church, but he was able 
 to do so without loss of prestige because of the grad- 
 ual separation of the temporal from the spiritual 
 power. 
 
 Among his measures the most noteworthy was one 
 regulating the powers of the college of cardinals, while 
 their exclusive right to elect the pontiff was main- 
 tained against the pretensions of the council. The 
 best Catholic spirit of the time was represented in 
 
386 THE COUNTER-EEFORMATION 
 
 Cardinal Charles Borromeo, Archbishop of Milan, an 
 excellent prelate who sought to win back members of 
 Christ to the fold by his good example, while he did 
 not disdain to use the harsher methods of persecution 
 when necessary. Among the amiable weaknesses of 
 Pius was the belief, inherited from a bygone age, that 
 the Protestants might still be reunited to the church 
 by a few concessions, such as those of the marriage 
 of the clergy and the use of the cup by the laity. 
 ^566^2 With Pius V a sterner spirit entered into the coun- 
 
 cils of the church. The election of the Dominican and 
 Chief Inquisitor Michael Ghislieri was a triumph for 
 the policy of Borromeo. His pitiless hatred of the 
 heretics hounded Catharine de' Medici against the 
 Huguenots, and Philip II against the Dutch. Con- 
 trary to the dictates of prudence and the wishes of the 
 , greatest Catholic princes, he issued the bull deposing 
 Elizabeth. But he was severe to himself, an ascetic 
 nicknamed for his monkish narrowness ''Friar 
 Wooden-shoe" by the Roman populace. He ruthlessly 
 reformed the Italian clergy, meting out terrible pun- 
 ishments to all sinners. Under his leadership Cathol- 
 icism took the offensive in earnest and accomplished 
 much. His zeal won him the name of saint, for he 
 was the last of the Roman pontiffs to be canonized. 
 
 But the reign of sainthood coupled with absolutism 
 is apt to grow irksome, and it was with relief that the 
 Romans hailed the election of Hugo Buoncompagno as 
 Gregory Gregory XIII. He did little but follow out, somewhat 
 1572^5 weakly, the paths indicated by his predecessors. So 
 heavily did he lean on Spain that he was called the 
 chaplain of Philip, but, as the obligations were mu- 
 tual, and the Catholic king came also to depend more 
 and more upon the spiritual arms wielded by the 
 papacy, it might just as well have been said that Philip 
 was the executioner employed by Gregory. The 
 
THE PAPACY 387 
 
 mediocrity of his rule did not prevent notable achieve- 
 ment by the Jesuits in the cause of the church. His 
 reform of the calendar will be described more fully 
 elsewhere. 
 
 Gregory XIII offers an opportunity to measure the 
 moral standard of the papacy after half a century of 
 reform. His policy was guided largely by his ruling 
 passion, love of a natural son, born before he had taken 
 priest's orders, whom he made Gonfaloniere of the 
 church and would have advanced to still further pre- 
 ferment had not his advisers objected. Gregory was 
 the pope who thanked God *'for the grace vouchsafed ^^ 
 unto Christendom" in the massacre of St. Bartholo- 
 mew. He was also the pope who praised and encour- 
 aged the plan for the assassination of Elizabeth.^ 
 
 In the person of Sixtus V the spirit of Pius V re- SixtusV, 
 turned to power. Felix Poretti was a Franciscan and i^^^"^^ 
 an Inquisitor, an earnest man and a hard one. Like 
 his predecessors pursuing the goal of absolutism, he 
 had an advantage over them in the blessing disguised 
 as the disaster of the Spanish Armada. From this 
 time forAvard the papacy was forced to champion its 
 cause with the spiritual weapons at its command, and 
 the gain to it as a moral and religious power was enor- 
 mous. In some ways it assumed the primacy of Cath- 
 olic Europe, previously usurped by Spain, and at- 
 tained an influence that it had not had since the Great 
 Schism of the fourteenth century. 
 
 The reforms of Sixtus are important rather for their 
 comprehensive than for their drastic quality. The 
 whole machinery of the Curia was made over, the rou- 
 tine of business being delegated to a number of stand- 
 ing committees known as Congregations, such as the 
 Congregation of Ceremonies to watch over matters of 
 precedence at the papal court, and the Congregation 
 
 1 A.nie, p. 338. 
 
388 THE COUNTEK-EEFORMATION 
 
 of the Consistory to prepare the work of the Con- 
 sistory. The number of cardinals was fixed at seventy. 
 New editions of the breviary and of the Index were 
 carefully prepared. At the same time the moral re- 
 forms of Trent were laxly carried out, for while de- 
 crees enforcing them were promulgated by Sixtus with 
 one hand, with the other he sold dispensations and 
 privileges. 
 
 § 3. The Council of Trent 
 
 While the popes were enjoying their jii^ incorrigi- 
 hilitatis — as Luther wittily expressed it — the church 
 was going to rack and ruin. Had the safety of Peter's 
 boat been left to its captains, it would apparently have 
 foundered in the waves of schism and heresy. No such 
 dangerous enemy has ever attacked the church as that 
 then issuing from her own bosom. Neither the me- 
 dieval heretics nor the modem philosophers have won 
 from her in so short a time such masses of adherents. 
 Where Voltaire slew his thousands Luther slew his 
 ten thousands, for Voltaire appealed only to the in- 
 tellect, Luther appealed to the conscience. 
 Decline of The extraordinary thing about the Protestant con- 
 quests was their sudden end. Within less than fifty 
 years the Scandinavian North, most of Germany in- 
 cluding Austria, parts of Hungary, Poland, most of 
 Switzerland, and Great Britain had declared for the 
 ''gospel." France was divided and apparently going 
 the same road ; even in Italy there were serious symp- 
 toms of disaffection. That within a single generation 
 the tide should be not only stopped but rolled back is 
 one of the most dramatic changes of fortune in history. 
 The only country which Protestantism gained after 
 1560 was the Dutch Republic. Large parts of Ger- 
 many and Poland were won back to the church, and 
 Catholicism made safe in all the Latin countries. 
 
 Protestant- 
 ism 
 
THE COUNCIL OF TRENT 
 
 389 
 
 The spirit that accomplished this work was the spirit 
 of Spain. More extraordinary than the rapid growth 
 of her empire was the conquest of Europe by her 
 ideals. The character of the Counter-reformation was 
 determined by her genius. It was not, as it started to 
 be in Italy, a more or less inwardly Christianized Re- 
 naissance. It was a distinct and powerful religious re- 
 vival, and one that showed itself, as many others have 
 done, by a mighty reaction. Medievalism was re- 
 stored, largely by medieval methods, the general coun- 
 cil, the emphasis on tradition and dogma, coercion of 
 mind and body, and the ministrations of a monastic 
 order, new only in its discipline and effectiveness, a 
 reduplication of the old mendicant orders in spirit and 
 ideal. 
 
 The Oecumenical Council was so double-edged a 
 weapon that it is not remarkable that the popes hesi- 
 tated to grasp it in their war with the heretic. They 
 had uncomfortable memories of Constance and Basle, 
 of the election and deposition of popes and of decrees 
 limiting their prerogatives. And, moreover, the coun- 
 cil was the first authority invoked by the heretic him- 
 self. Adrian might have been willing to risk such a 
 synod, but before he had time to call one, his place was 
 taken by the vacillating and pusillanimous Clement. 
 Perpetually toying with the idea he yet allowed the 
 pressure of his courtiers and the difficulties of the po- 
 litical situation — for France was opposed to the coun- 
 cil as an imperial scheme — indefinitely to postpone the 
 summons. 
 
 The more serious-minded Paul III found another 
 lion in his path. He for the first time really labored 
 to summon the general synod, but he found that the 
 Protestants had now changed their position and would 
 no longer consent to recognize its authority under any 
 conditions to which he Qould possibly assent. Though 
 
 Spanish 
 revival 
 
 Preparation 
 for calling 
 a council 
 
390 
 
 THE COUNTt]lt-EEFOfeMATION 
 
 Summons 
 of Council, 
 November 
 19, 1544 
 
 First period 
 1545-7 
 
 his nuiicio Vergerio received in Gerinany and even in 
 Wittenberg a cordial welcome, it was soon discovered 
 that the ideas of the proper constitution of the council 
 entertained by the two parties were irreconciliable. 
 Fundamentally each wanted a council in which its own 
 predominance should be assured. The Schmalkaldic 
 princes, on the advice of their theologians, asked for 
 a free German synod in which they should have a ma- 
 jority vote, and in this they were supported by Fran- 
 cis I and Henry VIII. Naturally no pope could con- 
 sent to any such measures; under these discouraging 
 circumstances, the opening of the council was contin- 
 ually postponed, and in place of it the emperor held a 
 series of religious colloquies that only served to make 
 the differences of the two parties more prominent. 
 
 After several years of negotiation the path was made 
 smooth and the bull Laetare Hierusalem summoned a 
 general synod to meet at Trent on March 15, 1545, and 
 assigned it three tasks: (1) The pacification of reli- 
 gious disputes by doctrinal decisions; (2) the reform 
 of ecclesiastical abuses; (3) the discussion of a crusade 
 against the infidel. Delay still interfered with the 
 opening of the assembly, which did not take place un- 
 til December 15, 1545. 
 
 The council was held at three separate periods with 
 long intervals. The first period was 1545-7, the sec- 
 ond 1551-2, the third 1562-3. The city of Trent was 
 chosen in order to yield to the demand for a German 
 town while at the same time selecting that one nearest 
 to Italy, for the pope was determined to keep the ac- 
 tion of the synod under control. Two measures were 
 adopted to insure this end, the initiative and presidency 
 of the papal legates and packing the membership. The 
 faculties to be granted the legates were already decided 
 upon in 1544; these lieutenants were to be, according 
 to Father Paul Sarpi, angels of peace to preside, make 
 
THE COUNCIL OF TRENT 391 
 
 all necessary regulations, and publish them ' ' according 
 to custom." The phrase that the council should de- 
 cide on measures, '4egatis proponentibus" was simply 
 the constitutional expression of the principal familiar 
 in many governments, that the legislative should act 
 only on the initiative of the executive, thus giving an 
 immense advantage to the latter. The second means 
 of subordinating the council was the decision to vote 
 by heads and not by nations and to allow no proxies. 
 This gave a constant majority to the Italian prelates 
 sent by the pope. So successful were these measures 
 that the French ambassador bitterly jested of the 
 Holy Ghost coming to Trent in the mailbags from 
 Eome. 
 
 At the first session there were only thirtv-four mem- ^Jf^^ber- 
 
 " . ship 
 
 bers entitled to vote : four cardinals, four archbishops, 
 twenty-one bishops and five generals of orders. There 
 w^ere also present other personages, including an am- 
 bassador from King Ferdinand, four Spanish secular 
 priests and a number of friars. The first question 
 debated was the precedence of dogma or reform. Re- 
 garding the council chiefly as an instrument for con- 
 demning the heretics, the pope was in favor of taking 
 up dogma first. The emperor, on the other hand, wish- 
 ing rather to conciliate the Protestants and if possible 
 to lure them back to the old church, was in favor of 
 starting with reform. The struggle, which was carried 
 on not so much on the floor of the synod as behind the 
 members' backs in the intrigues of courts, was de- 
 cided by a compromise to the effect that both dogma 
 and reform should be taken up simultaneously. But 
 all enactments dealing with ecclesiastical irregularities 
 were to bear the proviso ''under reservation of the 
 papal authority. ' * 
 
 The dogmatic decrees at Trent were almost wholly Dogmatic 
 oriented by the polemic against Protestantism. Prac- ^^^^^ 
 
392 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 
 
 tically nothing was defined save what had already been 
 taken up in the Augsburg Confession or in the writings 
 of Calvin, of Zwingli and of the Anabaptists. Inevi- 
 tably, a spirit so purely defensive could not be animated 
 by a primarily philosophical interest. The guiding 
 star was not a system but a policy, and this policy was 
 nothing more nor less than that of re-establishing tra- 
 dition. The practice of the church was the standard 
 applied; many an unhistorical assertion was made to 
 justify it and many a practice of comparatively recent 
 growth was sanctioned by the postulate that "it had 
 descended from apostolic use." *'By show of an- 
 tiquity they introduce novelty," was Bacon's correct 
 judgment. 
 
 Bibleand Quite naturally the first of the important dogmatic 
 decrees was on the basis of authority. The Protestants 
 had acknowledged the Bible only; over against them the 
 Tridentine fathers declared for the Bible and the tra- 
 dition of the church. The canon of Scripture was 
 different from that recognized by the Protestants in 
 that it included the Apocrypha. 
 
 justifica- After passing various reform decrees on preaching, 
 
 catechetical instruction, privileges of mendicants and 
 indulgences, the council took up the thorny question 
 of justification. Discussion was postponed for some 
 months out of consideration for the emperor, who 
 feared it might irritate the Protestants, and only gave 
 his consent to it in the hope that some ambiguous form 
 acceptable to that party, might be found. How deeply 
 the solifidian doctrine had penetrated into the very 
 bosom of the church was revealed by the storminess of 
 the debate. The passions of the right reverend fa- 
 thers were so excited by the consideration of a funda- 
 mental article of their faith that in the course of dis- 
 putation they accused one another of conduct unbe- 
 coming to Christians, taunted one another with ple- 
 
 tion 
 
THE COUNCIL OF TRENT 393 
 
 beian origin and tore hair from one another's beards. 
 The decree as finally passed established the position 
 that faith and works together justify, and condemned 
 the semi-Lutheran doctrines of "duplicate justice" and 
 imputed righteousness hitherto held by such eminent 
 theologians as Contarini and Cajetan. 
 
 Having accomplished this important work the coun- 
 cil appeared to the pope ready for dissolution. The 
 protests of the emperor kept it together for a few 
 months longer, but an outbreak of the spotted fever 
 and the fear of a raid during the Schmalkaldic war, 
 served as sufficient excuses to translate the council to 
 Bologna. Though nothing w^as accomplished in this ^^^^ ' 
 city the assembly was not formally prorogued until 
 September 13, 1549. 
 
 Under pressure from the emperor Pope Julius III Second 
 convoked the synod for a second time at Trent on May i55i°_2 
 1, 1551. The personnel was different. The Jesuits 
 Lainez and Salmeron were present working in the in- 
 terests of the papacy. No French clergy took part 
 as Henry II was hostile. The Protestants were re- 
 quired to send a delegation, which was received on 
 January 24, 1552. They presented a confession, but 
 declined to recognize the authority of a body in which 
 they were not represented. Several dogmatic decrees 
 were passed on the sacraments, reasserting transub- 
 stantiation and all the doctrines and usages of the 
 church. A few reform decrees were also passed, but 
 before a great deal could be accomplished the revolt 
 of Maurice of Saxony put both emperor and council in 
 a precarious position and the latter was consequently 
 prorogued for a second time on April 28, 1552. 
 
 When, after ten long years, the council again con- J^^^ 
 vened at the command of Pius IV, in January, 1562, 1562-3 
 it is extraordinary^ to see how little the problems con- 
 fronting it had changed. Not only was the struggle 
 
 L 
 
394 THE COUNTER-EEFOEMATION 
 
 for poT\'er betM^een pope and council and between pope 
 and emperor still going on, but hopes were still enter- 
 tained in some quarters of reconciling the schismatics. 
 Pius invited all princes, whether Catholic or heretical, 
 to send delegates, but was rebuffed by some of them. 
 The argument was then taken up by the Emperor Fer- 
 dinand who sent in an imposing demand for reforms, 
 including the authorization of the marriage of priests, 
 communion in both kinds, the use of the vulgar tongue 
 in divine service, and drastic rules for the improvement 
 of the convents and of the papal courts. 
 Jesuits The contention over this bone among the fathers, 
 
 present , , *^ ' 
 
 now far more numerous than in the earlier days, waxed 
 so hot that for ten whole months no session could be 
 held. Mobs of the partisans of the various factions 
 fought in the streets and bitter taunts of "French dis- 
 eases" and ''Spanish eruptions" were exchanged be- 
 tween them. For a time the situation seemed inex- 
 tricable and one cardinal prophesied the impending 
 dowTifall of the papacy. But in the nick of time to 
 prevent such a catastrophe the pope was able to send 
 into the field the newly recruited praetorian guards of 
 the Society of Jesuits. Under the command of Car- 
 dinal Morone these indefatigable zealots turned the 
 flank of the opposing forces partly by intrigue at the 
 imperial court, partly by skilful manipulation of de- 
 bate. The emperor's mind was changed; reforms de- 
 manded by him were dropped. 
 
 The questions actually taken up and settled were 
 dogmatic ones, chiefly concerning the sacrifice of the 
 mass and the perpetuation of the Catholic customs of 
 communion in one kind, the celebration of masses in 
 honor of saints, the celebration of masses in which the 
 priest only communicates, the mixing of water with the 
 wine, the prohibition of the use of the vulgar tongue, 
 and the sanction of masses for the dead. Other de- 
 
to papacy 
 
 1564 
 
 of decrees 
 
 THE COUNCIL OF TRENT 395 
 
 crees amended the marriage laws, and enjoined the 
 preparation of an Index of prohibited books, of a 
 catechism and of standard editions of missal and bre- 
 viary. 
 
 How completely the council in its last estate was sub- Subjection 
 dued to the will of the pope is shown by its request that 
 the decrees should all be confirmed by him. This was 
 done by Pius IV in the bull Benedictus Deus. Pius January 26, 
 also caused to be prepared a symbol known as the Tri- 
 dentine Profession of Faith which was made binding 
 on all priests. Save that it was slightly enlarged in 
 1877 by the pronouncement on Papal Infallibility, it 
 stands to the present day. 
 
 The complete triumph of the papal claims was offset Reception 
 by the cool reception which the decrees received in 
 Catholic Europe. Only the Italian states, Poland, Por- 
 tugal and Savoy unreservedly recognized the authority 
 of all of them. Philip II, bigot as he was, preferred 
 to make his own rules for his clergj^ and recognized the 
 laws of Trent with the proviso "saving the royal 
 rights. " France sanctioned only the dogmatic, not the 
 practical decrees. The emperor never officially recog- 
 nized the work of the council at all. Nor were the gov- 
 ernments the only recalcitrants. According to Sarpi 
 the body of German Catholics paid no attention to the 
 prescribed reforms and the council was openly mocked 
 in France as claiming an authority superior to that of 
 the apostles. 
 
 To Father Paul Sarpi, indeed, the most intelligent 
 observer of the next generation, the council seemed to 
 have been a failure if not a fraud. Its history he calls 
 an Iliad of woes. The professed objects of the coun- 
 cil, healing the schism and asserting the episcopal 
 power he thinks frustrated, for the schism was made 
 irreconciliable and the church reduced to servitude. 
 
 But the judgment of posterity has reversed that of 
 
396 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 
 
 Construe- the great historian, at least as far as the value of the 
 
 tive wor -^ork done at Trent to the cause of Catholicism is con- 
 cerned. If the church shut out the Protestants and 
 recognized her limited domain, she at least took ap- 
 propriate measures to establish her rule over what was 
 left. Her power was now collected; her dogma was 
 unified and made consistent as opposed to the mutually 
 diverse Protestant creeds. In several points, indeed, 
 where the opinion of the members was divided, the 
 words of the decrees were ambiguous, but as against 
 the Protestants they were distinct and so comprehen- 
 sive as rather to supersede than to supplement earlier 
 standards. 
 
 Nor should the moral impulse of the council be un- 
 derestimated, ridiculed though it was by its opponents 
 as if expressed in the maxim, '*si non caste, tamen 
 caute." Sweeping decrees for urgent reforms were 
 passed, and above all a machinery set up to carry 
 on the good work. In providing for a catechism, for 
 authoritative editions of the Vulgate, bre\iary and 
 other standard works, in regulating moot points, in 
 striking at lax discipline, the council did a lasting serv- 
 ice to Catholicism and perhaps to the world. Not the 
 least of the practical reforms was the provision for the 
 opening of seminaries to train the diocesan clergy. 
 The first measure looking to this was passed in 1546 ; 
 
 1563 Cardinal Pole at once began to act upon it, and a de- 
 
 cree of the third session ordered that each diocese 
 should have such a school for the education of priests. 
 
 1565 The Roman seminary, opened two years later, was a 
 
 model for subsequent foundations. 
 
 § 4. The Company of Jesus 
 
 If the Counter-reformation was in part a pure reac- 
 tion to medievalism it was in part also a religious re- 
 vival. If this was stimulated by the Protestant exam- 
 
THE COMPANY OF JESUS 397 
 
 pie, it was also the outcome of the rising tide of 
 Catholic pietism in the fifteenth century. Still more 
 was it the answer to a demand on the part of the 
 church for an instrument with which to combat the 
 dangers of heresy and to conquer spiritually the new 
 worlds of heathenism. 
 
 Great crises in the church have frequently produced 
 new revivals of monasticism. From Benedict to Ber- 
 nard, from Bernard to Francis and Dominic, from 
 the friars to the Jesuits, there is an evolution in the 
 adaptation of the monastic life to the needs of Latin ^^^ 
 
 ^ . mon- 
 
 Chnstianity. Several new orders, all with more or astic 
 less in common, started in the first half of the sixteenth ^'^^^^ 
 century. Under Leo X there assembled at Rome a 
 number of men united by the wish to renew their spir- 
 itual lives by religious exercises. From this Oratory 
 of Divine Love, as it was called, under the inspiration 
 of Gaetano di Tiene and John Peter Caraffa, arose the 
 order of Theatines, a body of devoted priests, dressing 1524 
 not in a special garb but in ordinary priest's robes, 
 who soon attained a prominent position in the Catholic 
 reformation. Their especial task was to educate the 
 clergy. 
 
 The order of the Capuchins was an offshoot of the c-1526 
 Franciscans. It restored the relaxed discipline of the 
 early friars and its members went about teaching the 
 poor. Notwithstanding the blow to it when its third 
 vicar Bernardino Ochino became a Calvinist, it flour- 
 ished and turned its energies especially against the 
 heretics. 
 
 Of the other orders founded at this time, the Barna- 
 bites (1530), the Somascians (1532), the Brothers of 
 Mercy (1540), the Ursulines (1537), only the common 
 characteristics can be pointed out. It is notable that 
 they were all animated by a social ideal; not only the 
 salvation of the individual soul but also the ameliora- 
 
398 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 
 
 tion of humanity was now their purpose. Some of the 
 orders devoted themselves to the education of children, 
 some to home missions or foreign missions, some to 
 nursing the sick, some to the rescue of fallen women. 
 The evolution of monasticism had already pointed the 
 way to these tasks; its apogee was reached with the 
 organization of the Company of Jesus. 
 
 je^stdt ^^^^ Jesuit has become one of those typical figures, 
 
 like the Puritan and the buccaneer. Though less ex- 
 ploited in fiction than he was in the days of Dumas, 
 Eugene Sue and Zola, the mention of his name calls 
 to the imagination the picture of a tall, spare man, 
 handsome, courteous, obliging, but subtle, deceitful, 
 dangerous, capable of nursing the blackest thoughts 
 and of sanctioning the worst actions for the advance- 
 ment of his cause. The Lettres Provinciales of Pascal 
 first stamped on public opinion the idea that the Jesuit 
 was necessarily immoral and venomous ; the implacable 
 hatred of Michelet and Symonds has brought them as 
 criminals before the bar of history. On the other hand 
 they have had their apologists and friends even outside 
 their own order. Let us neither praise nor blame, but 
 seek to understand them. 
 
 ^°J^1^ In that memorable hour when Luther said his ever- 
 
 c. 1493- 
 
 1556 lastmg nay at Worms one of his auditors was — or 
 
 might have been for she was undoubtedly present in 
 the city — Germaine de Foix, the wife of the Margrave 
 John of Brandenburg. The beautiful and frivolous 
 young woman had been by a former marriage the sec- 
 ond wife of Ferdinand the Catholic and at his court she 
 had been known and worshipped by a young page of 
 good family, liiigo de Loyola. Like the romantic 
 Spaniard that he was he had taken, as he told later, for 
 his lady *'no duchess nor countess but one far higher" 
 and to her he paid court in the genuine spirit of old 
 chivalry. Not that this prevented him from address- 
 
THE COMPANY OF JESUS 399 
 
 ing less disinterested attentions to other ladies, for, if 
 something of a Don Quixote he was also something of 
 a Don Juan. Indeed, at the carnival of 1515, his 
 ''enormous misdemeanors" had caused him to be tried 
 before a court of justice and little did his plea of bene- 
 fit of clergy avail him, for the judge failed to find a 
 tonsure on his head ' * even as large as a seal on a papal 
 bull," and he was probably punished severely. 
 
 Loyola was a Basque, and a soldier to his fingertips. 
 When the French army invaded Spain he was given 
 command of the fortress of Pampeluna. Defending it 
 bravely against desperate odds he was wounded in the May 21, 
 leg with a cannon ball and forced to yield. The leg 
 was badly set and the bone knit crooked. With in- 
 domitable courage he had it broken and reset, stretched 
 on racks and the protruding bone sawed off, but all the 
 torture, in the age before anaesthetics, was in vain. 
 The young man of about twenty-eight — the exact year 
 of his birth is unknown — found himself a cripple for 
 life. 
 
 To while away the long hours of convalescence he 
 asked for the romances of chivalry but was unable to 
 get them and read in their place legends of the saints 
 and a life of Christ by Ludolph of Saxony. His im- 
 agination took fire at the new possibilities of heroism 
 and of fame. ''What if you should be a saint like 
 Dominic or Francis?" he asked himself, "ay, what if 
 you should even surpass them in sanctity?" His 
 choice was fixed. He took Madonna for his lady and 
 determined to become a soldier of Christ. 
 
 As soon as he was able to move he made a pilgrim- 
 age to Seville and Manresa and there dedicated his 
 arms in a church in imitation of the knights he had 
 read about in Amadis of Gaul. Then, with a general 
 confession and much fasting and mortification of the 
 flesh, began a period of doubt and spiritual anguish 
 
400 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 
 
 that has sometimes been compared with that of Luther. 
 Both were men of strong will and intellect, both suf- 
 fered from the sense of sin. But Luther's development 
 was somewhat quieter and more normal — if, indeed, 
 in the psychology of conversion so carefully studied by 
 James, the quieter is the more normal. At any rate 
 where Luther had one vision on an exceptional occa- 
 sion, Loyola had hundreds and had them daily. Igna- 
 tius saw the Trinity as a clavichord with three strings, 
 the miracle of transubstantiation as light in bread, 
 Satan as a glistening serpent covered with bright, 
 mysterious eyes, Jesus as ''a big round form shining 
 as gold," and the Trinity again as ''a ball of fire." 
 But with all the visions he kept his will fixed on his 
 
 1523 purpose. At first this took the form of a vow to 
 preach to the infidels and he made a pilgrimage to 
 Jerusalem, only to be turned back by the highest Chris- 
 tian authority in that region, the politically-minded 
 Franciscan vicar. 
 
 1524 Qj-^ returning to Spain he went to Barcelona and 
 started to learn Latin with boys, for his education as a 
 gentleman had included nothing but reading and writ- 
 ing his own tongue. Thence he went to the university 
 of Alcala where he won disciples but was imprisoned 
 for six weeks by the Inquisition and forbidden to hold 
 meetings with them. Practically the same experience 
 was repeated at Salamanca where he was detained by 
 the Holy Office for twenty-two days and again pro- 
 hibited from holding religious meetings. Thus he was 
 chased out of Spain by the church he sought to serve. 
 Turning his steps to Paris he entered the College of 
 Montaigu, and, if he here was free from the Inquisition 
 he was publicly whipped by the college authorities as a 
 dangerous fanatic. Nevertheless, here he gathered his 
 first permanent disciples, Peter Le Fevre of Savoy, 
 Francis Xavier of Pampeluna and two Gastilians, 
 
THE COMPANY OF JESUS 401 
 
 James Laynez and Alfonso Salmeron. The little man, 
 hardly over five feet two inches high, deformed and 
 scarred, at the age of thirty-five, won men to him by his 
 smile, as of a conqueror in pain, by his enthusiasm, his 
 mission and his book. 
 
 If one reckons the greatness of a piece of literature '[^? . 
 not by the beauty of the style or the profundity of the Exercises 
 thought but by the influence it has exercised over men, 
 the Spiritual Exercises of Ignatius will rank high. Its 
 chief sources were the meditation and observation of 
 its author. If he took some things from Garcia de 
 Cisneros, some from The Imitation of Christ, some 
 from the rules of Montaigu, where he studied, far more 
 he took from the course of discipline to which he had 
 subjected himself at Manresa. The psychological 
 soundness of Loyola's method is found in his discovery 
 that the best way to win a man to an ideal is to kindle 
 his imagination. His own thought was imaginative to 
 the verge of abnormality and the means which he took 
 to awaken and artificially to stimulate this faculty in 
 his followers were drastic in the extreme. 
 
 The purpose of the Exercises is stated in the axiom 
 that **Man was created to praise, reverence and serve 
 God our Lord and thereby to save his soul." To fit a 
 man for this work the spiritual exercises were divided 
 into four periods called weeks, though each period 
 might be shortened or lengthened at the discretion of 
 the director. The first week was devoted to the con- 
 sideration of sin; the second to that of Christ's life as 
 far as Palm Sunday; the third to his passion; and the 
 fourth to his resurrection and ascension. Knowing 
 the tremendous power of the stimulant to be adminis- 
 tered Ignatius inserted wise counsels of moderation in 
 the application of it. But, subject only to the condi- 
 tion that the novice was not to be plied beyond what he 
 could bear, he was directed in the first week of soli- 
 
402 THE COUNTEE-EEFOEMATION 
 
 tary meditation to try to see the length, breadth and 
 depth of hell, to hear the lamentations and blasphemies 
 of the damned, to smell the smoke and brimstone, to 
 taste the bitterness of tears and of the worm of con- 
 science and to feel the burnings of the unquenchable 
 fire. In like manner in the other weeks he was to try to 
 picture to himself in as vivid a manner as possible all 
 the events brought before his mind, whether terrible or 
 glorious. The end of all this discipline was to be the 
 complete subjection of the man to the church. The 
 Jesuit was directed ever ''to praise all the precepts of 
 the church, holding the mind ready to find reasons for 
 her defence and nowise in her offence." There must 
 be an unconditional surrender to her not only of the will 
 but of the intelligence. ''To make sure of being right 
 in all things," says Loyola, "we ought always to hold 
 by the principle that the white I see I should believe to 
 be black if the hierarchical church were so to rule it." 
 Inspired by this ideal the small body of students, 
 agreeing to be called henceforth the Company of Jesus 
 — a military term, the socii being the companions or 
 August 15, followers of a chief in arms — took vows to live in pov- 
 
 1540 
 
 erty and chastity and to make a pilgrimage to Jeru- 
 y^ salem. With this object they set out to Venice and 
 then turned towards Rome for papal approbation of 
 their enterprise. Their first reception was chilling, 
 but they gradually won a few new recruits and Igna- 
 tius drafted the constitution for a new order which was 
 S^eptember handed to the pope by Contarini and approved in the 
 bull Regimmi militantis ecclesiae, which quotes from 
 ;^ the formula of the Jesuits : 
 
 "Whoever wishes to fight for God under the standard 
 of the cross and to serve the Lord alone and his vicar on 
 earth the Roman pontiff shall, after a solemn vow of 
 perpetual chastity, consider that he is part of a society 
 instituted chiefly for these ends, for the profit of souls in 
 
 27, 1540 
 
THE COMPANY OF JESUS 403 
 
 life and Christian doctrine, for the propagation of the 
 faith through public preaching, the ministry of God's 
 word, spiritual exercises and works of charity, and espe- 
 cially for the education of children and ignorant persons 
 in Christianity, for the hearing of confession and for the 
 giving of spiritual consolation. 
 
 Moreover it is stated that the members of the new 
 order should be bound by a vow of special obedience to 
 the pope and should hold themselves ready at his be- 
 hest to propagate the faith among Turks, infidels, here- 
 tics or schismatics, or to minister to believers. 
 
 Ignatius was chosen first general of the order. The April, 1541 
 pope then cancelled the previous limitation of the num- 
 ber of Jesuits to 60 and later issued a large charter of ^544 
 privileges for them. They were exempted from taxes 1549 
 and episcopal jurisdiction; no member was to be al- 
 lowed to accept any dignity without the general's con- 
 sent, nor could any member be assigned to the spiritual 
 direction of women. Among many other grants 
 was one to the effect that the faithful might confess 
 to them and receive communion without permission of 
 their parish priests. A confirmation of all privileges 
 and a grant of others was made in a bull of July 21, 
 1550. 
 
 The express end of the order being the world-domi- OTrganha- 
 nation of the church, its constitution provided a mar- Society of 
 vellously apt organization for this purpose. Every- Jesus, 1550 
 thing was to be subordinate to efficiency. Detachment 
 from the world went only so far as necessary for the 
 completer conquest of the world. Asceticism, fasting, 
 self-discipline were to be moderate so as not to interfere 
 with health. No special dress was prescribed, for it 
 might be a hindrance rather than a help. The purpose 
 being to win over the classes rather than the masses, 
 the Jesuits were particular to select as members only 
 robust men of agreeable appearance, calm minds and 
 
404 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 
 
 eloquence. That an aspirant to the order should also 
 be rich and of good family was not requisite but was 
 considered desirable. Men of bad reputation, intracti- 
 ble, choleric, or men who had ever been tainted with 
 heresy, were excluded. No women were recruited. 
 
 After selection, the neophyte was put on a probation 
 of two years. He was then assigned to the class of 
 scholars for further discipline. He was later placed 
 either as a temporal coadjutor, a sort of lay brother 
 charged with inferior duties, or as a spiritual coad- 
 jutor, who took the three irrevocable vows. Finally, 
 there was a class, to which admission was gained after 
 long experience, the Professed of Four Vows, the 
 fourth being one of special obedience to the pope. A 
 small number of secret Jesuits who might be consid- 
 ered as another class, were charged with dangerous 
 missions and with spying. 
 General Over the order was placed a General who was prac- 
 
 tically, though not theoretically, absolute. On paper he 
 was limited by the possibility of being deposed and by 
 the election, independently of his influence, of an '* ad- 
 monitor" and some assistants. In practice the only 
 limitations of his power were the physical ones inher- 
 ent in the difficulties of administering provinces thou- 
 sands of miles away. From every province, however, 
 he received confidential reports from a multitude of 
 spies. 
 
 The spirit of the order was that of absolute, unques- 
 tioning, blind obedience. The member must obey his 
 superior "like a corpse which can be turned this way 
 or that, or a rod that follows every impulse, or a ball of 
 wax that might be moulded in any form." The ideal 
 was an old one; the famous permde ac cadaver itself 
 dates back to Francis of Assisi, but nowhere had the 
 ideal been so completely realized as by the companions 
 of Ignatius. In fact, in this as in other respects, the 
 
THE COMPANY OF JESUS 405 
 
 Jesuits were but a natural culmination of the evolution 
 of monasticism. More and more had the orders tended 
 to become highly disciplined, unified bodies, apt to be 
 used for the service of the church and of the pope. r- 
 
 The growth of the society was extraordinarily rapid. Growth 
 By 1544 they had nine establishments, two each in 
 Italy, Spain and Portugal and one each in France, Ger- 
 many and the Netherlands. When Loyola died Jesuits •^"^^^' 
 could be found in Japan and Brazil, in Abyssinia and 
 on the Congo; in Europe they were in almost every 
 country and included doctors at the largest universi- 
 ties and papal nuncios to Poland and Ireland. There 
 were in all twelve provinces, about 65 residences and 
 1500 members. 
 
 Their work was as broad as their field, but it was 
 dedicated especially to three several tasks: education, 
 war against the heretic, and foreign missions. Neither 
 of the first two was particularly contemplated by the 
 founders of the order in their earliest period. At that 
 time they were rather like the friars, popular preach- 
 ers, catechists, confessors and charitable workers. 
 But the exigencies of the time called them to supply 
 other needs. The education of the young was the nat- 
 ural result of their desire to dominate the intellectual 
 class. Their seminaries, at first adapted only to their 
 owii uses, soon became famous. 
 
 In the task of combating heresy they were also the Combating 
 most successful of the papal cohorts. Though not the ^^^^^ 
 primary purpose of the order, it soon came to be re- 
 garded as their special field. The bull canonizing 
 Loyola speaks of him as an instrument raised up by 
 divine providence especially to combat that * 'foulest 
 of monsters" Martin Luther. Beginning in Italy the 
 Jesuits revived the nearly extinct popular piety. Go- 
 ing among the poor as missionaries they found many 
 who knew no prayers, many who had not confessed for 
 
406 THE COUNTER-EEFORMATION 
 
 thirty or forty years, and a host of priests as blind as 
 their flocks. 
 
 In most other Catholic countries they had to fight for 
 the right to exist. In France the Parlement of Paris 
 was against them, and even after the king had granted 
 them permission to settle in the country in 1553, the 
 Parlement accused them of jeoparding the faith, de- 
 stroying the peace of the church, supplanting the old 
 orders and tearing do^\Ti more than they built up. 
 Nevertheless they won their way to a place of great 
 power, until, sitting at the counsels of the monarch, 
 they were able to crush their Catholic opponents, the 
 Jansenists, as completely as their Protestant enemies 
 were crushed by the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. 
 
 In the Netherlands the Jesuits were welcomed as 
 allies of the Spanish power. The people were im- 
 pressed by their zeal, piety, and disinterestedness, and 
 in the Southern provinces they were able to bear away 
 a victory after a fierce fight with Calvinism. 
 
 In England, where they showed the most devotion, 
 they met with the least success. The blood of their 
 martyrs did not sow the ground with Catholic seed, 
 and they were expelled by statute under Elizabeth. 
 Jesuit The most striking victories of the Jesuits were won 
 
 in Central Europe. When the first of their company, 
 Peter Faber, entered Germany in 1540, he found nearly 
 the whole country Lutheran. The Wittelsbachs of Ba- 
 varia were almost the only reigning family that never 
 compromised with the Reformers and in them the 
 Jesuits found their starting point and their most con- 
 stant ally. Called to the universities of Ingolstadt and 
 Vienna their success was great and from these foci 
 they radiated in all directions, to Poland, to Hungary, 
 to the Rhine. One of their most eminent missionaries 
 was Peter Canisius, whose catechism, published in 1555 
 in three forms, short, long and middle, and in two lan- 
 
 victones 
 
THE COMPANY OF JESUS 407 
 
 guages, German and Latin, became the chief spiritual 
 text-book of the Catholics. The idea and selection of 
 material was borrowed from Luther and he was imi- 
 tated also in the omission of all overt polemic material. 
 This last feature was, of course, one of the strongest. 
 
 But the conquests of the Company of Jesus were as Missions to 
 notable in lands beyond Europe as they w^re in the heathens 
 heart of civilization. They were not, indeed, pioneers 
 in the field of foreign missions. The Catholic church 
 showed itself from an early period solicitous for the 
 salvation of the natives of America and of the Far 
 East. The bull of Alexander VI stated that his mo- 
 tive in dividing the newly discovered lands between 
 Spain and Portugal was chiefly to assist in the propa- 
 gation of the faith. That the Protestants at first de- 
 veloped no activity in the conversion of the heathen 
 was partly because their energies were fully employed 
 in securing their o^vn position, and still more, perhaps, 
 because, in the sixteenth century, Spain and Portugal 
 had a practical monopoly of the transoceanic trade and 
 thus the only opportunities of coming into contact with 
 the natives. 
 
 Very early Dominican and Franciscan friars went to 
 America. Though some of them exemplified Chris- 
 tian virtues that might well have impressed the na- 
 tives, the greater number relied on the puissant sup- 
 port of the Toledo sword. Though the natives, as 
 heathen born in invincible ignorance, were exempt 
 from the jurisdiction of the inquisitor, they were 
 driven by terror if not by fire, into embracing the re- 
 ligion of their conquerors. If some steadfast chiefs 
 told the missionaries that they would rather go to hell 
 after death than live for ever with the cruel Christians, 
 the tribes as a whole, seeing their dreaded idols over- 
 thro\\Ti and their temples uprooted, embraced the re- 
 ligion of the stronger God, as thcj^ quailed before his 
 
408 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 
 
 votaries. Little could they understand of the mys- 
 teries of the faith, and in some places long continued 
 to worship Christ and Mary with the ritual and at- 
 tributes of older deities. But nominally a million of 
 them were converted by 1532, and when the Jesuits 
 arrived a still more successful effort was made to win 
 over the red man. The important mission in Brazil, 
 served by brave and devoted brothers of Ignatius, 
 achieved remarkable results, whereas in Paraguay the 
 Jesuits founded a state completely under their own 
 tutelage. 
 
 In the Far East the path of the missionary was 
 broken by the trader. At Goa the first ambassadors of 
 Christ were friars, and here they erected a cathedral, 
 a convent, and schools for training native priests. But 
 
 1506^52 ^^® greatest of the missionaries to this region was 
 - Francis Xavier, the companion of Loyola. Not for- 
 getting the vow which he, together with all the first 
 
 April, members of the society, had taken, he sailed from Lis- 
 
 bon, clothed with extraordinary powers. The pope 
 made him his vicar for all the lands bathed by the 
 
 May, 1542 Indian Ocean, and the king of Portugal gave him of- 
 ficial sanction and support. Arriving at Goa he put 
 himself in touch with the earlier missionaries and be- 
 gan an earnest fight against the immorality of the port, 
 both Christian and native. His motto ''Amplius'* led 
 him soon to virgin fields, among the natives of the 
 coast and of Ceylon. In 1545 he went to Cochin-China, 
 thence to the Moluccas and to Japan, preaching in 
 every place and baptizing by the thousand and ten 
 thousand. 
 
 Though Xavier was a man of brilliant endowments 
 and though he was passionately devoted to the cause, to 
 neither of his good qualities did he owe the successes, 
 whether solid or specious, with which he has been cred- 
 ited. In the first place, judged by the standards of 
 
THE COMPANY OF JESUS 409 
 
 modem missions, the superficiality of his work was 
 almost inconceivable. He never mastered one of the 
 languages of the countries which he visited. He 
 learned by rote a few sentences, generally the creed 
 and some phrases on the horrors of hell, and repeated 
 them to the crowds attracted to him by the sound of a 
 bell. He addressed himself to masses rather than to 
 individuals and he regarded the culmination of his 
 work as being merely the administration of baptism 
 and not the conversion of heart or understanding. 
 Thus, he spent hours in baptizing, with all possible 
 speed, sick and dying children, believing that he was 
 thus rescuing their souls from limbo. Probably many 
 of his adult converts never understood the meaning 
 of the application of water and oil, salt and spittle, 
 that make up the ritual of Catholic baptism. 
 
 In the second place, what permanent success he Use of 
 achieved was due largely to the invocation of the aid 
 of the civil power. One of the most illuminating of 
 Xavier's letters is that written to King John of Por- 
 tugal on January 20, 1548, in which he not only makes 
 the reasonable request that native Christians be pro- 
 tected from persecution by their countrymen, but adds 
 that every governor should take such measures to con- 
 vert them as would insure success to his preaching, for 
 without such support, he says, the cause of the gospel 
 in the Indies would be desperate, few would come to 
 baptism and those who did come would not profit much 
 in religion. Therefore he urges that every governor, 
 under whose rule many natives were not converted, 
 should be mulcted of all his goods and imprisoned on 
 his return to Portugal. What the measures applied 
 by the Portugese officers must have been, under such 
 pressure, can easily be inferred from a slight knowl- 
 edge of their savage rule. 
 
 It has been said that every organism carries in it- 
 
410 
 
 THE COUNTER-KEFORMATION 
 
 Decay of 
 Jesuits 
 
 1560 
 
 1587 
 
 Efficiency 
 
 Failure 
 
 self the seeds of its o^vn decay. The premature cor- 
 ruption of the order was noticed by its more earnest 
 members quite early in its career. The future gen- 
 eral Francis Borgia wrote: *'The time will come when 
 the Company Avill be completely absorbed in human 
 sciences without any application to virtue; ambition, 
 pride and arrogance will rule. ' ' The -General Aqua- 
 viva said explicitly, ''Love of the things of this world 
 and the spirit of the courtier are dangerous diseases 
 in our Company. Almost in spite of us the evil creeps 
 in little by little under the fair pretext of gaining 
 princes, prelates, and the great ones of the world." 
 
 A principal cause of the ultimate odium in which 
 the Jesuits were held as Avell as of their temporary 
 successes, was their desire for speedy results. Every 
 one has noticed the immense versatility of the Jesuits 
 and their superficiality. They produced excellent 
 scholars of a certain rank, men who could decipher 
 Latin inscriptions, observe the planets, publish libra- 
 ries of historical sources, of casuistry and apologetic, 
 or write catechisms or epigrams. They turned with 
 equal facility to preaching to naked savages and to the 
 production of art for the most cultivated peoples in 
 the world. And yet they have rarely, if ever, produced 
 a great scholar, a great scientist, a great thinker, or 
 even a great ascetic. They were not founded for such 
 purposes ; they were founded to fight for the church and 
 they did that with extraordinary success. 
 
 But their very efficiency became, as pursued for its 
 own sake it must always become, soulless. In terms 
 suggested by the Great War, the Jesuits were the in- 
 carnation of religious militarism. To set up an ideal 
 of aggrandizement, to fill a body of men with a fanat- 
 ical enthusiasm for that ideal and then to provide an 
 organization and discipline marvellously adapted to 
 conquest, that is what the Prussian schoolmaster who 
 
THE INQUISITION AND INDEX 411 
 
 proverbially won Sadowa, and the Jesuits who beat 
 back the Reformation, have known how to do better 
 than anyone else. Their methods took account of 
 everything except the conscience of mankind. 
 
 Moreover, there can be no doubt that in their eager 
 pursuit of tangible results they lowered the ethical 
 standards of the church. Wishing to open her doors 
 as widely as possible to all men, and finding that they 
 could not make all men saints, they brought down the 
 requirements for admission to the average human level. 
 One cannot take the denunciations of Jesuitical "casu- 
 istry" and *'probabilism" at their face value, but one 
 can find in Jesuit works on ethics, and in some of their 
 early works, very dangerous compromises with the Jesuitical 
 world. One reads in their books how the bankrupt, ^^^°' 
 without sinning mortally, may defraud his creditors 
 of his mortaged goods; how the servant may be ex- 
 cused for pilfering from his master; how a rich man 
 may pardonably deceive the tax-collector; how the 
 adulteress may rightfully deny her sin to her husband, 
 even on oath.^ Doubtless these are extreme instances, 
 but that they should have been possible at all is a mel- 
 ancholy warning to all who would, even for pious ends, 
 substitute inferior imitations for genuine morality. 
 
 § 5. The Inquisition and Index 
 
 Not only by propaganda appealing to the mind and 
 heart did the Catholic church roll back the tides of Ref- 
 ormation and Renaissance, but by coercion also. In 
 this the church was not alone; the Protestants also 
 persecuted and they also censored the press w^th the 
 object of preventing their adherents from reading the 
 arguments of their opponents. But the Catholic 
 
 1 Substantiation of these statements in excerpts from Jesuit works of 
 moral theology, printed in C. Mirbt: Quellen zur Geschichte des Papst- 
 tioms3, 1911, pp. 44711. 
 
412 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 
 
 church was not only more consistent in the application 
 of her intolerant theories but she almost always as- 
 sumed the direction of the coercive measures directly 
 instead of applying them through the agency of the 
 state. Divided as they were, dependent on the sup- 
 port of the civil government and hampered, at least 
 to some slight extent, by their more liberal tendencies, 
 the Protestants never had instrumentalities half as 
 efficient or one-tenth as terrible as the Inquisition and 
 the Index. 
 
 The Inquisition was a child of the Middle Ages. 
 For centuries before Luther the Holy Office had cau- 
 terized the heretical growths on the body of Mother 
 Church. The old form w^as utilized but was given a 
 new lease of life by the work it was called upon to per- 
 form against the Protestants. Outside of the Nether- 
 lands the two forms of the Inquisition which played the 
 largest part in the battles of the sixteenth century were 
 the Spanish and the Roman. 
 Spanish In- The Inquisition was licensed in Spain by a bull of 
 quisition g.^^^g jy ^f ^^yg^ ^^^ actually established by Ferdi- 
 nand and Isabella in Castile in 1480, and soon after- 
 wards in their other dominions. It has sometimes 
 been said that the Spanish Inquisition was really a 
 political rather than an ecclesiastical instrument, but 
 the latest historian of the subject, whose deep study 
 makes his verdict final, has disposed of this theory. 
 Though occasionally called upon to interfere in polit- 
 ical matters, this was exceptional. Far more often it 
 asserted an authority and an independence that em- 
 barrassed not a little the royal government. On the 
 other hand it soon grew so great and powerful that it 
 was able to ignore the commands of the popes. On 
 account of its irresponsible power it was unpopular 
 and was only tolerated because it was so efficient in 
 crushing out the heresy that the people hated. 
 
THE INQUISITION AND INDEX 413 
 
 The annals of its procedure and achievements are Procedure 
 one long record of diabolical cruelty, of protracted con- 
 finement in dungeons, of endless delay and browbeat- 
 ing to break the spirit, of ingenious tortures and of 
 racked and crushed limbs and of burning flesh. In 
 mitigation of judgment, it must be remembered that 
 the methods of the civil courts were also cruel at that 
 time, and the punishments severe. 
 
 As the guilt of the suspected person was always pre- 
 sumed, every effort was made to secure confession, for 
 in matters of belief there is no other equally satisfac- 
 tory proof. Without being told the nature of his crime 
 or who w^as the informant against him, the person on 
 trial was simply urged to confess. An advocate was 
 given him only to take advantage of his professional 
 relations with his client by betraying him. The enor- 
 mous, almost incredible procrastination by which the 
 accused w^ould be kept in prison awaiting trial some- 
 times for five or ten or even twenty years, usually suf- 
 ficed to break his spirit or to unbalance his mind. Tor- 
 ture was first threatened and then applied. All rules 
 intended to limit its amount proved illusory, and it was 
 applied practically to any extent deemed necessary, 
 and to all classes ; nobles and clergy were no less ob- 
 noxious to it than were commons. Nor w^as there any 
 privileged age, except that of the tenderest childhood. 
 Men and women of ninety and boys and girls of twelve 
 or fourteen were racked, as were young mothers and 
 women wdth child. Insanity, however, if recognized 
 as genuine, was considered a bar to torture. 
 
 Acquittal was almost, though not quite, unknown. 
 Sometimes sentence was suspended and the accused 
 discharged without formal exoneration. Very rarely 
 acquittal by compurgation, that is by oath of the ac- 
 cused supported by the oaths of a number of persons 
 that they believed he was telling the truth, was allowed. 
 
414 THE COUNTEE-REFORMATION 
 
 Practically the only plea open to the suspect was that 
 the informers against him were actuated by malice. 
 As he was not told who his accusers were this was dif- 
 ficult for him to use. 
 Penalties The penalties were various, including scourging, the 
 
 galleys and perpetual imprisonment. Capital punish- 
 ment by fire was pronounced not only on those who 
 were impenitent but on those who, after having been 
 once discharged, had relapsed. In Spain, heretics who 
 recanted before execution were first strangled; the 
 obstinately impenitent were burned alive. Persons 
 convicted of heresy who could not be reached were 
 burnt in effigy. 
 
 Acting on the maxim ecclesia non sitit sanguinem the 
 Inquisitors did not put their victims to death by their 
 own officers but handed them over to the civil authori- 
 ties for execution. With revolting hypocrisy they 
 even adjured the hangmen to be merciful, well know- 
 ing that the latter had no option but to carry out the 
 sentence of the church. Magistrates who endeavored 
 to exercise any discretion in favor of the condemned 
 were promptly threatened with excommunication. 
 
 If anything could be wanting to complete the horror 
 it was supplied by the festive spirit of the executions. 
 Auto da Fe The Auto da Fe, or act of faith, was a favorite spec- 
 tacle of the Spaniards ; no holiday was quite complete 
 without its holocaust of human victims. The staging 
 was elaborate, and the ceremony as impressive as pos- 
 sible. Secular and spiritual authorities were ordered 
 to be present and vast crowds were edified by the hor- 
 rible example of the untimely end of the unbeliever. 
 Sundays and feast days were chosen for these spec- 
 tacles and on gala occasions, such as royal weddings 
 and christenings, a special effort was made to celebrate 
 one of these holy butcheries. 
 
 The number of victims has been variously estimated. 
 
THE INQUISITION AND INDEX 415 
 
 An actual count up to the year 1540, that is, before 
 Protestantism became a serious factor, shows that 
 20,226 were burned in person and 10,913 in effigy, and 
 these figures are incomplete. It must be remembered 
 that for every one who paid the extreme penalty there 
 Avere a large number of others punished in other ways, 
 or imprisoned and tortured while on trial. AVhen 
 Adrian of Utrecht, afterwards the pope, was Inquisi- 
 tor General 1516-22, 1,620 persons were burned alive, 
 560 in effigy and 21,845 were sentenced to penance or 
 other lighter punishments. Roughly, for one person 
 sentenced to death ten suffered milder penalties. 
 
 Heresy was not the only crime punished by the In- Crimes 
 
 quisition; it also took charge of blasphemy, bigamy. !L! 
 
 and some forms of vice. In its early years it was 
 chiefly directed against the Jews who, having been ^ 
 forced to the baptismal font, had relapsed. Later the 
 Moriscos or christened Moors supplied the largest ^ 
 number of victims. As with the Jews, race hatred 
 was so deep an ingredient of the treatment meted out 
 to them that the nominal cause was sometimes forgot- 
 ten, and baptism often failed to save ''the new Chris- 
 tian" who preserved any, even the most innocent, of 
 the national customs. Many a man and woman was 
 tortured for not eating pork or for bathing in the 
 Moorish fashion. 
 
 As Protestantism never obtained any hold in Spain, 
 the Inquisition had comparatively little trouble on that 
 account. During the sixteenth century a total number 
 of 1995 persons were punished as Protestants of whom 
 1640 were foreigners and only 355 were Spaniards. 
 Even these figures exaggerate the hold that the Re- 
 formation had in Spain, for any error remotely re- 
 sembling the tenets of Wittenberg immediately classed 
 its maintainer as Lutheran. The first case kno^^Ti was 
 found in Majorca in 1523, but it was not until 1559 
 
416 
 
 THE COUNTER-REFOEMATION 
 
 May 30, 
 1541 
 
 New 
 World 
 
 Roman In- 
 quisition 
 
 July 21, 
 1542 
 
 that any considerable number suffered for this faith. 
 In that year 24 Lutherans were burnt at E-odrigo and 
 Seville, 32 in 1562, and 19 Calvinists in 1569. 
 
 The dread of the Spanish Inquisition was such that 
 only in those dependencies early and completely sub- 
 dued could it be introduced. Established in Sicily in 
 1487 its temporal jurisdiction was suspended during 
 the years 1535-46, when it was revived by the fear of 
 Protestantism. Even during i^s dark quarter, how- 
 ever, it was able to punish heretics.' In an auto cele- 
 brated at Palermo, of the twenty-two culprits three 
 were Lutherans and nineteen Jews. The capitulation 
 of Naples in 1503 expressly excluded the Spanish In- 
 quisition, nor could it be established in Milan. The 
 Portuguese Inquisition was set up in 1536. 
 
 The New World was capable of offering less re- 
 sistance. Nevertheless, for many years the inquisitor- 
 ial powers were vested in the bishops sent over to Mex- 
 ico and Peru, and when the Inquisition was established 
 in both countries in 1570 it probably meant no increase 
 of severity. The natives were exempt from its juris- 
 diction and it found little combustible material save 
 in captured Protestant Europeans. A Fleming was 
 burned at Lima in 1548, and at the first auto held at 
 Mexico in 1574 thirty-six Lutherans were punished, 
 all English captives, two by burning and the rest by 
 scourging or the galleys. 
 
 The same need of repelling Protestantism that 
 had helped to give a new lease of life to the Spanish 
 Inquisition called into being her sister the Roman 
 Inquisition. By the bull Licet ab initio, Paul IV re- 
 constituted the Holy Office at Rome, directing and em- 
 powering it to smite all who persisted in condemned 
 opinions lest others should be seduced by their ex- 
 ample, not only in the papal states but in all the na- 
 tions of Christendom. It was authorized to pronounce 
 
THE INQUISITION AND INDEX 417 
 
 sentence on culprits and to invoke the aid of the secu- 
 lar arm to punish them with prison, confiscation of 
 goods and death. Its authority was directed particu- 
 larly against persons of high estate, even against 
 heretical princes whose subjects were loosed from their 
 obligation of obedience and whose neighbors were in- 
 vited to take away their heritage. 
 
 The procedure of the Holy Office at Rome was char- Procedure 
 acterized by the Augustinian Cardinal Seripando as at 
 first lenient, but later, he continues, ''when the super- 
 human rigor of Caraffa [one of the first Inquisitors 
 General] held sway, the Inquisition acquired such a 
 reputation that from no other judgment-seat on earth 
 were more horrible and fearful sentences to be ex- 
 pected." Besides the attention it paid to Protestants 
 it instituted very severe processes against Judaizing 
 Christians and took cognizance also of seduction, of 
 jjimping, of sodomy, and of infringment of the eccle- 
 siastical rules for fasting. 
 
 The Roman Inquisition was introduced into Milan Italy 
 by Michael Ghislieri, afterwards pope, and flourished 
 mightily under the protecting care of Borromoo, car- 
 dinal archbishop of the city. It was established by 
 Charles V, notwithstanding opposition, in Naples. ^547 
 Venice also fought against its introduction but never- 1544 
 theless fmally permitted it. During the sixteenth cen- 
 tury in that city there were no less than 803 processes 
 for Lutheranism, 5 for Calvinism, 35 against Anabap- 
 tists, 43 for Judaism and 199 for sorcery. In coun- 
 tries outside of Italy the Roman Inquisition did not "^ 
 take root. Bishop Magrath endeavored in 1567 to give 
 Ireland the benefit of the institution, but naturally the 
 English Government allowed no such thing. 
 
 A method of suppressing given opinions and propa- ^^^JJ^^"'^^'^'^ 
 gating others probably far more effective than the press 
 
418 THE COUNTEE-REFORMATION 
 
 mauling of men's bodies is the guidance of their minds 
 through direction of their reading and instruction. 
 Naturally, before the invention of printing, and in an 
 illiterate society, the censorship of books would have 
 slight importance. Plato was perhaps the first to pro- 
 pose that the reading of immoral and impious books be 
 forbidden, but I am not aware that his suggestion was 
 acted upon either in the states of Greece or in pagan 
 Rome. Examples of the rejection of certain books by 
 the early church are not wanting. Paul induced the 
 Ephesian sorcerers to burn their books ; certain fathers 
 of the church advised against the reading of heathen 
 C.496 authors; Pope Gelasius made a decree on the books 
 
 received and those not received by the church, and 
 JVIanichaean books were publicly burnt. 
 
 The invention of printing brought to the attention 
 of the church the danger of allowing her children to 
 choose their own reading matter. The first to anim- 
 advert upon it was Berthold, Archbishop of Mayence, 
 the city of Gutenberg. On the 22d of March, 1485, he 
 promulgated a decree to the effect that, whereas the 
 divine art of printing had been abused for the sake of 
 lucre and whereas by this means even Christ's books, 
 missals and other works on religion, were thumbed by 
 the vulgar, and whereas the German idiom was too 
 poor to express such mysteries, and common persons 
 too ignorant to understand them, therefore every work 
 translated into German must be approved by the doc- 
 tors of the university of Mayence before being pub- 
 lished, 
 junei "^^^ example of the prelate was soon followed by 
 
 1501 , popes and councils. Alexander VI forbade as a de- 
 
 y /testable evil the printing of books injurious to the 
 I Catholic faith, and made all archbishops official cen- 
 sors for their dioceses. This was enforced by a de- 
 cree of the Fifth Lateran Council setting forth that 
 
 Fourth 
 century 
 
 Printing 
 
THE INQUISITION AND INDEX 419 
 
 although printing has brought much advantage to the May 4, 
 church it has also disseminated errors and pernicious ^^^ 
 dogmas contrary to the Christian religion. The decree 
 forbids the printing of any book in any city or diocese 
 of Christendom without license from the local bishop 
 or other ecclesiastical authority. 
 
 This sweeping edict was supplemented by others 
 directed against certain books or authors, but for a 
 whole generation the church left the censorship chiefly— ^ — 
 to the discretion of the several national governments. 
 This was the policy followed also by the Protestants, Protestant 
 both at this time and later. Neither Luther, nor any Censorship 
 other reformer for a long time attempted to draw up 
 regular indices of prohibited books. Examples of 
 something approaching this may be found in the later 
 history of Protestantism, but they are so unimportant 
 as to be negligible. 
 
 The national goveraments, however, laid great stress National 
 on licensing. The first law in Spain was followed by 1552*''^^ '^' 
 an ever increasing strictness under the inquisitor who 
 drew up several indices of prohibited books, completely 
 independent of the official Roman lists. The German 
 Diets and the French kings were careful to give their 
 subjects the benefit of their selection of reading mat- 
 ter. In England, too, lists of prohibited books were 
 drawn up under all the Tudors. Mary restricted the 
 right to print to licensed members of the Stationers* 
 Company; Elizabeth put the matter in the hands of 
 Star Chamber. A special license was required by the 1559 
 Injunctions, and a later law was aimed at ''seditious, 
 schismatic or libellous books and other fantastic writ- 1588 
 ings. ' ' 
 
 The idea of a complete catalogue of heretical and Catalogues 
 dangerous writings under ecclesiastical censure took\ ° f"^"" 
 
 '^ ° \ ous books 
 
 its rise in the Netherlands. After the works of vari- ^^ 
 
 ous authors had been severally prohibited in distinct 
 
420 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 
 
 proclamations, the University of Louvain, at the em- 
 peror's command, drew up a fairly extensive list in 
 1546 and again, somewhat enlarged, in 1550. It men- 
 tions a number of Bibles in Greek, Latin and the ver- 
 naculars, the works of Luther, Carlstadt, Osiander, 
 Ochino, Bullinger, Calvin, Oecolampadius, Jonas, Cal- 
 vin, Melanchthon, Zwingli, Huss and John Pupper of 
 Goch, a Dutch author of the fifteenth century revived 
 by the Protestants. It is remarkable that the works 
 of Erasmus are not included in this list. Further- 
 more it is stated that certain approved works, even 
 when edited or translated by heretics, might be al- 
 lowed to students. Among the various scientific works 
 condemned are an Anatomy printed at Marburg by 
 Eucharius Harzhom, H. C. Agrippa's De vanitate sci- 
 entiarum, and Sebastian Miinster's Cosmo graphia uni- 
 versalis, a geography printed in 1544. The Koran is 
 prohibited, and also a work called "Het paradijs van 
 Venus," this latter presumably as indecent. Finally, 
 all books printed since 1525 without name of author, 
 printer, time, and place, are prohibited. 
 
 Roman Partly in imitation of this work of Louvain, partly 
 
 Index jj-^ consequence of the foundation of the Inquisition, the 
 
 Roman Index of Prohibited Books was promulgated. 
 Though the bull founding the Roman Inquisition said 
 nothing about books, their censure was included in 
 practice. Under the influence of the Holy Ofiice at 
 Lucca a list of forbidden works was drawn up by the 
 
 1545 Senate at Lucca, including chiefly the tracts of Italian 
 
 heretics and satires on the church. The fourth session 
 
 ^5^46^^' of the Council of Trent prohibited the printing of all 
 anonymous books whatever and of all others on re- 
 ligion until licensed. A further indication of increas- 
 
 1550 jjig severity may be found in a bull issued by Julius III 
 
 who complained that authors licensed to read heretical 
 
THE INQUISITION AND INDEX 421 
 
 books for the pui'pose of refuting them were more 
 likely to be seduced by them, and who therefore re- 
 voked all licenses given up to that time. 
 
 When the Roman Inquisition issued a long list of September, 
 volumes to be burnt publicly, including works of Eras- ^^^^ 
 mus, Machiavelli and Poggio, this might be considered 
 the first Roman Index of Prohibited Books; but the 
 first document to bear that name was issued by Paul 
 IV. It divided writings into three classes : (1) Authors 1559 
 who had erred ex professo and whose whole works were 
 forbidden; (2) Authors who had erred occasionally and ' ^^ 
 some of whose books only were mentioned; (3) Anony- -^ 
 mous books. In addition to these classes 61 printers 
 were named, all works published by whom were banned. 
 The Index strove to be as complete as possible. Its 
 chief though not its only source was the catalogue of 
 Louvain. Many editions and versions of the Bible 
 were listed and the printing of any translation with- 
 out permission of the Inquisition was prohibited. 
 Particular attention was paid to Erasmus, who was not 
 only put in the first class by name but was signalized 
 as having "all his commentaries, notes, annotations, 
 dialogues, epistles, refutations, translations, books and 
 writings" forbidden. 
 
 The Council of Trent again took up the matter, pass- Tridentine 
 ing a decree to the effect that inasmuch as heresy had censorship, 
 not been cured by the censorship this should be made 26, 1562 
 much stricter, and appointing a commission in order, 
 as, regardless of the parable,^ it was phrased, to sep- 
 arate the tares from the wheat. The persons ap- 
 pointed for this delicate work comprised four arch- 
 bishops, nine bishops, two generals of orders and some 
 '* minor theologians." After much sweat they brought 
 forth a report on most of the doubtful authors though 
 
 1 Matthew xiii, 28-30. 
 
422 THE COUNTER-EEFORMATION 
 
 the most difficult of all, Erasmus, they relinquished to 
 the theological faculties of Louvain and Paris for ex- 
 purgation. 
 1564 The results of their labors were published by Paul 
 
 IV under the name of the Tridentine Index. It was 
 more sweeping, and at the same time more discrim- 
 inating than the former Index. Erasmus was changed 
 to the second class, only a portion of his works being 
 now condemned. Among the non-ecclesiastical au- 
 thors banned were Machiavelli, Guicciardini and Boc- 
 caccio. It is noteworthy that the Decameron was ex- 
 purgated not chiefly for its indecency but for its satire 
 of ecclesiastics. Thus, a tale of the seduction of an 
 abbess is rendered acceptable by changing the abbess 
 into a countess ; the story of how a priest led a woman 
 astray by impersonating the angel Gabriel is merely 
 changed by making the priest a layman masquerading; 
 as a fairy king. 
 
 The principles upon which the prohibition of books 
 rested were set forth in ten rules. The most interest- 
 ing are the following: (1) Books printed before 1515 
 condemned by popes or council; (2) Versions of the 
 Bible; (3) books of heretics; (4) obscene books; (5) 
 works on witchcraft and necromancy. 
 
 In order to keep the Index up to date continual re- 
 vision was necessary. To insure this Pius V ap- 
 pointed a special Congregation of the Index, which has 
 lasted until the present day. From his time to ours 
 more than forty Indices have been issued. Those of 
 the sixteenth century were concerned mainly with Prot- 
 estant books, those of later centuries chiefly deal, for 
 the purposes of internal discipline, with books written 
 by Catholics. One of the functions of the Congrega- 
 tion was to expurgate books, taking out the offensive 
 passages. A separate Index expurgatorius, pointing 
 out the passages to be deleted or corrected was pub- 
 
THE INQUISITION AND INDEX 423 
 
 lishcd, and this name has sometimes incorrectly been 
 applied to the Index of prohibited books. 
 
 The effect of the censorship of the press has been Effect of the 
 variously estimated. The Index was early dubbed ^^"^"'•ship 
 sica destricta in omnes scriptores and Sarpi called it 
 *'the finest secret ever discovered for applying re- 
 ligion to the purpose of making men idiotic." Milton 
 thundered against the censorship in England as ''the 
 greatest discouragement and affront that can be of- 
 fered to learning and learned men." The evil of the 
 system of Rome was, in his opinion, double, for, as he 
 wrote in his immortal Areopagitica, ''The Council of 
 Trent and the Spanish Inquisition engendering to- 
 gether brought forth and perfected those catalogues 
 and expurging indexes that rake through the entrails 
 of many an old good author with a violation worse 
 than any that could be offered to his tomb." When 
 we remember that the greatest w^orks of literature, 
 such as the Divine Comedy, were tampered with, and 
 that, in the Spanish Expurgatorial Index of 1640 the 
 list of passages to be deleted or to be altered in Eras- 
 mus ^s works takes 59 double-columned, closely printed 
 folio pages, we can easily see the point of Milton's in- 
 dignant protest. But, to his mind, it was still worse 
 to subject a book to the examination of unfit men be- 
 fore it could secure its imprimatur. Not without rea- 
 son has liberty of the press been made one of the cor- 
 nerstones of the temple of freedom. 
 
 Various writers have labored to demonstrate the ^ 
 blighting effect that the censorship was supposed to 
 have on literature. But it is surprising how few ex- 
 amples they can bring. Lea, who ought to know the 
 Spanish field exhaustively, can only point to a few 
 professors of theology who were persecuted and 
 silenced for expressing unconventional views on bib- 
 lical criticism. He conjectures that others must have 
 
424 THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 
 
 remained mute through fear. But, as the golden age 
 of Spanish literature came after the law made the 
 1558 printing of unlicensed books punishable by death, it is 
 
 hard to see wherein literature can have suffered. The 
 Roman Inquisition did not prevent the appearance of 
 Galileo's work, though it made him recant afterwards. 
 The strict English law that playwrights should not 
 ''meddle with matters of divinity or state'* made 
 Shakespeare careful not to express his religious and 
 political views, but it is hard to see in what way it 
 hampered his genius. 
 
 And yet the influence of the various press laws was 
 incalculably great and was just what it was intended 
 to be. It affected science less than one would think, 
 and literature hardly at all, but it moulded the opinions 
 of the masses like putty in their rulers' hands. That 
 the rank and file of Spaniards and Italians remained 
 Catholic, and the vast majority of Britons Protestant, 
 was due more to the bondage of the press than to any 
 other one cause. Originality was discouraged, the 
 / people to some degree unfitted for the free debate that 
 is at the bottom of self-government, the hope of tol- 
 erance blighted, and the path opened that led to reli- 
 gious wars. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 THE IBERIAN PENINSULA AND THE 
 EXPANSION OF EUROPE 
 
 § 1. Spain 
 If, through the prism of history, we analyse the Reforma- 
 white light of sixteenth-century civilization into its nabsance 
 component parts, three colors particularly emerge: andEx- 
 the azure ''light of the Gospel" as the Reformers p^«"''«" 
 fondly called it in Germany, the golden beam of the 
 Renaissance in Italy, and the blood-red flame of ex- 
 ploration and conquest irradiating the Iberian penin- 
 sula. Which of the three contributed most to modern 
 culture it is hard to decide. Each of the movements 
 started separately, gradually spreading until it came 
 into contact, and thus into competition and final blend- 
 ing with the other movements. It was the middle 
 lands, France, England and the Netherlands that, feel- 
 ing the impulses from all sides, evolved the sanest and 
 strongest synthesis. While Germany almost com- 
 mitted suicide with the sword of the spirit, while Italy 
 sank into a voluptuous torpor of decadent art, while 
 Spain reeled under the load of unearned Western 
 wealth, France, England and Holland, taking a little 
 from each of their neighbors, and not too much from 
 any, became strong, well-balanced, brilliant states. 
 But if eventually Germany, Italy and Spain all suffered 
 from over-specialization, for the moment the stimulus 
 of new ideas and new possibilities gave to each a sort of 
 leadership in its own sphere. While Germany and 
 Italy were busy winning the realms of the spirit and 
 of the mind, Spain very nearly conquered the empire 
 of the land and of the sea. 
 
 425 
 
426 
 
 THE IBERIAN PENINSULA 
 
 Ferdinand, 
 1479-1516 
 and Isa- 
 bella, 1474- 
 1504 
 
 1492 
 
 Francis 
 Ximenez de 
 Cisneros, 
 1436-1517 
 
 Charles V, 
 1516-56 
 
 The foundation of her national greatness, like that 
 of the greatness of so many other powers, was laid in 
 the union of the various states into which she was at 
 one time divided. The marriage of Ferdinand of 
 Aragon and Isabella of Castile was followed by a series 
 of measures that put Spain into the leading position 
 in Europe, expelled the alien racial and religious ele- 
 ments of her population, and secured to her a vast 
 colonial empire. The conquest of Granada from the 
 Moors, the acquisition of Cerdagne and Eoussillon 
 from the French, and the annexation of Naples, dou- 
 bled the dominions of the Lions and Castles, and 
 started the proud land on the road to empire. It is 
 true that eventually Spain exhausted herself by tiy- 
 ing to do more than even her young powers could ac- 
 complish, but for a while she retained the hegemony 
 of Christendom. The same year that saw the discov- 
 er}^ of America and the occupation of the Alhambra, 
 was also marked by the expulsion or forced conversion 
 of the Jews, of whom 165,000 left the kingdom, 50,000 
 were baptized, and 20,000 perished in race riots. The 
 statesmanship of Ferdinand showed itself in a more 
 favorable light in the measures taken to reduce the 
 nobles, feudal anarchs as they were, to fear of the 
 law. To take their place in the government of the 
 country he developed a new bureaucracy, which also, to 
 some extent, usurped the powers of the Cortes of Ara- 
 gon and of the Cortes of Castile. In the meantime a 
 notable reform of the church, in morals and in learning 
 if not in doctrine, was carried through by the great 
 Cardinal Ximenez. 
 
 When Charles, the grandson of the Catholic Kings, 
 succeeded Ferdinand he was already, through his fa- 
 ther, the Archduke Philip, the lord of Burgundy and 
 of the Netherlands, and the heir of Austria. His elec- 
 tion as emperor made him, at the age of nineteen, the 
 
SPAIN 427 
 
 greatest prince of Christendom. To his gigantic task 
 he brought all the redeeming qualities of dullness, for 
 his mediocrity and moderation served his peoples and 
 his dynasty better than brilliant gifts and boundless 
 ambition would have done. ''Never," he Is reported 
 to have said in 1556, ''did I aspire to universal mon- 
 archy, although it seemed well within my power to at- 
 tain it." Though the long war with France turned 
 ever, until the very last, in his favor, he never pressed 
 his advantage to the point of crushing his enemy to 
 earth. But in Germany and Italy, no less than in 
 Spain and the Netherlands, he finally attained some- 
 thing more than hegemony and something less than 
 absolute power. 
 
 Though Spain benefited by his world power and be- J^^J^^^ ^^ 
 came the capital state of his far flung empire, ' ' Charles Communes 
 of Ghent," as he was called, did not at first find Spani- 
 ards docile subjects. Within a very few years of his j 
 accession a great revolt, or rather two great synchron- I 
 ous revolts, one in Castile and one in Aragon, flared up. 
 The grievances in Castile were partly economic, the 
 servicio (a tax) and the removal of money from the 
 realm, and partly national as against a strange king 
 and his foreign officers. Not only the regent, Adrian 
 of Utrecht, but many important officials were north- 
 erners, and when Charles left Spain to be croMiied cm- ^^^q 
 peror, the national pride could no longer bear the hu- 
 miliation of playing a subordinate part. The revolt 
 of the Castilian Conmiunes began with the gentry and 
 spread from them to the lower classes. Even the 
 grandees joined forces with the rebels, though more 
 from fear than from sympathy. The various revolt- 
 ing communes formed a central council, the Santa 
 Junta, and put forth a program re-asserting the rights 
 of the Cortes to redress grievances. Meeting for a 
 time with no resistance, the rebellion disintegrated 
 
428 THE IBERIAN PENINSULA 
 
 through the operation of its own centrifugal forces, 
 disunion and lack of leadership. So at length when 
 the government, supplied with a small force of Ger- 
 man mercenaries, struck on the field of Villalar, the 
 April, 1521 rebels suffered a severe defeat. A few cities held out 
 longer, Toledo last of all ; but one by one they yielded, 
 partly to force, partly to the wise policy of concession 
 and redress followed by the government. 
 
 In our own time Barcelona and the east coast of 
 Spain has been the hotbed of revolutionary democracy 
 and radical socialism. Even so, the rising in Aragon 
 The Her- /knowu as the Hermandad (Brotherhood) contempo- 
 mandad / j-^ry with that in Castile, not only began earlier and 
 ' lasted longer, but was of a far more radical stamp. 
 Here were no nobles airing their slights at the hands 
 of a foreign king, but here the trade-gilds rose in the 
 name of equality against monarch and nobles alike. 
 Two special causes fanned the fury of the populace to 
 a white heat. The first was the decline of the Medi- 
 terranean trade due to the rise of the Atlantic com- 
 merce ; the other was the racial element. Valencia was 
 largely inhabited by Moors, the most industrious, sober 
 and thrifty, and consequently the most profitable of 
 Spanish laborers. The race hatred so deeply rooted 
 in human nature added to the ferocity of the class 
 conflict. Both sides were ruined by the war which, 
 beginning in 1519, dragged along for several years 
 until the proletariat was completely crushed. 
 The Cortes Tj^g armed triumph of the government hardly dam- 
 aged popular liberties as embodied in the constitution 
 of the Cortes of Castile. When Charles became king 
 this body was not, like other parliaments, ordinarily a 
 representative assembly of the three estates, but con- 
 sisted merely of deputies of eighteen Castilian cities. 
 Only on special occasions, such as a coronation, were 
 nobles and clergy summoned to participate, Its great 
 
SPAIN 429 
 
 power was that of granting taxes, though somehow it 
 never succeeded, as did the English House of Com- 
 mons, in making the redress of grievances conditional 
 upon a subsidy. But yet the power amounted to some- 
 thing and it was one that neither Charles nor Philip 
 commonly ventured to violate. Under both of them 
 meetings of the Cortes were frequent. 
 
 Though never directly attacked, the powers of the 
 Cortes declined through the growth of vast interests 
 outside their competence. The direction of foreign 
 policy, so absorbing under Charles, and the charge of 
 the enormous and growing commercial interests, was 
 confided not to the representatives of the people, but 
 to the Royal Council of Castile, an appointative body 
 of nine la^v^^ers, three nobles, and one bishop. Though 
 not absolutely, yet relatively, the functions of the 
 Cortes diminished until they amounted to no more than 
 those of a provincial council. 
 
 What reconciled the people to the concentration of 
 new powers in the hands of an irresponsible council 
 was the apparently dazzling success of Spanish policy 
 throughout the greater part of the sixteenth centur3\ 
 No banner was served like that of the Lions and Cas- 
 tles; no troops in the world could stand against her 
 famous regiments; no generals were equal to Cortez 
 and Alva ; no statesmen abler than Parma, no admirals, 
 until the Armada, more daring than Magellan ^ and 
 Don John, no champions of the church against heretic 
 and infidel like Loyola and Xavier. 
 
 That such an empire as the world had not seen since The 
 Rome should within a single life-time rise to its zenith ^^^^^^ 
 and, within a much shorter time, decline to the verge of 
 ruin, is one of the melodramas of history. Perhaps, 
 in reality, Spain was never quite so great as she looked, 
 nor was her fall quite so complete as it seemed. But 
 
 1 A Portuguese in Spanish service. 
 
430 THE IBERIAN PENINSULA 
 
 the phenomena, such as they are, sufficiently call for 
 explanation. 
 
 First of all one is struck by the fortuitous, one might 
 almost say, unnatural, character of the Hapsburg em- 
 pire. While the union of Castile and Aragon, bring- 
 ing together neighboring peoples and filling a political 
 need, was the source of real strength, the subsequent 
 accretions of Italian and Burgundian territories 
 rather detracted from than added to the effective 
 power of the Spanish state. Philip would have been 
 far stronger had his father separated from his crown 
 not only Austria and the Holy Roman Empire of Ger- 
 many, but the Netherlands as well. The revolt of the 
 Dutch Republic was in itself almost enough to ruin 
 Spain. Nor can it be said that the Italian states, won 
 by the sword of Ferdinand or of Charles, were valuable 
 accessions to Spanish power. 
 Colonies Quitc different in its nature was the colonial em- 
 
 pire, but in this it resembled the other windfalls to the 
 house of Hapsburg in that it was an almost accidental, 
 unsought-for acquisition. The Genoese sailor who 
 went to the various courts of Europe begging for a 
 few ships in which to break the watery path to Asia, 
 had in his beggar's wallet all the kingdoms of a new 
 world and the glory of them. For a few years Spain 
 drank until she was drunken of conquest and the gold 
 of America. That the draught acted momentarily as 
 / a stimulant, clearing her brain and nerving her arm to 
 deeds of valor, but that she suffered in the end from 
 the riotous debauch, cannot be doubted. She soon 
 learned that all that glittered was not wealth, and that 
 industries surfeited with metal and starved of raw ma- 
 terials must perish. The unearned coin proved to be 
 fairy gold in her coffers, turning to bro^\ai leaves and 
 dust when she wanted to use it. It became a drug in 
 her markets ; it could not lawfully be exported, and no 
 
SPAIN 431 
 
 amount of it would purchase much honest labor from 
 an indolent population fed on fantasies of wealth. 
 The modern King Midas, on whose dominions the sun 
 never set, was cursed with a singular and to him in- 
 explicable need of everything that money was supposed 
 to buy. His armies mutinied, his ships rotted, and 
 never could his increasing income catch up with the far 
 more rapidly increasing expenses of his budget. 
 
 The poverty of the people w^as in large part the 
 fault of the government which pursued a fiscal policy 
 ideally calculated to strike at the very sources of 
 w^ealth. While, under the oppression of an ignorant 
 paternalism, unhappy Spain suffered from inanition, CL.c ( 
 she was tended by a physician who tried to cure her 
 malady by phlebotomy. There have been worse men 
 than Philip II, but there have been hardly any who Philip ii, 
 have caused more blood to flow from the veins of their 1556-98 
 own people. His life is proof that a well-meaning 
 bigot can do more harm than the most abandoned de- 
 bauchee. '*I would rather lose all my kingdoms," he 
 averred, ''than allow freedom of religion." And 
 again, to a man condemned by the Inquisition for 
 heresy, *'If my own son were as perverse as you, I 
 myself would carry the faggot to buni him." Con- 
 sistently, laboriously, undeterred by any suffering or 
 any horror, he pursued his aim. He was not afraid 
 of hard work, scribbling reams of minute directions 
 daily to his ofBcers. His stubborn calm was imper- 
 turbable; he took his pleasures — women, autos-da-fe 
 and victories — sadly, and he suffered such chagrins as 
 the death of four "svives, having a monstrosity for a 
 son, and the loss of the Armada and of the Nether- 
 lands, without turning a hair. 
 
 Spain's foreign policy came to bo more and more 
 polarized by the rise of English sea-power. Even 
 under Charles, when France had been the chief enemy, 
 
432 THE IBERIAN PENINSULA 
 
 Spain rs. the Hapsburgs saw the desirability of winning Eng- 
 England l^n^ as a strategic point for their universal empire. 
 This policy was pursued by alternating alliance with 
 hostility. For six years of his boyhood Charles had 
 been betrothed to Mary Tudor, Henry VIII 's sister, 
 to whom he sent a ring inscribed, ''Mary hath chosen 
 the better part which shall not be taken away from 
 her." His own precious person, however, was taken 
 from her to be bestowed on Isabella of Portugal, by 
 whom he begot Philip. When this son succeeded him, 
 notwithstanding the little unpleasantness of Henry 
 VIII 's divorce, he advised him to turn again to an 
 English marriage, and Philip soon became the hus- 
 band of Queen Mary. After her death without issue, 
 he vainly wooed her sister, until he was gradually 
 forced by her Protestant buccaneers into an undesired 
 war. 
 
 Notwithstanding all that he could do to lose for- 
 tune's favors, she continued for many years to smile 
 on her darling Hapsburg. After a naval disaster in- 
 flicted by the Turks on the Spaniard off the coast of 
 Tripoli, the defeated power recovered and revenged 
 herself in the great naval victory of Lepanto, in Oc- 
 tober 1571. The lustre added to the Lions and Castles 
 by this important success was far outshone by the ac- 
 quisition of Portugal and all her colonies, in 1581. 
 Though not the nearest heir, Philip was the strongest, 
 f and by bribery and menaces won the homage of the 
 
 Portuguese nobles after the death of the aged king 
 Henry on Januarj^ 31, 1580. For sixty years Spain 
 held the lesser country and, what was more important 
 to her, the colonies in the East Indies and in Africa. 
 
 j So vast an empire had not yet been heard of, or im- 
 
 agined possible, in the history of the world. No won- 
 
 i der that its shimmer dazzled the eyes not only of con- 
 
 \^ temporaries, but of posterity. According to Macaulay, 
 
SPAIN 433 
 
 Philip's power was equal to that of Napoleon, and its 
 ruin is the most instructive lesson in history of how not 
 to govern. 
 
 How hollow was this semblance of might was dem- 
 onstrated by the first stalwart peoples that dared to 
 test it, first by the Dutch and then by England. The 
 story of the Armada has already been told. Its prep- 
 aration marked the height of Philip's effort and the 
 height of his incompetence. Its annihilation was a 
 cruel blow to his pride. But in Spain, barring a tem- 
 porary financial panic, things went much the same 
 after 1588 as before it. The full bloom of Spanish 
 culture, gorgeous with Velasquez and fragrant with 
 Cervantes and Calderon, followed hard upon the de- 
 feat of the Armada. 
 
 The fact is that Spain suffered much more from in- Y^^J''*^ 
 ternal disorders than from foreign le^^y. The chief 
 occasion of her troubles was the presence among her 
 people of a large body of Moors, hated both for their 
 race and for their religion. With the capitulation of 
 Granada, the enjoyment of Mohammedanism was 
 guaranteed to the Moors, but this tolerance only lasted 
 for six years, when a decree went out that all must be 
 baptized or must emigrate from Andalusia. In Ara- 
 gon, however, always independent of Castile, they con- 
 tinued to enjoy religious freedom. Charles at his 
 coronation took a solemn oath to respect the faith of 
 Islam in these lands, but soon afterwards, frightened 
 by the rise of heresy in Germany, he applied to Clem- 
 ent to absolve him from his oath. This sanction of 
 bad faith, at first creditably withhold, was finally 
 granted and was promptly followed by a general order 
 for expulsion or conversion. Throughout the whole 
 of Spain the poor Moriscos now began to be systemat- 
 ically pillaged and persecuted b}' whoever chose to do 
 it. All manner of taxes, tithes, servitudes and fines 
 
 1524 
 
^34 
 
 THE IBERIAN PENINSULA 
 
 were demanded of them. The last straw that broke 
 the endurance of a people tried by every manner of 
 tyranny and extortion, was an edict ordering all 
 Moors to learn Castilian within three years, after 
 which the use of Arabic was to be forbidden, prohibit- 
 ing all Moorish customs and costumes, and strictly en- 
 joining attendance at church. 
 
 As the Moors had been previously disarmed and as 
 they had no military discipline, rebellion seemed a 
 counsel of despair, but it ensued. The populace rose 
 in helpless fury, and for three years defied the might 
 of the Spanish empire. But the result could not be 
 doubtful. A naked peasantry could not withstand the 
 disciplined battalions that had proved their valor on 
 every field from Mexico to the Levant and from Saxony 
 to Algiers. It was not a war but a massacre and pil- 
 lage. The whole of Andalusia, the most flourishing 
 province in Spain, beautiful with its snowy mountains, 
 fertile with its tilled valleys, and sweet with the peace- 
 ful toil of human habitation, was swept by a universal 
 storm of carnage and of flame. The young men either 
 perished in fighting against fearful odds, or were 
 slaughtered after yielding as prisoners. Those who 
 sought to fly to Africa found the avenues of escape 
 blocked by the pitiless Toledo blades. The aged were 
 hunted down like wild beasts; the women and young 
 children were sold into slavery, to toil under the lash 
 or to share the hated bed of the conqueror. The mas- 
 sacre cost Spain 60,000 lives and three million ducats, 
 not to speak of the harm that it did to her spirit. 
 
 Division 
 of the 
 
 New World 
 between 
 Spain and 
 Portugal 
 
 § 2. Exploration 
 
 When Columbus returned with gloAving accounts of 
 the ''India" he had found, the value of his work was 
 at once appreciated. Forthwith began that struggle 
 for colonial power which has absorbed so much of the 
 
EXPLORATION 435 
 
 energies of the European nations. In view of the Por- 
 tiigneso discoveries in Africa, it was felt necessary 
 to mark out the ^'sphei-es of influence" of the two pow- 
 ers at once, and, with an instinctive appeal to the one 
 authority claiming to be international, the Spanish 
 government immediately applied to Pope Alexander 
 VI for confirmation in the new-found territories. Act- 
 ing on the suggestion of Columbus that the line of 
 Spanish influence be dra\\Ti one hundred leagues west 
 of any of the Cape Verde Islands or of the Azores, 
 the pope, with magnificent self-assurance, issued a May 4, 
 
 • • 14Q3 
 
 bull. Inter caetera divinae, of his own mere liberality 
 and in virtue of the authority of Peter, conferring on 
 Castile forever ''all dominions, camps, posts, and vil- 
 lages, with all the rights and jurisdictions pertaining 
 to them, ' ' west of the parallel, and leaving to Portugal 
 all that fell to the east of it. Portugal promptly pro- 
 tested that the line was too far east, and by the treaty 
 of Tordesillas, it was moved to 370 leagues west of 
 the Cape Verde Islands, thus falling between the 48th 
 and 49th parallel of longitude. The intention was 
 doubtless to confer on Spain all land immediately west 
 of the Atlantic, but, as a matter of fact. South America 
 thrusts so far to the eastward, that a portion of her 
 territory, later claimed as Brazil, fell to the lot of Por- 
 tugal. 
 
 Spain lost no time in exploiting her new dominions, yg^nturers 
 During the next century hundreds of ships carried tens 
 of thousands of adventurers to seek their fortune in 
 the west. For it was not as colonists that most of 
 them went, but in a spirit compounded of that of the 
 crusader, the knight-errant, and the pirate. If there 
 is anything in the paradox that artists have created 
 natural beauty, it is a truer one to say that the Span- 
 ish romances created the Spanish colonial empire. 
 The men who sailed on the great adventure had feasted 
 
43G THE IBERIAN PENINSULA 
 
 on tales of paladins and hippogrifs, of enchanted pal- 
 aces and fountains of youth, and miraculously fair 
 women to be rescued and then claimed by knights. 
 They read in books of travel purporting to tell the 
 sober truth of satyrs and of purple unicorns and 
 of men who spread their feet over their heads for 
 umbrellas and of others whose heads grew between 
 their shoulders. No wonder that when they went to 
 a strange country they found the River of Life in the 
 Orinoco, colonies of Amazons in the jungle, and El 
 Dorado, the land of gold, in the riches of Mexico and 
 Peru! It is a testimony to the imaginative mood of 
 Europe, as well as to the power of the pen, that the 
 whole continent came to be called, not after its dis- 
 coverer, but after the man who wrote the best ro- 
 mances — mosth^ fictions — about his travels in it. 
 Expioita- In the Greater Antilles, where Spain made her first 
 
 *"'"'' colonies, her rule showed at its worst. The soft na- 
 
 n ?i 1 1 VPS ' 
 
 tive race, the Caribs, almost completely disappeared 
 within half a century. The best modern authority 
 estimates that whereas the native population of Es- 
 panola (Haiti) was between 200,000 and 300,000 in 
 1493, by 1548 hardly 5000 Indians were left. In part 
 the extinction of the natives was due to new diseases 
 and to the vices of civilization, but far more to the 
 heartless exploitation of them by the conquerors. Bar- 
 tholomew de las Casas, the first priest to come to this 
 unfortunate island, tells stories of Spanish cruelty 
 that would be incredible were they not so well sup- 
 ported. With his own eyes he saw 3000 inoffensive 
 Indians slaughtered at a single time ; of another batch 
 of 300 he observed that within a few months more 
 than half perished at hard labor. Again, he saw 6000 
 Indian children condemned to work in the mines, of 
 whom few or none long survived. In vain a bull of 
 Paul III declared the Indians capable of becoming 
 
 natives 
 
 / 
 
EXPLORATION '437 
 
 Christians and forbade their enslavement. In vain 
 the Spanish government tried to mitigate at least some 1537 
 of the hardships of the natives* lot, ordering that they 
 should be well fed and paid. The temptation to ex- 
 ploit them was too strong; and when they perished the 
 Spaniards supplied their place by importing negroes 
 from Africa, a people of tougher fibre. 
 
 Spanish exploration, followed by sparse settlement, 
 soon opened up the greater part of the Americas south 
 of the latitude of the present city of San Francisco. 
 Of many expeditions into the trackless wilderness, 
 only a few were financially repaying; the majority 
 were a drain on the resources of the mother country. 
 In every place where the Spaniard set foot the native 
 quailed and, after at most one desperate struggle, went 
 (lo^\^l, never again to loose the conqueror's grip from 
 his throat or to move the conqueror's knee from his 
 chest. Even the bravest were as helpless as children 
 before warriors armed with thunder and riding upon 
 unkno^VIl monsters. 
 
 But in no place, save in the islands, did the native 
 races wholly disappear as they did in the English set- 
 tlements. The Spaniards came not like the Puritans, 
 as artisans and tillers of the soil intent on founding 
 new homes, but as military conquerors, requiring a 
 race of helots to toil for them. For a period anarchy 
 reigned; the captains not only plundered the Indians 
 but fought one another fiercely for more room — more 
 room in the endless wilderness ! Eventually, however, 
 conditions became more stable ; Spain imposed her ef- 
 fective control, her language, religion and institutions 
 on a vast region, doing for South America what Rome 
 had once done for her. 
 
 The lover of adventure will find rich reward in trac- 
 ing the discovery of the Mississippi by De Soto, of 
 Florida by Ponce de Leon, and of the whole course of 
 
438 THE IBERIAN PENINSULA 
 
 the Amazon by Orellana who sailed down it from Peru, 
 or in reading of Balboa, ''when with eagle eyes he 
 stared at the Pacific/' A resolute man could hardly 
 set out exploring without stumbling upon some mighty 
 river, some vast continent, or some unmeasured ocean. 
 But among all these fairly-tales there are some that are 
 so marvellous that they would be thought too extrava- 
 gant by the most daring writers of romance. That one 
 captain with four hundred men, and another with two 
 hundred, should each march against an extensive and 
 populous empire, cut down their armies at odds of a 
 hundred to one, put their kings to the sword and their 
 temples to the torch, and after it all reap a harvest of 
 gold and precious stones such as for quantity had never 
 been heard of before — all this meets us not in the tales 
 of Ariosto or of Dumas, but in the pages of authentic 
 history. 
 Conquest of In the tableland of Mexico dwelt the Aztecs, the most 
 civilized and warlike of North American aborigines. 
 Their polity was that of a Spartan military despotism, 
 their religion the most grewsome known to man. Be- 
 fore their temples were piled pyramids of human 
 skulls; the deities were placated by human sacrifice, 
 and at times, according to the deicidal and theophagous 
 rites common to many primitive superstitions, them- 
 selves sacrificed in effigy or in the person of a beau- 
 tiful captive and their flesh eaten in sacramental can- 
 nibalism. Though the civilization of the Aztecs, de- 
 rived from the earlier and perhaps more advanced Ma- 
 yans, was scarcely so high as that of the ancient Egyp- 
 tians, they had cultivated the arts sufficiently to work 
 the mines of gold and silver and to hammer the pre- 
 cious metals into elaborate and massive ornaments. 
 
 When rumors of their wealth reached Cuba it seemed 
 at last as if the dream of El Dorado had come true. 
 Hernando Cortez, a cultured, resolute, brave and pol- 
 
 Mexico 
 
EXPLORATION 439 
 
 itic leader, gathered a force of four hundred white 
 men, with a small outfit of artillery and cavalry, and, 
 on Good Friday, 1519, landed at the place now called 
 Vera Cruz and marched on the capital. The race of 
 warriors who delighted in nothing but slaughter, was 
 stupefied, partly by an old prophecy of the coming of 
 a god to subdue the land, partly by the strange and 
 terrible arms of the invaders. Moreover their neigh- 
 bors and subjects were ready to rise against them and 
 become allies of the Spaniards. In a few months of 
 crowded battle and massacre they lay broken and help- 
 less at the feet of the audacious conqueror, who 
 promptly sent to Spain a glowing account of his new 
 empire and a tribute of gold and silver. Albert Diirer 
 in August, 1520, saw at Brussels the ''things brought 
 the king from the new golden land," and describes 
 them in his diary as including ''a whole golden sun, 
 a fathom in breadth, and a whole silver moon of the 
 same size, and two rooms full of the same sort of ar- 
 mour, and also all kinds of weapons, accoutrements and 
 bows, wonderful shields . . . altogether valued at a 
 hundred thousand gulden. And all my life," he adds, 
 ''I have never seen anything that so rejoiced my heart 
 as did these things." 
 
 If an artist, familiar with kings and courts and the Conquest of 
 greatest marts of Europe could w^rite thus, w^hat won- 
 der that the imagination of the world took fire? The 
 golden sun and the silver moon were, to all men who 
 saw them, like Helen's breasts, the sun and moon of 
 heart's desire, to lure them over the western waves. 
 Twelve years after Cortez, came Pizarro who, ^\dth a 
 still smaller force conquered an even wealthier and 
 more civilized empire. The Incas, unlike the Mexi- 
 cans, were a mild race, living in a sort of theocratic 
 socialism, in which the emperor, as god, exercised 
 absolute power over his subjects and in return cared 
 
^0 
 
 THE IBERIAN PENINSULA 
 
 Circumnav- 
 igation of 
 the globe, 
 1519-22 
 
 September 
 20, 1519 
 
 October 21, 
 1520 
 
 1521 
 
 for at least their common wants. The Spaniards out- 
 did themselves in acts of treachery and blood. In vain 
 the emperor, Atahualpa, after voluntarily placing him- 
 self in the hands of Pizarro, filled the room used as 
 his prison nine feet high with gold as ransom; when 
 he could give no more he was tried on the preposterous 
 charges of treason to Charles V and of heresy, and 
 suffered death at the stake. Pizarro coolly pocketed 
 the till then undreamed of sum of 4,500,000 ducats,^ 
 worth in our standards more than one hundred million 
 dollars. 
 
 But the crowning act of the age of discovery was the 
 circumnavigation of the globe. The leader of the great 
 enterprise that put the seal of man's dominion on the 
 earth, was Ferdinand Magellan, a Portuguese in Span- 
 ish service. With a fleet of five vessels, only one of 
 which put a ring around the world, and with a crew of 
 about 275 men of whom only 18 returned successful, 
 ho sailed from Europe. Coasting down the east of 
 South America, exploring the inlets and rivers, he 
 entered the straits that bear his name and covered 
 their 360 miles in thirty-eight days. After following 
 the coast up some distance north, he struck across the 
 Pacific, the breadth of which he much underestimated. 
 For ninety-eight days he was driven by the east trade- 
 wind without once sighting land save two desert 
 islands, while his crew endured extremities of hunger, 
 thirst and scurvy. At last he came to the islands he 
 called, after the thievish propensities of their inhab- 
 itants, the Ladrones, making his first landing at Guam. 
 Spending but three days here to refit and provision, 
 he sailed again on March 9, and a week later discov- 
 ered the islands known, since 1542, as the Philippines. 
 
 1 Allowing $2.40 to a ducat this would be $10,800,000 intrinsically 
 at a time when money had ten times the purchasing power that it has 
 today. 
 
EXPLORATION 441 
 
 In an expedition against a savage chief the great leader ■ 
 
 met his deatli on April 27, 1521. As other sailors and 
 
 as he, too, had previously been as far to the east as 
 
 he now found himself, he had practically completed 
 
 the circumnavigation of the globe. The most splendid 
 
 triumph of the age of discovery coincided almost to a 
 
 day with the time that Luther was achieving the most 
 
 glorious deed of the Reformation at Worms. 
 
 Magellan's ship, the Vittoria, proceeded under Se- September, 
 bastian del Cano, and finally, with thirty-one men, of 
 whom only eighteen had started out in her, came back 
 to Portugal. The men who had burst asunder one of 
 the bonds of the older world, were, nevertheless, deeply 
 troubled by a strange, medieval scruple. Having mys- 
 teriously lost a day by following the sun in his west- 
 ward course, they did penance for having celebrated 
 the fasts and feasts of the church on the ^vrong dates. 
 
 While Spain was extending her dominions westward, Portugese 
 
 T 1 7^ 1 1 -1 T ' i • Exploration 
 
 little Portugal was building up an even greater empire 
 in both hemispheres. In the fifteenth century, this 
 hardy people, confined to their coast and without possi- 
 bility of expanding inwards, had seen that their fu- 
 ture lay upon the water. To the possessor of sea 
 power the ocean makes of every land bordering on it 
 a frontier, vulnerable to them and impeiwious to the 
 enemy. The first ventures of the Portuguese were 
 naturally in the lands near by, the North African coast 
 and the islands knoAVTi as the Madeiras and the Azores. 
 Feeling their way southward along the African coast 
 they reached the Cape of Good Hope but did not at 
 once go much further. This path to India was not ]^°^ 
 broken until eleven years later, when Vasco da Gama, 
 after a voyage of great daring — he was ninety-three 1497-8 
 days at sea on a course of 4500 miles from the Cape 
 Verde Islands to South Africa — reached Calicut on 
 May 20, 1498. This city, now sunken in the sea, was 
 
442 THE IBERIAN PENINSULA 
 
 then the most flourishing port on the Malabar Coast, 
 exploited entirely by Mohammedan traders. Spices 
 had long been the staple of Venetian trade with the 
 Orient, and when he returned with rich cargo of them 
 the immediate effect upon Europe was greater than 
 that of the voyage of Columbus. Trade seeks to follow 
 the line of least resistance, and the establishment of a 
 water way between Europe and the East was like con- 
 necting two electrically charged bodies in a Leyden jar 
 by a copper wire. The current was no longer forced 
 through a poor medium, but ran easily through the bet- 
 ter conductor. With more rapiditj^ than one would 
 think possible in that age, the commercial consequences 
 of the discovery were appreciated. The trade of the 
 Levant died away, and the center of gravity was trans- 
 ferred from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic. While 
 Venice decayed Lisbon rose with mushroom speed to 
 the position of the great emporium of European ocean- 
 borne trade, until she in her turn was supplanted by 
 Antwerp. 
 
 1500 Da Gama was soon imitated by others. Cabral made 
 
 commercial settlements at Calicut and the neighboring 
 town of Cochin, and came home with unheard-of riches 
 
 1503 in spice, pearls and gems. Da Gama returned and 
 
 bombarded Calicut, and Francis d 'Almeida was made 
 
 1505 Governor of India and tried to consolidate the Portu- 
 
 guese power there on the correct principle that who 
 was lord of the sea was lord of the peninsula. The 
 rough methods of the Portuguese and their competi- 
 tion with the Arab traders made war inevitable be- 
 tween the two rivals. To the other causes of enmity 
 that of religion was added, for, like the Spaniards, the 
 Portuguese tried to combine the characters of mer- 
 chants and missionaries, of pirates and crusaders. 
 When the first of Da Gama's sailors to land at Calicut 
 was asked what he sought, his laconic answer, ''Chris- 
 
EXPLORATION 443 
 
 tians and spices," had in it as much of truth as of 
 epigrammatic neatness. 
 
 Had the Portuguese but treated the Hindoos hu- Portugese 
 manely they would have found in them allies against J^j-^'^g^'' 
 the Mohammedan traders, but all of them, not except- 
 ing their greatest statesman, Alphonso d 'Albuquerque, 
 pursued a policy of frightfulness. When Da Gama 
 met an Arab ship, after sacking it, he blew it up with 
 gunpowder and left it to sink in flames while the women 
 on board held up their babies with piteous cries to 
 touch the heart of this knight of Christ and of mam- 
 mon. Without the least compunction Albuquerque 
 tells in his commentaries how he burned the Indian vil- 
 lages, put part of their inhabitants to death and or- 
 dered the noses and ears of the survivors cut off. 
 
 Nevertheless, the Portuguese got what they wanted, Trade 
 the wealthy trade of the East. Albuquerque, failing 
 to storm Calicut, seized Goa farther north and made it 
 the chief emporium. But they soon felt the need of 
 stations farther east, for, as long as the Arabs held 
 Malacca, where spices were cheaper, the intruders did 
 not have the monopoly they desired. Accordingly Al- 
 buquerque seized this city on the Malay Straits, which, isii 
 though now it has sunk into insignificance, was then the 
 Singapore or Hong-Kong of the Far East. Sumatra, 
 Java and the northern coast of Australia were ex- 
 plored, the Moluccas were bought from Spain for 350,- 
 000 ducats, and even Japan and China were reached by 
 the daring traders. In the meantime posts were es- 
 tablished along the whole western and eastern coasts 
 of Africa and in Madagascar. But wherever they went 
 the Portuguese sought commercial advantage not per- / 
 manent settlement. Aptly compared by a Chinese ob- 
 server to fishes who died if taken from the sea, they 
 founded an empire of vast length out of incredible 
 thinness. 
 
444 
 
 THE IBERIAN PENINSULA 
 
 Brazil 
 
 Decadence 
 of Portugal 
 
 The one exception to this rule, and an important one, 
 was Brazil. The least sho^^^ of the colonies and the 
 one that brought in the least quick profit eventually 
 became a second and a greater Portugal, outstripping 
 the mother country in population and dividing South 
 America almost equally with the Spanish. In many 
 ways the settlement of this colony resembled that 
 of North America by the English more than it did 
 the violent and superficial conquests of Spain. Set- 
 tlers came to it less as adventurers than as home- 
 seekers and some of them fled from religious persecu- 
 tion. The great source of wealth, the sugar-cane, was 
 introduced from Madeira in 1548 and in the following 
 year the mother country sent a royal governor and 
 some troops. 
 
 But even more than Spain Portugal overtaxed her 
 strength in her grasp for sudden riches. The cup that 
 her mariners took from the gorgeous Eastern en- 
 chantress had a subtle, transforming drug mingled 
 with its spices, whereby they were metamorphosed, if 
 not into animals, at least into orientals, or Africans. 
 While Lisbon grew by leaps and bounds the country- 
 side was denuded, and the landowners, to fill the places 
 of the peasants who had become sailors, imported 
 quantities of negro slaves. Thus not only the Por- 
 tuguese abroad, but those at home, undeterred by ra- 
 cial antipathy, adulterated their blood with that of 
 the dark peoples. Add to this that the trade, im- 
 mensely lucrative as it seemed, was an enormous drain 
 on the population of the little state ; and the causes of 
 Portugal's decline, almost as sudden as its rise, are in 
 large part explained. So rapid was it, indeed, that 
 it was noticed not only by foreign travellers but by the 
 natives. Camoens, though he dedicated his life to 
 composing an epic in honor of Vasco da Gama, la- 
 mented his country's decay in these terms: 
 
EXPLORATION 
 
 445 
 
 pride of empire! vain covetise 
 
 Of that vain glory that we men call fame . . . 
 
 What punishment and what just penalties 
 
 Thou dost inflict on those thou dost inflame . . . 
 
 Thou dost depopulate our ancient state 
 Till dissipation brings debility. 
 
 Nor were artificial causes wanting to make the col- 
 onies expensive and the home treasury insolvent. The 
 ,£?ovemors as royal favorites regarded their appoint- 
 ments as easy roads to quick wealth, and they plun- 
 dered not only the inhabitants but their royal master. 
 The inefficient and extravagant management of trade, 
 which was a government monopoly, furnished a lam- 
 entable example of the effects of public ownership. 
 And when possible the church interfered to add the 
 burden of bigotry to that of corruption. An amusing 
 example of this occurred when a supposed tooth of 
 Buddha was brought to Goa, to redeem which the Rajah 
 of Pegu offered a sum equal to half a million dollars. 
 While the government was inclined to sell, the arch- 
 bishop forbade the acceptance of such tainted money 
 and ordered the relic destroyed. 
 
 Within Portugal itself other factors aided the de- i52i-80 
 cline. From the accession of John III to the amalga- 
 mation with Spain sixty years later, the Cortes was •"' 
 rarely summoned. The expulsion of many Jews in 
 1497, the massacre and subsequent exile of the New i506-7 
 Christians or Marranos, most of whom went to Holland, The Inqui- 
 commenced an era of destructive bigotry completed by taJjfigtj^ej 
 the Inquisition. Strict censorship of the press and 1536 
 the education of the people by the Jesuits each added, 
 their bit to the forces of spiritual decadence. 
 
 For the fury of religious zeal ill supplied the ex- 
 hausted powers of a state fainting with loss of blood 
 and from the intoxication of corruption. Gradually 
 her grasp relaxed on North Africa until only three 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
446 
 
 THE IBERIAN PENINSULA 
 
 1580-1640 
 
 Other na- 
 tions 
 explore 
 
 1577-80 
 
 Russia 
 
 small posts in Morocco were left her, those of Ceuta, 
 Arzila and Tangier. A last frantic effort to recover 
 them and to punish the infidel, undertaken by the young 
 King Sebastian, ended in disaster and in his death in 
 1578. After a short reign of two years by his uncle 
 Henry, who as a cardinal had no legitimate heirs, Por- 
 tugal feebly yielded to her strongest suitor, Philip II, 
 and for sixty years remained a captive of Spain. 
 
 Other nations eagerly crowded in to seize the trident 
 that was falling from the hands of the Iberian peoples. 
 There were James Cartier of France, and Sebastian 
 Cabot and Sir Martin Frobisher and Sir Francis Drake 
 of England, and others. They explored the coast of 
 North America and sought a Northwest Passage to 
 Asia. Drake, after a voyage of two years and a half, 
 duplicated the feat of Magellan, though he took quite 
 a different course, following the American western 
 coast up to the Golden Gate. He, too, returned ''very 
 richly fraught with gold, silver, silk and precious 
 stones," the best incentive to further endeavor. But 
 no colonies of permanence and consequence were as 
 yet planted by the northern nations. Until the seven- 
 teenth century their voyages were either actuated by 
 commercial motives or were purely adventurous. The 
 age did not lack daring explorers by land as well as 
 by sea. Lewis di Varthema rivalled his countryman 
 Marco Polo by an extensive journey in the first decade 
 of the century. Like Burckhardt and Burton in the 
 nineteenth century he visited Mecca and Medina as 
 a Mohammedan pilgrim, and also journeyed to Cairo, 
 Beirut, Aleppo and Damascus and then to the distant 
 lands of India and the Malay peninsula. 
 
 It may seem strange to speak of Eussia in connec- 
 tion with the age of discovery, and yet it was precisely 
 in the light of a new and strange land that our Eng- 
 lish ancestors regarded it. Cabot's voyage to the 
 
EXPLORATION 447 
 
 White Sea in the middle of the century was every whit 
 as new an adventure as was the voyage to India. 
 Eichard Chancellor and others followed him and estab- 
 lished a regular trade with Muscovy, and through it 1553 
 and the Caspian with Asia. The rest of Europe, west 
 of Poland and the Turks, hardly heard of Russia or 
 felt its impact more than they now do of the Tartars 
 of the Steppes. 
 
 But it was just at this time that Russia was taking 
 the first strides on the road to become a great power. 
 How broadly operative were some of the influences at 
 work in Europe lies patent in the singular parallel that 
 her development offers to that of her more civilized 
 contemporaries. Just as despotism, consolidation, and 
 conquest were the order of the day elsewhere, so they Basil III, 
 were in the eastern plains of Europe. Basil III struck i^os-^s 
 down the rights of cities, nobles and princes to bring 
 the whole country under his own autocracy. Ivan the 
 Terrible, called Czar of all the Russias, added to this Ivaniv, 
 policy one of extensive territorial aggrandizement. 
 Having humbled the Tartars he acquired much land 
 to the south and east, and then turned his attention to 
 the west, where, however, Poland barred his way to 
 the Baltic. Just as in its subsequent history, so then, 
 one of the great needs of Russia was for a good port. 
 Another of her needs was for better technical processes. 
 Anticipating Peter the Great, Ivan endeavored to get 
 German workmen to initiate good methods, but he 
 failed to accomplish much, partly because Charles V 
 forbade his subjects to go to add strength to a rival 
 state. 
 
 While Europe found most of the other continents Europe 
 as soft as butter to her trenchant blade, she met her ^s.Asia 
 match in Asia. The theory of Herodotus that the 
 course of history is marked by alternate movements 
 east and west has been strikingly confirmed by subse- 
 
448 THE TURKS 
 
 qucnt events. In a secular grapple the two continents 
 have heaved back and forth, neither being able to con- 
 quer the other completely. If the empires of Macedon 
 and Rome carried the line of victory far to the orient, 
 they were avenged by the successive inroads of the 
 Huns, the Saracens, the Mongols and the Turks. If 
 for the last four centuries the line has again been 
 pushed steadily back, until Europe dominates Asia, it 
 is far from certain that this condition will be per- 
 manent. 
 
 In spiritual matters Europe owes a balance of in- 
 debtedness to Asia, and by far the greater part of it 
 to the Semites. The Phoenician alphabet and Arabian 
 numerals are capital borrowed and yielding how enor- 
 mous a usufruct ! Above all, Asiatic religions — albeit 
 the greatest of them was the child of Hellas as well as 
 of Judaea — have conquered the whole world save a 
 few savage tribes. Ever since the cry of ''There is no 
 God but Allah and Mahomet is his prophet" had 
 aroused the Arabian nomads from their age-long slum- 
 ber, it was as a religious warfare that the contest of 
 the continents revealed itself. After the scimitar had 
 swept the Greek Empire out of Asia Minor and had cut 
 Spain from Christendom, the crusades and the rise of 
 the Spanish kingdoms had gradually beaten it back. 
 But while the Saracen was being slowly but surely 
 driven from the western peninsula, the banner of the 
 The Turks Cresccut in the east was seized by a race with a genius 
 for war inversely proportional to its other gifts. The 
 Turks, who have never added to the arts of peace any- 
 thing more important than the fabrication of luxurious 
 carpets and the invention of a sensuous bath, were able 
 to found cannon and to drill battalions that drove the 
 armies of nobler races before them. From the sack 
 of Constantinople in 1453 to the siege of Vienna in 
 1529 and even to some extent long after that, the ma- 
 
THE TURKS 449 
 
 jestic and terrible advance of the janizaries threatened 
 the whole fabric of Europe. 
 
 Under Sultan Selim I the Turkish arms were turned Selimi, 
 
 1512-20 
 
 to the east and south. Persia, Kurdistan, Syria and 
 Eg}'pt were crushed, while the title of Caliph, and with 
 it the spiritual leadership of the Mahommetan world, 
 was wrested from the last of the Abassid dynasty. 
 But it was under his successor, Suleiman the Magnifi- Suleiman, 
 
 1520-6 
 
 cent, that the banner of the prophet, * 'fanned by con- 
 quest's crimson wing," was borne to the heart of Eu- 
 rope. Belgrade and Rhodes were captured, Hungary 
 completely overrun, and Vienna besieged. The naval 
 exploits of Khair-ed-din, called Barbarossa, carried 
 the terror of the Turkish arms into the whole Med- 
 iterranean, subdued Algiers and defeated the Chris- 
 tian fleets under Andrew Doria. 
 
 On the death of Suleiman the Crescent Moon had 
 attained the zenith of its glory. The vast empire was 
 not badly administered ; some authorities hold that jus- 
 tice was better ser^^cd under the Sultan than under 
 any contemporarj'^ Christian king. A hierarchy of offi- 
 cials, administrative, ecclesiastical, secretarial and 
 militarj^, held office directly under the Sultan, being 
 wisely granted b}' him sufficient liberty to allow initia- 
 tive, and- yet kept under control direct enough to pre- 
 vent the secession of distant provinces. 
 
 The international position of the infidel power was 
 an anomalous one. Almost every pope tried to revive ,^ 
 the crusading spirit against the arch-enemy of Christ, 
 and the greatest epic poet of the sixteenth century 
 chose for his subject the Delivery of Jerusalem in a 
 holy war. On the other hand the Most Christian King 
 found no difficulty in making alliances with the Sub- 
 lime Porte, and the same course was advocated, though 
 not adopted, by some of the Protestant states of Ger- 
 many. Finally, that champion of the church, Philip 
 
.450 THE TURKS 
 
 1580 IT, for the first time in the history of his country, made 
 
 a peace with the infidel Sultan recognizing his right to 
 exist in the society of nations. 
 
 The sixteenth century, which in so much else marked 
 a transition from medieval to modern times, in this 
 also saw the turning-point of events, inasmuch as the 
 tide drawn by the Half Moon to its flood about 1529, 
 from that time onwards has steadily, if very slowly, 
 ebbed. 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 § 1. Population 
 Political history is that of the state; economic and ^"!|7°'5 
 
 •' civilized 
 
 intellectual history that of a different group. In mod- world 
 em times this group includes all civilized nations. 
 Even in political history there are many striking 
 parallels, but in social development and in culture the 
 recent evolution of civilized peoples has been nearly 
 identical. This fundamental unity of the nations has 
 grown stronger with the centuries on account of im- 
 proving methods of transport and communication. 
 Formally it might seem that in the Middle Ages the 
 white nations were more closely bound together than 
 they are now. They had one church, a nearly identi- 
 cal jurisprudence, one great literature and one lan- 
 guage for the educated classes; they even inherited 
 from Rome the ideal of a single world-state. But if 
 the growth of national pride, the division of the church 
 and the rise of modern languages and literatures have 
 been centrifugal forces, they have been outweighed by 
 the advent of new" influences tending to bind all peoples 
 together. The place of a single church is taken by a 
 common point of view, the scientific; the place of Latin 
 as a medium of learning has been taken by English, 
 French, and German, each one more widely known to 
 those to whom it is not native now than ever was Latin 
 in the earlier centuries. The fruits of discovery are 
 common to all nations, who now live under similar 
 conditions, reading the same books and (under differ- 
 ent names) the same newspapers, doing the same busi- 
 
 451 
 
\ 
 
 452 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 ness and enjoying the same luxuries in the same man- 
 ner. Even in matters of government we are visibly 
 approaching the perhaps distant but apparently cer- 
 tain goal of a single world-state. 
 Changes in jj^ estimating the economic and cultural conditions 
 of the sixteenth century it is therefore desirable to 
 treat Western Europe as a whole. One of the marked 
 differences between all countries then and now is in 
 population. No simple law has been discovered as to 
 the causes of the fluctuations in the numbers of the peo- 
 ple within a given territory. This varies with the 
 wealth of the territory, but not in direct ratio to it; 
 for it can be shown that the wealth of Europe in the 
 last four hundred years has increased vastly more than 
 its population. Nor can it be discovered to vary di- 
 rectly in proportion to the combined amount and dis- 
 tribution of wealth, for in sixteenth-century England 
 while the number of the people w^as increasing wealth 
 was being concentrated in fewer hands almost as fast 
 as it was being created. It is obvious that sanitation 
 and transportation have a good deal to do with the 
 population of certain areas. The largest cities of our 
 , own times could not have existed in the Middle Ages, 
 for they could not have been provisioned, nor have 
 been kept endurably healthy without elaborate aque- 
 ducts and drains. 
 
 Other more obscure factors enter in to complicate 
 the problems of population. Some nations, like Spain 
 in the sixteenth and Ireland in the nineteenth century, 
 have lost immensely through emigration. The cause 
 of this was doubtless not that the nation in question 
 was growing absolutely poorer, but that the increase 
 of wealth or in accessibility to richer lands made it 
 relatively poorer. It is obvious again that great visi- 
 tations like pestilence or war diminish population di- 
 rectly, though the effect of such factors is usually tem- 
 
POPULATION 453 
 
 porary. How much voluntary sterility operates is 
 problematical. Aegidius Albertinus, writing in 1602, 
 attributed the growth in population of Protestant 
 countries since the Reformation to the abolition of 
 sacerdotal celibacy, and this has also been mentioned 
 as a cause by a recent writer. Probably the last named 
 forces have a very slight influence; the primary one 
 being, as Malthus stated, the increase of means of 
 subsistence. 
 
 As censuses were almost unknown to sixteenth-cen- 
 tury Europe outside of a few Italian cities, the student 
 is forced to rely for his data on various other calcula- 
 tions, in some cases tolerably reliable, in others de- 
 plorably deficient. The best of these are the enumera- 
 tions of hearths made for purposes of taxation in sev- 
 eral countries. Other counts were sometimes made for 
 fiscal or militarj'^, and occasionally for religious, pur- 
 poses. Estimates by contemporary observers supple- 
 ment our knowledge, which may be taken as at least 
 approximately correct. 
 
 The religious census of 1603 gave the number of ^"f!^M 
 communicants in England and Wales as 2,275,000, to 
 which must be added 8475 recusants. Adding 50 per 
 cent, for non-communicants, we arrive at the figure 
 of 3,425,000, which is doubtless too low. Another cal- 
 culation based on a record of births and deaths yields 
 the figure 4,812,000 for the year 1600. The average, 
 4,100,000, is probably nearly correct, of which about 
 a tenth in Wales. England had grown considerably 
 during the century, this increase being especially re- 
 markable in the large towns. Whereas, in 1534, 150,- 
 000 quarters of wheat were consumed in London an- 
 nually, the figure for 1605 is 500,000. The population 
 in the same time had probably increased from 60,000 
 to 225,000. No figures worth anything can be given 
 for Ireland, and for Scotland it is only safe to say 
 
 and Wales 
 
454 
 
 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 The Neth- 
 erlands 
 
 Germany 
 
 that in 1500 the population was about 500,000 and in 
 1600 about 700,000. 
 
 Enumerations of hearths and of communicants give 
 good bases for reckoning the population of the Nether- 
 lands. Holland, the largest of the Northern provinces, 
 had about 200,000 people in 1514; Brabant the great- 
 est of the Southern, in 1526 had 500,000. The popula- 
 tion of the largest to"\vn, Antwerp, in 1526 was 88,000, 
 in 1550 about 110,000. At the same time it is remark- 
 able that in 1521 Ghent impressed Diirer as the great- 
 est city he had seen in the Low Countries. For the 
 whole territory of the Netherlands, including Holland 
 and Belgium, and a little more on the borders, the 
 population was in 1560 about 3,000,000. This is the 
 same figure as that given for 1567 by Lewis Guic- 
 ciardini. Later in the century the country suffered 
 by war and emigration. 
 
 The lack of a unified government, and the great di- 
 versity of conditions, makes the population of Ger- 
 many more difficult to estimate. Brandenburg, having 
 in 1535 an area of 10,000 square miles, and a popula- 
 tion between 300,000 and 400,000, has been aptly com- 
 pared for size and numbers to the present state of Ver- 
 mont. Bavaria had in 1554 a population of 434,000; 
 in 1596 of 468,000. Wiirzburg had in 1538 only 12,000 ; 
 Hamburg in 1521 12,000 and in 1594 19,000. Danzig 
 had in 1550 about 21,000. The largest city in central 
 Germany, if not in the whole country — as a chronicler 
 stated in 1572 — was Erfurt, with a population of 32,- 
 000 in 1505. It was the center of the rising Saxon 
 industries, mining and dying, and of commerce. Lii- 
 beck, Cologne, Nuremberg and Augsburg equalled or 
 perhaps surpassed it in size, and certainly in wealth. 
 The total population of German Switzerland was over 
 200,000. The whole German-speaking population of 
 Central Europe amounted to perhaps twenty millions 
 
POPULATION 455 
 
 in 1600, though it had been reckoned by the imperial 
 government in 1500 as twelve millions. 
 
 The number of Frenchmen did not greatly increase France 
 in France in the 16th century. Though the borders 
 of the state were extended, she suffered terribly by 
 religious wars, and somewhat by emigration. Not 
 only did many Huguenots flee from her to Switzerland, 
 the Netherlands and England, but economic reasons 
 led to large movements from the south and perhaps 
 from the north. To fill up the gap caused by emigra- 
 tion from Spain a considerable number of French peas- 
 ants moved to that land; and it is also possible that 
 the same class of people sought new homes in Bur- 
 gundy and Savoy to escape the pressure of taxes and 
 dues. Various estimates concur in giving France a 
 population of 15,000,000 to 16,000,000. The Paris of 
 Henry II was by far the largest city in the world, 
 numbering perhaps 300,000; but when Henry IV be- 
 sieged it it had been reduced by war to 220,000. After 
 that it waxed mightily again. 
 
 Italy, leader in many ways, was the first to take ^^^^y 
 accurate statistics of population, births and deaths. 
 These begin by the middle of the fifteenth century, but 
 are rare until the middle of the sixteenth, Avhen they 
 become frequent. Notwithstanding war and pestilence 
 the numbers of inhabitants seemed to grow steadil.y, 
 the apparent result in the statistics being perhaps in 
 part due to the increasing rigor of the census. Here- 
 with follow specimens of the extant figures : The city 
 of Brescia had 65,000 in 1505, and 43,000 in 1548. Dur- 
 ing the same period, however, the people in her whole 
 territory of 2200 square miles had increased from 303,- 
 000 to 342,000. The city of Verona had 27,000 in 1473 
 and 52,000 in 1548; her land of 1200 square miles had 
 in the first named year 99,000, in the last 159,000. The 
 kingdom of Sicily grew from 600,000 in 1501 to 800,- 
 
456 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 000 in 1548, and 1,180,000 in 1G15. The kingdom of 
 Naples, without the capital, had about 1,270,000 people 
 in 1501; 2,110,000 in 1545; the total including the cap- 
 ital amounted in 1600 to 3,000,000. The republic of 
 Venice increased from 1,650,000 in 1550 to 1,850,000 
 in 1620. Florence with her territory had 586,000 in 
 1551 and 649,000 in 1622. In the year 1600 Milan with 
 Lombardy had 1,350,000 inhabitants; Savoy in Italy 
 800,000; continental Genoa 500,000; Parma, Piacenza 
 and Modena together 500,000; Sardinia 300,000; Cor- 
 sica 150,000; Malta 41,000; Lucca 110,000. The popu- 
 lation of Rome fluctuated violently. In 1521 it is sup- 
 posed to have been about 55,000, but was reduced by 
 the sack to 32,000. After this it rapidly recovered, 
 reaching 45,000 under Paul IV (1558), and 100,000 un- 
 der Sixtus V (1590). The total population of the 
 States of the Church when the first census was taken 
 in 1656 w^as 1,880,000. 
 Spain The final impression one gets after reading the ex- 
 
 tremely divergent estimates of the population of Spain 
 is that it increased during the first half of the century 
 and decreased during the latter half. The highest 
 figure for the increase of population during the reign 
 of Charles V is the untrustworthy one of Hiibler, who 
 believes the number of inhabitants to have doubled. 
 This belief is founded on the conviction that the wealth 
 of the kingdom doubled in that time. But though popu- 
 lation tends to increase with wealth, it certainly does 
 not increase in the same proportion as wealth, so that, 
 considering this fact and also that the increase in 
 wealth as shown by the doubling of income from royal 
 domains w^as in part merely apparent, due to the fall- 
 ing value of money, we may dismiss Habler's figure 
 as too high. And yet there is good evidence for the 
 belief that there was a considerable increment. The 
 cities especially gained with the new stimulus to com- 
 
POPULATION 457 
 
 merce and industry. In 1525 Toledo employed 10,000 
 workers in silk, who had increased fivefold by 1550. 
 Unfortunately for accuracy these figures are merely 
 contemporary guesses, but they certainly indicate a 
 large growth in the population of Toledo, and similar 
 figures are given for Seville, Burgos and other manu- 
 facturing and trading centers. From such estimates, 
 however, combined with the censuses of hearths, pecu- 
 liarly unsatisfactory in Spain as they excluded the 
 privileged classes and were, as their violent fluctua- 
 tions show, carelessly made, we may arrive at the con- 
 clusion that in 1557 the population of Spain was barely 
 9,000,000. 
 
 More difiicult, if possible, is it to measure the amount 
 of the decline in the latter half of the century. It was Decline 
 widely noticed and commented on by contemporaries, 
 who attributed it in part to the increase in sheep- 
 farming (as in England) and in part to emigration to 
 America. There were doubtless other more impor- 
 tant and more obscure causes, namely the increasing 
 rivalry in both commerce and industry of the north 
 of Europe and the consequent decay of Spain's means 
 of livelihood. The emigration amounted on the aver- 
 age to perhaps 4000 per annum throughout the cen- 
 tury. The total Spanish population of America was 
 reckoned by Velasco in 1574 at 30,500 households, or 
 152,500 souls. This would, however, imply a much 
 larger emigration, probably double the last number, 
 to account for the many Spaniards lost by the perils 
 of the sea or in the depths of the wilderness. It is 
 known, for example, that whereas the Spanish popu- 
 lation of Venezuela was reckoned at 200 households 
 at least 2000 Spaniards had gone to settle there. An 
 emigration of 300,000 before 1574, or say 400,000 for 
 the whole century, would have left a considerable gap 
 at home. Add to this the industrial decline by which 
 
Portugal 
 
 General 
 table 
 
 458 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 Altamira reckons that the cities of the center and 
 north, which suffered most, lost from one-half to one- 
 third of their total population, and it is evident that a 
 very considerable shrinkage took place. The census of 
 1594 reported a population of 8,200,000. 
 
 The same tendency to depopulation was noticed to a 
 much greater degree by contemporary^ observers of 
 Portugal. Unfortunately, no even approximately ac- 
 curate figures can be given. Two million is almost 
 certainly too large for 1600. 
 
 The following statistical table will enable the reader 
 to form some estimate of the movements of population. 
 Admitting that the margin of error is fairly large in 
 some of the earlier estimates, it is believed that they 
 are sufficiently near the truth to be of real service. 
 
 Country 1500 1600 
 
 England and Wales 3,000,000 4,100,000 
 
 Scotland 500,000 700,000 
 
 The Netherlands (Holland and Bel- 
 gium) (1550) 3,000,000 
 
 Germany (including Austria, German 
 Switzerland, Franche Comte and 
 Savoy north of the Alps, but ex- 
 cluding Hungary, the Netherlands, 
 
 East and West Prussia) 12,000,000 20,000,000 
 
 France (1550) 16,000,000 
 
 Italy 10,000,000 13,000,000 
 
 Spain (1557 and 1594) 9,000,000 ^ 8,200,000 
 
 Poland with East and West Prussia. . 3,000,000 
 
 Denmark 600,000 
 
 Sweden, Norway and Finland 1,400,000 
 
 Gigantic 
 increase in 
 wealth 
 since 16th 
 century 
 
 § 2. Wealth and Prices 
 
 If the number of Europe's inhabitants has increased 
 fourfold since Luther 's time, the amount of her wealth 
 has increased in a vastly greater ratio. The difference 
 
 1 For a higher estimate — ten to twelve millions in 1500 — see note in 
 bibliography. 
 
WEALTH AND PRICES 459 
 
 between the twentieth and the sixteenth centuries is 
 greater than anyone would at first Wush believe pos- 
 sible. Moreover it is a difference that is, during times 
 of peace, continually increasing. During the century 
 from the close of the Napoleonic to the opening of the 
 Great War, the wealth of the white races probably 
 doubled every twenty-five years. The new factors that 
 made this possible were the exploited resources of 
 America, and the steam-engine. Prior to 1815 the in- 
 crease of the world's wealth was much slower, but if 
 it doubled once a century, — as would seem not im- 
 probable — we should have to allow that the world of 
 1914 was one hundred and twenty-eight times as rich 
 as it was in 1514. 
 
 Of course such a statement cannot pretend to any- 
 thing like exactitude ; the mathematical figure is a mere Change 
 figure of speech; it is intended only to emphasize the ^^^^^ ^^ 
 fact that one of the most momentous changes during affluence 
 the last four centuries has been that from poverty to emphasized 
 affluence. That the statement, surprising as it may 
 seem, is no exaggeration, may be borne out by a few 
 comparisons. 
 
 One of the tests of a nation's financial strength is ^^ra 
 
 tPSt of 3. 
 
 that of war. Francis I in time of war mustered at natjo^'g 
 most an army of 100,000, and he reached this figure, financial 
 or perhaps slightly exceeded it, only once during his ^^^^^si 
 reign, in the years 1536-7. This is only half the num- 
 ber of soldiers, proportionately to the population, that 
 France maintained in time of peace at the opening of 
 the twentieth century. And for more than four years, 
 at a time when war was infinitely more expensive than 
 it was when Pavia was fought, France kept in the field 
 about an even five millions of men, more than an eighth 
 of her population instead of about one one-hundred- 
 and-fiftieth. Similar figures could be given for Ger- 
 many and England. It is true that the power of mod- 
 
460 
 
 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 Labor 
 power of 
 the world 
 
 Poverty of 
 the Middle 
 
 ern states is multiplied by their greater facilities for 
 borrowing, but with all allowances the contrast sug- 
 gests an enormous difference of wealth. 
 
 Take, as a standard of comparison, the labor power 
 of the world. In 1918 the United States alone pro- 
 duced 685,000,000 tons of coal. Each ton burned gives 
 almost as much power as is expended by two laborers 
 working for a whole year. Thus the United States 
 from its coal only had command of the equivalent 
 of the labor of 1,370,000,000 men, or more than thrice 
 the adult male labor power of the whole world; 
 more than fifty times the whole labor power of six- 
 teenth-century Europe. This does not take account 
 of the fact that labor is far more productive now than 
 then, even without steam. The comparison is instruc- 
 tive because the population of the United States in 
 1910 was about equal to that of the whole of Europe 
 in 1600. 
 
 The same impression would be given by a compari- 
 son of the production of any other standard product. 
 More gold was produced in the year 1915 than the 
 whole stock of gold in the world in 1550, perhaps in 
 1600. More wheat is produced annually in Minnesota 
 than the granaries of the cities of the world would 
 hold four centuries ago. 
 
 In fact, there was hardly wealth at all in the Middle 
 Ages, only degrees of poverty, and the sixteenth cen- 
 tury first began to see the accumulation of fortunes 
 worthy of the name. In 1909 there were 1100 persons 
 in France with an income of more than $40,000 per 
 annum ; among them were 150 with an income of more 
 than $200,000. In England in 1916 seventy-nine per- 
 sons paid income taxes on estates of more than $125,- 
 000,000. On the other hand the richest man in France, 
 Jacques Coeur, whose fortune was proverbial like that 
 of Rockefeller today, had in 1503 a capital of only 
 
WEALTH AND PRICES 461 
 
 $5,400,000. The total wealtli of the house of Fugger 
 about 1550 has been estimated at $32,000,000, though 
 the capital of their bank was never anything like that. 
 The contrast was greatest among the very richest 
 class, but it was sufficiently striking in the middle 
 classes. Such a condition as comfort hardly existed. 
 
 The same impression will bo given to the student 
 of public finance. As more will be said in another 
 paragraph on the revenues of the principal states, only 
 one example need be given here for the sake of con- 
 trast. The total revenue of Francis I was $256,000 
 per annum, that of Henry II even less, $228,000. The 
 revenue of France in 1905 was $750,000,000. Henry 
 VIII often had more difficulty in raising a loan of 
 £50,000 than the English government had recently in 
 borrowing six billions. 
 
 It is impossible to say which is the harder task, to Value of 
 compare the total wealth of the world at two given ""^"^^ 
 periods, or to compare the value of money at different 
 times. Even the mechanical difficulties in the compari- 
 son of prices are enormous. When we read that wheat 
 at Wittenberg sold at one gulden the scheffel, it is 
 necessary to determine in the first place how much a 
 gulden and how much a scheffel represented in terms 
 of dollars and bushels. When we discover that there 
 were half a dozen different gTildens, and half a dozen 
 separate measures known as scheffels, varying from 
 province to province and from time to time, and vary- 
 ing widely, it is evident that great caution is necessary 
 in ascertaining exactly which gulden and exactly which 
 scheffel is meant. 
 
 When coin and measure have been reduced to known 
 quantities, there remains the problem of fixing the 
 quality. Cloth is quoted in the sixteenth century as of 
 standard sizes and grades, but neither of these im- 
 portant factors is accurately known to any modern 
 
462 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 economist. One would think that in quoting prices of 
 animals an invariable standard would be secured. 
 Quite the contrary. So much has the breed of cattle 
 improved that a fat ox now weighs two or three times 
 what a good ox weighed four centuries ago. Horses 
 are larger, stronger and faster; hens lay many more 
 eggs, cows give much more milk now than formerly. 
 Shoes, clothes, lumber, candles, are not of the same 
 quality in different centuries, and of course there is 
 an ever increasing list of new articles in which no 
 comparison can be made. 
 Fluctuation Nevertheless, some allowance can be made for all 
 in coinage factors iuvolved, as far as they are mechanical; some 
 comparisons can be given that bear a sufficiently close 
 relation to exactitude to form the basis from which cer- 
 tain valid deductions can be drawn. Now first as to 
 the intrinsic value, in amounts of gold and silver in 
 the several coins. The vast fluctuation in the value of 
 the English shilling, due to the successive debasements 
 and final restitution of the coinage, is thus expressed : 
 
 Year 
 
 Troy graiTis 
 
 Year 
 
 Troy grains 
 
 1461 
 
 133 
 
 1551.... 
 
 20 
 
 1527 
 
 118 
 
 1552.... 
 
 88 
 
 1543 
 
 100 
 
 1560.... 
 
 89 
 
 1545 
 
 60 
 
 1601.... 
 
 86 
 
 1546 
 
 40 
 
 1919.... 
 
 87.27 
 
 A similar depreciation, more gradual but never rec- 
 tified, is seen in the value of French money. The 
 standard of reckoning was the livre tournois, which 
 varied intrinsically in value of the silver put into it as 
 follows : 
 
 Years Intrinsic value of silver 
 
 1500 93 cents 
 
 1512-40 78 cents 
 
 1541-60 66 cents 
 
 1561-72 62 cents 
 
WEALTH AND PKICES 463 
 
 Years Intrinsic value of silver 
 
 1573-79 57 cents 
 
 1580-1600 51 cents 
 
 The standard Spanish gold coin after 1497 was the Value of 
 ducat, which had 3.485 srrammos of erold (value in our ^.^"'^ 
 
 ' o o \ coins 
 
 money $2.40). This was divided into 375 maravedis, 
 which therefore had a value of about two-thirds of a 
 cent each. A Castilian marc of gold had 230 grammes 
 or a value of about $16. After 1537 a handsome silver 
 coin, known as the peso fuerte or ''piece of eight" be- 
 cause each contained eight reals, was minted in Amer- 
 ica. Its value was about $1.06 of our money, it being 
 the predecessor of our dollar. 
 
 The great difficulty with the coinage of Germany 
 and Italy is not so much in its fluctuation as in the 
 number of mints. The name gulden was given to al- Gulden a 
 most any coin, originally, as its etj-mology signifies, ^l^^^ 
 a gold piece, but later also to a silver piece. Among 
 gold guldens there was the Rhenish gulden intrinsically 
 worth $1.34; the Philip's gulden in the Netherlands 
 of 96^ and the Carolus gulden coined after 1520 and 
 worth $1.14. But the coin commonly used in reckon- 
 ing was the silver gulden, worth intrinsically 56^. 
 This was divided into 20 groschen. Other coins quite 
 ordinarily met with in the literature of the times are 
 pounds (7.5^), pfennigs (various values), stivers, 
 crowns, nobles, angels ($2), and Hungarians ducats 
 ($1.75). Since 1518 the chief silver coin was the thaler, 
 at first considered the equal of a silver guidon. The 
 law of 1559, however, made them two different coins, 
 restoring the thaler to what had probably been its 
 former value of 72^, and leaving the imperial gulden 
 in law, what it had commonly become in fact, a lesser 
 amount of silver. 
 
 The coinage of Italy was dominated by the gold 
 gulden or florin of Florence and the ducat of Venice, 
 
464 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 each worth not far from $2.25 of our money. Both 
 these coins, partly on account of their beauty, partly 
 because of the simjole honesty with which they were 
 kept at the nominal standard, attained just fame 
 throughout the Middle Ages and thereafter, and be- 
 came widely used in other lands. 
 Wheat The standard of value determined, it is now possible 
 
 to compare the prices of some staple articles. First 
 in importance comes wheat, which fluctuated enor- 
 mously within short periods at the same place and in 
 terms of the same amounts of silver. From Luther's 
 letters we learn that wheat sold at Wittenberg for one 
 gulden a schetfel in 1539 and for three groschen a 
 scheffel in 1542, the latter price being considered *^so 
 cheap as never before," the former reached in a time 
 almost of famine and calling for intervention on the 
 part of the government. However we interpret these 
 figures (and I believe them to mean that wheat sold 
 at from twelve cents to eighty cents a bushel) they 
 certainly indicate a tremendous instability in prices, 
 due to the poor communications and backward methods 
 of agriculture, making years of plenty alternate with 
 years of hunger. In the case of Wittenberg, the lower 
 level was nearer the normal, for in 1527 wheat was 
 there sold at twenty cents a bushel. In other parts of 
 Germany it was dearer; at Strassburg from 1526-50 
 it averaged 30 cents a bushel ; from 1551-75 it went up 
 to an average of 58 cents, and from 1576-1600 the 
 average again rose to 80 cents a bushel. 
 
 Prices also rose in England throughout the century 
 even in terms of silver. Of course part of the rise in 
 the middle years was due to the debasement of the 
 coinage. Eeduced to bushels and dollars, the follow- 
 ing table shows the tendency of prices : 
 
 1530 17 cents a bushel 
 
 1537 30 cents 
 
WEALTH AND PRICES 465 
 
 1544 45 cents 
 
 1546 69 cents 
 
 1547 12 cents 
 
 1548 24 cents 
 
 1549 48 cents 
 
 1550 54 cents 
 
 1572 GQ cents 
 
 1595 $1.14 
 
 Wheat in France averaged 23 cents a bushel prior to 
 1540, after which it rose markedly in price, touching 
 $1.50 in 1600, under exceptional conditions. In order 
 to compare with prices nowadays we must remember 
 that $1 a bushel was a remarkably good price before 
 the late war, during which it was fixed at $2.20 by the 
 American government. Barley in England rose from 
 6 cents a bushel in 1530 to 10 cents in 1547 and 33 
 cents in 1549. It was in 1913 70 cents a bushel. Oats 
 rose from 5 cents a bushel in England in 1530 to 18 
 cents in 1549 ; in 1913 38 cents. 
 
 Animals sold much lower in the sixteenth century Animals 
 than they do now, though it must be remembered that 
 they are worth more after several centuries of careful 
 breeding. Horses then sold at $2.50 in England and 
 at $4 to $11 in France; the average price in 1913 was 
 $244 for working animals. Cows were worth $2 in 
 England in 1530; from $4 to $6.40 in France; oxen 
 apparently came considerably higher, averaging in 
 England $10 a head in 1547 and in France from $9 to 
 $16 a yoke. At present they are sold by weight, aver- 
 aging in 1913 9^ per lb., or $90 for one weighing a 
 thousand pounds. Beef then cost about 2/3 of a cent 
 a pound instead of 40^ as in 1914. A sheep was sold 
 in 1585 at $1.60, a large swine at $5, and pigs at 26^ 
 apiece. Pork cost 2^ a pound; hens sold in England 
 at 12^ a piece and geose and ducks for the same; at 
 Wittenberg geose fetched only 6^ in 1527. Eggs might 
 have been bought at 2^ a dozen. 
 
460 
 
 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 Groceries Wholesale prices of groceries, taken mostly from an 
 English table drawn up about 1580, were as follows: 
 Oil was $140 the ton, or 55 cents a gallon; train-oil 
 was just half that price; Newfoundland fish cost then 
 $2.50 the quintal dry, as against $7.81 in 1913. Gascon 
 wines (claret) varied according to quality, from 16 
 cents to 24 cents a quart. Salt fetched $7.50 a ton, 
 which is very close to the price that it was in 1913 
 ($1.02 per bbl. of 280 lbs.). Soap was $13 the hundred- 
 weight. Pepper and sugar cost nearly the same, about 
 $70 the hundredweight, or far higher than they were in 
 1919, when each cost $11 the hundredweight. Spices 
 also cost more in the sixteenth century than they do 
 now, and rose throughout the century. By 1580 the 
 wholesale price per hundredweight was $224 for cloves, 
 the same for nutmegs, $150 for cinnamon, $300 for 
 mace. Ginger was $90 the hundredweight, and candles 
 6.C)(^ the lb. as against 7.25^ now. 
 
 Drygoods Drygoods varied immensely in cost. Raw wool sold 
 in England in 1510 for 4 cents per lb., as against 26 
 cents just four hundred years later. Fine cloth sold 
 at $65 ''the piece," the length and breadth of which 
 it is unfortunately impossible to determine accurately. 
 Different grades came in different sizes, averaging a 
 yard in width, but from 18 yards to 47 yards in length, 
 the finer coming in longer rolls. Sorting cloths were 
 $45 the piece. Linen cost 20 cents a yard in 1580; 
 iMary, Queen of Scots, five years later paid $6.50 the 
 yard for purple velvet and 28 cents the yard for buck- 
 ram to line the same. The coarse clothes of the poor 
 were cheaper, a workman's suit in France costing 
 $1.80 in 1600, a child's whole wardrobe $3.40, and a 
 soldier's uniform $4.20. The prices of the poorest 
 women's dresses ranged from $3 to $6 each. In 1520 
 Albert Durer paid in the Netherlands 17 cents for one 
 pair of shoes, 33 cents for another and 20 cents for a 
 
iWEALTH AND PRICES 467 
 
 pair of woman ^s gloves. A pair of spectacles cost him 
 22 cents, a pair of gloves for himself 38 cents. 
 
 Metals were dearer in the sixteenth century than Metals 
 they are now. Iron cost $60 a ton in 1580 against $22 
 a ton in 1913. Lead fetched $-12 the ton and tin $15 
 the cwt. The ratio of gold to silver was about 1 to 11. 
 The only fuel much used was wood, which was fairly 
 cheap but of course not nearly as efficient as our coal. 
 
 Interest, as the price of money, varied then as it Interest 
 does now in inverse ratio to the security offered by the 
 debtor, and on the whole within much the same range 
 that it does now. The best security was believed to 
 be that of the German Free Cities, governed as they 
 were by the commercial class that appreciated the vir- 
 tue of prompt and honest payment. Accordingly, we 
 find that they had no trouble in borrowing at 5 per 
 cent., their bonds taking the form of perpetual annui- 
 ties, like the English consols. So eagerly were these 
 investments sought that they were apportioned on pe- 
 tition as special favors to the creditors. The cities of 
 Paris and London also enjoyed high credit. The na- 
 tional governments had to pay far higher, owing to 
 their poverty and dishonesty. Francis I borrowed at 
 10 per cent. ; Charles V paid higher in the market of 
 Antwerp, the extreme instance being that of 50 per 
 cent, per annum. In 1550 he regularly paid 20 per 
 cent., a ruinous rate that foreshadowed his bankruptcy 
 and was partly caused by its forecast. Until the re- 
 cent war we were accustomed to think of the great na- 
 tions borrowing at 2-4 per cent., but during the war 
 the rate immensely rose. Anglo-French bonds, backed 
 by the joint and several credit of the two nations, sold 
 on the New York Stock Exchange in 1918 at a price 
 that would yield the investor more than 12 per cent., 
 and City of Paris bonds at a rate of more than 16 per 
 cent. 
 
468 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 Commercial paper, or loans advanced by banks to 
 merchants on good security, of course varied. The 
 lowest was reached at Genoa where from time to time 
 merchants secured accommodation at 3 per cent. The 
 average in Germany was 6 per cent, and this was made 
 the legal rate by Brandenburg in 1565. But usurers, 
 able to take advantage of the necessities of poor debt- 
 ors, habitually exacted more, as they do now, and loans 
 on small mortgages or on pawned articles often ran 
 at 30 per cent. On the whole, the rate of interest fell 
 slightly during the century. 
 
 Real estate The price of real estate is more difficult to compare 
 than almost anything, owing to the individual circum- 
 stances of each purchase. Land in France sold at 
 rates ranging from $8 to $240 the acre. Luther bought 
 a little farm in the country for $340, and a piece of 
 property in Wittenberg for $500. After his death, in 
 1564, the house he lived in, a large and handsome 
 building formerly the Augustinian Cloister, fetched 
 $2072. The house can be seen today ^ and would cer- 
 tainly, one would think, now bring fifteen times as 
 much. 
 
 Books Books were comparatively cheap. The Greek Testa- 
 
 ment sold for 48 cents, a Latin Testament for half that 
 amount, a Latin folio Bible published in 1532 for $4, 
 Luther's first New Testament at 84 cents. One might 
 get a cojDy of the Pandects for $1.60, of Vergil for 10 
 cents, a Greek grammar for 8 cents, Demosthenes and 
 Aeschines in one volume at 20 cents, one of Luther's 
 more important tracts for 30 cents and the condemna- 
 tion of him by the universities in a small pamphlet at 
 6 cents. One of the things that has gone down most 
 in price since that day is postage. Diirer while in the 
 Netherlands paid a messenger 17 cents to deliver a 
 
 1 See the photograph in my Life and Letters of Luther, p. 364. 
 
WEALTH AND PRICES 469 
 
 letter (or several letters?), presumably sent to his 
 home in Nuremberg. 
 
 In accordance with the general rule that wages fol- Wages 
 low the trend of prices sluggishly, whether upwards 
 or downwards, there is less change to be observed in 
 them throughout the sixteenth century than there is in 
 the prices of commodities. Subject to government 
 regulation, the remuneration of all kinds of labor re- 
 mained nearly stationary while the cost of living was 
 rising. Startling is the difference in the rewards of 
 the various classes, that of the manual laborers being 
 cruelly low, that of professional men somewhat less 
 in proportion to the cost of li\ing than it is today, and 
 that of government officers being very high. No one 
 except court officials got a salary over $5000 a year, 
 and some of them got much more. In 1553 a French 
 chamberlain was paid $51,000 per annum. 
 
 A French navvy received 8 cents a day in 1550, a 
 carpenter as much as 26 cents. A male domestic was 
 given $7 to $12 a year in addition to his keep and a 
 woman $5 to $6. As the number of w^orking days in 
 Catholic countries was only about 250 a year, workmen 
 made from $65 to as low as $20. If anything, labor 
 was worse paid in Germany than it was in France. 
 Agricultural labor in England was paid in two scales, 
 one for summer and one for winter. It varied from 
 3 cents to 7 cents a day, the smaller sum being paid 
 only to men who were also boarded. In summer free- 
 masons and master carpenters got from 8 cents to 11 
 cents for a terribly long day, in winter 6 cents to 9 
 cents for a shorter day. The following scale was fixed 
 by law in England in 1563: A hired farmer was to 
 have $10 a year and $2 for livery; a common farm 
 hand was allowed $8.25 and $1.25 extra for livery; a 
 ''mean servant" $6 and $1.25 respectively, a man child 
 
470 
 
 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 Pay of 
 clergymen 
 
 Physicians 
 
 $4 and $1 ; a chief woman cook $5 and $1.60, a mean 
 or simple woman $3 and $1 ; a woman child $2.50 and 
 $1. All were of course boarded and lodged. 
 
 The pay of French soldiers under Francis I was for 
 privates $28 a year in time of war; this fell to $14 
 a year in time of peace; for captains $33 a month in 
 time of peace and $66 in time of war. Captains in the 
 English navy received $36 a month; common seamen 
 $1.25 a month for wages and the same allowance for 
 food. 
 
 The church fared little better than the army. In 
 Scotland, a poor country but one in which the clergy 
 were respected, by the law of 1562, a parson if a single 
 man was given $26 a year, if a married man a maximum 
 of $78 a year; probably a parsonage was added. 
 Doubtless many Protestant ministers eked out their 
 subsistence by fees, as the Catholic priests certainly 
 did. Diirer gave 44 cents to a friar who confessed his 
 wife. Every baptism, marriage and burial was taxed 
 a certain amount. In France one could hire a priest 
 to say a mass at from 60 cents to $7 in 1500, and at from 
 30 to 40 cents in 1600. At this price it has remained 
 since, a striking instance of religious conservatism 
 working to the detriment of the priest, for the same 
 money represents much less in real wages now than 
 it did then. 
 
 Fees for physicians ranged from 33 to 44 cents a 
 visit in Germany about 1520. Treatment and medi- 
 cine were far higher. At Antwerp Diirer paid $2.20 
 for a small quantity of medicine for his wife. Fees 
 were sometimes given for a whole course of attendance. 
 In England we hear of such ' ' cures ' ' paid for at from 
 $3.30 to $5. Very little, if any, advice was given free 
 to the poor. The physicians for the French king re- 
 ceived a salary of $200 a year and other favors. Wil- 
 liam Butts, physician to Henry VIII, had $500 per 
 
WEALTH AND PRICES 471 
 
 annum, in addition to a knighthood; and his salary 
 was increased to over $600 for attending the Duke of 
 Richmond. 
 
 Teachers in the lower schools were regarded as lack- Teachers 
 eys and paid accordingly. Nicholas Udal, head master 
 of Eton, received $50 per annum and various small al- 
 lowances. University professors were treated more 
 liberally. Luther and Melanchthon at Wittenberg got 
 a maximum of $224 per annum, which was about the 
 same as the stipend of leading professors in other Ger- 
 man universities and at Oxford and Cambridge. The 
 teacher also got a small honorarium from each student. 
 When Paul III restored the Sapienza at Rome he paid 
 a minimum of $17 per annum to some friars who taught 
 theology and who were cared for by their order, but he 
 gave high salaries to the professors of rhetoric and 
 medicine. Ordinarily these received $476 a year, but 
 one professor of the classics reached the highwater- 
 mark with nearly $800. 
 
 The rewards of literary men were more consistently Royalties 
 small in the sixteenth century than they are now, owing 
 to the absence of effective copyright. An author 
 usually received a small sum from the printer to whom 
 he first offered his manuscript, but his subsequent roy- 
 alties, if any, depended solely on the goodwill of the 
 publisher. A Wittenberg printer offered Luther $224 
 per annum for his manuscripts, but the Reformer de- 
 clined it, wishing to make his books as cheap as pos- 
 sible. In 1512 Erasmus got $8.40 from Badius the 
 Parisian printer for a new edition of his Adages. In 
 fact, the rewards of letters, such as they were, were in- 
 direct, in the form of pensions, gifts and benefices from 
 the great. Erasmus got so many of these favors that 
 he lived more than comfortably. Luther died almost 
 a rich man, so many honoraria did he collect from 
 noble admirers. Rabelais was given a benefice, though 
 
472 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 he onlj^ lived two years afterwards to enjoy its fruits. 
 Henry VIII gave $500 to Thomas Murner for writing 
 against Luther. But the lot of the average writer was 
 hard. Fulsome flattery was the most lucrative pro- 
 duction of the muse. 
 Artists Artists fared better. Diirer sold one picture for 
 
 $375 and another for $200, not counting the "tip" 
 which his wife asked and received on each occasion 
 from the patron. Probably his woodcuts brought him 
 more from the printers than any single painting, and 
 when he died he left the then respectable sum of $32,- 
 000. He had been offered a pension of $300 per annum 
 and a house at Antwerp by that city if he would settle 
 there, but he preferred to return to Nuremberg, where 
 he was pensioned $600 a year by the emperor. Leon- 
 ardo da Vinci and Michelangelo both received $129 
 a month for work done for a prince, and the latter was 
 given a pension of $5200 a year by Paul HI. Eaphael 
 in 1520 left an estate of $140,000. 
 
 If a comparison of the value of money is made, the 
 final impression that one gets is that an ounce of gold 
 was in 1563, let us say, expected to do about ten times 
 as much work as the same weight of precious metal 
 performed in 1913.^ If a few articles were then ac- 
 tually dearer, they were comparatively unimportant 
 and were balanced by other articles even more than ten 
 times as cheap. But a dollar will buy so many articles 
 now which did not exist in former ages that a plausible 
 case can bo made out for the paradox that money is 
 now worth more than it ever was before. If an ounce 
 of gold would in Luther's time exchange for a much 
 larger quantity of simple necessaries than it will pur- 
 chase now, on the other hand a man with an income 
 of $5000 a year is far better off than a man with the 
 
 1 No valid comparison can be made for the years after 1913, for in^ 
 most nations paper currencies have ousted gold. 
 
 Value of 
 money 
 
WEALTH AND PRICES 
 
 473 
 
 same income, or indeed with any income, was then. 
 
 Notwithstanding the great difficulties of making out Trend of 
 any fair index number representing tlie cost of living 
 and applicable to long periods, owing to the fact that 
 articles vary from time to time, as when candles are 
 replaced by gas and gas by electricity, yet the general 
 trend of prices can be pretty plainly ascertained. 
 Generally speaking, prices — measured in weight of 
 gold and not in coin — sank slowly from 1390 till 1520 
 under the influence of better technical methods of pro- 
 duction and possibly of the draining of gold and silver 
 to the Orient. From 1520 till 1560 prices rose quite 
 slowly on account of the increased production of gold 
 and silver and its more rapid circulation by means of 
 better banking. From 1560 to 1600 prices rose with 
 enormous rapidity, partly because of the destruction 
 of wealth and increase in the cost of production fol- 
 lowing in the wake of the French and Dutch wars of 
 religion, and still more, perhaps, on account of the 
 torrent of American silver suddenly poured into the 
 lap of Europe. Taking the century as a whole, we find 
 that wheat rose the most, as much as 150 per cent, in 
 England, 200 per cent, in France and 300 per cent, in 
 Germany. Other articles rose less, and in some cases 
 remained stationary, or sank in price. Money wages 
 rose slowly, far less than the cost of living. 
 
 Apart from special circumstances affecting the pro- 
 duction of particular classes of goods, the main cause 
 of the general trend of prices upwards was probably metals 
 the increase in the volume of the precious metals. 
 Just how great this was, it is impossible to determine, 
 and yet a calculation can be made, yielding figures near 
 enough the actual to be of service. From the middle 
 of the fifteenth century there had been a considerable 
 increase in the production of silver from German, 
 Bohemian and Hungarian mines. Although this in- 
 
 Increase in 
 volume of 
 precious 
 
•474 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 crease was much more than is usually allowed for — 
 equalling, in the opinion of one scholar, the produce of 
 American mines until nearly the middle of the sixteenth 
 century — it was only enough to meet the expanding 
 demands of commerce. Before America entered the 
 market, there was also a considerable import of gold 
 from Asia and Africa. The tide of Mexican treasure 
 began to flood Spain about 1520, but did not reach the 
 other countries in large quantities until about 1560, 
 When we consider the general impression concerning 
 the increase of the currency immediately following the 
 pillage of the Aztecs and Incas, the following statistics 
 of the English mint are instructive, if they are not 
 enigmatical. During the first fourteen years of Henry 
 VIII (1509-23) the average amount of gold minted 
 in England was 24,G66 troy pounds per annum, and 
 of silver 31,225 troy pounds. But in the years 1537- 
 40, before the great debasement of the currency had 
 taken place, the amount of gold coined fell to 3,297 
 Troy pounds per annum, and that of silver rose only 
 to 52,974 troy pounds. As each pound of gold was 
 at that time worth as much as eleven pounds of silver, 
 this means that the actual amount of new money put 
 into circulation each year in the latter period was less 
 than a third of that minted in the earlier years. The 
 figures also indicate the growing cheapness of silver, 
 stimulating its import, while the import of gold was 
 greatly restricted, according to Gresham's law that 
 cheap money drives out dear. 
 Estimates of The spoil of Mcxico and Peru has frequently been 
 ^nler over-estimated, by none more extravagantly than by 
 
 products the Conquistadores and their contemporaries. But 
 the estimates of modern scholars varj^ enormously. 
 Lexis believes that the total amount of gold produced 
 by Europe and America from 1501 to 1550 (the greater 
 part, of course, by America) amounted to $134,000,000, 
 
estimate 
 
 WEALTH AND PRICES 475 
 
 F. de Laiglesio, on the other hand, thinks that not 
 more than $4,32(3,000 was mined in America before 
 1555. The most careful estimate, that made by Pro- 
 fessor Haring, arrives at the following results, the Haring's 
 amounts being given in pesos each worth very nearly 
 the same as our dollar. Mexican production : 
 
 1521-11 1545-60 
 
 Oold 5,348,000 343,670 
 
 Silver 4,130,170 22,467,111 
 
 For Peru the proportions of gold and silver cannot 
 be separated, but the totals taken together from 1531- 
 1560 amounted to probably 84,350,000 pesos. Other 
 small sums came from other parts of the New World, 
 and the final total for production of gold and silver in 
 America until 1560 is given at 139,720,000 pesos. This 
 is a reduction to 70 per cent, of the estimate of Lexis. 
 Assuming that the same correction must be made on 
 all of the estimates given by Lexis we have the follow- 
 ing figures for the world's production of precious met- 
 als in kilogrammes and in dollars : ^ 
 
 
 Gold 
 
 Silver 
 
 Average per annum 
 
 Average 
 
 per annum 
 in 
 
 
 
 
 pesos or 
 
 
 
 
 dollars 
 
 
 
 
 of 25 
 
 n kilos 
 
 in dollars 
 
 kilos 
 
 grammes 
 
 4270 
 
 3,269,000 
 
 31,570 
 
 1,262,800 
 
 4893 
 
 3,425,000 
 
 52,010 
 
 2,080,400 
 
 4718 
 
 3,302,600 
 
 184,730 
 
 7,389,200 
 
 4718 
 
 3,302,600 
 
 185,430 
 
 7,417,200 
 
 4641 
 
 3,268,700 
 
 230,480 
 
 9,219,200 
 
 1493-1520 ., 
 1521-44 
 1545-60 
 1561-80 
 1581-1600 . , 
 
 1 These fi<riire3 are based on those of Sommerlad in the Handicorter- 
 hurh der 8taatsit-issensrhaften, s.v. "Preis," taken from Wiobe, who 
 based on Lexis. Figures quite similar to those of Sommerlad arc given 
 by C. F. Bastable in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, s.v. "Money." I 
 have incorporated Haring's corrections. 
 
476 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 Combining these figures we see that the production of 
 gold was pretty steady throughout the century, making 
 a total output of about $330,000,000. The production 
 of silver, however, greatly increased after 1544. From 
 the beginning of the century to that year it amounted 
 to $75,285,600 ; from 1545 to 1600 inclusive it increased 
 to $450,955,200, making a total output for the century 
 of $526,240,800. Of course these figures only roughly 
 approximate the truth ; nevertheless they give a correct 
 idea of the general processes at work. Even for the 
 first half of the century the production of the precious 
 metals was far in excess of anything that had preceded, 
 and this output, large as it was, was nearly tripled in 
 the last half of the century. These figures, however, 
 are extremely modest compared with those of recent 
 times, when more gold is mined in a year than was 
 then mined in a century. The total amount mined in 
 1915 was $470,000,000; in 1917 $428,000,000; for the 
 period 1850 to 1916 inclusive the total amount mined 
 was $13,678,000,000. 
 
 § 3. Institutions. 
 
 Themon- For a variety of reasons the sixteenth century was 
 
 archies ^g monarchical in mind as the twentieth century is 
 democratic. Immemorial prescription then had a 
 vigor since lost, and monarchy descended from classical 
 and biblical antiquity when kings were hedged with a 
 genuine divinity. The study of Roman law, with its 
 absolutist maxims, aided in the formation of royalist 
 sentiment. The court as the center of fashion at- 
 tracted a brilliant society, while the small man satis- 
 fied his cravings for gentility by devouring the court 
 gossip that even then clogged the presses. It is prob- 
 able that one reason why the throne became so popular 
 was that it was, next to the church, the best advertised 
 
INSTITUTIONS 477 
 
 article in the world. But underlying these sentimental 
 reasons for loyalty there was a basis of solid utility, 
 predisposing men to support the scepter as the one 
 power strong enough to overawe the nobles. One 
 tyrant was better than many; one lion could do less 
 liarm than a pack of wolves and hyaenas. In the 
 greater states men felt perfectly helpless without a 
 king to rule the anarchical chaos into which society 
 would have dissolved without him. When the Spanish 
 Communes rebelled against Charles V they triumphed 
 in the field, but their attempt simply collapsed in face 
 of their utter inability to solve the problem of govern- 
 ment without a royal governor. They were as help- 
 less as bees without a queen. Indeed, so strong was 
 their instinct to get a royal head that they tried to 
 l)reserve themselves by kidnapping Charles's mother, ^ 
 jioor, mad Joanna, to fill the political vacuum that 
 they had made. So in the civil wars in France; not- 
 withstanding the more promising materials for the 
 formation of a republic in that country, all parties 
 were, in fact, headed by claimants to the throne. 
 
 Next to the king came the Council of State, composed Councils 
 
 of State 
 
 of princes of the blood, cardinals, nobles and some offi- 
 cers and secretaries of state, not always of noble blood 
 but frequently, especially in the cases of the most pow- 
 erful of them, scions of the middle class. What pro- 
 portion of the executive power was wielded by the 
 Council depended on the personal character of the 
 monarch. Henry VIII was always master; Elizabeth 
 was more guided than guiding; the Councils of the 
 Valois and Ilapsburgs profited by the preoccupation . 
 or the stupidity of their masters to usurp the royal 
 power for themselves. In public opinion the Council 
 occupied a great place, similar to that of an English 
 Cabinet today. The first Anglican prayerbook con- 
 
Parlia- 
 ments 
 
 478 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 tains petitions for the Council, though it did not occur 
 to the people to pray for Parliament until the next cen- 
 tury. 
 
 The countries were governed no longer by the nobles 
 as such but by officials appointed by the crown. It is 
 an indication of the growing nationalization of policy 
 that the sixteenth century saw the first establishment 
 of permanent diplomatic agents. The first ambassa- 
 dors, selected largely from a panel of bishops, magis- 
 trates, judges and scholars, were expected to function 
 not only as envoys but also as spies. Under them was 
 a host of secret agents expected to do underhand work 
 and to take the responsibility for it themselves so that, 
 if found out, they could be repudiated. 
 
 Very powerful was the national popular assembly: 
 the Parliament, the Diet, the States General, or the 
 Cortes. Its functions, prescriptive and undefined, 
 were commonly understood to include the granting of 
 taxes. The assent of the body was also required, to a 
 varying degree, for the sanction of other laws. But 
 the real power of the people's representatives lay in 
 the fact that they were the chief organ for the expres- 
 sion of that public opinion which in all countries and 
 at all times it is unsafe for governments to disregard. 
 Sitting in two or more chambers to represent the sev- 
 eral estates or sometimes — as in the German Diet — 
 subdivisions of these estates, the representatives were 
 composed of members of the privileged orders, the 
 clergy and nobility, and of the elected representatives 
 of the city aristocracies. The majority of the popula- 
 tion, the poor, were unrepresented. That this class 
 had as great a stake in the commonwealth as any other, 
 and that they had a class consciousness capable of de- 
 manding reforms and of taking energetic measures to 
 secure them, is shown by a number of rebellions of the 
 proletariat, and yet it is not unfair to them, or dis- 
 
INSTITUTIONS 479 
 
 dainful, to say that on most matters they were too un- 
 instructecl, too powerless and too mute to contribute 
 much to that body of sentiment called public opinion, 
 one condition of which seems to be that to exist it must 
 find expression. 
 
 The Estates General, by whatever name they were influence 
 called, supplemented in France by provincial bodies ggJaj^gg 
 called Parlements partaking of the nature of high General 
 courts of justice, and in Germany by the local Diets 
 (Landtag) of the larger states, exercised a very real 
 and in some cases a decisive influence on public policy. 
 The monarch of half the world dared not openly defy 
 the Cortes of Aragon or of Castile ; the imperious Tu- 
 dors diligently labored to get parliamentary sanction 
 for their tyrannical acts, and, on the few occasions 
 when they could not do so, hastened to abandon as 
 gracefully as possible their previous intentions. In 
 Germany the power of the Diet was not limited by the 
 emperor, but by the local governments, though even so 
 it was considerable. When a Diet, under skilful ma- 
 nipulation or by unscrupulous trickery, was induced by 
 the executive to pass an unpopular measure, like the 
 Edict of Worms, the law became a dead letter. In 
 some other instances, notably in its long campaign 
 against monopolies, even when it expressed the popular 
 voice the Diet failed because the emperor was sup- 
 ported by the wealthy capitalists. Only recently it has 
 been revealed how the Fuggers of Augsburg and their 
 allies endeavored to manipulate or to frustrate its 
 work in the matter of government regulation of in- 
 dustry and commerce. 
 
 The finances of most countries were managed cor- Public 
 ruptly and unwisely. The taxes were numerous and 
 complicated and bore most heavily on the poor. From 
 ordinary taxes in most countries the privileged orders 
 were exempt, though they were forced to contribute 
 
480 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 special sums levied by themselves. The general prop- 
 .- erty tax (taille) in France yielded 2,400,000 livres 
 tournois in 1517 and 4,600,000 in 1543. The taxes were 
 farmed ; that is, the right of collecting them was sold at 
 auction, with the natural result that they were put into 
 the hands of exto-rtioners who made vast fortunes by 
 oppressing the people. Revenues of the royal domain, 
 excises on salt and other articles, import and export 
 duties, and the sale of offices and monopolies, supple- 
 mented the direct taxes. The system of taxation va- 
 ried in each country. Thus in Spain the 10 per cent, 
 tax on the price of an article every time it was sold 
 and the royalty on precious metals — 20 per cent, after 
 1504 — proved important sources of revenue. Rome 
 drove a lucrative trade in spiritual wares. Every- 
 where, fines for transgressions of the law figured more 
 largely as a source of revenue than they do nowadays. 
 Wasteful Expenditures were both more wasteful and more nig- 
 
 expendi- gardly than they are today. Though the service of the 
 public debt was trifling compared with modem stand- 
 ards, and though the administration of justice was not 
 exiDensive because of the fee system, the army and navy 
 cost a good deal, partly because they were composed 
 largely of well paid mercenaries. The personal ex- 
 travagances of the court were among the heaviest bur- 
 dens borne by the people. The kings built palaces; 
 they wallowed in cloth of gold; they collected objects 
 of art; they squandered fortunes on mistresses and 
 minions ; they made constant progresses with a retinue 
 of thousands of servants and horses. The two great- 
 est states, France and Spain, both went into bank- 
 ruptcy in 1557. 
 Public The great task of government, that of keeping public 
 
 order order, protecting life and property and punishing the 
 
 criminal, was approached by our forbears with more 
 gusto than success. The laws were terrible, but they 
 
INSTITUTIONS 
 
 481 
 
 were unequally executed. In England among capital 
 crimes were the following : murder, arson, escape from 
 prison, hunting by night with painted faces or visors, 
 embezzling property worth more than 40 shillings, 
 carrying horses or mares into Scotland, conjuring, 
 practising witchcraft, removing landmarks, desertion 
 from the army, counterfeiting or mutilating coins, cat- 
 tle-lifting, house-breaking, picking of pockets. All 
 these were punished by hanging, but crimes of special 
 heinousness, such as poisoning, were visited with burn- 
 ing or boiling to death. The numerous laws against 
 treason and heresy have already been described. Les- 
 ser punishments included flogging, pillory, branding, 
 the stocks, clipping ears, piercing tongues, and im- 
 prisonment in dungeons made purposely as horrible as 
 possible, dark, noisome dens without furniture or con- 
 veniences, often too small for a man to stand upright 
 or to lie at full length. 
 
 "With such laws it is not sui"[')rising that 72,000 men Number of 
 were hanged under Henry VIII, an average of nearly 
 2,000 a year. The number at present, when the popu- 
 lation of England and Wales has swollen to tenfold of 
 what it was then, is negligible. Only nine men were 
 hanged in the United Kingdom in the years 1901-3; 
 about 5,000 are now on the average annually convicted 
 of felony. If anything, the punishments were harsher 
 on the Continent than in Britain. The only refuge of 
 the criminal was the greed of his judges. At Kome it 
 was easy and regular to pay a price for every crime, 
 and at other places bribery was more or less prevalent. 
 
 The methods of trying crimhials were as cruel as 
 their punishments. On the Continent the presumption 
 was held to be against the accused, and the rack and 
 its ghastly retinue of instruments of pain were freely 
 used to procure confession. Calvin's hard saying that 
 when men felt the pain they spoke the truth merely ex- 
 
 executions 
 
 Cruel 
 
 trial 
 
 methods 
 
482 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 pressed the current delusion, for legislators and 
 judges, their hearts hardened in part by the example of 
 the church, concurred in his opinion. The exceptional 
 protest of Montaigne deserves to be quoted for its 
 humanity: ''AH that exceeds simple death is absolute 
 cruelty, nor can our laws expect that he whom the fear 
 of decapitation or hanging will not restrain should be 
 awed by imagining the horrors of a slow fire, burning 
 pincers or breaking on the wheel." 
 
 The spirit of the English law was against the use of 
 torture, which, however, made progress, especially in 
 state trials, under the Tudors. A man who refused to 
 plead in an English court was subjected to the peine 
 forte et dure, which consisted in piling weights on his 
 chest until he either spoke or was crushed to death. 
 To enforce the laws there was a constabulary in the 
 country, supplemented by the regular army, and a 
 police force in the cities. That of Paris consisted of 
 240 archers, among them twenty-four mounted men. 
 The inefficiency of some of the English officers is amus- 
 ingly caricatured in the persons of Dogberry and Ver- 
 ges who, when they saw a thief, concluded that he was 
 no honest man and the less they had to meddle or 
 make mth him the more for their honesty. 
 Blue laws If) in all that has just been said, it is evident that 
 the legislation of that period and of our own had the 
 same conception of the function of government and 
 only differed in method and efficiency, there was one 
 very large class of laws spread upon the statute-books 
 of medieval Europe that has almost vanished now. 
 A paternal statesmanship sought to regulate the pri- 
 vate lives of a citizen in every respect: the fashion 
 of his clothes, the number of courses at his meals, 
 how many guests he might have at wedding, diimer 
 or dance, how long he should be permitted to haunt 
 the tavern, and how much he should drink, how he 
 
INSTITUTIONS 483 
 
 should spend Sunday, liow lie should become engaged, 
 how dance, how part his hair and with how thick a 
 stick ho should be indulged in the luxury of beating his 
 wife. 
 
 The ''blue laws," as such regulations on their moral 
 side came to be called, were no Protestant innovation. 
 The Lutherans hardly made any change whatever in 
 this respect, but Calvin did give a new and biting in- 
 tensity to the medieval spirit. His followers, the Puri- 
 tans, in the next centur>% almost succeeded in reducing 
 the staple of a Christian man's legitimate recreation to 
 ''seasonable meditation and prayer." But the idea 
 originated long before the evolution of "the non-con- 
 formist conscience." 
 
 The fundamental cause of all this legislation was 
 sheer conservatism. Primitive men and savages have Spirit 
 so strong a feeling of the sanction of custom that they 
 have, as Bagehot expresses it, fairly screwed them- 
 selves down by their unreasoning demands for con- 
 formity. A good deal of this spirit has survived 
 throughout history and far more of it, naturally, was 
 found four centuries ago than at present, when reason 
 has proved a solvent for so many social institutions. 
 There are a good many laws of the period under sur- 
 vey — such as that of Nuremberg against citizens part- 
 ing their hair — for which no discoverable basis can be 
 found save the idea that new-fangled fashions should 
 not be allowed. 
 
 Economic reasons also played their part in the regu- 
 lation of the habits of the people. Thus a law of Ed- 
 ward VI, after a preamble setting forth that divers 
 kinds of food are indifferent before God, nevertheless 
 commands all men to cat fish as heretofore on fast days, 
 not as a religious duty but to encourage fishermen, give 
 them a livelihood and thus train men for the navy. 
 
 A third very strong motive in the mind of the six- 
 
 of con- 
 servatism 
 
484 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 teenth-century statesmen, was that of differentiating 
 the classes of citizens. The blue laws, if they may be 
 so called in this case, were secretions of the blue blood. 
 To make the vulgar know their places it was essential 
 to make them dress according to their rank. The in- 
 tention of An Act for the Reformation of excess in 
 
 Apparel Apparel, passed by the English Parliament in 1532, 
 
 ^0 rank"^ was statcd to be, 
 
 the necessary repressing and avoiding and expelling of 
 the excess daily more used in the sumptuous and costly 
 apparel and array accustomablj^ worn in this Realm, 
 whereof hath ensued and daily do chance such sundry 
 high and notorious detriments of the common weal, the 
 subversion of good and politic order in knowledge and 
 distinction of people according to their estates, pre- 
 eminences, dignities and degrees to the utter impoverish- 
 ment and undoing of many inexpert and light persons 
 inclined to pride, mother of all vices. 
 
 The tenor of the act prescribes the garb appropriate 
 to the royal family, to nobles of different degree, to 
 citizens according to their income, to servants and 
 husbandmen, to the clergy, doctors of divinity, sol- 
 diers, lawyers and players. Such laws were common 
 in all countries. A Scotch act provides "that it be 
 lauchful to na wemen to weir [clothes] abone [above] 
 their estait except howries." This law was not only 
 ''apprevit" by King James VI, but endorsed with his 
 own royal hand, ' ' This acte is verray gude. ' ' 
 
 Excessive fare at feasts was provided against for 
 similar reasons and Avith almost equal frequency. By 
 1517 an English proclamation the number of dishes served 
 
 was to be regulated according to the rank of the highest 
 person present. Thus, if a cardinal was guest or host, 
 there might be nine courses, if a lord of Parliament six, 
 for a citizen with an income of five hundred j)ounds a 
 year, three. Elsewhere the number of guests at all 
 
INSTITUTIONS 485 
 
 ordinary functions as well as the number and price of 
 gifts at weddings, christenings and like occasions, was 
 prescribed. 
 
 Games of chance were frequently forbidden. Fran- 1^26 
 cis I ordered a lieutenant with twenty archers to visit 
 taverns and gaming houses and arrest all players of 
 cards, dice and other unlawful games. This did not 
 prevent the establishment of a public lottery, a prac- 1539 
 tice justified by alleging the examples of Italian cities 
 in raising revenue by this means. Henry III forbade 
 all games of chance "to minors and other debauched 1577 
 persons," and this was followed six years later by a 
 crushing impost on cards and dice, interesting as one 
 of the first attempts to suppress the instruments of 
 vice through the taxing power. Merry England also 
 had many laws forbidding "tennis, bowles, dicing and 
 cards," the object being to encourage the practice of 
 archery. 
 
 Tippling was the subject of occasional animadver- 
 sion by the various governments, though there seemed 
 to be little sentiment against it until the opening of 
 the following centuiy. The regulation of the number 
 of taverns and of the amount of wine that might be 
 kept in a gentleman's cellar, as prescribed in an Eng- 
 lish law, mentions not the moral but the economic as- ^^^^ 
 pect of drinldng. The purchase of French wines was 
 said to drain England of money. 
 
 Though the theater also did not suffer much until 
 the time of Cromwell, plays were forbidden in the 
 precincts of the city of London. The Book of Disci- 
 pline in Scotland forbade attendance at theaters. Cal- ^^^'^ 
 vin thoroughly disapproved of them, and even Luther 
 considered them "fools' work" and at times danger- 
 ous. 
 
 Commendable efforts to suppress the practice of 
 duelling were led by the Catholic church. Clement 
 
1551 
 
 480 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 1524 VII forbade it in a bull, confirmed by a decree of the 
 
 1563 Council of Trent. An extraordinarily worded French 
 
 proclamation of 1566 forbade ''all gentlemen and 
 others to give each other the lie and, if they do give 
 each other the lie, to fight a duel about it." Other 
 governments took the matter up very sluggishly. 
 Scotland forbade ''the great liberty that sundry per- 
 sons take in provoking each other to singular combats 
 upon sudden and frivol occasions," without license 
 from his majesty. 
 
 Two matters on which the Puritans felt very keenly, 
 blasphemy and Sabbath-breaking, were but scantily 
 looked after in the century of the Reformation. Scot- 
 land forbade "grievous and abominable oaths, swear- 
 ing, execrations and blasphemation, " and somewhat 
 similar laws can be found in other countries. Scot- 
 land was also a pioneer in forbidding on the Sabbath 
 all work, "gaming, playing, passing to taverns and ale- 
 houses and wilful remaining away from the parish 
 kirk in time of sermon. ' ' 
 
 MaU Government has other functions than the enforce- 
 
 ment of the civil and criminal law. Almost contempo- 
 rary with the opening of the century was the establish- 
 ment of post offices for the forv\^arding of letters. 
 After Maximilian had made a start in the Netherlands 
 other comitries were not slow to follow his example. 
 Though under special government supervision at first 
 these letter-carriers were private men. 
 
 Sanitation In the Middle Ages there had been efforts to safe- 
 guard public sanitation. The sixteenth century did 
 not greatly improve on them. Thus, Geneva passed a 
 law that garbage and other refuse should not be al- 
 lowed to lie in the streets for more than three days in 
 summer or eight days in winter. In extreme cases 
 quarantine was adopted as a precaution against epi- 
 demics. 
 
INSTITUTIONS 487 
 
 It is the most heart-breaking or the most absurd fact ^^^r 
 in human history, according as the elements involved 
 are focused in a humane or in a cynical light, that the 
 chief energies of government as well as the most zeal- 
 ous forces of peoples, have been dedicated since civil- 
 ization began to the practice of wholesale homicide. 
 As we look back from the experience of the Great AVar 
 to the conflicts of other times, they seem to our jaded 
 imaginations almost as childish as they were vicious. 
 In the sixteenth century, far more than in the nine- 
 teenth, the nations boiled and bubbled with spleen and 
 jealousy, hurled Thrasonical threats and hyperbolic 
 boasts in each other's teeth, breathing out mutual ex- 
 termination with no compunctious visitings of nature 
 to stay their hungry swords — but when they came to 
 blows they had not the powder of boys. The great na- 
 tions were always fighting but never fought to a finish. 
 In the whole century no national capital west of Hun- 
 gary, save Kome and Edinburgh, was captured by an 
 enemy. The real harm was not done on the battle- 
 field, where the carnage was incredibly small, but in 
 the raids and looting of to^^^l and country by the pro- 
 fessional assassins who filled the ranks of the hireling 
 troops. Then, indeed, cities were burned, wealth was 
 plundered and destroyed, men were subjected to name- 
 less tortures and women to indescribable outrages, and 
 children were tossed on pikes. Nor did war seem then 
 to shock the jjublic conscience, as it has at last suc- 
 ceeded in doing. The people saw nothing but dazzling 
 glory in the slaughter of foemen on the stricken 
 field, in the fanfare of the trumpets and the thunder 
 of the captains and the shouting. Soldiers, said Lu- 
 ther, founding his opinion on the canon law, might be 
 in a state of grace, for war was as necessary as eat- 
 ing, drinking or any other business. Statesmen like 
 Machiavelli and Bacon were keen for the largest armies 
 
488 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 possible, as the mainstay of a nation's power. Only 
 Erasmus was a clear-sighted pacifist, always declaim- 
 ing against war and once asserting that he agreed with 
 Cicero in thinking the most unjust peace preferable to 
 the justest war. Elsewhere he admitted that wars of 
 self-defence were necessary. 
 Arms Fire-arms had not fully established their ascendancy 
 
 in the period of Frundsberg, or even of Alva. As late 
 as 1596 an English soldier lamented that his country- 
 men neglected the bow for the gun. Halberdiers with 
 pikes were the core of the army. Artillery sometimes 
 inflicted very little damage, as at Floclden, sometimes 
 considerable, as at Marignano, where, with the French 
 cavalry, it struck down the till then almost invincible 
 Swiss infantry. In battle arquebusiers and muske- 
 teers were interspersed with cross-bowmen. Cannon 
 of a large type gave way to smaller field-guns ; even the 
 idea of the machine-gun emerged in the fifteenth cen- 
 tury. The name of them, "organs," was taken from 
 their appearance with numerous barrels from which 
 as many as fifty bullets could be discharged at a time. 
 Cannon were transported to the field on carts. Eifles 
 were invented b}^ a German in 1520, but not much 
 used. Pistols were first manufactured at Pistoia — 
 whence the name — about 1540. Bombs were first used 
 in 1588. 
 
 The arts of fortification and of siege were improved 
 together, many ingenious devices being called into 
 being by the technically difficult war of the Spaniards 
 against the Dutch. Tactics were not so perfect as they 
 afterwards became and of strategy there was no con- 
 sistent theory. Machiavelli, who wrote on the subject, 
 based his ideas on the practice of Rome and therefore 
 despised fire-arms and preferred infantry to cavalry. 
 Discipline was severe, and needed to be, notwithstand- 
 ing which there were sporadic and often very annoying 
 
INSTITUTIONS 489 
 
 mutinies. Paiiisliments were terrible, as in civil life. 
 Blasphemy, cards, dicing, duelling and women were 
 forbidden in most regular armies, but in time of war 
 the soldiers were allowed an incredible license in pil- 
 laging and in foraging. Rings and other decorations 
 Avere given as rewards of valor. Uniforms began first 
 to be introduced in England by Henry VIII. 
 
 The personnel of the armies was extremely bad. Not Personnel 
 counting the small number of criminals who were al- " '^.*^ 
 
 ® ^ ... armies 
 
 lowed to expiate their misdeeds by military service, the 
 rank and file consisted of mercenaries who only too 
 rapidly became criminals under the tutelage of Mars. 
 There were a few conscripts, but no universal training 
 such as Machiavelli recommended. The officers were 
 nobles or gentlemen wiio served for the prestige and 
 glory of the profession of arms, as well as for the good 
 pay. 
 
 But the most striking difference between armies Size of 
 then and now is not in their armament nor in their 
 quality but in the size. Great battles were fought and 
 whole campaigns decided with twenty or thirty thou- 
 sand troops. The French standing army was fixed 
 by the ordinance of 1534 at seven legions of six thou- 
 sand men each, besides which were the mercenaries, 
 the whole amounting to a maximum, under Francis I, 
 of about 100,000 men. The English official figures 
 about 1588 gave the army 90,000 foot soldiers and 9000 
 horse, but these figures were grossly exaggerated. In 
 fact only 22,000 men w^ere serviceable at the crisis of 
 England's war with Spain. Other armies were pro- 
 portionately small. The janizaries, whose interven- 
 tion often decided battles, numbered in 1520 only 
 12,000. They were perhaps the best troops in Europe, 
 as the Turkish artillery was the most powerful known. 
 What all these figures show, in short, is that the phe- 
 nomenon of nations with every man physically fit in 
 
 armies com- 
 pared 
 
490 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 the army, engaging in a death grapple until one goes 
 down in complete exhaustion, is a modem develop- 
 ment. 
 Sea power The influence of sea power upon history has become 
 proverbial, if, indeed, it has not been overestimated 
 since Admiral Mahan first wTote. It may be pointed 
 out that this influence is far from a constant factor. 
 Sea power had a considerable importance in the wars 
 of Greece and of Rome, but in the Middle Ages it be- 
 came negligible. Only with the opening of the seven 
 seas to navigation was the command of the waves 
 found to secure the avenues to wealth and colonial ex- 
 pansion. In Portugal, Spain, and England, ' ' the blue 
 water school" of mariners speedily created navies 
 whose strife was apparently more decisive for the fu- 
 ture of history than were the battles of armies on land. 
 When the trade routes of the Atlantic superseded 
 those of the Mediterranean in importance, naturally 
 methods of navigation changed, and this involved a 
 revolution in naval warfare greater than that caused 
 by steam or by the submarine. From the time that 
 Helen's beauty launched a thousand ships until the 
 battle of Lepanto, the oar had been the chief instru- 
 ment of locomotion, though supplemented, even from 
 Homeric times, by the sail. Naval battles were like 
 those on land; the enemy keels approached and the 
 soldiers on each strove to board and master the other's 
 crew. The only distinctly naval tactic was that of 
 '' ramming," as it was called in a once vivid metaphor. 
 But the wild winds and boisterous waves of the At- 
 lantic broke the oar in the galley-slave 's hand and the 
 muscles in his back. Once again man harnessed the 
 hostile forces of nature ; the free breezes were broken 
 to the yoke and new types of sailing ships were driven 
 at racing speed across the broad back of the sea. 
 Swift, yare vessels were built, at first smaller than the 
 
\ 
 
 PRIVATE LIFE AND MANNERS 491 
 
 old galleons but infinitely more manageable. And the 
 new boats, armed with thunder as they were clad with 
 wings, no longer sought to sink or capture enemies at 
 close quarters, but hurled destruction from afar. 
 Heavy guns took the place of small weapons and of 
 armed prow. 
 
 It was England's genius for the sea that enabled her 
 to master the new conditions first and most completely 
 and that placed the trident in her hands so firmly that 
 no enemy has ever been able to wrest it from her. 
 Henry VIII paid great attention to the navy. He had 
 fifty-three vessels with an aggregate of 11,268 tons, 
 an average of 200 tons each, carrying 1750 soldiers, 
 1250 sailors and 2085 guns. Under Elizabeth the num- 
 ber of vessels had sunk to 42, but the tonnage had risen 
 to 17,055, and the crews numbered 5534 seamen, 804 
 gunners and 2008 soldiers. The largest ships of the 
 Tudor navy were of 1000 tons ; the flagship of the Span- 
 ish Armada was 1150 tons, carrying 46 guns and 422 
 men. How tiny are these figures! A single cruiser 
 of today has a larger tonnage than the w^hole of Eliza- 
 beth's fleet; a large submarine is greater than the 
 monsters of Philip, 
 
 § 4. Private Life and Manners 
 
 Of all the forces making for equality among men 
 probably the education of the masses by means of 
 cheap books and papers has been the strongest. But 
 this force has been slow to ripen; at the close of the 
 Middle Ages the common man was still helpless. The 
 old privileged orders were indeed weakened and de- 
 spoiled of part of their prerogatives, but it was chiefly 
 by the rise of a new aristocracy, that of wealth. 
 
 The decay of feudalism and of ecclesiastical privilege ^o^'l^y 
 took the form of a changed and not of an abolished 
 position for peer and priest. They were not cashiered, 
 
492 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 but they were retained on cheaper terms. The feudal 
 baron had been a petty king; his descendant had the 
 option of becoming either a highwayman or a courtier. 
 As the former alternative became less and less reward- 
 ing, the greater part of the old nobles abandoned their 
 pretensions to independence and found a congenial 
 sphere as satellities of a monarch, ''Ic roi soleil," as a 
 typical king was aptly called, whose beams they re- 
 flected and around whom^they circled. 
 
 As titles of nobility began now to be quite com- 
 monly given to men of wealth and also to politicians, 
 the old blood Avas renewed at the expense of the ancient 
 pride. Not, indeed, that the latter showed any signs 
 of diminishing. The arrogance of the noble was past 
 all toleration. Men of rank treated the common cit- 
 izens like dirt beneath their feet, and even regarded 
 artists and other geniuses as menials. Alphonso, 
 duke of Ferrara, wrote to Eaphael in terms that no 
 king would now use to a photographer, calling him a 
 liar and chiding him for disrespect to his superior. 
 The same duke required Ariosto to prostitute his 
 genius by writing an apology for a fratricide com- 
 mitted by his grace. The duke of Mayenne po- 
 niarded one of his most devoted followers for having 
 aspired to the hand of the duke^s widowed daughter- 
 in-law. So difficult was it to conceive of a "gentle- 
 man" without gentle blood that Castigiione, the ar- 
 biter of manners, lays down as the first prerequisite to 
 a perfect courtier that he shall be of high birth. And 
 of course those who had not this advantage pretended 
 to it. An Italian in London noticed in 1557 that all 
 gentlemen without other title insisted on being called 
 '* mister." 
 Professions One sigu of the break-up of the old medieval castes 
 was the new classification of men by calling, or pro- 
 fession. It is true that two of the professions, the 
 
PRIVATE LIFE AND MANNERS 493 
 
 higher offices in arm,y and church, became apanages 
 of the nobility, and the other liberal vocations were 
 almost as completely monopolized by the children of 
 the moneyed middle class ; nevertheless it is significant 
 that there were new roads by which men might rise. 
 No class has profited more by the evolution of ideas 
 than has the intelligentsia. From a subordinate, semi- 
 menial position, lawyers, physicians, educators and 
 journalists, not to mention artists and writers, have be- 
 come the leading, almost the ruling, body of our w^est- 
 ern democracies. 
 
 Half way between a medieval estate and a modern Clergy 
 calling stood the clergy. In Catholic countries they 
 remained very numerous ; there were 136 episcopal or 
 archiepiscopal sees in France ; there were 40,000 parish 
 priests, with, an equal number of secular clergy in sub- 
 ordinate positions, 24,000 canons, 34,000 friars, 2500 
 Jesuits (in 1600), 12,000 monks and 80,000 nuns. 
 Though there were doubtless many worthy men among 
 them, it cannot honestly be said that the average were 
 fitted either morally or intellectually for their posi- 
 tions. Grossly ignorant of the meaning of the Latin 
 in which they recited their masses and of the main 
 articles of their faith, many priests made up for these 
 defects by proficiency in a variety of superstitious 
 charms. The public was accustomed to see nuns danc- 
 ing at bridals and priests haunting taverns and worse 
 resorts. Some attempts, serious and partially success- 
 ful, at reform, have been already described. Profane 
 and amatory pla3's were forbidden in nunneries, bull- 
 fights were banished from the Vatican and the dangers 
 of the confessional were diminished by the invention 
 of the closed box in which the priest should sit and 
 hear his penitent through a small aperture instead of 
 having her kneeling at his knees. So depraved was 
 public opinion on the subject of the confession that a 
 
494 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 prolonged controversy took place in Spain as to 
 whether minor acts of impurity perpetrated by the 
 priest while confessing women were permissible or not. 
 Conditions Neither was the average Protestant clergyman a 
 Protestant shining and a burning light. So little was the calling 
 clergy regarded that it was hard to fill it. At one time a third 
 
 of the parishes of England were said to lack incum- 
 bents. The stipends were wretched; the social posi- 
 tion obscure. The wives of the new clergy had an 
 especially hard lot, being regarded by the people as 
 little better than concubines, and by Parliament called 
 * 'necessary evils." The English government had to 
 issue injunctions in 1559 stating that because of the 
 offence that has come from the type of women com- 
 monly selected as helpmates by parsons, no manner of 
 priest or deacon should presume to marry without 
 consent of the bishop, of the girl 's parents, "or of her 
 master or mistress where she serveth. ' ' Many clergy- 
 men, nevertheless, afterwards married domestics. 
 
 Very little was done to secure a properly trained 
 ministry. Less than half of the 2000 clergymen or- 
 dained at Wittenberg from 1537-60 were university 
 men; the majority were drapers, tailors and cobblers, 
 ''common idiots and laymen" as they were called — 
 though the word "idiot" did not have quite the same 
 disparaging sense that it has now. Nor were the rev- 
 erend gentlemen of unusually high character. As 
 nothing was demanded of them but purity of doctrine, 
 purity of life sank into the background. It is really 
 amazing to see how an acquaintance of Luther's suc- 
 ceeded in getting one church after he had been dis- 
 missed from another on well-founded charges of se- 
 duction, and how he was thereafter convicted of rape. 
 This was perhaps an extreme case, but that the 
 majority of clergymen were morally unworthy is the 
 
PRIVATE LIFE AND MANNERS 495 
 
 melancholy conviction borne in by contemporary rec- 
 ords. 
 
 Sermons were long, doctrinal and political. Cran- Character 
 
 . , , of sermons 
 
 mer advised Latimer not to preach more than an nour 
 and a half lest the king grow weary. How the popular 
 preacher — in this case a Catholic — appealed to his au- 
 dience, is worth quoting from a sermon delivered at 
 Landau in 1550. 
 
 The Lutherans [began the reverend gentleman] are op- 
 posed to the worship of INIary and the saints. Now, ray 
 friends, be good enough to listen to me. The soul of a 
 man who had died got to the door of heaven and Peter 
 shut it in his face. Luckily, the Mother of God was tak- 
 ing a stroll outside with her sweet Son. The deceased 
 addresses her and reminds her of the Paters and Aves he 
 has recited in her glory and the candles he has burnt be- 
 fore her images. Thereupon Mary says to Jesus : ''It's 
 the honest truth, my Son." The Lord, however, objected 
 and addressed the suppliant: "Ilast thou never heard 
 that I am the way and the door to life everlasting?" he 
 asks. "If thou art the door, I am the window," retorted 
 Mary, taking the ''soul" by the hair and flinging it 
 through the open casement. And now I ask 3'ou whether 
 it is not the same whether you enter Paradise by the door 
 or by the window ? 
 
 There was a naive familiarity with sacred things in 
 our ancestors that cannot be imitated. Who would 
 now name a ship ** Jesus," as Hawkins's buccaneering 
 slaver was named? What serious clergyman would 
 now compare three of his friends to the Father, the 
 Son and the Holy Ghost, as did Luther? The Refonner 
 also wrote a satire on the calling of a council, in the 
 form of a letter from the Holy Ghost signed by Gabriel 
 as notary and witnessed by Michael the Provost of 
 Paradise and Raphael, God's Court Physician. At 
 another time he made a lampoon on the collection of 
 
496 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 relics made by his enemy the Archbishop of Mayence, 
 stating that they contained such things as ''a fair piece 
 of Moses' left horn, a whole pound of the wind that 
 blew for Elijah in the cave on Mount Horeb and two 
 feathers and an egg of the Holy Ghost" as a dove. All 
 this, of course, not in ribald profanity, but in works in- 
 tended for edification. . . . 
 
 The city Though beautiful, the city of our ancestors was far 
 
 from admirable in other ways. Filth was hidden un- 
 der its comely garments, so that it resembled a Cos- 
 sack prince — all ermine and vermin. Its narrow 
 streets, huddled between strong walls, were over-run 
 with pigs and chickens and filled with refuse. They 
 were often ill-paved, flooded with mud and slush in 
 winter. Moreover they were dark and dangerous at 
 night, infested with princes and young nobles on a 
 spree and with other criminals. 
 
 The house Like the exterior, the interior of the house of a 
 substantial citizen was more pretty than clean or sweet 
 smelling. The high wainscoting and the furniture, in 
 various styles, but frequently resembling what is now 
 known as ''mission," was lovely, as were the orna- 
 ments — tapestries, clocks, pictures and flowers. But 
 the place of carpets were supplied by rushes renewed 
 from time to time without disturbing the underlying 
 mass of rubbish beneath. Windows were fewer than 
 they are now, and fires still fewer. Sometimes there 
 was an open hearth, sometimes a huge tile stove. 
 Most houses had only one or two rooms heated, some- 
 times, as in the case of the Augustinian friary at "Wit- 
 tenberg, only the bathroom, but usually also the living 
 room. 
 
 Dress The dress of the people was far more various and 
 
 picturesque than nowadays. Both sexes dressed in 
 gaudy colors and delighted in strange fashions, so that, 
 
PRIVATE LIFE AND MANNERS 497 
 
 as Roger Ascliam said, ''lie thonglit himself most brave 
 that was most monstrous in misorder." For women 
 the fashion of decollete was just coming in, as so many- 
 fashions do, from the demi-monde. To Catharine de' 
 Medici is attributed the invention of the corset, an 
 atrocity to be excused only by her own urgent need of 
 one. 
 
 The day began at five in summer and at seven in Food 
 winter. A heavy breakfast was followed by a heavier 
 dinner at ten, and supper at five, and there were be- 
 tween times two or three other tiffins or ''drink- 
 ings.^' The staple food was meat and cereal; very 
 few of our vegetables were known, though some were 
 just beginning to be cultivated. The most valuable 1585-6 
 article of food introduced from the new world was the 
 potato. Another importation that did not become 
 thoroughly acclimatized in Europe was the turkey. 
 Even now thej^ are rare, but there are several interest- 
 ing allusions to them in the literature of that time, one 
 of the year 1533 in Luther's table talk. Poultry of 
 other sorts was common, as were eggs, game and fish. 
 The cooking relied for its highest effects on sugar and 
 spices. The ordinary fruits — apples, cherries and 
 oranges — furnished a wholesome and pleasing variety 
 to the table. Knives and spoons were used in eat- 
 ing, but forks were unknown, at least in northern Eu- 
 rope. 
 
 All the victuals were washed down with copious po- Drink 
 tations. A water-drinker, like Sir Thomas More, was 
 the rarest of exceptions. The poor drank chiefly beer 
 and ale; the mildest sort, known as ''small beer," was 
 recommended to the man suffering from too strong 
 drink of the night before. AVine was more priz.ed, and 
 there were a number of varieties. There being no 
 champagne, Burgundy was held in high esteem, as were 
 some of the strong, sweet, Spanish and Portuguese 
 
1573 
 
 498 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 wines. The most harmless drinks were claret and 
 Rhine wine. There were some * 'mixed drinks," such 
 as sack or hippocras, in which beer or wine was so- 
 phisticated with eggs, spices and sugar. The quanti- 
 ties habitually drunk were large. Roger Ascham re- 
 cords that Charles V drank the best he ever saw, never 
 less than a quart at a draft. The breakfast table of an 
 English nobleman was set out vv'ith a quart of wine and 
 a quart of beer, liquor then taking the place of tea, cof- 
 fee, chocolate and all the *'soft" beverages that now 
 furnish stimulation and sociability. 
 Tobacco, ''In these times," wrote Harrison, ''the taking-in of 
 
 the smoke of an Indian herb called ' Tobaco ' by an in- 
 strument formed like a little ladle ... is greatly taken 
 up and used in England against rewmes [colds] and 
 some other diseases." Like other drugs, tobacco soon 
 came to be used as a narcotic for its own sake, and was 
 presently celebrated as "divine tobacco" and "our 
 holy herb nicotian" by the poets. What, indeed, are 
 smoking, drinking, and other wooings of pure sensa- 
 tion at the sacrifice of power and reason, but a sort 
 of pragmatized poetry? Some ages, and those the 
 most poetical, like that of Pericles and that of Rabe- 
 lais, have deified intoxication and sensuality; others, 
 markedly our own, have preferred the accumulation of 
 wealth and knowledge to sensual indulgence. It is a 
 psychological contrast of importance. 
 
 Could we be suddenly transported on Mr. Wells's 
 time machine four hundred years back we should be 
 less struck by what our ancestors had than by what 
 they lacked. Quills took the place of fountain pens, 
 pencils, typewriters and dictaphones. Not only was 
 postage dearer but there were no telephones or tele- 
 grams to supplement it. The world's news of yes- 
 terday, which we imbibe with our morning cup, then 
 sifted do^vn slowly through various media of com- 
 
PRIVATE LIFE AND MANNERS 499 
 
 munication, mostly oral. It was two months after the 
 battle before Philip of Spain knew the fate of his 
 own Armada. The houses had no steam heat, no ele- 
 vators; the busy housewife was aided by no vacuum 
 cleaner, sewing machine and gas ranges; the business 
 man could not ride to his office, nor the farmer to his 
 market, in automobiles. There were neither railways 
 nor steamships to make travel rapid and luxurious. 
 
 Nevertheless, journeys for purposes of piety, pleas- "^"^^^ 
 ure and business were common. Pilgrimages to Jeru- 
 salem, Rome, Compostella, Loretto, Walsingham and 
 many other shrines were frequent in Catholic coun- 
 tries. Students were perpetually wandering from one 
 university to another; merchants were on the road, 
 and gentlemen felt the attractions of sight-seeing. 
 The cheap and common mode of locomotion was on 
 foot. Boats on the rivers and horses on land fur- 
 nished the alternatives. The roads were so poor that 
 the horses were sometimes ** almost shipwrecked." 
 The trip from Worms to Rome commonly took twelve 
 days, but could be made in seven. Xavier's voyage 
 from Lisbon to Goa took thirteen months. Inns were 
 good in France and England ; less pleasant elsewhere. 
 Erasmus particularly abominated the German inns, 
 where a large living and dining room would be heated 
 to a high temperature by a stove around which trav- 
 elers would dry their steaming garments. The smells 
 caused by these operations, together with the fleas and 
 mice with which the poorer inns were infested, made 
 the stay anything but luxurious. Any complaint was 
 met by the retort, ''If you don't like it, go somewhere 
 else," a usually impracticable alternative. When the 
 traveller was escorted to his bedroom, he found it very 
 cold in winter, though the featherbeds kept him warm 
 enough. He would see his chamber filled with other 
 beds occupied by his travelling companions of both 
 
500 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 sexes, and he himself was often forced to share his bed 
 with a stranger. The custom of the time was to take 
 one bath a week. For this there were public bath- 
 Baths houses, frequented by both sexes. A common form of 
 
 entertainment was the "bath-party." 
 Sports With the same insatiable gusto that they displayed 
 
 in other matters the contemporaries of Luther and 
 Shakespeare went in for amusements. Never has the 
 theater been more popular. Many sports, like bear- 
 baiting and bull-baiting, were cruel. Hunting was also 
 much relished, though humane men like Luther and 
 More protested against the '^silly and woeful beastes' 
 slaughter and murder." Tennis was so popular that 
 there were 250 courts in Paris alone. The game was 
 different from the modern in that the courts were 121 
 feet long, instead of 78 feet, and the wooden balls and 
 "bats" — as racquets are still called in England — 
 were much harder. Cards and dice were passionately 
 played, a game called "triumph" or "trump" being 
 the ancestor of our whist. Chess was played nearly 
 as now. 
 
 Young people loved dances and some older people 
 shook their heads over them, then as now. Melanch- 
 thon danced, at the age of forty-four, and Luther ap- 
 proved of such parties, properly chaperoned, as a 
 means of bringing young people together. On the 
 other hand dances were regulated in many states and 
 prohibited in others, like Zurich and Geneva. Some 
 of the dances were quite stately, like the minuet, others 
 were boisterous romps, in which the girls were kissed, 
 embraced and whirled around giddily by their part- 
 ners. The Scotch ambassador's comment that Queen 
 Elizabeth "danced very high" gives an impression of 
 agility that would hardly now be considered in the best 
 taste. 
 
 The veneer of courtesy was thin. True, humanists, 
 
PRIVATE LIFE AND MANNERS 501 
 
 publicists and authors composed for each other eulo- Manners 
 gies that would have been hyperboles if addressed to 
 the morning- stars singing at the dawn of creation, but 
 once a quarrel had been started among the touchy race 
 of writers and a spouting geyser of inconceivable scur- 
 rility burst forth. No imagery was too nasty, no 
 epithet too strong, no charge too base to bring against 
 an opponent. The heroic examples of Greek and 
 Roman invective paled before the inexhaustible re- 
 sources of learned billingsgate stored in the minds of 
 the humanists and theologians. To accuse an enemy 
 of atheism and heresy was a matter of course ; to add 
 charges of unnatural vice or, if he were dead, stories 
 of suicide and of the devils hovering greedily over his 
 deathbed, was extremely common. Even cro^vned 
 heads exchanged similar amenities. 
 
 Withal, there was growing up a strong appreciation 
 of the merits of courtesy. Was not Bayard, the cap- 
 tain in the army of Francis I a ''knight without fear 
 and w^ithout reproach"? Did not Sir Philip Sidney 
 do one of the perfect deeds of gentleness when, dying 
 on the battle field and tortured w^tli thirst, he passed 
 his cup of water to a common soldier with the simple 
 w^ords, ' ' Thy need is greater than mine ' ' ? One of the 
 most justly famous and most popular books of the 
 sixteenth century was Baldessare Castiglione's Book of 
 the Courtier, called by Dr. Johnson the best treatise on 
 good breeding ever written. Published in Italian in 
 1528, it was translated into Spanish in 1534, into 
 French in 1537, into English and Latin in 1561, and 
 finally into German in 1566. There have been of it 
 more tliaii 140 editions. It sots forth an ideal of a 
 Prince Charming, a man of noble birth, export in games 
 and in war, brave, modest, unaffected, witty, an ele- 
 gant speaker, a good dancer, familiar with literature 
 and accomplished in music, as well as a man of honor 
 
502 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 and courtesy. It is significant that this ideal appealed 
 to the time, though it must be confessed it was rarely 
 reached. Ariosto, to whom the first book was dedi- 
 cated by the author, depicts, as his ideals, knights in 
 whom the sense of honor has completely replaced all 
 Christian virtues. They were always fighting each 
 other about their loves, much like the bulls, lions, rams 
 and dogs to whom the poet continually compares them. 
 Even the women Avere hardly safe in their company. 
 
 Sometimes a brief anecdote will stamp a character 
 as no long description will do. The following are typ- 
 ical of the manners of our forbears : 
 
 One winter morning a stately matron was ascending 
 the steps of the church of St. Gudule at Brussels. 
 They were covered with ice; she slipped and took a 
 precipitate and involuntary seat. In the anguish of 
 the moment, a single word, of mere obscenity, escaped 
 her lips. When the laughing bystanders, among whom 
 w^as Erasmus, helped her to her feet, she beat a hasty 
 retreat, crimson with shame. Nowadays ladies do not 
 have such a vocabulary at their tongue 's end. 
 
 The Spanish ambassador Enriquez de Toledo was at 
 Eome calling on Imperia de Cugnatis, a lady who, 
 though of the demi-monde, lived like a princess, culti- 
 vated letters and art, and had many poets as well as 
 many nobles among her friends. Her floors were 
 carpeted with velvet rugs, her walls hung with golden 
 cloth, and her tables loaded with costly bric-a-brac. 
 The Spanish courtier suddenly turned and spat copi- 
 ously in the face of his lackey and then explained to 
 the slightly startled company that he chose this ob- 
 jective rather than soil the splendor he saw around 
 him. The disgusting act passed for a delicate and suc- 
 cessful flattery. 
 1538 Among the students at Wittenberg was a certain 
 
 Simon Lemchen, or Lemnius, a lewd fellow of the baser 
 
PRIVATE LIFE AND MANNERS 503 
 
 sort who published two volumes of scurrilous epigrams 
 bringing unfounded and nasty charges against Luther, 
 iMelanchthon and the other Reformers and their wives. 
 When he fled the city before he could be arrested, Lu- 
 ther revenged himself partly by a Catilinarian sermon, 
 partly by composing, for circulation among his friends, 
 some verses about Lemnius in which the scurrility and 
 obscenity of the offending youth were well over- 
 trumped. One would be surprised at similar measures 
 taken by a professor of divinity today. 
 
 In measuring the morals of a given epoch statistics Morals 
 are not applicable; or, at any rate, it is probably tnie 
 that the general impression one gets of the moral tone 
 of any period is more trustworthy than would be got 
 from carefully compiled figures. And that one does 
 get such an impression, and a very strong one, is un- 
 deniable. Everyone has in his mind a more or less 
 distinct idea of the ethical standards of ancient Athens, 
 of Rome, of the ]\Iiddle Ages, the Renaissance, the 
 Puritan Commonw^ealth, the Restoration, the Victorian 
 Age. 
 
 The sixteenth century was a time when morals 
 were perhaps not much worse than they are now, but 
 when vice and crime were more flaunted and talked 
 about. Puritanism and prudery have nowadays done 
 their best to conceal the corruption and indecency 
 beneath the surface. But our ancestors had no such 
 delicacy. The naive frankness of the age, both when 
 it gloried in the flesh and when it reproved sin, gives 
 a full-blooded complexion to that time that is lacking 
 now. The large average consumption of alcohol — a 
 certain irritant to moral maladies — and the unequal ad- 
 ministration of justice, with laws at once savage and 
 corruptly dispensed, must have had bad conse- 
 quences. 
 
 The Reformation had no permanent discernible ef- 
 
504 
 
 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 Violence 
 
 Brigandage 
 
 feet on moral standards. Aceompanicd as it often was 
 with a temporary zeal for righteousness, it was too 
 often followed by a breaking up of conventional stand- 
 ards and an emphasis on dogma at the expense of char- 
 acter, that operated badly. Latimer thought that the 
 English Reformation had been followed by a wave of 
 wickedness. Luther said that when the devil of the 
 papacy had been driven out, seven other devils entered 
 to take its place, and that at Wittenberg a man was 
 considered quite a saint who could say that he had not 
 broken the first commandment, but only the other nine. 
 Much of this complaint must be set down to disap- 
 pointment at not reaching perfection, and over against 
 it may be set many testimonies to the moral benefits 
 assured by the reform. 
 
 It was an age of violence. Murder was common 
 everywhere. On the slightest provocation a man of 
 spirit was expected to whip out a rapier or dagger 
 and plunge it into his insulter. The murder of un- 
 faithful wives was an especial point of honor. Benve- 
 nuto Cellini boasts of several assassinations and nu- 
 merous assaults, and he himself got oif without a 
 scratch from the law. Pope Paul III graciously pro- 
 testing that ''men unique in their profession, like 
 Benvenuto, were not subject to the laws." The num- 
 ber of unique men must have been large in the Holy 
 City, for in 1497 a citizen testified that he had seen 
 more than a hundred bodies of persons foully done to 
 death thrown into the Tiber, and no one bothered 
 about it. 
 
 Brigandage stall^ed unabashed through the whole 
 of Europe. By 1585 the number of bandits in the 
 papal states alone had risen to 27,000. Sixtus V took 
 energetic means to repress them. One of his strata- 
 gems is too characteristic to omit mentioning. He had 
 a train of mules loaded with poisoned food and then 
 
PRIVATE LIFE AND MANNERS 505 
 
 drove them along a road he knew to be infested by 
 highwaymen, who, as he had calculated, actually took 
 them and ate of the food, of which many died. 
 
 Other countries were perhaps less scourged by rob- 
 bers, but none was free. Erasmus's praise of Henry 
 VIII, in 1519, for having cleared his realm of free- 
 l)ooters, was premature. In the wilder parts, espe- 
 cially on the Scotch border, they were still rife. In 
 1529 the Armstrongs of Lidderdale, just over the bor- 
 der, could boast that they had burned 52 churches, 
 besides making heavy depredations on private prop- 
 erty. When James V took stern measures to suppress 1532 
 them, and instituted a College of Justice for that pur- 
 pose, the good law was unpopular. 
 
 Bands of old soldiers and new recruits wandered 
 through France, Spain and the Netherlands. The 
 worst robbers in Germany were the free knights. 
 From their picturesque castles they emerged to pillage 
 peaceful villages and trains of merchandise gohig from 
 one walled city to another. In doing so they inflicted 
 wanton mutilations on the unfortunate merchants 
 whom they regarded as their natural prey. Even the 
 greatest of them, like Francis von Sickingen, were not 
 ashamed to *4et their horses bite off travellers' 
 purses" now and then. But it was not only the nobles 
 who became gentlemen of the road. A w^ell-to-do 
 merchant of Berlin, named John Kohlhase, w^as robbed 
 of a couple of horses by a Saxon squire, and, failing 
 to get redress in the corrupt courts, threw down the 
 gauntlet to the whole of Electoral Saxony in a procla- 
 mation that he would rob, burn and take reprisals until 
 he was given compensation for his loss. For six years 1534-40 
 he maintained himself as a highwayman, but was finally 
 taken and executed in Brandenburg. 
 
 Fraud of all descriptions was not less rampant than Fraud 
 force. When Machiavelli reduced to a reasoned the- 
 
506 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 ory the practice of all hypocrisy and guile, the courts 
 of Europe were only too ready to listen to his advice. 
 In fact, they carried their mutual attempts at deception 
 to a point that was not only harmful to themselves, but 
 ridiculous, making it a principle to violate oaths and to 
 debase the currency of good faith in every possible 
 way. There was also much untruth in private life. 
 Unfortunately, lying in the interests of piety was jus- 
 tified by Luther, while the Jesuits made a soul-rotting 
 art of equivocation. 
 
 Unchastity The standard of sexual purity was disturbed by a re- 
 action against the asceticism of the Middle Ages. Lu- 
 ther proclaimed that chastity was impossible, while the 
 humanists gloried in the flesh. Public opinion was not 
 scandalized by prostitution; learned men occasionally 
 debated whether fornication w^as a sin, and the Italians 
 
 c. 1500 now began to call a harlot a ''courteous woman" 
 (courtesan) as they called an assassin a "brave man" 
 (bravo). Augustine had said that harlots were rem- 
 edies against worse things, and the church had not only 
 winked at brothels, but frequently licensed them her- 
 self. Bastardy was no bar to hereditary right in Italy. 
 The Eeformers tried to make a clean sweep of the 
 ** social evil." Under Luther's direction brothels 
 were closed in the reformed cities. When this was 
 done at Strassburg the women drew up a petition, 
 stating that they had pursued their profession not 
 from liking but only to earn bread, and asked for hon- 
 est work. Serious attempts were made to give it to 
 them, or to get them husbands. At Zurich and some 
 other cities the brothels were left open, but were put 
 under the supervision of an officer who was to see that 
 no married men frequented them. The reformers had 
 a strange ally in the growing fear of venereal diseases. 
 Other countries followed Germany in their war on the 
 prostitute. In London the public houses of ill fame 
 
PRIVATE LIFE AND MANNERS 507 
 
 were closed in 3546, in Paris in 15G0. An edict of 
 July 23, 1566 commanded all prostitutes to leave Rome, 
 but Avhen 25,000 persons, including the women and their 
 dependents, left the city, the loss of public revenue in- 
 duced the pope to allow them to return on August 17 
 of the same year. 
 
 One of the striking aberrations of the sixteenth cen- Polygamy 
 tury, as it seems to us, was the persistent advocacy of 
 polygamy as, if not desirable in itself, at least pref- 
 erable to divorce. Divorce or annulment of marriage 
 was not hard to obtain by people of influence, Avhether 
 Catholic or Protestant, but it was a more difficult mat- 
 ter than it is in America now. In Scotland there was 
 indeed a sort of trial marriage, knoA\Ti as ''handfast- 
 ing," by which the parties might live together for a 
 year and a day and then continue as married or sep- 
 arate. But, beginning with Luther, many of the Re- 
 formers thought polygamy less wrong than divorce, on 
 the biblical ground that whereas the former had been 
 practised in the Old Testament times and was not 
 clearly forbidden by the New Testament, divorce was 
 prohibited save for adultery. Luther advanced this 
 thesis as early as 1520, when it was purely theoretical, 
 but he did not shrink from api^lying it on occasion. 
 It is extraordinary what a large body of reputable 
 opinion was prepared to tolerate polygamy, at least in 
 exceptional cases. Popes, theologians, humanists like 
 Erasmus, and philosophers like Bruno, all thought a 
 plurality of wives a natural condition. 
 
 But all the while the instincts of the masses were Marriage 
 sounder in this respect than the precepts of their 
 guides. While polygamy remained a freakish and ex- 
 ceptional practice, the passions of the age were ab- 
 sorbed to a high degree by monogamous marriage. 
 ^Matrimony having been just restored to its proper 
 dignity as the best estate for man, its praises were 
 
508 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 sounded highly. The church, indeed, remained true 
 to her preference for celibacy, but the Inquisition 
 found much business in suppressing the then common 
 opinion that marriage was better than virginity. To 
 the Reformers marriage was not only the necessary 
 condition of happiness to mankind, but the typically 
 holy estate in which God's service could best be done. 
 From all sides paeans arose celebrating matrimony as 
 the true remedy for sin and also as the happiest estate. 
 The delights of wedded love are celebrated equally in 
 Luther's table talk and letters and in the poems of the 
 Italian humanist Pontano. **I have always been of 
 the opinion," writes Ariosto, ''that without a wife at 
 his side no man can attain perfect goodness or live 
 without sin." *'In marriage there is one mind in two 
 bodies," says Henry Cornelius Agrippa, ''one har- 
 mony, the same sorrows, the same joys, an identical 
 will, common riches, poverty and honors, the same bed 
 and the same table. . . . Only a husband and wife can 
 love each other infinitely and serve each other as long 
 as both do live, for no love is either so vehement or 
 so holy as theirs." 
 
 The passion for marriage in itself is witnessed by 
 Remarriage the practice of widows and widowers of remarrying as 
 soon and as often as possible. Luther's friend, Justus 
 Jonas, married thrice, each time with a remark to the 
 effect that it was better to marry than to burn. The 
 English Bishop Eichard Cox excused his second mar- 
 riage, at an advanced age, by an absurd letter lament- 
 ing that he had not the gift of chastity. Willibrandis 
 Rosenblatt married in succession Louis Keller, Oeco- 
 lampadius, Capito and Bucer, the ecclesiastical emi- 
 nence of her last three husbands giving her, one would 
 think, an almost official position. Sir Thomas More 
 married a second wife just one month after his first 
 wife's death. 
 
 common 
 
PRIVATE LIFE AND MANNERS 509 
 
 Sad to relate, the wives so necessary to men's hap- Treatment 
 piness were frequently ill treated after they were won. 
 In the sixteenth century women were still treated as 
 minors ; if married they could make no will ; their hus- 
 bands could beat them with impunity, for cruelty was 
 no cause for divorce. Sir Thomas More's home-life 
 is lauded by Erasmus as a very paragon, because "he 
 got more compliance from his wife b}' jokes and bland- 
 ishments than most husbands by imperious harsh- 
 ness." One of these jokes, a customary one, was that 
 his wife was neither pretty nor young; one of the 
 *' blandishments," I suppose, was an epigram b}^ Sir 
 Thomas to the effect that though a wife was a heavy 
 burden she might be useful if she would die and leave 
 her husband money. In Utopia, he assures us, hus- 
 bands chastise their wives. 
 
 In the position of women various currents crossed Position of 
 each other. The old horror of the temptress, inher- 
 ited from the early church, the lofty scorn exhibited by 
 the Greek philosophers, mingled with strands of chiv- 
 alry and a still newer appreciation of the real dignity 
 of woman and of her equal powers. Ariosto treated 
 women like spoiled children; the humanists delighted 
 to rake up the old jibes at them in musty authors ; the 
 divines were hardest of all in their judgment. ''Na- 
 ture doth paint them forth," says John Knox of 
 women, "to be weak, frail, impatient, feeble and fool- 
 ish, and experience hath declared them to be uncon- 
 stant, variable, cruel and void of the spirit of council 
 and regimen." "If women bear children until they 
 become sick and eventually die," preaches Luther, 
 "that does no harm. Let them bear children till they 
 die of it ; that is what they are for." In 1595 the ques- 
 tion was debated at Wittenberg as to whether women 
 were human beings. The general tone was one of dis- 
 paragement. An anthology might be made of the 
 
 woman 
 
510 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 proverbs recommending (a la Nietzsche) the whip as 
 the best treatment for the sex. 
 
 But withal there was a certain chivalry that revolted 
 against all this brutalitj''. Castiglione champions 
 courtesy and kindness to women on the highest and 
 most beautiful ground, the spiritual value of woman's 
 love. Ariosto sings: 
 
 No doubt they are accurst and past all grace 
 That dare to strike a damsel in the face, 
 Or of her head to minish but a hair. 
 
 Certain works like T. Elyot's Defence of Good Women 
 and like Cornelius Agrippa's Nobility and Excellence 
 of the Female Sex, witness a genuine appreciation of 
 woman's worth. Some critics have seen in the last 
 named work a paradox, like the Praise of Folly, such as 
 was dear to the humanists. To me it seems absolutely 
 sincere, even when it goes so far as to proclaim that 
 woman is as superior to man as man is to beast and to 
 celebrate her as the last and supreme work of the cre- 
 ation. 
 Children The family was far larger, on the average, in the 
 
 sixteenth century than it is now. One can hardly think 
 of any man in this generation with as many as a dozen 
 children ; it is possible to mention several of that time 
 with over twenty. Anthony Koberger, the famous Nu- 
 remberg printer had twenty -five children, eight by his 
 first and seventeen by his second wife. Albert Diirer 
 was the third of eighteen children of the same couple, 
 of whom apparently only three reached maturity. 
 John Colet, born in 1467, was the eldest of twenty-two 
 brothers and sisters of whom by 1499 he was the only 
 survivor. Of course these families were exceptional, 
 but not glaringly so. A brood of six to twelve was a 
 very common occurrence. 
 
 Children were brought up harshly in many families, 
 
PRIVATE LIFE AND MANNERS 511 
 
 strictly in almost all. Thoy were not expected to sit 
 in the presence of their parents, unless asked, or to 
 speak unless spoken to. They must needs bow and 
 crave a blessing twice a day. Lady Jane Grey com- 
 plained that if she did not do everything as perfectly 
 as God made the world, she was bitterly taunted and 
 presently so nipped and pinched by her noble parents 
 that she thought herself in hell. The rod was much 
 resorted to. And yet there was a good deal of natural 
 affection. Few fathers have even been better to their 
 babies than was Luther, and he humanely advised 
 others to rely as much on reward as on punishment — 
 on the apple as on the switch — and above all not to 
 chastise the little ones so harshly as to make them fear 
 or hate their parents. 
 
 The patria potestas was supposed to extend, as it did 
 in Rome, during the adult as during the callow years. 
 Especially did public opinion insist on children marry- 
 ing according to the wishes of their parents. Among 
 the nobilit}^ child-marriage was common, a mere form, 
 of course, not at once followed by cohabitation. A be- 
 trothal was a very solemn thing, amounting to a def- 
 inite contract. Perfect liberty was allowed the en- 
 gaged coujole, by law in Sweden and by custom in many 
 other countries. All the more necessary, in the opin- 
 ion of the time, to prevent youths and maidens be- 
 trothing themselves without their parents' consent. 
 
 Probably the standard of health is now higher than Health 
 it was then, and the average longevity greater. It is 
 true that few epidemics have ever been more fatal than 
 the recent influenza; and on the other hand one can 
 point to plenty of examples of sixteenth-century men 
 who reached a crude and green old age. Statistics 
 were then few and unreliable. In 1905 the death-rate 
 in London was 15.6 per thousand; in the years 1861- 
 1880 it averaged 23 per thousand. It has been calcu- 
 
512 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 latccl that this is just what the death-rate was in Lon- 
 don in a healthy year under Elizabeth, but it must be 
 remembered that a year without some sort of epidemic 
 was almost exceptional. 
 Epidemics Bubonic plague was pandemic at that time, and hor- 
 ribly fatal. Many of the figures given — as that 200,000 
 people perished in Moscow in 1570, 50,000 at Lyons in 
 1572, and 50,000 at Venice during the years 1575-7, 
 must be gross exaggerations, but they give a vivid idea 
 of the popular idea of the prevalent mortality. An- 
 other scourge was the sweating sickness, first noticed 
 as epidemic in 1485 and returning in 1507, 1517, 1528 
 and 1551. Tuberculosis was probably as wide-spread 
 in the sixteenth as it is in the twentieth century, but 
 it figured less prominently on account of worse diseases 
 and because it was seldom recognized until the last 
 stages. Smallpox was common, unchecked as it was by 
 vaccination, and with it were confounded a variety of 
 zymotic diseases, such as measles, which only began 
 to be recognized as different in the course of the six- 
 teenth century. One disease almost characteristic of 
 former ages, so much more prevalent was it in them, 
 due to the more unwholesome food and drink, was the 
 stone. 
 
 Venereal diseases became so prominent in the six- 
 teenth century that it has often been thought that the 
 syphilis was imported from America. This, however, 
 has been denied by authorities who believe that it came 
 down from classical antiquity, but that it was not dif- 
 ferentiated from other scourges. The Latin name 
 variola, like the English pox, was applied indiscrimi- 
 nately to syphilis, small-pox, chicken-pox, etc. Gonor- 
 rhea was also common. The spread of these diseases 
 was assisted by many causes besides the prevalent 
 moral looseness ; by lack of cleanliness in public baths, 
 for example. 
 
PRIVATE LIFE AND MANNERS 
 
 513 
 
 Useless to go through the whole roster of the plagues. 
 Suffice it to say that whatever now torments poor mor- 
 tals, from tooth-ache to cold in the head, and from 
 rheumatism to lunacy, was known to our ancestors in 
 aggravated forms. Deleterious was the use of alcohol, 
 the evils of which were so little understood that it was 
 actually prescribed for many disorders of which it is 
 a certain irritant. Add to this the lack of sanitary 
 measures, not only of disinfection but of common 
 cleanliness, and the etiology of the phenomena is satis- 
 factorily accounted for. 
 
 If even now medicine as a science and an art seems Medicine 
 backward compared with surgery, it has nevertheless 
 made considerable advances since it began to be em- 
 pirical. In the Middle Ages it was almost purely dog- 
 matic; men did not ask their eyes and minds what was 
 the nature of the human body and the effect of this or 
 that drug on it, they asked Aristotle, or Hippocrates, 
 or Galen or Avicenna. The chief rivalries, and they 
 were bitter, w^ere between the Greek and the Arabian 
 schools. Galenism finally triumphed just before the 
 beginnings of experiment and research were made. 
 The greatest name in the first half of the century was 
 that of Theophrastus Paracelsus, as arrant a quack 
 as ever lived, but one who did something to break up 
 the strangle-hold of tradition. He worked out his 
 system a priori from a fantastic postulate of the 
 parallelism between man and the universe, the micro- 
 cosm and the maci'ocosm. He held that the Bible gave 
 valuable prescriptions, as in the treatment of wounds 
 by oil and wine. 
 
 Under the leadership of Ambroise Pare surgery im- Surgery 
 proved rather more than medicine. Without anaes- i^{1\q 
 thetics, indeed, operations were difficult, but a good 
 deal was accomplished. Pare first made amputation 
 on a large scale possible by inventing a ligature for 
 
 c. 1550 
 
 Paracelsus, 
 1493-1541 
 
514 
 
 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 large arteries that effectively controlled liemorrhage. 
 This barber's apprentice, who despised the schools 
 and wrote in the vernacular, made other important im- 
 provements in the surgeon's technique. It is note- 
 worthy that each discovery was treated as a trade 
 secret to be exploited for the benefit of a few practi- 
 tioners and not given freely to the good of mankind. 
 
 In obstetrics Pare also made discoveries that need 
 not be detailed here. Until his time it was almost uni- 
 versal for women to be attended in childbirth only by 
 midwives of their own sex. Indeed, so strong was the 
 prejudice on this point that women were kno^vn to die 
 of abdominal tumors rather than allow male physi- 
 cians to examine them. The admission of men to the 
 profession of midwife marked a considerable improve- 
 ment in method. 
 
 Lunacy The treatment of lunacy was inept. The poor pa- 
 
 tients were whipped or otherwise tormented for allud- 
 ing to the subject of their monomania. Our ancestors 
 found fun in watching the antics of crazed minds, and 
 made up parties to go to Bedlams and tease the in- 
 sane. Indeed, some of the scenes in Shakespeare's 
 plays, in which madness is depicted, and which seem 
 tragic to us, probably had a comic value for the ground- 
 lings before whom the plays were first produced. 
 
 Hospitals As early as 1510 Luther saw one of the hospitals 
 
 at Florence. He tells how beautiful they were, how 
 clean and well served by honorable matrons tending 
 the poor freely all day without making known their 
 names and at night returning home. Such institu- 
 tions were the glor^'' of Italy, for they were sadly to 
 seek in other lands. When they were finally estab- 
 lished elsewhere, they were too often left to the care 
 of ignorant and evil menials. The stories one may 
 read of the IIotel-Dieu, at Paris, are fairly hair-rais- 
 ing. 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 THE CAPITALISTIC KEVOLUTION 
 
 § 1. The Rise of the Power of Money 
 Parallel with the Reformation ^vas taking place an Reforma- 
 
 -, .. -, T , . tion and 
 
 economic revolution even deeper and more enduring economic 
 in its consequences. Both Reformation and Revolu- revolution 
 tion were manifestations of the individualistic spirit 
 of the age ; the substitution, in the latter case, of pri- 
 vate enterprise and competition for common effort as 
 a method of producing wealth and of distributing it. 
 Both were prepared for long before they actually up- 
 set the existing order; both have taken several cen- 
 turies to unfold their full consequences, and in each 
 the truly decisive steps were taken in the sixteenth 
 century. 
 
 It is doubtless incorrect to see either in the Refor- 
 mation or in the economic revolution a direct and 
 simple cause of the other. They interacted and to a 
 certain extent joined forces; but to a greater degree 
 each sought to use the other, and each has at times been 
 credited, or blamed, with the results of the other's 
 operations. Contemporaries noticed the effects, 
 mostly the bad effects, of the rise of capitalism, and 
 often mistakenly attributed them to the Reformation; 
 and the new kings of commerce were only too ready 
 to hide behind the mask of Protestantism while despoil- 
 ing the church. Like other historical forces, while 
 easily separable in thought, the two movements were 
 usually inextricably interwoven in action. 
 
 Capitalism supplanted gild-production because of its Rise of 
 fitness as a social instrument for the production and capitalism 
 
 515 
 
516 THE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 Primary 
 cause 
 of the 
 capitalistic 
 revolution 
 
 storing of wealth. In competition with capital the 
 medieval communism succumbed in one line of busi- 
 ness after another — in banking, in trade, in mining, 
 in industry and finally in agriculture — because it was 
 unable to produce the results that capital produced. 
 By the vast reward that the newer system gave to indi- 
 vidual enterprise, to technical improvement and to 
 investment, capitalism proved the aptest tool for the 
 creation and preservation of wealth ever devised. It 
 is true that the manifold multiplication of riches in the 
 last four centuries is due primarily to inventions for 
 the exploitation of natural resources, but the capital- 
 istic method is ideally fitted for the utilization of these 
 new discoveries and for laying up of their increment 
 for ultimate social use. And this is an inestimable 
 service to any society. Only a fairly rich people can 
 afford the luxuries of beauty, knowledge, and power, 
 that enhance the value of life and allow it to climb 
 to ever greater heights. To balance this service, it 
 must be taken into account that capitalism has lament- 
 ably failed justly to distribute rewards. Its tendency 
 is to intercept the greater part of the wealth it creates 
 for the benefit of a single class, and thereby to rob the 
 rest of the communitiy of their due dividend. 
 
 So delicate is the adjustment of society that an ap- 
 parently trivial new factor will often upset the whole 
 equilibrium and produce the most incalculable results. 
 Thus, the primary cause of the capitalistic revolution 
 appears to have been a purely mechanical one, the in- 
 crease in the production of the precious metals. 
 Wealth could not be stored at all in the Middle Ages 
 save in the form of specie; nor without it could large 
 commerce be developed, nor large industry financed, 
 nor was investment possible. Moreover the rise of 
 prices consequent on the increase of the precious met- 
 als gave a powerful stimulus to manufacture and a 
 
THE RISE OF THE POWER OF MONEY 517 
 
 fillip to the merchant and to the entrepreneur such as 
 they have rarely received before or since. It was, in 
 short, the development of the power of money that gave 
 rise to the money power. 
 
 In the earlier Middle Ages there prevailed a ** nat- 
 ural economy," or system in which payments were . ' 
 made chiefly in the form of services and by barter; 
 this gave place very gradually to our modern "money 
 economy" in which gold and silver are both the normal 
 standards of value and the sole instruments of ex- 
 change. Already in the twelfth century money w^as 
 being used in the towns of Western Europe ; not until 
 the late fourteenth or fifteenth did it become a dom- 
 inant factor in rural life. This change was not the 
 great revolution itself, but was the indispensable pre- 
 requisite of it, and in large part its direct cause. 
 
 Gold and silver could now be hoarded in the form of ^^*'"5^' 
 
 making 
 
 money, and so the first step was taken in the formation kings 
 of large fortunes, known to the ancient world, but al- 
 most absent in the Middle Ages. The first great for- ^^_ 
 tunes were made by kings, by nobles with large landed 
 estates, and by officers in government service. Henry 
 VII left a large fortune to his son. Some of the popes 
 and some of the princes of Germany and Italy hoarded 
 money even when they were paying interest on a debt, 
 — a testimony to the increasing estimate of the value 
 of hard cash. The chief nobles were scarcely behind 
 the kings in accumulating treasure. Their vast rev- 
 enues from land were much more like government im- 
 posts than like rents. Thus Montmorency in France 
 gave his daughter a dowry amounting to $420,000. 
 The duke of Gandia in Spain owned estates peopled 
 by 60,000 Moriscos and yielding a princely revenue. 
 Vast ransoms were exacted in war, and fines, confisca- 
 tion and pillage filled the cotTers of the lords. After 
 the atrocious war against the Moriscos, the duke of 
 
518 THE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 Lerma sold their houses on his estates for 500,000 
 ducats. 
 
 Ofi&cials In the monarchies of Europe the only avenue to 
 
 wealth at first open to private men was the govern- 
 ment service. Offices, benefices, naval and military 
 commands, were bought with the expectation, often 
 justified, of making money out of them. The farmed 
 revenues yielded immense profit to the collectors. No 
 small fortunes were reaped by Empson and Dudley, 
 the tools of Henry VII, but they were far surpassed 
 by the hoards of Wolsey and of Cromwell. Such was 
 the great fortune made in France by Semblangay, the 
 son of a plain merchant of Tours, who turned the offices 
 of treasurer and superintendent of finances to such 
 good account that he bought himself large estates and 
 baronies. Fortunes on a proportionately smaller 
 scale were made by the servants of the German princes, 
 as by John Schenitz, a minion of the Archbishop Elec- 
 tor Albert of Mayence. So insecure was the tenure of 
 riches accumulated in royal or princely service that 
 most of the men who did so, including all those men- 
 tioned in this paragraph, ended on the scaffold, save, 
 indeed, Wolsey, who would have done so had he not 
 died while aw^aiting trial. 
 
 It is to be noted that, though land was the principal 
 form of wealth in the Middle Ages, no great fortunes 
 were made from it at the beginning of the capitalistic 
 era, save by the titled holders of enormous domains. 
 The small landlords suffered at the expense of the 
 burghers in Germany, and not until these burghers 
 turned to the country and bought up landed estates 
 did agriculture become thoroughly profitable. 
 
 Banking The intimate connection of government and capital- 
 
 ism is demonstrated by the fact that, next to officials, 
 government concessionaires and bankers were the first 
 to make great fortunes. At this time banking was 
 
THE RISE OF THE POAVEK OF MONEY 519 
 
 closely depoiident on public loans and was therefore 
 the first great business to be established on the capi- 
 talistic basis. The first "trust" was the money trust. 
 Though banking had been well started in the Middle 
 Ages, it was still in an imperfect state of development. 
 Jews and goldsmiths made a considerable number of 
 commercial loans but these loans were always regarded 
 by the borrower as temjoorary expedients ; the habitual 
 conduct of business on borrowed capital was unknown. 
 But, just as the new output of the German mines was 
 increasing the supply of precious metals, the greater 
 costliness of war, due to the substitution of mercenaries 
 and fire-arms for feudal levies equipped with bows 
 and pikes, made the governments of Europe need 
 money more than ever before. They made great loans 
 at home and abroad, and it was the interest on these 
 that expanded the banking business until it became an 
 international power. Well before the sixteenth cen- 
 tury men had made a fine art of receiving deposits, 
 loaning capital and performing other financial opera- 
 tions, but it was not until the late fifteenth century 
 that the bankers reaped the full reward of their skill 
 and of the new opportunities. The three balls in the 
 arms of the Medici testify to the heights to which a 
 profession, once humble, might raise its experts. In 
 Italy the science of accounting, or of double-entry book- Scienceof 
 keeping, originated; it was slowly adopted in other 
 lands. The first English work on the subject is that 
 by John Gouge in 1543, entitled: "A Profitable Trea- 
 tyce called the Instrument or Boke to learn to know 
 the good order of the keeping of the famouse recon- 
 nynge, called in Latin, Dare et Habere, and, in Eng- 
 lyshe, Debitor and Creditor." It was in Italy that 
 modern technique of clearing bills was developed; the 
 simple system by which balances are settled not by 
 full payment of each debt in money, but by comparing 
 
 accoimtmg 
 
520 THE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 the paper certificates of indebtedness. This immense 
 saving, as developed by the Genoese, was soon extended 
 from their own city to the whole of Northern Italy, so 
 that the bankers would meet several times a year in 
 the first international clearing-honse. From Genoa 
 the same system was then applied to distant cities, 
 wdth great profit, even more in security than in saving 
 of capital. If bills payable at Antwerp were bought 
 at Genoa, they w^re paid at Antwerp by selling bills 
 on Lisbon, perhaps, and these in turn by selling ex- 
 change on Genoa. These processes seem simple and 
 are now universal, but how vastly they facilitated the 
 development of banking and business when first dis- 
 covered can hardly be over-estimated. 
 
 From the improvement of exchange the Genoese soon 
 proceeded to arbitrage, a transaction more profitable 
 ^ and more socially useful at that time when poor com- 
 munications made the differences in prices between 
 bills of exchange, bullion, coins, stocks and bonds in 
 distant markets more considerable than they are now. 
 ^The Genoese bankers also invented the first substi- 
 tutes for money in the form of circulating notes. In 
 all this, and in other ways, they made enormous profits 
 that soon induced others to copy them. 
 Great firms Thougli the Italians invented modern banking they 
 were eventually surpassed by the Germans, if not in 
 technique at least in the size of the firms established. 
 The largest Florentine bank in 1529 was that of Thomas 
 Guadegni with a capital of 520,000 florins ($1,170,000). 
 / The capital of the house of Fugger at Augsburg, dis- 
 tinct from the personal fortunes of its members, was 
 in 1546, 4,700,000 gold gulden ($11,500,000) . The aver- 
 age annual profits of the Fuggers during the years 
 1511-27 were 54.5 per cent. ; from 1534-6, 2.2 per cent. ; 
 from 1540-46, 19 per cent.; from 1547-53, 5.6 per cent. 
 Another Augsburg firm, the Welsers, averaged 9 per 
 
THE RISE OF THE POWER OF MONEY 521 
 
 cent, for the fifteen years 1502-17. Dividends were not 
 declared annually, but a general casting up of accounts 
 was made every few years and a new balance struck, 
 each partner withdrawing as much as he wished, or 
 leaving it to be credited to his account as new capital. 
 
 Though the Fuggers and other firms soon went into Risks of 
 large business of all sorts, they remained primarily ''^"'''"^ 
 bankers. As such they enjoyed boundless credit with 
 the public from Avhom they received deposits at regular 
 interest. The proportion of these deposits to the cap- .--^ 
 ital continually rose. This general tendency, together 
 with the habit of changing the amount of capital every 
 few years, is evident from the following table of the 
 liabilities of the Fuggers in gold gulden at several 
 different periods : 
 
 Year Capital Deposits 
 
 1527 2,000,000 290,000 
 
 1536 1,500,000 900,000 
 
 1546 4,700,000 1,300,000 
 
 1563 2,000,000 3,100,000 
 
 1577 1,300,000 4,000,000 
 
 A smaller Augsburg firm, the Haugs, had in 1560, a 
 capital of 140,000 florins and deposits of 648,000. As 
 all these deposits were subject to be withdra^vn at 
 sight, and as the firms usually kept a very small re- 
 serve of specie, it would seem that banking was sub- 
 ject to great risks. The unsoundness of the method 
 was counterbalanced by the fact that most of the de- 
 posits were made by members of the banker's family, 
 or by friends, who harbored a strong sentiment against 
 embarrassing the bank by withdrawing at inconvenient 
 seasons. Doubtless the almost uniformly profitable 
 career of most firms for many years concealed many 
 dangers. 
 The crash came finally as the result of the bankruptcy 
 
522 THE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 Bankruptcy of the Spanish and French governments. Spain's^ 
 and Spain, i"cp"diation 01 her debt was partial, taking the form of 
 1557 consolidation and conversion ; France, however, simply 
 
 stopped all payments of interest and amortization. 
 Many banks throughout Europe failed, and drew down 
 with them their creditors. The years 1557-64 saw the 
 first of these characteristically modern phenomena, 
 international financial crises. There were hard times 
 everywhere. Other states followed the example of 
 the French and Spanish governments, England consti- 
 tuting the fortunate exception. Recovery followed at 
 length, however, and speculation boomed ; but a second 
 1575 Spanish state bankruptcy brought on another crisis, 
 
 and there was a third, following the defeat of the 
 Armada. The failure of many of the great private 
 companies was followed by the institution of state 
 banks. The first to be erected w^as the Banco di 
 1587 / Rialto in Venice. 
 
 / The banks were the agencies for the spread of the 
 capitalistic system to other fields. The great firms 
 either bought up, or obtained as concessions from some 
 , government, the natural resources requisite for the 
 production of wealth. One of the very first things 
 Mining seized by them were the mines. Indeed, the profitable 
 exploitation of the German mines especially dates from 
 their acquisition by the Fuggers and other bankers 
 late in the fifteenth century. Partly by the develop- 
 ment of new methods of refining ore, but chiefly by 
 driving large numbers of laborers to their maximum 
 effort, the new mine-owners increased the production 
 of metal almost at a bound, and thereby poured untold 
 wealth into their own coffers. The total value of met- 
 als produced in Germany in 1525 amounted to $4,800,- 
 000 per annum, and employed over 100,000 men. Until 
 1545 the German production of silver was greater 
 than the American, and copper was almost as valuable 
 
THE RISP] OF TPIE POWER OF MONEY 523 
 
 a product. Notwithstanding its increased production, 
 its value doubled between 1527 and 1557. The shares 
 in these great companies were, like the ''Fugger let- 
 ters," or certificates of interest-bearing deposits in 
 banks, assignable and were actively traded in on vari- 
 ous bourses. Each share was a certificate of partner- 
 ship which then carried with it unlimited liability for 
 the debts of the company. One of the favorite specu- 
 lative issues was found in the shares of the Mansfeld """ 
 Copper Co., established in 1524 with a capital of 70,000 
 gulden, which was increased to 120,000 gulden in 1528. 
 
 "WTiereas, in banking and in mining, capital had al- Commerce 
 most created the opportunities for its employment, in 
 commerce it partly supplanted the older system and 
 partly entered into new paths. In the Middle Ages 
 domestic, and to some extent international, commerce 
 was carried on by fairs adapted to bring producer and 
 consumer together and hence reduce the functions of 
 middleman to the narrowest limits. Such was the 
 annual fair at Stourbridge; such the famous bookmart 
 at Frankfort-on-the-Main, and such were the fairs in 
 Lyons, Antwerp, and many other cities. Only in the 
 larger towns was a market perpetually open. Foreign 
 commerce was also carried on by companies formed 
 on the analogy of the medieval gilds. 
 
 New conditions called for fresh means of meeting 
 them. The great change in sea-borne trade effected by 
 the discover}^ of the new routes to India and America, 
 was not so much in the quantity of goods carried as in 
 the paths by w^hich they traveled. The commerce of 
 the two inland seas, the Mediterranean and the Baltic, 
 relatively declined, while that of the Atlantic seaboard 
 grew by leaps and bounds. New and large companies 
 came into existence, formed on the joint-stock principle. 
 Over them the various governments exercised a large 
 control, giving them a semi-political character. 
 
524 THE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 Portugal As Portugal was the first to tap the Avealth of the 
 
 gorgeous East, into her lap fell the stream of gold 
 from that quarter. The secret of her windfall was 
 the small bulk and enormous value of her cargoes. 
 From Malabar she fetched pepper and ginger, from 
 Ceylon cinnamon and pearls, from Bengal opium, the 
 only known conqueror of pain, and with it frankincense 
 and indigo. Borneo supplied camphor, Amboyna nut- 
 megs and mace, and two small islands, Temote and 
 Tidor, offered cloves. These products sold for forty 
 times as much in London or in Antwerp as they cost 
 in the Orient. No wonder that wealth came in a gale 
 of perfume to Lisbon. The cost of the ship and of 
 ythe voyage, averaging two years from departure to 
 return, was $20,000, and any ship might bring back 
 a cargo worth $750,000. But the risks were great. 
 Of the 104 ships that sailed from 1497-1506 only 72 
 returned. In the following century of about 800 Por- 
 tuguese vessels engaged in the India trade nearly one- 
 eighth were lost. Even the risk of loss in sailing from 
 Lisbon to the ports of northern Europe was appre- 
 ciable. The king of Portugal insured ships on a voy- 
 age from Lisbon to Antwerp for a premium of six per 
 cent. 
 
 Spain Spain found the path towards the setting sun as 
 
 golden as Portugal had found the reflection of his ris- 
 ing beams. At her height she had a thousand mer- 
 chant galleons. The chief imports were the precious 
 '^metals, but they were not the only ones. Cochineal, 
 selling at $370 a hundredweight in London, surpassed 
 in value any spice from Celebes. Dye-wood, ebony, 
 some drugs, nuts and a few other articles richly re- 
 paid importation. There was also a very considerable 
 export trade. Cadiz and Seville sent to the Indies an- 
 nually 2,240,000 gallons of wine, with quantities of 
 X oil, clothes and other necessities. Many ships, not 
 
THE RISE OF THE POWER OF MONEY 525 
 
 only Spanish but Portuguese and English, were 
 weighted with human flesh from Africa as heavily as 
 Christian with his black load of sin, and in the case of 
 Portugal, at least, the load almost sent its bearer to 
 the City of Destruction. 
 
 But Spanish keels made other wakes than westward. 
 To Flanders oil and wool were sent to be exchanged 
 for manufactured wares, tapestries and books. Italy 
 asked hides and dyes in return for her brocades, pearls 
 and linen. The undoubtedly great extent of Spanish 
 commerce even in places where it had no monopoly, is 
 all the more remarkable in that it was at the first 
 burdened by what in the end choked it, government 
 regulation. Cadiz had the best harbor, but Seville was —- 
 favored by the king; even ships allowed to unload at 
 Cadiz could do so only on condition that their cargoes 
 be transported directly to Seville. A particularly 
 crushing tax was the alcabala, or_10 ^er cent, impost 
 on all sales. Other iniporFcIuties, royalties on metals, 
 excise on food, monopolies, and petty regulations finally 
 handicapped Spain 's merchants so effectually that they 
 fell behind those of other countries in the race for su- 
 premacy. 
 
 As the mariners of the Iberian peninsula drooped France 
 under the shackles of unwise laws, hardy sailors sprang 
 into their places. Neither of the other Latin nations, 
 however, was able to do so. The once proud suprem- 
 acy of Venice and of Genoa was gone ; the former sank 
 as Lisbon rose and the latter, who held her own at 
 least as a money market until 1540, was about that 
 time surpassed, though she was never wholly super- 
 seded, by Antwerp. Italy exported wheat, flax, woad 
 and other products, but chiefly by land routes or in 
 foreign keels. Nor was France able to take any great 
 part in maritime trade. Content with the freight 
 brought her by other nations, she sent out few expedi- 
 
526 THE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 tions, and those few, like that of James Cartier, had 
 no present result either in commerce or in colonies. 
 Her greatest mart was Lyons, the fairs there being 
 carefully fostered by the kings and being naturally 
 favored by the growth of manufacture, while the mari- 
 time harbors either declined or at least gained noth- 
 ing. For a few years La Rochelle battened on religious 
 piracy, but that was all. 
 Germany In no country is the struggle for existence between 
 
 the medieval and the modern commercial methods 
 plainer than in Germany. The trade of the Hanse 
 towns failed to grow, partly for the reason that their 
 merchants had not command of the fluid wealth that 
 raised to pre-eminence the southern cities. There 
 were, indeed, other causes for the decline of the Han- 
 seatic Baltic trade. The discovery of new routes, espe- 
 cially the opening of Archangel on the White Sea, 
 short-circuited the current that had previously flowed 
 through the Kattegat and the Skager Rak. Moreover, 
 the development of both wheat-growing and of com- 
 merce in the Netherlands and in England proved dis- 
 astrous to the Hanse. The shores of the Baltic had 
 at one time been the granary of Europe, but they suf- 
 fered somewhat by the greater yield of the more in- 
 tensive agriculture introduced at that time elsewhere. 
 Even then their export continued to be considerable, 
 though diverted from the northern to the southern 
 ports of Europe. In 1563, for example, 6630 loads 
 of grain were exported from Konigsberg, and in 1573 
 7730 loads. 
 
 The Hanse towns lost their English trade in com- 
 petition with the new companies there formed. A 
 bitter diplomatic struggle was carried on by Henry 
 VIII. The privileges to the Germans of the Steel- 
 yard confirmed and extended by him were abridged 
 by his son, partly restored by Mary and again taken 
 
THE RISE OF THE POWER OF MONEY 527 
 
 away by Elizabeth. The emperor, in agreement with 
 the cities' senates, started retaliatory measures against 
 English merchants, endeavoring to assure the Hanse 
 towns that they should at least "continue the ancient 
 concord of their dear native country and the good 
 Dutches that now presently inhabit it. ' " He therefore 
 ordered English merchants banished, against which 
 Elizabeth protested. 
 
 While the North of Germany was suffering from its 
 failure to adapt itself to new conditions, a power was 
 rising in the South capable of levying tribute not 
 only from the whole Empire but from the habitable 
 earth. Among the merchant princes who, in Augs- 
 burg, in Nuremberg, in Strassburg, placed on their 
 own brows the golden crown of riches, the Fuggers 
 were both typical and supreme. James Fugger ''the james 
 Rich," springing from a family already opulent, was f^l^^q?'; 
 one of those geniuses of finance that turn everything 
 touched into gold. He carried on a large banking busi- 
 ness, he loaned money to emperors and princes, he 
 bought up mines and fitted out fleets, he re-organized 
 great industries, he speculated in politics and religion. 
 For the princes of the empire ho farmed taxes ; for the 
 pope he sold indulgences at a 33 1/3 per cent, commis- 
 sion, and collected annates and other dues. In Hun- 
 gary, in Spain, in Italy, in the New World, his agents 
 were delving for money and skilfully diverting it into 
 his coffers. Pie was also a pillar of the church and a 
 philanthropist, founding a library at Augsl)urg and 
 building model tenements for poor workers. He be- ^^ 
 came the incarnation of a new Great Power, that of 
 international finance. A contemporary chronicler 
 says: ** emperors, kings, princes and governors have 
 sent ambassage unto him; the pope hath greeted him 
 as his beloved son and hath embraced him; cardinals 
 have risen before him. ... He hath become the glory 
 
528 THE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 of the whole German land." His sons, Raymond, An- 
 thony and Jerome, were raised by Charles V to the rank 
 and privileges of counts, bannerets and barons. 
 
 Throughout the centuiy corporations became less 
 and less family partnerships and more and more im- 
 personal or ''soulless." They were semi-public, semi- 
 private affairs, resting on special charters and actively 
 promoted, not only in Germany but in England and 
 other countries, by the emperor, king, or territorial 
 prince. On the other hand the capital Avas largely sub- 
 scribed by private business men and the direction of 
 the companies' affairs was left in their hands. Lia- 
 bility was unlimited. 
 
 Monopolies In their methods many of the sixteenth century cor- 
 porations were surprisingly ''modem." Monopolies, 
 corners, trusts and agreements to keep up prices flour- 
 ished, notwithstanding constant legislation against 
 them, as that against secret schedules of prices passed 
 
 1522-3 by the Diet of Nuremberg. Particularly noteworthy 
 were the number of agreements to create a monopoly 
 price in metals. Thus a ring of German mine-o\Aaiers 
 was formed artificially to raise the price of silver, a 
 measure defended publicly on the ground that it en- 
 riched Germany at the expense of the foreigner. An- 
 other example was the formation of a tinning company 
 under the patronage of Duke George of Saxony. It 
 proposed agreements with its Bohemian rivals to fix 
 the price of tin, but these usually failed even after a 
 monopoly of Bohemian tin had been granted by Ferdi- 
 nand to Conrad Mayr of Augsburg. 
 
 The immense difficulty of cornering any of the larger 
 articles of commerce was not so well appreciated in the 
 earlier time as it is now. Nothing is more instructive 
 than the history of the mercury "trusts" of those 
 years. When the competing companies owning mines 
 at Idria in Carniola amalgamated for the purpose of 
 
 1524 
 
 1518 
 
 1549 
 
 Corners 
 
 1523 
 
TiiE RISE OF THE POWER OF MONEY 529 
 
 oiihanciiig the price of quicksilver, the attempt broke 
 down by reason of the Spanish mines. Accordingly, 
 one Ambrose Hochstetter of Augsburg conceived the 1528 
 ambitious project of cornering the whole supply of 
 the world. As has happened so often since, the higher 
 price brought forth a much larger quantity of the 
 article than had been reckoned with, the so-called ' ' in- 
 visible supply"; the corner broke down and Hochstet- 
 ter failed with enormous liabilities of 800,000 gulden, 
 and died in prison. The crash shook the financial 
 world, but was nevertheless followed by still better 
 planned and better financed efforts of the Fuggers 
 to put the whole quicksilver product of the world into 
 an international trust. These final attempts were more 
 or less successful. Another ambitious scheme, which 
 failed, was that of Conrad Rott of Augsburg to get 1570 flf. 
 a monopoly of pepper. He agreed to buy six hundred 
 tons of pepper from the king of Portugal one year 
 and one thousand tons the next, at the rate of 680 
 ducats the ton, but even this failed to give him the 
 desired monopoly. 
 
 Just as in our ovra memorj^ the trusts have aroused Regulation 
 popular hatred and have brought down on their heads l^^^ ° 
 many attempts, usually unsuccessful, of governments 
 to deal with them, so at the beginning of the capitalistic 
 era, intense unpopularity was the lot of the new com- 
 mercial methods and their exponents. Monopolies 
 were fiercely denounced in the contemporary German 
 tracts and every Diet made some effort to deal with 
 them. First of all the merchants had to meet not only 
 the envy and prejudices of the old order, but the posi- , " 
 
 tive teachings of the church. The prohibition of usury, '^ 
 and the doctrine that every article had a just or nat- 
 ural price, barred the road of the early entrejireneur. 
 Aquinas believed that no one should be allowed to make 
 more money than he needed and that profits on com- 
 
530 THE CAPITALISTIC EEVOLUTION 
 
 merce should be scaled down to such a point that they 
 would give only a reasonable return. This idea was 
 shared by Catholic and Protestant alike in the first 
 years of the Reformation ; it can be found in Geiler of 
 Kaiserberg and in Luther. In the Reformer's influ- 
 
 1520 ential tract, To the German Nobility, usury and ''Fug- 
 
 gerei" are denounced as the greatest misfortunes of 
 Germany. Ulrich von Hutten said that of the four 
 classes of robbers, free-booting knights, lawyers, 
 priests and merchants, the merchants were the worst. 
 The imperial Diets reflected popular opinion faith- 
 fully enough to try their best to bridle the great com- 
 
 1512 panics. The Diet of Treves-Cologne asked that mon- 
 
 opolies and artificial enhancement of the prices of 
 spice, copper and woolen cloth be prohibited. To ef- 
 fect this acts were passed intended to insure competi- 
 
 1523 tion. This law against monopolies, however, was not 
 
 vigorously enforced until the Imperial Treasurer cited 
 before his tribunal many merchants of Augsburg ac- 
 cused of violating it. The panic-stricken offenders 
 feverishly hastened to make interest with the princes 
 and city magistrates. But their main support was 
 the emperor, who intervened energetically in their fa- 
 vor. From this time the bankers and great merchants 
 labored hard at each Diet to place the control of monop- 
 olies in the hands of the monarch. In return for his 
 constant support he was made a large sharer in the 
 profits of the great houses. 
 
 In the struggle with the Diets, at last the capitalists 
 were thoroughly successful. The Imperial Council of 
 
 1525 Regency passed an epoch-making ordinance, kept se- 
 
 cret for fear of the people, expressly allowing mer- 
 chants to sell at the highest prices they could get and 
 recognizing certain monopolies said to be in the na- 
 tional interest as against other countries, and justified 
 for the wages they provided for labor. About this 
 
THE RISE OF THE POWER OF MONEY 531 
 
 time, for some reason, the agitation gradually died 
 down. It is probable that the religious controversy 
 took the public's mind off economic questions and the 
 Peasant's War, like all unsuccessful but dangerous 
 risings of the poor, was followed by a strong reaction 
 in favor of the conservative rich. Moreover, it is evi- 
 dent that the currents of the time were too strong to be 
 resisted by the feeble methods pro^Dosed by the reform- 
 ers. When we remember that the chief practical meas- 
 ure recommended by Luther was the total prohibition 
 of trading in spices and other foreign wares that took 
 money out of the country, it is easy to see that the 
 regulation of a complex industry was beyond the scope 
 of his ability. And little, if any, enlightenment came 
 from other quarters. 
 
 While the towns of southern Germany were becom- The Nether- 
 ing the world's banking and industrial centers, the 
 cities of the Netherlands became its chief staple ports. 
 For generations Antwerp had had two fairs a year, 
 but in 1484 it started a perpetual market, open to all 
 merchants, even to foreigners, the whole year round, 
 and in addition to this it increased its fairs to four. 
 Later a new Merchants' Exchange or Bourse was built ^^^^ 
 in which almost all the transactions now seen on our 
 stock or produce exchanges took place. There was 
 wild speculation, partly on borrowed money, espe- 
 cially in pepper, the price of which furnished a sort 
 of barometer of bourse feeling. Bets on prices and 
 on events were made, and from this practice various 
 forms of insurance took their rise. 
 
 The discovery of the new world brought an era of Antwerp 
 prosperity to Antwerp that doubtless put her at the 
 head of all commercial cities until the Spanish sword 
 cut her down. In 1560 there were commonly 2500 ships 
 anchored in her harbor, as against 500 at Amsterdam, 
 her chief rival and eventual heir. Of these not un- 
 
532 THE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 commonly as many as 500 sailed in one day, and, it is 
 said, 12,000 carriages came in daily, 2000 with pas- 
 sengers and 10,000 with wares. Even if these state- 
 ments are considerable exaggerations, a reliable ac- 
 count of the exports in the single year 1560 shows the 
 real greatness of the town. The total imports in that 
 , year amomited to 31,870,000 gulden ($17,848,000), di- 
 vided as follows: Italian silks, satins and ornaments 
 6,000,000 gulden; German dimities 1,200,000; German 
 wines 3,000,000; Northern wheat 3,360,000; French 
 wine 2,000,000; French dyes 600,000; French salt 360,- 
 000; Spanish wool 1,250,000; Spanish wine 1,600,000; 
 Portuguese spices 2,000,000; English wool 500,000; 
 English cloth 10,000,000. The last named article in- 
 dicates the decay of Flemish weaving due to English 
 competition. For a time there had been war to the 
 knife with English merchants, follomng the great 
 commercial treaty popularly called the Main's Inter- 
 1506 cursus. According to the theory then held that one 
 
 ciar'olicy n^tion's loss was another's gain, this treaty was con- 
 sidered a masterpiece of policy in England and the 
 foundation of her commercial greatness. It and its 
 1496 predecessor, the Magnus Intercursus, marked the new 
 
 policy, characteristic of modern times, that made com- 
 mercial advantages a chief object of diplomacy and 
 of legislation. Protective tariffs were enacted, the 
 export of gold and silver prohibited, and sumptuary 
 laws passed to encourage domestic industries. The 
 policy as to export varied throughout the century and 
 according to the article. The value of ships was highly 
 appreciated. Sir Walter Raleigh opined that com- 
 mand of the sea meant command of the world's riches 
 and ultimately of the world itself. Sir Humphrey Gil- 
 bert drew up a report advocating the acquisition of 
 colonies as means of providing markets for home prod- 
 ucts. So little were the rights of the natives consid- 
 
THE RISE OF THE POWER OF MONEY 533 
 
 ered that Sir Humphrey stated that the savages would 
 be amply rewarded for all that could be taken from 
 them by the inestimable gift of Christianity. 
 
 As little regard was shown for the property of Cath- 
 olics as for that of heathens. JNIerry England drew 
 her dividends from slave-trading and from buccaneer- 
 ing as well as from honest exchange of goods. There 
 is something fascinating about the career of a man 
 like Sir John Hawkins whose character was as infa- 
 mous as his daring was serviceable. He early learned 
 that ''negroes were very good merchandise in His- 
 paniola and that they might easily be had upon the 
 coast of Guinea," and so, financed by the British aris- 
 tocracy and blessed by Protestant patriots, he char- 
 tered the Jesus of Luheclc and went burning, steal- 
 ing and body-snatching in West African villages, 
 crowded his hold full of blacks and sold those of them 
 who survived at $800 a head in the Indies. Quite 
 fittingly he received as a crest ''a demi-Moor, proper, 
 in chains." He then went prejdng on the Spanish gal- 
 leons, and at one time swindled Philip out of $200,000 
 by pretending to be a traitor and a renegade ; thus he 
 rose from slaver to pirate and from pirate to admiral. 
 
 So pious, patriotic and profitable a business as buc- 
 caneering absorbed a greater portion of England's 
 energies than did ordinary maritime commerce. A list 
 of all ships engaged in foreign trade in 1572 shows 
 that they amounted to an aggregate of only 51,000 tons 
 burden, less than that of a single steamer of the largest 
 size today. Tlie largest ship that could reach London 
 was of 240 tons, but some twice as large anchored at 
 other harbors. Throughout the century trade multi- 
 ])lied, that of London, which profited the most, ten- 
 fold. If the customs' dues funiish an accurate barom- 
 eter for the volume of trade, while London was increas- 
 ing the other ports were falling behind not only rela- 
 
 Buccaneer- 
 ing 
 
 English 
 commerce 
 
534 THE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 tively but positively. In the years 1506-9 London 
 yielded to the treasury $60,000 and other ports $75,000 ; 
 in 1581-2 London paid $175,000 and other ports only 
 $25,000. 
 
 As she grew in size and wealth London, like Antwerp, 
 felt the need of permanent fairs. From the continental 
 city Sir Thomas Gresham, the English financial agent 
 in the Netherlands, brought architect and materials 
 
 1568 and erected the Eoyal Exchange on the north side of 
 
 Cornhill in London, where the same institution stands 
 today. Built by Gresham at his own expense, it was 
 lined by a hundred small shops rented by him. As the 
 new was rung in, the old passed away. The ancient 
 restrictions on the fluidity of capital were almost 
 
 1542 and broken down by the end of Elizabeth's reign. The 
 statutes of bankruptcy, giving new and strong securi- 
 ties to creditors, marked the advent to power of the 
 commercial class. Capitalism took form in the char- 
 ^tering of large companies. The first of these, ''the 
 mistery and company of the Merchant Adventurers for 
 the discovery of regions, dominions, islands and places 
 1553 ^ unkno\\ai, ' ' commonly called the Russia Company, was 
 a joint-stock corporation with 240 members, each with 
 a share valued at $125. It traded principally with 
 Russia, but, before the century was out, was followed 
 ,^ by the Levant Company, the East India Company, and 
 others, for the exploitation of other regions. 
 
 To northern Spain England sent coarse cloth, cot- 
 tons, sheepskins, wheat, butter and cheese, and brought 
 back wine, oranges, lemons and timber. To France 
 went wax, tallow, butter, cheese, wheat, rye, ''Man- 
 chester cloth," beans and biscuit in exchange for pitch, 
 rosin, feathers, prunes and "gTeat ynnions that be xii 
 or xiiii ynches aboute," iron and wine. To the Rus- 
 sian Baltic ports, Riga, Reval and Narva went coarse 
 cloth, "corrupt" {i.e., adulterated) wine, cony-skins, 
 
THE RISE OF THE POWER OF MONEY 535 
 
 salt and brandy, and from the same came flax, hemp, 
 pitch, tar, tallow, wax and furs. Salmon from Ire- 
 land and other fish from Scotland and Denmark were 
 paid for by "corrupt" wines. To the Italian ports 
 of Leghorn, Barcelona, Civita Vecchia and Venice, and 
 to the Balearic Isles went lead, fine cloth, hides, New- 
 foundland fish and lime, and from them came oil, silk 
 and fine porcelain. To Barbaiy went fine cloth, ord- 
 nance and artillery, armor and timber for oars, though, 
 as a memorandum of 1580 says, "if the Spaniards 
 catch you trading with them, you shall die for it." 
 Probably what they objected to most was the sale of 
 arms to the infidel. From Barbary came sugar, salt- 
 petre, dates, molasses and carpets. Andalusia de- 
 manded fine cloth and cambric in return for mnes 
 called "seckes," sweet oil, raisins, salt, cochineal, in- 
 digo, sumac, silk and soap. Portugal took butter, 
 cheese, fine cloth "light green or sad blue," lead, tin 
 and hides in exchange for salt, oil, soap, cinnamon, 
 cloves, nutmegs, pepper and all other Indian wares. 
 
 While the English drove practically no trade with 
 the East Indies, to the West Indies they sent directly ^ 
 oil, looking-glasses, knives, shears, scissors, linen, and ^ 
 wine which, to be salable, must be "singular good." 
 From thence came gold, pearls "very orient and big 
 withall," sugar and molasses. To Syria went colored 
 cloth of the finest quality, and for it currants and sweet 
 oil were taken. The establishment of an English factor 
 in Turkey with the express purpose of furthering trade 1582 
 with that country is an interesting landmark in com- 
 mercial history. 
 
 Even as late as the reign of Elizabeth England im- 
 ported almost all "artificiality," as high-grade manu- 
 factures of a certain sort were called. A famous Gammer 
 Elizabethan play turns on the scarcity of needles, the ^"^j'je'' 
 whole household being turned upside down to look for c. 1559 
 
ture 
 
 536 THE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 tlie one lost by Gammer Gurton. These articles, as 
 well as knives, nails, pins, buttons, dolls, tennis-balls, 
 tape, thread, glass, and laces, were imported from the 
 Netherlands and Germany. From the same quarter 
 came ''small wares for grocers," — by which may be 
 meant cabbages, turnips and lettuce, — and also hops, 
 copper and brass ware. 
 
 Manufac- Having swept all before it in the domains of bank- 
 
 ing, mining and trade, capitalism, flushed with victory, 
 sought for new worlds to conquer and found them in 
 manufacture. Here also a great struggle was neces- 
 sary. Hitherto the opposition to the new companies 
 had been mainly on the part of the consumer ; now the 
 / hostility of the laborer was aroused. The grapple of 
 the two classes, in which the Avage-earner went do^vn, 
 partly before the arquebus of the mercenary, partly 
 under the lash and branding-iron of pitiless laws, will 
 be described in the next section. Here it is not the 
 strife of the classes, but of the two economic systems, 
 that is considered. Capitalism won economically be- 
 fore it imposed its yoke on the vanquished by the harsh 
 means of soldier and police. It won, in the final anal- 
 ysis, not because of the inherent power of concentrated 
 wealth, though it used and abused this recklessly, but 
 because, in the struggle for existence, it proved itself 
 the form of life better fitted to survive in the condi- 
 tions of modern society. It called forth technical im- 
 provements, it stimulated individual effort, it put an 
 immense premium on thrift and investment, it cheap- 
 ened production by the application of initially expen- 
 sive but ultimately repaying, apparatus, it effected 
 enormous economies in wholesale production and dis- 
 tribution. Before the new methods of business the 
 old gilds stood as helpless, as unready, as bowmen in 
 the face of cannon. 
 
THE EISE OF THE POWER OF MONEY 537 
 
 Each medieval ''craft" or *'mistery"^ was in tlie Gilds 
 hands of a gild, all the members of which were theoret- 
 ically equal. Each passed through the ranks of ap- 
 prentice and other lower grades until he normally be- 
 came a master-workman and as such entitled to a full 
 and equal share in the management. The gild man- 
 aged its property almost like that of an endowment 
 in the hands of trustees; it supervised the whole life 
 of each member, took care of him when sick, buried 
 him when dead and pensioned his widow. In these 
 rcsfjccts it was like some mutual benefit societies of 
 our day. Almost inevitably in that age, it was under 
 the x^rotection of a patron saint and discharged va- 
 rious religious duties. It acted as a corporate whole 
 in the government of the city and marched and acted 
 as one on festive occasions. 
 
 As typical of the organization of industry at the 
 turning-point may be given the list of gilds at Ant- 
 werp dra^^^l up by Albert Diirer: There were gold- ^^^O 
 smiths, painters, stone-cutters, embroiderers, sculp- , 
 tors, joiners, carpenters, sailors, fishermen, butchers, 
 cloth-weavers, bakers, cobblers, ''and all sorts of arti- 
 sans and many laborers and merchants of provisions." 
 The list is fully as significant for what it omits as for 
 what it includes. Be it noted that there was no gild 
 of printers, for that art had grown up since the crafts 
 had begun to decline, and, though in some places found 
 as a gild, was usually a combination of a learned pro- 
 fession and a capitalistic venture. Again, in this great 
 banking and trading port, there is no mention of gilds 
 of wholesale merchants (for the "merchants of provi- 
 sions" were certainly not this) nor of bankers. These 
 were two fully capitalized businesses. Finally, observe 
 that there were many skilled and unskilled laborers 
 
 1 From the Latin mini^tcrium, French metier, not connected with 
 "mystery." 
 
538 THE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 not included in a special gild. Here we have the be- 
 ginning of the proletariat. A century earlier there 
 would have been no special class of laborers, a century 
 later no gilds worth mentioning. 
 y The gilds were handicapped by their o%vn petty regu- 
 / lations. Notwithstanding the fact that their high 
 standards of craftsmanship produced an excellent 
 grade of goods, they were over-regulated and hide- 
 bound, averse to new methods. There was as great 
 a contrast between their meticulous traditions and the 
 freer paths of the new capitalism as there was between 
 scholasticism and science. They could neither raise 
 nor administer the funds needed for foreign commerce 
 and for export industries. Presently new technical 
 methods were adopted by the capitalists, a finer way 
 of smelting ores, and a new way of making brass, in- 
 vented by Peter von Hoffberg, that saved 50 per cent, 
 of the fuel previously used. In the textile industries 
 came first the spinning-wheel, then the stocking-frame. 
 So in other manufactures, new machinery required 
 novel organization. Significant was the growth of new 
 towns. The old cities were often so gild-ridden that 
 / they decayed, while places like Manchester sprang up 
 suddenly at the call of employment. The constant ef- 
 fort of the gild had been to suppress competition and 
 to organize a completely stationary society. In a dy- 
 namic world that which refuses to change, perishes. 
 So the gilds, while charging all their woes to the gov- 
 ernment, really choked themselves to death in their 
 own bands. 
 Capitalistic There is perhaps some analogy between the progress 
 production ^j capitalism in the sixteenth century and the process 
 by which the trusts have come to dominate production 
 in our own memory. The larger industries, and espe- 
 cially those connected with export trade, were seized 
 and reorganized first ; for a long time, indeed through- 
 
THE RISE OF THE POWER OF MONEY 539 
 
 out the century, the gilds kept their hold on small, 
 local industries. For a long time both systems went 
 on side by side; the encroachment was steady, but 
 gradual. The exact method of the change was two- 
 fold. In the first place the constitution of the gild be- - 
 came more oligarchical. The older members tended 
 to restrict the administration more and more; they 
 increased the number of apprentices by lengthening 
 the years of apprenticeship and reduced the poorer 
 members to the rank of journeymen who were expected 
 to work, not as before for a limited term of years, but 
 for life, as wage-earners. "When the journeymen re- 
 belled, they were put down. The English Clothwork- 
 ers' Court Book, for example, enacted the rule in 1538 
 that journeymen who would not work on conditions 
 imposed by the masters should be imprisoned for the 
 first offence and whipped and branded for the second. 
 Nevertheless, to some extent, the master's calling was 
 kept open to the more enterprising and intelligent la- 
 borers. It is this opportunit}^ to rise that has always — 
 broken up the solidarity of the working class more than 
 anything else. 
 
 But a second transforming influence worked faster Great 
 from without than did the internal decay of the gild, companies 
 This was the extension of the commercial system to - 
 manufacture. The gilds soon found themselves at 
 the mercy of the great new companies that wanted 
 wares in large quantities for export. Thus the com- 
 mercial company came either to absorb or to dominate 
 the industries that supplied it. An example of this 
 is supplied by the Paris mercers, who, from being 
 mainly dealers in foreign goods, gradually became em- 
 ployers of the crafts. Similarly the London haber- 
 dashers absorbed the crafts of the hatters and cappers. 
 The middle man, who commanded the market, soon 
 found the strategic value of liis position for controlling 
 
540 THE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 the supply of articles. Commercial capital rapidly be- 
 came industrial. One by one the great gilds fell un- 
 der the control of commercial companies. One of the 
 last instances was the formation of the Stationers' 
 Company by which the printers were reduced to the 
 rank of an industry subordinate to that of booksellers. 
 
 Legislation Finally Came the legislative attack on the gilds, that 
 
 ^^ ^^ ^ broke what little power they had left. There is now a 
 tendency to minimise the result of legislation in this 
 . '" field, but the impression that one gets by perusing the 
 statutes not only of England but of Continental coun- 
 tries is that, while perhaps the governments would not 
 have admitted any hostility to the gilds as such, they 
 were strongly opposed to many features of them, and 
 were determined to change them in accordance with the 
 interests of the now dominant class. The policy of 
 - the moneyed men was not to destroy the crafts, but to 
 exploit them; indeed they often found their old fran- 
 chises extremely useful in arrogating to themselves the 
 powers that had once belonged to the gild as a whole. 
 The town governments were elected by the wealthy 
 burghers; Parliaments soon came to side with them, 
 and the monarch had already been bribed into an ally. 
 To give specific examples of the new trend is easy. 
 
 1544 "When the great tapestry manufacture of Brussels was 
 
 reorganized on a basis very favorable to the capitalists, 
 the law sanctioning this step spoke contemptuously 
 of the mutual benefit and religious functions of the 
 
 1515 gild ag << petty details." Brandenburg now regulated 
 
 the terms on which entrance to a gild should be al- 
 lowed instead of leaving the matter as of old to the 
 
 1540 members themselves. The Polish nobility, jealous of 
 
 / the cities' monopoly of trade, demanded the total aboli- 
 
 1503 ff. tion of the gilds. A series of measures in England 
 weakened the power of the gilds; under Edward VI 
 
 1547 their endowments for religious purposes were at- 
 
THE RISE OF THE POWER OF MONEY 541 
 
 tacked, and this hurt them far more than would appear 
 on the surface. The important Act Touching Weavers 1555 
 both witnessed the unhappy condition of the misteries 
 and, without seeming to do so, still further put them 
 in the power of their masters. The workmen, it seems, 
 had complained ''that the rich and wealthy clothiers 
 oppress them" by building up factories, or workshops 
 in which many looms w^ere installed, instead of keeping 
 to the old commission or sweat-shop s}' stem, by which 
 piece work was given out and done by each man at 
 home. The gild-workmen preferred this method, be- 
 cause their great rival was the newly developed pro- 
 letariat, masses of men who could only be accommo- 
 dated in large buildings. The act, under the guise of 
 redressing the grievance, in reality confirmed the pow- 
 ers of the capitalists, for, while forbidding the use of 
 factories outside of cities, it allowed them within to^\Tis 
 and in the four northern counties, thus fortifying the 
 monopolists in those places where they were strong, 
 and hitting their rivals elsewhere. Further legisla- ^^ 
 tion, like the Elizabethan Statute of Apprentices, -"^sSs 
 strengthened the hands of the masters at the expense 
 of the journeymen. Such examples are only typical; 
 similar laws were enacted throughout Europe. By act 
 after act the employers were favored at the expense of 
 the laborers. 
 
 There remained agriculture, at that time by far the Agriculture 
 largest and most important of all the means by which 
 man wrings his sustenance from nature. Even now 
 the greater part of the population in most civilized 
 countries — and still more in semi-civilized — is rural, 
 but four hundred years ago the proportion was much 
 larger. England was a predominantly agricultural -^ 
 countrv^ until the eighteenth century, — England, the 
 most commercial and industrial of nations! Though 
 
542 THE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 the last field to be attacked by capital, agriculture was 
 as thoroughly renovated in the sixteenth century by 
 this irrigating force as the other manners of livelihood 
 had been transformed before it. 
 
 Medieval agriculture was carried on by peasants 
 holding small amounts of land which Avould correspond 
 to the small shops and slender capital of the handi- 
 craftsman. Each local unit, whether free village or 
 a manor, was made up of different kinds of land, — 
 arable, commons for pasturing sheep and cattle, for- 
 ests for gathering fire-wood and for herding swine and 
 meadows for gromng hay. The arable land was di- 
 vided into three so-called '^ fields," or sections, each 
 field partitioned into smaller portions called in Eng- 
 land ''shots," and these in turn were subdivided into 
 acre strips. Each peasant possessed a certain num- 
 ber of these tiny lots, generallj^ about thirty, ten in 
 each field. Normally, one field would be left fallow 
 each year in turn, one field would be sown with winter 
 wheat or rye (the bread crop), and one field with bar- 
 ley for beer and oats for feeding the horses and cattle. 
 Into this system it was impossible to introduce indi- 
 vidualism. Each man had to plow and sow when the 
 village decided it should be done. And the commons 
 and woodlands were free for all, with certain regula- 
 tions.^ 
 Medieval The art of farming was not quite primitive, but it 
 
 farming ^lad changed less since the dawn of history than it has 
 
 mctiiods 
 
 changed since 1600. Instead of great steam-plows and 
 all sorts of machinery for harrowing and harvesting, 
 small plows were pulled by oxen, and hoes and rakes 
 were plied by hand. Lime, marl and manure were 
 used for fertilizing, but scantily. The cattle were 
 
 1 For the substance of this paragraph, as well as for numerous sug- 
 gestions on the rest of the chapter, I am indebted to Professor N. S. B. 
 Gras, of Minneapolis. 
 
THE RISE OF THE POWER OF MONEY 543 
 
 small and thin, and after a hard winter were sometimes 
 so weak that they had to be dragged out to pasture. 
 Sheep were more profitable, and in the summer sea- 
 son good returns were secured from chickens, geese, 
 swine and bees. Diseases of cattle were rife and 
 deadly. The principles of breeding were hardly un- 
 derstood. Fitzherbert, who wrote on husbandr^^ in the 
 early sixteenth century, along with some sensible ad- 
 vice makes remarks, on the influence of the moon on 
 horse-breeding, worthy of Hesiod. Indeed, the mat- 
 ter was left almost to itself until a statute of Henry 
 VIII provided that no stallions above two years old 
 and under fifteen hands high be allowed to run loose 
 on the commons, and no mares of less than thirteen 
 hands, lest the breed of horses deteriorate. It was to 
 meet the same situation that the habit of castrating 
 horses arose and became common about 1580. 
 
 The capitalistic attack on communistic agriculture Capitalistic 
 took two principal forms. In some countries, like Ger- ^ ^"^^^ 
 
 many, it was the consequence of the change from nat "^ 
 
 ural economy to money economy. The new commer-; 
 cial men bought up the estates of the nobles and sub- 
 jected them to a more intense cultivation, at the same 
 time using all the resources of law and government to 
 make them as lucrative as possible. 
 
 But in two countries, England and Spain, and to indosures 
 some small extent in others, a profitable opportunity 
 for investment was found in sheep-farming on a large ^ 
 scale. In England this manifested itself in ''in- 
 closurcs," by which was primarily meant the fencing 
 in for private use of the commons, but secondarily 
 came to be applied to the conversion of arable land 
 into pasture ^ and the substitution of large holdings 
 for small. The cause of the movement was the demand 
 for wool in cloth-weaving, largely for export trade. 
 
 >- Although Bome of the inclosed land was tilled ; Bee below. 
 
/ 
 
 544 THE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 Complaint Contemporaries noticed with much alarm the opera- 
 iaclosures tions of this cconomic change. A cry went up that 
 sheep were eating men, that England was being turned 
 into one great pasture to satisfy the greed of the rich, 
 while the land needed for grain was abandoned and 
 tenants forcibly ejected. The outcry became loudest 
 about the years 1516-8, when a commission was ap- 
 pointed to investigate the "evil" of inclosures. It 
 was found that in the past thirty years the amount 
 of land in the eight counties most affected was 22,500 
 acres. This was not all for grazing; in Yorkshire it 
 was largely for sport, in the Midlands for plowing, 
 in the south for pasture. 
 
 The acreage would seem extremely small to account 
 for the complaint it excited. Doubtless it was only 
 the chief and most typical of the hardships caused to 
 a certain class by the introduction of new methods. 
 One is reminded of the bitter hostility to the introduc- 
 tion of machinery in the nineteenth century, when 
 the vast gain in wealth to the community as a whole, 
 being indirect, seemed cruelly purchased at the cost 
 of the sufferings of those laborers who could not adapt 
 themselves to the novel methods. Evolution is always 
 hard on a certain class and the sufferers quite naturally 
 vociferate their woes without regard to the real causes 
 of the change or to the larger interests of society. 
 
 Certain it is that inclosures went on uninterrupted 
 throughout the century, in spite of legislative attempts 
 to stop them. Indeed, they could hardly help continu- 
 ing, when they w^ere so immensely profitable. Land 
 that was inclosed for pasture brought five pounds for 
 every three pounds it had paid under the plow. Sheep 
 multiplied accordingly. The law of 1534 spoke of some 
 men o^vning as many as 24,000 sheep, and unwittingly 
 gave, in the form of a complaint, the cause thereof, 
 
, THE RISE OP THE POWER OF MONEY 545 
 
 namely that the price of wool had recently doubled. 
 The law limited the number of sheep allowed to one 
 man to 2000. The people arose and slaughtered sheep 
 wholesale in one of those unwise and blind, but not 
 unnatural, outbursts of sabotage by which the prole- 
 tariat now and then seeks to destroy the wealth that 
 accentuates their poverty. Then as always, the only 
 causes for unw^elcome alterations of their manner of 
 life seen by them was the greed and heartlessness of 
 a ring of men, or of the government. The deeper eco- 
 nomic forces escaped detection, or at least, attention. 
 
 During the period 1450-1610 it is probable that about 
 2% per cent, of the total area of England had been 
 inclosed. The counties most affected were the Mid- 
 lands, in some of which the amount of land affected 
 was 8 per cent, to 9 per cent, of the total area. But 
 though the aggregate seems small, it was a much larger 
 proportion, in the then thinly settled state of the realm, 
 of the total arable land, — of this it was probably one- 
 fifth. Under Elizabeth perhaps one-third of the im- 
 proved land was used for grazing and two-thirds was 
 under the plow. 
 
 In Spain the same tendency to grow wool for com- Spain: the 
 mercial purposes manifested itself in a slightly differ- '^^'^ 
 ent form. There, not by the inclosure of commons,;^, 
 but by the establishment of a monopolj^ by tlie Gas- i 
 tilian "sheep-trusty" the Mesta, did a large corpora- 
 tion come to prevail over the scattered and peasant 
 agricultural interests. The Mesta, which existed from 
 1273 to 1836, reached the pinnacle of its power in the 
 first two-thirds of the sixteenth century. When it took ^^^^ 
 over from the government the appointment of the offi- 
 cer supposed to supervise it in the public interest, the 
 Alcalde Entregador, it may be said to have won a 
 decisive victory for capitalism. At that time it owned 
 
546 TPIE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 as many as seven million sheep, and exported wool to 
 the weight of 55,000 tons and to the value of $560,000, 
 per annum. 
 
 Wheat Having mastered the sources of wealth offered by 
 
 growing wool-growing, the capitalists next turned to arable land 
 and by their transformation of it took the last step 
 in the commercializing of life. Even now, in England, 
 land is not regarded as quite the same kind of invest- 
 ment as a factory or railroad ; there is still the vestige 
 of a tradition that the tenant has customary privileges 
 against the right of the owner of the land to exploit it 
 for all it is worth. But this is indeed a faint ghost of 
 the medieval idea that the custom was sacred and the 
 profit of the landlord entirely secondary. The long- 
 est step away from the medieval to the modern system 
 was taken in the sixteenth century, and its outward 
 and visible sign was the substitution of the leasehold 
 // for the ancient copyhold. The latter partook of the 
 nature of a vested right or interest; the former was 
 but a contract for a limited, often for a short, term, 
 at the end of which the tenant could be ejected, the rent 
 raised, or, as was most usual, an enormous fine {i.e., 
 fee) exacted for renewal of the lease. 
 
 The revolution was facilitated by, if it did not in part 
 consist of, the acquisition of the land by the new com- 
 mercial class, resulting in increased productivity. 
 New and better methods of tillage were introduced. 
 The scattered thirty acres of the peasant were consoli- 
 dated into three ten-acre fields, henceforth to be used 
 as the owner thought best. One year a field would be 
 under a cereal crop ; the next year converted into pas- 
 ture. This improved method, known as ''convertible 
 husbandry" practiced in England and to a lesser ex- 
 tent on the Continent, was a big step in the direction 
 of scientific agriculture. Regular rotation of crops 
 
THE RISE OF THE POWER OF MONEY- 547 
 
 was hardly a common practice before the eighteenth 
 century, but there was something like it in places where 
 hemp and flax would be alternated with cereals. Cap- 
 italists in the Netherlands built dykes, drained marshes -^ 
 and dug expensive canals. Elsewhere also swamps 
 were drained and irrigation begun. But perhaps no 
 single improvement in technique accounted for the 
 greater yield of the land so much as the careful and 
 watchful self-interest of the private owner, as against 
 the previous semi-communistic carelessness. Several 
 popular proverbs then gained currency in the sense 
 that there is no fertilizer of the glebe like that put on 
 by the master himself. Harrison's statement, in Eliza- 
 ])eth's reign, that an inclosed acre yielded as much as ^ 
 an acre and a half of common, is borne out by the 
 English statistics of the grain trade. From 1500 to 
 153-i, while the process of inclosure was at its height, 
 the export of corn more than doubled; it then dimin- 
 ished until it almost ceased in 1563, after which it 
 rapidly increased until 1600. During the whole cen- 
 tury the population was growing, and it is therefore 
 reasonable to suppose that the yield of the soil was 
 considerably greater in 1600 than it was in 1500. 
 
 It must, however, be admitted that the increase in Export of 
 exports was in part caused by and in part symptomatic v^^^g" ^ '^'^ 
 of a change in the policy of the government. When \ 
 commerce became king he looked out for his owti in- \ 
 terests first, and identified these interests with the 
 dividends of small groups of his chief ministers. 
 Trade was regulated, by tariff and bounty, no longer 
 in the interests of the consumer but in those of the 
 manufacturer and merchant. The corn-laws of nine- 
 teenth-century England have their counterpart in the 
 Elizabethan policy of encouraging the export of grain ' 
 that was needed at home. As soon as the land and the 
 Parliament both fell into the hands of the new capi- 
 
548 THE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 Money 
 
 crowned 
 
 king 
 
 Revolution 
 
 talistic landlords, they used the one to enhance the 
 profits of the other. Nor Avas England alone in this. 
 France favored the towns, that is the industrial cen- 
 ters, by forcing the rural population to sell at very 
 low rates, and by encouraging export of grain. Per- 
 haps this same policy was most glaring of all in Sixtine 
 Rome, where the Papal States were taxed, as the prov- 
 inces of the Empire had been before, to keep bread 
 cheap in the city. 
 
 § 2. The Rise of the Money Power 
 
 In modern times, Money has been king. Perhaps 
 at a certain period in the ancient Avorld wealth had as 
 much power as it has now, but in the Middle Ages it 
 was not so. Money was then ignored by the tenant or 
 serf who paid his dues in feudal service or in kind; 
 it was despised by the noble as the vulgar possession 
 of Jews or of men without gentle breeding, and it was 
 hated by the church as filthy lucre, the root of all evil 
 and, together with sex, as one of the chief instruments 
 of Satan. The *' religious" man would vow poverty 
 as well as celibacy. 
 
 But money now became too powerful to be neglected 
 or despised, and too desirable to be hated. In the 
 age of transition the medieval and modem concep- 
 tions of riches are found side by side. When Holbein 
 came to London the Hanse merchants there employed 
 him to design a pageant for the coronation of Anne 
 Boleyn. In their hall he painted two allegorical pic- 
 tures. The Triumph of Poverty and The Triumph of 
 AVealth. The choice of subjects was representative of 
 the time of transition. 
 
 The economic innovation sketched in the last few 
 
 ipages was followed by a social readjustment sufficiently 
 
 I violent and sufficiently rapid to merit the name of 
 
 revolution. The wave struck different countries at 
 
THE RISE OF THE MONEY POWER 549 
 
 different times, but when it did come in each, it came 
 with a rash, chiefly in the twenties in Germany and 
 Spain, in the thirties and forties in England, a little 
 later, with the civil wars, in France. It submerged 
 all classes but the bourgeoisie ; or, rather, it subjugated 
 them all and forced them to follow, as in a Roman tri- 
 umph, the conquering car of Wealth. 
 
 The one other power in the state that was visibly Bourgeoisie 
 aggrandized at the expense of other classes, besides ^^onaj^jj 
 the plutocracy, was that of the prince. This is some- — 
 times spoken of as the result of a new political theory, 
 an iniquitous, albeit unconscious, conspiracy of Luther 
 and Machiavelli, to exalt the divine right of kings. 
 But in truth their theories were but an expression of 
 the accomplished, or easily foreseen, fact; and this 
 fact was due in largest measure to the need of the com- 
 mercial class for stable and for strong government. 
 Riches, which at the dawm of the twentieth century 
 seemed, momentarily, to have assumed a cosmopolitan 
 character, were then bound up closely with the power 
 of the state. To keep order, to bridle the lawless, to 
 secure concessions and markets, a mercantile society 
 needed a strong executive, and this they could find 
 only in the person of the prince. Luther says that 
 kings are only God's gaolers and hangmen, high-born 
 and splendid because the meanest of God's servants 
 must be thus accoutred. It would be a little truer to 
 say that they were the gaolers and hangmen hired by 
 the bourgeoisie to over-awe the masses and that their 
 quaint trappings and titles w^ere kept as an ornament 
 to the gay world of snobbery. 
 
 Together with the monarchy, the new masters of Andothe 
 men developed other instruments, parliamentary gov- ^g^"^'^ 
 ernment in some countries, a bureaucracy in others, 
 and a mercenaiy army in nearl)^ all. At that time 
 Tvas either invented or much quoted the saying tha,t 
 
550 THE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 To break 
 the nobility 
 
 Plunder 
 the church 
 
 gold was one of the nerves of war. The expensive fire- 
 arms that blew up the feudal castle were equally deadly 
 when turned against the rioting peasants. 
 
 Just as the burgher was ready to shoulder his way 
 into the front rank, he was greatly aided by the frantic 
 civil strife that broke out in both the older privileged 
 orders. 'Never was better use made of the maxim, ** di- 
 vide and conquer," than when the Reformation di- 
 vided the church, and the civil wars, djmastic in Eng- 
 land, feudal in Germany and nominally religious in 
 France, broke the sword of the noble. When the earls 
 and knights had finished cutting each others' throats 
 there were hardly enough of them left to make a strong 
 stand. Occasionally they tried to do so, as in the re- 
 volt of Sickingen in Germany, of the Northern Earls 
 in England, and in the early stages of the rising of 
 the Communeros in Spain. In every case they were 
 defeated, and the work of the sword was completed by 
 the axe and the dagger. Whether they trod the blood- 
 soaked path to the Tower, or whether they succumbed 
 to the hired assassins of Catharine, the old nobles were 
 disposed of and the power of their caste was broken. 
 But their places were soon taken by new men. Some 
 bought baronies and titles outright, others ripened 
 more gradually to these honors in the warmth of the 
 royal smile and on the sunny slopes of manors wrested 
 from the monks. But the end finally attained was that 
 the coronet became a mere bauble in the hands of the 
 rich, the final badge of social deference to success in 
 money-making. 
 
 Still more violent was the spoliation of the church. 
 The confiscations carried out in the name of religion 
 redounded to the benefit of the newly rich. It is true 
 that all the property taken did not fall into their hands ; 
 some was kept by the prince, more was used to found 
 or endow hospices, schools and asylums for the poor. 
 
THE RISE OF THE MONEY POWER 551 
 
 But the most and the best of the land was soon thro\\Ti 
 to the eager grasp of traders and merchants. In Eng- 
 land probably one-sixth of all the cultivated soil in 
 the kingdom was thus transferred, in the course of a 
 few years, into the hands of new men. Thus were 
 created many of the *' county families" of England, 
 and thus the new interest soon came to dominate Par- 
 liament. Under Heniy VII the House of Lords, at 
 one important session, mustered thirty spiritual and 
 only eighteen temporal peers. In the reign of his son 
 the temporal peers came to outnumber the spiritual, 
 from whom the abbots had been subtracted. The Com- 
 mons became, what they remained until the nineteenth 
 century, a plutocracy representing either landed or 
 commercial wealtli. 
 
 Somewhat similar secularizations of ecclesiastical '^ 
 property took place throughout Germany, the cities 
 generally leading. The process w^as slow, but certain, 
 in Electoral Saxony, ITesse and the other Protestant 
 territories, and about the same time in Sweden and in 
 Denmark. But something the same methods were 
 recommended even in Roman Catholic lands and in -^ 
 Russia of the Eastern Church, so contagious were the 
 examples of the Reformers. Venice forbade gifts or ^^^^ 
 legacies to church or cloisters. France, where confis- 1557 
 cation was proposed, partiallj^ attained the same ends isie 
 by subjecting the clergy to the power of the cro^\^l. 
 
 Among the groups into which society naturally falls Bourgeoisie 
 is that of the intellectual class, the body of profes- jnteUi- 
 sional men, scientists, writers and teachers. This gentsia 
 group, just as it came into a new prominence in the 
 sixteenth century, at the same time became in part an 
 annex and a servant to the money power. The high 
 expense of education as compared with the ]\Iiddle 
 Ages, the enormous fees then charged for graduat- 
 ing in professional schools, the custom of buying 
 
552 THE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 And subju- 
 gates the 
 proletariat 
 
 Emancipa- 
 tion of the 
 serfs 
 
 livings in the church and practices in law and medi- 
 cine, the need of patronage in letters and art, made 
 it nearly impossible for the sons of the poor to enter 
 into the palace of learning. Moreover the patron- 
 age of the wealthy, their assertion of a monopoly 
 of good form and social prestige, seduced the profes- 
 sional class that now ate from the merchant's hand, 
 aped his manners, and served his interests. For four 
 hundred years law, divinity, journalism, art, and edu- 
 cation, have cut their coats, at least to some extent, 
 in the fashion of the court of wealth. 
 
 Last of all, there remained the only power that 
 proved itself nearly a match for money, that of labor. 
 Far outnumbering the capitalists, in every other way 
 the workers were their inferiors, — in education, in or- 
 ganization, in leadership and in material resources. 
 One thing 'that made their struggle so hard was that 
 those men of exceptional ability who might have been 
 their leaders almost always made fortunes of their 
 own and then turned their strength against their for- 
 mer comrades. Labor also suffered terribly from 
 quacks and ranters with counsels of folly or of mad- 
 ness. 
 
 The social wars of the sixteenth century partook of 
 the characteristics of both medieval and modem times. 
 The Peasants' Revolt in Germany was both com- 
 munistic and religious ; the risings of Communeros and 
 the Hermandad in Spain were partly communistic; 
 the several rebellions in England were partly religious. 
 But a new element marked them all, the demand on 
 the part of the workers for better wages and living 
 conditions. The proletariat of to^vn and mining dis- 
 trict joined the German peasants in 1524; the revolt 
 was in many respects like a gigantic general strike. 
 
 Great as are the ultimate advantages of freedom, 
 the emancipation of the serfs cannot be reckoned as 
 
THE RISE OF THE MONEY POWER 553 
 
 an immediate economic gain to them. They were freed 
 not because of the growth of any moral sentiment, much 
 less as the consequence of any social cataclysm, but 
 because free labor was found more profitable than 
 unfree. It is notable that serfs were emancipated 
 first in those countries like Scotland w^here there had 
 been no peasants' revolt; the inference is that they 
 were held in bondage in other countries longer than 
 it was profitable to do so for political reasons. The 
 last serf was reclaimed in Scotland in 1365, but the 
 serfs had not been entirely freed in England even in 
 the reign of Elizabeth. In France the process went on 
 rapidly in the 15th century, often against the wishes of 
 the serfs themselves. One hundred thousand peasants 
 emigrated from Northern France to Burgundy at that 
 time to exchange their free for a serv^ile state. How- 
 ever, they did not enjoy their bondage for long. Serfs 
 in the Burgundian state, especially in the Netherlands, 
 lost their last chains in the sixteenth century, most 
 rapidly between the years 1515 and 1531. In Germany 
 serfdom remained far beyond the end of the sixteenth 
 century, doubtless in part because of the fears excited 
 by the civil war of 1525. 
 
 In place of the old serfdom under one master came Regulation 
 a new and detailed regulation of labor by the govern- 
 ment. This regulation was entirely from the point of 
 view, and consequently all but entirely in the interests, 
 of the propertied classes. The form was the old form 
 of medieval paternalism, but the spirit was the new 
 spirit of capitalistic gain. The endeavor of the gov- 
 ernment to be fair to the laborer as well as to the em- 
 ployer is very faint, but it is just perceptible in some 
 laws. 
 
 Most of the taxes and burdens of the state Avere 
 loaded on the backs of the poor. Hours of labor 
 were fixed at from 12 to 15 according to the season. 
 
554 THE CAPITALISTIC EEVOLUTION 
 
 Eegulation of wages was not sporadic, but was a regu- 
 lar part of the work of certain magistrates, in England 
 of the justices of the peace. Parliament enforced with 
 incredible severity the duty of the poor and able-bodied 
 man to work. Sturdy idlers were arrested and drafted 
 into the new proletariat needed by capital. When 
 whipping, branding, and short terms of imprisonment, 
 did not suffice to compel men to work, a law was passed 
 
 ^^^ to brand able-bodied vagrants on the chest with a " V, " 
 
 and to assign them to some honest neighbor 'Ho have 
 and to hold as a slave for the space of two years then 
 next following." The master should "only give him 
 bread and water and small drink and such refuse of 
 meat as he should think meet to cause the said slave to 
 work." If the slave still idled, or if he ran away and 
 was caught again he was to be marked on the face with 
 an ' ' S " and to be adjudged a slave for life. If finally 
 refractory he was to be sentenced as a felon. This 
 terrible measure, intended partly to reduce lawless 
 vagrancy, partly to supply cheap labor to employers, 
 failed of its purpose and was repealed in two years. 
 Its re-enactment was vainly urged by Cecil upon Par- 
 liament in 1559. As a substitute for it in this year the 
 law was passed forbidding masters to receive any 
 workman without a testimonial from his last employer; 
 laborers were not allowed to stop work or change em- 
 ployers without good cause, and conversely employers 
 were forbidden to dismiss servants "unduly." 
 
 The pro- jj^ Germany the features of the modern struggle be- 
 
 tween owners and workers are plainest. In mining, 
 especially, there developed a real proletariat, a class of 
 laborers seeking employment wherever it was best paid 
 and combining and striking for higher wages. To 
 combat them were formed pools of employers to keep 
 down wages and to blacklist agitators. Typical of 
 these was the agreement made by Duke George of Sax- 
 
THE RISE OF THE MONEY POWER 555 
 
 ony and other large mine-owners not to raise wages, 1520 
 not to allow miners to go from place to place seeking 
 work, and not to hire any troublesome agitator once 
 dismissed by any operator. 
 
 It is extraordinary how rapidly many features of the 
 modern proletariat developed. Take, for example, the 
 housing problem. As this became acute some employ- 
 ers built model tenements for their workers. Others 
 started stores at which they could buy food and cloth- 
 ing, and even paid them in part in goods instead of in 
 money. Labor tended to become fluid, moving from 
 one town to another and from one industry to another 
 according to demand. Such a thing had been not un- 
 known in the previous centuries; it was strongly op- 
 posed by law in the sixteenth. The new risks run by 
 workers were brought out when, for the first time in 
 history, a great mining accident took place in 1515, a 
 flood by which eighty-eight miners were dro^vned. 
 Women began to be employed in factories and were 
 cruelly exploited. IMost sickening of all, children were 
 forced, as they still are in some places, to wear out 
 their little lives in grinding toih-'^he lace-making in- 
 dustry in Belgium, for example, fell entirely into the 
 hands of children. Far from protesting against this 
 outrage, the law actually sanctioned it by the provi- 
 sion that no girl over twelve be allowed to make lace, 
 lest the supply of maidservants be diminished.^' 
 
 Strikes there were and rebellions of all sorts, every Strikes 
 one of them beaten back by the forces of the govern- 
 ment and of the capitalists combined. The kings of 
 commerce were then, more than now, a timorous and 
 violent race, for then they were conscious of being 
 usuipers. When they saw a Miinzer or a Kett — the 
 mad Hamlets of the people — mcp and mow and stage 
 their deeds before the world, they became frantic with 
 terror and could do nought but take subtle counsel to 
 
556 THE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 kill these heirs, or pretenders, to their realms. The 
 great rebellions are all that history now pays much at- 
 tention to, but in reality the warfare on the poor was 
 ceaseless, a chronic disease of the body politic. Louis 
 XI spared nothing, disfranchisement, expulsion, whole- 
 sale execution, to beat down the lean and hungry con- 
 spirators against the public order, whose raucous cries 
 of misery he detested. With somewhat gentler, be- 
 cause stronger, hand, his successors followed in his 
 footsteps. But when needed the troops were there to 
 support the rich. The great strike of printers at 
 Lyons is one example of several in France. In the 
 German mines there were occasional strikes, sternly 
 suppressed by the princes acting in agreement. 
 Degrada- There Can be no doubt that the economic develop- 
 
 thepoor ments of the sixteenth century worked tremendous 
 hardship to the poor. It was noted everywhere that 
 whereas wine and meat were common articles in 1500, 
 they had become luxuries by 1600. Some scholars 
 have even argued from this a diminution of the wealth 
 of Europe during the century. This, however, was not 
 the case. The aggregate of capital, if we may 
 judge from many other indications, notably increased 
 throughout the century. But it became more and more 
 concentrated in a few hands. 
 
 The chief natural cause of the depression of the 
 working class was the rise in prices. Wages have 
 always shown themselves more sluggish in movement 
 than commodities. While money wages, therefore, re- 
 mained nearly stationary, real wages shrank through- 
 out the century. In 1600 a French laborer was obliged 
 to spend 55 per cent, of his wages merely on food. A 
 whole day's labor would only buy him two and one 
 half pounds of salt. Rents were low, because the 
 houses were incredibly bad. At that time a year's 
 rent for a laborer's tenement cost from ten to twenty 
 
THE RISE OF THE MONEY POWER 557 
 
 clays labor; it now costs about thirty days' labor. The 
 new commerce robbed the peasant of some of his mar- 
 kets by substituting foreign articles like indigo and 
 cochineal for domestic farm products. The commer- 
 cialization of agriculture worked manifold hardship to 
 the peasant. Many were turned off their farms to 
 make way for herds of sheep, and others w^ere hired 
 on new and harder terms to pay in money for the land 
 they had once held on customary and not too oppres- 
 sive terms of service and dues. 
 
 Under all the splendors of the Renaissance, with its 
 fields of cloth of gold and its battles like knightly 
 jousts, with its constant stream of adulation from ar- 
 tists and authors, with the ostentation of the new 
 wealth and the greedily tasted pleasures of living and 
 enjoying, an attentive ear can hear the low, uninter- 
 rupted murmurs of the wretched, destined to burst 
 forth, on the day of despair or of vengeance, into fero- 
 cious clamors. Nor was there then much pity for the No pity 
 poor. The charity and worship for ''apostolic pov- 
 erty" of the Middle Ages had ceased, nor had that 
 social kindness, so characteristic of our owti time that 
 it is affected even by those who do not feel it, arisen. 
 The rich and noble, absorbed in debauchery or art, re- 
 garded the peasant as a diiferent race — "the ox with- 
 out horns" they called him — to be cudgeled while he 
 was tame and hunted like a wolf when he ran wild. 
 Artists and men of letters ignored the very existence 
 of the unlettered, with the superb Horatian, ''I hate the 
 vulgar crowd and I keep them off," or, if they were 
 aroused for a moment by the noise of civil war merely 
 remarked, with Erasmus, that any tyranny was better 
 than that of the mob. Churchmen like Matthew Lang 
 and Warham and the popes oppressed the poor whom 
 Jesus loved. ''Rustica gens optima flens" smartly ob- 
 served a canon of Zurich, while Luther blurted out. 
 
 for the 
 poor 
 
558 THE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 ''accursed, thievish, murderous peasants" and *'the 
 gentle" Melanchthon ahnost sighed, ''the ass will 
 have blows and the people luill be ruled by force." 
 
 There were, indeed, a few honorable exceptions to 
 the prevalent callousness. "I praise thee, thou noble 
 peasant," wrote an obscure German, "before all crea- 
 tures and lords upon earth; the emperor must be thy 
 equal. ' ' The little read epigrams of Euricius Cordus, 
 a German humanist who was, by exception, also hu- 
 mane, denounce the blood-sucking of the peasants by 
 their lords. Greatest of all. Sir Thomas More felt, not 
 so much pity for the lot of the poor, as indignation at 
 their wrongs. The Utopia will always remain one of 
 the world's noblest books because it w^as almost the 
 first to feel and to face the social problem. 
 
 Pauperism TMs became urgent with the large increase of pau- 
 perism and vagrancy throughout the sixteenth century, 
 the most distressing of the effects of the economic rev- 
 olution. When life became too hard for the evicted 
 tenant of a sheep-raising landlord, or for the declasse 
 journeyman of the town gild, he had little choice save 
 to take to the road. Gangs of sturdy vagrants, led by 
 and partly composed of old soldiers, wandered through 
 Europe. But a little earlier than the sixteenth cen- 
 tury that race of mendicants the GijDsies, made their 
 debut. The word "rogue" was coined in England 
 about 1550 to name the new class. The Book of Vaga- 
 
 1510 bonds, written by Matthew Hiitlin of Pfortzheim, de- 
 
 scribes twenty-eight varieties of beggars, exposes their 
 tricks, and gives a vocabulary of their jargon. Some 
 of these beggars are said to be dangerous, threatening 
 the wayfarer or householder who will not pay them; 
 others feign various diseases, or make artificial wounds 
 and disfigurations to excite pity, or take a religious 
 garb, or drag chains to show that they had escaped 
 from galleys, or have other plausible tales of woe and 
 
THE EISE OF THE MONEY POWER 559 
 
 of adventure. All contemporaries testify to the alann- 
 ing numbers of these men and women ; how many they 
 really were it is hard to say. It has been estimated 
 that in 1500 20 per cent, of the population of Hamburg 
 and 15 per cent, of the population of Augsburg were 
 paupers. Under Elizabeth probably from a quarter 
 to a third of the population of London were paupers, 
 and the country districts were just as bad. Certain 
 parts of AVales were believed to have a third of their 
 population in vagabondage. 
 
 In the face of this appalling situation the medieval 
 method of charity completely broke dowm. In fact, 
 with its many begging friars, with its injunction of 
 alms-giving as a good work most pleasing to God, and 
 with its respect for voluntary poverty, the church 
 rather aggravated than palliated the evil of mendi- 
 cancy. The state had to step in to relieve the church. 
 
 This was early done in the Netherlands. A severe State poor- 
 edict was issued and repeatedly re-enacted against ^^ ^^ ' 
 tramps ordering them to be whipped, have their heads 
 shaved, and to be further punished wdth stocks. An 
 enterprising group of humanists and lawyers de- 
 manded that the government should take over the duty 
 of poor-relief from the church. Accordingly at Lille 
 a ''common chest" was started, the first civil chari- 
 table bureau in the Netherlands. At Bruges a cloister 1512 
 was secularized and tunied into a school for eight hun- 
 dred poor children in uniform. A secular bureau of 
 charity was started at Antwerp. 1521 
 
 Under these circumstances the humanist Lewis Vives 
 wrote his famous tract on the relief of the poor, in the January, 
 form of a letter to the town council of Bruges. In 
 this well thought out treatise he advocated the law that 
 no one should eat who did not work, and urged that all 
 able-bodied vagrants should be hired out to artisans — 
 a suggestion how welcome to the capitalists eager to 
 
560 THE CAPITALISTIC EEVOLUTION 
 
 draft men into tlicir workshops ! Cases of people un- 
 able to work should also be taken up, and they should 
 be cared for by application of religious endo^vments 
 by the government. Vives' claim to recognition lies 
 even more in his spirit than in his definite program. 
 For almost the first time in history he plainly said that 
 poverty was a disgrace as well as a danger to the state 
 and should be, not palliated, but extirpated. 
 
 While Vives was still preparing his treatise the city 
 1525 of Ypres (tragic name!) had already sought his ad- 
 
 vice and acted upon it, as well as upon the example of 
 earlier reforms in German cities, in promulgating an 
 ordinance. The city government combined all religi- 
 ous and philanthropic endowments into one fund and 
 appointed a committee" to administer it, and to collect 
 further gifts. These citizens were to visit the poor 
 in their dwellings, to apply what relief was necessary, 
 to meet twice a week to concert remedial measures and 
 to have charge of enforcing the laws against begging 
 and idleness. All children of the poor were sent to 
 school or taught a trade. 
 
 Though there were sporadic examples of municipal 
 poor-relief in Germany prior to the Reformation, it 
 was the religious movement that there first gave the 
 cause its decisive impulse. In his Address to the Ger- 
 man Nobility Luther had recommended that each city 
 should take care of its own poor and suppress "the 
 rascally trade of begging." During his absence at the 
 Wartburg his more radical colleagues had taken steps 
 to put these ideas into practice at Wittenberg. A 
 common fund was started by the application of eccle- 
 siastical endowments, from Avhich orphans were to be 
 housed, students at school and university to be helped, 
 poor girls dowered and needy workmen loaned money 
 at four per cent. A severe law against begging was 
 passed, Augsburg and Nuremberg followed the e:^- 
 
THE RISE OF THE MONEY POWER 561 
 
 ample of Wittenberg almost at once and other German 1522 
 cities, to the number of forty-eight, one by one joined 
 the procession. 
 
 For fairly obvious reasons the state regulation of 
 pauperism, though it did not originate in the Reforma- 
 tion, was much more rapidly and thoroughly developed 
 in Protestant lands. In these the power of the state 
 and the economic revolution attained their maximum 
 development, whereas the Roman church was inclined, 
 or obligated, to stand by the medieval position. 
 ''Alms-giving is papistry," said a Scotch tract. Thus 
 Christian Cellarius, a professor at Louvain, published 1530 
 A Plea for the Right of the Poor to Beg. The Spanish 
 monk, Lawrence da Villavicenzio in his Sacred Ecou- 1564 
 omy of caring for the Poor, condemned the whole plan 
 of state regulation and subvention as heretical. The 
 Council of Trent, also, put itself on the medieval side, 
 and demanded the restoration to the church of the di- 
 rection of charity. 
 
 But even in Catholic lands the new system made 1531 
 headway. As the University of Paris approved the 
 ordinance of Ypres, in France, and in Catholic Ger- 
 many, a plan comprising elements of the old order, but 
 informed by the modern spirit, grew up. 
 
 In England the problem of pauperism became more 
 acute than elsewhere. The drastic measures taken to 
 force men to work failed to supply all needs. After 
 municipal relief of various sorts had been tried, and 
 after the government had in vain tried to stimulate 
 private munificence to co-operate with the church to 1572 
 meet the growing need, the first compulsoiy Poor Rates — "^ 
 were laid. Three or four years later came an act for 
 setting the poor to labor in workhouses. These meas- 
 ures failed of the success that met the continental 
 method. Even compared to Scotland, England devel- 
 oped a disproportionate amount of pauperism. Some 
 
562 THE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 authorities have asserted that by giving the poor a 
 legal right to aid she encouraged the demand for it. 
 1572 Probably, however, she simply furnished the extreme 
 
 example of the commercialism that made money but 
 did not make men. 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 Were we reading the biographj^ of a wayward ge- 
 nius, we should find the significance of the book neither 
 in the account of his quarrels and of his sins nor in 
 the calculation of his financial difficulties and successes, 
 but in the estimate of his contributions to the beauty 
 and wisdom of the world. Something the same is true 
 about the history of a race or of a period ; the political 
 and economic events are but the outward framework; 
 the intellectual achievement is both the most attractive 
 and the most repaying object of our study. In this 
 respect the sixteenth century was one of the most bril- 
 liant; it produced w^orks of science that outstripped 
 all its predecessors; it poured forth masterpieces of 
 art and literature that are all but matchless. 
 
 § 1. BrBLic.Uj AND Classical. Scholarship Position of 
 
 Bible in 
 
 It is naturally impossible to give a full account of i6thcen- 
 all the products of sixteenth centuiy genius. In so ^^^ 
 vast a panorama only the mountain peaks can be 
 pointed out. One of these peaks is assuredly the Bible. 
 Never before nor since has that book been so popular; 
 never has its study absorbed so large a part of the 
 energies of men. It is true that the elucidation of 
 the text w^as not proportional to the amount of labor 
 spent on it. For the most part it was approached not ^ 
 in a scientific but in a dogmatic spirit. Men did not 
 road it historically and critically but to find their o^\ni 
 dogmas in it. Nevertheless, the foundations were laid 
 for both the textual and the higher criticism. 
 
 663 
 
564 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 The Greek Tlie Greek text of the New Testament was first pub- 
 lished by Erasmus in March, 1516. Revised, but not 
 always improved, editions were brought out by him in 
 1519, 1522 and 1527. For the first edition he had be- 
 fore him ten manuscripts, all of them minuscules, the 
 oldest of which, though he believed it might have come 
 from the apostolic age, is assigned by modern criticism 
 to the twelfth century. In the course of printing, some 
 bad errors were introduced, and the last six verses of 
 the Apocalypse, wanting in all the manuscripts, were 
 supplied by an extremely faulty translation from the 
 Latin. The results were such as might have been an- 
 ticipated. Though the text has been vastly purified by 
 modern critics, the edition of Erasmus was of great 
 service and was thoroughly honest. He noted that the 
 last verses of Mark were doubtful and that the passage 
 on the adulteress (John vii, 53 to viii, 11) was lacking 
 in the best authorities, and he omitted the text on the 
 three heavenly witnesses (I John v, 7) as wanting in 
 all his manuscripts. 
 
 For this omission he was violently attacked. To 
 support his position he asked his friend Bombasius to 
 consult the Codex Vaticanus, and dared to assert that 
 were a single manuscript found with the verse in 
 Greek, he would include it in subsequent editions. 
 Though there were at the time no codices with the 
 verse in question — which was a Latin forgery of the 
 fourth century, possibly due to Priscillian — one was 
 promptly manufactured. Though Erasmus suspected 
 the truth, that the verse had been interpolated from 
 the Latin text, he added it in his third edition ''that 
 no occasion for calumny be given." This one sample 
 must serve to show how Erasmus's work was received. 
 For every deviation from the Vulgate, Avhether in the 
 Greek text or in the new Latin translation with which 
 he accompanied it, he was ferociously assailed. His 
 
BIBLICAL SCHOLARSHIP 565 
 
 own anecdote of the old priest who, having the mis- 
 print ''mumpsimus" for ' ' sumpsimus " in his missal, 
 refused to correct the error when it was pointed out, 
 is perfectly typical of the position of his critics. New 
 truth must ever struggle hard against old prejudice. 
 
 While Erasmus was working, a much more ambi- 
 tious scheme for publishing the Scriptures was matur- 
 ing under the direction of Cardinal Ximenez at Alcala —^ 
 or, as the town was called in Latin, Complutum. The 
 Complutensian Polyglot, as it was thence named, was 
 published in six volumes, four devoted to the Old Test- 
 ament, one to the New Testament, and one to a Hebrew 
 lexicon and grammar. The New Testament volume 
 has the earliest date, 1514, but was withheld from the 1 
 public for several years after this. The manuscripts 
 from which the Greek texts were taken are unknown, 
 but they were better than those used by Erasmus. The 
 later editors of the Greek text in the sixteenth cen- 
 tury, Robert Estienne (Stephanus) and Theodore Beza, 
 did little to castigate it, although one of the codices 
 used by Beza, and now known by his name, is of great 
 value. 
 
 The Hebrew Massoretic text of the Old Testament "^brew 
 
 text 
 
 was printed by Gerson Ben Mosheli at Brescia in 1494, 
 and far more elaborately in the first four volumes of 
 the Complutensian Polj'glot. "With the Hebrew text 
 the Spanish editors offered the Septuagint Greek, the 
 Syriac, and the Vulgate, the Hebrew, Syriac and Greek 
 having Latin translations. The manuscripts for the 
 Hebrew were procured from Rome. A critical re- 
 vision was undertaken by Sebastian Miinster and pub- 
 lished with a new Latin version at Basle 1534-5. Later 
 recensions do not call for special notice here. An in- 
 complete text of the Syriac New Testament was pub- 
 lished at Antwerp in 1569. 
 
 The numerous new Latin translations made during 
 
566 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 Latin 
 versions 
 
 1530 
 
 April 8, 
 1546 
 
 1582 
 
 1592 
 
 Biblical 
 scholarship 
 
 this period testify to the general discontent with the 
 Vulgate. Not only humanists like Valla, Lefevre and 
 Erasmus, but perfectly orthodox theologians like Pope 
 Nicholas V, Cajetan and Sadoletus, saw that the com- 
 mon version could be much improved. In the new 
 Latin translation by Erasmus many of the errors of 
 the Vulgate were corrected. Thus, in Matthew iii, 2, 
 he offers ''resipiscite" or ''ad mentem redite" instead 
 of ''poenitentiam agite." This, as well as his substi- 
 tution of "sermo" for ''verbum" in John i, 1, was 
 fiercely assailed. Indeed, when it was seen what use 
 was made by the Protestants of the new Greek texts 
 and of the new Latin versions, of which there were 
 many, a strong reaction followed in favor of the tradi- 
 tional text. Even by the editors of the Complutensian 
 Polyglot the Vulgate was regarded with such favor 
 that, being printed between the Hebrew and Greek, it 
 was compared by them to Christ crucified between the 
 two thieves. The Sorbonne condemned as * ' Lutheran ' ' 
 the assertion that the Bible could not be properly un- 
 derstood or expounded without knowledge of the orig- 
 inal languages. In the decree of Trent the Vulgate 
 was declared to be the authentic form of the Scrip- 
 tures. The preface to the English Catholic version 
 printed at Rheims defends the thesis, now generally 
 held by Catholics, that the Latin text is superior in ac- 
 curacy to the Greek, having been corrected by Jerome, 
 preserved by the church and sanctioned by the Council 
 of Trent. In order to have this text in its utmost 
 purity an official edition was issued. 
 
 Modern critics, having far surpassed the results 
 achieved by their predecessors, are inclined to under- 
 estimate their debts to these pioneers in the field. The 
 manuals, encyclopaedias, commentaries, concordances, 
 special lexicons, all that make an introduction to bib- 
 lical criticism so easy nowadays, were lacking then, or 
 
BIBLICAL SCHOLAESHIP 567 
 
 were supplied only by the labor of a life-time. The 
 professors at Wittenberg, after prolonged inquiry, 
 were unable to find a map of Palestine. The first He- 
 brew concordance was printed, with many errors, at 
 Venice in 1523; the first Greek concordance not until 
 1546, at Basle. To find a parallel passage or illus- 
 trative material or ancient comment on a given text, 
 the critic then had to search through dusty tomes and 
 manuscripts, instead of finding them accumulated for 
 him in ready reference books. That all this has been 
 done is the work of ten generations of scholars, among 
 whom the pioneers of the Renaissance should not lack 
 their due meed of honor. The early critics were ham- . 
 pered by a vicious inherited method. The schoolmen, 
 with purely dogmatic interest, had developed a hope- 
 less and fantastic exegesis, by which every text of 
 Scripture was given a fourfold sense, the historical, al- 
 legorical, tropological (or figurative) and anagogical 
 (or didactic). 
 
 Erasmus, under the tuition of Valla, felt his way to Erasmus 
 a more fruitful method. It is true that his main ob- 
 ject was a moral one, the overthrow of superstition 
 and the establishment of the gentle "philosophy of 
 Christ." He used the allegorical method only, or 
 chiefly, to explain away as fables stories that would 
 seem silly or obscene as history. In the New Testa- 
 ment he sought the man Jesus and not the deified ^^' 
 Christ. He preferred the New Testament, with its 
 ''simple, plain and gentle truth, without savor of su- 
 perstition or cruelty" to the Old Testament. He dis- 
 criminated nicely even among the books of the New 
 Testament, considering the chief ones the gospels. Acts, 
 the Pauline epistles (except Hebrews), I Peter and 
 I John. He hinted that many did not consider the 
 Apocalypse canonical; he found Ephesians Pauline in 
 thought but not in style ; he believed Hebrews to have 
 
568 LIAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 been written by Clement of Rome ; and he called James 
 lacking in apostolic dignity. 
 Luther By far the best biblical criticism of the century was 
 
 the mature work of Martin Luther. It is a remark- 
 able fact that a man whose doctrine of the binding au- 
 thority of Scripture was so high, and who refused his 
 disciples permission to interpret the text w^itli the least 
 shade of independence, should himself have shown a 
 freedom in the treatment of the inspired waiters un- 
 cqualed in any Christian for the next three centuries. 
 It is sometimes said that Luther's judgments were 
 mere matters of taste ; that he took what he liked and 
 rejected what he disliked, and this is true to a certain 
 extent. ''What treats well of Christ, that is Scripture, 
 even if Judas and Pilate had written it," he averred, 
 and again, "If our adversaries urge the Bible against 
 Christ, we must urge Christ against the Bible." His 
 wish to exclude the epistle of James from the canon, 
 on the ground that its doctrine of justification contra- 
 dicted that of Paul, was thus determined, and excited 
 wide protest not only from learned Catholics like Sir 
 Thomas More, but also from many Protestants, begin- 
 ning with Bullinger. 
 
 But Luther's trenchant judgments of the books of 
 the Bible were usually far more than would be implied 
 by a merely dogmatic interest. Together with the best 
 scholarship of the age he had a strong intuitive feel- 
 ing for style that guided him aright in many cases. In 
 denying the Mosaic authorship of a part of the Penta- 
 teuch, in asserting that Job and Jonah were fables, in 
 finding that the books of Kings were more credible 
 than Chronicles and that the books of Isaiah, Jeremiah, 
 Hosea, Proverbs and Ecclesiastes had received their 
 final form from later editors, he but advanced theses 
 now universally accepted. His doubts about Esther, 
 Hebrews, and the Apocalypse have been amply con- 
 
version 
 
 BIBLICAL SCHOLARSHIP 569 
 
 firmed. Some modern scholars agree with his most 
 daring opinion, that the epistle of James was written 
 by ''some Jew who had heard of the Christians but 
 not joined them." After Luther the voluminous 
 works of the commentators are a dreary desert of arid 
 dogmatism and fantastic pedantry. Carlstadt was 
 perhaps the second best of the higher critics of the 
 time; Zwingli was conservative; Calvin's exegesis 
 slumbers in fifty volumes in deserved neglect. 
 
 Among the great vernacular Protestant versions of p^^™^" 
 the Bible that of Luther stands first in every sense of 
 the word. Long he had meditated on it before his en- 
 forced retirement at the Wartburg gave him the leisure 
 to begin it. The work of revision, in which Luther had 
 much help from Melanchthon and other Wittenberg 
 professors, was a life-long labor. Only recently have 
 the minutes of the meetings of these scholars come to 
 light, and they testif}^ to the endless trouble taken by 
 the Reformer to make his work clear and accurate. 
 He wrote no dialect, but a common, standard German 
 which he believed to have been introduced by the Saxon 
 chancery. But he also modelled his style not only on 
 the few good German authors then extant, but on the 
 speech of the market-place. From the mouths of the 
 people he took the sweet, common words that he gave 
 back to them again, "so that they may note that we are 
 speaking German to them." Spirit and fire he put 
 into the German Bible; dramatic turns of phrase, 
 lofty eloquence, poetry. 
 
 All too much Luther read his own ideas into the 
 Bible. To make Moses ''so German that no one would 
 know that he was a Jew" insured a noble style, but in- 
 volved an occasional violent wrench to the thought. 
 Thus the Psalms are made to speak of Christ quite 
 plainly, and of German May-festivals; and the pass- 
 over is metamorphosed into Easter. Is there not even 
 
570 MAIN CITERENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 an allusion to the golden rose given by the pope in the 
 translation of Micah iv, 8? — *'Und du Thurm Eder, 
 eine Feste der Tochter Zion, es wird deine goldene 
 Eose kommen/' Luther declared his intention of 
 "simply throwing away" any text repugnant to the 
 rest of Scripture, as he conceived it. As a matter of 
 fact the greatest change that he actually made was the 
 introduction of the word ** alone" after ''faith" in the 
 passage (Eomans iii, 28) ''A man is justified by faith 
 without works of the law." Luther never used the 
 word "church" (Kirche), in the Bible, but replaced it 
 by "congregation" (Gemeinde). Following Erasmus 
 he turned /^eravoetre (Matthcw iii, 2, 8) into "bessert 
 euch" ("improve yourselves") instead of "tut Busse" 
 ("do penance") as in the older German versions. 
 Also, following the Erasmian text, he omitted the 
 "comma Johanneum" (I John v, 7) ; this was first 
 insinuated into the German Bible in 1575. 
 English None of the other vernacular versions, not even the 
 
 ^ ® French translation of Lefevre and Olivetan can com- 
 
 pare with the German save one, the English. How 
 yWilliam Tyndale began and how Coverdale completed 
 the work in 1535, has been told on another page. 
 Many revisions followed : the Great Bible of 1539, the 
 Geneva Bible of 1560 and the Bishops' Bible of 1568. 
 Then came the Catholic, or Douai version of 1582, the 
 only one completely differing from the others, with its 
 foundation on the Vulgate and its numerous barbar- 
 isms: "parasceue" for "preparation," "feast of 
 Azymes" for "feast of unleavened bread," "imposing 
 of hands," "what to me and thee, woman" (John ii, 4), 
 ' * penance, " " chalice, " " host, " " against the spirituals 
 of wickedness in the celestials" (Ephesians vi, 12), 
 " supersubstantial bread" in the Lord's prayer, "he 
 exinanited himself" (Philippians ii, 7). 
 We are accustomed to speak of the Authorized Ver- 
 
BIBLICAL SCHOLARSHIP 571 
 
 sion of IGIO as if it were a new product of the literary 
 genius of Shakespeare's age. In fact, it was a mere ) 
 revision, and a rather light one, of previous work. Its 
 rare perfection of forai is due to the labors of many 
 men manipulating and polishing the same material. 
 Like the Homeric poems, like the Greek gospels them- 
 ^selves probably, the greatest English classic is the 
 product of the genius of a race and not of one man. 
 Even from the veiy beginning it was such to some ex- 
 tent. Tyndale could hardly have known Wyclif 's ver- 
 sion, which was never printed and was rare in manu- 
 script, but his use of certain words, such as ''mote," 
 "beam," and "strait gate," also found in the earlier 
 version, prove that he was already working in a lit- 
 erary tradition, one generation handing down to an- 
 other certain Scriptural phrases first heard in the 
 mouths of the Lollards. 
 
 Both Tyndale and Coverdale borrowed largely from 
 the German interpreters, as was acknowledged on the 
 title-page and in the prologue to the Bible of 1535. 
 Thus Tyndale copied not only most of the marginal 
 notes of Luther's Bible, but also such Teutonisms as, 
 "this is once bone of my bone," "they offered unto 
 field-devils" (Luther, "Felt-teuffeln")', "Blessed is 
 the room-maker, Gad" (Luther, "Raum-macher"). 
 The English translators also followed the German in 
 using "elder" frequently for "priest," "congrega- 
 tion" for "church," and "love" for "charity." By 
 counting every instance of this and similar renderings. 
 Sir Thomas More claimed to have found one thousand 
 errors in the New Testament alone. 
 
 The astounding popularity of the Bible, chiefly but Popularity 
 not only in Protestant countries, is witnessed by a °^^'^'® 
 myriad voices. Probably in all Christian countries 
 in every age it has been the most read book, but in the 
 sixteenth century it added to an unecLualed reputation 
 
572 MAIN CUERENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 for infallibility the zest of a new discovery. Edward 
 VI demanding: the Bible at his coronation, Elizabeth 
 passionately kissing it at hers, were but types of the 
 time. That joyous princess of the Eenaissance, Isa- 
 bella d'Este, ordered a new translation of the Psalms 
 for her oa\ti perusal. ^Fargaret of Navarre, in the In- 
 troduction to her frivolous Heptameron, expresses the 
 pious hope that all present have read the Scripture. 
 Hundreds of editions of the German and English trans- 
 lations were called for. The people, wrote an Eng- 
 lishman in 1539, ''have now in every church and place, 
 almost every man, the Bible and New Testament in 
 their mother tongue, instead of the old fabulous and 
 fantastical books of the Table Round . . . and such 
 other whose impure filth and vaili fabulosity the light 
 of God hath abolished there utterly." In Protestant 
 lands it became almost a matter of good form to own 
 the Bible, and reading it has been called, not ineptly, 
 ''the 02MS operatum of the Evangelicals." Even the 
 Catholics bore witness to the demand, which they tried 
 to check. While they admonished the laity that it was 
 unnecessary'^ and dangerous to taste of this tree of 
 knowledge, while they even curtailed the reading of 
 the Scripture by the clergy, they were forced to suppl}^ 
 vernacular versions of their o^^^l. 
 Bibliolatry Along with unbounded popularity the Bible then en- 
 joyed a much higher reputation for infallibility than 
 it bears today. The one point on which all Protestant 
 churches were agreed was the supremacy and suffi- 
 ciency of Scripture. The Word, said Calvin, flowed 
 from the very mouth of God himself; it was the sole 
 foundation of faith and the one fountain of all wisdom. 
 "What Christ says must be true whether I or any 
 other man can understand it," preached Luther. 
 "Scripture is fully to be believed," wrote an English 
 theologian, "as a thing necessary to salvation, though 
 
BIBLICAL SCHOLARSHIP 573 
 
 the thing contained in Scripture pertain not merely to 
 the faith, as that Aaron had a beard. ' ' The Swiss and 
 the Anabaptists added their voices to this chorus of 
 bibiiolatry. 
 
 Since studies pass into character, it is natural to ^^^""* 
 
 studia in 
 
 find a marked effect from this turning loose of a new mores 
 source of spiritual authority. That thousands were 
 made privately better, wiser and happier from the 
 reading of the gospels and the Hebrew poetry, that 
 standards of morality were raised and ethical tastes 
 purified thereby, is certain. But the same cause had 
 several effects that were either morally indifferent or 
 positively bad. The one chiefly noticed by contem- 
 poraries was the pullulation of new sects. Each man, 
 as Luther complained, interpreted the Holy Book ac- 
 cording to his own brain and crazy reason. The old 
 saying that the Bible w^as the book of heretics, came 
 true. It was in vain for the Reformers to insist that 
 none but the ministers (i. e. themselves) had the right 
 to interpret Scripture. It was in vain for the govern- 
 ments to forbid, as the Scotch statute expressed it, 
 ''any to dispute or hold opinions on the Bible"; dis- 
 cordant clamor of would-be expounders arose, some 
 learned, others ignorant, others fantastic, and all pig- 
 headed and intolerant. 
 
 There can be no doubt that the Bible, in proportion 
 to the amount of inerrancy attributed to it, became a 
 stumbling-block in the path of progress, scientific, so- 
 cial and even moral. It was quoted against Copeniicus 
 as it was against Darwin. Rational biblical criticism 
 was regarded by Luther, except when he was the critic, 
 as a cause of vehement suspicion of atheism. Some 
 texts buttressed the horrible and cruel superstition of 
 witchcraft. The, examples of the wars of Israel and 
 the text, "compel them to enter in," seemed to sup- 
 port the duty of intolerance. Social reformers, like 
 
 1550 
 
674 MAIN CUERENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 Vives, in their struggle to abolish poverty, were con- 
 fronted with the maxim, mistaken as an eternal verity, 
 that the poor are always with us. Finally the great 
 moral lapse of many of the Protestants, the permission 
 of polygamy, was supported by biblical texts. 
 The Next to the Bible the sixteenth century revered the 
 
 clflssics 
 
 classics. Most of the great Latin authors had been 
 printed prior to 1500, the most important exception 
 being the Annals of Tacitus, of which the editio prin- 
 ceps was in 1515. Between the years 1478 and 1500, 
 the following Greek works had been published, and in 
 this order: Aesop, Homer, Isocrates, Theocritus, the 
 Anthology, four plays of Euripides, Aristotle, Theog- 
 nis, and nine plays of Aristophanes. Follow the 
 dates of the editiones principes of the other principal 
 Greek writers : 
 
 1502: 
 
 Thucydides, Sophocles, Herodotus. 
 
 1503: 
 
 Euripides (eighteen plays), Xenophon's Hellen 
 
 1504: 
 
 ICQi. 
 
 Demosthenes. 
 
 1509: 
 
 Plutarch's Moralia. 
 
 1513: 
 
 Pindar, Plato. 
 
 1516: 
 
 Aristophanes, New Testament, Xenophon, Pau 
 
 
 sanias, Strabo. 
 
 1517: 
 
 Plutarch's Lives. 
 
 1518: 
 
 Septuagint, Aeschylus, four plays. 
 
 1525: 
 
 Galen, Xenophon's complete works. 
 
 1528: 
 
 Epictetus. 
 
 1530: 
 
 Polybius. 
 
 1532: 
 
 Aristophanes, eleven plays. 
 
 1533: 
 
 Euclid, Ptolemy, 
 
 1544: 
 
 Josephus. 
 
 1552: 
 
 Aeschylus, seven plays. 
 
 1558: 
 
 Marcus Aurelius. 
 
 1559: 
 
 Diodorus. 
 
 1565: 
 
 Bion and Moschus. 
 
 1572: 
 
 Plutarch's complete works. 
 
 ISTaturally the first editions werer not usually the best. 
 
CLASSICAL SCHOLARSHIP 575 
 
 The labor of successive generations has made the Scholarship 
 text what it is. Good work, particularly, though not 
 exclusively, in editing the fathers of the church, was 
 done by Erasmus. But a really new school of histor- 
 ical criticism was created by Joseph Justus Scaliger, J- J- Sca- 
 the greatest of scholars. His editions of the Latin 15^^1609 
 poets first laid down and applied sound rules of textual 
 emendation, besides elucidating the authors with a --i/^'-'^^ 
 wealth of learned comment. 
 
 The editing of the texts was but a small portion of 
 the labor that went to the cultivation of the classics. 
 The foundations of our modem lexicons were laid in 
 the great Thesaurus linguae Latinae of Robert Es- 
 ticnne (first edition 1532, 2d improved 1536, 3d in 
 three volumes 1543) and the Thesaurus linguae Graecae 
 by Henry Estienne the younger, published in five vol- 
 umes in 1572. This latter is still used, the best edition 
 being that in nine volumes 1829-63. 
 
 So much of ancient learning has become a matter of 
 course to the modern student that he does not always 
 realize the amount of ground covered in the last four 
 centuries. Erasmus once wrote to Cardinal Grimani: 
 ''The Roman Capitol, to which the ancient poets vainly November 
 promised eternity, has so completely disappeared that 
 its very location cannot be pointed out." If one of the 
 greatest scholars then was ignorant of a site now vis- 
 ited by every tourist in the Eternal City, how much 
 must there not have been to learn in other respects'? 
 Devotedly and successfully the contemporaries and 
 successors of Erasmus labored to supply the knowledge 
 then wanting. Latin, Greek and Hebrew grammars 
 were written, treatises on Roman coinage, on epi- 
 graphy, on ancient religion, on chronology, on com- 
 parative philology, on Roman law, laid deep and strong 
 the foundations of the consummate scholarship of mod- 
 ern times. 
 
576 
 
 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 Idolatry of 
 ancients 
 
 1573 
 
 The classics were not only studied in the sixteenth 
 century, they were loved, they were even worshipped. 
 '* Every elegant study, every science worthy of the at- 
 tention of an educated man, in a word, whatever there 
 is of polite learning, ' ' wrote the French savant Muret, 
 ''is contained nowhere save in the literature of the 
 Greeks." Joachim du Bellay wrote a cycle of son- 
 nets on the antiquities of Rome, in the spirit : 
 
 Value of 
 classics in 
 16th cen- 
 tury 
 
 Rome fut tout le monde, et tout le monde est Rome. 
 
 ''The Latin allureth me by its gracious dignity," 
 wrote Montaigne, "and the writings of the Greeks not 
 only fill and satisfy me, but transfix me with admira- 
 tion. . . . What glory can compare with that of 
 Homer?" Machiavelli tells how he dressed each eve- 
 ning in his best attire to be worthy to converse with 
 the spirits of the ancients, and how, while reading 
 them, he forgot all the woes of life and the terror of 
 death. Almost all learned works, and a great many 
 not learned, were written in Latin. For those who 
 could not read the classics for themselves translations 
 were supplied. Perhaps the best of these were the 
 Lives of Famous Men by Plutarch, first rendered into 
 French by Amyot and thence into English by Sir 
 Thomas North. 
 
 Strong, buoyant, self-confident as was the spirit of 
 the age, it bore plainly upon it the impress of its zeal- 
 ous schooling in the lore of the ancients. In supplying 
 the imperious need of cultured men for good literature 
 the Romans and Greeks had, in the year 1500, but few 
 rivals — save in Italy, hardly any. To an age that had 
 much to learn they had much to teach ; to men as greedy 
 for the things of the mind as they were for luxury and 
 wealth the classics offered a new world as rich in spoils 
 of wisdom and beauty as were the East Indies and 
 
CLASSICAL SCHOLARSHIP 577 
 
 Peru in spices and gold. The supreme value of the 
 Greek and Latin books is that which they have in com- 
 mon with all literature; they furnished, for the mass 
 of reading men, the best and most copious supply of 
 food for the intellectual and spiritual life. ''Books," 
 says Erasmus, ''are both cheering and wholesome. In 
 prosperity they steady one, in affliction console, do not 
 vary with fortune and follow one through all dangers 
 even to the grave. . . . What wealth or what scepters 
 would I exchange for my tranquil reading?" "From 
 my earliest childhood," Montaigne confides, "poetry 
 has had the power to pierce me through and transport 
 me. ' ' 
 
 In the best sense of the word, books are popular phi- 
 losophy. All cannot study the deepest problems of 
 life or of science for themselves, but all can absorb the 
 quintessence of thought in the pleasant and stimulat- 
 ing form in which it is served up in the best literature. 
 Books accustom men to take pleasure in ideas and to 
 cultivate a high and noble inward life. This, their su- 
 preme value for the moulding of character, was appre- 
 ciated in the sixteenth century. "We must drink the 
 •spirit of the classics," observes ]\Iontaigne, "rather 
 than learn their precepts," and again, "the use to 
 which I put my studies is a practical one — the forma- 
 tion of character for the exigencies of life." 
 
 This is the service by which the ancients have put Ancient 
 the moderns in their debt. Another gift of distinct, masters 
 
 • T J. 1 CI or literary 
 
 though lesser value, was that ot literary style. fc»o gtyje 
 close is the correspondence between expression and 
 thought that it is no small advantage to any man or 
 to any age to sit at the feet of those supreme masters 
 of the art of saying things well, the Greeks. The dan- 
 ger here was from literal imitation. Erasmus, with 
 habitual wit, ridiculed the Ciceronian who spent years 
 in constructing sentences that might have been written 
 
578 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 by his master, who speaks of Jehovah as Jupiter and of 
 Christ as Cecrops or Iphigenia, and who transmutes 
 the world around him into a Roman empire with trib- 
 unes and augurs, consuls and allies. It is significant 
 that the English word '^pedant" was coined in the six- 
 teenth century. 
 
 What the classics had to teach directly was not only 
 of less value than their indirect influence, but was often 
 positively harmful. Those who, intoxicated with the 
 pagan spirit, sought to regulate their lives by the 
 moral standards of the poets, fell into the same error, 
 though into the opposite vices, as those who deified the 
 letter of the Bible. Like the Bible the classics were, 
 and are, to some extent obstacles to the march of sci- 
 ence, and this not only because they take men's inter- 
 est from the study of nature, but because most ancient 
 philosophers from the time of Socrates spoke con- 
 temptuously of natural experiment and discovery as 
 things of little or no value to the soul. 
 
 If for the finer spirits of the age a classical educa- 
 tion furnished a noble instrument of culture, for all 
 too many it w^as prized simply as a badge of supe- 
 riority. Among a people that stands in awe of learn- 
 ing — and this is more true of Europe than of America 
 and was more true of the sixteenth than it is of the 
 twentieth century — a classical education offers a man 
 exceptional facilities for delicately impressing' infe- 
 riors with their crudity. 
 Vernaculars The period that marked high water in the estimation 
 of the classics, also saw the turn of the tide. In all 
 countries the vernacular crowded the classics ever 
 backward from the field. The conscious cultivation of 
 the modern tongues was marked by the publication of 
 new dictionaries and by various works such as John 
 Bale's history of English literature, written itself, to 
 be sure, in Latin. The finest work of the kind was 
 
HISTORY 579 
 
 Joachim du Bellay's Defence et Illustration de la 
 langue frangaise published in 1549 as part of a con- 
 certed effort to raise French as a vehicle of poetry and 
 prose to a level with the classics. This was done 
 partly by borrowing from Latin. One of the charac- 
 teristic words of the sixteenth century, *'patrie," was 
 thus formally introduced. 
 
 § 2. History 
 
 For the examination of the interests and temper of 
 a given era, hardly any better gauge can be found than 
 the historj'^ it produced. In the period under consid- 
 eration there were two great schools, or currents, of 
 historiography, the humanistic, sprung from the Re- 
 naissance, and church history, the child of the Ref- 
 ormation. 
 
 The devotees of the first illustrate most aptly what Humanistic 
 has just been said about the influence of the classics. ^^^^QJ■J 
 Their supreme interest was style, generally Latin. To ography 
 clothe a chronicle in the toga of Livy's periods, to deck 
 it out with the rhetoric of Sallust and to stitch on a 
 few antitheses and epigrams in the manner of Tacitus, 
 seemed to them the height of art. Their choice of 
 matter was as characteristic as their manner, in that 
 their interest was exclusively political and aristocratic. 
 Save the doings of courts and camps, the political in- 
 trigues of governments and the results of battles, to- 
 gether with the virtues and vices of the rulers, they saw 
 little in history. What the people thought, felt and 
 suffered, was beyond their purview. Nor did most of 
 them have much interest in art, science or literature, 
 or even in religion. When George Buchanan, a man 
 in the thick of the Scottish Reformation, who drafted 
 the Book of Articles, came to write the history of his 
 own time, he was so obsessed with the desire to imi- 
 tate the ancient Romans that he hardly mentioned the 
 
580 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 i;eligious controversy at all. One sarcasm on the 
 priests who thought the Neiv Testatment was written 
 by Luther, and demanded their good Old Testament 
 back again, two brief allusions to Knox, and a few 
 other passing references are all of the Reformation 
 that comes into a bulky volume dealing with the reigns 
 of James V and Mary Stuart. His interest in political 
 liberty, his conception of the struggle as one between 
 tyranny and freedom, might appear modern were it not 
 so plainly rooted in antique soil. 
 
 The prevailing vice of the humanists — to see in the 
 story of a people nothing but a political lesson — is car- 
 
 Machiavelli ried to its extreme by Machiavelli. Writing with all 
 the charm that conquers time, this theorist altered 
 facts to'suit his thesis to the point of composing histor- 
 ical romances. His Life of Castruccio is as fictitious 
 and as didactic as Xenophon's Cyropaedia; his Com- 
 mentary on Livy is as much a treatise on politics as is 
 TJie Prince; the History of Florence is but slightly 
 hampered by the events. 
 
 Guicciar- If Guicciardini 's interest in politics is not less ex- 
 
 ^*"* elusive than that of his compatriot, he is vastly supe- 
 
 rior as a historian to the older man in that, whereas 
 Machiavelli deduced history a priori from theory, 
 Guicciardini had a real desire to follow the inductive 
 method of deriving his theory from an accurate mas- 
 tery of the facts. With superb analytical reasoning he 
 presents his data, marshals them and draws from 
 them the conclusions they will bear. The limitation 
 that vitiates many of his deductions is his taking into 
 account only low and selfish motives. Before idealists 
 he stands helpless; he leaves the reader uncertain 
 whether Savonarola was a prophet or an extremely 
 astute politician. 
 
 jovius The advance that Paul Jovius marks over the 
 
 Florentines lies in the appeal that he made to the in- 
 
HISTORY 581 
 
 terests of the general public. History had hitherto 
 been written for the greater glory of a patron or at . 
 most of a city ; Jovius saw that the most generous pa- 
 tron of genius must henceforth be the average reader. 
 It is true that he despised the public for whom he 
 wrote, stuffing them with silly anecdotes. Both as the 
 first great interviewer and reporter for the history of 
 his own times, and in paying homage to Mrs. Grundy 
 by assuming an air of virtue not natural to him, he 
 anticipated the modern journalist. 
 
 So much more modern in point of view than his con- Po^y^ore 
 temporaries was Polydore Vergil — whose English His- 
 tory appeared in 1534 — that the generalizations about 
 humanist historiography are only partially true of him. 
 Though his description of land and people is perhaps 
 modelled on Herodotus, it shows a genuine interest in 
 the life of the common man, even of the poor. He 
 noted the geography, climate and fauna of the island ; 
 his eyes saw London Bridge with its rows of shops on 
 either side, and they admired the parks full of game, 
 the apple orchards, the fat hens and pheasants, the 
 ploughs drawn by mixed teams of horses and oxen ; he 
 even observed the silver salt-cellars, spoons and cups 
 used by the poor, and their meals of meat. His de- 
 scription of the people as brave, hospitable and very 
 religious is as true now as it was then. With an anti- 
 quary's interest in old manuscripts Vergil combined a 
 philosopher's skepticism of old legends. This Italian, 
 though his patron was Henry VIII, balanced English 
 and French authorities and told the truth even in such 
 delicate matters as the treatment of Joan of Arc. 
 Political history was for him still the most important, 
 although to one branch of it, constitutional history, he 
 was totally blind. So were almost all Englishmen then, 
 even Shakespeare, whose King John contains no allu- 
 sion to Magna Charta. In his work On the Inventors 
 
582 
 
 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 French 
 Memoirs 
 
 of Things Vergil showed the depth of his insight into 
 the importance in history of culture and ideas. While 
 his treatment of such subjects as the origin of myths, 
 man, marriage, religion, language, poetry, drama, mu- 
 sic, sciences and laws is unequal to his purpose, the in- 
 tention itself bears witness to a new and fruitful spirit. 
 
 Neither France nor England nor Germany produced 
 historians equal to those of Italian or of Scottish birth. 
 France was the home of the memoir, personal, chatty, 
 spicy and unphilosophic. Those of Blaise de Montluc 
 are purely military, those of Brantome are mostly 
 scandalous. Martin du Bellay tried to impart a higher 
 tone to his reminiscences, while with Hotman a school 
 of pamphleteers arose to yoke history with political 
 theory. John Bodin attempted without much success 
 the difficult task of writing a philosophy of history. 
 His chief contribution was the theory of geography and 
 climate as determinant influences. 
 
 It is hard to see any value, save occasionally as 
 sources, in the popular English chronicles of Edward 
 Hall, Raphael Hollinshed and John Stow. Full of 
 court gossip and of pageantry, strongly royalist, con- 
 servative and patriotic, they reflect the interests of the 
 middle-class cockney as faithfully as does a certain 
 type of newspaper and magazine today. 
 Biographies The biography and autobiography were cultivated 
 with considerable success. Jovius and Brantome both 
 wrote series of lives of eminent men and women. 
 Though the essays of Erasmus in this direction are 
 both few and brief, they are notable as among the most 
 exquisite pen-portraits in literature. More ambitious 
 and more notable were the Lives of the Best Painters, 
 Sculptors and Architects by George Vasari, in which 
 the whole interest was personal and practical, with no 
 attempt to write a history or a philosophy of art. 
 Even criticism was confined almost entirely to vari- 
 
 English 
 chronicles 
 
 1550 
 
HISTORY 583 
 
 ations of praise. In the realm of autobiography Ben- 
 venuto Cellini attained to the non plus ultra of self- 
 revelation. If he discloses the springs of a rare 
 artistic genius, with equal naivete he lays bare a ruf- 
 fianly character and a colossal egotism. 
 
 One immense field of human thought and action had Church 
 been all but totally ignored by the humanist historians '^^""^ 
 — that of religion. To cultivate this field a new genre, 
 church history, sprang into being, though the felt want 
 was not then for a rational explanation of important 
 and neglected phenomena, but for material which each 
 side in the religious controversy might forge into weap- 
 ons to use against the other. The natural result of 
 so practical a purpose was that history was studied 
 through colored spectacles, and was interpreted with 
 strong tendency. In the most honest hands, such as 
 those of Sleidan, the scale was unconsciously weighted 
 on one side ; by more passionate or less honorable ad- 
 vocates it was deliberately lightened with suppression 
 of the truth on one side and loaded with suggestion of 
 the false on the other. 
 
 If the mutual animosity of Catholic and Protestant 
 narrowed history, their common detestation of all 
 other religions than Christianity, as well as of all 
 heresies and skepticisms, probably impoverished it 
 still more. Orthodox Christianity, with its necessary 
 preparation, ancient Judaism, was set apart as di- 
 vinely revealed over against all other faiths and beliefs, 
 wliich at best were "the beastly devices of the heathen" 
 and at worst the direct inspiration of the devils. Few 
 were the men who, like Erasmus, could compare Christ 
 with Socrates, Plato and Seneca ; fewer still those who 
 could say with Franck, "Heretic is a title of honor, for 
 truth is always called heresy." The names of Mar- 
 cion and Pelagius, Epicurus and Mahomet, excited a 
 passion of hatred hardly comprehensible to us. The 
 
584 MAIN CUREENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 refutation of the Koran issued under Luther's auspices 
 would have been ludicrous had it not been pitiful. 
 
 In large part this vicious interpretation of history 
 was bequeathed to the Reformers by the Middle Ages. 
 As Augustine set the City of God over against the city 
 of destruction, so the Protestant historians regarded 
 the human drama as a puppet show in which God and 
 the devil pulled the strings. Institutions of which they 
 disapproved, such as the papacy and monasticism, were 
 thought to be adequately explained by the suggestion 
 ,^ of their Satanic origin. A thin, wan line of witnesses 
 
 passed the truth do^\^l, like buckets of water at a fire, 
 from its source in the Apostolic age to the time of the 
 writer. 
 
 Even with such handicaps to weigh it down, the 
 study of church history did much good. A vast body 
 of new sources were uncovered and ransacked. The 
 appeal to an objective standard slowly but surely 
 forced its lesson on the litigants before the bar of 
 truth. Writing under the eye of vigilant critics one 
 cannot forever suppress or distort inconvenient facts. 
 The critical dagger, at first sharpened only to stab an 
 enemy, became a scalpel to cut away many a foreign 
 growth. With larger knowledge came, though slowly, 
 fairer judgment and deeper human interest. In these 
 respects there was vast diiference between the indi- 
 vidual writers. To condemn them all to the Malebolge 
 deserved only by the worst is undiscriminating. 
 Magdeburg Amoug the most industrious and the most biassed 
 £59-74^^' ^^^^^^ certainly be numbered Matthew Flacius Illyricus 
 and his collaborators in producing the Magdeburg Cen- 
 turies, a vast history of the church to the year 1300, 
 which aimed at making Protestant polemic independ- 
 ent of Catholic sources. Save for the accumulation of 
 much material it deserves no praise. Its critical prin- 
 ciples are worse than none, for its only criterion of 
 
HISTORY 585 
 
 sources is as they are pro- or anti-papal. The latter 
 are taken and the former left. Miracles are not 
 doubted as such, but are divided into two classes, those 
 tending to prove an accepted doctrine which are true, 
 and those which support some papal institution which 
 are branded as *' first-class lies." The correspondence 
 between Christ and King Abgarus is used as not hav- 
 ing been proved a forgery, and the absurd legend of the 
 female Pope Joan is never doubted. The psychology 
 of the authors is as bad as their criticism. All opposi- 
 tion to the pope, especially that of the German Em- 
 perors, is represented as caused by religion. 
 
 However poor was the work of the authors of the Annalesoi 
 Magdeburg Centuries, they were at least honest in 15^83-1607 
 arraying their sources. This is more than can be said 
 of Caesar Baronius, whose Annales Ecclesiastici was 
 the official Catholic counterblast to the Protestant work. 
 Whereas his criticism is no whit better than theirs, he 
 adopted the cunning policy, unfortunately widely ob- 
 taining since his day, of simply ignoring or suppress- 
 ing unpleasant facts, rather than of refuting the in- 
 ferences drawm from them. His talent for switching 
 the attention to a side-issue, and for tangling instead 
 of clearing problems, made the Protestants justly re- 
 gard him as ''a great deceiver" though even the most 
 learned of them, J. J. Scaliger, Avho attempted to refute 
 him, found the work difficult. 
 
 Naturally the battle of the historians waxed hottest 
 over the Reformation itself. A certain class of Prot- 
 estant works, of which Crespin's Book of Martyrs, 1554 
 Beza's Ecclesiastical History and John Foxe's Acts ^^^^ 
 and Monuments (first English edition, 1563), are ex- 
 amples, catered to the passions of the multitude by 
 laying the stress of their presentation on the heroism 
 and sufferings of the witnesses to the faith and the 
 cruelty of the persecutors. For many men the de- 
 
586 Mx\IN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 tailed description of isolated facts has a certain 
 ''thickness" of reality — if I may borrow William 
 James's phrase — that is fomid by more complex minds 
 only in the deduction of general causes. Passionate, 
 
 Foxe partisan and sometimes ribald, Foxe won the reward 
 
 that waits on demagogues. When it came to him as an 
 afterthought to turn his book of martyrs into a gen- 
 eral history, he plagiarized the Magdeburg Centuries. 
 The reliability of his original narrative has been im- 
 pugned with some success, though it has not been fully 
 or impartially investigated. Much of it being drawn 
 from personal recollection or from unpublished rec- 
 ords, its sole value consists for us in its accuracy. I 
 have compared a small section of the work with the 
 manuscript source used by Foxe and have made the 
 rather surprising discovery that though there are wide 
 variations, none of them can be referred to partisan 
 bias or to any other conceivable motive. In this in- 
 stance, which is too small to generalize, it is possible 
 that Foxe either had supplementary information, or 
 that he wrote from a careless memory. In any case his 
 work must be used with caution. 
 
 Knox Much superior to the work of Foxe was John Knox 's 
 
 History of the Reformation of Religion within the 
 Realm of Scotland (written 1559-71). In style it is 
 rapid, with a rare gift for seizing the essential and a 
 no less rare humor and command of sarcasm. Its in- 
 tention to be ''a faithful rehearsal of such personages 
 as God has made instruments of his glory," though 
 thus equivocally stated, is carried out in an honorable 
 sense. It is true that the writer never harbored a 
 doubt that John Knox himself was the chiefest instru- 
 ment of God's glory, nor that **the Roman Kirk is the 
 synagogue of Satan and the head thereof, called the 
 pope, that man of sin of whom the apostle speaketh." 
 If, in such an avowed apology, one does not get impar- 
 
HISTORY 587 
 
 tiality, neither is one misled by expecting it. Knox's 
 honor consists only in this that, as a party pamphle- 
 teer, he did not falsify or suppress essential facts as 
 he understood them himself. 
 
 In glaring contrast to Knox's obtrusive bias, is the Bullmger 
 fair appearance of impartiality presented in Henry 
 Bullinger's History of the Reformation 1519-32. 
 Here, too, we meet with excellent composition, but with 
 a studied moderation of phrase. It is probable that 
 the author's professions of fairness are sincere, though 
 at times the temptation to omit recording unedifying 
 facts, such as the sacramentarian schism, is too strong 
 for him. 
 
 Before passing judgment on anything it is necessary Sleidan 
 to know it at its best. Probably John Sleidan 's Re- 
 ligion's and political History of the reign of Charles V 1^55 
 was the best work on the German Reformation written 
 before the eighteenth century. Bossuet was more elo- 
 quent and acute, Scckendorf more learned, Gilbert 
 Burnet had better perspective, but none of these writ- 
 ers was better informed than Sleidan, or as objective. 
 For the first and only time he really combined the two 
 genres then obtaining, the humanistic and the ecclesi- 
 astical. He is not blind to some of the cultural 
 achievements of the Reformation. One of the things 
 for which he praises Luther most is for ornamenting 
 and enriching the German language. Sleidan 's faults 
 are those of his age. He dared not break the old stiff 
 division of the subject by years. He put in a number 
 of insignificant facts, such as the flood of the Tiber 
 and the explosion of ammunition dumps, nor was he 
 above a superstitious belief in the effects of eclipses 
 and in monsters. He cited documents broadly and on 
 the whole fairly, but not with painstaking accuracy. 
 He offered nothing on the causes leading up to the 
 Reformation, nor on the course of the development of 
 
588 
 
 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 Sanders 
 1585 
 
 Loyola 
 
 1553^-6 
 
 Protestantism, nor on the characters of its leaders nor 
 on the life and tlioug-ht of the people. But he wrote 
 fluently, acceptably to his public, and temperately. 
 
 On the whole, save for Baronius, the Catholics had 
 less to offer of notable histories than had the Protest- 
 ants. A succes de scandale was won by Nicholas San- 
 ders' Origin and Progress of the English Schism. 
 Among the nasty bits of gossip Avith which *'Dr. 
 Slanders," as he was called, delighted to regale his 
 audience, some are absurd, such as that Anne Boleyn 
 was Henry YIlI's daughter. As the books from which 
 he says he took these anecdotes are not extant, it is 
 impossible to gauge how far he merely copied from 
 others and how far he gave rein to his imagination. 
 
 The one brilliant bit of Catholic church history that 
 was written in the sixteenth century is the autobiog- 
 raphy of Ignatius Loyola, dictated by him to Lewis 
 Gonzalez and taken dovm. partly in Spanish and partly 
 in Italian. The great merit of this narrative is its 
 insight into the author's o\vn character gained by long 
 years of careful self-observation. Its whole emphasis 
 is psychological, on the inner stniggle and not on the 
 outward manifestations of saintliness, such as visions. 
 It was taken over in large part verbatim in Ribade- 
 neira's biography of Loyola. Compared to it, all 
 other attemjits at ecclesiastical biography in the six- 
 teenth century, notably the lives of Luther by the 
 Catholic Cochlaeus and by the Protestant Mathesius, 
 las: far in the dusty rear. 
 
 § 3. PoLJTicAL Theory 
 
 Premises The great era of the state naturally shone in polit- 
 
 ical thought. Though there was some scientific inves- 
 tigation of social and economic laws, thought was 
 chiefly conditioned by the new problems to be faced. 
 From the long medieval dream of a universal .empire 
 
POLITICAL THEORY 589 
 
 and a universal church, men awoke to find themselves 
 in the presence of new entities, created, to be sure, by 
 their own spirits, but all unwittingly. One of these 
 was the national state, whose essence was power and 
 the law of whose life was expansion to the point of 
 meeting equal or superior force. No other factor in 
 history, not even religion, has produced so many wars 
 as has the clash of national egotisms sanctified by the 
 name of patriotism. Within the state the shift of sov- 
 ereignty from the privileged orders to the bourgeoisie 
 necessitated the formulation of a new theory. It was 
 the triumph, with the rich, of the monarchy and of 
 the parliaments, that pointed the road of some pub- 
 licists to a doctrine of the divine right of kings, and 
 others to a distinctly republican conclusions. There 
 were even a few egalitarians who claimed for all classes 
 a democratic regime. And, thirdly, the Reformation 
 gave a new turn to the old problem of the relationship 
 of church and state. It was on premises gathered 
 from these three phenomena that the publicists of that 
 age built a dazzling structure of political thought. 
 
 It was chiefly the first of these problems that ab- Machiavdli, 
 
 1'169— 1527 
 
 sorbed the attention of Nicholas Machiavelli, the most 
 brilliant, the most studied and the most abused of 
 political theorists. As between monarchy and a re- 
 pu])lic he preferred, on the whole, the former, as likely 
 to be the stronger, but he clearly saw that where eco- 
 nomic equality prevailed political equality was natural 
 and inevitable. The masses, he thought, desired only 
 security of person and property, and would adhere to 
 either form of government that offered them the best 
 chance of these. For republic and monarchy alike 
 Machiavelli was ready to offer maxims of statecraft, 
 those for the former embodied in his Discourses on 
 Livy, those for the latter in his Prince. In erecting a 
 new science of statecraft, by which a people might ar- 
 
Politics 
 divorced 
 
 590 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 rive at supreme dominion, Machiavelli 's great merit 
 is that he looked afresh at the facts and discarded the 
 old, worn formulas of the schoolmen; his great defect 
 is that he set before his mind as a premise an abstract 
 ''political man" as far divorced from living, breath- 
 ing, complex reality as the "economic man" of Ri- 
 cardo. Men, he thought, are always the same, gov- 
 erned by calculable motives of self-interest. In gen- 
 eral, he thought, men are ungrateful, fickle, false, cow- 
 ardly and covetous, to be ruled partly by an appeal 
 to their greed, but chiefly by fear. 
 
 Realist as he professed to be, Machiavelli divorced 
 politics from morality. Whereas for Aristotle ^ and 
 from Aquinas alike the science of jjolitics is a branch of 
 
 morality etliics, for Macliiavelli it is an abstract science as 
 totally dissociated from morality as is mathematics or 
 surgery. The prince, according to Machiavelli, should 
 appear to be merciful, faithful, humane, religious and 
 upright, but should be able to act otherwise without 
 the least scruple when it is to his advantage to do so. 
 His heroes are Ferdinand of Aragon, "a prince who 
 always preaches good faith but never practises it," 
 and Caesar Borgia, "who did everything that can be 
 done by a prudent and virtuous man ; so that no better 
 precepts can be offered to a new prince than those sug- 
 gested by the example of his actions." What the 
 Florentine publicist especially admired in Caesar's 
 statecraft were some examples of consummate perfidy 
 and violence which he had the opportunity of observ- 
 ing at first hand. Machiavelli made a sharp distinc- 
 tion between private and public virtue. The former 
 he jDrofessed to regard as binding on the individual, 
 as it was necessary to the public good. It is note- 
 worthy that this advocate of all hypocrisy and guile 
 
 1 In Greek the words "politics" and "etliics" both have a wider mean- 
 ing than they have in English. 
 
POLITICAL THEORY 591 
 
 and violence on the part of the government was in his Public vs. 
 own life gentle, aifectionate and true to trust. Reli- P^^'^^t^'^^ 
 gion Machiavelli regarded as a valuable instrument of 
 tyranny, but he did not hold the view, attributed by 
 Gibbon to Roman publicists, that all religions, though 
 to the philosopher equally false, were to the statesman 
 equally useful. Christianity he detested, not so much, 
 as an exploded superstition, as because he saw in it 
 theoretically the negation of those patriotic, military 
 virtues of ancient Rome, and because practically the 
 papacy had prevented the union of Italy. Naturally 
 Machiavelli cherished the army as the prime interest 
 of the state. In advocating a national militia with 
 universal training of citizens he anticipated the con- 
 script armies of the nineteenth century. 
 
 This writer, speaking the latent though unavowed 
 ideals of an evil generation of public men, was re- 
 warded by being openly vilified and secretly studied. 
 He became the manual of statesmen and the bugbear 
 of moralists. While Catharine de' Medici, Thomas 
 Cromwell and Francis Bacon chewed, swallowed and 
 digested his pages, the dramatist had only to put in a 
 sneer or an abusive sarcasm at the expense of the 
 Florentine — and there were very many such allusions 
 to him on the Elizabethan stage — to be sure of a round 
 of applause from the audience. While Machiavelli 
 found few open defenders, efforts to refute him were 
 numerous. When Reginald Pole said that his works 
 were written by the evil one a chorus of Jesuits sang 
 amen and the church put his writings on the Index. 
 The Huguenots were not less vociferous in opposition. 
 x\mong them Innocent Gentillet attacked not only his 
 morals but his talent, saying that his maxims were 
 dra\vn from an observation of small states only, and 
 that his judgment of the policy suitable to large na- 
 tions was of the poorest. 
 
592 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 It is fair to try The Prince by the author's own 
 standards. He did not purpose, in Bacon's phrase, 
 to describe what men ought to be but what they ac- 
 tually are; he put aside ethical ideas not as false but 
 as irrelevant. But this rejection was fatal even to his 
 own purpose, "for w^hat he put aside . . . were noth- 
 ing less than the living forces by which societies sub- 
 sist and governments are strong. ' ' ^ Calvin succeeded 
 where the Florentine failed, as Lord Morley points 
 out, because he put the moral ideal first. 
 Erasmus The most striking contrast to Machiavelli was not 
 
 forthcoming from the camp of the Reformers, but from 
 that of the northern humanists, Erasmus and More. 
 The Institution of a Christian Prince, by the Dutch 
 scholar, is at the antipodes of the Italian thesis. Vir- 
 tue is inculcated as the chief requisite of a prince, 
 who can be considered good only in proportion as he 
 fosters the wealth and the education of his people. He 
 should levy no taxes, if possible, but should live par- 
 simoniously off his own estate. He should never make 
 war, save when absolutely necessary, even against the 
 Infidel, and should negotiate only such treaties as have 
 for their principal object the prevention of armed con- 
 flict. 
 
 Still more noteworthy than his moral postulates, is 
 Erasmus 's preference for the republican form of gov- 
 ernment. In the Christian Prince, dedicated as it was 
 to the emperor, he spoke as if kings might and perhaps 
 ought to be elected, but in his Adages he interpreted 
 the spirit of the ancients in a way most disparaging 
 -■ to monarchy. Considering how carefully this work 
 was studied by promising youths at the impressionable 
 age, it is not too much to regard it as one of the main 
 sources of the marked republican current of thought 
 throughout the century. Under the heading, "Fools 
 
 1 Lord Morley, 
 
POLITICAL THEORY 593 
 
 and kings are bom such, ' ' he wrote : ' ' In all history, 
 ancient and recent, you will scarcely find in the course 
 of several centuries one or two princes, who, by their 
 signal folly, did not bring ruin on humanity." In 
 another place, after a similar remark, he continues : 
 
 I know not whether much of this is not to be imputed 
 to ourselves. We trust the rudder of a vessel, where a 
 few sailors and some goods alone are in jeopardy, to 
 none but skilful pilots; but the state, wherein is com- 
 prised the safety of so many thousands, we leave to the 
 guidance of any chance hands. A charioteer must learn, 
 reflect upon and practice his art ; a prince needs only to 
 be born. Yet government is the most difficult, as it is the 
 most honorable, of sciences. Shall we choose the master 
 of a ship and not choose him who is to have the care of 
 so many cities and so many souls? . . . Do we not see 
 that noble cities are erected by the people and destroyed 
 by princes? that a state grows rich by the industry of 
 its citizens and is plundered by the rapacity of its 
 princes ? that good laws are enacted by elected magistrates 
 and violated by kings? that the people love peace and 
 the princes foment war? 
 
 There is far too much to the same purpose to quote, 
 which in all makes a polemic against monarchy not 
 exceeded by the fiercest republicans of the next two 
 generations. It is true that Erasmus wrote all this 
 in 1515, and half took it back after the Peasants' War. 
 *' Princes must be endured," he then thought, ''lest 
 tyranny give place to anarchy, a still greater evil." 
 
 As one of the principal causes of the Reformation Reforma- 
 was the strengthening of national self-consciousness, 
 so conversely one of the most marked results of the 
 movement was the exaltation of the state. The Refor- 
 mation began to realize, though at first haltingly, the 
 separation of church and state, and it endowed the 
 latter with much wealth, with many privileges and 
 ^vith high prerogatives and duties up to that time be- 
 
 tion 
 
594 MAIN CUERENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 Erastus, 
 1524-83 
 Hobbcs, 
 1588-1679 
 
 Luther 
 
 lougiiii>- to the former. It is true that all the innova- 
 tors would have recoiled from bald Erastianism, which 
 is not found in the theses of Thomas Erastus, but in 
 the free-tliinkor Thomas Hobbos. AYhereas the Re- 
 formers merely said that the state should be charged 
 with the duty of enforcing orthodox}' and punishing 
 sinners, Hobbes drew the logical inference that the 
 state was the final authority for determining religious 
 truth. That Hobbes 's conclusion was only the reduc- 
 tio ad ahsurdum of the Reformation doctrine was hid- 
 den from the Reformers themselves by their very 
 strong belief in an absolute and ascertainable religious 
 truth.^ 
 
 The tendency of both Luther and Calvin to exalt the 
 state took two divergent forms according to their un- 
 derstanding of what the state w\as. Lutheranism be- 
 came the ally of absolute monarchy, whereas Calvin- 
 ism had in it a republican element. It is no accident 
 that Germany developed a form of government in which 
 a paternal but bureaucratic care of the people sup- 
 plied the place of popular liberty, whereas America, 
 on the whole the most Calvinistic of the great states, 
 carried to its logical conclusion the idea of the rule of 
 the majority. The English Reformation was at first 
 Lutheran in this respect, but after 1580 it began to 
 take the strong Calvinistic tendency that led to the 
 Coniinonwoalth. 
 
 AVhile Luther cared enormously for social reform, 
 and did valiant service in its cause, he harbored a dis- 
 trust of the people that grates harshly on modern ears. 
 Especially after the excesses of the Peasants' War and 
 the extravagance of jMiinzer, he came to believe that 
 "Herr Omnes" was capable of little good and much 
 evil. ''The princes of this world are gods," he once 
 said, ''the common people are Satan, through whom 
 Ood sometimes does what at other times he does di- 
 
POLITICAL THEORY 595 
 
 rectly through Satan, i.e., makes rebellion as a pun- 
 ishment for the people's sins." And a^ain: ^'I 
 would rather suffer a prince doing wrong tlian a peo- 
 ple doing right." Passive obedience to the divinely 
 ordained "powers that be" was therefore the sole duty 
 of the subject. '*It is in no wise proper for anyone 
 who would be a Christian to set himself up against 
 his government, whether it act justly or unjustly," 
 he wrote in 1530. 
 
 That Luther turned to the prince as the representa- 
 tive of the divine majesty in the state is due not only 
 to Scriptural autliority Ijut to the fact that there was 
 no material for any other form of government to be 
 found in Germany. He was no sycophant, nor had he 
 any illusions as to the character of hereditary mon- 
 archs. In his Treatise on Civil Authority, dedicated I'^^.s 
 to his own sovereign, Duke John of Saxony, he Avrote: 
 ''Since the foundation of the world a wise prince has 
 been a rare bird and a just one much rarer. They 
 are generally the biggest fools and worst knaves on 
 earth, wherefore one must always expect the worst 
 of them and not much good, especially in divine mat- 
 ters." They distinctly have not the right, he adds, to 
 decide spiritual things, but only to enforce the deci- 
 sions of the Christian community. 
 
 Feeling the necessity for some bridle in the mouth 
 of the emperor and finding no warrant for the people to 
 curb him, Luther groped for the notion of some legal 
 limitation on the monarch's power. The word "con- 
 stitution" so familiar to us, was lacking then, but that 
 the idea was present is certain. The German Empire 
 had [I constitution, largely unwritten but partly statu- 
 tory. The limitations on the imperial power were 
 then recognized by an Italian observer, Quirini. AVhen 1507 
 they were brought to Luther's attention he admitted 
 the right of the German states to resist by force im- 
 
596 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 Reformed 
 Church 
 
 Zwingli 
 
 Calvin 
 
 perial acts of injustice contrary to positive laws. 
 Moreover, he always maintained that no subject should 
 obey an order directly contravening the law of God. 
 In these limitations on the government's power, slight 
 as they were, were contained the germs of the later 
 Calvinistic constitutionalism. 
 
 While many of the Reformers — Melanchthon, Bucer, 
 Tyndale — were completely in accord with Luther's 
 earlier doctrine of passive obedience, the Swiss, French 
 and Scotch developed a consistent body of constitu- 
 tional theory destined to guide the peoples into ordered 
 liberty. Doubtless an influence of prime importance 
 in the Reformed as distinct from the Lutheran church, 
 was the form of ecclesiastical government. Congrega- 
 tionalism and Presbyterianism are practical object- 
 lessons in democracy. Many writers have justly 
 pointed out in the case of America the influence of the 
 vestry in the evolution of the town meeting. In other 
 countries the same cause operated in the same way, 
 giving the British and French Protestants ample prac- 
 tice in representative government. Zwingli asserted 
 that the subject should refuse to act contrary to his 
 faith. From the Middle Ages he took the doctrine of 
 the identity of spiritual and civil authority, but he also 
 postulated the sovereignty of the people, as was natural 
 in a free-born Switzer. In fact, his sympathies were 
 republican through and through. 
 
 The clear political thinking of Calvin and his fol- 
 lowers was in large part the result of the exigencies 
 of their situation. Confronted with established power 
 they were forced to defend themselves with pen as 
 well as with sword. In France, especially, the ember 
 of their thought was blown into fierce blaze by the 
 Avinds of persecution. Not only the Huguenots took 
 fire, but all their neighbors, until the kingdom of 
 
POLITICAL THEORY 597 
 
 France seemed on the point of anticipating the great 
 Revolution by two centuries. 
 
 With the tocsins ringing in his ears, jangling dis- 
 cordantly with the servile doctrines of Paul and Lu- 
 ther, Calvin set to work to forge a theory that should 
 combine liberty with order. Carrying a step further 
 than had his masters the separation of civil and ecclesi- 
 astical authority, he yet regarded civil government as 
 the most sacred and honorable of all merely human 
 institutions. The form he preferred was an aristoc- 
 racy, but where monarchy prevailed, Calvin was not 
 prepared to recommend its overthrow, save in extreme 
 cases. Grasping at Luther's idea of constitutional, 
 or contractual, limitations on the royal power, he as- 
 serted that the king should be resisted, when he vio- 
 lated his rights, not by private men but by elected 
 magistrates to whom the guardianship of the people's 
 rights should be particularly entrusted. The high re- 
 spect in which Calvin was held, and the clearness and 
 comprehensiveness of his thought made him ultimately 
 the most influential of the Protestant publicists. By 
 his doctrine the Dutch, English, and American nations 
 were educated to popular sovereignty. 
 
 The seeds of liberty soato by Calvin might well have p^^^f^^^^' 
 remained long hidden in the ground, had not the soil 
 of France been irrigated with blood and scorched by 
 the tyranny of the last Valois. Theories of popular 
 rights, which sprang up with the luxuriance of the 
 jungle after the day of St. Bartholomew, were already 
 sprouting some years before it. The Estates General 
 that met at Paris in March, 1561, demanded that the 
 regency be put in the hands of Henry of Navarre and 
 that the members of the house of Lorraine and the 
 Chancellor L'Hopital be removed from all offices as 
 not having been appointed by the Estates. In August 
 
598 
 
 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 Beza 
 
 Hotman, 
 1573 
 
 Vindiciae 
 contra 
 Tyrannos, 
 1577 
 
 of the same year, thirty-iiine representatives of the 
 three Estates of thirteen provinces met, contempora- 
 neously with the religious Colloquy of Poissy, at Pon- 
 toise, and there voiced with great boldness the claims 
 of constitutional government. They demanded the 
 right of the Estates to govern during the minority of 
 the king; they claimed that the Estates should be sum- 
 moned at least biennially; they forbade taxation, 
 alienation of the royal domain or declaration of war 
 without their consent. The further resolution that the 
 persecution of the Huguenots should cease, betrayed 
 the quarter from which the popular party drew its 
 strength. 
 
 But if the voices of the brave deputies hardly carried 
 beyond the senate-chamber, a host of pamphlets, fol- 
 lowing hard upon the great massacre, trumpeted the 
 sounds of freedom to the four winds. Theodore Beza 
 published anonymously his Rights of Magistrates, de- 
 veloping Calvin's theory that the representatives of 
 the people should be empowered to put a bridle on the 
 king. The pact between the people and king is said 
 to be abrogated if the king violates it. 
 
 At the same time another French Protestant, Fran- 
 cis Hotman, published his F ranco-Gallia, to show that 
 France had an ancient and inviolable constitution. 
 This unwritten law regulates the succession to the 
 throne; by it the deputies hold their privileges in the 
 Estates General; by it the laws, binding even on the 
 king, are made. The right of the people can be shown, 
 in Hotman 's opinion, to extend even to deposing the 
 monarch and electing his successor. 
 
 A higher and more general view was taken in the 
 Rights against Tyrants published under the pseudonym 
 of Stephen Junius Brutus the Celt, and written by 
 Philip du Plessis-Mornay. This brief but comprehen- 
 sive survey, addressed to both Catholics and Prot- 
 
POLITICAL THEORY 599 
 
 estants, and aimed at Machiavelli as the chief sup- 
 porter of tyranny, advanced four theses: 1. Subjects 
 are bound to obey God rather than the king. This is 
 regarded as self-evident. 2. If the king devastates 
 the church and violates God's law, he may be resisted 
 at least passively as far as private men are concerned, 
 but actively by magistrates and cities. The author, 
 who quotes from the Bible and ancient history, evi- 
 dently has contemporary France in mind. 3. The peo- 
 ple may resist a tyrant who is oppressing or ruining 
 the state. Originally, in the author's view, the people 
 cither elected the king, or confirmed him, and if they 
 have not exercised this right for a long time it is a 
 legal maxim that no prescription can run against the 
 public claims. Laws derive their sanction from the 
 people, and should be made by them; taxes may only 
 bo levied by their representatives, and the king who 
 exacts imposts of his own will is in no wise different 
 from an enemy. The kings are not even the owners 
 of public property, but only its administrators, are 
 bound by the contract with the governed, and may be 
 rightly punished for violating it. 4. The fourth 
 thesis advanced by Mornay is that foreign aid may 
 justly be called in against a tyrant. 
 
 Not relying exclusively on their owm talents the ^a^^^fne. 
 Huguenots were able to press into the ranks of their 
 army of pamphleteers some notable Catholics. In 
 1574 they published as a fragment, and in 1577 entire, 
 The Discourse on Voluntary Servitude, commonly 
 called the Contr'un, by Stephen de la Boetie. This 
 gentleman, dying at the age of thirty-three, had left 
 all his manuscripts to his bosom friend Montaigne. 
 The latter says that La Boetie composed the work as a 
 prize declamation at the age of sixteen or eighteen. 
 But along with many passages in the pamphlet, which 
 might have been suggested by Erasmus, are several 
 
 1530-63 
 
 1546-8 
 
600 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 allusions that seem to point to the character of Henry 
 III — in 1574 king of Poland and in 1577 king of France 
 — and to events just prior to the time of publication. 
 According to an attractive hypothesis, not fully proved, 
 these passages were added by Montaigne himself before 
 he gave the work to one of his several Huguenot friends 
 or kinsmen. La Boetie, at any rate, appealed to the 
 passions aroused by St. Bartholomew in bidding the 
 people no longer to submit to one man, *'the most 
 wretched and effeminate of the nation," who has only 
 two hands, two eyes, and who will fall if unsupported. 
 And yet, he goes on rhetorically, ''you sow the fruits 
 of the earth that he may waste them ; you furnish your 
 houses for him to pillage them ; you rear your daugh- 
 ters to glut his lust and your sons to perish in his 
 wars; . . . you exhaust your bodies in labor that he 
 may wallow in vile pleasures." 
 
 As Montaigne and La Boetie were Catholics, it is 
 pertinent here to remark that tyranny produced much 
 the same effect on its victims, whatever their religion. 
 Thg The Sorbonne, consulted by the League, unanimously 
 
 Sorbonne decided that the people of France were freed from their 
 oath of allegiance to Henry III and could with a good 
 conscience take arms against him. One of the doctors, 
 Boucher, wrote to prove that the church and the peo- 
 ple had the right to depose an assassin, a perjurer, an 
 impious or heretical prince, or one guilty of sacrilege 
 or witchcraft. A tyrant, he concluded, was a wild 
 beast, w^hom it was lawful for the state as a whole or 
 even for private individuals, to kill. 
 
 So firmly established did the doctrine of the con- 
 tract between prince and people become that towards 
 the end of the century one finds it taken for granted. 
 The Memoires of the Huguenot soldier, poet and his- 
 torian Agrippa d'Aubigne are full of republican senti- 
 ments, as, for example, ''There is a binding obligation 
 
POLITICAL THEORY 601 
 
 between the king and his subjects," and ''The power 
 of the prince proceeds from the people." 
 
 But it must not be imagined that such doctrines 
 passed without challenge. The most important writer 
 on political science after Machiavelli, John Bodin, was ?:J*i"q^ 
 on the whole a conservative. In his writings acute 
 and sometimes profound remarks jostle quaint and 
 abject superstitions. He hounded the government and 
 the mob on witches with the vile zeal of the authors 
 of the Witches' Hammer; and he examined all existing 
 religions with the coolness of a philosopher. He urged 
 on the attention of the world that history was deter- 
 mined in general by natural causes, such as climate, 
 but that revolutions were caused partly by the in- 
 scrutable will of God and partly by the more ascertain- 
 able influence of planets. 
 
 His most famous work, The Republic, is a criticism ^^"^^ 
 of Machiavelli and an attempt to bring politics back 
 into the domain of morality. He defines i\ state as a 
 company of men united for the purpose of living well 
 and happily ; he thinks it arose from natural right and 
 social contract. For the first time Bodin differentiates 
 the state from the government, defining sovereignty 
 (majestas) as the attribute of the former. He classi- 
 fies governments in the usual three categories, and re- 
 fuses to believe in mixed governments. Though Eng- 
 land puzzles him, he regards her as an absolute mon- 
 archy. This is the form that he decidedly prefers, 
 for he calls the people a many-headed monster and says 
 that the majority of men are incompetent and bad. 
 Preaching passive obedience to the king, he finds no 
 check on him, either by tyrannicide or by constitu- 
 tional magistrates, save only in the judgment of God. 
 
 It is singular that after Bodin had removed all ef- 
 fective checks on the tyrant in this world, he should 
 lay it do^vn as a principle that no king should levy 
 
602 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 taxes without his subjects' consent. Another contra- 
 / diction is that whereas he frees the subject from the 
 duty of obedience in case the monarch commands aught 
 against God 's law, he treats religion almost as a mat- 
 ter of policy, advising that, whatever it be, the states- 
 man should not disturb it. Apart from the streak of 
 superstition in his mind, his inconsistencies are due to 
 the attempt to reconcile opposites — Machiavelli and 
 Calvin. For with all his denunciation of the former's 
 atheism and immorality, he, with his chauvinism, his 
 defence of absolutism, his practical opportunism, is not 
 so far removed from the Florentine as he would have 
 us believe. 
 
 Dutch Ti^g revolution that failed in France succeeded in 
 
 the Netherlands, and some contribution to political 
 theory can be found in the constitution drawn up by 
 the States General in 1580, when they recognized 
 Anjou as their prince, and in the document deposing 
 Philip in 1581. Both assume fully the sovereignty of 
 the people and the omnicompetence of their elected 
 representatives. As Oldenbarnevelt commented, "The 
 cities and nobles together represent the whole state and 
 the whole people." The deposition of Philip is justi- 
 fied by an appeal to the law of nature, and to the ex- 
 ample of other tortured states, and by a recital of 
 Philip 's breaches of the laws and customs of the land. 
 
 Knox Scotland, in the course of her revolution, produced 
 
 almost as brilliant an array of pamphleteers as had 
 France. John Knox maintained that, "If men, in the 
 fear of God, oppose themselves to the fury and blind 
 rage of princes, in doing so they do not resist God, 
 but the devil, who abuses the sword and authority of 
 God," and again, he asked, "What harm should the 
 commonwealth receive if the corrupt affections of ig- 
 norant rulers were moderated and bridled by the wis- 
 
POLITICAL THEORY 603 
 
 dom and discretion of godly subjects?" But the duty, '' 
 he thought, to curb princes in free kingdoms and 
 realms, does not belong to every private man, but "ap- 
 pertains to the nobility, sworn and born counsellors 
 of the same." Carrying such doctrines to the logical 
 result, Knox hinted to Mary that Daniel might have 
 resisted Nebuchadnezzar and Paul might have resisted 
 Nero with the sword, had God given them the power. 
 
 Another Scotch Protestant, John Craig, in support 
 of the prosecution of Mary, said that it had been de- 
 termined and concluded at the University of Bologna ^^^* 
 that ''all rulers, be they supreme or inferior, may be 
 and ought to be reformed or deposed by them by whom 
 they were chosen, confirmed and admitted to their of- 
 fice, as often as they break that promise made by oath 
 to their subjects." Knox and Craig both argued for 
 the execution of Mary on the ground that "it was a 
 public speech among all peoples and among all estates, 
 that the queen had no more liberty to commit murder 
 nor adultery than any other private person." 
 Knollys also told IMary that a monarch ought to be 
 deposed for madness or murder. 
 
 To the zeal for religion animating Knox, George 
 Buchanan joined a more rational spirit of liberty and 
 a stronger consciousness of positive right. His great 
 work On the Constitution of Scotland derived all 
 power from the people, asserted the responsibility of 
 kings to their subjects and pleaded for the popular 
 election of the chief magistrate. In extreme cases 
 execution of the monarch was defended, though by 
 w^hat precise machinery he was to be arraigned was 
 left uncertain; probably constitutional resistance was 
 thought of, as far as practicable, and tyrannicide was 
 considered as a last resort. ' ' If you ask anyone, ' ' says 
 our author, "what he thinks of the punislmient of 
 
 Buchanan 
 
604 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 Caligula, Nero or Domitian, I think no one will be so 
 devoted to the royal name as not to confess that they 
 rightly paid the penalty of their crimes." 
 English In England the two tendencies, the one to favor the 
 
 monarchists (j^yine right of kings, the other for constitutional re- 
 straint, existed side by side. The latter opinion was 
 attributed by courtly divines to the influence of Cal- 
 vin. Matthew Hutton blamed the Reformer because 
 ''he thought not so well of a kingdom as of a 
 popular state." ''God save us," wrote Archbishop 
 Parker, "from such a visitation as Knox has attempted 
 in Scotland, the people to be orderers of things. ' ' This 
 distinguished prelate preached that disobedience to the 
 queen was a greater crime than sacrilege or adultery, 
 for obedience is the root of all virtues and the cause 
 of all felicity, and "rebellion is not a single fault, like 
 theft or murder, but the cesspool and swamp of all 
 possible sins against God and man." Bonner was 
 charged by the government of Mary to preach that 
 all rebels incurred damnation. Much later Richard 
 Hooker warned his countrymen that Puritanism en- 
 dangered the prerogatives of crown and nobility, 
 and But there were not wanting champions of the peo- 
 
 repubhcans pig^ Reginald Pole asserted the responsibility of the 
 sovereign, though in moderate language. Bishop John 
 Ponet Avrote A Treatise on Politic Poiver to show that 
 men had the right to depose a bad king and to assassi- 
 nate a tyrant. The haughty Elizabeth herself often 
 had to listen to drastic advice. When she visited 
 Cambridge she was entertained by a debate on tyranni- 
 cide, in which one bold clerk asserted that God might 
 incite a regicide ; and by a discussion of the respective 
 advantages of elective and hereditary monarchy, one 
 speaker offering to maintain the former with his life 
 and, if need be, with his death. When Elizabeth, after 
 hearing a refractory Parliament, complained to the 
 
POLITICAL THEORY 605 
 
 Spanish ambassador that ' ' she could not tell what those 
 devils were after" his excellency replied, ''They want 
 liberty, madam, and if princes do not look to them- 
 selves" they will soon find that they are drifting' 
 to revolution and anarchy. Significant, indeed, was 
 the silent work of Parliament in building up the con- 
 stitutional doctrine of its own omnicompetence and of 
 its own supremacy. 
 
 One striking aberration in the political theory of Tyrannicide 
 that time was the prominence in it of the appeal to 
 tyrannicide. Schooled by the ancients who sang the 
 praises of Harmodius and Aristogiton, by the biblical 
 example of Ehud and Eglon, and by various medieval 
 publicists, and taught the value of murder by the 
 princes and popes who set prices on each other's heads, 
 an extraordinary number of sixteenth century di\T.ncs 
 approved of the dagger as the best remedy for tyranny. 
 Melanchthon wished that God would raise up an able 
 man to slay Henry VIII; John Ponet and Cajetan and 
 the French theologian Boucher admitted the possible 
 virtue of assassination. But the most elaborate state- 
 ment of the same doctrine was put by the Spanish 
 Jesuit Mariana, in a book On the King and liis Educa- 
 tion published in 1599, with an official imprimatur, a 
 dedication to the reigning monarch and an assertion 
 that it was approved by learned and grave men of the 
 Society of Jesus. It taught that the prince holds sway 
 solely by the consent of the people and by ancient law, 
 and that, though his vices are to be borne up to a cer- 
 tain point, yet when he ruins the state he is a public 
 enemy, to slay whom is not only permissible but glo- 
 rious for any man brave enough to despise his own 
 safety for the public good. 
 
 If one may gather the official theory of the Catholic 
 church from the contradictory statements of her doc- 
 tors, she advocated despotism tempered by assassina- 
 
606 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 tion. No Lutheran ever preached the duty of passive 
 obedience more strongly than did the Catechism of the 
 Council of Trent. 
 
 Radicals A word must be said about the more radical thought 
 
 of the time. All the writers just analysed saw things 
 from the standpoint of the governing and propertied 
 classes. But the voice of the poor came to be heard 
 now and then, not only from their own mouths but 
 from that of the few authors who had enough imagina- 
 tion to sympathize with them. 'The idea that men 
 might sometime live without -any government at all 
 is found in such widely different writers as Richard 
 Hooker and Francis Rabelais. But socialism was 
 then, as ever, more commonly advocated than anarchy. 
 The Anabaptists, particularly, believed in a community 
 of goods, and even tried to practice it when they got the 
 chance. Though they failed in this, the contributions 
 to democracy latent in their egalitarian spirit must 
 not be forgotten. They brought do^vn on themselves 
 the severest animadversions from defenders of the 
 existing order, by whatever confession they were 
 
 1535 bound. Vives wrote a special tract to refute the argu- 
 
 ments of the Anabaptists on communism. Luther said 
 that the example of the early Christians did not au- 
 thorize communism for, though the first disciples 
 pooled their own goods, they did not try to seize the 
 property of Pilate and Herod. Even the French Cal- 
 vinists, in their books dedicated to liberty, referred to 
 the Anabaptists as seditious rebels worthy of the se- 
 
 Utopia, verest repression. 
 
 1516 A nobler work than any produced by the Anabap- 
 
 tists, and one that may have influenced them not a little, 
 was the Utopia of Sir Thomas More. He drew partly 
 on Plato, on Tacitus 's Germania, on Augustine and on 
 Pico della Mirandola, and for the outward framework 
 of his book on the Four Voyages of Americus Vespuc- 
 
POLITICAL THEORY 607 
 
 cius. But he relied mostly on his owti observation of 
 what was rotten in the English state where he was a 
 judge and a ruler of men. He imagined an ideal coun- 
 try, Utopia, a place of perfect equality economically 
 as well as politically. It was by government an elec- 
 tive monarchy with inferior magistrates and represen- 
 tative assembly also elected. The people changed 
 houses every ten years by lot; they considered luxury 
 and wealth a reproach. ''In other places they speak 
 still of the common wealth but every man procureth 
 his private wealth. Here where nothing is private 
 the common affairs be earnestly looked upon." 
 ''What justice is this, that a rich goldsmith or usurer 
 should have a pleasant and wealthy living either by 
 idleness or by unnecessary occupation, when in the 
 meantime poor laborers, carters, ironsmiths, carpen- 
 ters and plowTnen by so great and continual toil . . . 
 do yet get so hard and so poor a living and live so 
 wretched a life that the condition of the laboring beasts 
 may seem much better and wealthier?" "When I 
 consider and weigh in my mind all these common- The corn- 
 wealths which nowadays anywhere do flourish, so God monwealth 
 help me, I can perceive nothing but a certain conspiracy 
 of rich men procuring their own commodities under the 
 name and title of the commonwealth." More was 
 convinced that a short day's labor shared by everyone 
 would produce quite suflScient wealth to keep all in 
 comfort. He protests explicitly -against those who 
 pretend that there are two sorts of justice, one for gov- 
 ernments and one for private men. He repudiates 
 the doctrine that bad faith is necessary to the pros- 
 perity of a state ; the Utopians form no alliances and 
 carry out faithfully the few and necessary treaties 
 that thej ratify. Moreover they dishonor war above 
 all things. 
 In the realm of pure economic and social theory 
 
608 MAIN CURKENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 something, though not much, was done. Machiavelli 
 believed that the gro^vth of population in the north 
 and its migration southwards was a constant law, an 
 idea derived from Paulus Diaconus and handed on to 
 Milton. He even derived ''Germany" from ''germi- 
 nare." A more acute remark, anticipating Malthus, 
 was made by the Spanish Jesuit John Botero who, in 
 Botero, his Reasou of State, pointed out that population was 
 ^^^^ absolutely dependent on means of subsistence. He 
 
 concluded a priori that the population of the world 
 had remained stationary for three thousand years. 
 Mercantile Statesmen then labored under the vicious error, 
 economics drawn f rom the -analogy of a private man and a state, 
 that national wealth consisted in the precious metals. 
 The stringent and universal laws against the export of 
 specie and intended to encourage its import, proved 
 a considerable burden on trade, though as a matter of 
 fact they only retarded and did not stop the flow of 
 coin. The striking rise in prices during the century 
 attracted some attention. Various causes were as- 
 signed for it, among others the growth of population 
 and the increase of luxury. Hardly anyone saw that 
 the increase in the precious metals was the fundamen- 
 tal cause, but several writers, among them Bodin, John 
 Hales and Copernicus, saw that a debased currency 
 was responsible for the acute dearness of certain local 
 markets. 
 Usury The lawfulness of the taking of usury greatly exer- 
 
 cised the minds of men of that day. The church on 
 traditional grounds had forbidden it, and her doctors 
 stood fast by her precept, though 'an occasional indi- 
 vidual, like John Eck, could be found to argue for it. 
 Luther was in principle against allowing a man *'to 
 sit behind his stove and let his money work for him," 
 but he weakened enough to allow moderate interest in 
 given circumstances. Zwingli would allow interest to 
 
method 
 
 SCIENCE 609 
 
 be taken only as a form of profit-sharing. Calvin said : 
 ''If we forbid usuiy wholly we bind consciences by a 
 bond straiter than that of God himself. But if we 
 allow it the least in the world, under cover of our per- 
 mission someone will immediately make a general and 
 unbridled licence." The laws against the taking of 
 interest were gradually relaxed throughout the cen- 
 tury, but even at its close Bacon could only regard 
 usury as a concession made on account of the hard- 
 ness of men's hearts. 
 
 § 4. Science 
 
 The glory of sixteenth-century science is that for the inductive 
 first time, on a large scale, since the ancient Greeks, 
 did men try to look at nature through their o^\ai eyes 
 instead of through those of Aristotle and the Physi- 
 ologus. Bacon and Vives have each been credited 
 with the discovery of the inductive method, but, like so 
 many philosophers, they merely generalized a practice 
 already common at their time. Save for one discovery 
 of the first magnitude, and two or three others of some 
 little importance, the work of the sixteenth century was 
 that of observing, describing and classifying facts. 
 This was no small service in itself, though it does not 
 strike the imagination as do the great new theories. 
 
 In mathematics the preparatory work for the state- Mathe- 
 ment and solution of new problems consisted in the 
 perfection of symbolism. As reasoning in general is 
 dependent on words, as music is dependent on the me- 
 chanical invention of instruments, so mathematics can- 
 not progress far save with a simple and adequate 
 symbolism. The introduction of the Arabic as against 
 the Roman numerals, and particularly the introduction 
 of the zero in reckoning, for the first time, in the later 
 Middle Ages, allowed men to perform conveniently the 
 four fundamental processes. The use of the signs -{- 
 
 matics 
 
610 MAIN CUEEENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 and — for plus and minus (formerly written p. and 
 m.), and of the sign = for equality and of V for root, 
 Avere additional conveniences. To this might be added 
 the popularization of decimals by Simon Stevin in 
 1586, which he called 'Hhe art of calculating by whole 
 numbers without fractions." How clumsy are all 
 things at their birth is illustrated by his method of 
 writing decimals by putting them as powers of one- 
 tenth, with circles around the exponents; e.g., the 
 number that we should write 237.578, he wrote 
 237 ° 5 ^ 7 ^ 8 ^. He first declared for decimal systems 
 of coinage, weights and measures. 
 
 Algebraic notation also improved vastly in the pe- 
 riod. In a treatise of Lucas Paciolus we find cum- 
 brous signs instead of letters, thus no. (numero) for 
 the known quantity, co. (cosa) for the unknown quan- 
 tity, ce. (censo) for the square, and cu. (cubo) for the 
 cube of the unknown quantity. As he still used p. and 
 m. for plus and minus, he wrote 3co.p.4ce.m.5cu.p.2ce. 
 ce.m.Gno. for the number we should write 3x -|- 4x^ — 
 5x^ + 2x'* — 6a. The use of letters in the modern 
 style is due to the mathematicians of the sixteenth cen- 
 tury. The solution of cubic and of biquadratic equa- 
 tions, at first only in certain particular forms, but later 
 in all forms, was mastered by Tartaglia and Cardan. 
 The latter even discussed negative roots, whether ra- 
 tional or irrational. 
 
 Geometry at that time, as for long afterwards, was 
 dependent wholly on Euclid, of whose work a Latin 
 translation was first joublished at Venice. Copernicus 
 with his pupil George Joachim, called Eheticus, and 
 Francis Vieta, made some progress in trigonometry. 
 Copernicus gave the first simple demonstration of the 
 fundamental formula of spherical trigonometry; 
 Eheticus made tables of sines, tangents and secants 
 
SCIENCE 611 
 
 of arcs. Vieta discovered the formula for deriving 
 the sine of a multiple angle. 
 
 As one turns the pages of the numerous works of Cardan, 
 Jerome Cardan one is astonished to find the number ^^^^-'^^ 
 of subjects on which he wrote, including, in mathe- 
 matics, choice and chance, arithmetic, algebra, the cal- 
 endar, negative quantities, and the theory of numbers. 
 In the last named branch it was another Italian, Mau- 
 rolycus, who recognized the general character of mathe- 
 matics as ''symbolic logic." He is indeed credited 
 with understanding the most general principle on 
 which depends all mathematical deduction.^ Some of 
 the most remarkable anticipations of modern science 
 were made by Cardan. He believed that inorganic 
 matter was animated, and that all nature was a pro- 
 gressive evolution. Thus his statement that all ani- 
 mals were originally worms implies the indefinite vari- 
 ability of species, just as his remark that inferior met- 
 als were unsuccessful attempts of nature to produce 
 gold, might seem to foreshadow the idea of the trans- 
 mutation of metals under the influence of radioactivity. 
 It must be remembered that such guesses had no claim 
 to be scientific demonstrations. 
 
 The encyclopaedic character of knowledge was then, 
 perhaps, one of its most striking characteristics. Ba- 
 con was not the first man of his century to take all 
 knowledge for his province. In learning and breadth 
 of view few men have ever exceeded Conrad Gesner, Gesner, 
 called by Cuvier ''the German Pliny." His History 
 of Animals (published in many volumes 1551-87) was 
 the basis of zoology until the time of Darwin. lie Zoiilogy 
 
 1 I.e. the principle thus formulated in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, 
 s.v. "■^Mathematics" : "If s is any class and zero a member of it, also 
 if when X is a cardinal number and a member of s, also x + 1 is a 
 member of s, then the whole class of cardinal numbers is contained 
 
612 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 drew largely on previous writers, Aristotle and Al- 
 bertus Magnus, but he also took pains to see for him- 
 self as much as possible. The excellent illustrations 
 for his book, partly drawn from previous works but 
 mostly new, added greatly to its value. His classifica- 
 tion, though superior to any that had preceded it, was 
 in some respects astonishing, as when he put the hip- 
 popotamus among aquatic animals with fish, and the 
 bat among birds. Occasionally he describes a purely 
 mythical animal like "the monkey-fox." It is diffi- 
 cult to see what criterion of truth would have been 
 adequate for the scholar at that time. A monkey-fox 
 is no more improbable than a rhinoceros, and Gesner 
 found it necessary to assure his readers that the 
 rhinoceros really existed in nature and was not a crea- 
 tion of fancy. 
 
 As the master of modern anatomy and of several 
 Leonardo other branches of science, stands Leonardo da Vinci. 
 It is difficult to appraise his work accurately because it 
 is not yet fully kno^\^l, and still more because of its 
 extraordinary form. He left thousands of pages of 
 notes on everything and hardly one complete treatise 
 on anything. He began a hundred studies and finished 
 none of them. He had a queer twist to his mind that 
 made him, with all his power, seek byways. The mon- 
 strous, the uncouth, fascinated him; he saw a Medusa 
 in a spider and the universe in a drop of water. He 
 wrote his notes in mirror-writing, from right to left; 
 he illustrated them with a thousand fragments of ex- 
 quisite drawing, all unfinished and tantalizing alike to 
 the artist and to the scientist. His mind roamed to 
 flying machines and submarines, but he never made 
 one; the reason given by him in the latter case being 
 his fear that it would be put to piratical use. He had 
 something in him of Faust; in some respects he re- 
 minds us of William James, who also started as a 
 
SCIENCE 613 
 
 painter and ended as an omniverous student of outre 
 things and as a psychologist. 
 
 If, therefore, the anatomical drawings made by Anatomy 
 Leonardo from about twenty bodies that he dissected, 
 are marvellous specimens of art, he left it to others 
 to make a really systematic study of the human body. 
 His contemporary, Borengar of Carpi, professor at 
 Bologna, first did this with marked success, classify- 
 ing the various tissues as fat, membrane, flesh, nerve, 
 fibre and so forth. So far from true is it that it was 
 difficult to get corpses to work upon that he had at least 
 a hundred. Indeed, according to Fallopius, another 
 famous scientist, the Duke of Tuscany would occasion- 
 ally send live criminals to be vivisected, thus making 
 their punishment redound to the benefit of science. 
 The Inquisitors made the path of science hard by burn- 
 ing books on anatomy as materialistic and indecent. 
 
 Two or three investigators anticipated Harvey's dis- Servetus 
 covery of the circulation of the blood. Unfortunately, 
 as the matter is of interest, Servetus 's treatment of 
 the subject, found in his work on The Trinity, is too 
 long to quote, but it is plain that, along with various 
 fallacious ideas, he had really discovered the truth that 
 the blood all passes through heart and lungs whence it 
 is returned to the other organs. 
 
 "While hardly anything was done in chemistry, a Physics 
 large number of phenomena in the field of physics were 
 observed now for the first time. Leonardo da Vinci 
 measured the rapidity of falling bodies, by dropping 
 them from towers and having the time of their pas- 
 sage at various stages noted. He thus found, cor- 
 rectly, that their velocity increased. It is also said 
 that he observed that bodies always fell a little to the 
 eastward of the plumb line, and thence concluded that 
 the earth revolved on its axis. He made careful ex- 
 periments with billiard balls, discovering that the mo- 
 
614 MAIN CUERENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 mentum of the impact always was preserved entire 
 in the motion of the balls struck. He measured forces 
 by the weight and speed of the bodies and arrived at 
 an approximation of the ideas of mechanical ''work" 
 and energy of position. He thought of energy as a 
 spiritual force transferred from one body to another 
 by touch. This remarkable man further invented a 
 hygrometer, explained sound as a wave-motion in the 
 air, and said that the appearance Imown to us as ''the 
 old moon in the new moon's lap" was due to the reflec- 
 tion of earth-light. 
 
 Nicholas Tartaglia first showed that the course of a 
 projectile was a parabola, and that the maximum range 
 of a gun would be at an angle of 45°. 
 
 Some good work was done in optics. John Baptist 
 della Porta described, though he did not invent, the 
 camera obscura. Burning glasses were explained. 
 Leonard Digges even anticipated the telescope by the 
 use of double lenses. 
 
 Further progress in mechanics was made by Cardan 
 who explained the lever and pulley, and by Simon 
 Stevin who first demonstrated the resolution of forces. 
 He also noticed the difference between stable and un- 
 stable equilibrium, and showed that the downward 
 pressure of a liquid is independent of the shape of the 
 vessel it is in and is dependent only on the height. He 
 and other scholars asserted the causation of the tides 
 by the moon. 
 Magnetism Magnetism was much studied. When compasses 
 were first invented it was thought that they always 
 pointed to the North Star under the influence of some 
 stellar compulsion. But even in the fifteenth century 
 it was noticed independently by Columbus and by Ger- 
 man experimenters that the needle did not point true 
 north. As the amount of its declination varies at dif- 
 
SCIENCE 615 
 
 ferent places on the earth and at different times, this 
 was one of the most puzzling- facts to explain. One 
 man believed that the change depended on climate, 
 another that it was an individual property of each 
 needle. About 1581 Kobert Noraian discovered the 
 inclination, or dip of the compass. These and other 
 observations were summed up by William Gilbert in his Gilbert 
 work on The Magnet, Magnetic Bodies and the Earth 
 as a great Magnet. A great deal of his space was 1600 
 taken in that valuable destructive criticism that refutes 
 prevalent errors. His greatest discovery was that the 
 earth itself is a large magnet. He thought of mag- 
 netism as "a soul, or like a soul, which is in many 
 things superior to the human soul as long as this is 
 bound by our bodily organs." It was therefore an 
 appetite that compelled the magnet to point north and 
 south. Similar explanations of physical and chem- 
 ical properties are found in the earliest and in some of 
 the most recent philosophers. 
 
 As might be expected, the science of geography, Geography 
 nourished by the discoveries of new lands, grew might- 
 ily. Even the size of the earth could only be guessed 
 at until it had been encircled. Columbus believed that 
 its circumference at the equator was 8000 miles. The 
 stories of its size that circulated after Magellan were 
 exaggerated by the people. Thus Sir David Ljnidsay 
 in his poem The Dreme quotes "the author of the 1523 
 sphere" as saying that the earth was 101,750 miles in 
 circumference, each mile being 5000 feet. The author 
 referred to was the thirteenth century Johannes de 
 Sacro Bosco (John Holywood). Two editions of his 
 work, De Sphaera, that I have seen, one of Venice, 
 1499, and one of Paris, 1527, give the circumference 
 of the earth as 20,428 miles, but an edition published 
 at Wittenberg in 1550 gives it as 5,400, probably an 
 
616 
 
 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 1551 
 
 1507 
 
 Mercator, 
 1512-94 
 
 Astronomy 
 
 attempt to reduce the author's English miles to Ger- 
 man ones. Robert Recorde calculated the earth's cir- 
 cumference at 21,300 miles. ^ 
 
 Rough maps of the new lands were drawn by the 
 companions of the discoverers. Martin Waldseemiiller 
 published a large map of the world in twelve sheets 
 and a small globe about 4^/2 inches in diameter, in 
 which the new world is for the first time called Amer- 
 ica. The next great advance was made by the Flemish 
 cartographer Gerard Mercator whose globes and maps 
 — some of them on the projection since called by his 
 name — are extraordinarily accurate for Europe and 
 the coast of Africa, and fairly correct for Asia, though 
 he represented that continent as too narrow. He in- 
 cluded, however, in their approximately correct posi- 
 tions, India, the Malay peninsula, Sumatra, Java and 
 Japan. America is very poorly drawn, for though 
 the east coast of North America is fairly correct, the 
 continent is too broad and the rest of the coasts vague. 
 He made two startling anticipations of later discover- 
 ies, the first that he separated Asia and America by 
 only a narrow strait at the north, and the second that 
 he assumed the existence of a continent around the 
 south pole. This, however, he made far too large, 
 thinking that the Tierra del Fuego was part of it and 
 drawing it so as to come near the south coast of Africa 
 and of Java. His maps of Europe were based on re- 
 cent and excellent surveys. 
 
 Astronomy, the oldest of the sciences, had made 
 much progress in the tabulation of material. The 
 apparent orbits of the sun, moon, planets, and stars 
 had been correctly observed, so that eclipses might be 
 predicted, conjunction of planets calculated, and that 
 
 1 Eratosthenes (276-196 B.C.) had correctly calculated the earth'8 
 circumference at 25,000, which Poseidonius (c. 135-50 B.C.) reduced to 
 18,000, in which he was followed by Ptolemy (2d century a. d.). 
 
SCIENCE 617 
 
 gradual movement of the sun through the signs of the 
 zodiac known as the precession of the equinoxes, taken 
 account of. To explain these movements the ancients 
 started on the theoiy that each heavenly body moved 
 in a perfect circle around the earth; the fixed stars 
 were assigned to one of a group of revolving spheres, 
 the sun, moon and five planets each to one, making 
 eight in all. But it was soon observ^ed that the move- 
 ments of the planets were too complicated to fall into 
 this system; the number of moving spheres was raised 
 to 27 before Aristotle and to 56 by him. To these con- 
 centric spheres later astronomers added eccentric 
 spheres, moving within others, called epicycles, and to 
 them epicycles of the second order ; in fact astronomers 
 were compelled: 
 
 To build, unbuild, contrive, 
 
 To save appearances, to gird the sphere 
 
 With centric and eccentric scribbled o'er 
 
 Cycle and epicycle, orb in orb. 
 
 The complexity of this system, which moved the 
 mirth of Voltaire and, according to Milton, of the Al- 
 mighty, was such as to make it doubted by some think- 
 ers even in antiquity. Several men thought the earth 
 revolved on its axis, but the hypothesis was rejected by 
 Aristotle and Ptolemy. Heracleides, in the fourth 
 century b. c, said that Mercury and Venus circled 
 around the sun, and in the third century Aristarchus 
 of Samos actually anticipated, though it was a mere 
 guess, the heliocentric theory. 
 
 Just before Copernicus various authors seemed to 
 hint at the truth, but in so mystical or brief a way that 
 little can be made of their statements. Thus, Nicholas 
 of Cusa argued that *'as the earth cannot be the cen- Nicholas 
 ter of the universe it cannot lack all motion." Leon- \^q^^ 
 ardo believed that the earth revolved on its axis, and 
 stated that it was a star and would look, to a man on 
 
618 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 the moon, as the moon does to us. In one place he 
 wrote, *'the smi does not move," — only that enigmat- 
 ical sentence and nothing more. 
 Copernicus, Nicholas Copernicus was a native of Thorn in Po- 
 1473-1543 i^j^(-|^ himself of mixed Polish and Teutonic blood. At 
 the age of eighteen he went to the university of Cra- 
 cow, where he spent three years. In 1496 he was en- 
 abled by an ecclesiastical appointment to go to Italy, 
 where he spent most of the next ten j^ears in study. 
 He worked at the universities of Bologna, Padua and 
 Ferrara, and lectured — though not as a member of the 
 university — at Rome. His studies were comprehen- 
 sive, including civil law, canon law, medicine, mathe- 
 matics, and the classics. At Padua, on May 31, 1503, 
 he was made doctor of canon law. He also studied 
 astronomy in Italy, talked with the most famous pro- 
 fessors of that science and made observations of the 
 heavens. 
 
 Copernicus 's uncle was bishop of Ermeland, a spir- 
 itual domain and fief of the Teutonic Order, under the 
 supreme suzerainty, at least after 1525, of the king 
 of Poland. Here Copernicus spent the rest of his life ; 
 the years 1506-1512 in the bishop 's palace at Heilsberg, 
 after 1512, except for two not long stays at Allenstein, 
 as a canon at Frauenburg. 
 
 This little town, near but not quite on the Baltic 
 coast, is ornamented by a beautiful cathedral. On the 
 wall surromiding the close is a small tower which the 
 astronomer made his observatory. Here, in the long 
 frosty nights of winter and in the few short hours of 
 summer darkness, he often lay on his back examining 
 the stars. He had no telescope, and his other instru- 
 ments were such crude things as he put together him- 
 self. The most important was what he calls the In- 
 strumentum parallacticimi, a wooden isosceles tri- 
 angle with legs eight feet long divided into 1000 divi- 
 
SCIENCE 619 
 
 sions by ink marks, and a hypotenuse divided into 1414 
 divisions. With this he determined the height of the 
 sun, moon and stars, and their deviation from the 
 vernal point. To this he added a square (quadrum) 
 which told the height of the sun by the shadow thrown 
 by a peg in the middle of the square. A third instru- 
 ment, also to measure the height of a celestial body, 
 was called the Jacob's staff. His difficulties were in- 
 creased by the lack of any astronomical tables save 
 those poor ones made by Greeks and Arabs. The 
 faults of these were so great that the fundamental star, 
 i.e., the one he took by which to measure the rest, 
 Spica, was given a longitude nearly 40' out of the true 
 one. 
 
 Nevertheless with these poor helps Copernicus ar- Copemican 
 rived, and that very early, at his momentous conclu- hypothesis 
 sion. His observations, depending as they did on the 
 weather, w^ere not numerous. His time -was spent 
 largely in reading the classic astronomers and in work- 
 ing out the mathematical proofs of his hypothesis. 
 He found hints in quotations from ancient astronomers 
 in Cicero and Plutarch that the earth moved, but he, 
 for the first time, placed the planets in their true posi- 
 tion around the sun, and the moon as a satellite of the 
 earth. He retained the old conception of the primttm 
 mobile or sphere of fixed stars though he placed it at 
 an infinitely greater distance than did the ancients, to 
 account for the absence of any observed alteration 
 (parallax) in the position of the stars during the year. 
 He also retained the old conception of circular orbits 
 for the planets, though at one time ho considered the 
 possibility of their being elliptical, as they are. Un- 
 fortunately for his immediate followers the section 
 on this subject found in his own manuscript was cut 
 out of his printed book. 
 
 The precise moment at which Copernicus formu- 
 
620 
 
 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 1520 
 
 Narratio 
 
 prima, 
 
 1540 
 
 De rcvolu- 
 
 tionibus 
 
 orbium 
 
 caclestium, 
 
 1543 
 
 lated his theory in his o^vn mind cannot be told with 
 certainty, but it was certainly before 1516. He kept 
 back his books for a long time, but his light was not 
 placed under -a bushel nevertheless. The first rays of 
 it shown forth in a tract by Celio Calcagnini of which 
 only the title, ''That the earth moves and the heaven 
 is still," has survived. -Some years later Copernicus 
 wrote a short summary of his book, for private circu- 
 lation only, entitled ''A Short commentary on his hy- 
 potheses concerning the celestial movements." A 
 fuller account of them was given by his friend and 
 disciple, George Joachim, called Rheticus, who left 
 Wittenberg, where he was teaching, to sit at the mas- 
 ter's feet, and who published what was called The First 
 Account. 
 
 Finally, Copernicus was persuaded to give his own 
 work to the public. Foreseeing the opposition it was 
 likely to call forth, he tried to forestall criticism by a 
 dedication to the Pope Paul III. Friends at Nurem- 
 berg undertook to find a printer, and one of them, the 
 Lutheran pastor Andrew Osiander, with the best in- 
 tentions, did the great wrong of inserting an anony- 
 mous preface stating that the author did not advance 
 his hypotheses as necessarily true, but merely as a 
 means of facilitating astronomical calculations. At 
 last the greatest work of the century. On the Revolu- 
 tions of the Heavenly Spheres, came from the press; 
 a copy was brought to the author on his death bed. 
 
 The first of the six books examines the previous au- 
 thorities, the second proposes the new theory, the third 
 discusses the precession of the equinoxes, the fourth 
 proves that the moon circles the earth, the fifth and 
 most important proves that the planets, including the 
 earth, move around the sun, and gives correctly the 
 time of the orbits of all the planets then kno^vn, from 
 Mercury with eighty-eight days to Saturn with thirty 
 
SCIENCE 621 
 
 years. The sixth book is on the determination of lati- 
 tude and longitude from the fixed stars. Copernicus 's 
 proofs and reasons are absolutely convincing and valid 
 as far as they go. It remained for Galileo and Newton 
 to give further explanations and some modifications 
 in detail of the new theory. 
 
 When one remembers the enormous hubbub raised Reception 
 by Darwin's Origin of Species, the reception of Coper- copernican 
 nicus's no less revolutionary work seems singularly theory 
 mild. The idea was too far in advance of the age, too 
 great, too paradoxical, to be appreciated at once. 
 Save for a few astronomers like Rheticus and Rein- 
 hold, hardly anyone accepted it at first. It would have 
 been miraculous had they done so. 
 
 Among the first to take alarm were the Wittenberg 
 theologians, to whose attention the new theory was 
 forcibly brought by their colleague Rheticus. Luther 
 alludes to the subject twice or thrice in his table talk, 
 most clearly on June 4, 1539, when 
 
 mention was made of a certain new astronomer, who tried 
 to prove that the earth moved and not the sky, sun and 
 moon, just as, when one was carried along hi a boat or 
 wagon, it seemed to himself that he was still and that 
 the trees and landscape moved. "So it goes now," said 
 Luther, "whoever wishes to be clever must not let any- 
 thing please him that others do, but must do something 
 of his own. Thus he does who wishes to subvert the 
 whole of astronomy; but I believe the Holy Scriptures, 
 which say that Joshua commanded the sun, and not the 
 earth, to stand still. 
 
 In his Elements of Physics, written probably in 1545, 
 but not published until 1549, Melanchthon said: 
 
 The eyes bear witness that the sky revolves every 
 twenty-four hours. But some men now, either for love 
 of novelty, or to display their ingenuity, assert that the 
 earth moves. . . . But it is hurtful and dishonorable to 
 
622 MAIN CUEEENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 assert such absurdities. . . . The Psalmist says that the 
 sun moves and the earth stands fast. . . . And the earth, 
 as the center of the universe, must needs be the immov- 
 able point on which the circle turns. 
 
 Apparently, however, Melanchthon either came to 
 adopt the new theory, or to regard it as possible, for 
 he left this passage entirely out of the second edition 
 
 1550 of the same work. Moreover his relations with Rhet- 
 
 icus continued warm, and Rheinhold continued to teach 
 the Copernican system at Wittenberg. 
 
 The reception of the new work was also surprisingly 
 mild, at first, in Catholic circles. As early as 1533 
 Albert Widmanstetter had told Clement VII of the 
 Copernican hypothesis and the pope did not, at least, 
 condemn it. Moreover it was a cardinal, Schonberg, 
 
 1536 who consulted Paul III on the matter and then urged 
 
 Copernicus to publish his book, though in his letter 
 the language is so cautiously guarded against possible 
 heresy that not a word is said about the earth mov- 
 ing around the sun but only about the moon and the 
 
 ^^'^^ bodies near it so doing. A Spanish theologian, Dida- 
 
 cus a Stunica (Zuiiiga) wrote a commentary on Job, 
 which was licensed by the censors, accepting the Co- 
 pernican astronomy. 
 
 But gradually, as the implications of the doctrine 
 became apparent, the church in self-defence took a 
 
 March 5, strong stand against it. The Congregation of the In- 
 dex issued a decree saying, ''Lest opinions of this sort 
 creep in to the destruction of Catholic truth, the book 
 of Nicholas Copernicus and others [defending his hy- 
 pothesis] arc suspended until they be corrected." A 
 little later Galileo was forced, under the threat of tor- 
 ture, to recant this heresy. Only when the system had 
 become universally accepted, did the church, in 1822, 
 first expressly permit the faithful to hold it. 
 
 The philosophers were as shy of the new light as 
 
 1616 
 
SCIENCE 
 
 623 
 
 Brahe, 
 1546-1601 
 
 the theologians. Bodin in France and Bacon in Eng- 
 land both rejected it; the former was conservative at 
 lieart and the latter was never able to see good in 
 other men's work, whether that of Aristotle or of Gil- 
 bert or of the great Pole. Possibly he was also misled 
 by Osiander's preface and by Tycho Brahe. Gior- 
 dano Bruno, however, welcomed the new idea with 
 enthusiasm, saying that Copernicus taught more in 
 two chapters than did Aristotle and the Peripatetics 
 in all their works. 
 
 Astronomers alone were capable of weighing the evi- 
 dence scientifically and they, at first, were also divided. 
 Erasmus Reinhold, of Wittenberg, accepted it and 
 made his calculations on the assumption of its truth, as 
 did an Englishman, John Field. Tycho Brahe, on the ^^^^ 
 other hand, tried to find a compromise between the Tycho 
 Copemican and Ptolemaic systems. He argued that 
 the earth could not revolve on its axis as the centrifugal 
 force would hurl it to pieces, and that it could not re- 
 volve around the sun as in that case a change in the 
 position of the fixed stars would be observed. Both 
 objections were well taken, of course, considered in 
 themselves alone, but both could be answered by a 
 deeper knowledge. Brahe therefore considered the 
 earth as the center of the orbits of the moon, sun, and 
 stars, and the sun as the center of the orbits of the 
 planets. 
 
 The attention to astronomy had two practical corol- 
 laries, the improvement of navigation and the reform 
 of the calendar. Several better forms of astrolabe, 
 of ''sun-compass" (or dial turnable by a magnet) and 
 an "astronomical ring" for getting the latitude and 
 longitude by observation of sun and star, were intro- 
 duced. 
 
 The reform of the Julian calendar was needed on 
 account of the imperfect reckoning of the length of the 
 
 Reform of 
 calendar 
 
624 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 February 
 24, 1582 
 
 year as exactly 365^4 days ; thus every four centuries 
 there would be three days too much. It was proposed 
 to remedy this for the present by leaving out ten days, 
 and for the future by omitting leap-^^ear every century 
 not divisible by 400. The bull of Gregory XIII, who 
 resumed the duties of the ancient Pontifex Maximus 
 in regulating time, enjoined Catholic lands to rectify 
 their calendar by allowing the fifteenth of October, 
 1582, to follow immediately after the fourth. This 
 was done by most of Italy, by Spain, Portugal, Poland, 
 most of Germany, and the Netherlands. Other lands 
 adopted the new calendar later, England not until 
 1752 and Russia not until 1917. 
 
 Science, 
 religion 
 and phil- 
 osophy 
 
 The Re- 
 formers 
 
 § 5. Philosophy 
 
 The interrelations of science, religion, and phi- 
 losophy, though complex in their operation, are easily 
 understood in their broad outlines. Science is the ex- 
 amination of the data of experience and their explana- 
 tion in logical, physical, or mathematical terms. Re- 
 ligion, on the other hand, is an attitude towards un- 
 seen powers, involving the belief in the existence of 
 spirits. Philosophy, or the search for the ultimate 
 reality, is necessarily an afterthought. It comes only 
 after man is sophisticated enough to see some differ- 
 ence between the phenomenon and the idea. It draws 
 its premises from both science and religion : some sys- 
 tems, like that of Plato, being primarily religious 
 fancy, some, like that of Aristotle, scientific realism. 
 
 The philosophical position taken by the Catholic 
 church was that of Aquinas, Aristotelian realism. The 
 official commentary on the Summa was written at this 
 time by Cardinal Cajetan. Compared to the steady 
 orientation of the Catholic, the Protestant philosophers 
 wavered, catching often at the latest style in thought, 
 ^e it monism or pragmatism, Lutjier w^9 the spir- 
 
PHILOSOPHY 625 
 
 itual child of Occam, and the ancestor of Kant. His 
 individualism stood half-way between the former's 
 nominalism and the latter 's transcendentalism and 
 subjectivism. But the Keformers were far less in- 
 terested in purely metaphysical than they were in 
 dogmatic questions. The main use they made of their 
 philosophy was to bring in a more individual and less 
 mechanical scheme of salvation. Their great change 
 in point of view from Catholicism was the rejection 
 of the sacramental, hierarchical system in favor of 
 justification by faith. This was, in tnith, a stupendous 
 change, putting the responsibility for salvation di- 
 rectly on God, and dispensing with the mediation of 
 priest and rite. 
 
 But it was the only important change, of a specula- Attitude 
 tive nature, made by the Reformers. The violent Reason ^ 
 polemics of that and later times have concealed the 
 fact that in most of his ideas the Protestant is but a 
 variety of the Catholic. Both religions accepted as 
 axiomatic the existence of a personal, ethical God, the 
 immortality of the soul, future rewards and punish- 
 ments, the mystery of the Trinity, the revelation, in- 
 carnation and miracles of Christ, the authority of the 
 Bible and the real presence in the sacrament. Both 
 equally detested reason. 
 
 He who is ^fted with the heavenly knowledge of faith 
 [says the Catechism of the Council of Trent] is free from 
 an inquisitive curiosity; for when God commands us to 
 believe, he does not propose to have us search into his 
 divine judgments, nor to inquire their reasons and causes, 
 but demands an immutable faith. . . . Faith, therefore, 
 excludes not only all doubt, but even the desire of sub- 
 jecting its truth to demonstration. 
 
 We know that reason is the devil's harlot [says Lu- 
 ther] and can do nothing but slander and harm all that 
 God says and does. [And again] If, outside of Christ, 
 you wish by your own thoughts to know your relation to 
 
626 MAIN CUREENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 God, you will break your neck. Thunder strikes him 
 who examines. It is Satan's wisdom to tell what God 
 is, and by doing so he will draw 3^ou into the abyss. 
 Therefore keep to revelation and don't try to understand. 
 
 There are many mysteries in the Bible, Luther ac- 
 knowledged, that seem absurd to reason, but it is 
 our duty to swallow them whole. Calvin abhorred 
 the free spirit of the humanists as the supreme heresy 
 of free thought. He said that philosophy w^as only 
 the shadow and revelation the substance. *'Nor is it 
 reasonable," said he, ''that the divine will should be 
 made the subject of controversy with us." Zwingli, 
 anticipating Descartes 's "iinitum infiniti capax non 
 est," stated that our small minds could not grasp God's 
 plan. Oecolampadius, dying, said that he wanted no 
 more light than he then had — an instructive contrast 
 to Goethe's last words: "Mehr Licht!" Even Bacon, 
 either from prudence or conviction, said that theolog- 
 ical mysteries seeming absurd to reason must be be- 
 lieved. 
 Radical Nor were the radical sects a whit more rational. 
 
 Those who represented the protest against Protestant- 
 ism and the dissidence of dissent appealed to the Bible 
 as an authority and abhorred reason as much as did 
 the orthodox churches. The Antitrinitarians were no 
 more deists or free thinkers than were the Lutherans. 
 Campanus and Adam Pastor and Servetus and the 
 Sozinis had no aversion to the supernatural and made 
 no claim to reduce Christianity to a humanitarian 
 deism, as some modern Unitarians would do. Their 
 doubts were simply based on a different exegesis of 
 the biblical texts. Fausto Sozini thought Christ was 
 "a subaltern God to whom at a certain time the Su- 
 preme God gave over the government of the world." 
 Servetus defined the Trinity to be "not an illusion of 
 three invisible things, but the manifestation of God 
 
 sects 
 
PHILOSOPHY 627 
 
 in the Word and a communication of the substance of 
 God in the Spirit." This is no new rationalism com- 
 ing in but a reversion to an obsolete heresy, that of 
 Paul of Samosata. It does not surprise us to find 
 Servetus lecturing on astrology. 
 
 Somewhat to the left of the Antitrinitarian sects |p""""^^ 
 
 Ketormers 
 
 were a few men, who had hardly any followers, who 
 may be called, for want of a better teim, Spiritual Re- 
 formers. They sought, quite in the nineteenth cen- 
 tury spirit, to make Christianity nothing but an eth- 
 ical culture. James Acontius, born in Trent but nat- 1565 
 uralized in England, published his Stratagems of Satan 
 in 1565 to reduce the fundamental doctrines of Chris- 
 tianity to the very fewest possible. Sebastian Franck 
 of Ingolstadt found the only authority for each man in Franck, 
 his inward, spiritual message. He sought to found no 
 community or church, but to get only readers. These 
 men passed almost unnoticed in their day. 
 
 There was much skepticism throughout the century. Italian 
 Complete Pyrrhonism under a thin veil of lip-con- ^^^p^'^^^ 
 formity, was preached by Peter Pomponazzi, professor Pompon- 
 of philosophy at Padua, Ferrara and Bologna. His 1525 
 De immortalitate animi caused a storm by its plain 1515 
 conclusion that the soul perished with the body. He 
 tried to make the distinction in his favor that a thing 
 might be true in religion and false in philosophy. Thus 
 he denied his belief in demons and spirits as a phi- 
 losopher, while affirming that he believed in them as a 
 Christian. He was in fact a materialist. He placed 
 Christianity, ^Mohammedanism and Judaism on the 
 same level, broadly hinting that all were impostures. 
 
 Public opinion became so interested in the subject 
 of immortality at this time that when another philoso- 
 pher, Simon Porzio, tried to lecture on meteorology 
 at Pisa, his audience interrupted him with cries, "Quid 
 de anima ? ' ' He, also, maintained that the soul of man 
 
628 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 was like that of the beasts. But he had few followers 
 who dared to express such an opinion. After the In- 
 quisition had shown its teeth, the life of the Italian 
 nation was like that of its great poet, Tasso, whose 
 youth was spent at the feet of the Jesuits and whose 
 manhood was haunted by fears of having unwittingly 
 done something that might be punished by the stake. 
 It was to counteract the pagan opinion, stated to be 
 rapidly growing, that the Vatican Council forbade all 
 clerics to lecture on the classics for five years. But in 
 vain! A report of Paul Ill's cardinals charged pro- 
 fessors of philosophy with teaching impiety. Indeed, 
 the whole literature of contemporary Italy, from Ma- 
 chiavelli, who treated Christianity as a false and nox- 
 ious superstition, to Pulci who professed belief in 
 nothing but pleasure, is saturated with free thought. 
 ** Vanity makes most humanists skeptics," wrote Ari- 
 osto, ''why is it that learning and infidelity go hand in 
 hand?" 
 German In Germany, too, there was some free thought, the 
 
 6 ep icb niost celebrated case being that of the ' ' godless painters 
 of Nuremberg," Hans Sebald Beham, Bartholomew 
 Beham, and George Penz. The first named expressed 
 some doubts about various Protestant doctrines. Bar- 
 tholomew went further, asserting that baptism was a 
 human device, that the Scriptures could not be be- 
 lieved and that the preaching he had heard was but 
 idle talk, producing no fruit in the life of the preacher 
 himself; he recognized no superior authority but that 
 of God. George Penz went further still, for while he 
 admitted the existence of God he asserted that his na- 
 ture was unknowable, and that he could believe neither 
 in Christ nor in the Scriptures nor in the sacraments. 
 The men were banished from the city. 
 French jj^ prance, as in Italy, the opening of the century 
 
 sIcCDtlCS 
 
 saw signs of increasing skepticism in the frequent 
 
PHILOSOPHY 629 
 
 trials of heretics who denied all Christian doctrines 
 and **all principles save natural ones." But a spirit 
 far more dangerous to religion than any mere denial 
 incarnated itself in Rabelais. He did not philosophize, 
 but he poured forth a torrent of the raw material from 
 which philosophies are made. He did not argue or 
 attack; he rose like a flood or a tide until men found 
 themselves either swimming in the sea of mirth and 
 mockery, or else swept off their feet by it. He studied 
 law, theology and medicine; he travelled in Germany 
 and Italy and he read the classics, the schoolmen, the 
 humanists and the heretics. And he found everywhere 
 that nature and life were good and nothing evil in the 
 world save its deniers. To live according to nature 
 he built, in his story, the abbey of Theleme, a sort of 
 hedonist's or anarchist's Utopia where men and women 
 dwell together under the rule, ''Do what thou wilt," 
 and which has over its gates the punning invitation: 
 "Cy entrez, vous, qui le saint evangile en sens agile 
 annoncez, quoy qu'on gronde." For Rabelais there 
 was nothing sacred, or even serious in ''revealed re- 
 ligion," and God was "that intellectual sphere the cen- 
 ter of which is everywhere and the circumference no- 
 where. ' ' 
 
 Rabelais was not the only Frenchman to burlesque 
 the religious quarrels of the day. Bonaventure des 
 Periers, in a work called Cijmhalum Mundi, introduced DesPeners, 
 Luther under the anagram of Rethulus, a Catholic as 
 Tryocan (i.e., Croyant) and a skeptic as Du Clenier 
 {i.e., Incredule), debating their opinions in a way that 
 redounded much to the advantage of the last named. 
 
 Then there was Stephen Dolet the humanist pub- Doiet, 
 lisher of Lyons, burned to death as an atheist, because, 
 in translating the Axiochos, a dialogue tlioii atlributcd 
 to Plato, he had written ' ' After death you will be noth- 
 ing at all" instead of "After death you will be no 
 
630 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 more," as the original is literally to be construed. 
 The charge was frivolous, but the impression was 
 doubtless correct that he was a rather indifferent skep- 
 tic, disdainful of religion. Ho, too, considered the 
 Reformers only to reject them as too much like their 
 enemies. No Christian church could hold the wor- 
 shipper of Cicero and of letters, of glory and of hu- 
 manity. And yet this sad and restless man, who found 
 the taste of life as bitter as Rabelais had found it 
 sweet, died for his faith. He was the martyr of the 
 Renaissance. 
 Bodin A more systematic examination of religion was made 
 
 by Jean Bodin in his Colloquy on Secret and Sublime 
 Matters, commonly called the Heptaplomeres. Though 
 not published until long after the author's death, it had 
 a brisk circulation in manuscript and won a reputation 
 for impiety far beyond its deserts. It is simply a con- 
 versation between a Jew, a Mohammedan, a Lutheran, 
 a Zwinglian, a Catholic, an Epicurean and a Theist. 
 The striking thing about it is the fairness with which 
 all sides are presented; there is no summing up in 
 favor of one faith rather than another. Nevertheless, 
 the conclusion would force itself upon the reader that 
 among so many religions there was little choice; that 
 there was something true and something false in all; 
 and that the only necessary articles were those on 
 which all agreed. Bodin was half way between a theist 
 and a deist ; he believed that the Decalogue was a nat- 
 ural law imprinted in all men's hearts and that Ju- 
 daism was the nearest to being a natural religion. He 
 admitted, however, that the chain of casuality was 
 broken by miracle and he believed in witchcraft. It 
 cannot be thought that he was wholly without personal 
 faith, like Machiavelli, and yet his strong argument 
 against changing religion even if the new be better than 
 the old, is entirely worldly. With France before his 
 
PHILOSOPHY 631 
 
 eyes, it is not strange that he drew the general con- 
 clusion that any change of religion is dangerous and 
 sure to be followed by war, pestilence, famine and de- 
 moniacal possession. 
 
 After the fiery stimulants, compounded of brimstone Montaigne 
 and Stygian hatred, offered by Calvin and the Cath- 
 olics, and after the plethoric gorge of good cheer at 
 Gargantua's table, the mild sedative of Montaigne's 
 conversation comes like a draft of nepenthe or the 
 fruit of the lotus. In him we find no blast and blaze 
 of propaganda, no fulmination of bull and ban ; nor any 
 tide of earth-encircling Rabelaisian mirth. His words 
 fall as softly and as thick as snowflakes, and they leave 
 his world a white page, with all vestiges of previous 
 writings erased. He neither asseverates nor denies; 
 he merely, as he puts it himself, "juggles," treating of 
 idle subjects which he believes nothing at all, for he 
 has noticed that as soon one denies the possibility of 
 anything, someone else vnW say that he has seen it. In 
 short, truth is a near neighbor to falsehood, and the 
 wise man can only repeat, ''Que sais-jef" Let us live 
 delicately and quietly, finding the w^orld worth enjoy- 
 ing, but not worth troubling about. 
 
 Wide as are the differences between the Greek 
 thinker and the French, there is something Socratic 
 in the way in which Montaigne takes up every subject 
 only to suggest doubts of previously hold opinion about 
 it. If he remained outwardly a Catholic, it was be- 
 cause he saw exactly as much to doubt in other re- 
 ligions. Almost all opinions, he urges, are taken on 
 authority, for when men begin to reason they draw 
 diametrically opposite conclusions from the same ob- 
 served facts. He was in the civil wars esteemed an 
 enemy by all parties, though it was only because he had 
 both Huguenot and Catholic friends. "I have seen in 
 Germany," he wrote, ''that Luther hath left as many 
 
632 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 divisions and altercations concerning the doubt of his 
 opinions, yea, and more, than he himself moveth about 
 the Holy Scriptures." The Reformers, in fact, had 
 done nothing but reform superficial faults and had 
 either left the essential ones untouched, or increased 
 them. How foolish they were to imagine that the peo- 
 ple could understand the Bible if they could only read 
 it in their own language ! 
 Montaigne was the first to feel the full significance 
 ofsectV*^'^ of the multiplicity of sects. *'Is there any opinion so 
 fantastical, or conceit so extravagant ... or opinion 
 so strange," he asked, *^that custom hath not estab- 
 lished and planted by laws in some region?" Usage 
 sanctions every monstrosity, including incest and par- 
 ricide in some places, and in others ^Hhat unsociable 
 opinion of the mortality of the soul." Indeed, Mon- 
 taigne comes back to the point, a man's belief does not 
 depend on his reason, but on where he was born and 
 how brought up. *'To an atheist all writings make 
 for atheism." **We receive our religion but accord- 
 ing to our fashion. . . . Another country, other testi- 
 monies, equal promises, like menaces, might sembably 
 imprint a clean contrary religion in us." 
 
 Piously hoping that he has set down nothing re- 
 pugnant to the prescriptions of the Catholic, Apostolic 
 and Roman church, where he was bom and out of which 
 he purposes not to die, Montaigne proceeds to demon- 
 strate that God is unknowable. A man cannot grasp 
 more than his hand will hold nor straddle more than 
 his legs' length. Not only all religions, but all sci- 
 entists give the lie to each other. Copernicus, having 
 recently overthrown the old astronomy, may be later 
 overthrown himself. In like manner the new medical 
 science of Paracelsus contradicts the old and may in 
 turn pass away. The same facts appear ditf erently to 
 different men, and ''nothing comes to us but falsified 
 
PHILOSOPHY 633 
 
 and altered by our senses." Probability is as hard to 
 get as truth, for a man's mind is changed by illness, or 
 even by time, and by his wishes. Even skepticism is 
 uncertain, for ''when the Pyrrhonians sa}^, 'I doubt,' 
 you have them fast by the throat to make them avow 
 that at least you are assured and know that they 
 doubt." In short, "nothing is certain but uncer- 
 tainty," and "nothing seemeth true that may not 
 seem false. " Montaigne wrote of pleasure as the chief 
 end of man, and of death as annihilation. The glory 
 of philosophy is to teach men to despise death. One 
 should do so by remembering that it is as great folly to 
 weep because one would not be alive a hundred years 
 hence as it would be to weep because one had not been 
 living a hundred years ago. 
 
 A disciple who dotted the i's and crossed the t's of Charron, 
 Montaigne was Peter Charron. He, too, played off the I54i-1603 
 contradictions of the sects against each other. All 
 claim inspiration and who can tell which inspiration is 
 right? Can the same Spirit tell the Catholic that the 
 books of Maccabees are canonical and tell Luther tliat 
 they are not? The senses are fallible and the soul, 
 located by Charron in a ventricle of the brain, is sub- 
 ject to strange disturbances. Many things almost uni- 
 versally believed, like immortality^ cannot be proved. 
 Man is like the lower animals. "We believe, judge, 
 act, live and die on faith," but this faith is j^oorly sup- 
 ported, for all religions and all authorities are but of 
 human origin. 
 
 English thought followed rather than led that of English 
 Europe throughout the century. At first tolerant and 
 liberal, it became violently religious towards the mid- 
 dle of the period and then underwent a strong re- 
 action in the direction of indifference and atheism. 
 For the first years, before the Reformation, the Utopia 
 may serv^e as an example. More, under the influencQ 
 
634 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 of the Italian Platonists, pictured his ideal people as 
 adherents of a deistic, humanitarian religion, with few 
 priests and holy, tolerant of everj^thing save intol- 
 erance. They worshipped one God, believed in im- 
 mortality and yet thought that 'Hhe chief felicity of 
 man ' ' lay in the pursuit of rational pleasure. Whether 
 More depicted this cult simply to fulfil the dramatic 
 probabilities and to show what Avas natural religion 
 among men before revelation came to them, or" whether 
 his own opinions altered in later life, it is certain that 
 he became robustly Catholic. He spent much time in 
 religious controversy and resorted to austerities. In 
 one place he tells of a lewd gallant who asked a friar 
 why he gave himself the pain of walking barefoot. 
 Answered that this pain was less than hell, the gallant 
 replied, '*If there be no hell, what a fool are you," and 
 received the retort, ''If there be hell, what a fool are 
 you. ' ' Sir Thomas evidently believed there was a hell, 
 or preferred to take no chances. In one place he 
 argues at length that many and great miracles daily 
 take place at shrines. 
 
 The feverish crisis of the Reformation was followed 
 in the reign of Elizabeth by an epidemic of skepticism. 
 Widely as it was spread there can be found little phil- 
 osophical thought in it. It was simply the pendulum 
 pulled far to the right swinging back again to the ex- 
 treme left. The suspicions expressed that the queen 
 herself was an atheist were unfounded, but it is impos- 
 sible to dismiss as easily the numerous testimonies of 
 infidelity among her subjects. Roger Ascham wrote in 
 1563 his Schoolmaster that the ''incarnate devils" of Eng- 
 
 lishmen returned from Italy said "there is no God" 
 and then, "they first lustily condemn God, then scorn- 
 fully mock his Word . . . counting as fables the holy 
 mysteries of religion. They make Christ and his Gos- 
 pel only serve civil policies. . . . They boldly laugh 
 
PHILOSOPHY 635 
 
 to scorn both Protestant and Papist. They confess no 
 Scripture. . . . They mock the pope; they rail on Lu- 
 ther. . . . They are Epicures in living and aOtoi. in doc- 
 trine." 
 
 In like manner Cecil wrote : ' ' The service of God and 1569 
 the sincere profession of Christianity are much de- 
 cayed, and in place of it, partly papistry, partly pagan- 
 ism and irreligion have crept in. . . . Baptists, de- 
 riders of religion, Epicureans and atheists are every- 
 where. ' ' Ten years later John Lyly w^rote that ' ' there 
 never were such sects among the heathens, such schisms 
 among the Turks, such misbelief among infidels as is 
 now among scholars. ' ' The same author wTote a dia- 
 logue, EiipJiues mid Atheos, to convince skeptics, 
 while from the pulpit the Puritan Henry Smith 
 shot *' God's Arrow against atheists." According to 
 Tliomas Nash (Pierce Penniless' s Supplication to ^^^2 
 tlie Devil) atheists are now triumphing and rejoicing, 
 scorning the Bible, proving that there were men be- 
 fore Adam and even maintaining ^'that there are no 
 divells." Marlowe and some of his associates were 
 suspected of atheism. In 1595 John Baldwin, exam- 
 ined before Star Chamber, ''questioned whether there 
 were a God; if there were, how he should be known; 
 if by his Word, who wrote the same, if the prophets and 
 the apostles, they w^ere but men and humanmn est 
 errare." The next year Robert Fisher maintained be- 
 fore the same court that ''Christ was no saviour and 
 that the gospel was a fable." 
 
 That one of the prime causes of all this skepticism Bacon 
 was to be found in the religious revolution was the 
 opinion of Francis Bacon. Although Bacon's philo- 
 sophic thought is excluded from consideration by the 
 chronological limits of this book, it may be permissible 
 to quote his Avords on this subject. In one place he 
 says that where 4;hcre are two religions contending for 
 
636 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 mastery their mutual animosity will add warmth to 
 conviction and rather strengthen the adherents of each 
 in their own opinions, but where there are more than 
 two they will breed doubt. In another place he says : 
 
 Heresies and schisms are of all others the greatest scan- 
 dals, yea more than corruption of manners. ... So that 
 nothing doth so keep men out of the church and drive 
 men out of the church as breach of unity. . . . The doc- 
 tor of the gentiles saith, "If an heathen come in and hear 
 ^•ou speak with several tongues, will he not say that you 
 are mad?" And certainly it is little better when atheists 
 and profane persons hear of so many discordant and 
 contrary opinions in religion. 
 
 But while Bacon saw that w^hen doctors disagree the 
 common man will lose all faith in them, it was not to 
 religion but to science that he looked for the reforma- 
 tion of philosophy. Theology, in Bacon's judgment, 
 Avas a chief enemy to philosophy, for it seduced men 
 from scientific pursuit of truth to the service of dogma. 
 ''You may find all access to any species of philos- 
 ophy," said Bacon, "however pure, intercepted by 
 the ignorance of divines." 
 
 The thought here expressed but sums up the actual 
 trend of the sixteenth century in the direction of sep- 
 arating philosophy and religion. In modern times the 
 philosopher has found his inspiration far more in sci- 
 ence than in religion, and the turning-point came about 
 the time of, and largely as a consequence of, the new 
 observation of nature, and particularly the new astron- 
 omy. 
 Revolt Tj-^g prologue to the drama of the new thought was 
 
 Aristotle the rcvolt against Aristotle. "The master of them 
 who know" had become, after the definite acceptance 
 of his works as standard texts in the universities of the 
 thirteenth century, an inspired and infallible authority 
 
PHILOSOPHY 
 
 637 
 
 for all science. With him were associated the school- 
 men who debated the question of realism versus nom- 
 inalism. But as the mind of man grew and advanced, 
 what had been once the brace became a galling bond. 
 All parties united to make common cause against the 
 Stagyrite. The Italian Platonists attacked him in the 
 name of their, and his, master. Luther opined that 
 no one had ever understood Aristotle's meaning, that 
 the ethics of that "damned heathen" directly contra- 
 dicted Christian virtue, that any potter would know 
 more of natural science than he, and that it would be 
 well if he who had started the debate on realism and 
 nominalism had never been born. Catholics like 
 Usingen protested at the excessive reverence given to 
 Aristotle at the expense of Christ. Finally, the French 
 scientist Peter Ramus advanced the thesis at the Uni- 
 versity of Paris that everything taught by Aristotle 
 was false. No authority, he argued, is superior to rea- 
 son, for it is reason which creates and determines au- 
 thority. 
 
 In place of Aristotle men turned to nature. ' ' Who- 
 soever in discussion adduces authority uses not intel- 
 lect but memory," said Leonardo. Vives urged that 
 experiment was the only road to truth. The discov- 
 eries of natural laws led to a new conception of ex- 
 ternal reality, independent of man's wishes and ego- 
 centric theories. It also gave rise to the conception of 
 uniformity of law. Copernicus sought and found a 
 mathematical unity in the heavens. It was, above all 
 else, his astronomy that fought the battle of, and won 
 the victory for, the new principles of research. Its 
 glory was not so much its positive addition to knowl- 
 edge, great as that was, but its mode of thought. By 
 pure reason a new system was established and tri- 
 umphed over the testimony of the senses and of all 
 
 Ramu3, 
 c. 1515-72 
 
 EiTect of 
 science on 
 philosophy 
 
G38 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 previous authority, even that which purported to be 
 revelation. Man was reduced to a creature of law; 
 God was defined as an expression of law. 
 
 How much was man's imagination touched, how 
 was his whole thought and purpose changed by the 
 Copemican discovery! No longer lord of a little, 
 bounded world, man crept as a parasite on a grain of 
 dust spinning eternally through endless space. And 
 with the' humiliation came a great exaltation. For this 
 tiny creature could now seal the stars and bind the 
 Pleiades and sound each deep abyss that held a sun. 
 What new sublimity of thought, what greatness of 
 soul was not his ! To Copernicus belongs properly the 
 praise lavished by Lucretius on Epicurus, of having 
 burst the flaming bounds of the world and of having 
 made man equal to heaven. The history of the past, 
 the religion of the present, the science of the future — 
 all ideas were transmuted, all values reversed by this 
 new and wonderful hypothesis. 
 
 But -all this, of course, was but dimly sensed by the 
 contemporaries of Copernicus. What they really felt 
 was the new compulsion of natural law and the neces- 
 sity of causation. Leonardo was led thus far by his 
 study of mathematics, which he regarded as the key to 
 natural science. He even went so far as to define time 
 as a sort of non-geometrical space. 
 Theory of Two things were necessary to a philosophy in har- 
 knowiedge -^q-^j ^yith the scientific view ; the first was a new the- 
 ory of knowledge, the second was a new conception of 
 the ultimate reality in the universe. Paracelsus con- 
 tributed to the first in the direction of modern em- 
 piricism, by defending understanding as that which 
 comprehended exactly the thing that the hand touched 
 and the eyes saw. Several immature attempts were 
 made at scientific skepticism. That of Cornelius 
 Agrippa — De incertitudine et vanitate scientiarum et 
 
PHILOSOPHY 639 
 
 artium atque excellentia Verhi Dei declaynatio — can 
 hardly be taken seriously, as it was regarded by the 
 author himself rather as a clever paradox. Francis 
 Sanchez, on the other hand, formulated a tenable the- 
 ory of the impossibility of knowing anything. A riper 
 theory of perception, following Paracelsus and antici- 
 pating Leibnitz, was that of Edward Digby, based on 
 the notion of the active correspondence between mind 
 and matter. 
 
 To the thinker of the sixteenth century the solution Theuiti- 
 of the question of the ultimate reality seemed to de- ""^^^^^^^y 
 mand some form of identification of the world-soul 
 with matter. Paracelsus and Gilbert both felt in the 
 direction of hylozoism, or the theory of the animation 
 of all things. If logically carried out, as it was not 
 by them, this would have meant that everything was 
 God. The other alternative, that God was everything, 
 was developed by a remarkable man, who felt for the 
 new science the enthusiasm of a religious convert, 
 Giordano Bruno. 
 
 Bom at Nola near Naples, he entered in his fifteenth Bruno, 
 year the Dominican friary. This step he soon re- 
 gretted, and, after being disciplined for disobedience, 
 fled, first to Eome and then to Geneva. Thence he 
 wandered to France, to England, and to Wittenberg 1569 
 and Prague, lecturing at several universities, including 
 Oxford. In 1593 he was lured back to Italy, was im- 
 prisoned by the Inquisition, and after long years was !^5^5"qJ^ 
 finally burnt at the stake in Kome. 
 
 In religion Bruno was an eclectic, if not a skeptic. 
 At Wittenberg he spoke of Luther as '^a second Her- 
 cules who bound the three-headed and triply-cro^vned 
 hound of hell and forced him to vomit forth his poi- 
 son." But in Italy he wrote that he despised the Re- 
 formers as more ignorant than himself. His Expul- 
 sion of the Triuinphant Beast, in the disguise of an at- 
 
640 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 
 tack on the heathen mythology, is in reality an assault 
 on revealed religion. His treatise On the Heroic Pas- 
 sions aims to show that moral virtues are not founded 
 on religion but on reason. 
 The new The enthusiasm that Bruno lacked for religion he 
 
 asronomy ^^^^ ^^ almost bouudlcss measure for the new astron- 
 omy, "by which," as he himself wrote, **we are moved 
 to discover the infinite cause of an infinite effect, and 
 are led to contemplate the deity not as though outside, 
 apart, and distant from us, but in ourselves. For, as 
 deity is situated wholly everywhere, so it is as near us 
 as we can be to ourselves." From Nicholos of Cusa 
 Bruno had learned that God may be found in the small- 
 est as in the greatest things in the world; the smallest 
 being as endless in power as the greatest is infinite in 
 energy, and all being united in the ''Monad," or ''the 
 One." Now, Bruno's philosophy is noJiling but the 
 cosmological implication and the metaphysical justi- 
 fication of the Copemician theory in the conceptual 
 terms of Nicholas of Cusa. 
 
 Liberated from the tyranny of dogma and of the 
 senses, dazzled by the whirling maze of worlds without 
 end scattered like blazing sparks throughout space, 
 drunk with the thought of infinity, he poured forth a 
 paean of breathing thoughts and burning words to 
 celebrate his new faith, the religion of science. The 
 universe for him was composed of atoms, tiny "mi- 
 nima" that admit no further division. Each one of 
 these is a "monad," or unity, comprised in some 
 higher unity until finally ' ' the monad of monads ' ' was 
 found in God. But this was no tribal Jehovah, no 
 personal, anthropomorphic deity, but a First Principle, 
 nearly identical with Natural Law. 
 
CHAPTER XIII 
 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 § 1. TOLEKANCE AND INTOLERANCE 
 
 Because religion has in the past protested its own 
 intolerance the most loudly, it is commonly regarded 
 as the field of persecution par excellence. This is so 
 far from being the case that it is just in the field of 
 religion that the greatest liberty has been, after a hard 
 struggle, won. It is as if the son who refused to work 
 in the vineyard had been forcibly hauled thither, 
 whereas the other son, admitting his willingness to 
 go, had been left out. Nowadays in most civilized 
 countries a man would suffer more inconvenience by 
 going bare-foot and long-liaired than b}' proclaiming 
 novel religious views ; he would be in vastly more dan- 
 ger by opposing the prevalent patriotic or economic 
 doctrines, or by violating some possibly irrational con- 
 vention, than he would by declaring his agnosticism 
 or atheism. The reason of this state of things is that 
 in the field of religion a tremendous battle between 
 opposing faiths was once fought, with exhaustion as 
 the result, and that the rationalists then succeeded in 
 imposing on the two parties, convinced that neither 
 could exterminate the other, respect for each other's 
 rights. 
 
 This battle was fought in the sixteenth and seven- intolerance: 
 
 ® Catholics 
 
 teenth centuries. Almost all religions and almost all 
 statesmen were then equally intolerant when they had 
 the power to be so. The Catholic church, with that 
 superb consistency that no new light can alter, has 
 
 641 
 
642 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 always asserted that the opinion that everyone should 
 Freedom of have freedom of conscience was ''madness flowing 
 conscience fj-om the most foul fountain of inditf erence. "^ Au- 
 gustine believed that the church should "compel men 
 to enter in" to the kingdom, by force. Aquinas argued 
 that faith is a virtue, infidelity of those who have heard 
 the truth a sin, and that ''heretics deserve not only to 
 be excommunicated but to be put to death." One of 
 Luther's propositions condemned by the bull Exsurge 
 Domine was that it is against the will of the Holy 
 Ghost to put heretics to death. When Erasmus wrote : 
 "Who ever heard orthodox bishops incite kings to 
 slaughter heretics who were nothing else than here- 
 tics?" the proposition was condemned, by the Sor- 
 bonne, as repugnant to the laws of nature, of God and 
 of man. The power of the pope to depose and punish 
 heretical princes was asserted in the bull of February 
 15, 1559. 
 
 The theory of the Catholic church was put into in- 
 stant practice ; the duty of persecution was carried out 
 by the Holy Office, of which Lord Acton, though him- 
 self a Catholic, has said : ^ 
 
 The Inquisition is pecuharly the weapon and peculiarly 
 the work of the popes. It stands out from all those things 
 in which they co-operated, followed or assented, as the 
 distinctive feature of papal Rome. ... It is the prin- 
 cipal thing with which the papacy is identified and by 
 which it must be judged. The principle of the Inquisi- 
 tion is murderous, and a man's opinion of the papacy is 
 regulated and determined by his opinion about religious 
 assassination. 
 
 But Acton's judgment, just, as it is severe, is not 
 the judgment of the church. A prelate of the papal 
 
 1 Gregory XVI, Encyclical, Mi/rari vos, 1832. 
 
 2 Letters to Mary Gladstone, ed. H. Paul, 1904, p. 298f. 
 
TOLERANCE AND INTOLERANCE 643 
 
 household published in 1895, the following words in 
 the Annales ecclesiastici : ^ 
 
 Some sons of darkness nowadays with dilated nostrils 
 and wild eyes inveigh against the intolerance of the Mid- 
 dle Ages. But let not us, blinded by that liberahsm that 
 bewitches under the guise of wisdom, seek for silly little 
 reasons to defend the Inquisition ! Let no one speak of 
 the condition of the times and intemperate zeal, as if the 
 church needed excuses. blessed flames of those pyres 
 by which a very few crafty and insignificant persons 
 were taken away that hundreds of hundreds of phalanxes 
 of souls should be saved from the jaws of error and eter- 
 nal damnation! noble and venerable memory of Tor- 
 quemada ! 
 
 So much for the Catholics. If any one still harbors Protestants 
 the traditional prejudice that the early Protestants 
 were more liberal, he must be undeceived. Save for a 
 few splendid sayings of Luther, confined to the early Luther 
 years when he was powerless, there is hardly anything 
 to be found among the leading reformers in favor of 
 freedom of conscience. As soon as they had the power • 
 to persecute they did. 
 
 In his first period Luther expressed the theory of 
 toleration as well as anyone can. He wrote: ''The 
 pope is no judge of matters pertaining to God's Word 
 and the faith, but a Christian must examine and judge 
 them himself, as he must live and die by them." 
 Again he said: "Heresy can never be prevented by 
 force. . . . Heresy is a spiritual thing; it cannot be 
 cut with iron nor burnt with fire nor drowned in wa- 
 ter." And yet again, "Faith is free. What could a 
 heresy trial do? No more than make people agree by 
 mouth or in writing; it could not compel the heart. 
 For true is the proverb: 'Thoughts are free of taxes.' " 
 
 iC. Mirbt: Quellen zur Gesohichte des rapattums, 3, 1911, p. 390. 
 
644 
 
 THE TEMPEK OF THE TIMES 
 
 February 
 26, 1527 
 
 Melanch- 
 thon 
 
 Even when the Anabaptists began to preach doctrines 
 that he thoroughly disliked, Luther at first advised the 
 government to leave them unmolested to teach and be- 
 lieve what they liked, ''be it gospel or lies." 
 
 But alas for the inconsistency of human nature! 
 "When Luther's party ripened into success, he saw 
 things quite differently. The first impulse came from 
 the civil magistrate, whom the theologians at first en- 
 dured, then justified and finally urged on. All persons 
 save priests were forbidden by the Elector John of 
 Saxony to preach or baptize, a measure aimed at the 
 Anabaptists. In the same year, under this law, twelve 
 men and one woman were put to death, and such exe- 
 cutions were repeated several times in the following 
 years, e. g. in 1530, 1532 and 1538. In the year 1529 
 came the terrible imperial law, passed by an alliance 
 of Catholics and Lutherans at the Diet of Spires, con- 
 demning all Anabaptists to death, and interpreted to 
 cover cases of simple heresy in which no breath of 
 sedition mingled. A regular inquisition was set up in 
 Saxony, with Melanchthon on the bench, and under it 
 many persons were punished, some with death, some 
 with life imprisonment, and some with exile. 
 
 ^Vhile Luther took no active part in these proceed- 
 ings, and on several occasions gave the opinion that 
 exile was the only proper punishment, he also, at 
 other times, justified persecution on the ground that 
 he was suppressing not heresy but blasphemy. As he 
 interpreted blasphemy, in a work published about 1530, 
 it included the papal mass, the denial of the divinity 
 of Christ or of any other ''manifest article of the faith, 
 clearly grounded in Scripture and believed throughout 
 Christendom." The government should also, in his 
 opinion, put to death those who preached sedition, an- 
 archy or the abolition of private property. 
 
 Melanchthon was far more active in the pursuit of 
 
TOLERANCE AND INTOLERANCE 6^5 
 
 heretics than was his older friend. He reckoned the 
 denial of infant baptism, or of original sin, and the 
 opinion that the eucharistic bread did not contain the 
 real body and blood of Christ, as blasphemy properly 
 punishable by death. He blamed Brenz for his tol- 
 erance, asking why we should pity heretics more than 
 does God, who sends them to eternal torment? Brenz 
 was convinced by this argument and became a perse- 
 cutor himself. 
 
 The Strassburgers, who tried to take a position in- 
 termediate between Lutherans and Zwinglians, were as 
 intolerant as any one else. They put to death a man 
 for saying that Christ was a mere man and a false 
 prophet, and then defended this act in a long mani- 
 festo asking whether all religious customs of antiquity, 
 such as the violation of women, be tolerated, and, if not, 
 why they should draw the line at those who aimed not 
 at the physical dishonor, but at the eternal damnation, 
 of their wives and daughters? 
 
 The Swiss also punished for heresy. Felix Manz 
 was put to death by dro^vning, the method of punish- 
 ment chosen as a practical satire on his doctrine of 
 baptism of adults by immersion. At the same time 
 George Blaurock was cruelly beaten and banished un- 
 der threat of death. Zurich, Berne and St. Gall pub- 
 lished a joint edict condemning Anabaptists to death, 
 and under this law two Anabaptists were sentenced in 
 1528 and two more in 1532. 
 
 In judicially murdering Servetus the Genevans were 
 absolutely consistent with Calvin's theory. In the 
 preface to the Institutes he admitted the right of the 
 government to put heretics to death and only argued 
 that Protestants were not heretics. Grounding him- 
 self on the law of Moses, he said that the death decreed 
 by God to idolatry in the Old Testament was a uni- 
 versal law binding on Christians. He thought that 
 
 Bucer and 
 Capilo 
 
 Zwingli 
 January 5, 
 1527 
 
 September 
 9, 1527 
 
 Calvin 
 
646 
 
 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 Tolerance 
 
 Erasmus 
 
 Christians should hate the enemies of God as much as 
 did David, and when Renee of Ferrara suggested that 
 that law might have been abrogated by the new dis- 
 pensation, Calvin retorted that any such gloss on a 
 plain text would overturn the whole Bible. Calvin 
 went further, and when Castellio argued that heretics 
 should not be punished with death, Calvin said that 
 those who defended heretics in this manner were 
 equally culpable and should be equally punished. 
 
 Given the premises of the theologians, their argu- 
 ments were unanswerable. Of late the opinion has 
 prevailed that his faith cannot be wrong whose life 
 is in the right. But then it was believed that the creed 
 was the all-important thing; that God would send to 
 hell those who entertained wrong notions of his scheme 
 af salvation. ''We utterly abhor," says the Scots' 
 Confession of 1560, "the blasphemy of those that af- 
 firm that men who live according to equity and justice 
 shall be saved, what religion so ever they have pro- 
 fessed." 
 
 Against this flood of bigotry a few Christians ven- 
 tured to protest in the name of their master. In gen- 
 eral, the persecuted sects, Anabaptists and Unitarians, 
 were firmly for tolerance, by which their oAvn position 
 would have been improved. Erasmus was thoroughly 
 tolerant in spirit and, though he never wrote a treatise 
 specially devoted to the subject, uttered many obiter 
 dicta in favor of mercy and wrote many letters to the 
 great ones of the earth interceding for the oppressed. 
 His broad sympathies, his classical tastes, his horror 
 of the tumult, and his Christ-like spirit, would not have 
 permitted him to resort to the coarse arms of rack 
 and stake even against infidels and Turks. 
 
 The noblest plea for tolerance from the Christian 
 standpoint was that written by Sebastian Castellio as 
 a protest against the execution of Servetus. He col- 
 
TOLERANCE AND INTOLERANCE 647 
 
 lects all the authorities ancient and modem, the latter Castellio 
 including Luther and Erasmus and even some words, 
 inconsistent with the rest of his life, written by Calvin 
 himself. ''The more one knows of the truth the less 
 one is inclined to condemnation of others," he wisely 
 observes, and yet, "there is no sect which does not 
 condemn all others and wish to reign alone. Thence 
 come banishments, exiles, chains, imprisonments, burn- 
 ings, scaffolds and the miserable rage of torture anU 
 torment that is plied every day because of some opin- 
 ions not pleasing to the government, or even because of 
 things unknown." But Christians burn not only in- 
 fidels but even each other, for the heretic calls on the 
 name of Christ as he perishes in agony. 
 
 "Who would not think that Christ were Moloch, or some 
 such god, if he wished that men be immolated to him and 
 burnt alive? . . . Imap'ine that Christ, the judge of all, 
 were present and himself pronounced sentence and lit 
 the fire, — ^who would not take Christ for Satan? For 
 what else would Satan do than burn those who call on 
 the name of Christ? Christ, creator of the world, dost 
 thou see such things? And hast thou become so totally 
 different from what thou wast, so cruel and contrary to 
 thyself? When thou wast on earth, there was no one 
 gentler or more compassionate or more patient of in- 
 juries. 
 
 Calvin called upon his henchmen Beza to answer this 
 "blasphemy" of one that must surely be "the chosen 
 vessel of Satan." Beza replied to Castellio that God 
 had given the sword to the magistrate not to be borne 
 in vain and that it was better to have even a cruel 
 tyrant than to allow everyone to do as he pleased. 
 Those who forbid the punishment of heresy are, in 
 Beza's opinion, despisers of God's Word and might as 
 Avell say that even parricides should not be chastized. 
 Two authors quoted in favor of tolerance more than 
 
648 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 More ^^^7 deserve to be are Sir Thomas More and Mon- 
 
 taigne. In Utopia, indeed, there was no p'ersecution, 
 save of the fanatic who wished to persecute others. 
 But even in Utopia censure of the government by a pri- 
 vate individual was punishable by death. And, twelve 
 years after the publication of the Utopia, More came to 
 argue ''that the burning of heretics is lawful and well 
 done," and he did it himself accordingly. The reason 
 he gave, in his Dialogue, was that heretics also perse- 
 cute, and that it would put the -Catholics at an unfair 
 disadvantage to allow heresy to wax unhindered until 
 it grew great enough to crush them. There is some- 
 thing in this argument. It is like that today used 
 against disarmament, that any nation which started it 
 would put itself at the mercy of its rivals. 
 
 Montai e ^^^ spirit of Montaigne was thoroughly tolerant, 
 because he was always able to see both sides of every- 
 thing; one might even say that he was negatively sug- 
 gestible, -and always saw the * ' other ' ' side of an opin- 
 ion better than he saw his own side of it. He never 
 came out strongly for toleration, but he made two ex- 
 tremely sage remarks about it. The first was that it 
 was setting a high value on our own conjectures to put 
 men to death for their sake. The second was thus 
 phrased, in the old English translation: ''It might be 
 urged that to give factions the bridle to uphold their 
 opinion, is by that facility and case, the ready way to 
 mollify and»release them ; and to blunt the edge, which 
 is sharpened by rareness, novelty and difficulty. ' ' 
 
 Had the course of history been decided by weight of 
 arg-ument, persecution would have been fastened on 
 the world forever, for the consensus of opinion was 
 overwhelmingly against liberty of conscience. But 
 just as individuals are rarely converted on any vital 
 question by argument, so the course of races and of 
 civilizations is decided by factors lying deeper than 
 
TOLERANCE AND INTOLERANCE 649 
 
 the logic of publicists can reach. Modem toleration 
 developed from two very different sources; by one of 
 which the whole point of view of the race has changed, 
 and by the other of which a truce between warring 
 factions, at first imposed as bitter necessity, has de- 
 veloped, because of its proved value, into a permanent 
 peace. 
 
 The first cause of modem tolerance is the growing j^^j^^jg, 
 rationalism of wiiich the seeds were sown by the Re- sance 
 naissance. The generation before Luther saw an al- 
 most unparalleled liberty in the expression of learned 
 opinion. Valla could attack pope, Bible and Christian 
 ethics ; Pomponazzi could doubt the immortality of the 
 soul ; More could frame a Utopia of deists, and Machi- 
 avelli could treat religion as an instrument in the 
 hands of knaves to dupe fools. As far as it went this 
 liberty was admirable; but it was really narrow and 
 ''academic" in the worst sense of the word. The 
 scholars who vindicated for themselves the right to say 
 and think what they pleased in the learned tongue and 
 in university halls, never dreamed that the people had 
 the same rights. Even Erasmus was always urging 
 Luther not to communicate imprudent truths to the 
 vulgar, and when he kept on doing so Erasmus was so 
 vexed that he "cared not whether Luther was roasted 
 or boiled" for it. Erasmus's good friend Ammonius 
 jocosely complained that heretics were so plentiful in 
 England in 1511 before the Reformation had been 
 heard of, that the demand for faggots to burn them 
 was enhancing the price of fire-wood. Indeed, in this 
 enlightened era of the Renaissance, what porridge was 
 handed to the common people? What was free, ex- 
 cept dentistry, to the Jews, expelled from Spain and 
 Portugal and persecuted everywhere else! What tol- 
 erance was extended to the Hussites? What mercy 
 was shown to the Lollards or to Savonarola? 
 
650 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 Reforma- Paradoxical as it may seem to say it, after what has 
 
 ^^^"' been said of the intolerance of the Beformers, the 
 
 ; second cause that extended modern freedom of con- 
 science from the privileged few to the masses, was 
 the Reformation. Overclouding, as it did for a few 
 years, all the glorious culture of the Renaissance with 
 a dark mist of fanaticism, it nevertheless proved, con- 
 trary to its own purpose, one of the two parents of 
 liberty. What neither the common ground of the 
 Christians in doctrine, nor their vaunted love of God, 
 nor their enlightenment by the Spirit, could produce, 
 was finally wrung from their mutual and bitter hatreds. 
 Of all the fair flowers that have sprung from a dark 
 and noisome soil, that of religious liberty; sprouting 
 from religious war has been the fairest. 
 
 The steps were gradual. First, after the long dead- 
 lock of Lutheran and Catholic, came to be worked out 
 
 1555 the principle of the toleration of the two churches, em- 
 
 bodied in the Peace of Augsburg. The Compact of 
 
 1573 Warsaw granted absolute religious liberty to the 
 
 nobles. The people of the Netherlands, sickened with 
 slaughter in the name of the faith, took a longer step 
 
 1579 in the direction of toleration in the Union of Utrecht. 
 
 The government of Elizabeth, acting from prudential 
 motives only, created and maintained an extra-legal 
 tolerance of Catholics, again and again refusing to 
 molest those who were peaceable and quiet. The 
 papists even hoped to obtain legal recognition when 
 Francis Bacon proposed to tolerate all Christians ex- 
 cept those who refused to fight a foreign enemy. 
 
 1592 France found herself in a like position, and solved it 
 
 by allowing the two religions to live side by side in the 
 Edict of Nantes. The furious hatred of the Christians 
 for each other blazed forth in the Thirty Years War, 
 
 1598 but after that lesson persecution on a large scale was 
 
 at an end. Indeed, before its end, wide religious lib- 
 
WITCHCRAFT 651 
 
 erty had been granted in some of the American colo- 
 nies, notably in Rhode Island and Maryland. 
 
 § 2. Witchcraft 
 
 Some analogy to the wave of persecution and con- 
 fessional war that swept over Europe at this time can 
 be found in the witchcraft craze. Both were examples 
 of those manias to which mankind is jjeriodically sub- 
 ject. They run over the face of the earth like epidem- 
 ics or as a great fire consumes a city. Beginning in 
 a few isolated cases, so obscure as to be hard to trace, 
 the mania gathers strength until it burns with its maxi- 
 mum fierceness and then, having exhausted itself, as it 
 w^ere, dies away, often quite suddenly. Such manias 
 were the Children's Crusade and the zeal of the flagel- 
 lants in the Middle Ages. Such have been the mad 
 speculations as that of the South Sea Bubble and the 
 panics that repeatedly visit our markets. To the 
 same category" belong the religious and superstitious 
 delusions of the sixteenth century. 
 
 The history of these mental epidemics is easier to 
 trace than their causes. Certainly, reason does noth- 
 ing to control them. In almost every case there are a 
 few sane men to point out, with perfect rationalitj^ the 
 nature of the folly to their contemporaries, but in all 
 cases their words fall on deaf ears. They are mocked, 
 imprisoned, sometimes put to death for their pains, 
 whereas any fanatical fool that adds fuel to the flame 
 of current passion is listened to, rewarded and fol- 
 lowed. 
 
 The original stuff from which the mania Avas Ancient 
 wrought is a savage survival. Hebrew and Roman 
 law dealt with witchcraft. The Middle Ages saw the 
 survival of magic, still called in Italy, ''the old re- 
 ligion," and new superstitions added to it. Some- 
 thing of the ancient enchantment still lies upon the 
 
 magic 
 
652 THE TEMPEE OP THE TIMES 
 
 fairylands of Europe. In the Apennines one some- 
 times comes upon a grove of olives or cypresses as 
 gnarled and twisted as the tortured souls that Dante 
 imagined them to be. Who can wander through the 
 heaths and mountains of the Scotch Highlands, with 
 their uncanny harmonies of silver mist and grey cloud 
 and glint of water and bare rock and heather, and not 
 see in the distance the Weird Sisters crooning over 
 their horrible cauldron? In Germany the forests are 
 magic-mad. Walking under the huge oaks of the Thur- 
 ingian Forest or the Taunus, or in the pine w^oods of 
 Hesse, one can see the flutter of airy garments in the 
 chequered sunlight falling upon fern and moss; one 
 can glimpse goblins and kobolds hiding behind the 
 roots and rocks; one can hear the King of the Wil- 
 lows ^ and the Bride of the Wind moaning and calling 
 in the rustling of the leaves. On a summer's day the 
 calm of pools is so complete that it seems as if, accord- 
 ing to Luther's words, the throwing of a stone into the 
 water would raise a tempest. But on moonlit, windy, 
 Walpurgis Night, witches audibly ride by, hooted at by 
 the owls, and vast spectres dance in the cloud-banks 
 beyond the Brocken. 
 The witch The witch has become a typical figure : she was usu- 
 ally a simple, old woman living in a lonely cottage with 
 a black cat, gathering herbs by the light of the moon. 
 But she was not always an ancient beldam; some 
 witches were known as the purest and fairest maidens 
 of the village ; some were ladies in high station ; some 
 were men. A ground for suspicion was sometimes fur- 
 nished by the fact that certain charletans playing upon 
 the credulity of the ignorant, professed to be able by 
 sorcery to find money, 'Ho provoke persons to love," 
 or to consume the body and goods of a client's enemy. 
 Black magic was occasionally resorted to to get rid 
 
 1 Erlkonig. 
 
WITCHCRAFT 653 
 
 of personal or political enemies. More often a wise 
 woman would be sought for her skill in herbs and her 
 very success in making cures would sometimes be her 
 undoing. 
 
 If the mtch was a domestic article in Europe, the ThedevU 
 devil was an imported luxury from Asia. Like Aeneas 
 and many another foreign conquerer, when he came to 
 rule the land he married its princess — in this case 
 Hulda the pristine goddess of love and beauty — and 
 adopted many of the native customs. It is difiS- 
 cult for us to imagine what a personage the devil 
 was in the age of the Eeformation. Like all geniuses 
 lie had a large capacity for work and paid great 
 attention to detail. Frequently he took the form of 
 a cat or a black dog with horns to frighten children 
 by ''skipping to and fro and sitting upon the top of 
 a nettle ' ' ; again he would obligingly hold a review of 
 evil spirits for the satisfaction of Benvenuto Cellini's 
 curiosity. He was at the bottom of all the earthquakes, 
 pestilences, famines and wars of the century, and also, 
 if we may tnist their mutual recriminations, he was the 
 special patron of the pope on the one hand and of 
 Calvin on the other. Luther often talked with him, 
 though in doing so the sweat poured from his brow 
 and his heart almost stopped beating. Luther ad- 
 mitted that the devil always got the best of an argu- 
 ment and could only be banished by some unprintably 
 nasty epithets hurled at his head. Satan and his satel- 
 lites often took the form of men or women and under 
 the name of incubi and succubi had sexual intercourse 
 with mortals. One of the most abominable features 
 of the witch craze was that during its height hundreds 
 of children of four or five years old confessed to being 
 the devil's paramours. 
 
 So great was the power of Satan that, in the com- 
 mon belief, many persons bartered their souls to him 
 
654 
 
 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 Witches' 
 Sabbath 
 
 December 
 5,1484 
 
 in return for supernatural gifts in this life. To com- 
 pensate them for the loss of their salvation, these per- 
 sons, the witches, were enabled to do acts of petty spite 
 to their neighbors, turning milk sour, blighting crops, 
 causing sickness to man and animals, making children 
 cry themselves to death before baptism, rendering mar- 
 riages barren, procuring abortion, and giving charms 
 to blind a husband to his wife's adultery, or philters to 
 compel love. 
 
 On certain nights the witches and devils met for the 
 celebration of blasphemous and obscene rites in an as- 
 sembly known as the Witches' Sabbath. To enable 
 themselves to ride to the meeting-place on broomsticks, 
 the witches procured a communion wafer, applied a 
 toad to it, burned it, mingled its ashes with the blood of 
 an infant, the powdered bones of a hanged man and cer- 
 tain herbs. The meeting then indulged in a parody of 
 the mass, for, so the grave doctors taught, as Christ 
 had his sacraments the devil had his ^'unsacraments" 
 or ''execrements." His Satanic Majesty took the 
 form of a goat, dog, cat or ape and received the homage 
 of his subjects in a loathsome ceremony. After a ban- 
 quet promiscuous intercourse of devils and witches 
 followed. 
 
 All this superstition smouldered along in the embers 
 of folk tales for centuries until it was blo^vn into a 
 devastating blaze by the breath of theologians who 
 started to try to blow it out. The first puff was given 
 by Innocence VIII in his bull Summis desiderantes. 
 The Holy Father having learned with sorrow that 
 many persons in Germany had had intercourse with 
 demons and had by incantations hindered the birth of 
 children and blasted the fruits of the earth, gave au- 
 thority to Henry Institoris and James Sprenger to cor- 
 rect, incarcerate, punish and fine such persons, calling 
 in, if need be, the aid of the secular arm. These gen- 
 
WITCHCEAFT 
 
 655 
 
 Mah'fica- 
 ram, 1487 
 
 tlcmcn acquitted themselves with unsurpassed zeal. 
 Not content with trying and punishing people brought 
 before them, they put forth The Witches' Hammer, Malleus 
 called by Lea the most portentous monument of super- 
 stition ever produced. In the next two centuries it was 
 printed twenty-nine times. The University of Cologne 
 at once decided that to doubt the reality of witchcraft 
 was a crime. The Spanish Inquisition, on the other 
 hand, having all it could do with Jews and heretics, 
 treated witchcraft as a diabolical delusion. 
 
 Though most men, including those whom we consider Inquisition 
 the choice and master-spirits of the age, Erasmus and 
 More, firmly believed in the objective reality of witch- 
 craft, they were not obsessed by the subject, as were 
 their immediate posterity. Two causes may be found 
 for the intensification of the fanaticism. The first was 
 the use of torture by the Inquisition. The crime was Torture 
 of such a nature that it could hardly be proved save by 
 confession, and this, in general, could be extracted only 
 by the infliction of pain. It is instructive to note that 
 in England where the spirit of the law was averse to 
 torture, no progress in witch-hunting took place until 
 a substitute for the rack had been found, first in prick- 
 ing the body of the witch with pins to find the anaes- 
 thetic spot supposed to mark her, and secondly in de- 
 priving her of sleep. 
 
 A second patent cause of the mania was the zeal and BibHoiatry 
 the bibliolatry of Protestantism. The religious debate 
 heated the spiritual atmosphere and turned men's 
 thoughts to the world of spirits. Such texts, continu- 
 ally harped upon, as that on the witch of Endor, the in- 
 junction, "Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live," and 
 the demoniacs of the New Testament, weighed heavily 
 upon the shepherds of the people and upon their 
 flocks. Of the reality of witchcraft Luther harbored 
 not a doubt. The first use he made of the ban was to 
 
656 THE TEMPEE OF THE TIMES 
 
 excommunicate reputed witches. Seeing an idiotic 
 child, whom he regarded as a changeling, he recom- 
 mended the authorities to drown it, as a body without 
 a soul. Eepeatedly, both in private talk and in public 
 sermons, he recommended that witches should be put to 
 death without mercy and without regard to legal nice- 
 ties. As a matter of fact, four witches were burned at 
 Wittenberg on June 29, 1540. 
 
 The other Protestants hastened to follow the bad ex- 
 ample of their master. In Geneva, under Calvin, 
 thirty-four women were burned or quartered for the 
 crime in the year 1545. A sermon of Bishop Jewel in 
 1562 was perhaps the occasion of a new English law 
 against witchcraft. Kichard Baxter wrote on the Cer- 
 tainty of a World of Spirits. At a much later time the 
 bad record of the Mathers is well known, as also John 
 Wesley 's remark that giving up witchcraft meant giv- 
 ing up the Bible. 
 The mad- After the mania reached its height in the closing 
 
 years of the century, anything, however trivial, would 
 arouse suspicion. A cow would go dry, or a colt break 
 its leg, or there would be a drought, or a storm, or a 
 murrain on the cattle or a mildew on the crops. Or 
 else a physician, baflfled by some disease that did not 
 yield to his treatment of bleeding and to his doses of 
 garlic and horses' dung, would suggest that witchcraft 
 was the reason for his failure. In fact, if any con- 
 trariety met the path of the ordinary man or woman, he 
 or she immediatel}^ thought of the black art, and con- 
 sidered the most likely person for denunciation. This 
 would naturally be the nearest old woman, especially if 
 she had a tang to her tongue and had muttered "Bad 
 luck to you!" on some previous occasion. She would 
 then bo hauled before the court, promised liberty if she 
 confessed, stripped and examined for some mark of 
 Satan or to be sure that she was not hiding a charm 
 
 ness 
 
WITCHCRAFT 657 
 
 about her person. Torture in some form was then 
 applied, and a ghastly list it was, pricking with needles 
 under nails, crushing of bones until the marrow 
 spurted out, wrenching of the head with knotted cords, 
 toasting the feet before a fire, suspending the victim by 
 the hands tied behind the back and letting her drop 
 until the shoulders were disjointed. The horrible work 
 would be kept up until the poor woman either died un- 
 der the torture, or confessed, when she was sentenced 
 without mercy, usually to be bunied, sometimes to les- 
 ser punishments. 
 
 When the madness was at its height, hardly anyone, 
 once accused, escaped. John Bodin, a man otherwise 
 enlightened and learned, earned himself the not unjust 
 name of ''Satan's attorney-general" by urging that 
 strict proof could not be demanded by the very nature 
 of these cases and that no suspected person should 
 ever be released unless the malice of her accusers was 
 plainer than day. Moreover, each trial bred others, 
 for each witch denounced accomplices until almost the 
 whole population of certain districts was suspected. 
 So frequently did they accuse their judges or their sov- 
 ereign of having assisted at the witches' sabbath, that 
 this came to be discounted as a regular trick of the 
 devil. 
 
 Persecution raged in some places, chiefly in Ger- 
 many, like a visitation of pestilence or war. Those 
 who tried to stop it fell victims to their own courage, 
 and, unless they recanted, languished for years in 
 prison, or were executed as possessed by devils them- 
 selves. At Treves the persecution was encouraged by 
 the cupidity of the magistrates who profited by con- 
 fiscation of the property of those sentenced. At Bonn 
 schoolboys of nine or ten, fair young maidens, many 
 priests and scores of good women were done to death. 
 
 Numbers 
 
 No figures have been compiled for the total number executed 
 
658 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 of victims of this insanity. In England, under Eliza- 
 beth, before the craze had more than well started on its 
 career, 125 persons are known to have been tried for 
 witchcraft and 47 are known to have been executed for 
 the crime. In Venice the Inquisition punished 199 
 persons for sorcery during the sixteenth century. In 
 the year 1510, 140 witches were burned at Brescia, in 
 1514, 300 at Como. In a single year the bishop of 
 Geneva burned 500 witches, the bishop of Bamberg 
 600, the bishop of Wtirzburg 900. About 800 were con- 
 demned to death in a single batch by the Senate of 
 Savoy. In the year 1586 the archbishop of Treves 
 burned 118 women and two men for this imaginary 
 crime. Even these figures give but an imperfect no- 
 tion of the extent of the midsummer madness. The 
 number of victims must be reckoned by the tens of 
 thousands. 
 
 Throughout the century there were not wanting 
 some signs of a healthy skepticism. When, during an 
 
 1518 epidemic of St. Vitus 's dance at Strassburg, the cit- 
 
 izens proposed a pilgrimage to stop it, the episcopal 
 vicar replied that as it was a natural disease natural 
 remedies should be used. Just as witches were becom- 
 ing common in England, Gosson wrote in his School of 
 
 1578 Abuse: ''Do not imitate those foolish patients, who, 
 
 having sought all means of recovery and are never the 
 nearer, run into witchcraft.'^ Leonardo da Vinci 
 called belief in necromancy the most foolish of all hu- 
 man delusions. 
 
 As it was dangerous to oppose the popular mood at 
 its height, the more honor must go to the few who 
 wrote ex professo against it. The first of these, of any 
 
 ^^y^^ note, was the Protestant physician John Weyer. In 
 his book De praestigiis daemonum he sought very cau- 
 
 1563 tiously to show that the poor ' ' old, feeble-minded, stay- 
 
WITCHCRAFT G59 
 
 at-home women ' ' sentenced for witchcraft were simply 
 the victims of their own and other people's delusions. 
 Satan has no commerce with them save to injure their 
 minds and corrupt their imaginations. Quite differ- 
 ent, he thought, were those infamous magicians who 
 really used spells, charms, potions and the like, though 
 even here Weyer did not admit that their effects were 
 due to supernatural agency. This mild and cautious 
 attempt to defend the innocent was placed on the Index 
 and elicited the opinion from John Bodin that the 
 author was a true servant of Satan. 
 
 A far more thorough and brilliant attack on the su- Scott 
 perstition was Reginald Scott's Discovery of Witch- 
 craft, wherein the lewd dealings of Witches and Witch- 
 mongers is notably detected . . . whereunto is added a 
 Treatise upon the Nature and Substance of Sinrits and 
 Devils. Scott had read 212 Latin authors and 23 Eng- ^^^^ 
 lish, on his subject, and he was under considerable 
 obligation to some of them, notably Weyer. But he 
 endeavored to make first-hand observations, attended 
 witch trials and traced gossip to its source. He 
 showed, none better, the utter flimsiness and absurdity 
 of the charges on which poor old women were done to 
 death. He explained the performance of the witch of 
 Endor as ventriloquism. Trying to prove that magic 
 was rejected by reason and religion alike, he pointed 
 out that all the phenomena might most easily be ex- 
 plained by wilful imposture or by illusion due to mental 
 disturbance. As his purpose was the humanitarian one 
 of staying the cruel persecution, with calculated par- 
 tisanship he tried to lay the blame for it on the Catholic 
 church. x\s the very existence of magic could not be 
 disproved completely by empirical reasons he attacked 
 it on a priori grounds, alleging that spirits and bodies 
 are in two categories, unable to act directly upon each 
 
660 THE TEMPEE OF THE TIMES 
 
 other. Brilliant and convincing as the work was, it 
 produced no corresponding effect. It was burned pub- 
 licly by order of James I. 
 Montaigne Montaigne, who was never roused to anger by any- 
 thing, had the supreme art of rebutting others' opin- 
 ions without seeming to do so. It was doubtless Bo- 
 din's abominable Demonology that called forth his cele- 
 brated essay on witchcraft, in which that subject is 
 treated in the most modern spirit. The old presump- 
 tion in favor of the miraculous has fallen completely 
 from him ; his cool, quizzical regard was too much for 
 Satan, who, with all his knowledge of the world, is 
 easily embarrassed, to endure. The delusion of witch- 
 craft might be compared to a noxious bacillus. Scott 
 tried to kill it by heat ; he held it up to a fire of indigna- 
 tion, and fairly boiled it in his scorching flame of rea- 
 son. Montaigne tried the opposite treatment: refrig- 
 eration. He attacked nothing ; he only asked, with an 
 icy smile, why anything should be believed. Certainly, 
 as long as the mental passions could be kept at his own 
 low temperature, there was no danger that the milk of 
 human kindness should turn sour, no matter what vi- 
 cious culture of germs it originally held. He begins by 
 saying that he had seen various miracles in his own 
 day, but, one reads between the lines, he doesn't be- 
 lieve any of them. One error, he says, begets another, 
 and everything is exaggerated in the hope of making 
 converts to the talker's opinion. One miracle bruited 
 all over France turned out to be a prank of young peo- 
 ple counterfeiting ghosts. When one hears a marvel, 
 he should always say, ''perhaps." Better be appren- 
 tices at sixty then doctors at ten. Now witches, he con- 
 tinues, are the subject of the wildest and most foolish 
 accusations. Bodin had proposed that they should be 
 killed on mere suspicion, but Montaigne observes, ''To 
 kill human beings there is required a bright-shining 
 
EDUCATION 661 
 
 and clear light." And what do the stories amount to? 
 
 How much more natural and more Hkely do I find it 
 that two men should lie than that one in twelve hours 
 should pass from east to west ? How much more natural 
 that our understanding may by the voUibility of our 
 loose-capring mind be transported from his place, than 
 that one of us should by a strange spirit in flesh and 
 bone be carried upon a broom through the tunnel of a 
 chimney? ... I deem it a matter pardonable not to be- 
 lieve a wonder, at least so far forth as one may explain 
 away or break down the truth of the report in some way 
 not miraculous. . . . Some years past I traveled through 
 the country of a sovereign prince, who, in favor of me 
 and to abate my incredulitj^, did me the grace in his own 
 presence and in a particular place to make me see ten 
 or twelve prisoners of that kind, and amongst others an 
 old beldam vritch, a true and perfect sorceress, both by 
 her ugliness and deformity, and such a one as long be- 
 fore was most famous in that profession. I saw both 
 proofs, witnesses, voluntary confessions, and some in- 
 sensible marks about this miserable old woman ; I enquired 
 and talked with her a long time, with the greatest heed 
 and attention I could, and I am not easily carried away 
 by preconceived opinion. In the end and in my con- 
 science I should rather have appointed them hellebore 
 than hemlock. It was rather a disease than a crime. 
 
 Montaigne goes on to argue that even when we can- 
 not get an explanation — and any explanation is more 
 probable than magic — it is safe to disbelieve: ''Fear 
 sometimes representeth strange apparitions to the vul- 
 gar sort, as ghosts . . . larves, hobgoblins, Robbin- 
 good-fellows and such other bugbears and chimaeras." 
 For Montaigne the evil spell upon the mind of the race 
 liad been broken; alas! that it took so long for other 
 men to throw it ot¥! 
 
 § 3. Education 
 
 From the most terrible superstition let us turn to Education 
 the noblest, most inspiring and most important work of 
 
662 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 humanity. With each generation the process of hand- 
 ing on to posterity the full heritage of the race has be- 
 come longer and more complex. 
 
 Schools jt ^r^g^ therefore, upon a very definite and highly de- 
 
 veloped course of instruction that the contemporary of 
 Erasmus entered. There were a few great endowed 
 schools, like Eton and "Winchester and Deventer, in 
 which the small boy might begin to learn his ''gram- 
 mar'^ — Latin, of course. Some of the buildings at 
 Winchester and Eton are the same now as they were 
 then, the quite beautiful chapel and dormitories of red 
 brick at Eton, for example. Each of these two English 
 schools had, at this time, less than 150 pupils, and but 
 two masters, but the great Dutch school, Deventer, 
 under the renowned tuition of Hegius, boasted 2200 
 scholars, divided into eight forms. Many an old wood- 
 cut shows us the pupils gathered around the master as 
 thick as flies, sitting cross-legged on the floor, some in- 
 tent on their books and others playing pranks, while 
 there seldom fails to be one undergoing the chastise- 
 ment so highly reconunended by Solomon. These great 
 schools did not suffice for all would-be scholars. In 
 many villages there was some poor priest or master 
 who would teach the boys what he knew and prepare 
 them thus for higher things. In some places there were 
 tiny school-houses, much like those now seen in rural 
 America. Such an one, renovated, may be still visited 
 at Mansfeld, and its quaint inscription read over the 
 door, to the eif ect that a good school is like the wooden 
 horse of Troy. When the boys left home they lived 
 more as they do now at college, being given a good deal 
 of freedom out of hours. The poorer scholars used 
 their free times to beg, for as many were supported in 
 this way then as now are given scholarships and other 
 charitable aids in our universities. 
 
 Flogging Though there were a good many exceptions, most of 
 
EDUCATION 663 
 
 the teachers were brutes. The profession was despised 
 as a menial one and indeed, even so, many a gentleman 
 took more care in the selection of grooms and game- 
 keepers than he did in choosing the men with whom to 
 entrust his children. Of many of the tutors the man- 
 ners and morals were alike outrageous. They used 
 filthy language to the boys, whipped them cruelly and 
 habitually drank too much. They made the examina- 
 tions, says one unfortunate pupil of such a master, like 
 a trial for murder. The monitor employed to spy on 
 the boys was known by the significant name of ''the 
 wolf." Public opinion then approved of harsh meth- 
 ods. Nicholas Udall, the talented head-master of Eton, 
 was warmly commended for being "the best flogging 
 teacher in England" — until he was removed for his 
 immorality. 
 
 The principal study — after the rudiments of reading Latin 
 and writing the mother tongue were learned — was 
 Latin. As, at the opening of the century, there were 
 usually not enough books to go around, the pedagogue 
 would dictate declensions and conjugations, with ap- 
 jiropriate exercises, to his pupils. The books used 
 were such as Donatus on the Parts of Speech, a poem 
 called the Facetus by John of Garland, intended to give 
 moral, theological and grammatical information all in 
 one, and selecting as the proper vehicle rhymed coup- 
 lets. Other manuals were the Floretus, a sort of ab- 
 struse catechism, the Cornutus, a treatise on synonyms, 
 and a dictionary in which the words were arranged not 
 alphabetically but according to their supposed etymol- 
 ogy — thus hirundo (swallow) from aer (air). One 
 had to know the meaning of the word before one 
 searched for it! The grammars were written in a 
 barbarous Latin of inconceivably difficult style. Can 
 any man now readily understand the following defi- 
 nition of "pronoun," taken from a book intended 
 
664 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 for beginners, published in 14991 ''Pronomen . . . 
 significat substantiam sen entitatem sub modo con- 
 ceptus intrinseco permanentis sen habitus et quietis 
 sub determinatae apprehensionis f ormalitate. " 
 
 That with all these handicaps boys learned Latin at 
 all, and some boys learned it extremely well, must be 
 attributed to the amount of time spent on the subject. 
 For years it was practically all that was studied — for 
 the medieval trivium of grammar, rhetoric and logic 
 reduced itself to this — and they not only read a great 
 deal but wrote and spoke Latin. Finally, it became as 
 easy and fluent to them as their own tongue. Many 
 instances that sound like infant prodigies are known 
 to us; boys who spoke Latin at seven and wTote elo- 
 quent orations in it at fourteen, were not uncommon. 
 It is true that the average boy spoke then rather a 
 translation of his own language into Latin than the 
 best idiom of Rome. The following ludicrous speci- 
 •mens of conversation, throwing light on the manners 
 as well as on the linguistic attainments of the students, 
 were overheard in the University of Paris: ''Capis me 
 pro uno alio"; "Quando ego veni de ludendo, ego bibi 
 unum magnum vitrum totum plenum de vino, sine de- 
 ponendo nasum de vitro"; "In prandendo non facit 
 nisi lichare suos digitos. " 
 Reforma- Though there was no radical reform in education 
 
 during the century between Erasmus and Shakespeare, 
 two strong tendencies may be discerned at work, one 
 looking towards a milder method, the other towards 
 the extension of elementary instruction to large classes 
 hitherto left illiterate. The Reformation, which was 
 rather poor in original thought, was at any rate a tre- 
 mendous vulgarizer of the current culture. It was a 
 popular movement in that it passed around to the peo- 
 ple the ideas that had hitherto been the possession of 
 the few. Its first effect, indeed, together with that of 
 
 tion 
 
EDUCATION 665 
 
 the tumults that accompanied it, was for the moment 
 unfavorable to all sorts of learning. Not only wars 
 and rebellions frightened the youth from school, but 
 men arose, both in England and Germany, who taught 
 that if God had vouchsafed his secrets to babes and 
 sucklings, ignorance must be better than wisdom and 
 that it was therefore folly to be learned. 
 
 Luther not only turned the tide, but started it flowing Luther 
 in that great wave that has finally given civilized lands 
 free and compulsory education for all. In a Letter to 
 the Aldermen and Cities of Germany on the Erec- 1524 
 tion and Maintenance of Christian Schools he urged 
 strongly the advantages of learning. "Good schools 
 [he maintained] are the tree from which grow all good 
 conduct in life, and if they decay great blindness must 
 follow in religion and in all useful arts. . . . There- 
 fore, all wise rulers have thought schools a great light 
 in civil life." Even the heathen had seen that their 
 children should be instructed in all liberal arts and sci- 
 ences both to fit them for war and government and to 
 give them personal culture. Luther several times sug- 
 gested that ''the civil authorities ought to compel peo- 
 ple to send their children to school. If the government 
 can compel men to bear spear and arquebus, to man 
 ramparts and perform other martial duties, how much 
 more has it the right to compel them to send their chil- 
 dren to school?" Eepeatedly he urged upon the many 
 princes and burgomasters with whom he corresponded 
 the duty of providing schools in ever)'' town and village. 
 A portion of the ecclesiastical revenues confiscated by 
 the German states was in fact applied to this end. 
 Many other new schools were founded by princes and 
 were known as ''Fiirstenschulen" or gymnasia. 
 
 The same course was run in England. Colet's England 
 foundation of St. Paul's School in London, for 153 i^io 
 boys, has perhaps won an undue fame, for it was back- 
 
666 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 "ward in method and not important in any special way, 
 but it is a sign that people at that time were turning 
 their thoughts to the education of the young. When 
 Edward VI mounted the throne the dissolution of the 
 chantries had a very bad effect, for their funds had 
 commonly supported scholars. A few years previ- 
 ously Henry VIII had ordered ''every of you that be 
 parsons, vicars, curates and also chantry priests and 
 stipendiaries to . . . teach and bring up in learning 
 the best you can all such children of your parishioners 
 as shall come to you, or at least teach them to read 
 English." Edward VI revived this law in ordering 
 chantry priests to ''exercise themselves in teaching 
 youth to read and write," and he also urged people to 
 contribute to the maintenance of primary schools in 
 each parish. He also endowed certain grammar 
 schools with the revenues of the chantries. 
 
 In Scotland the Booh of Discipline advocated com- 
 pulsory education, children of the well-to-do at their 
 parents' expense, poor children at that of the church. 
 Jesuit jj^ Catholic countries, too, there was a passion for 
 
 colleges 
 
 founding new schools. Especially to be mentioned are 
 the Jesuit "colleges," "of which," Bacon confesses, "I 
 must say. Talis cum sis utinam noster esses.^^ How 
 well frequented they were is shown by the following 
 figures. The Jesuit school at Vienna had, in 1558, 500 
 pupils, in Cologne, about the same time, 517, in Treves 
 500, in Mayence 400, in Spires 453, in Munich 300. 
 The method of the Jesuits became famous for its com- 
 bined gentleness and art. They developed consum- 
 mate skill in allowing their pupils as much of history, 
 science and philosophy as they could imbibe without 
 jeoparding their faith. From this point of view their 
 instruction was an inoculation against free thought. 
 But it must be allowed that their teaching of the 
 
EDUCATION 667 
 
 classics was excellent. They followed the humanists' 
 methods, but they adapted them to the purpose of the 
 church. 
 
 All this flood of new scholars had little that was new The 
 to study. Neither Reformers nor humanists had any 
 searching- or thorough revision to propose; all that 
 they asked was that the old be taught better: the hu- 
 manities more humaneh". Erasmus wrote much on ed- 
 ucation, and, following him Vives and Bude and ]\Ie- 
 lanchthon and Sir Thomas Elyot and Roger Ascham; 
 their programs, covering the whole period from the 
 cradlo to the highest degree, seem thorough, but what 
 does it all amount to, in the end, but Latin and Greek? 
 Possibly a little arithmetic and geometry and even 
 astronomy were admitted, but all was supposed to be 
 imbibed as a by-product of literature, historj^ from 
 Livy, for example, and natural science from Pliny. In- 
 deed, it often seems as if the knowledge of things was 
 valued chiefly for the sake of literary comprehension 
 and allusion. 
 
 The educational reformers differed little from one 
 another save in such details as the best authors to read. 
 Colet preferred Christian authors, such as Lactantius, 
 Pnidentius and Baptista Mantuan. Erasmus thought 
 it well to begin with the verses of Dionysius Cato, and 
 to proceed through the standard authors of Greece and 
 Rome. For the sake of making instruction easy and 
 pleasant he wrote his Colloquies — in many respects his 
 chef d' oeuvre if not the best Latin produced by any- 
 one during the century. In this justly famous work, 
 which was adopted and used by all parties immediately, 
 he conveyed a considerable amount of liberal religi- 
 ous and moral instruction with enough wit to make it 
 palatable. Luther, on ^felanchthon's advice, notwith- 
 standing his hatred for the author, urged the use of the 
 
668 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 Colloquies in Protestant schools, and they were like- 
 1548 wise among the books permitted by the Imperial man- 
 
 date issued at Louvain. 
 
 The method of learning language was for the in- 
 stmctor to interpret a passage to the class which they 
 were expected to be able to translate the next day. 
 Ascham recommended that, when the child had writ- 
 ten a translation he should, after a suitable interval, 
 be required to retranslate his own English into Latin. 
 Writing, particularly of letters, was tauglit. The real 
 advance over the medieval curriculum was in the teach- 
 .ing of Greek — to which the exceptionally ambitious 
 school at Geneva added, after 1538, Hebrew. Save 
 for this and the banishment of scholastic barbarism, 
 there was no attempt to bring in the new sciences and 
 arts. For nearly four hundred years the curriculum 
 of Erasmus has remained the foundation of our educa- 
 tion. Only in our o^vn times are Latin and Greek 
 giving way, as the staples of mental training, to mod- 
 ern languages and science. In those days modem lan- 
 guages were picked up, as Milton was later to recom- 
 mend that they should be, not as part of the regular 
 course, but *'in some leisure hour," like music or 
 dancing. Notwithstanding such exceptions as Edward 
 VI and Elizabeth, who spoke French and Italian, there 
 were comparatively few scholars who knew any living 
 tongue save their own. 
 University AVhcu the youth wcut to the university he found 
 ^^^^ little change in either his manner of life or in his stud- 
 
 ies. A number of boys matriculated at the age of 
 thirteen or fourteen; on the other hand there was a 
 sprinkling of mature students. The extreme youth of 
 many scholars made it natural that they should be un- 
 der somewhat stricter discipline than is now the case. 
 Even in the early history of Harvard it is recorded 
 that the president once *' flogged four bachelors" for 
 
EDUCATION 669 
 
 being out too late at night. At colleges like ^lontaigu, 
 if one may believe Erasmus, the path of learning was 
 indeed thorny. What between the wretched diet, the 
 filth, the cold, the crowding, ''the short-winged hawks" 
 that the students combed from their hair or shook 
 from their shirts, it is no wonder that many of them 
 fell ill. Gaming, fighting, drinking and wenching were 
 common. 
 
 Nominally, the university was then under the entire Mode of 
 control of the faculty, who elected one of themselves g^^^^^^^"* 
 ''rector" (president) for a single year, who appointed 
 their own members and who had complete charge of 
 studies and discipline, save that the students occasion- 
 ally asserted their ancient rights. In fact, the cor- 
 poration was pretty well under the thumb of the gov- 
 ernment, which compelled elections and dismissals 
 when it saw fit, and occasionally appointed commis- 
 sions to visit and reform the faculties. 
 
 Instruction was still carried on by the old method ofinstruc- 
 of lectures and debates. These latter were sometimes 
 on important questions of the day, theological or po- 
 litical, but were often, also, nothing but displays of 
 ingenuity. There Avas a great lack of laboratories, a 
 need that just began to be felt at the end of the cen- 
 tury w^hen Bacon wrote: "Unto the deep, fruitful 
 and operative study of many sciences, specially nat- 
 ural philosophy and physics, books be not only the 
 instrumentals." Bacon's further complaint that, 
 ''among so many great foundations of colleges in Eu- 
 rope, I find it strange that they are all dedicated to 
 professions, and none left free to arts and sciences 
 at large," is an early hint of the need of the endow- 
 ment of research. The degrees in liberal arts, B.A. 
 and ^r.A., were then more strictly than now licences 
 either to teach or to pursue higher professional studies 
 in divinity, law, or medicine. Fees for graduation 
 
670 
 
 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 New 
 universities 
 
 Numbers 
 
 were heavy; in France a B.A. cost $24, an M.D. $690 
 and a D.D. $780. 
 
 Germany then held the primacy that she has ever 
 since had in Europe both in the number of her uni- 
 versities and in the aggregate of her students. The 
 new universities founded by the Protestants were: 
 Marburg 1527, Konigsberg 1544, Jena 1548 and again 
 1558, HehTistadt 1575, Altdorf 1578, Paderborn 1584. 
 In addition to these the Catholics founded four or five 
 new universities, though not important ones. They 
 concentrated their efforts on the endeavor to found 
 new ''colleges" at the old institutions. 
 
 In general the universities lost during the first years 
 of the Reformation, but more than made up their num- 
 bers by the middle of the century. Wittenberg had 
 245 matriculations in 1521; in 1526 the matriculations 
 had fallen to 175, but by 1550, notwithstanding the re- 
 cent Schmalkaldic War, the total numbers had risen 
 to 2000, and this number was well maintained through- 
 out the century. 
 
 Erfurt, remaining Catholic in a Protestant region, 
 declined more rapidly and permanently. In the year 
 1520-21 there were 311 matriculations, in the follow- 
 ing year 120, in the next year 72, and five years later 
 only 14. Between 1521 to 1530 the number of students 
 fell at Rostock from 123 to 33, at Frankfort-on-the 
 Oder from 73 to 32. Rostock, however, recovered 
 after a reorganization in 1532. The number of stu- 
 dents at Greif swald declined so that no lectures were 
 given during the period 1527-39, after which it again 
 began to pick up. Konigsberg, starting with 314 stu- 
 dents later fell off. Cologne declined in numbers, and 
 so did Maj^ence until the Jesuits founded their college 
 in 1561, which, by 1568, had 500 pupils recognized 
 as members of the university. Vienna, also, having 
 sunk to the number of 12 students in 1532, kept at a 
 
univer- 
 sities 
 
 EDUCATION 671 
 
 very low ebb rntil 1554, when the effects of the Jesuit 
 revival were felt. Whereas, during the fifteen years 
 1508-22 there were 6485 matriculations at Leipzig, 
 during the next fifteen years there were only 1935. By 
 the end of the century, however, Leipzig had again 
 become, under Protestant leadership, a large institu- 
 tion. 
 
 Two new universities were founded in the British British 
 Isles during the century, Edinburgh in 1582 and Trin- 
 ity College, Dublin, in 1591. In England a number of 
 colleges were added to those already existing at Ox- 
 ford and Cambridge, namely Christ Church (first 
 knoAvn, after its founder, Wolsey, as Cardinal's Col- 
 lege, then as King's College), Brasenose, and Corpus 
 Christi at Oxford and St. John's, Magdalen, and Trin- 
 ity at Cambridge. Notwithstanding these new foun- 
 dations the number of students sank. During the 
 years 1542-8, only 191 degrees of B.A. were given at 
 Cambridge and only 172 at Oxford. Ascham is au- 
 thority for the statement that things were still worse 
 under ]\Iary, when ' * the wild boar of the wood ' ' either 
 '*cut up by the root or trod dowTi to the ground" the 
 institutions of learning. The revenues of the univer- 
 sities reached their low-water mark about 1547, when 
 the total income of Oxford from land was reckoned at 
 £5 and that of Cambridge at £50, per annum. Under 
 Elizabeth, the universities rose in numbers, while bet- 
 ter Latin and Greek were taught. It was at this time 
 that a college education became fashionable for young 
 gentlemen instead of being exclusively patronized by 
 "learned clerks." The foundation of the College of 1528 
 Physicians in London deserves to be mentioned. 
 
 A university was founded at Zurich under the influ- 
 ence of Zwingli. Geneva's University opened in 1559 
 with Beza as rector. Connected with it was a prepara- 
 tory school of seven forms, with a rigidly prescribed 
 
672 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 course in the classics. "When the boy was admitted 
 to the university proper by examination, he took what 
 he chose; there was not even a division into classes. 
 The courses offered to him included Greek, Hebrew, 
 theology, dialectic, rhetoric, physics and mathematics. 
 French The foundation of the College de France by Francis 
 
 sities I represented an attempt to bring new life and vigor 
 
 into learning by a free association of learned men. It 
 was planned to emancipate science from the tutelage 
 of theology. Erasmus was invited but, on his refusal 
 to accept, Bude was given the leading position. Chairs 
 of Greek, Hebrew, mathematics and Latin were founded 
 by the king in 1530. Other institutions of learning 
 founded in France were Eheims 1547, Douai 1562, Be- 
 san^on ^ 1564, none of them now in existence. Paris 
 continued to be the largest university in the world, 
 with an average number of students of about 6000. 
 
 Louvain, in the Netherlands, had 3000 students in 
 1500 and 1521; in 1550 the number rose to 5000. It 
 was divided into colleges on the plan still found in 
 England. Each college had a president, three pro- 
 fessors and twelve fellows, entertained gratis, in addi- 
 tion to a larger number of paying scholars. The most 
 popular classes often reached the number of 300. The 
 foundation of the Collegium Trilingue by Erasmus's 
 friend Jerome Busleiden in 1517 was an attempt, as its 
 name indicates, to give instruction in Greek and He- 
 brew as well as in the Latin classics. A blight fell 
 upon the noble institution during the wars of religion. 
 Under the supervision of Alva it founded professor- 
 ships of catechetics and substituted the decrees of the 
 Council of Trent for the Decretum of Gratian in the 
 law school. Exhausted by the hemorrhages caused by 
 the Religious War and starved by the Lenten diet of 
 Spanish Catholicism, it gradually decayed, while its 
 
 1 Beeancon was then an Imperial Free City. 
 
EDUCATION 673 
 
 place was taken in the eyes of Europe by the Protestant ^^'^^ 
 University of Leyden. A second Protestant founda- i^^^ 
 tion, Franeker, for a time flourished, but finally with- 
 ered away. 
 
 Spanish universities were crowded with new num- 
 bers. The maximum student body was reached by 
 Salamanca in 1584 w^ith 6778 men, while Alcala passed 
 in zenith in 1547 with the respectable enrollment of 
 1949. The foundation of no less than nine new uni- 
 versities in Spain bears witness to the interest of the 
 Iberian Peninsula in education. 
 
 Four new universities opened their doors in Italy 
 during the year 1540-15G5. The Sapienza at Rome, 
 in addition to these, was revived temporarily by Leo 
 X in 1513, and, after a relapse to the dormant state, 
 again awoke to its full power under Paul III, when 
 chairs of Greek and Hebrew were established. 
 
 The services of all these universities cannot be com- Contribu- 
 putcd on any statistical method. Notwithstanding all p°oVress 
 their faults, their dogmatic narrowness and their aca- 
 demic arrogance, they contributed more to progress 
 than any other institutions. Each academy became the 
 center of scientific research and of intellectual life. 
 Their influence was enormous. How much did it moan 
 to that age to see its contending hosts marshalled un- 
 der two professors, Luther and Adrian VI ! And how 
 many other leaders taught in universities : — Erasmus, 
 ^Melanehthon, IJcuchlin, Lel'evre, to mention only a 
 few. Pontiffs and kings sought for support in aca- 
 demic pronouncements, nor could they always force 
 the doctors to give the decision they wished. In fact, 
 each university stood like an Acropolis in the republic 
 of letters, at once a temple and a fortress for those 
 who loved truth and ensued it. 
 
674 
 
 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 Art the 
 expression 
 of an ideal 
 
 Leonardo, 
 1452-1519 
 
 § 4. Aet 
 
 The significant thing about art, for the historian as 
 for the average man, is the ideal it expresses. Tlie 
 artist and critic may find more to interest him in the 
 development of technique, how this painter dealt with 
 perspective and that one with ''tactile values," how 
 the Florentines excelled in drawing and the Venetians 
 in color. But for us, not being professionals, the con- 
 tent of the art is more important than its form. For, 
 after all, the glorious cathedrals of the Middle Ages 
 and the marvellous paintings of the Renaissance were 
 not mere iridescent bubbles blown by or for children 
 with nothing better to do. They were the embodiments 
 of ideas ; as the people thought in their hearts so they 
 projected themselves into the objects they created. 
 
 The greatest painters the world has seen, and many 
 others who would be greatest in any other time, were 
 contemporaries of Luther. They had a gospel to 
 preach no less sacred to them than was his to him; it 
 was the glad tidings of the kingdom of this world : the 
 splendor, the loveliness, the wonder and the nobility 
 of human life. When, with young eyes, they looked 
 out upon the world in its spring-tide, they found it not 
 the vale of tears that they had been told ; they found it 
 a rapture. They saw the naked body not vile but beau- 
 tiful. 
 
 Leonardo da Vinci was ^a painter of wonder, but not 
 of naive admiration of things seen. To him the mir- 
 acle of the world was in the mystery of knowledge, — 
 and he took all nature as his province. He gave his 
 life and his soul for the mastery of science; he ob- 
 served, he studied, he pondered everything. From 
 the sun in the heavens to the insect on the ground, 
 nothing was so large as to impose upon him, nothing 
 too small to escape him. Weighing, measuring, experi- 
 menting, he dug deep for the inner reality of things; 
 
ART 675 
 
 he spent years drawing the internal organs of the body, 
 and other years making plans for engineers. 
 
 When he painted, there was but one thing that fasci- 
 nated him : the soul. To lay bare the mind as he had 
 dissected the brain; to take man or woman at some 
 self-revealing pose, to surprise the hidden secret of 
 X:)ersonality, all this was his passion, and in all this 
 he excelled as no one had ever done, before or since. 
 His battle picture is not some gorgeous and romantic 
 cavalry charge, but a confused melee of horses snort- 
 ing with terror, of men wild with the lust of battle or 
 with hatred or with fear. His portraits are either cari- 
 catures or prophecies : they lay bare some- trait unsus- 
 pected, or they probe some secret weakness. Is not 
 his portrait of himself a wizard! Does not his Medusa 
 chill us with the horror of death? Is not Beatrice 
 d'Este already doomed to waste away, when he paints 
 her? 
 
 The Last Supper had been treated a hundred times The Last 
 before him, now as a eucharistic sacrament, now as a ^^^^'^ 
 monastic meal, now as a gathering of friends. What 
 did Leonardo make of it? A study of character. 
 Jesus has just said, ''One of you will betray me," and 
 his divine head has sunk upon his breast with calm, 
 inuTiortal grief. John, the Beloved, is fairly sick with 
 sorrow; Peter would be fiercely at the traitor's throat; 
 Thomas darts forward, doubting, to ask, ''Lord, is it 
 I? " Every face expresses deep and different reaction. 
 There sits Judas, his face tense, the cords of his neck 
 standing out, his muscles taut with the supreme effort 
 not to betray the evil purpose which, nevertheless, 
 lowers on his visage as plainly as a thunder cloud on 
 a sultry afternoon. 
 
 Throughout life Leonardo was fascinated with an 
 enigmatic smile that he had seen somewhere, perhaps 
 in Verocchio's studio, perhaps on the face of some 
 
676 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 woman he had known -as a boy. His first paintings 
 were of laughing women, and the same smile is on the 
 lips of John the Baptist and Dionysus and Leda and 
 the Virgin and St. Anne and Mona Lisa! What was 
 he trying to express? Vasari found the ^' smile so 
 pleasing that it was a thing more divine than human 
 to behold ' ' ; Euskin thought it archaic, Miintz ' ' sad and 
 disillusioned," Berenson supercilious, and Freud neu- 
 rotic. Reymond calls it the smile of Prometheus, 
 Faust, Oedipus and the Sphinx; Pater saw in it ''the 
 animalism of Greece, the lust of Rome, the reverie of 
 the Middle Ages with its spiritual ambitions and imag- 
 inary loves, the return to the pagan world, the sins of 
 the Borgias. " Though some great critics, like Rei- 
 nach, have asserted that Mona Lisa is only subtle as 
 Mona Lisa any great portrait is subtle, it is impossible to regard 
 it merely as that. It is a psychological study. And 
 what means the smile I In a word, sex, — not on the 
 physical side so studied and glorified by other painters, 
 but in its psychological aspect. For once Leonardo 
 has stripped bare not the body but the soul of desire, 
 — the passion, the lust, the trembling and the shame. 
 There is something frightening about Leda caught with 
 the swan, about the effeminate Dionysus and John the 
 Baptist's mouth ''folded for a kiss of irresistible 
 pleasure. ' ' If the stories then told about the children 
 of Alexander VI and about Margaret of Navarre and 
 Anne Boleyn were true, Mona Lisa was their sister. 
 
 Everything he touched acquires the same psycho- 
 logical penetration. His Adoration of the Magi is 
 not an effort to delight the eye, but is a study, almost 
 a criticism, of Christianity. All sorts of men are 
 brought before the miraculous Babe, and their reac- 
 tions, of wonder, of amazement, of devotion, of love, 
 of skepticism, of scoffing, and of indifference, are per- 
 fectly recorded. 
 
ART 677 
 
 After the cool and stormy spring of art came the The 
 warm and gentle summer. Life became so full, so ^"<^'*^"8 
 beautiful, so pleasant, so alluring, that men sought 
 for nothing save to quaff its goblet to the dregs. 
 Venice, seated like a lovely, wanton queen, on her 
 throne of sparkling waters, drew to her bosom all 
 the devotees of pleasure in the whole of Europe. Her 
 argosies still brought to her every pomp and glory of 
 vestment with which to array her body sumptuously; 
 her lovers lavished on her gold and jewels and palaces 
 and rare exotic luxuries. How all this is reflected in 
 her great painters, the Bellinis and Giorgione and 
 Titian and Tintoretto ! Life is no longer a wonder to 
 them but a banquet; the malady of thought, the trou- 
 ble of the soul is not for them. Theirs is the realm 
 of the senses, and if man could live by sense alone, 
 surely he must revel in what they offer. They dye 
 their canvasses in such blaze of color and light as can 
 be seen onlj^ in the sunset or in the azure of the Med- 
 iterranean, or in tropical flowers. How they clothe 
 their figures in every conceivable splendor of orphrey 
 and ermine, in jewels and shining armor and rich 
 stuff of silk and samite, in robe of scarlet or in yellow 
 dalmatic! Every house for them is a palace, every bit 
 of landscape an enchanted garden, every action an 
 ecstasy, every man a hero and every woman a paragon 
 of voluptuous beauty. 
 
 The portrait is one of the most characteristic 
 branches of Renaissance painting, for it appealed to 
 the newly aroused individualism, the grandiose egotism 
 of the so optimistic and so self-confident ago. After 
 Leonardo no one sought to make the portrait pri- 
 marily a character study. Titian and Raphael and 
 Holbein and most of their contemporaries sought 
 rather to please and flatter than to analyse. But "T';'/"' 
 
 c 1490— 
 
 withal there is often a truth to nature that make many 1575 
 
678 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 of the portraits of that time like the day of judgment 
 in their revelation of character. Titian's splendid 
 harmonies of scarlet silk and crimson satin and gold 
 brocade and purple velvet and silvery fur enshrine 
 many a blend of villainies and brutal stupidities. 
 What is more cruelly realistic than the leer of the 
 satyr clothed as Francis, King of France; than the 
 bovine dullness of Charles V and the lizard-like dull- 
 ness of his son; or than that strange combination of 
 wolfish cunning and smnish bestiality with human 
 thought and self-command that fascinates in Raphael's 
 portrait of Leo X and his two cardinals? On the 
 other hand, what a profusion of strong and noble men 
 and women gaze at us from the canvases of that 
 time. They are a study of infinite variety and of sur- 
 passing charm. 
 
 The secularization of art proceeded even to the 
 length of affecting religious painting. Susanna and 
 Magdalen and St. Barbara and St. Sebastian are no 
 longer starved nuns and monks, bundled in shapeless 
 clothes ; they become maidens and youths of marvellous 
 beauty. Even the Virgin and Christ were drawn from 
 the handsomest models obtainable and were richly 
 clothed. This tendency, long at work, found its con- 
 summation in Raphael Sanzio of Urbino. 
 Raphael, It is oue of thosc uscful Coincidences that seem al- 
 
 1483-1520 j-QQg^ symbolic that Raphael and Luther were born in 
 the same year, for they were both the products of the 
 same process — the decay of Catholicism. When, for 
 long ages, a forest has rotted on the ground, it may 
 form a bed of coal, ready to be dug up and turned into 
 power, or it may make a field luxuriant in grain and 
 fruit and flowers. From the deposits of medieval re- 
 ligion the miner's son of IMansfeld extracted enough 
 energy to turn half Europe upside down; from the 
 same fertile swamp Raphael culled the most exquisite 
 
ART 679 
 
 blossoms and the most delicious berries. To change 
 the metaphor, Luther was the thunder and Kaphael 
 the rainbow of the same storm. 
 
 The chief work of both of them was to make religion Religious 
 understanded of the people; to adapt it to the needs ^^^ 
 of the time. "When faith fails a man may either aban- 
 don the old religion for another, or he may stop think- 
 ing about dogma altogether and find solace in the 
 mystical-aesthetic aspect of his cult. This second al- 
 ternative was worked to its limit by Raphael. lie was 
 not concerned with the true but with the beautiful. 
 By far the larger part of his very numerous pictures 
 have religious subjects. The whole Bible — which Lu- 
 ther translated into the vernacular — was by him trans- 
 lated into the yet clearer language of sense. Even 
 now most people conceive biblical characters in the 
 forms of this greatest of illustrators. Delicacy, 
 pathos, spirituality, idyllic loveliness— everything but 
 realism or tragedy — are stamped on all his canvases. 
 ''Beautiful as a Raphael Madonna" is an Italian 
 proverb, and so skilfully selected a type of beauty is 
 there in his Virgins that they are neither too ethereal 
 nor too sensuous. Divine tenderness, motherhood at 
 its holiest, gazes calmly from the face of the Sistine 
 ^ladonna, "whose eyes are deeper than the depths of 
 waters stilled at even." The simple mind, unsophisti- 
 cated by lore of the pre-Raphaelite school, will worship 
 a Rapiiael when he will but revel in a Titian. 
 Strangely touched by the magic of this passionate lover 
 both of the church and of mortal women, the average 
 man of that day, or of this, found, and will find, glad 
 tidings for his heart in the very color of Mary's robe. 
 "Whoever would know how Christ transfigured and 
 made divine should be painted, must look," says Va- 
 sari, on Raphael's canvases. 
 
 The church and the papacy found an ally in Raphael, 
 
6S0 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 •whose pencil illustrated so many triumphs of the popes 
 and so many mysteries of religion. In his Disputa (so- 
 called) he made the secret of transubstantiation visible. 
 In his great cartoon of Leo I turning back Attila he 
 gave new power to the arm of Leo X. His Parnassus 
 and School of Athens seemed to make philosophy easy 
 for the people. Indeed, it is from them that he has 
 reaped his rich reward, for while the Pharisees of art 
 pick flaws in him, point out what they find of shallow- 
 ness and of insincerity, the people love him more than 
 any other artist has been loved. It is for them that he 
 worked, and on every labor one might read as it were 
 his motto, *'I will not offend even one of these little 
 ones." 
 
 If Eaphael's art was safe in his own hands there can 
 Decadence be little doubt that it hastened the decadence of paint- 
 of^rehgious -^^^ -^^^ ^-^^ hauds of liis followcrs. His favorite pupil, 
 •Ginlio Komano, caught every trick of the master and, 
 like the devil citing Scripture, painted pictures to de- 
 light the eye so licentious that they cannot now be 
 exhibited. Andrea del Sarto sentimentalized the Vir- 
 gin, turning tenderness to bathos. -Correggio, the 
 most gifted of them all, could do nothing so well as 
 depict sensual love. His pictures are hymns to Venus, 
 and his women, saints and sinners alike, are houris of 
 an erotic paradise. Has the ecstasy of amorous pas- 
 sion amounting almost to mystical transport ever been 
 better suggested than in the marvellous light and shade 
 of his Jupiter and lo? These and many other con- 
 temporary artists had on their lips but one song, a 
 paean in praise of life, the pomps and glories of this 
 goodly world and the delights and beauties of the body. 
 But to all men, save those loved by the gods, there 
 comes some moment, perhaps in the very heyday of 
 success and joy and love, when a sudden ruin falls upon 
 the world. The death of one loved more than self, 
 
 art 
 
ART 
 
 681 
 
 disease and pain, the betrayal of some trust, the failure 
 of the so cherished cause — all these and many more 
 are the gates by which tragedy is bom. And the 
 beauty of tragedy is above all other bcautj'' because 
 only in some supreme struggle can the grandeur of 
 the human spirit assert its full majesty. In Shake- 
 speare and ]\Iichelangelo it is not the torture that 
 pleases us, but the triumph over circumstance. 
 
 No one has so deeply felt or so truly expressed this Michel- 
 as the Florentine sculptor who, amidst a world of love i475_i564 
 and laughter, lived in wilful sadness, learning how 
 man from his death-grapple in the darkness can emerge 
 victor and how the soul, by her passion of pain, is per- 
 fected. He was interested in but one thing, man, be- 
 cause only man is tragic. lie would paint no por- 
 traits — or but one or two — because no living person 
 came up to his ideal. All his figures are strong be- 
 cause strength only is able to suffer as to do. Nine- 
 tenths of them are men rather than women, because 
 the beauty of the male is strength, whereas the strength 
 of the woman is beauty. Only in a few of his early 
 figures does he attain calm, — in a Madonna, in David 
 or in the Men Bathing, all of them, including the ^la- 
 donna with its figures of men in the background, in- 
 tended to exhibit the perfection of athletic power. 
 
 But save in these early works almost all that Michel- 
 angelo set his hand to is fairly convulsed with passion. 
 Leda embraces the swan at the supreme moment of 
 conception; Eve, dra^m from the side of Adam, is 
 weeping bitterly; Adam is rousing himself to the hard 
 struggle- that is life ; the slaves are writhing under their 
 bonds as though they were of hot iron ; Moses is start- 
 ing from his seat for some tremendous conflict. 
 Every figure lavished on the decoration of the Sistine 
 Chapel reaches, when it does not surpass, the limit of 
 human physical development. Sibyl and Prophet, 
 
682 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 Adam and Eve, man and God are all hurled together 
 ^th a riot of strength and *'terribilita." 
 
 The almost supernatural terror of Michelangelo's 
 genius found fullest scope in illustrating the idea of 
 predestination that obsessed the RefoiTaers and 
 haunted many a Catholic of that time also. In the 
 The Last Last Judgment the artist laid the whole emphasis upon 
 Judgment ^.j^^ damnation of the wicked, hurled down to external 
 torment by the sentence, "Depart from me, ye cursed." 
 uttered by Christ, not the meek and gentle Man of 
 Sorrows, but the rex frcmoidae viajcstatis, a Hercules, 
 before whom Mary trembles and the whole of creation 
 shudders. A quieter, but no less tragic work of art 
 is the sculpture on the tomb of Lorenzo de* Medici at 
 Florence. The hero himself sits above, and both he 
 and the four allegorical tngures, two men and two 
 women, commonly called Day and Night, Morning 
 and Evening, are lost in pensive, eternal sorrow. So 
 they brood for ever as if seeking in sleep and dumb 
 forgetfulness some anodyne for the sense of their 
 country's and their race's doom. 
 
 But it is not all pain. Titian has not made joy nor 
 Raphael love nor Leonardo wonder so beautiful as 
 Michelangelo has made tragedy. His sonnets breathe 
 a worship of beauty as the symbol of divine love. He 
 is like the great, dark angel of Victor Hugo : 
 
 Et range devint noir, et dit: — Je suis ramour. 
 Mais sou front sombre etait phis charmant que le jour, 
 Et je voyais, daus Tombre ou brillaieut ses prunelles, 
 Les astres a travers les plumes de ses ailes. 
 
 The contrast between the fertility of Italian artistic 
 genius and the comparative poverty of Northern Eu- 
 rope is most apparent when the northern painters cop- 
 ied most closely their transalpine brothers. The taste 
 for Italian pictures was spread abroad by the many 
 
ART 
 
 683 
 
 travelers, and the demand created a supply of copies 
 and imitations. Antwerp became a regular factory 
 of such works, whereas the Germans, Cranach, Durer 
 and Holbein were profoundly affected by Italy. Of 
 them all Holbein was the only one who could really 
 compete with the Italians on their ovm ground, and HansHoi- 
 that only in one branch of art, portraiture. His stud- Younger 
 ies of Henry VIII, and of his wives and courtiers, com- 1497-1543 
 bine truth to nature with a high sense of beauty. His 
 paintings of More and Erasmus express with perfect 
 mastery the finest qualities of two rare natures. 
 
 Diirer seldom succeeded in painting pictures of the Albert 
 most beautiful type, but a few of his portraits can be i47Y_'^i528 
 compared w^ith nothing save Leonardo's studies. The 
 whole of a man's life and character are set forth in his 
 two drawings of his friend Pirckheimer, a strange 
 blend of the philosopher and the hog. And the tragedy 
 is that the lower nature won; in 1504 there is but a 
 potential coarseness in the strong face; in 1522 the 
 swine had conquered and but the wTeck of the scholar 
 is visible. 
 
 As an engineer and as a student of aesthetics Diirer 
 was also the northern Leonardo. His theory of art 
 reveals the secret of his genius: **What beauty is, I 
 know not ; but for myself I take that which at all times 
 has been considered beautiful by the greater number.'* 
 This is making art democratic, bringing it down from 
 the small coterie of palace and mansion to the home 
 of the people at large. Diirer and his compeers were 
 enabled to do this by exploiting the new German arts 
 of etching and wood-engraving. Pictures were multi- 
 plied by hundreds and thousands and sold, not to one 
 patron but to the many. Characteristically they re- 
 flected the life and thoughts of the common people in 
 everj^ homely phase. Pious subjects were numerous, 
 because religion bulked large in the common thought, 
 
684 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 but it was the religion of the popular preacher, trans- 
 lating the life of Christ into contemporary^ German life, 
 wholesome and a little vulgar. The people love mar- 
 vels and they are very literal ; what could be more mar- 
 vellous and more literal than Diirer's illustrations of 
 the Apocalypse in which the Dragon with ten horns 
 and seven heads, and the Lamb with seven horns and 
 seven eyes are represented exactly as they are de- 
 scribed? Diirer neither strove for nor attained any- 
 thing but realism. ''I think," he wrote, ''the more 
 exact and like a man a picture is, the better the work. 
 . . . Others are of another opinion and speak of how 
 a man should be . . . but in such things I consider 
 nature the master and human imaginations errors." 
 It was life he copied, the life he saw around him at 
 Nuremberg. 
 
 But Diirer, to use his o^\^l famous criterion of por- 
 1513-14 traiture, painted not only the features of Germany, 
 but her soul. Three of his woodcuts depict German 
 aspirations so fully that they are the best explanation 
 of the Reformation, which they prophesy. The first 
 of these. The Knight, Death and the Devil, shows the 
 Christian soldier riding through a valley of supernat- 
 ural terrors. "So ist des Menchen Leben nichts an- 
 deres dann eine Ritterschaft auf Erden," is the old 
 German translation of Job vii, 1, following the Vul- 
 gate. Erasmus in his Handbook of the Christian 
 Knight had imagined just such a scene, and so deeply 
 had the idea of the soldier of Christ sunk into the 
 people's mind that later generations interpreted 
 Diirer's knight as a picture of Sickingen or Hutten or 
 one of the bold champions of the new religion. 
 
 In the St. Jerome peacefully at work in his panelled 
 study, translating the Bible, while the blessed sun 
 shines in and the lion and the little bear doze content- 
 edly, is not Luther foretold? But the German study. 
 
ART 685 
 
 that magician's laboratory that has produced so much 
 of good, has also often been the alembic of brooding 
 and despair. More than ever before at the opening 
 of the century men felt the vast promises and the vast 
 oppression of thought. New science had burst the old 
 bonds but, withal, the soul still yearned for more. The 
 vanity of knowledge is expressed as nowhere else in 
 Diirer's Melancholia, one of the world's greatest pic- 
 tures. Surrounded by scientific instruments, — the 
 compass, the book, the balance, the hammer, the arith- 
 metical square, the hour-glass, the bell — sits a woman 
 with wings too small to raise her heavy body. Far in 
 the distance is a wonderful city, with the glory of the 
 Northern Lights, but across the splendid vision flits 
 the little bat-like creature, fit symbol of some disor- 
 dered fancy of an ovenvrought mind. 
 
 Closely akin to the melancholy of the Renaissance The 
 is the love of the grewsomo. In Diirer it took the ""•^'^^i"® 
 harmless form of a fondness for monstrosities, — 
 rhinoceroses, bearded babies, six-legged pigs and the 
 like. But Holbein and many other artists tickled the 
 emotions of their contemporaries by painting long 
 series known as the Dance of Death, in which some 
 man or woman typical of a certain class, such as the 
 emperor, tlye soldier, the peasant, the bride, is repre- 
 sented as being haled from life by a grinning skeleton. 
 
 Typical of the age, too, was the caricature now 
 drawn into the service of the intense party stiniggles 
 of the Reformation. To depict the pope or Luther 
 or the Huguenots in their true form their enemies drew 
 them with claws and hoofs and ass's heads, and devil's 
 tails, drinking and blaspheming. Even kings were 
 caricatured, — doubly significant fact! 
 
 As painting and sculpture attained so high a level Archi- 
 of maturity in the sixteenth centur}^, one might sup- ^^^^^'^ 
 pose that architecture would do the same. In truth, 
 
6S6 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 however, architecture rather declined. Ver}^ often, 
 if not always, each special art-form goes through a 
 cycle of youth, perfection, and decay, that remind one 
 strongly of the life of a man. The birth of an art is 
 due often to some technical invention, the full possi- 
 bilities of which are only gradually developed. But 
 after the newly opened fields have been exhausted the 
 epigoni can do little but recombine, often in fantastic 
 ways, the old elements; public taste tunis from them 
 and demands something new. 
 Churches go the Supreme beauty of the medieval cathedral^ as 
 seen at Pisa or Florence or Perugia or Eheims or 
 Cologne, was never equalled in the sixteenth century. 
 As the Church declined, so did the churches. Take St. 
 Peter's at Rome, colossal in conception and enormously 
 unequal in execution. With characteristic pride and 
 self-confidence Pope Julius II to make room for it 
 tore down the old church, and other ancient monu- 
 ments, venerable and beautiful with the hoar of twelve 
 centuries. Even by his contemporaries the architect, 
 Bramante, was dubbed Ruinante! He made a plan, 
 which was started; then he died. In his place were 
 appointed San Gallo and Raphael and Michelangelo, 
 together or in turn, and towers were added after the 
 close of the sixteenth century. The result is the hu- 
 gest building in the world, and almost the worst pro- 
 portioned. After all, there is something appropriate 
 in the fact that, just as the pretensions of the popes 
 expanded and their powers decreased, so their churches 
 should become vaster and yet less impressive. St. 
 Peter's was intended to be a marble thunderbolt; but 
 like so many of the papal thunders of that age, it was 
 but a hrutum fulmen in the end ! 
 
 The love for the grandiose, carried to excess in St. 
 Peter's, is visible in other sixteenth century ecclesias- 
 tical buildings, such as the Badia at Florence. Small 
 
ART 687 
 
 as this is, there is a certain largeness of line that is not 
 Gothic, but that goes back to classical models. St. 
 Etienne du Mont at Paris is another good example of 
 the influence of the study of the ancients upon archi- 
 tecture. It is difficult to point to a great cathedral 
 or church built in Germany during this centuiy. In 
 England portions of the colleges at Oxford and Cam- 
 bridge date from these years, but these portions are 
 grafted on to an older style that really determined 
 them. The greatest glory of English university ar- 
 chitecture, the chapel of King's College at Cambridge, 
 was finished in the first years of the century. The 
 noble fan-vaulting and the stained-glass windows will 
 be remembered by all who have seen them. 
 
 After the Reformation ecclesiastical architecture Ecclesiastic 
 followed two diverse styles; the Protestants cultivated 
 excessive plainness, the Catholics excessive ornament. 
 The iconoclasts had no sense for beauty, and thought, 
 as Luther put it, that faith was likely to be neglected 
 by those who set a high value on external form. 
 Moreover the Protestant services necessitated a modifi- 
 cation of the medieval cathedral style. What they 
 wanted was a lecture hall with pews; the old colmnns 
 and transepts and the roomy floor made way for a more 
 practical form. 
 
 The Catholics, on the other hand, by a natural re- 
 action, lavished decoration on their churches as never 
 before. Every column was made ornate, every excuse 
 was taken for adding some extraneous embellishment; 
 the walls were crowded with pictures and statues and 
 carving to delight, or at least to arrest, the eye. But 
 it happened that the noble taste of the earlier and 
 simpler age failed; amid all possible devices to give 
 effect, quiet grandeur was wanting. 
 
 What the people of that secular generation really CasUe* 
 built with enthusiasm and success were their own dwell- 
 
688 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 ings. What are the castles of Chambord and Blois 
 and the Louvre and Hampton Court and Heidelberg 
 but houses of play and pleasure such as only a child 
 could dream of? King and cardinal and noble vied 
 in making tower and gable, gallery and court as of a 
 fairy palace ; banqueting hall and secret chamber where 
 they and their playmates could revel to their heart's 
 content and leave their initials carved as^thickly as boys 
 carve them on an old school desk. And how richly 
 they tilled them! A host of new arts sprang up to 
 minister to the needs of these palace-dwellers: our 
 museums are still filled with the glass and enamel, the 
 vases and porcelain, the tapestry and furniture and 
 jewelry that belonged to Francis and Catharine de' 
 Medici and Leo X and Elizabeth. How perfect was 
 the art of many of th'ese articles of daily use can only 
 be appreciated by studying at first hand the salt-cellars 
 of Cellini, or the gold and silver and crystal goblets 
 made by his compeers. Examine the clocks, of which 
 the one at Strassburg is an example; the detail of 
 workmanship is infinite; even the striking apparatus 
 and the dials showing planetary motions are far be- 
 yond our own means, or perhaps our taste. When 
 Peter Henlein invented the watch, using as the main- 
 spring a coiled feather, he may not have made chron- 
 ometers as exact as those turned out nowadays, but 
 the ''Nuremberg eggs" — so called from their place of 
 origin and their shape, not a disk, but a sphere — were 
 marvels of chasing and incrustation and jewelry. 
 Loveof The love of the beautiful was universal. The city 
 
 of that time, less commodious, sanitary, and populous 
 than it is today, was certainly fairer to the eye. 
 Enough of old Nuremberg and Chester and Siena and 
 Perugia and many other towns remains to assure us 
 that the red-tiled houses, the overhanging storeys, the 
 high gables and quaint dormer windows, presented a 
 
 beauty 
 
ART 689 
 
 far more pleasing appearance tlian do our lines of 
 smoky factories and drab dwellings. 
 
 The men so greedy of all delicate sights and pleas- Music 
 ant, would fain also stuff their ears with sweet sounds. 
 And so they did, within the limitations of a still un- 
 developed technique. They had organs, lutes, viols, 
 lyres, harps, citherns, horns, and a kind of primitive 
 piano known as the clavichord or the clavicembalo. 
 Many of these instruments were exquisitely rich and 
 delicate in tone, but thej- lacked the range and volume 
 and variety of our music. Almost all melodies were 
 slow, solemn, plaintive; the tune of Luther's hymn 
 gives a good idea of the style then prevalent. When 
 we read that the churches adopted the airs of popular 
 songs, so that hymns were sung to ale-house jigs and 
 catches from the street, we must remember that the 
 said jigs and love-songs were at least as sober and 
 staid as are many of the tunes now expressly written Paiestrina, 
 for our hymns. The composers of the time, especially 
 Paiestrina and Orlando Lasso, did wonders within the Lasso, 
 limits then jjossible to introduce richness and variety 1594 
 into song. 
 
 Art was already on the decline when it came into con- Art and 
 flict with the religious revivals of the time. The causes ^^ '^'°" 
 of the decadence are not hard to understand. The 
 generation of giants, born in tlie latter half of the 
 fifteenth century, seemed to exhaust the possibilities 
 of artistic expression in painting and sculpture, or at 
 least to exhaust the current ideas so expressible. 
 Guido Reni and the Caracci could do nothing but imi- 
 tate and recombine. 
 
 And then came the battle of Protestant and Catholic 
 to turn men's minds into other chaimels than that of 
 beauty. Even when the Reformation was not con- 
 sciously opposed to art, it shoved it aside as a distrac- 
 tion from the real business of life. Thus it has come 
 
690 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 about in Protestant lands that the public regards art 
 as either a "business" or an "education." Luther 
 himself loved music above all things and did much to 
 popularize it. — while Erasmus shuddered at the psalm- 
 singiug he heard from Protestant congregations I Of 
 painting the Reformer spoke Tvith admiration, but so 
 rarely! What could art be in the life of a man who 
 was fighting for his soul's salvation ? Calvin saw more 
 clearly the dangers to the soul from the seductions of 
 this world's transitory chaiTa. Images he thought 
 idolatrous in churches and he said outright: "It 
 would be a ridiculous and inept imitation of the papists 
 to fancy that we render God more woithy service in 
 ornamenting our temples and in employing organs and 
 toys of that sort. While the people are thus distracted 
 by external things the worship of God is profaned." 
 So it was that the Puritans chased all blandishments 
 not only from church but from life, and art came to 
 be looked upon as a bit immoral. 
 Counter- But the little finger of the refoiTuing pope was 
 eorma- ^]^^j,^j. fj^^j^ ^j^^ Puritau's loius ; where Calvin had 
 chastised with whips Sixtus V chastised with scorpions. 
 Adrian \T, the first Catholic Reformer after Luther, 
 could not away with "those idols of the heathen," the 
 ancient statues. Clement "^T^I for a moment restored 
 the old regime of art and licentiousness together, hav- 
 ing Perino del Vaga paint his bathroom with scenes 
 from the life of Venus in the manner of Giulio Romano. 
 But the Council of Trent made severe regulations 
 against nude pictures, in pursuance of which Daniel 
 da Volterra was appointed to paint breeches on all the 
 naked figures of Michelangelo's Last Judgment and 
 on similar paintings. Sixtus V, who could hardly en- 
 dure the Laocoon and Apollo Belvidere, was bent on 
 destroying the monuments of heathendom. The ruin 
 was complete when to her cruel hate the church added 
 
 uoa 
 
BOOKS 691 
 
 her vet more cniel love. Along came the Jesuits offer- 
 ing, like pedlars, instead of the good old article a sub- 
 stitute guaranteed by them to be "just as good," and a 
 great deal cheaper. Painting was sentimentalized and 
 "moralized" under their tuition; architecture adopted 
 the baroque style, gaudy and insincere. The church 
 was stuffed with gewgaws and tinsel; marble was re- 
 placed by painted plaster and saintliness by sickliness. 
 
 § 5. Books 
 
 The sixteenth was the first really bookish century. Numbers of 
 There were then in Germany alone about 100,000 works Ushed^" ' 
 printed, or reprinted. If each edition amounted to 
 1000 — a fair average, for if many editions were smaller, 
 some were much larger — that would mean that about 
 a million volumes were offered to the German public 
 each year throughout the century. There is no doubt 
 that the religious controversy had a great deal to do 
 with the expansion of the reading public, for it had the 
 same effect on the circulation of pamphlets that a 
 political campaign now has on the circulation of the 
 newspaper. The following figures show how rapidly 
 the number of books published in Germany increased 
 during the decisive years. In 1518 there were 150, 
 in 1519 260, in 1520 570, 1521 620, in 1522 680, 1523 935, 
 and 1521 990. 
 
 Many of these books were short, controversial tracts ; 
 some others were intended as pur\"eyors of news pure 
 and simple. Some of these broadsides were devoted to 
 a single event, as the Ncue Zcitung: Die Schla^M des 
 iurkischen Kaisers, others had several items of inter- 1526 
 est, including letters from distant parts. Occasion- 
 ally a mere lampoon would appear under the title of 
 Neue Zeitung, corresponding to our funny papers. 
 But these substitutes for modem journals were both 
 rare and irregular; the world then got along with much 
 
692 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 less information about current events than it now 
 enjoys. Nor was there anything like our weekly and 
 monthly magazines. 
 
 The new age was impatient of medieval literature. 
 The schoolmen, never widely read, were widely mocked. 
 The humanists, too, fell into deep disgrace, charged 
 with self-conceit, profligacy and irreligion. They still 
 wandered around, like the sophists in ancient Greece, 
 bemoaning their hard lot and deploring the coarse- 
 ness of an unappreciative time. Their real fault was 
 that they were, or claimed to be, an aristocracy, and 
 the people, who could read for themselves, no longer 
 were imposed on by pretensions to esoteric learning 
 and a Ciceronian style. 
 
 Even the medieval vernacular romances no longer 
 suited the taste of the new generation. A certain class 
 continued to read Amadis of Gaul or La Morte d' Ar- 
 thur furtively, but the arbiters of taste declared that 
 they would no longer do. The Puritan found them im- 
 moral; the man of the world thought them ridiculous. 
 Ascham asserts that ''the whole pleasure" of La Morte 
 d' Arthur, ''standeth in two special points, in open 
 manslaughter and bold bawdry." The century was 
 hardly out when Cervantes published his famous and 
 deadly satire on the knight errant. 
 
 But as the tale of chivalry decayed, the old metal 
 was transmuted into the pure gold of the poetry of 
 Ariosto, Tasso and Spenser. The claim to reality was 
 abandoned and the poet quite frankly conjured up a 
 fantastic, fairy world, full of giants and wizards and 
 enchantments and hippogryphs, and knights of in- 
 credible pugnacity who rescue damsels of miraculous 
 beauty. Well might the Italian, before Luther and 
 Loyola came to take the joy out of life, lose himself in 
 the honeyed words and the amorous adventures of the 
 hero who went mad for love. Another generation, and 
 
BOOKS 693 
 
 Tasso must wind his voluptuous verses around a reli- 
 gious epic. Edmund Spenser, the Puritan and Eng- 
 lishman, allegorized the whole in such fashion that 
 while the conscience was soothed by knowing that all 
 the knights and ladies represented moral virtues or 
 vices, the senses were titillated by mellifluous cadences 
 and by naked descriptions of the temptations of the 
 Bower of Bliss. And how British that Queen Eliza- 
 beth of England should impersonate the principal vir- 
 tues ! 
 
 Poetry was in the hearts of the peojole ; song was on 
 their lips. The early spring of Italy came later to the 
 northern latitudes, but when it did come, it brought 
 with it Marot and Ronsard in France, Wyatt and Sur- 
 rey in England. More significant than the output of 
 the greater poets was the wide distribution of lyric 
 talent. Not a few compilations of verses offer to 
 the public the songs of many writers, some of them 
 unknown by name. England, especially, was "a nest 
 of singing birds," rapturously greeting the dawn, and 
 the rimes were mostly of ' ^ love, whose month is always 
 Ma3^" Each songster poured forth his heart in fresh, 
 frank praise of his mistress 's beauty, or in chiding of 
 her cruelty, or in lamenting her unfaithfulness. There 
 was something very simple and direct about it all; 
 nothing deeply psychological until at the very end of 
 the century Shakespeare's ''sugared sonnets" gave 
 his ''private friends" something to think about as 
 well as something to enjoy. 
 
 If life could not be all love it could bo nearly all Wit 
 laughter. Wit and humor were appreciated above all 
 things, and Satire awoke to a sense of her terrible 
 power. Two statues at Rome, called Pasquino and 
 Marforio, were used as billboards to which the people 
 affixed squibbs and lampoons against the government 
 and public men. Erasmus laughed at everything; Lu- 
 
694 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 ther and Murner belabored each other with ridicule; 
 a man like Peter Aretino owed his evil eminence in 
 the art of blackmailing to his wit. 
 
 But the "master of scoffing," as Bacon far too con- 
 temptuously called him, was Rabelais. His laughter 
 is as multitudinous as the ocean billows, and as whole- 
 some as the sunshine. He laughed not because he 
 scorned life but because he loved it ; he did not ' ' warm 
 both hands" before the fire of existence, he rollicked 
 before its blaze. It cannot be said that he took a 
 ''slice of life" as his subject, for this would imply a 
 more exquisite excision than he would care to make; 
 rather he reached out, in the fashion of his time, and 
 pulled with both hands from the dish before him, the 
 very largest and fattest chunk of life that he could 
 grasp. ''You never saw a man," he said of himself, 
 "who would more love to be king or to be rich than 
 I would, so that I could live richly and not work and 
 not worry, and that I might enrich all my friends and 
 all good, wise people." Like Whitman he was so in 
 love with everything that the mere repetition of com- 
 mon names delighted him. It took pages to tell what 
 Pantagruel ate and still more pages to tell what he 
 drank. This giant dressed with a more than royal 
 lavishness and when he played cards, how many games 
 do you suppose Rabelais enumerated one after the 
 other without pausing to take breath? Two hundred 
 and fourteen! So he treated everything; his appetite 
 was like Oargantua's mouth. This was the very 
 stamp of the age; it was gluttonous of all pleasures, 
 of food and drink and gorgeous clothes and fine dwell- 
 ings and merry-making without end, and adventure 
 without stint or limit. Almost every sixteenth-century 
 man was a Pantagruel, whose lust for living fully and 
 hotly no satiety could cloy, no fear of consequences 
 
BOOKS G95 
 
 dampen. The ascetic gloom and terror of the Middle 
 Ages burned away like an early fog before the summer 
 sun. Men saw the world unfolding before them as if 
 in a second creation, and they hurled themselves on 
 it with but one fear, that they should be too slow or too 
 backward to garner all its wonder and all its pleasure 
 for themselves. 
 
 And the people were no longer content to leave the 
 glory of life to their superiors. They saw no reason Tales of 
 why all the good things should be preserved like game ^^^'* 
 for the nobles to hunt, or inclosed like commons, for 
 the pasturage of a few aristocratic mutton-heads. So 
 in literature they were quite content to let the fastid- 
 ious gentry read their fill of poetry about knights wan- 
 dering in fairy-lands forlorn, while they themselves 
 devoured books about humbler heroes. The Pica- 
 resque novel in Spain and its counterparts. Till Eulen- 
 spiegel or Eeinecke Vos in the north, told the adven- 
 tures of some rascal or vagabond. Living by his wits 
 he found it a good life to cheat and to gamble, to drink 
 and to make love. 
 
 For those who could not concentrate on a book, there Plays 
 was the drama. From the Middle Ages, when the play 
 was a vehicle of religious instruction, it developed in 
 the period of the Renaissance into a completely secu- 
 lar mirror of life. In Italy there was an exquisite 
 literary drama, turning on some plot of love or tale 
 of seduction, and there Avas alongside of this a popular 
 sort of farce knoA\m as the Commedia dell' Arte, in 
 which only the outline of the plot was sketched, and 
 the characters, usually typical persons as the Lover, 
 his Lady, the Bragging Captain, the Miser, would fill 
 in the dialogue and such comic ''business" as tickled 
 the fancy of the audience. 
 
 Somewhat akin to these pieces in sjiirit were the 
 
696 THE TEMPER OF THE TIMES 
 
 Shrovetide Farces written in Germany by the simple 
 Nuremberger who describes himself in the verses, lit- 
 erally translatable: 
 
 Hans Sachs is a shoe- 
 Maker and poet, too. 
 
 The people, always moral, delighted no less in the rongh 
 fun of these artless scenes than in the apothegms and 
 sound advice in which they abounded. 
 
 The contrast of two themes much in the thought of 
 men, typifies the spirit of the age. The one motiv 
 is loud at the beginning of the Reformation but al- 
 most dies away before the end of the century; the 
 other, beginning at the same time, rises slowly into a 
 crescendo culminating far beyond the boundaries of 
 the age. The first theme was the Prodigal Son, treated 
 by no less than twenty-seven German dramatists, not 
 counting several in other languages. To the Prot- 
 estant, the Younger Son represented faith, the Elder 
 Son works. To all, the exile in the far country, the 
 riotous living with harlots and the feeding on husks 
 with swine, meant the life of this world with its pomps 
 and vanities, its lusts and sinful desires that become 
 as mast to the soul. The return to the father is the 
 return to God's love here below and to everlasting 
 felicity above. To those who can believe it, it is the 
 most beautiful story in the world. 
 
 And it is a perfect contrast to that other tale, equally 
 typical of the time, the fable of Faust. Though there 
 was a real man of this name, a charlatan and necro- 
 mancer who, in his extensive wanderings visited Wit- 
 tenberg, probably in 1521, and who died about 1536-7, 
 his life was but a peg on which to hang a moral. He 
 became the type of the man who had sold his soul to 
 the devil in return for the power to know everything, 
 to do everything and to enjoy everything in this world. 
 
BOOKS 697 
 
 The first printed Faust-hook (1587) passed for three 
 centuries as a Protestant production, but the discovery 
 of an older and quite different form of the legend in 
 1897 changed the whole literary problem. It has been 
 asserted now that the Faust of this unknown author 
 is a parody of Luther by a Catholic. He is a professor 
 at Wittenberg, he drinks heartily, his marriage with 
 Helena recalls the Catholic caricature of Luther's mar- 
 riage ; his compact with the devil is such as an apostate 
 might have made. But it is truer to say that Faust 
 is not a caricature of Luther, but his devilish counter- 
 part, just as in early Christian literature Simon Magus 
 is the antithesis of Peter. Faust is the man of Satan 
 as Luther was the man of God; their adventures are 
 somewhat similar but with the reverse purpose. 
 
 And Faust is the sixteenth century man as truly as 
 the Prodigal or Pantagruel. To live to the full; to 
 know all science and all mysteries, to drain to the dregs 
 the cup crowned with the wine of the pleasure and the 
 pride of life : this was worth more than heaven ! The 
 full meaning of the parable of salvation well lost for 
 human experience w^as not brought out until Goethe 
 took it up ; but it is implied both in the German Faust- 
 books and in Marlowe's play. 
 
 Many twentieth-century men find it difficult to do jus- Greatness 
 tice to the age of the Reformation. We are now at sixteenth 
 the end of the period inaugurated by Columbus and Century 
 Luther and we have reversed the judgments of their 
 contemporaries. Religion no longer takes the place 
 that it then did, nor does the difference between Cath- 
 olic and Protestant any longer seem the most important 
 thing in religion. Moreover, capitalism and the state, 
 both of which started on their paths of conquest then, 
 are now attacked. 
 
 Again, the application of any statistical method 
 makes the former ages seem to shrink in comparison 
 
698 THE TEMPEE OF THE TIMES 
 
 with the present. In population and wealth, in war 
 and in science we are immeasurably larger than our 
 ancestors. Many a merchant has a bigger income than 
 had Henry VIII, and many a college boy knows more 
 astronomy than did Kepler. But if we judge the great- 
 ness of an age, as we should, not by its distance from 
 us, but by its own achievement, by what its poets 
 dreamed and by what its strong men accomplished, the 
 importance of the sixteenth century can be appreciated. 
 It was an ''experiencing" age. It loved sensation 
 with the greediness of childhood; it intoxicated itself 
 with Rabelais and Titian, with the gold of Peru and 
 with the spices and vestments of the Orient. It was 
 a daring age. Men stood bravely with Luther for 
 spiritual liberty, or they gave their lives with Ma- 
 gellan to compass the earth or with Bruno to span 
 the heavens. It was an age of aspiration. It dreamed 
 with Erasmus of the time when men should be Christ- 
 like, or with More of the place where they should be 
 just ; or with Michelangelo it pondered the meaning of 
 sorrow, or with Montaigne it stored up daily wisdom. 
 And of this time, bone of its bone and flesh of its flesh, 
 was born the world's supreme poet with an eye to see 
 the deepest and a tongue to tell the most of the human 
 heart. Truly such a generation was not a poor, nor 
 a backward one. Eather it was great in what it 
 achieved, sublime in what it dreamed; abounding in 
 ripe wisdom and in heroic deeds; full of light and of 
 beauty and of life! 
 
CHAPTER XIV 
 THE REFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 The historians who have treated the Reformation 
 might be classified in a variety of ways : according to 
 their national or confessional bias, or by their scien- 
 tific methods or by their literary achievement. For 
 our present purpose it will be convenient to classify 
 them, according to their point of view, into four lead- 
 ing schools of thought which, for want of better names 
 I may call the Religious-Political, the Rationalist, the 
 Liberal-Romantic, and the Economic-Evolutionary. 
 Like all categories of things human these are but 
 rough; many, if not most, historians have been influ- 
 enced by more than one type of thought. AVhen differ- 
 ent philosophies of history prevail at the same time, 
 an eclecticism results. The religious and political ex- 
 planations were at their height in the sixteenth and 
 seventeenth centuries, though they survived thereafter; 
 the rationalist critique dominates the eighteenth cen- 
 tury and lasts in some instances to the nineteenth ; the 
 liberal-romantic school came in with the French Revo- 
 lution and subsided into secondary importance about 
 1859, when the economists and Darwinians began to as- 
 sert their claims. 
 
 § 1. The Religious and Political Interpretations. 
 (Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries) 
 
 The early Protestant theory of the Reformation was Early 
 a simple one based on the analogy of Scripture. God, 
 it was thought, had chosen a peculiar people to serve 
 him, for whose instruction and guidance, particularly 
 in view of their habitual backsliding, he raised up a 
 
 699 
 
 Protestants 
 
700 THE REFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 series of witnesses to the truth, prophets, apostles and 
 martyrs. God's care for the Jews under the old dis- 
 pensation was transferred to the church in the new, 
 and this care was confined to that branch of the true 
 church to which the particular writer and historian 
 happened to belong. 
 The name The word "Reformation," far older than the move- 
 
 tion" ment to which it applies par eminence, indicates exactly 
 
 what its leaders intended it should be. ''Reform" has 
 been one of the perennial watchwords of mankind ; in 
 the Middle Ages it was applied to the work of a num- 
 ber of leaders like Rienzi, and was taken as the pro- 
 gram of the councils of Constance and Basle. Luther 
 ^^^ adopted it at least as early as 1518, in a letter to Duke 
 Oeorge stating that ''above all things a common refor- 
 mation of the spiritual and temporal estates should be 
 undertaken," and he incorporated it in the title of his 
 greatest German pamphlet. The other name fre- 
 quently applied by Luther and his friends to their 
 party was "the gospel." In his own ej^es the Wit- 
 tenberg professor was doing nothing more nor less 
 than restoring the long buried evangel of Jesus and 
 Paul. "Luther began," says Richard Burton, "upon 
 a sudden to drive away the foggy mists of superstition 
 and to restore the purity of the primitive church." 
 
 It would be easy but superfluous to multiply ad libi- 
 tum quotations showing that the early Protestants re- 
 ferred everything to the general purposes of Provi- 
 dence and sometimes to the direct action of God, or to 
 the impertinent but more assiduous activity of the 
 devil. It is interesting to note that they were not 
 wholly blind to natural causes. Luther himself saw, 
 as early as 1523, the connection between his movement 
 and the revival of learning, which he compared to a 
 John the Baptist preparing the way for the preaching 
 of the gospel. Luther also saw, what many of his 
 
THE RELIGIOUS INTERPRETATIONS 7(11 
 
 followers did not, that the Reformation was no acci- 
 dent, depending on his own personal intervention, but 
 was inevitable and in progress when he began to preach. 
 "The remedy and suppression of abuses," said he in 
 1529, ''was already in full swing before Luther's doc- 
 trine arose . . . and it was much to be feared that 
 there would have been a disorderly, stormy, dangerous 
 revolution, such as Miinzer began, had not a steady 
 doctrine intervened." 
 
 English Protestant historians, while fully adopting 
 the theory of an overruling Providence, were disposed 
 to give due weight to secondary, natural causes. 
 Foxe, while maintaining that the overthrow of the 
 papacy was a great miracle and an everlasting mercy, 
 yet recognized that it was rendered possible by the 
 invention of printing and by the ''first push and as- 
 sault" given by the ungodly humanists. Buniet fol- 
 lowed Foxe's thesis in a much better book. While 
 printing many documents he also was capable, in the 
 interests of piety, of concealing facts damaging to the 
 Protestants. For his panegyric he was thanked by 
 the Parliament. The work was dedicated to Charles 
 II with the flattering and truthful remark that "the 
 first step that was made in the Reformation was the 
 restoring to your royal ancestors the rights of tlic 
 crown and an entire dominion over all their subjects." 
 
 The task of the contemporary German Protestant 
 historian, Seckendorf , was much harder, for the Thirty 
 Years War had, as he confesses, made many people 
 doubt the benefits of the Reformation, distmst its prin- 
 ciples, and reject its doctrines. He discharged the 
 thankless labor of apology in a work of enormous eru- 
 dition, still valuable to the special student for the docu- 
 ments it quotes. 
 
 The Catholic philosophy of history was to the Prot- Catholics 
 estant as a seal to the wax, or as a negative to a pho- 
 
702 THE REFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 tograph ; what was raised in one was depressed in the 
 other, what was light in one was shade in the other. 
 The same theory of the chosen people, of the direct 
 divine governance and of Satanic meddling, was the 
 foundation of both. That Luther was a bad man, an 
 apostate, begotten by an incubus, and familiar with the 
 devil, went to explain his heresy, and he was commonly 
 compared to Mohammed or Arius. Bad, if often trivial 
 motives were found for his actions, as that he broke 
 away from Rome because he failed to get a papal dis- 
 pensation to marry. The legend that his protest 
 against indulgences was prompted by the jealousy of 
 the Augustinians toward the Dominicans to whom the 
 pope had committed their sale, was started by Emser 
 in 1519, and has been repeated by Peter Martyr d'An- 
 ghierra, by Cochlaeus, by Bossuet and by most Catholic 
 and secular historians down to our own day. 
 
 Apart from the revolting polemic of Dr. Sanders, 
 who found the sole cause of the Reformation in sheer 
 depravity, the Catholics produced, prior to 1700, only 
 one noteworthy contribution to the subject, that of 
 Bossuet Bossuet, Bishop of Meaux. His History of the Varia- 
 tions of the Protestant Churches, written without that 
 odious defamation of character that had hitherto been 
 the staple of confessional polemic, and with much real 
 eloquence, sets out to condemn the Reformers out of 
 their own mouths by their mutual contradictions. 
 Truth is one, Bossuet maintains, and that which varies 
 is not truth, but the Protestants have almost as many 
 varieties as there are pastors. Never before nor since 
 has such an effective attack been made on Protestant- 
 ism from the Christian standpoint. With persuasive 
 iteration the moral is driven home: there is nothing 
 certain in a religion without a central authority; revolt 
 is sure to lead to indifference and atheism in opinion, 
 and to the overthrow of all established order in civil 
 
THE RELIGIOUS INTERPRETATIONS 703 
 
 life. The chief causes of the Reformation are found 
 in the admitted corruption of the church, and in the 
 personal animosities of the Reformers. The immoral 
 consequences of their theories are alleged, as in Lu- 
 ther's ideas about polygamy and in Zwingli's denial of 
 original sin and his latitudinarian admission of good 
 heathens to heaven. 
 
 A great deal that was not much biassed by creed Secular 
 was written on the Reformation during this period. ^^'"^"*°* 
 It all goes to show how completely men of the most lib- 
 eral tendencies were under the influence of their en- 
 vironment, for their comments were almost identical 
 with those of the most convinced partisans. For the 
 most part secular historians neglected ecclesiastical 
 history as a separate discipline. Edward Ilall, the 
 typical Protestant chronicler, barely mentions religion. 
 Camden apologizes for touching lightly on church his- 
 tory and not confining himself to politics and war, 
 which he considers the proper subject of the annalist. 
 Buchanan ignores the Reformation; De Thou passes 
 over it with the fewest words, fearing to give oif ence to 
 either papists or Huguenots. Jovius has only a page 
 or two on it in all his works. In one place he finds the 
 chief cause of the Reformation in a malignant conjunc- 
 tion of the stars ; in another he speaks of it as a revival 
 of one of the old heresies condemned at Constance. 
 Polydore Vergil pays small attention to a schism, the 
 cause of which he found in the weakness of men's minds 
 and their propensity to novelty. 
 
 The one valuable explanation of the rise of Prot- 
 estantism contributed by the secular historians of this ^ 
 age was the theory that it was largely a political phe- 
 nomenon. That there was much truth in this is evi- 
 dent; the danger of the theory was in its over-state- 
 ment, and in its too superficial application. How 
 deeply the Reformation appealed to the political needs 
 
704 THE REFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 of that age has only been shown in the nineteenth cen- 
 tury; how subtly, how unconsciously the two revolu- 
 tions often worked together was beyond the compre- 
 hension of even the best minds of that time. The po- 
 litical explanation that they offered was simply that 
 religion was a hypocritical pretext for the attainment 
 of the selfish ends of monarchs or of a faction. Even 
 in this there was some truth, but it was far from being 
 the larger part. 
 
 1527 Vettori in his History of Italy mentions Luther 
 
 merely to show how the emperor used him as a lever 
 
 Guicciar- against the pope. Guicciardini accounts for the Refor- 
 mation by the indignation of the Germans at paying 
 money for indulgences. From this beginning, honest 
 or at least excusable in itself, he says, Luther, carried 
 away with ambition and popular applause, nourished 
 a party. The pope might easily have allowed the re- 
 volt to die had he neglected it, but he took the wrong 
 course and blew the tiny spark into a great flame by 
 opposing it. 
 
 A number of French writers took up the parable. 
 Brantome says that he leaves the religious issue to 
 those who know more than he does about it, but he con- 
 siders a change perilous, "for a new religion among 
 a people demands afterwards a change of govern- 
 ment." He thought Luther won over a good many 
 of the clergy by allowing them to marry. Martin Du 
 Bellay found the cause of the English schism in 
 Henry's divorce and the small respect the pope had for 
 his majesty. Davila, de Mezeray and Daniel, writing 
 the history of the French civil wars, treated the Hu- 
 guenots merely as a political party. So they were, 
 but they were something more. Even Hugo Grotius 
 could not sound the deeper causes of the Dutch revolt 
 and of the religious revolution. 
 
 Sleidan The first of all the histories of the German Reforma- 
 
THE RELIGIOUS INTERPRETATIONS 705 
 
 tion was also, for at least two centuries, the best. 
 Though surpassed in some particulars by others, Slei- 
 dan united more of the qualities of a great historian 
 than anyone else who wrote extensively on church his- 
 tory in the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries : fairness, 
 accuracy, learning-, skill in presentation. In words 
 that recall Ranke's motto he declared that, though a 
 Protestant, he would be impartial and set forth sim- 
 ply ''rem totam, sicut est acta." "In describing re- 
 ligious affairs," he continues, "I was not able to 
 omit politics, for, as I said before, they almost always 
 interact, and in our age least of all can they be sepa- 
 rated." "Withal, he regards the Reformation as a 
 great victory for God's word, and Luther as a notable 
 champion of the true religion. In plain, straightfor- 
 ward narrative, without much philosophic reflection, 
 he sets forth, — none better, — the diplomatic and theo- 
 logical side of the movement without probing its causes 
 or inquiring into the popular support on which all the 
 rest was based. 
 
 Greater art and deeper psychological penetration Sarpi 
 than Sleidan compassed is found in the writings of 
 Paul Sarpi, "the great unmasker of the Tridentine 
 Council, ' ' as Milton aptly called him. This friar whose 
 book could only be published on Protestant soil, this 
 historian admired by Macaulay as the best of modern 
 times and denounced by Acton as fit for Newgate 
 prison, has furnished students with one of the most 
 curious of psychological puzzles. Omitting discussion 
 of his learning and accuracy, which have recently been 
 severely attacked and perhaps discredited, let us ask 
 what was his attitude in regard to his subject? It is 
 difficult to place him as either a Protestant, a Catholic 
 apologist or a rationalist. The most probable explana- 
 tion of his attacks on the creed in which he believed 
 and of his favorable presentation of the acts of the 
 
706 THE EEFORMATION IXTEKPEETED 
 
 heretics he must have anathematized, is that he was 
 a Catholic reformer, one who ardently desired to purify 
 the church, but who disliked her political entangle- 
 ments. It is not unnatural to compare him with Ad- 
 rian VI and Contarini who, in a freer age, had written 
 scathing indictments of their own church ; one may also 
 find in Dolliuger a parallel to him. Whatever his bias, 
 his limitations are obviously those of his age; his ex- 
 planations of the Protestant revolt, of which he gave 
 a full history as introductory to his main subject, were 
 exactly those that had been advanced by his prede- 
 cessors : it was a divine dispensation, it was caused by 
 the abuses of the church and by the jealousy of Augus- 
 tinian and Dominican friars. 
 
 A brilliant anticipation of the modem economic 
 school of historical thought is fomid in the Oceana of 
 Harrington, who suggested that the causes of the revo- 
 lution in England were less religious than social. 
 When Henry VIII put the confiscated lands of abbey 
 and noble into the hands of scions of the people, Har- 
 rington thought that he had destroyed the ancient bal- 
 ance of power in the constitution, and, while leveling 
 feudalism and the church, had raised up unto the 
 throne an even more dangerous enemy. 
 
 § 2. The Eatioistalistic Critique. (The Eighteenth 
 
 CE^'TrKY) 
 
 While the ''philosophers" of the enlightenment were 
 not the first to judge the Reformation from a secular 
 standpoint, they marked a great advance in historical 
 interpretation as compared with the humanists. The 
 latter had been able to make of the whole movement 
 nothing but either a delusion or a fraud inspired by 
 refined and calculated policy. The philosophers saw 
 deeper into the matter than that ; though for them, also, 
 religion was false, originating, as Voltaire put it, when 
 
THE RATIONALISTIC CRITIQUE 707 
 
 the first knave met the first fool. But they were able 
 to see causes of religious change and to point out in- 
 structive analogies. 
 
 Montesquieu showed that religions served the needs Mon- 
 of their adherents and were thus adapted by them *®**J"*^" 
 to the prevailing civil organization. After comparing 
 Mohammedanism and Christianity he said that the 
 North of Europe adopted Protestantism because it 
 had the spirit of independence whereas the South, nat- 
 urally servile, clung to the authoritative Catholic 
 creed. The divisions among Protestants, too, corre- 
 sponded, he said, to their secular polity; thus Luther- 
 anism became despotic and Calvinism republican be- 
 cause of the circumstances in which each arose. The 
 suppression of church festivals in Protestant coun- 
 tries he thought due to the greater need and zest for 
 labor in the North. He accounted for the alleged fact 
 that Protestantism produced more free-thinkers by 
 saying that their unadorned cult naturally aroused a 
 less warm attachment than the sensuous ritual of Ro- 
 manism. 
 
 One of the greatest of historians was Voltaire. Voltaire 
 None other has made history so nearly universal as 
 did he, peering into every side of life and into every 
 corner of the earth. No authority imposed on him, 
 no fact was admitted to be inexplicable by natural 
 laws. It is true that he was not verj- learned and that 
 he had strong prejudices against what he called *'the 
 most infamous superstition that ever brutalized man." 
 But with it all he brought more freedom and life into 
 the story of mankind than had any of his predeces- 
 sors. 
 
 For his history of the Reformation he was depend- 
 ent on Bossuet, Sarpi, and a few other general works ; 
 there is no evidence that he pemsed any of the sources. 
 But his treatment of the phenomena is wonderful. 
 
70S THE REFORMATION' INTERPRETED 
 
 Bogiiming with an ontliusiastie account of the groiit- 
 ness of tlic Ronaissauco, its discovorios, its opulence, 
 its roll of mighty names, he procee^is to compare the 
 Reformation with the two contemporaneous religious 
 revolutions in Mohammedanism, the one in Africa, the 
 other in Persia. He does not probe deeply, but no one 
 else had even thought of looking to comparative reli- 
 gion for light. In tracing the course of events he is 
 more conventional, finding rather small causes for 
 large effects. The whole thing started, he assures us, 
 in a quarrel of Augustinians and Dominicans over the 
 spoils of indulgenco- sales. **and this little squabble of 
 monks in a comer of Saxony, produced more than a 
 hundred years of discord, fury, and misfortune for 
 thirty nations." ''England separated from the pope 
 because King Henry fell in love." The Swiss revolted 
 because of the painful impression produced by the 
 Jetzer scandal. The Reformation, in Voltaire's opin- 
 ion, is condemned by its bloodshed and by its appeal 
 to the passions of the mob. The dogmas of the Re- 
 formers are considered no whit more rational than 
 those of their opponents, save tliat Zwingli is praised 
 for "appearing more zealous for freedom than for 
 Christianity. Of course he erred," wittily comments 
 our author, "but how humane it is to err thus!" The 
 influence of Montesquieu is found in the following early 
 economic interpretation in the Philosophic Dictionary : 
 
 There are some nations whose religion is the result of 
 neither elimate nor sroverument. "Wliat cause detached 
 North Germany, Denmark, most of Switzerland. Holhmd, 
 England. Scotland, and Ireland [sic] from ihe Roman 
 communion? Poverty. Indnlgences . . . were sold too 
 dear. The prelates and monks absorbed the wliole rev- 
 enue of a province. People adopted a cheaper religion. 
 
 Of the two Scotch historians that were the most 
 faithful students of Voltaire, one, David Hume, imbibed 
 
THE RAl^TOXALTSTTC CRITIQUE 700 
 
 perfectly his skepticLsm and scorn for Christianity; 
 the other, William Kobertson, everything but that. Robert«on 
 Presbyterian clergyman as was the latter, he found 
 that the "happy reformation of religion" had pro- 
 duced "a revolution in the sentiments of mankind the 
 greatest as well as the most beneficial that has hap- 
 pened since the publication of Christianity." Such an 
 operation, in his opinion, "historians the least prone 
 to superstition and credulity ascribe to divine Provi- 
 dence." But this Providence worked by natural 
 causes, specially prepared, among which he enumer- 
 ates: the long schism of the fourteenth century, the 
 pontificates of Alexander VI and Julius II, the im- 
 morality and wealth of the clergy together with their 
 immunities and oppressive taxes, the invention of 
 printing, the revival of learning, and, last but not least, 
 the fact that, in the writer's judgment, the doctrines 
 of the papists were repugnant to Scripture. With 
 breadth, power of synthesis, and real judiciousness, he 
 traced the course of the Reformation. He blamed Lu- 
 ther for his violence, but praised him — and here speaks 
 the middle-class advocate of law and order — for his 
 firm stand against the peasants in their revolt. 
 
 Inferior to Robertson in the use of sources as well Hume 
 as in the scope of his treatment, Hume was his supe- 
 rior in having completely escaped the spell of the su- 
 pernatural. His analysis of the nature of ecclesiastical 
 establishments, vriih which he begins his account of 
 the English Reformation, is acute if bitter. He shows 
 why it is that, in his view, priests always find it their 
 interest to practice on the credulity and passions of 
 the populace, and to mix error, superstition and delu- 
 sion even with the deposit of truth. It was therefore 
 incumbent on the civil power to put the church under 
 governmental regulation. This policy, inaugurated at 
 that time and directed against the great evil done to 
 
710 THE REFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 mankind by the church of Rome, in suppressing liberty 
 of thought and in opposing the will of the state, was 
 one cause, though not the largest cause, of the Reforma- 
 tion. Other influences were the invention of printing 
 and the revival of learning and the violent, popular 
 character of Luther and his friends, who appealed not 
 to reason but to the prejudices of the multitude. They 
 secured the support of the masses by fooling them into 
 the belief that they were thinking for themselves, and 
 the support of the government by denouncing doc- 
 trines unfavorable to sovereignty. The doctrine of 
 justification by faith, Hume thought, was in harmony 
 with the general law by which religions tend more and 
 more to exaltation of the Deity and to self-abasement 
 of the worshipper. Tory as he was, he judged the 
 effects of the Reformation as at first favorable to the 
 execution of justice and finally dangerous by exciting 
 a restless spirit of opposition to authority. One evil 
 result was that it exalted ''those wretched composers 
 of metaphysical polemics, the theologians, " to a point 
 of honor that no poet or philosopher had ever attained. 
 Gibbon The ablest and fairest estimate of the Reformation 
 
 found in the eighteenth century is contained in the few 
 pages Edward Gibbon devoted to that subject in his 
 great history of The Decline and Fall of the Roman 
 Empire. *'A philosopher," he begins, ''who calcu- 
 lates the degree of their merit {i.e. of Zwingli, Luther 
 and Calvin] will prudently ask from what articles of 
 faith, above or against our reason they have enfran- 
 chised the Christians," and, in answering this ques- 
 tion he will "rather be surprised at the timidity than 
 scandalized by the freedom of the first Reformers." 
 They adopted the inspired Scriptures with all the mir- 
 acles, the great mysteries of the Trinity and Incarna- 
 tion, the theology of the four or six first councils, the 
 Athanasian creed with its damnation of all who did 
 
THE RATIONALISTIC CRITIQUE 711 
 
 not believe in the Catholic faith. Instead of consult- 
 ing their reason in the article of transubstantiation, 
 they became entangled in sci-uples, and so Luther main- 
 tained a corporeal and Calvin a real presence in the 
 eucharist. They not only adopted but improved upon 
 and popularized the ''stupendous doctrines of original 
 sin, redemption, faith, grace and predestination," to 
 such purpose that "many a sober Christian would 
 rather admit that a wafer is God than that God is a 
 cruel and capricious tyrant." "And yet," Gibbon 
 continues, "the services of Luther and his rivals are 
 solid and important, and the philosopher must own 
 his obligations to these fearless enthusiasts. By their 
 hands the lofty fabric of superstition, from the abuse 
 of indulgences to the intercession of the Virgin, has 
 been levelled with the ground. Myriads of both sexes 
 of the monastic profession have been restored to the 
 liberties and labors of social life." Credulity was no 
 longer nourished on daily miracles of images and rel- 
 ics; a simple w^orship "the most w^orthy of man, the 
 least unworthy of the Deity" was substituted for an 
 "imitation of paganism." Finally, the chain of au- 
 thority was broken and each Christian taught to ac- 
 knowledge no interpreter of Scripture but his own 
 conscience. This led, rather as a consequence than as 
 a design, to toleration, to indifference and to skepti- 
 cism. 
 
 Wieland, on the other hand, frankly gave the opinion, 
 anticipating Nietzsche, that the Reformation had done 
 harm in retarding the progress of philosophy for cen- 
 turies. The Italians, he said, might have effected a 
 salutary and rational reform had not Luther inter- 
 fered and made the people a party to a dispute which 
 should have been left to scholars. 
 
 Goethe at one time wrote that Lutherdom had driven Goethe 
 quiet culture back, and at another spoke of the Refor- 
 
712 THE REFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 mation as ''a sorry spectacle of boundless confusion, 
 error fighting with error, selfishness with selfishness, 
 the truth only here and there heaving in sight." 
 Again he wrote to a friend: "The character of Lu- 
 ther is the only interesting thing in the Reformation, 
 and the only thing, moreover, that made an impression 
 on the masses. All the rest is a lot of bizarre trash 
 we have not yet, to our cost, cleared away." In the 
 last years of his long life he changed his opinion some- 
 what for, if we can trust the report of his conversa- 
 tions with Eckermann, he told his young disciple that 
 people hardly reahzed how much they owed to Luther 
 who had given them the courage to stand firmly on 
 God's earth. 
 
 The treatment of the subject by German Protestants 
 underwent a marked change under the influence of Piet- 
 ism and the Enlightenment. Just as the earlier Ortho- 
 dox school had over-emphasized Luther's narrowness, 
 and had been concerned chiefly to prove that the Refor- 
 mation changed nothing save abuses, so now the lead- 
 er's liberalism was much over-stressed. It was in view 
 Lessing of the earlier Protestant bigotry that Lessing apostro- 
 phized the Wittenberg professor: ''Luther! thou 
 great, misunderstood man ! Thou hast freed us from 
 the yoke of tradition, who is to free us from the more 
 unbearable yoke of the letter? Who will finally bring 
 us Christianity such as thou thyself would now teach, 
 such as Christ himself would teach ? ' ' 
 
 German Robertsons, though hardly equal to the 
 Scotch, were found in Mosheim and Schmidt. Both 
 wrote the history of the Protestant revolution in the 
 endeavor to make it all natural. In Mosheim, indeed, 
 the devil still appears, though in the background; 
 'Schmidt is as rational and as fair as any German 
 Protestant could then be. 
 
LIBERAL-ROMANTIC APPRECIATION 713 
 
 § 3. The Libeeal-Romantic Appreciation. (Circa 
 1794-c. 1860) 
 
 At about the end of the eighteenth century historiog- 
 raphy underwent a profound change due primarily to 
 three influences: 1. The French Revolution and the 
 struggle for political democracy throughout nearly a 
 century after 1789 ; 2. The Romantic Movement ; 3. The 
 rise of the scientific spirit. The judgment of the Refor- 
 mation changed accordingly; the rather unfavorable 
 verdict of the eighteenth century was completely re- 
 versed. Hardly by its extremest partisans in the Prot- 
 estant camp has the importance of that movement and 
 the character of its leaders been esteemed so highly as 
 it was by the writers of the liberal-romantic school. 
 Indeed, so little had confession to do with this bias that 
 the finest things about Luther and the most extrava- 
 gant praise of his work, was uttered not by Protestants, 
 but by the Catholic Dollinger, the Jew Heine, and the 
 free thinkers, Michelet, Carlyle, and Froude. 
 
 The French Revolution taught men to see, or misled The French 
 them into construing, the whole of history as a struggle 
 for liberty against oppression. Naturally, the Refor- 
 mation was one of the favorite examples of this per- 
 petual warfare; it teas the Revolution of the earlier 
 age, and Luther was the great liberator, standing for 
 the Rights of ]\[an against a galling tyranny. 
 
 The first to draw the parallel between Reformation Condorcet 
 and Revolution was Condorcet in his noble essay on 
 The Advance of the Hwnmi Spirit, written in prison 
 and published posthumously. Luther, said he, pun- 
 ished the crimes of the clergy and freed some peoples 
 from the yoke of the papacy ; he would have freed all, 
 save for the false politics of the kings who, feeling 
 instinctively that religious liberty would bring polit- 
 ical enfranchisement, banded together against the re- 
 
714 THE REFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 volt. He adds that the epoch brought added strength 
 to the government and to political science and that it 
 purified morals by abolishing sacerdotal celibacy; but 
 that it was (like the Revolution, one reads between the 
 lines) soiled by great atrocities. 
 
 In the year 1802, the Institute of France announced 
 as the subject for a prize competition, ''What has been 
 the influence of the Reformation of Luther on the po- 
 litical situation of the several states of Europe and 
 on the progress of enlightenment?" The prize was 
 won by Charles de Villers in an essay maintaining 
 elaborately the thesis that the gradual improvement 
 of the human species has been effected by a series of 
 revolutions, partly silent, partly violent, and that the 
 object of all these risings has been the attainment of 
 either religious or of civil liberty. After arguing his 
 position in respect to the Reformation, the author 
 eulogizes it for having established religious freedom, 
 promoted civil liberty, and for having endowed Eu- 
 rope with a variety of blessings, including almost 
 everything he liked. Thus, in his opinion, the Refor- 
 mation made Protestant countries more wealthy by 
 keeping the papal tax-gatherers aloof; it started ''that 
 grand idea the balance of power," and it prepared 
 the way for a general philosophical enlightenment. 
 
 The thesis of Villers is exactly that maintained, with 
 more learning and caution, by Guizot. According to 
 him: 
 
 The Reformation was a vast effort made by the human 
 race to secure its freedom; it was a new-born desire to 
 think and judge freely and independently of all ideas 
 and opinions, which until then Europe had received or 
 been bound to receive from the hands of antiquity. It 
 was a great endeavor to emancipate the human reason 
 and to call things by their right names. It was an in- 
 surrection of the human mind against the absolute power 
 of the spiritual estate. 
 
LIBERAL-ROMANTIC APPRECIATION 715 
 
 But there was more than politics to draw the sym- Romantic 
 pathies of the nineteenth century to the sixteenth. A "^^'"^"^ 
 large anthology of poetical, artistic and musical tri- 
 butes to Luther and the Reformation might be made 
 to show how congenial they were to the spirit of that 
 time. One need only mention Werner's drama on the 
 subject of Luther's life (1805), Mendelssohn's "Refor- 
 mation Symphony" (1832-3), Meyerbeer's opera "The 
 Huguenots" (1836), and Kaulbach's painting "The 
 Age of the Reformation" (c. 1840). In fact the Refor- 
 mation was a Romantic movement, with its emotional 
 and mystical piety, its endeavor to transcend the lim- 
 its of the classic spirit, to search for the infinite, to 
 scorn the trammels of traditional order and method. 
 
 All this is reflected in Mme. de Stael's enthusiastic Mme.de 
 
 Stael 
 
 appreciation of Protestant Germany, in which she 
 found a people characterized by reflectiveness, ideal- 
 ism, and energy of inner conviction. She contrasted 
 Luther's revolution of ideas with her own countrj^men 's 
 revolution of acts, practical if not materialistic. The 
 German had brought back religion from an affair of 
 politics to be 'a matter of life; had transferred it from 
 the realm of calculated interest to that of heart and 
 brain. 
 
 Much the same ideas, set forth with the most daz- Heine 
 zling brilliancy of style, animate Heine's too much neg- 
 lected sketch of German religion and philosophy. To 
 a French public, unappreciative of German literature, 
 Heine points out that the place taken in France by 
 helles lettres is taken east of the Rhine by metaphysics. 
 From Luther to Kant there is one continuous develop- 
 ment of thought, and no less than two revolutions in 
 spiritual values. Luther was the sword and tongue 
 of his time; the tempest that shattered the old oaks 
 of hoary tyranny; his hymn was the Marseillaise of 
 the spirit; he made a revolution and not with rose- 
 
716 THE KEFOEMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 leaves, either, but with a certain ''divine brutality." 
 He gave his people language, Kant gave them thought ; 
 Luther deposed the pope ; Robespierre decapitated the 
 king; Kant disposed of God: it was all one insurrec- 
 tion of Man against the same tyrant under different 
 names. 
 
 Under the triple influence of liberalism, romanticism 
 and the scientific impulse presently to be described, 
 most of the great historians of the middle nineteenth 
 century wrote. If not the greatest, jet the most lov- 
 able of them all, was Jules Michelet, a free-thinker of 
 Huguenot ancestry. His History of France is like 
 the biography of some loved and worshipped genius; 
 he agonizes in her trials, he glories in her triumphs. 
 And to all great men, her own and others, he puts but 
 one inexorable question, "What did you do for the 
 people?" and according to their answer they stand or 
 fall before him. It is just here that one notices (what 
 entirely escaped previous generations), that the "peo- 
 ple" here means that part of it now called, in current 
 cant, "the bourgeoisie," that educated middle class 
 with some small property and with the vote. For the 
 ignorant laborer and the pauper Michelet had as little 
 concern as he had small patience with king and noble 
 and priest. One thing that he and his contemporaries 
 prized in Luther was just that bourgeois virtue that 
 made him a model husband and father, faithfully per- 
 forming a daily task for an adequate reward. Lu- 
 ther's joys, he assures us, were "those of the heart, of 
 the man, the innocent happiness of family and home. 
 AVhat family more holy, what home more pure?" But 
 he returns ever and again to the thought that the Hu- 
 guenots were the republicans of their age and that, 
 "Luther has been the restorer of liberty. If now we 
 exercise in all its fullness this highest prerogative of 
 human intelligence, it is to him we are indebted for it. 
 
LIBERAL-ROMANTIC APPRECIATION 717 
 
 To whom do I owe the power of publishing what 
 I am now writing, save to this liberator of modern 
 thought?" Michelet employed his almost matchless 
 rhetoric not only to exalt the Reformers to the highest 
 pinnacle of greatness, but to blacken the character of 
 their adversaries, the obscurantists, the Jesuits, Cath- 
 erine de^ Medici. 
 
 English liberalism found its perfect expression in Froude 
 the work of Froude. Built up on painstaking research, 
 readable as a novel, cut exactly to the prejudices of the I | 
 English Protestant middle class. The History of Eng- 
 land from the Fall of Wolsey to the Defeat of the Span- 
 ish Armada won a resounding immediate success. 
 Froude loved Protestantism for the enemies it made, 
 and as a mild kind of rationalism. The Reformers, 
 he thought, triumphed because they were armed with 
 the truth; it was a revolt of conscience against lies, 
 a real religion over against *'a superstition which 
 was but the counterpart of magic and witchcraft" 
 and which, at that time, *' meant the stake, the rack, 
 the gibbet, the Inquisition dungeons and the devil en- 
 throned." It was the different choice made then by 
 England and Spain that accounted for the greatness 
 of the former and the downfall of the latter, for, after 
 the Spaniard, once ''the noblest, grandest and most en- 
 lightened people in the known world," had chosen for 
 the saints and the Inquisition, ''his intellect shrivelled 
 in his brain and the sinews shrank in his self -bandaged 
 limbs. ' ' 
 
 Practically the same type of opinion is found in the Liberals 
 whole school of middle-century historians. "Our firm 
 belief is," wrote Macaulay, "that the North owes its 
 great civilization and prosperity chiefly to the moral 
 effect of the Protestant Reformation, and that the de- 
 cay of the Southern countries is to be mainly ascribed 
 to the great Catholic revival." It would be pleasant, 
 
718 THE REFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 were there space, to quote similar enthusiastic appre- 
 ciations from the French scholars Quinet and Thierry, 
 the Englishman Herbert Spencer and the Americans 
 'Motley and Prescott. They all regarded the Reforma- 
 tion as at once an enlightenment and enfranchisement. 
 Even the philosophers rushed into the same camp. 
 Carlyle worshipped Luther as a hero; Emerson said 
 that his '^religious movement was the foundation of 
 so much intellectual life in Europe; that is, Luther's 
 conscience animating sympathetically the conscience 
 of millions, the pulse passed into thought, and ulti- 
 mated itself in Galileos, Keplers, Swedenborgs, New- 
 tons, Shakespeares, Bacons and Miltons." Back of 
 all this appreciation was a strong unconscious sym- 
 pathy between the age of the Reformation and that 
 of Victoria. The creations of the one. Protestantism, 
 the national state, capitalism, individualism, reached 
 their perfect maturity in the other. The very mod- 
 erate liberals of the latter found in the former just 
 that ' ' safe and sane ' ' spirit of reform which they could 
 thoroughly approve. 
 
 The enthusiasm generated by political democracy in 
 France, England and America, was supplemented in 
 Germany by patriotism. Herder first emphasized Lu- 
 ther's love of country as his great virtue; Arndt, in 
 the Napoleonic wars, counted it unto him for righteous- 
 ness that he hated Italian craft and dreaded French 
 deceitfulness. Fichte, at the same time, in his fervent 
 Speeches to the German Nation, called the Reforma- 
 tion **the consummate achievement of the German peo- 
 ple," and its ''perfect act of world-wide significance." 
 Freytag, at a later period, tried to educate the public 
 to search for a German state at once national and lib- 
 eral. In his Pictures from the German Past, largely 
 painted from sixteenth-century models, he places all 
 the high-lights on ''Deutschtum" and ''Burgertum," 
 
LIBERAL-ROMANTIC APPRECIATION 719 
 
 and all the shade on the foreigners and the Junkers. 
 With Freytag as a German liberal may be classed D. F. 
 Strauss, who defended the Reformers for choosing, 
 rather than superficial culture, ''the better part," ''the 
 one thing needful, ' ' which was truth. 
 
 It is now high time to say something of the third Scientific 
 great influence that, early in the nineteenth century, ^^^" 
 transformed historiography. It was the rise of the sci- 
 entific spirit, of the fruitful conception of a world 
 lapped in universal law. For two centuries men had 
 gradually become accustomed to the thought of an ex- 
 ternal nature governed by an unbreakable chain of 
 cause and effect, but it was still believed that man, 
 with his free will, was an exception and that history, 
 therefore, consisting of the sum total of humanity's 
 arbitrary actions, was incalculable and in large part 
 inexplicable. But the more closely men studied the 
 past, and the more widely and deeply did the uniform- 
 ity of nature soak into their consciousness, the more 
 "natural" did the progress of the human race seem. 
 When it was found that every age had its own temper 
 and point of view, that men turned with one accord in 
 the same direction as if set by a current, long before 
 any great man had come to create the current, the in- 
 fluence of personality seemed to sink into the back- 
 ground, and that of other influences to be preponderant. 
 
 Quite inevitably the first natural and important phi- Hegel 
 losophy of history took a semi-theological, semi-per- 
 sonal form. The philosopher Hegel, pondering on the 
 fact that each age has its own unmistakable "time- 
 spirit ' ' and that each age is a natural, even logical, de- 
 velopment of some antecedent, announced the Doctrine 
 of Ideas as the governing forces in human progress. 
 History was but the development of spirit, or the real- 
 ization of its idea; and its fundamental law was the 
 necessary "progress in the consciousness of freedom." 
 
720 THE REFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 The Oriental knew that one is free, the Greek that some 
 are free, the Germans that all are free. In this third, 
 or Teutonic, stage of evolution, the Reformation was 
 one of the longest steps. The characteristic of modern 
 times is that the spirit is conscious of its own freedom 
 and wills the true, the eternal and the universal. The 
 dawn of this period, after the long and terrible night of 
 the Middle Ages, is the Renaissance, its sunrise the 
 Reformation. In order to prove his thesis, Hegel la- 
 bors to show that the cause of the Protestant revolt in 
 the corruption of the church was not accidental but 
 necessary, inasmuch as, at the Catholic stage of pro- 
 gress, that which is adored must necessarily be sensu- 
 ous, but at the lofty German level the worshipper must 
 look for God in the spirit and heart, that is, in faith. 
 The subjectivism of Luther is due to German sincerity 
 manifesting the self -consciousness of the world-spirit ; 
 his doctrine of the eucharist, conservative as it seems to 
 the rationalist, is in reality a manifestation of the same 
 spirituality, in the assertion of an immediate relation 
 of Christ to the soul. In short, the essence of the Ref- 
 ormation is said to be that man in his very nature is 
 destined to be free, and all history since Luther's time 
 is but a working out of the implications of his position. 
 If only the Germanic nations have adopted Protestant- 
 ism, it is because only they have reached the highest 
 state of spiritual development. 
 
 The philosopher's truest disciple was Ferdinand 
 Christian Baur, of whom it has been said that he rather 
 deduced history than narrated it. With much detail 
 he filled in the outline offered by the master, in as far 
 as the subject of church history was concerned. He 
 showed that the Reformation (a term to which he ob- 
 jected, apparently preferring Division, or Schism) was 
 bound to come from antecedents already in full opera- 
 tion before Luther. At most, he admitted, the per- 
 
LIBERAL-ROMANTIC APPRECIATION 721 
 
 sonal factor was decisive of the time and place of the 
 inevitable revolution, but said that the most powerful 
 personality would have been helpless but for the popu- 
 larity of the ideas expressed by him. Like Hegel, he 
 deduced the causes of the movement from the corrup- 
 tion of the medieval church, and like him he regarded 
 all later history as but the tide of which the first wave 
 broke in 1517. The true principle of the movement, 
 religious autonomy and subjective freedom, he be- 
 lieved, had been achieved only for states in the six- 
 teenth century, but thereafter logically and necessarily 
 came to be applied to individuals. 
 
 From the Hegelian school came forth the best Ranke 
 equipped historian the world has ever seen. Save the 
 highest quality of thought and emotion that is the pre- 
 rogative of poetic genius, Leopold von Ranke lacked 
 nothing of industry, of learning, of method and of tal- 
 ent to make him the perfect narrator of the past. It 
 was his idea to pursue history for no purpose but its 
 own; to tell "exactly what happened" without regard 
 to the moral, or theological, or political lesson. Think- 
 ing the most colorless presentation the best, he seldom 
 allowed his o^vn opinions to appear. In treating the 
 Reformation he was "first an historian and then a 
 Christian. ' ' There is in his work little biography, and 
 that little psychological ; there is no dogma and no po- 
 lemic. From Hegel he derived his belief in the 
 "spirit" of the times, and nicely differentiated that of 
 the Renaissance, the Reformation and the Counter- 
 reformation. He was the first to generalize the use of 
 the word "Counter-reformation" — coined in 1770 and 
 obtaining currency later on the analogy of "counter- 
 revolution." The causes of the Reformation Ranke 
 found in "deeper religious and moral repugnance to 
 the disorders of a merely assenting faith and service 
 of 'works,' and, secondarily, in the assertion of the 
 
722 THE REFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 rights and duties residing in the state." Quite rightly, 
 he emphasized the result of the movement in breaking 
 down the political power of the ecclesiastical state, and 
 establishing in its stead ''a completely autonomous 
 state sovereignty, bound by no extraneous considera- 
 tions and existing for itself alone." Of all the ideas 
 which have aided in the development of modern Europe 
 he esteemed this the most eifective. Would he have 
 thought so after 1919? 
 
 A new start in the search for fixed historical laws 
 was made by Henry Thomas Buckle. His point of de- 
 parture was not, like that of Hegel, the universal, but 
 rather certain very particular sociological facts as in- 
 terpreted by Comte's positivism. Because the same 
 percentage of unaddressed letters is mailed every year, 
 because crimes vary in a constant curve according to 
 season, because the number of suicides and of mar- 
 riages stands in a fixed ratio to the cost of bread, 
 Buckle argued that all human acts, at least in the mass, 
 must be calculable, and reducible to general laws. At 
 present we are concerned only with his views on the 
 Reformation. The religious opinions prevalent at any 
 period, he pointed out, are but symptoms of the general 
 culture of that age. Protestantism was to Catholi- 
 cism simply as the moderate enlightenment of the six- 
 teenth century was to the darkness of the earlier cen- 
 turies. Credulity and ignorance were still common, 
 though diminishing, in Luther's time, and this intel- 
 lectual change was the cause of the religious change. 
 Buckle makes one strange and damaging admission, 
 namely that though, according to his theory, or, as he 
 puts it, ''according to the natural order," the ''most 
 civilized countries should be Protestant and the most 
 uncivilized Catholic [sic]," it has not always been so. 
 In general Buckle adopts the theory of the Reforma- 
 
LIBERAL-ROMANTIC APPRECIATION 723 
 
 tioii as an uprising of the human mind, an enlighten- 
 ment, and a democratic rebellion. 
 
 Whereas Henry Hallam, who wrote on the relation 
 of the Reformers to modern thought, is a belated 
 eighteenth-century rationalist, doubtless Lecky is best 
 classified as a member of the new school. His History 
 of the Rise and Influence of the Spirit of Rationalism 
 is partly Hegelian, partly inspired by Buckle. His 
 main object is to show how little reason has to do with 
 the adoption or rejection of any theology, and how 
 much it is dependent on a certain spirit of the age, de- 
 termined by quite other causes. He found the essence 
 of the Reformation in its conformity to then prevalent 
 habits of mind and morals. But he thought it had done 
 more than any other movement to emancipate the mind 
 from superstition and to secularize society. 
 
 It is impossible to do more than mention by name, Protestants 
 in the short space at my command, the principal Prot- 
 estant apologists for the Reformation, in this period. 
 Whereas Ritschl gave a somewhat new aspect to the 
 old "truths," Merle d'Aubigne won an enormous and 
 unmerited success by reviving the supernatural theory 
 of the Protestant revolution, with such modern con- 
 notations and modifications as suited the still lively 
 prejudices of the evangelical public of England and 
 America; for it was in these countries that his book, 
 in translation from the French, won its enormous cir- 
 culation.^ 
 
 An extremely able adverse judgment of the Ref- Doiiinger 
 ormation was expressed by the Catholic Dollinger, the 
 most theological of liistorians, the most historically- 
 minded of divines. He, too, thought Luther had really 
 
 1 The preface of the English edition of 1848 claims that whereas, since 
 1835, only 4000 copies were sold in France, between 150,000 and 200,000 
 were sold in England and America. 
 
724 THE REFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 founded a new religion, of which the center was the 
 mystical doctrine, tending to solipsism, of justification 
 by faith. The very fact that he said much good of Lu- 
 ther, and approved of many of his practical reforms, 
 made his protest the more effective. It is noticeable 
 that when he broke with Rome he did not become a 
 Protestant. 
 
 § 4. The Economic and Evolutionary Interpreta- 
 tions. (1859 TO THE Present) 
 
 The year 1859 saw the launching of two new theories 
 of the utmost importance. These, together with the 
 political developments of the next twelve years, com- 
 pletely altered the view-point of the intellectual class, 
 as well as of the peoples. In relation to the subject 
 under discussion this meant a reversal of historical 
 judgment as radical as that which occurred at the time 
 of the French Revolution. The three new influences, 
 in the order of their immediate importance for histori- 
 ography, were the following: 1. The publication of 
 Marx's Zur Kritik der polltischen Okonomie in 1859, 
 containing the germ of the economic interpretation of 
 history later developed in Das Kapital (1867) and in 
 other works. 2. The laublication of Darwin's Origin 
 of Species, giving rise to an evolutionary treatment of 
 history. 3. The Bismarckian wars (1864-71), fol- 
 lowed by German intellectual and material hegemony, 
 and the defeat of the old liberalism. This lasted only 
 until the Great War (1914-18), when Germany was 
 cast down and liberalism rose in more radical guise 
 than ever. 
 
 Karl Marx not only viewed history for the first time 
 from the point of view of the proletariat, or working 
 class, but he directly asserted that in the march of man- 
 kind the economic factors had always been, in the last 
 analysis, decisive ; that the material basis of life, par- 
 
ECONOMIC INTERPRETATIONS 725 
 
 ticularly the system of production, determined, in gen- 
 eral, the social, political and religious ideas of every 
 epoch and of every locality. Revolutions follow as the 
 necessary consequence of economic change. In the 
 scramble for sustenance and wealth class war is postu- 
 lated as natural and ceaseless. The old Hegelian anti- 
 thesis of idea versus personality took the new form of 
 ''the masses" versus "the great man," both of whom 
 were but puppets in the hands of overmastering de- 
 terminism. As often interpreted, Marx's theory re- 
 placed the Hegelian "spirits of the time" by the 
 classes, conceived as entities struggling for mastery. 
 
 This brilliant theory suffered at first in its applica- 
 tion, which was often hasty, or fantastic. As the eco- 
 nomic factor had once been completely ignored, so now 
 it was overworked. Its major premise of an "eco- 
 nomic man," all greed and calculation, is obviously 
 false, or rather, only half true. Men's motives are 
 mixed, and so are those of aggregates of men. There 
 are other elements in progress besides the economic 
 ones. The only effective criticism of the theory of 
 economic determination is that well expressed by Dr. 
 Shailer Mathews, that it is too simple. Self-interest 
 is one factor in history, but not the only one. 
 
 Exception can be more justly taken to the way in Bax 
 which the theory has sometimes been applied than 
 to its formulation. Belfort Bax, maintaining that the 
 revolt from Rome was largely economic in its causes, 
 gave as one of these "the hatred of the ecclesiastical 
 hierarchy, obviously due to its increasing exactions." 
 Luther would have produced no result had not the 
 economic soil been ready for his seed, and with that 
 soil prepared he achieved a world-historical result 
 even though, in Bax's opinion, his character and in- 
 tellect were below those of the average English vil- 
 lage grocer-deacon who sold sand for sugar. Luther, 
 
726 THE REFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 in fact, did no more than give a flag to those discon- 
 tented with the existing political and industrial life. 
 Strange to say, Bax found even the most radical party, 
 that of the communistic Anabaptists, retrograde, with 
 its program of return to a golden age of gild and com- 
 mon land. 
 
 A somewhat better grounded, but still inadequate, 
 solution of the problem was offered by Karl Kautsky. 
 He, too, found the chief cause of the revolt in the spolia- 
 tion of Germany by Rome. In addition to this was 
 the new rivalry of commercial classes. Unlike Bax, 
 Kautsky finds in the Anabaptists Socialists of whom 
 he can thoroughly approve. 
 
 The criticism that must be made of these and similar 
 attempts, is that the causes picked out by them are too 
 trivial. To say that the men who, by the thousands 
 and tens of thousands suffered martyrdom for their 
 faith, changed that faith simply because they objected 
 to pay a tithe, reminds one of the ancient Catholic der- 
 ivation of the whole movement from Luther's desire 
 to marry. The effect is out of proportion to the cause. 
 But some theorists were even more fantastic than 
 trivial. When Professor S. N. Patten traces the 
 origins of revolutions to either over-nutrition or under- 
 nutrition, and that of the Reformation to ''the growth 
 of frugalistic concepts"; when Mr. Brooks Adams as- 
 serts that it was all due to the desire of the people for 
 a cheaper religion, exchanging an expensive offering 
 for justification by faith and mental anguish, which 
 cost nothing, and an expensive church for a cheap Bible 
 — we feel that the dish of theory has run away with the 
 spoon of fact. The climax was capped by the German 
 sociologist Friedrich Simmel, who explained the Re- 
 formation by the law of the operation of force along the 
 line of least resistance. The Reformers, by sending 
 the soul straight to God, spared it the detour via the 
 
ECONOMIC INTERPRETATIONS 727 
 
 priest, thus short-circuiting grace, as it were, and sav- 
 ing energy. 
 
 The genius who first and most fully worked out a Lamprecht 
 tenable economic interpretation of the Lutheran move- 
 ment was Karl Lamprecht, who stands in much the 
 same relation to Marx as did Ranke to Hegel, to wit, 
 that of an independent, eclectic and better informed 
 student. Lamprecht, as it is well known, divides his- 
 tory into periods according to their psychological char- 
 acter — perhaps an up-to-date Hegelianism — but he 
 maintains, and on the whole successfully, that the tem- 
 per of each of these epochs is determined by their eco- 
 nomic institutions. Thus, says he, the condition of the 
 transition from medieval to modem times was the 
 development of a system of ''money economy" from 
 a system of ''natural economy," which took place 
 slowly throughout the 14th, 15th, 16th and 17th cen- 
 turies. "The complete emergence of capitalistic ten- 
 dencies, with their consequent effects on the social, 
 and, chiefly through this, on the intellectual sphere, 
 must of itself bring on modern times." Lamprecht 
 shows how the rise of capitalism was followed by the 
 growth of the cities and of the culture of the Renais- 
 sance in them, and how, also, individualism arose in 
 large part as a natural consequence of the increased 
 power and scope given to the ego by the possession of 
 wealth. This individualism, he thinks, strengthened 
 by and strengthening humanism, was made forever 
 safe by the Reformation. 
 
 It is a momentous error, as Lamprecht rightly points 
 out, to suppose that we are living in the same era of 
 civilization, psychologically considered, as that of Lu- 
 ther. Our subjectivism is as different from his in- 
 dividualism as his modernity was from medievalism. 
 The eighteenth century was a transitional period from 
 the one to the other. 
 
728 THE REFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 One of the chief characteristics of the Reformation, 
 continues Lamprecht, seen first in the earlier mystics, 
 was the change from *'polydynamism," or the worship 
 of many saints, and the mediation of manifold religious 
 agencies, to ''monodynamism" or the direct and single 
 intercourse of the soul with God. Still more different 
 was the world-view of the nineteenth century, built on 
 **an extra-Christian, though not yet anti-Christian 
 foundation. ' ' 
 
 In the very same year in which Lamprecht 's volume 
 on the German Reformation appeared, another inter- 
 pretation, though less profound and less in the eco- 
 nomic school of thought, was put forth by A. E. Berger. 
 He found the four principal causes of the Reformation 
 in the growth of national self -consciousness, the over- 
 throw of an ascetic for a secular culture, individualism, 
 and the growth of a lay religion. The Reformation it- 
 self was a triumph of conscience and of ''German in- 
 wardness, ' ' and its success was due to the fact that it 
 made of the church a purely spiritual entity. 
 
 The most brilliant essay in the economic interpre- 
 tation of the origins of Protestantism, though an essay 
 in a very narrow field, was that of Max Weber which 
 has made ''Capitalism and Calvinism" one of the 
 watchwords of contemporary thought. The intimate 
 connection of the Reformation and the merchant class 
 had long been noticed, e. g. by Froude and by Thorold 
 Rogers. But Weber was the first to ask, and to an- 
 swer, the question what it was that made Protestant- 
 ism particularly congenial to the industrial type of civ- 
 ilization. In the first place, Calvinism stimulated just 
 those ethical qualities of rugged strength and self- 
 confidence needful for worldly success. In the second 
 place. Protestantism abolished the old ascetic ideal of 
 labor for the sake of the next world, and substituted 
 for it the conception of a calling, that is, of doing 
 
ECONOMIC INTERPRETATIONS 729 
 
 faithfully the work appointed to each man in this world. 
 Indeed, the word ''calling" or ''Beraf," meaning God- 
 given work, is found only in Germanic languages, and 
 is wanting in all those of the Latin group. The ethical 
 idea expressed by Luther and more strongly by Calvin 
 was that of faithfully performing the daily task; in 
 fact, such labor was inculcated as a duty to the point 
 of pain; in other words it was ''a worldly asceticism." 
 Finally, Calvin looked upon thrift as a duty, and re- 
 garded prosperity, in the Old Testament style, as a sign 
 of God's favor. "You may labor in that manner as 
 tendeth most to your success and lawful gain," said the 
 Protestant divine Richard Baxter, ' ' for you are bound 
 to improve all your talents." And again, ''If God 
 show you a way in which you may lawfully get more 
 than in another way, if you refuse this and choose the 
 less gainful way, you cross one of the ends of your 
 calling, and you refuse to be God's steward." 
 
 It would be instructive and delightful to follow the 
 controversy caused by Weber's thesis. Some scholars, 
 like Knodt, denied its validity, tracing capitalism back 
 of the spirit of Fugger rather than of Calvin ; but most 
 accepted it. Fine interpretations and criticisms of it 
 were otfered by Cunningham, Brentano, Kovalewsky 
 and Ashley. So commonly has it been received that it 
 has finally been summed up in a brilliant but superficial 
 epigram used by Chesterton, good enough to have been 
 coined by him — though it is not, I believe, from his 
 mint — that the Reformation was "the Revolution of 
 the rich against the poor." 
 
 Contemporary with the economic historiography, Darwinism 
 there was a new intellectual criticism reminding one 
 superficially of the Voltairean, but in reality founded 
 far more on Darwinian ideas. The older "philoso- 
 phers" had blamed the Reformers for not coming up 
 to a modern standard; the new evolutionists censured 
 
730 THE REFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 them for falling below the standard of their own age. 
 Moreover, the critique of the new atheism was more 
 searching than had been that of the old deism. 
 
 Until Nietzsche, the prevailing view had been that 
 the Reformation was the child, or sister, of the Renais- 
 sance, and the parent of the Enlightenment and the 
 French Revolution. '*We are in the midst of a gigan- 
 tic movement," wrote Huxley, ''greater than that 
 which preceded and produced the Reformation, and 
 really only a continuation of that movement." ''The 
 Reformation," in the opinion of Tolstoy, "was a rude, 
 incidental reflection of the labor of thought, striving 
 after the liberation of man from the darkness. " " The 
 truth is," according to Symonds, "that the Reforma- 
 tion was the Teutonic Renaissance. It was the emanci- 
 pation of the reason on a line neglected by the Italians, 
 more important, indeed, in its political consequences, 
 more weighty in its bearing on rationalistic develop- 
 ments than was the Italian Renaissance, but none the 
 less an outcome of the same grand influence." Wil- 
 liam Dilthey, in the nineties, labored to show that the 
 essence of the Reformation w^as the same in the re- 
 ligious fields as that of the best thought contemporary 
 to it in other lines. 
 
 But these ideas were already obsolescent since 
 Friedrich Nietzsche had worked out, with some care, 
 the thought that "the Reformation was a re-action of 
 old-fashioned minds, against the Italian Renaissance." 
 One might suppose that this furious Antichrist, as he 
 wished to be, would have thought well of Luther be- 
 cause of his opinion that the Saxon first taught the 
 Germans to be unchristian, and because "Luther's 
 merit is greater in nothing than that he had the cour- 
 age of his sensuality — then called, gently enough, 
 'evangelic liberty.' " But no! With frantic passion 
 Nietzsche charged: "The Reformation, a duplication 
 
NIETZSCHE 731 
 
 of the medieval spirit at a time when this spirit no 
 longer had a good conscience, pullulated sects, and su- 
 perstitions like the witchcraft craze." German cul- 
 ture was just ready to burst into full bloom, only one 
 night more was needed, but that night brought the 
 stonn that ruined all. The Eeformation was the peas- ^ 
 ants' revolt of the human spirit, a rising full of sound 
 and fury, but signifying nothing. It was ' ' the rage of 
 the simple against the complex, a rough, honest misun- 
 derstanding, in which (to speak mildly) much must be 
 forgiven." Luther unraveled and tore apart a cul- 
 ture he did not appreciate and an authority he did not 
 relish. Behind the formula ''every man his own 
 priest" lurked nothing but the abysmal hatred of the ^ 
 low for the higher; the truly plebeian spirit at its 
 worst. 
 
 Quite slowly but surely Nietzsche's opinion gained Acceptance 
 ground until one may say that it was, not long ago, Nietzsche's 
 generally accepted. ''Our sympathies are more in opinion 
 unison, our reason less shocked by the arguments 
 and doctrines of Sadolet than by those of Calvin," 
 wrote E.. C. Christie. Andrew D. White's popular 
 study of Tlie Warfare of Science and Theology proved 
 that Protestant churches had been no less hostile 
 to intellectual progress than had the Catholic church. 
 "The Eeformation, in fact," opined J. M. Eobert- 
 son, "speedily overclouded with fanaticism what 
 new light of free thought had been glimmering be- 
 fore, turning into Bibliolaters those who had ration- 
 ally doubted some of the Catholic mysteries and 
 forcing back into Catholic bigotry those more refined 
 spirits who, like Sir Thomas More, had been in advance 
 of their age." "Before the Lutheran revolt," said 
 Henry C. Lea, "much freedom of thought and speech 
 was allowed in Catholic Europe, but not after. " Simi- 
 lar opinions might be collected in large number ; I men- 
 
732 THE REFOEMATION INTERPEETED 
 
 tion only the works of Bezold and the brief but ad- 
 mirably expressed articles of Professor George L. 
 Burr, and that of Lemonnier, who places in a strong 
 light the battle of the Renaissance, intellectual, indif- 
 ferent in religion and politics, but aristocratic in tem- 
 per, and the Reformation, reactionary, religious, pre- 
 occupied with medieval questions and turning, in its 
 hostility to the governing orders, to popular politics. 
 
 The reaction of the Reformation on religion was 
 noticed by the critics, who thus came to agree with the 
 conservative estimate, though they deplored what the 
 others had rejoiced in. Long before Nietzsche, J. 
 Burckhardt had pointed out that the greatest danger 
 to the papacy, secularization, had been adjourned for 
 centuries by the German Reformation. It was this 
 that roused the papacy from the soulless debasement 
 in which it lay ; it was thus that the moral salvation of 
 the papacy was due to its mortal enemies. 
 Troeltsch The twentieth century has seen two brilliant critiques 
 
 of the Reformation from the intellectual side by 
 scholars of consummate ability, Ernst Troeltsch and 
 George Santayana. The former begins by pointing 
 out, with a fineness never surpassed, the essential one- 
 ness and slight differences between early Protestant- 
 ism and Catholicism. The Reformers asked the same 
 questions as did the medieval schoolmen and, though 
 they gave these questions somewhat different answers, 
 their minds, like those of other men, revealed them- 
 selves far more characteristically in the asking than 
 in the reply. * ' Genuine early Protestantism . . . was 
 an authoritative ecclesiastical civilization (kirchliche 
 ZAvangskultur), a claim to regulate state and society, 
 science and education, law, commerce, and industry, ac- 
 cording to the supernatural standpoint of revelation. ' ' 
 The Reformers separated early and with cruel violence 
 from the humanistic, philological, and philosophical 
 
TROELTSCH 733 
 
 theology of Erasmus because they were conscious of 
 an essential opposition. Luther's sole concern was 
 with assurance of salvation, and this could only be won 
 at the cost of a miracle, not any longer the old, outward 
 magic of saints and priestcraft, but the wonder of faith 
 occurring in the inmost center of personal life. ''The 
 sensuous sacramental miracle is done away, and in its 
 stead appears the miracle of faith, that man, in his sin 
 and weakness, can grasp and confidently assent to such 
 a thought." Thus it came about that the way of sal- 
 vation became more important than the goal, and 
 the tyranny of dogma became at last unbearable. 
 Troeltsch characterizes both his own position and 
 that of the Reformers when he enumerates among the 
 ancient dogmas taken over naively by Luther, that of 
 the existence of a personal, ethical God. Finely con- 
 trasting the ideals of Renaissance and Reformation, he Renais- 
 shows that the former was naturalism, the latter an in- !f "I^® ^^• 
 
 . neiorma- 
 
 tensification of religion and of a convinced other- tion 
 worldliness, that while the ethic of the former was 
 based on ''affirmation of life," that of the latter was 
 based on "calling." Even as compared with Catholi- 
 cism, Troeltsch thinks, supererogatory works were abol- 
 ished because each Protestant Christian was bound to 
 exert himself to the utmost at all times. The learned 
 professor hazards the further opinion that the spirit of 
 the Renaissance amalgamated better with Catholicism 
 and, after a period of quiescence, burst forth in the 
 "frightful explosion" of the Enlightenment and Revo- 
 lution, both more radical in Catholic countries than in 
 Protestant. But Troeltsch is too historically-minded 
 to see in the Reformation only a reaction. He believes 
 that it contributed to the fonnation of the modern 
 world by the development of nationalism, individual- 
 ism (qualified by the objectively conceived sanction of 
 Bible and Christian community), moral health, and, 
 
734 THE REFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 indirectly, by the introduction of the ideas of tolerance, 
 criticism, and religious progress. Moreover, it en- 
 riched the world with the story of great personalities. 
 Protestantism was better able to absorb modem ele- 
 ments of political, social, scientific, artistic and eco- 
 nomic content, not because it was professedly more 
 open to them, but because it was weakened by the 
 memory of one great revolt from authority. But the 
 great change in religion as in other matters came, 
 Troeltsch is fully convinced, in the eighteenth century. 
 Santayana If Trocltscli has the head of a skeptic with the heart 
 of a Protestant, Santayana 's equally irreligious brain 
 is biased by a sentimental sympathy for the Catholi- 
 cism in which he was trained. The essence of his criti- 
 cism of Luther, than whom, he once scornfully re- 
 marked, no one could be more unintelligent, is that 
 he moved away from the ideal of the gospel. Saint 
 Francis, like Jesus, was unworldly, disenchanted, 
 ascetic; Protestantism is remote from this spirit, for 
 it is convinced of the importance of success and pros- 
 perity, abominates the disreputable, thinks of con- 
 templation as idleness, of solitude as selfishness, of 
 poverty as a punishment, and of married and indus- 
 trial life as typically godly. In short, it is a reversion 
 to German heathendom. But Santayana denies that 
 Luther prevented the euthanasia of Christianity, for 
 there would have been, he affirms, a Catholic revival 
 without him. With all its old-fashioned insistence that 
 dogma was scientifically true and that salvation was 
 urgent and fearfully doubtful. Protestantism broke 
 down the authority of Christianity, for "it is suicidal 
 to make one part of an organic system the instrument 
 for attacking the other part." It is the beauty and 
 torment of Protestantism that it leads to something 
 ever beyond its ken, finally landing its adherent in a 
 pious skepticism. Under the solvent of self-criticism 
 
SANTAYANA 735 
 
 German religion and philosophy have dropped, one by 
 one, all supernaturalism and comforting private hopes 
 and have become absorbed in the duty of living man- 
 fully the conventional life of the world. Positive re- 
 ligion and frivolity both disappear, and only '^ conse- 
 crated worldliness" remains. 
 
 Some support to the old idea that the Reformation 
 was a progressive movement has been recently offered Recent 
 by eminent scholars. Gr. Monod says that the differ- "p^"'°"^ 
 ence between Catholicism and Protestantism is that the 
 former created a closed philosophy, the latter left much 
 open. ''The Reformation," according to H. A. L. 
 Fisher, ''was the great dissolvent of European con- 
 servatism. A religion which had been accepted with 
 little question for 1200 years, which had dominated 
 European thought, moulded European customs, shaped 
 no small part of private law and public policy . . . was 
 suddenly and sharply questioned in all the progressive 
 communities of the West." 
 
 Bertrand Russell thinks that, while the Renaissance 
 undermined the medieval theory of authority in a few 
 choice minds, the Reformation made the first really 
 serious breach in that theory. It is just because the 
 fight for liberty (which he hardly differentiates from 
 anarchism) began in the religious field, that its tri- 
 umph is now most complete in that field. We are still 
 bound politically and economically; that we are free 
 religiously is due to Luther. It is an evil, however, in 
 Mr. Russell's opinion, that subjectivism has been fos- 
 tered in Protestant morality. 
 
 A similar opinion, in the most attenuated form, has 
 been expressed by Salomon Reinach. "Instead of 
 freedom of faith and thought the Reformation pro- 
 duced a kind of attenuated Catholicism. But the seeds 
 of religious liberty were there, though it was only after 
 two centuries that they blossomed and bore fruit, 
 
736 THE EEFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 thanks to the breach made by Luther in the ancient edi- 
 fice of Rome." 
 German ^ judicious estimate is offered by Imbart de la Tour, 
 
 to the effect that, though the logical result of some of 
 Luther's premises would have been individual religion 
 and autonomy of conscience, as actually worked out, 
 **his mystical doctrine of inner inspiration has no re- 
 semblance whatever to our subjectivism." His true 
 originality was his personality which imposed on an 
 optimistic society a pessimistic world-view. It is true 
 that the revolution was profound and yet it was not 
 modern: ''the classic spirit, free institutions, demo- 
 cratic ideals, all these great forces by which we live 
 are not the heritage of Luther." 
 
 As the wave of nationalism and militarism swept 
 over Europe with the Bismarckian wars, men began to 
 judge the Reformation as everything else by its rela- 
 tion, real or fancied, to racial superiority or power. 
 Even in Germany scholars were not at all clear as to 
 exactly what this relation was. Paul de Lagarde ideal- 
 ized the Middle Ages as showing the perfect expression 
 of German character and he detested ''the coarse, 
 scolding Luther, who never saw further than his two 
 hobnailed shoes, and who by his demagogy, brought in 
 barbarism and split Germany into fragments." Nev- 
 ertheless even he saw, at times, that the Reformation 
 meant a triumph of nationalism, and found it signifi- 
 cant that the Basques, who were not a nation, should 
 have produced, in Loyola and Xavier, the two greatest 
 champions of the anti-national church. 
 
 The tide soon started flowing the other way and 
 scholars began to see clearly that in some sort the Ref- 
 ormation was a triumph of "Deutschtum" against 
 the "Romanitas" of Latin religion and culture. 
 Treitschke, as the representative of this school, trump- 
 eted forth that "the Reformation arose from the good 
 
GERMAN PATRIOTS 
 
 737 
 
 The Great 
 War 
 
 German conscience," and that, ''the Reformer of our 
 clmrcli was the pioneer of the whole German nation on 
 the road to a freer civilization." The dogma that 
 might makes right was adopted at Berlin — as Acton 
 wrote in 1886 — and the mere fact that the Reformation 
 was successful was accounted a proof of its rightness 
 by historians like Waitz and Kurtz, 
 
 Naturally, all was not as bad as this. A rather at- 
 tractive form of the thesis was presented by Karl Sell. 
 Whereas, he thinks. Protestantism has died, or is dy- 
 ing, as a religion, it still exists as a mood, as bibli- 
 olatry, as a national and political cult, as a scientific 
 and technical motive-power, and, last but not least, as 
 the ethos and pathos of the Germanic peoples. 
 
 In the Great War Luther was mobilized as one of the 
 German national assets. Professor Gustav Kawerau 
 and many others appealed to the Reformer's writings 
 for inspiration and justification of their cause ; and the 
 German infantry sang ''Ein' feste Burg" while march- 
 ing to battle. 
 
 Even outside of Germany the war of 1870 meant, in 
 many quarters, the defeat of the old liberalism and the 
 rise of a new school inclined, even in America — witness 
 Mahan — to see in armed force rather than in intel- 
 lectual and moral ideas the decisive factors in history. 
 Many scholars noticed, in this connection, the shift of 
 power from the Catholic nations, led by France, to 
 the Protestant peoples, Germany, England and Amer- 
 ica. Some, like Acton, though impressed by it, did not 
 draw the conclusion ably presented by a Belgian, Emile 
 de Laveleye, that the cause of national superiority lay 
 in Protestantism, but it doubtless had a wide influence, 
 partl}^ unconscious, on the verdict of history. 
 
 But the recoil was far greater than the first move- 
 ment. Paul Sabatier wrote (in 1913) that until 1S70 
 Protestantism had enjoyed the esteem of thoughtful ideals 
 
 Reaction 
 
 against 
 
 German 
 
738 THE REFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 men on account of its good sense, domestic and civic 
 virtues and its openness to science and literary criti- 
 cism. This high opinion, strengthened by the prestige 
 of German thought, was shattered, says our authority, 
 by the results of the Franco-Prussian war, its train of 
 horrors, and the consequences to the victors, who raved 
 of their superiority and attributed to Luther the result 
 of Sedan. 
 
 The Great War loosed the tongues of all enemies of 
 Luther. *' Literary and philosophic Germany," said 
 Denys Cochin in an interview, ''prepared the evolution 
 of the state and the cult of might. . . . The haughty 
 and aristocratic reform of Luther both prepared and 
 seconded the aberration. ' ' 
 Paquier Paquicr has written a book around the thesis: 
 
 ' ' Nothing in the present war would have been alien to 
 Luther, for like all Germans of to-day, he was violent 
 and faithless. The theory of Nietzsche is monstrous, 
 but it is the logical conclusion of the religious revolu- 
 tion accomplished by Luther and of the philosophical 
 revolution accomplished by Kant." He finds the 
 causal nexus between Luther and Hindenburg in two 
 important doctrines and several corollaries. First, the 
 doctrine of justification by faith meant the disparage- 
 ment of morality and the exaltation of the end at the 
 expense of the means. Secondly, Luther deified the 
 state. Finally, in his narrow patriotism, Luther is 
 thought to have inspired the reckless deeds of his pos- 
 terity. 
 
 On the other hand some French Protestants, notably 
 Weiss, have sought to show that the modern doctrines 
 of Prussia were not due to Luther but were an apostasy 
 from him. 
 
 Practically all the older methods of interpreting 
 the Reformation have survived to the present ; to save 
 space they must be noticed with the utmost brevity. 
 
HARNACK 739 
 
 The Protestant scholars of the last sixty years have Protestants 
 all, as far as they are worthy of serious notice, escaped 
 from the crudely supernaturalistic point of view. 
 Their temptation is now, in proportion as they are con- 
 servative, to read into the Reformation ideas of their 
 own. Harnack sees in Luther, as he does in Christ Hamack 
 and Paul and all other of his heroes, exactly his own 
 German liberal Evangelical mind. He is inclined to 
 admit that Luther was little help to the progress 
 of science and enlightenment, that- he did not absorb 
 the cultural elements of his time nor recognize the 
 right and duty of free research, but yet he thinks the 
 Reformation more important than any other revolution 
 since Paul simply because it restored the true, i. e. 
 Pauline and Harnackian theology. Loisy's criticism 
 of him is brilliant: "What would Luther have thought 
 had his doctrine of salvation by faith been presented to 
 him with the amendment 'independently of beliefs,' or 
 with this amendment, * faith in the merciful Father, for 
 faith in the Son is foreign to the Gospel of Jesus'!" 
 The same treatment of Mohammedanism, as that ac- 
 corded by Harnack to Christianity would, as Loisy re- 
 marks, deduce from it the same humanitarian deism as 
 that now fashionable at Berlin. 
 
 I should like to speak of the work of Below and 
 Wernle, of Bohmer and Kohler, of Fisher and Walker 
 and McGiffert, and of many other Protestant scholars, 
 by which I have profited. But I can only mention one 
 other Protestant tendency, that of some liberals who 
 find the Reformation (quite naturally) too conservative 
 for them. Laurent wrote in this sense in 1862-70, and 
 he was followed by one of the most thoughtful of Prot- 
 estant apologists, Charles Beard. Beard saw in the Beard 
 Reformation the subjective form of religion over 
 against the objectivity of Catholicism, and also, "the 
 first great triumph of the scientific spirit" — the Ren- 
 
740 THE REFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 Philoso- 
 phers 
 
 aissance, in fact, applied to theology. And j^et he 
 found its work so imperfect and even hampering at 
 the time he wrote (1883) that the chief purpose of his 
 book was to advocate a new Reformation to bring 
 Christianity in complete harmony with science. 
 
 Several philosophers have, more from tradition than 
 creed, adopted the Protestant standpoint. Eucken 
 thinks that "the Reformation became the animating 
 soul of the modem world, the principle motive-force of 
 its progress. ... In truth, every phase of modern life 
 not directly or indirectly connected with the Reforma- 
 tion has something insipid and paltry about it." 
 "Windelband believes that the Reformation arose from 
 mysticism but conquered only by the power of the state, 
 and that the stamp of the conflict between the inner 
 grace and the outward support is of the esse of Prot- 
 estanism. William James was also in warm sjTiipathy 
 with Luther who, he thought, ''in his immense, manly 
 way . . . stretched the soul's imagination and saved 
 theology from puerility." James added that the Re- 
 former also invented a morality, as new as romantic 
 love in literature, founded on a religious experience of 
 despair breaking through the old, pagan pride. 
 
 While many Catholics, among them Maurenbrecher 
 and Gasquet, labored fruitfully in the field of the Ref- 
 ormation by uncovering new facts, few or none of them 
 had much new light to cast on the philosophy of the 
 period. Janssen brought to its perfection a new 
 method applied to a new field; the field was that of 
 Kidturgeschicht^, the method that of letting the sources 
 speak for themselves, but naturally only those sources 
 agreeable to the author's bias. In this way he repre- 
 sented the fifteenth century as the great blossoming of 
 the German mind, and the Reformation as a blighting 
 frost to both culture and morality. Pastor's work. 
 Pastor though dense with fresh knowledge, offers no connected 
 
 Catholics 
 
 Janssen 
 
CATHOLIC INTERPRETATIONS 741 
 
 theoiy. The Reformation, he thinks, was a shock with- 
 out parallel, involving all sides of life, but chiefly the 
 religious. It was due in Germany to a union of the 
 learned classes and the common people ; in England to 
 the caprice of an autocrat. From the learned uproar 
 of Denifle's school emerges the explanation of the 
 revolt as the ** great sewer" which carried off from the 
 church all the refuse and garbage of the time. Grisar's 
 far finer psychology — characteristically Jesuit — tries 
 to cast on Luther the origin of the present destructive 
 subjecti\asm. Grisar's proof that ''the modern infidel 
 theology" of Germany bases itself in an exaggerated 
 way on the Luther of the first period, is suggestive. 
 
 Though the Reformation was one of Lord Acton's Acton 
 favorite topics, I cannot find on that subject any new or 
 fruitful thought at all in proportion to his vast learn- 
 ing. His theory of the Reformation is therefore the 
 old Catholic one, stripped of supernaturalism, that it 
 was merely the product of the wickedness and vagaries 
 of a few gifted demagogues, and the almost equally 
 blamable obstinacy of a few popes. He thought the 
 English Bishop Creighton too easy in his judgment of 
 the popes, adding, ''My dogma is not the special ^vicked- 
 ness of my ovm spiritual superiors, but the general 
 wickedness of men in authority — of Luther and Zwingli 
 and Calvin and ^ranmer and Knox, of Mary Stuart 
 and Henry VIII, of Philip II and Elizabeth, of Crom- 
 well and Louis XIV, James and Charles, William, Bos- 
 suet and Ken." Acton dated modern times from the 
 turn of the 15th and 16th centuries, believing that the 
 fundamental characteristic of the period is the belief 
 in conscience as the voice of God. He says, that ' ' Lu- 
 ther at Worms is the most pregnant and momentous 
 fact in our history, ' ' but he confesses himself baffled by 
 the problem, which is, to his mind, why Luther did not 
 return to the church. Luther, alleges Acton, gave up 
 
742 THE EEFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 Anglicans 
 
 Other 
 schools 
 
 all the doctrines commonly insisted on as crucial and, 
 then or later, dropped predestination, and admitted the 
 necessity' of good works, the freedom of the will, the 
 hierarchical constitution, the authority of tradition, the 
 seven sacraments, the Latin Mass. In fact, says Ac- 
 ton, the one bar to his return to the church was his 
 belief that the pope was Antichrist. 
 
 It is notable that none of the free minds starting 
 from Catholicism have been attracted to the Protestant 
 camp. Renan prophesied that St. Paul and Protes- 
 tantism were coming to the end of their reign. Paul 
 Sabatier carefully proved that the Modernists owed 
 nothing to Luther, and their greatest scholar, Loisy, 
 succinctly put the case in the remark, ''We are done 
 with partial heresies." 
 
 The Anglicans have joined the Romanists to de- 
 nounce as heretics those who rebelled against the 
 church which still calls Anglicans heretics. Neville 
 Figgis, having snatched from Treitschke the juxtaposi- 
 tion ' ' Luther and Machiavelli, ' ' has labored to build up 
 around it a theory by which these two men shall ap- 
 pear as the chief supports of absolutism and ''divine 
 right of kings. ' ' Figgis thinks that with the Reforma- 
 tion religion was merely the "performance for passing 
 entertainment," but that the state was the "eternal 
 treasure." A far more judicious and unprejudiced 
 discussion of the same thesis is offered in the works 
 of Professor A. F. Pollard. He sees both sides of the 
 medal for, if religion had become a subject of politics, 
 politics had become matter of religion. He thinks the 
 English Reformation was primarily a revolt of the 
 laity against the clergy. 
 
 The liberal estimate of the Reformation fashionable 
 a hundred years ago has also been revived in an elab- 
 orate work of Mackinnon, and is assumed in obiter 
 dicta by such eminent historians as A. W. Benn, E. P. 
 
the Re- 
 formation 
 
 CONCLUDING ESTIMATE 743 
 
 Cheyney, C. Borgeaud, H. L. Osgood and Woodrow 
 Wilson. Finally, Professor J. H. Kobinson has im- 
 proved the old political interpretation current among 
 the secular historians of the sixteenth and seventeenth 
 centuries. The essence of the Lutheran movement he 
 finds in the revolt from the Roman ecclesiastical state. 
 
 § 5. Concluding Estimate 
 
 The reader will expect me, after having given some 
 account of the estimates of others, to make an evalu- 
 ation of my own. Of course no view can be final ; mine, 
 like that of everyone else, is the expression of an age 
 and an environment as well as that of an individual. 
 
 The Reformation, like the Renaissance and the six- Causes of 
 teenth-century Social Revolution, was but the conse- 
 quence of the operation of antecedent changes in en- 
 vironment and habit, intellectual and economic. There 
 was the widening and deepening of knowledge, due in 
 one aspect to the invention of printing, in the other to 
 the geographical and historical discoveries of the fif- 
 teenth century and the consequent adumbration of the 
 idea of natural law. Even in the later schoolmen, like 
 Biel and Occam, still more in the humanists, one finds 
 a much stronger rationalism than in the representative 
 thinkers of the Middle Ages. The general economic 
 antecedent was the growth in wealth and the change in 
 the system of production from gild and barter to that 
 of money and wages. This produced three secondary 
 results, which in turn operated as causes: the rise of 
 the moneyed class, individualism, and nationalism. 
 
 All these tendencies, operating in three fields, the re- 
 ligious, the political and the intellectual, produced the 
 Reformation and its sisters, the Renaissance and the 
 'Social Revolution of the sixteenth century. The Re- 
 formation — including in that term both the Protestant 
 movement and the Catholic reaction — partly occupied 
 
744 THE EEFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 Religious 
 aspect 
 
 Parallels to 
 the Re- 
 formation 
 
 all these fields, but did not monopolize any of them. 
 There were some religious, or anti-religious, move- 
 ments outside the Reformation, and the Lutheran im- 
 pulse swept into its own domain large tracts of the in- 
 tellectual and political fields, primarily occupied by 
 Renaissance and Revolution. 
 
 (1) The gene felt by many secular historians in the 
 treatment of religion is now giving way to the double 
 conviction of the importance of the subject and of its 
 susceptibility to scientific study. Religion in human 
 life is not a subject apart, nor is it necessary to regard 
 all theological revolts as obscurantist. As a rational- 
 ist ^ has remarked, it is usually priests who have freed 
 mankind from taboos and superstitions. Indeed, in a 
 religious age, no effective attack on the existing church 
 is possible save one inspired by piety. 
 
 Many instructive parallels to the Reformation can be 
 found both in Christian history and in that of other 
 religions; they all markedly show the same conse- 
 quences of the same causes. The publication of Chris- 
 tianity, with its propaganda of monotheism against the 
 Roman world and its accentuation of faith against the 
 ceremonialism of the Jewish church, resembled that of 
 Luther's ''gospel." Marcion with his message of 
 Pauline faith and his criticism of the Bible, was a sec- 
 ond-century Reformer. The iconoclasm and national- 
 ism of the Emperor Leo furnish striking similarities 
 to the Protestant Revolt. The movements started by 
 the medieval mystics and still more by the heretics 
 Wyclif and IIuss, rehearsed the religious drama of the 
 sixteenth century. Many revivals in the Protestant 
 church, such as Methodism, were, like the original 
 movement, returns to personal piety and biblicism. 
 The Old Catholic schism in its repudiation of the papal 
 supremacy, and even Modernism, notwithstanding its 
 
 1 S. Reinach: Ciiltes, Mythes et Religions, iv, 467. 
 
CONCLUDING ESTIMATE 745 
 
 disclaimers, are animated in part by the same motives 
 as those inspiring the Reformers. In Judaism the 
 Sadducees, in their bibliolatry and in their opposition 
 to the traditions dear to tlie Pharisees, were Protes- 
 tants ; a later counterpart of the same thing is found in 
 the reform the Karaites by Anan ben David. Mo- 
 hammed has been a favorite subject for comparison 
 with Luther by the Catholics, but in truth, in no dis- 
 paraging sense, the proclamation of Islam, with its 
 monotheism, emphasis on faith and predestination, was 
 very like the Reformation, and so were several later 
 reforms within Mohammedanism, including two in the 
 sixteenth century. Many parallels could doubtless be 
 adduced from the heathen religions, perhaps the most 
 striking is the foundation of Sikhism by Luther's con- 
 temporary Nanak, who preached monotheism and re- 
 volted from the ancient ceremonial and hierarchy of 
 caste. 
 
 What is the etiology of religious revolution? The 
 principal law governing it is that any marked change 
 either in scientific knowledge or in ethical feeling ne- 
 cessitates a corresponding alteration in the faith. 
 All the great religious innovations of Luther and his 
 followers can be explained as an attempt to readjust 
 faith to the new culture, partly intellectual, partly 
 social, that had gradually developed during the later 
 Middle Ages. 
 
 The first shift, and the most important, was that Faith ^ 
 from salvation by works to salvation by faith only. ^^^^^ 
 The Catholic dogma is that salvation is dependent on 
 certain sacraments, grace being bestowed automatic- 
 ally {ex opere operato) on all who participate in the 
 celebration of the rite without actively opposing its 
 effect. Luther not only reduced the number of sacra- 
 ments but he entirely changed their character. Not 
 they, but the faith of the participant mattered, and , 
 
746 THE EEFOEMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 this faith was bestowed freely by God, or not at all. 
 In this innovation one primary cause was the indi- 
 vidnalism of the age ; the sense of the worth of the soul 
 or, if one pleases, of the ego. This did not mean sub- 
 jectivism, or religious autonomy, for the Reformers 
 held passionately to an ideal of objective truth, but it 
 did mean that every soul had the right to make its 
 personal account with God, without mediation of priest 
 or sacrament. Another element in this new dogma 
 I was the simpler, and yet more profound, psychology 
 of the new age. The shift of emphasis from the outer 
 to the inner is traceable from the earliest age to the 
 present, from the time when Homer delighted to tell 
 of the good blows struck in fight to the time when fiction 
 is but the story of an inner, spiritual struggle. The 
 Reformation was one phase in this long process from 
 the external to the internal. The debit and credit bal- 
 ance of outward work and merit was done away, and 
 for it was substituted the nobler, or at least more spir- 
 itual and less mechanical, idea of disinterested moral- 
 ity and unconditioned salvation. The God of Calvin 
 may have been a tyrant, but he was not corruptible by 
 bribes. 
 
 We are so much accustomed to think of dogma as the 
 esse of religion that it is hard for us to do justice to 
 the importance of this change. Really, it is not dogma 
 so much as rite and custom that is fundamental. The 
 sacramental habit of mind was common to medieval 
 Christianity and to most primitive religions. For the 
 first time Luther substituted for the sacramental habit, 
 or attitude, its antithesis, an almost purely ethical cri- 
 terion of faith. The transcendental philosophy and 
 the categorical imperative lay implicit in the famous 
 sola fide. 
 Monism The second great change made by Protestantism was 
 
 more intellectual, that from a pluralistic to a monistic 
 
CONCLUDINa ESTIMATE 747 
 
 standpoint. Far from the conception of natural law, 
 the early Protestants did little or nothing to rational- 
 ize, or explain away, the creeds of the Catholics, but 
 they had arrived at a sufficiently monistic philosophy 
 to find scandal in the worship of the saints, with its 
 attendant train of daily and trivial miracles. To sweep 
 away the vast hierarchy of angels and canonized per- 
 sons that made Catholicism quasi-polytheistic, and to 
 preach pure monotheism was in the sjiirit of the time 
 and is a phenomenon for which many parallels can be 
 found. Instructive is the analogy of the contemporary 
 trend to absolutism ; neither God nor king any longer 
 needed intermediaries. 
 
 (2) In two aspects the Reformation was the reli- Political 
 gious expression of the current political and economic ^ndeco- 
 change. In the first place it reflected and reacted upon aspects 
 the growing national self-consciousness, particularly 
 of the Teutonic peoples. The revolt from Eome was National- 
 in the interests of the state church, and also of Ger- i^"^^"^ 
 
 ' 1 eutonism 
 
 manic culture. The break-up of the Roman church at 
 the hands of the Northern peoples is strikingly like the 
 break-up of the Roman Empire under pressure from 
 their ancestors. Indeed, the limits of the Roman 
 church practically coincided with the boundaries of 
 the Empire. The apparent exception of England 
 proves the rule, for in Britain the Roman civilization 
 was swept away by the German invasions of the fifth 
 and following centuries. 
 
 That the Reformation strengthened the state was in- 
 evitable, for there was no practical alternative to put- 
 ting the final authority in spiritual matters, after the 
 pope had been ejected, into the hands of the civil gov- 
 ernment. Congregationalism was tried and failed as 
 tending to anarchy. But how little the Reformation 
 was really responsible for the new despotism and the 
 divine right of kings, is clear from a comparison with 
 
748 THE REFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 the Greek church and the Turkish Empire. In both, 
 the same forces which produced the state churches of 
 Western Europe operated in the same way. Selim I, 
 a bigoted Sunnite, after putting down the Shi 'ite her- 
 esy, induced the last caliph of the Abbasid dynasty to 
 surrender the sword and mantle of the prophet ; there- 
 after he and his successors were caliphs as well as 
 sultans. In Russia Ivan the Terrible made himself, 
 in 1547, head of the national church. 
 Capitalism Protestantism also harmonized with the capitalistic 
 revolution in that its ethics are, far more than those 
 of Catholicism, oriented by a reference to this world. 
 The old monastic ideal of celibacy, solitude, mortifica- 
 tion of the flesh, prayer and meditation, melted under 
 the sun of a new prosperity. In its light men began 
 to realize the ethical value of this life, of marriage, of 
 children, of daily labor and of success and prosperity. 
 It was just in this work that Protestantism came to see 
 its chance of serving God and one's neighbor best. 
 The man at the plough, the maid with the broom, said 
 Luther, are doing God better service than does the 
 praying, self -tormenting monk. 
 
 Moreover, the accentuation of the virtues of thrift 
 and industry, which made capitalism and Calvinism 
 allies, but reflected the standards natural to the bour- 
 ( geois class. It was by the might of the merchants and 
 their money that the Reformation triumphed; con- 
 versely they benefited both by the spoils of the church 
 and by the abolition of a privileged class. Luther 
 stated that there was no difference between priest and 
 layman; some men were called to preach, others to 
 make shoes, but — and this is his own illustration — the 
 one vocation is no more spiritual than the other. No 
 longer necessary as a mediator and dispenser of sacra- 
 mental grace, the Protestant clergyman sank inevi- 
 tably to the same level as his neighbors. 
 
CONCLUDING ESTIMATE 
 
 749 
 
 Individ- 
 ualism 
 
 (3) In its relation to the Renaissance and to modern inteUectual 
 thought the Eeformation solved, in its way, two prob- ^^^^^ 
 lenis, or one problem, that of authority, in two forms. 
 Though anything but consciously rational in their pur- 
 pose, the innovating leaders did assert, at least for 
 themselves, the right of private judgment. Appealing 
 from indulgence-seller to pope, from pope to council, 
 from council to the Bible and (in Luther's own words) 
 from the Bible to Christ, the Reformers finally came to 
 their own conscience as the supreme court. Trying to 
 deny to others the very rights they had fought to se- 
 cure for themselves, yet their example operated more 
 powerfully than their arguments, even when these were 
 made of ropes and of thumb-screws. The delicate bal- 
 ance of faith was overthrown and it was put into a con- 
 dition of unstable equilibrium; the avalanche, started 
 by ever so gentle a push, swept onward until it buried 
 the men who tried to stop it half way. Dogma slowly 
 narrowing down from precedent to precedent had its 
 logical, though unintended, outcome in complete religi- 
 ous autonomy, yes, in infidelity and ske^^ticism. 
 
 Protestantism has been represented now as the ally, Vulgariza 
 now as the enemy of humanism. Consciously it was 
 neither. Eatlier, it was the vulgarization of the Re- 
 naissance; it transformed, adapted, and popularized 
 many of the ideas originated by its rival. It is easy 
 to see now that the future lay rather outside of both 
 churches than in either of them, if we look only for 
 direct descent. Columbus burst the bounds of the 
 world, Copernicus those of the universe; Luther only 
 broke his vows. But the point is that the repudiation 
 of religious vows was the hardest to do at that time, 
 a feat infinitely more impressive to the masses than 
 either of the former. It was just here that the re- 
 ligious movement became a great solvent of conserv- 
 atism; it made the masses think, passionately if not 
 
 tion of the 
 Renais- 
 sance 
 
750 THE REFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 The Re- 
 formation 
 a step 
 forward 
 
 deeply, on their own beliefs. It broke the cake of 
 custom and made way for greater emancipations than 
 its own. It was the logic of events that, whereas the 
 /Renaissance gave freedom of thought to the cultivated 
 few, the Reformation finally resulted in tolerance for 
 the masses. Logically also, even while it feared and 
 hated philosophy in the great thinkers and scientists, 
 it advocated education, up to a certain point, for the 
 masses. 
 
 In summary, if the Reformation is judged with his- 
 torical imagination, it does not appear to be primarily 
 a reaction. That it should be such is both a priori im- 
 probable and unsupported by the facts. The Reforma- 
 tion did not give our answer to the many problems it 
 was called upon to face ; nevertheless it gave the solu- 
 tion demanded and accepted by the time, and therefore 
 historically the valid solution. With all its limitations 
 it was, fundamentally, a step forward and not the re- 
 turn to an earlier standpoint, either to that of primitive 
 Christianity, as the Reformers themselves claimed, or 
 to the dark ages, as has been latterly asserted. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 PRELIMINARY 
 
 1. Unpublished Sources. 
 
 The amount of important unpublished documents on the 
 Reformation, though still large, is much smaller than that of 
 printed sources, and the value of these manuscripts is less 
 than that of those which have been published. It is no pur- 
 pose of this bibliography to furnish a guide to archives. 
 
 Though the quantity of unpublished material that I have 
 used has been small, it has proved unexpectedly rich. In 
 order to avoid repetition in each following chapter, I will 
 here summarize manuscript material used (most of it for the 
 first time), which is either still unpublished or is in course of 
 publication by myself. See Luther's Correspondence, transl. 
 and ed. by Preserved Smith and C. M. Jacobs, 1913 ff ; Eng- 
 lish Historical Review, July 1919 ; Scottish Historical Re- 
 view, Jan. 1919 ; Harvard Theological Review, April 1919 ; 
 The N. Y. Nation, various dates 1919. 
 
 From the Bodleian Library, I have secured a copy of an 
 unpublished letter and other fragments of Luther, press mark, 
 Montagu d. 20, fol. 225, and Aiict. Z. ii, 2. 
 
 From the British Museum I have had diplomatic corre- 
 spondence of Robert Barnes, Cotton MSS., Vitellius B XXI, 
 foil. 120 ff. ; a letter of Albinianus Tretius to Luther, Add. 
 MS. 19, 959, fol. 4b ff ; and a portion of John Foxe's Collec- 
 tion of Letters and Papers, Harleian MS 419, fol. 125. 
 
 From the Pennsylvania Historical Society, Philadelphia, 
 collection of autographs made by Ferdinand J. Dreer, unpub- 
 lished and hitherto unused letters of Erasmus, James VI of 
 Scotland (2), Leo X, Hedio, Farel to Calvin, Forster, Melanch- 
 thon, Charles V, Albrecht of Mansfeld, Henry VIII, Francis I 
 (3), Catherine de' Medici, Grynaeus, Viglius van Zuichem, 
 Alphonso d'Este, Philip IMarnix, Camden, Tasso, Machiavelli, 
 Pius IV, Vassari, Borromeo, Alesandro Ottavio de' Medici 
 (afterwards Leo XI), Clement VIII, Sarpi, Emperor Ferd- 
 inand, William of Nassau (1559), Maximilian III, Paul Eber 
 
 751 
 
752 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 (2), Hudolph II, Henry III, Philip II, Emanuel Philibert, 
 Henry IV, Scaliger, Mary Queen of Scots, Robert Dudley 
 (Leicester), Filippo Strozzi, and others. 
 
 From Wellesley College a patent of Charles V., dated 
 Worms, March 6, 1521, granting mining rights to the Count 
 of Belalcazar. Unpublished. 
 
 From the American Hispanic Society of New York un- 
 published letter of Henry IV of France to Du Pont, on his 
 conversion, and letter of Henry VII of England to Ferdi- 
 nand of Aragon. 
 
 2. General "Works 
 
 Encyclopaedia Britannica}'^ 1910-1. (Many valuable arti- 
 cles of a thoroughly scientific character). 
 
 The New International EncyclopcEdia, 1915f. (Equally valu- 
 able). 
 
 Bealencyklopddie filr protestantische Theologie und Eirche.^ 
 24 vols. Leipzig. 1896-1913. (Indispensable to the 
 student of Church History; The Schaff-Herzog Encyclo- 
 pedia of Religious Knowledge, 12 vols., 1908 ff, though 
 in part based on this, is far less valuable for the present 
 subject). 
 
 Wetzer und Welte: Kirchefilexikon oder Encyklopddie der 
 JcathoHischen Theologie und ihrer Hillfswissenschaften. 
 Zweite Auflage von J. Card. Hergenrother und F. 
 Kaulen. Freiburg im Breisgau. 1880-1901. 12 vols. 
 (Valuable). 
 
 Die Religion in Geischichte und Gegenwart, hg. von H. Gunkel, 
 0. Scheel, F. M. Schiele. 5 vols. 1909-13. 
 
 The Cambridge Modern History, planned by Lord Acton, 
 edited by A. W. Ward, G. W. Prothero, Stanley Leathes. 
 London and New York. 1902 ff. Vol. 1. The Renais- 
 samce. 1902. Vol. 2. The Reforination. 1904. Vol. 
 3. The Wars of Religion. 1905. Vol. 13. Tables and 
 Index. 1911. Vol. 14. Maps. 1912. (A standard 
 co-operative work, with full bibliographies). 
 
 Weltgeschichte, hg.v.J. von Pflugk-Harttung : Das Religiose 
 Zeit alter, 1500-1650. Berlin. 1907. (A co-operative 
 work, written by masters of their subjects in popular 
 style. Profusely illustrated). 
 
 E. Lavisse et A. Rambaud: Histoire generate du IV e siecle 
 a nos jours. Tome IV Renaissance et reforme, les nou- 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 753 
 
 veaux mondes 1492-1559. 1894. Tome V. Les guerres 
 
 de religion 1559-1648. 1895. 
 R. L. Poole: Historical Atlas of Modern Europe. 1902. 
 W. R. Shepherd: Historical Atlas. 1911. 
 Ramsay Muir: Hammond's New Historical Atlas for 
 
 Students. 1914. 
 A list of general histories of the Reformation will be found 
 in the bibliography to the last chapter. 
 
 An excellent introduction to the bibliography of the public 
 documents of all countries will be found in the Encyclopaedia 
 Britannica, s.v. ' ' Record, ' ' 
 
 CHAPTER I. THE OLD AND THE NEW 
 § 1. The World 
 
 On economic changes see bibliography to chapter xi; on 
 
 exploration, chapter ix; on universities, chapter xiii, 3. On 
 
 printing : 
 
 J. Janssen: A History of the German People from the Close 
 of the Middle Ages, transl. by M. A. Mitchell and A. M. 
 Christie. 2d English ed. 16 volumes. 1905-1(>. 
 
 A. W. Pollard: Fine Books. 1912. 
 
 T. L. De Vinne: The hivention of Printing. 1878. 
 
 Veroffe7itlichuvgen dcr Gutenherg-Gesellschaft. 1901 ff. 
 
 H. Meisner und J. Luther: Die Erfindung der Buchdrucker- 
 kunst. 1900. 
 
 Article ''Typography'' in Encyclopaedia Britamiica. (The 
 author defends the now untenable thesis that printing 
 originated in Holland, though the numerous and valua- 
 ble data given by himself point clearly to Mayence as 
 the cradle of the art). 
 
 §§2 and 3 The Church, Causes of the Reformation. 
 
 Sources. 
 
 C. Mirbt: Quellen zur Geschichte des Papsttums und der 
 
 romischen Katholizismus.^ 1911. (Convenient and 
 
 scholarly; indispensable to any one who has not a large 
 
 library at command). 
 The Missal, compiled from the Missale Romanum. 1913. 
 The Priest's New Ritual, compiled by P. Griffith. 1902. 
 
 (The rites of the Roman Church, except the Mass, partly 
 
 in Latin, partly in English). 
 
754 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 The Catechism of the Council of Trent, translated into 
 English by J. Donovan. 1829. 
 
 Corpus Juris Canonici, post curas A. L. E/ichteri instruxit 
 Aemilius Friedberg. 2 vols. 1879-81. 
 
 Codex Juris Canonici, Pii X jussu digestus, Benedicti XV 
 auctoritate promulgatus. 1918. 
 
 Thomas Aquinas: Summa Theologice. Many editions; the 
 best, with a conunentary by Cardinal Cajetan (1469- 
 1534) in Opera Omnia, iussu impensaque Leonis XIII 
 PP. vols. 4-10. 1882 ff. 
 
 The Summa theologica of St. Thomas Aquinas, translated by 
 the Fathers of the English Dominican Province, 1911 ff. 
 (In course of publication, as yet, 6 vols). 
 
 "Von der Hardt: Magnum Oecumenicum Constantiense Con- 
 silium. 6 vols. 1700. 
 
 D. Mansi: Conciliorum nova et ampUssima collectio. Vols. 
 
 27-32. Venice. 1784 ff. (Identical reprint, Paris, 
 
 1902). 
 Most of the best literature of the 14th and 15th centuries, 
 
 e.g., the works of Chaucer, Langland, Boccaccio and Pe- 
 
 trach. 
 Special works of ecclesiastical writers, humanists, nationalists 
 
 and heretics quoted below. 
 V. Hasak: Der christliche Glaube des deutschen Volkes ieim 
 
 Schlusse des Mittelalters. 1868. (A collection of works 
 
 of popular edification prior to Luther). 
 G. Berbig: "Die erste kursdchsische Visitation im Ortland 
 
 Franken." Archiv filr Beformationsgeschichte, iii. 336- 
 
 402; iv. 370-408. 1905-6. 
 
 Treatises. 
 
 E. Friedberg: Lehrhuch des katholischen und evangelischen 
 
 Kirchenrechts.^ Leipzig. 1903. 
 
 L. Pastor: History of the Popes from the close of the Mid- 
 dle Ages. English translation,^ vols. 1-6 edited by An- 
 trobus, vols. 7-12 edited by R. Kerr. 1899 f£. (Ex- 
 haustive, brilliantly written. Catholic, a little one-sided). 
 
 Mandel Creighton: A History of the Papacy 1378-1527. 6 
 vols. 189? ff. (Good, but in large part superseded by 
 Pastor). 
 
 F. Gregorovius: A History of Rome in the Middle Ages, 
 
 translated by A. Hamilton, vols. 7 and 8. 1900. 
 (Brilliant). 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 755 
 
 Schaff's History of the Christian Church. Vol. 5, part 2. 
 
 The Middle Ages. 129J^1517, by D. S. Schaff. 1910. 
 
 (A scholarly summary, warmly Protestant). 
 J. Schnitzer: Quellcn und Forschungen zur Geschichte Sa- 
 
 vonarolas. 3 vols. 1902-4. 
 J. Schnitzer: Savonarola im Streite mit seinem Orden und 
 
 scinem Kloster. 1914. 
 H. Lucas: Fra Girolamo Savonarola." 1906. 
 H. C. Lea: An Historical Sketch of Sacerdotal Celibacy.^ 2 
 
 vols. 1907. (Lea's valuable works evince a marvelously 
 
 wide reading in the sources, but are slightly marred by 
 
 an insufficient use of modern scholarship). 
 H. C. Lea: A History of Auricular Confession and Indul- 
 gences in the Latin Church. 3 vols. 1896. 
 Aloys Schulte: Die Fugger in Rom, 1495-1523. 2 vols. 
 
 Leipzig. 1904. (Describes the financial methods of the 
 
 church. The second volume consists of documents). 
 E. Rodocanachi: Rome au temps de Jules II et de Leon X. 
 
 1912. 
 H. Bbhmer: Luthers Romfahrt. 1914. (The latter part of 
 
 this work gives a dark picture of the corruption of Rome 
 
 at the beginning of the 16th century). 
 
 § 4. The Mystics 
 
 Sources. 
 W. K. Inge: Life, Light and Love. 1904. (Selections from 
 
 Eckart, Tauler, Suso, Ruysbroeck, etc.). 
 H. Denifle: '^M. Eckeharts lateinische Schriften und die 
 
 Grundanschauung seiner Lehre." Archiv fiXr Literatur- 
 
 U72d Sprachgeschichte. ii. 416-652. 
 Meister Eckeharts Schriften und Predigten aus dem Mittel- 
 
 hochdeutschen iibersetzt von H. Buttner. 2 vols. 1912. 
 H. Seuses Deutsche Schriften iibertragen von W. Lehmann. 
 
 2 vols. 1914. 
 J. Taulers Predigten, iibertragen von W. Lehmann. 2 vols. 
 
 1914. 
 Thomas k Kempis: imitatio Christi. (So many editions and 
 
 translations of this celebrated work that it is hardly 
 
 necessary to specify one). 
 The German Theology, translated by Susannah Winkworth. 
 
 1854. 
 
756 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Treatises. 
 Kuno Francke: '' Medieval German Mysticism." Harvard 
 
 Theological Review, Jan., 1912. 
 G. Siedel: Die Mystik Taulers. 1911. 
 M. Windstosser : Etude sur la 'Theologie germanique.' 
 
 1912. 
 W. Preger: Geschichte der deutschen Mystik im Mittelalter. 
 
 3 vols. 1874-93. 
 History and Life of the Bev. John Tauler, with 25 sermons, 
 
 translated by Susannah Winkworth. 1858, 
 M. Maeterlinck: Riiyshroeck and the Mystics, with selections 
 
 from Ruysbroeek, translated by J. T. Stoddard. 1894. 
 J. E. G. de Montmorency: Thomas a Kempis, his Age and 
 
 his Book. 1906. 
 A. R. Burr: Religious Confessions and Confessants. 1914. 
 
 (The best psychological study of mysticism). 
 
 § 5. Pre-Reformers 
 
 Sources. 
 J. Wyclif's Select English Works, ed. by T. Arnold. 1869- 
 
 71. 3 vols. 
 J. Wyclif's English Works hitherto unprinfed, ed. F. 
 Matthew. 1880. 
 
 F. Palacky : Documenta Magistri J. Hus. 1869. 
 
 The Letters of John Huss, translated by H. B. Workman and 
 
 R. M. Pope. 1904. 
 "Wyclif's Latin Works have been edited in many volumes by 
 
 the Wyclif Society of London, the last volume being 
 
 the Opera minora, 1913. 
 John Huss: The Church, translated by D. S. Schaff. 1915. 
 
 Treatises. 
 H. C. Lea : A History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages. 
 3 vols. 1888. 
 
 G. M. Trevelyan : England in the Age of Wyclif ^. 1899. 
 F. A. Gasquet: The Eve of the Reformation-. 1905. 
 
 F. Palacky : Geschichte von Bohmen.^ 1864 ff. 5 vols. 
 
 J. H. Wylie : The Council of Constance to the Death of John 
 
 Hus. 1900. 
 H. B. Workman: The Dawn of the Reformation. The Age 
 
 of Hus. 1902. 
 Count F. Liitzow: The Hussite Wars. 1914. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 757 
 
 Count F. Liitzow. The Life and Times of Master John Hus. 
 1909. 
 
 D. S. Schaff : The Life of John Hus. 1915. 
 
 § 6. Nationalizing the Churches 
 
 Most of the bibliography in this chapter is given below, in 
 
 the chapters on Germany, England and France. 
 Freher et Struvius. Eerum Germa/n icarum Scriptores. 
 
 (1717.) pp. 676-1704: "Gravamina Germanicae Na- 
 
 tionis ... ad C^esarem Maximilianum contra Sedem 
 
 Romanam. ' ' 
 C. G. F. Walcli: Monximenta medii aevi. (1757.) pp. 101- 
 
 110. "Gravamina nationis Germanics adversus curiam 
 
 Romanam, tempore Nieolai V Papfe. " 
 B. Gebhardt: Die Gravamina der deutschen Nation gegen den 
 
 romischen Hof. 1895. 
 Documents illustrative of English Church History, compiled 
 
 by Henry Gee and W. J. Hardy. 1896. 
 A. Werminghoff : Geschichte der Kirchenverfassung Deutsch- 
 
 lands im Mittelalter. Band I.^ 1913. 
 A. Stormann : Die Stddtischen Gravamina gegen den Klerus. 
 
 1916. 
 
 § 7, The Humanists 
 
 Sources. 
 
 The Utopia of Sir Thomas More. Ralph Robinson's transla- 
 tion, with Roper's Life of More and some of his letters. 
 Edited by G. Sampson and A. Guthkelch, With Latin 
 Text of the Utopia. 1910. (Bohn's Libraries). 
 
 Der Briefwechsel des Mutianus Bufus, bearbeitet von C. 
 Krause. 1885. 
 
 J. Beuchlins Brieftvcchsel, hg. von L. Geiger. 1875. 
 
 E. Bocking: Hutteni Opera. 1859-66. 5 vols. 
 
 Epistolcp Ohscurorum Virorxnn: The Latin Text with an 
 English translation, Notes and an Historical Introduc- 
 tion by F. G. Stokes. 1909. 
 
 Des. Erasmi Roterodami Opera Omnia, curavit J. Clericus. 
 1703-6. 10 vols. 
 
 Des. Erasmi Roterodami Opus Epistolarum, ed. P. S. Allen. 
 1906 ff. (A wonderful edition of the letters, in course 
 of publication. As yet 8 vols). 
 
 The Colloquies of Des. Erasmus, translated by N. Bailey, ed. 
 by E. Johnson. 1900. 3 vols. 
 
758 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 The Praise of Folly. Written by Erasmus 1509 and trans- 
 lated by John Wilson 1668, edited by Mrs. P. S. Allen. 
 1913. 
 
 The Epistles of Erasmus, translated by F. M, Nichols. 1901- 
 18. 3 vols. (To 1519). 
 
 The Ship of Fools, translated by Alexander Barclay. 2 vols. 
 1874. (Sebastian Brandt's Narrenschiff in the old trans- 
 lation). 
 
 Treatises. 
 P. Monnier: Le Quattrocento. 2 vols. 1908. (Work of a 
 
 high order). 
 L. Geiger: Renaissance und Humanismus in Italien und 
 
 Deutschland. 1882. (In Oncken's Series). 2d ed. 
 
 1899. 
 J. Burckhardt: Die Cultur der Renaissance in Italien. 20. 
 
 Auflage von L. Geiger. Berlin. 1919. (Almost a 
 
 classic). 
 P. Villari : Niccold Machiavelli and His Times, translated by 
 
 Mrs. Villari \ 4 vols. 1891. 
 W. H. Hutten: Sir Thomas More. 1900. 
 J. A. Froude: The Life and Letters of Erasmus. London. 
 
 1895. (Charmingly written, but marred by gross care- 
 lessness). 
 E. Emerton: Erasmus. New York. 1900. 
 G. V. Jourdan: The Movement towards Catholic Reform in 
 
 the early XVI Century. 1914. 
 A. Humbert: Les Origines de la Theologie moderne. Paris. 
 
 1911. (Brilliant). 
 A. Renaudet: Prereforme et Humanisme a Paris 1494-1517. 
 
 1916. 
 
 CHAPTER II. GERMANY 
 
 General 
 
 List of References lOn the History of the Reformation in Ger- 
 many, ed. by G. L. Kieffer, W. AV. Rockwell and 0. H. 
 Pannkoke, 1917. 
 
 Dalilmann-Waitz : Quellenkunde der deutschen Geschichte.^ 
 1912. 
 
 G. Wolf: Quellenkunde der deutschen Reformationsge- 
 schichte. 2 vols. 1915-16. 
 
 A. Morel-Fatio : Eistoriographie de Charles-Quint. Pt. 1. 
 1913. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 759 
 
 B. J. Kidd: Documents illustrative of the Continental Be- 
 
 formation. 1911. 
 T. M. Lindsay: A History of the Reformation. Vol. 1, In 
 
 Germany. 1906. 
 J. Janssen: op. cit. 
 
 K. lamprecht: Deutsche Geschichte, vols, 4 and 5. 1894. 
 T. Brieger: Die Reformation. (In Pflugk-IIarttung's Welt- 
 
 geschichte: Das religiose Zeitalter 1500-1650. 1907; 
 
 also printed separatelj^ in enlarged form). 
 G. Mentz: Deutsche Geschichte 1493-1648. 1913. (The 
 
 best purely political summary). 
 M. de Foronda y Aguilera: Estaneias y viajes del Empera- 
 
 dor Carlos V, desde el dia de su nacimiento hasta el de su 
 
 muerte. 1914. 
 
 § 1. Luther 
 
 Bibliography in Catalogue of the British Museum. 
 
 Dr. Martin Luther's Werke. Kritisehe Gesamtausgabe, von 
 Knaake und Andern. Weimar. 1883 ff. (The stand- 
 ard edition of the Reformer's writings, in course of pub- 
 lication, approaching completion. As yet have appeared 
 more than fifty volumes of the Works, and, separately 
 numbered: Die Deutsche Bibel, 4 vols., and Tischreden, 
 4 vols.). 
 
 Dr. Martin Luther's Briefwechsel, bearbeitet von E. L. En- 
 ders (vols. 12 ff. fortgesetzt von G. Kawerau). 1884 ff. 
 (In course of publication; as yet 17 volumes). 
 
 Luther's Brief e, herausgegeben von W. L. M. de Wette. 6 
 vols. 1825-56. 
 
 Luther's Primary Works , translated by H. Wace and C. A. 
 Buchheim. 1896. 
 
 The Works of Martin Luther, translated and edited by W. 
 A. Lambert, J. J. Schindel, A. T. W. Steinhaeuser, A. 
 L. Steimle and C. M. Jacobs. 1915 ff. (To be complete 
 in ten volumes ; as yet 2) . 
 
 Luther's Correspo7idence and other Contemporary Letters, 
 translated and edited by Preserved Smith. Vol. I, 1913. 
 Vol. II, in collaboration with C. M. Jacobs, 1918. 
 
 Conversations with Luther, Selections from the Table Talk, 
 translated and edited by Preserved Smith and H. P. Gall- 
 inger. 1915. 
 
760 BIBLIOGEAPHY 
 
 Melanchthonis Opera, ed. Bretschneider und Bindseil. 1834 
 ff. In Corpus Keforniatorum vols, i-xxviii. 
 
 J. Kostlin: Martin Luther, fiinfte Auflage besorgt von G. 
 Kawerau, 2 vols. 1903. (The standard biography. 
 The English translation made from, the edition of 1883 
 in no vs^ise represents the scholarship of the last edition). 
 
 A. Hausrath: Luther's Lehen, neue Auflage von H. von Schu- 
 bert. 1914. (Excellent). 
 
 H. G-risar: Luther. English translation by F. M. Lamond. 
 1913 ff. (Six volumes, representing the German three. 
 A learned, somewhat amorphous work, from the Catholic 
 standpoint, but not unfair). 
 
 H. Denifle : Luther und Lutherthum in der ersten Entwick- 
 lungK 3 vols. 1904 ff. (G. P. Gooch calls " Denifle 's 
 eight hundred pages hurled at the memory of the Re- 
 former among the most repulsive books in historical lit- 
 erature"; nevertheless the author is so wonderfully 
 learned that much may be acquired from him). 
 
 A. C. McGiffert: Martin Luther, the Man and his Work. 
 1911. 
 
 Preserved Smith: The Life and Letters of Martin Luther^. 
 1914. 
 
 0. Scheel: Martin Luther, vom Katholizismus zur Reforma- 
 tion.'^ 2 vols. 1917. (Detailed study of Luther until 
 1517. Warmly Protestant). 
 
 W. W. Rockwell: Die Doppelehe des Landgrafen Philipp von 
 Hessen. 1904. (Work of a high order). 
 
 §§ 2-5. The Revolution 
 
 Deutsche Beichstagsakten unter Karl V, herausgegeben von 
 
 A. Kluckhohn and A. Wrede. 1893 ff. (Four volumes 
 
 to 1524 have appeared). 
 Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschla7id nehst ergdnzenden Akten- 
 
 stiicken, herausgegeben durch das Konigliche Preussische 
 
 Institut in Rom. Erste Abtheilung 1533-59. 1892^ ff. 
 
 (As yet have appeared vols. 1-6, 8-12). 
 Emil Sehling: Die Evangelischen Kirchenordungen des XVI 
 
 Jahrhunderts. 5 vols. 1902-13. 
 E. Armstrong: The Emperor Charles V^. 2 vols. 1910. 
 ■Christopher Hare : A Great Emperor. 1917. (Popular). 
 0. Clemen: Flugschriften aus der Reformationszeit. 4 vols. 
 
 1904-10. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 761 
 
 0. Schade: Satiren und Pasquille aus der Reformationszeit.^ 
 
 3 vols. 1863. 
 H. Barge: Der deutsche Bauernkrieg in zeifgenossischen 
 
 Quellenzeugnissen. 2 vols. (No date, published about 
 
 1914. A small and cheap selection from the sources 
 
 turned into modern German). 
 J. S. Scliapiro: Social Reform and the Reformation. 1909. 
 
 (Gives some of the texts and a good treatment of the 
 
 popular movement). 
 
 E. Belfort Bax: The Peasants' War in Germany. 1889. 
 
 (Based chiefly on Janssen, and unscholarly, but worth 
 
 mentioning considering the paucity of English works). 
 
 See also articles Carlstadt, Karlstadt, T. Miinzer, Sick- 
 
 ingen, etc. in the Encyclopaedia of Relig-ious Knowledge 
 
 and other works of reference. 
 W. Stolze: Der deutsche Bauernkrieg. 1908. 
 P. Wappler: Die Tduferhewegung in Thilringen 1526-84. 
 
 1913. 
 B. Bax: Rise and Fall of the Anahaptists. 1903. 
 P. Wappler: Die Stellung Kursachsens und Landgraf Phil- 
 
 ipps von Hessen zur Tauferbewegung. 1910. 
 
 F. W. Schirrmacher : Brief e und Akten zur Geschicte des Re- 
 
 ligionsgc.sprdches zu Marburg 1529 und des Reichstages 
 zii Augsburg, 1530. 1876. 
 
 H. von Schubert: Bekenntnisbildung und Religionspolitik 
 1529-30. 1910. 
 
 "W. Gussmann : Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte des 
 Augsburgischen Glaubensbekenntnises. Die Ratschlage 
 der evangelischen Reichsstande zum Reichstag zu Augs- 
 burg. 3 vols. 1911. 
 
 Politische Korrespondenz des Herzog und KurfUrst Moritz 
 
 von Sachsen, hg. v. E. Brandenburg. 2 vols, (as yet), 
 
 1900, 1904. 
 S. Cardauns: Zur Geschichte der Kirchlichen Unions — und 
 
 Reformbestrebungen 1538-42. 1910. 
 P. Heidrich : Karl V und die deutschen Protestanten am Vor- 
 
 ahend des Schmalkaldischen Krieges. 2 vols. 1911-12. 
 
 G. Mentz: Johann Friedrich, vol. 3, 1908. 
 
 See also the works cited above by Annstrong, Pflugk-Hart- 
 tung, Janssen, Pastor, The Cambridge Modern History, and 
 documents in Kidd. 
 
762 BIBLIOGEAPHY 
 
 § 6. Scandinavia, Poland, and Hungary 
 
 Documents in Kidd, and treatment in The Cambridge 
 Modern History. 
 Acta Pontificum Danica, Band VI 1513-36. Udgivet af A. 
 
 Kranip og J. Lindbaek. 1915. 
 C. F. Allen: Histoire de Danemark, traduite par E. Beauvois. 
 
 2 vols. 1878. 
 P. B. Watson : The Swed/ish Revolution under Giistavus Vasa. 
 
 1889. 
 Specimen diplomatarii norvagici . . . ah vetustiorihus inde 
 
 temporihus usque ad finem seculi XVI. Ved Gr. Fou- 
 
 gner Lundh. 1828. 
 J. Lund: Histoire de Norvege . . . traduite par G. Moch. 
 
 1899. 
 Norges historic, fremstillet for det nor she folk af A. Bugge, 
 
 E. Hertzberg, 0. A. Johnsen, Yngvar Nielsen, J. E. Sars, 
 
 A. Taranger. 1912. 
 C. Zivier: Neuere Geschichte Polens. Band I. 1506-72. 
 
 1915. 
 T. Wotschke: Geschichte der Reformation in Polen. 1911. 
 A. Berga. Pierre Skarga 1536-1612 . Etude sur la Pologne 
 
 du XVIe siecle et le Protestantisme polonais. 1916. 
 F. E. Wiitton: A History of Poland. 1917. (Popular). 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 SWITZERLAND 
 § 1. Zwingli 
 
 Ulrichi Zwinglii opera ed. Sehuler und Sehulthess, 8 vols. 
 
 1828-42. 
 Ulrich ZwingUs Werke, hg. von Egli, Finsler und Kohler, 
 
 1904 ff. (Corpus Reformatorum, vols. 88 ff). As yet, 
 
 vols, i, ii, iii, vii. viii. 
 Ulrich ZwingU's Selected Works, translated and edited by S. 
 
 M. Jackson. 1901. 
 The Latin Works and Correspondence of Huldreich Zwingli, 
 
 ed. S. M. Jackson, vol. i, 1912. 
 Vadianische Brief sammlung , hg. von E. Arbenz und H. Wart- 
 
 mann, 1890-1913. 7 vols, and 6 supplements. 
 Der Brief wechsel der Brilder Amhrosius und Thomas Blaurer, 
 
 hg. von T. Schiess, 3 vols. 1908-12. 
 Johannes Kesslers Sahbata, hg. von E. Egli and R. Schoch. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 763 
 
 1902. (Reliable source for the Swiss Reformation 1519- 
 
 39). 
 Bocumcnis in Kkld. 
 
 S. M. Jackson: Huldreich ZidingJi. 1900. 
 W. Kohler: ''Zwingli" in Pfliigk-Harttung's 7m Morgenrot 
 
 der Reformation, 1912. 
 
 E. Egli: Schiveizerische Beformationsgesckichte. Band I, 
 
 1519-25. 1910. 
 
 F. Humbel: Ulrich Zwingli und seine Reformation im Spie- 
 
 gel der gleichzeitigen Schweizerischen volkstilmlichen Dit- 
 
 cratur. 1913. 
 Cambridge Modern History, Lindsay, etc. 
 H. Earth: Bibliographie der Schweizer Geschichte. 3 vols. 
 
 1914 f. 
 Bibliography in G. "Wolf, Quellenkunde, vol. 2. 
 On Jetzer see Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart, s.v. 
 
 ' ' Jetzer Prozess, ' ' and R. Reuss : ' ' Le Proces des Domin- 
 
 icains de Berne," Revue de VHistoire des Religions, 1905, 
 
 237 ff. 
 P. Burckhardt: H. Zwingli. 1918. 
 W. Kohler: Ulrich Zwingli.'' 1917. 
 Ulrich Zwingli: Zum Geddchtnis der Zilrcher Reformation, 
 
 1519-1919, ed. H. Escher, 1919. (Sumptuous and valu- 
 able). 
 Amtliche Sammhmg der dlteren eidgenossischen Ahschiede, 
 
 Abt. 3 und 4. 1861 ff. 
 J. Strickler: Aktensammlung zur Schweizer Reformations- 
 
 geschichte. 1878. 
 J. Dierauer: Geschichte der schweizerischen Eidgenossen- 
 
 schaft. Band HI. 1907. 
 Hadorn: Kirchengeschichte der reform. Schweiz. 1907. 
 
 G. Tobler: Aktensammlung zur Geschichte der Berner Re- 
 
 formation. 1918. 
 E. Egli: Analecta Reformatoria. 2 vols. 1899-1901. 
 
 § 2. Calvin 
 
 Bibliography in Wolf : Quellenkunde, ii. 
 
 Correspondance des Reformateurs dans les Pays de langue 
 
 franqaise ^, pub. par A. L. Herminjard. 9 vols. 1878 ff. 
 Calvirii Opera omnia, ed. G. Baum, E. Cunitz, E. Reuss, 59 
 
 vols. 1866 ff. (Corpus Reformatorum vols. 29-87). 
 John Calvin: The Institutes of the Christian Religion, trans- 
 
764 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 lated by J. Allen. Ed. by B. B. Warfield. 2 vols. 1909., 
 The Letters of John Calvin, compiled by J. Bonnet, translated' 
 
 from the original Latin and French. 4 vols. 1858. 
 J. Calvin: Institution de la religion chrestienne, reimprimee, 
 
 sous la direction d' A. Lefranc par H. Chatelain et J. 
 
 Pannir. 1911. 
 The Life of John Calvin &y Theodore Beza, translated by H. 
 
 Beveridge. 1909, 
 A. Lang : Johann Calvin. 1909. 
 W. Walker: J. Calvin. 1906. (Best biography). 
 H. Y. Reyburn: John Calvin. 1914. 
 
 J. Doumergue: Jean Calvin. As yet 5 vols. 1899-1917. 
 E. Knodt: Die Bedeutimg Calvins und Calvinismus filr die 
 
 protestantische Welt. 1913. (Extensive bibliography 
 
 and review of recent works). 
 
 E. Troeltsch: ''Calvin," Hihhert Journal, viii, 102 ff. 
 
 T. C. Hall: "Was Calvin a Reformer or a Reactionary?" 
 Hihhert JourTial, vi, 171 ff. 
 
 Etienne Giran: Sehastien Castellion. 1913. (Severe judg- 
 ment of Calvin from the liberal Protestant standpoint). 
 
 Allan Menzies: The Theology of Calvin. 1915. 
 
 H. D. Foster: Calvin's programme for a Puritan State in 
 Geneva 1536-41. 1908. 
 
 F. Brunetiere: "L'oeuvre litteraire de Calvin." Bevue des 
 
 Deux Mondes, 4 serie, clxi, pp. 898 ff. (1900). 
 E. lobstein: Kalvin und Montaigne. 1909. 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 FRANCE 
 
 Sources. 
 A. Molinier, H. Hauser, E. Bourgeois (et autres) : Les Sources 
 
 de Vhistoire de France depuis les origines jusqu'en 1815. 
 
 Deuxieme Partie. Le XVIe siecle, 149^1610, par. II. 
 
 Hauser. 4 vols. 1906-1915. (Valuable, critical bibliog- 
 raphy of sources). 
 Recueil generale des anciennes lois fran^aises, par Isambert, 
 
 Decrusy, Armet. Tomes 12-15 (1514-1610). 1826 ff. 
 OrdonnaTices des rois de France. Regne de Francois I. 10 
 
 vols. 1902-8. 
 Michel de L'Hopital: (Euvres completes, ed. Dufey. 4 vols. 
 
 1824-5. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 765 
 
 Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris sous le regne de Frangois lev 
 
 (1515-36), ed. par L. Lalanne. 1854. 
 Commentaires de Blaise de Monhic, ed. P. Courtreault. 3 
 
 vols. 1911 ff. 
 Memoires-journaux du due de Guise 1547-61, ed. Michaud et 
 
 Poujoulat. 1839. 
 (Euvres completes de Pierre de Bourdeille, seigneur de Bran- 
 tome, ed. par L. Lalanne, 11 vols. 1864-82. 
 Histoire Ecclesiastique des Eglises reformees au Royaume de 
 
 France, ed. G. Baum et E. Cunitz, 3 vols. 1883-9. 
 
 (This history first appeared anonymously in 1580 in 3 
 
 vols. The place of publication is given as Antwerp, but 
 
 probably it was really Geneva. The author has been 
 
 thought by many to be Theodore Beza. 
 Mcmoires of the Duke of Sully. English translation in 
 
 Bohn's Library. 3 vols. No date. 
 Crespin : Histoire des martyrs, persecutes et mis a mort pour 
 
 la vet^ite de V Evangile. Ed. of 1619. 
 Mfmoires de Martin et de Guillaume du Bellay, ed. par V. L. 
 
 Bourilly et F. Vindry. 4 vols. 1908-1920. 
 Correspondance des Reformateurs dans les pays de langue 
 
 frangaise, pub. par A. L, Herminjard. 9 vols. 1878 ff. 
 J. Fraikin: Nonciatures de la France. Vol. i, Clement VII, 
 
 1906. 
 Lettres de Catherine de Medicis, publiees par H. de la Ferriere 
 
 et B. de Puchesse. 10 vols. Paris. 1880-1909. 
 Catalogue generale de la Bibliotheque Nationale. Actes Roy- 
 
 aux. Vol. i, 1910. 
 
 Literature. 
 
 A. M. Whitehead: Gaspard de Coligny. 1904. 
 
 Louis BatifFol: The Century of the Re^iaissance, translated 
 from the French by E. F. Buckley, with an introduction 
 by J. E. C. Bodley. 1916. 
 
 J. W. Thompson: The Wars of Religion in France 1559-76. 
 ]909. 
 
 E. Lavisse : Histoire de France. Tome Cinquieme. I. Les 
 guerres d' Italic. La France sous Charles VIII, Louis 
 XII et Francois I, par H. Lemonnier. 1903. II. La 
 lutte centre la maison dAutriche. La France sous 
 Henri II, par H. Lemonnier. 1904. Tome Sixieme. I. 
 La Reforme et la Ligue. L'Edit de Nantes (1559-98), 
 par J. H. Mariejol. 1904. (Standard work). 
 
766 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 H. M. Baird: The Rise of the Huguenots in France, 2 vols. 
 1879. 
 
 H. M. Baird : The Huguenots and Henry of Navarre. 2 vols. 
 1886. 
 
 H.N.Williams: Henrill. 1910. 
 
 E. Marcks: Oaspard von Coligny: sein Leben und das 
 Frankreieh seiner Zeit. 1892. (Excellent, only Volume 
 I, taking Coligny to 1560, has appeared). 
 
 P. Imbart de la Tour: Les Origines de la Reforme. I. La 
 France Moderne. 1905. II. L'Eglise Catholique et la 
 Crise de la Renaissance. 1909. III. I 'Evangelisme 
 (1521-38). 1914. (Excellent work, social and cultural 
 rather than political). 
 
 E. Sichel: Catherine de' Medici and the French Reforma- 
 tion. 1905. 
 
 E. Sichel: The Later Years of Catherine de' Medici. 1908. 
 
 C. E. du Boulay: Historia Vniversitatis Parisiensis. Tomus 
 VI. 1673. 
 
 J. Michelet: Histoire de France. Vols. 8-10. First edition 
 1855 ff. (A beautiful book ; though naturally superseded 
 in part, it may still be read with profit). 
 
 W. Heubi: Francois I et le mouvement intellectuel en 
 France. 1914. 
 
 A. Autin: L' Echec de la Reforme en France au XVI ^ Ste- 
 ele, Contribution a T Histoire du Sentiment Eeligieux. 
 1918. 
 
 L. Bomier: Les Origines Politiques des Ouerres de Religion. 
 2 vols. 1911-13. 
 
 L. Bomier: "Les Protestants francais a la veille des guerres 
 civiles," Revue Historique, vol.\24, 1917, pp. Iff, 225 ff. 
 
 E. Armstrong: The French Wars of Religion. 1892. 
 
 C. G. Kelley: French Protestantism 1559-62. Johns Hop- 
 kins University Studies, vol. xxxvi, no. 4. 1919. 
 
 N. Weiss: La Chambre Ardente. 1889. 
 
 CHAPTER V. THE NETHERLANDS 
 
 H. Pirenne: Bibliographie de I'Histoire de Belgique. Cata- 
 logue des sources et des ouvrages principaux relatifs a 
 I'histoire de tons les Pays-Bas juaq'en 1598.^ 1902. 
 
 Sources : 
 
 Kervyn de Lettenhove: Relations politiques des Pays-Bas et 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 767 
 
 d'Angleterre. 10 vols. 1882-91. (Covers 1556-76). 
 
 Resolutien der Staaten-Generaal 1576-1609. Door N. Ja- 
 pikse. As yet 4 vols. (1576-84.) 1915-19. 
 
 Corpus document orum Inquisitionis . . . Neerlandicae . . . 
 Uitgegeven door P. Freclericq. Vols. 4-6, 1900 ft'. 
 
 Bihliotheca Beformatoria Neerlandica . . . Uitgegeven door 
 S. Cramer en F. Pijper. 1903-14. 10 vols. 
 
 Collectanea van Gerardus Geldenhauer Noviomagus . . . Uit- 
 gegeven . . . door J. Prinsen. 1901. 
 
 La Chasse aux Lutheriens des Pays-Bas. Souvenirs de Fran- 
 cisco de Enzinas. Paris. 1910. (Memoirs of a Spanish 
 Protestant in the Netherlands. This edition is beauti- 
 fully illustrated). 
 
 Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, publiee . . . par 
 M. Gachard. 1847-57. 6 vols. 
 
 Correspondance de Philippe II sur les affaires des Pays-Bas, 
 publiee . . . par M. Gachard. 5 vols. 1848-79. 
 
 H. Grotius: The Annals and History of the Loiv Country- 
 Wars, Rendered into English by T. M[anley]. 1665. 
 
 Calendar of State Papers, Foreign, of Elizabeth, ed. J. Steven- 
 son and others. London 1863-1916. (19 volumes to 
 date; much material on the Netherlands). 
 
 LiTERATUEE. 
 
 H. Pirenne: Eistoire de Belgique. Vols 3 and 4. 1907-11. 
 
 (Standard work, A German translation by F. Arnheim 
 
 was published of the third volume in 1907, before the 
 
 French edition, and of the 4th volume, revised and 
 
 slightly improved, in 1915). 
 P. J. Blok: History of the People of the Netherlands. 
 
 Translated by Ruth Putnam. Part 2, 1907, Part 3, 1900. 
 
 (Also a standard work). 
 E. Grossart: Charles V et Philippe II. 1910. 
 Felix Rachfahl: Wilhelm von Oranien und der 7iiederldnd- 
 
 ische Aufstand. Vols. 1 and 2. 1906-8. 
 Ruth Putnam: William the Silent (Heroes of the Nations). 
 
 1911. 
 P. Kalkoff: Anfdnge der Gegenreformation in den Nieder- 
 
 landen. 1903. (Monograph of value). 
 Geschiedenis van de Hervorming en de Hervormde Kerk der 
 
 Nederlanden, door J. Reitsma. Derde, bijgewerkte en 
 
768 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 vermeerderde Druk beworkt door L. A. von Langeraad 
 
 ... en bezorgd door F, Reitsma. 1916. 
 J. L. Motley: The Rise of the Dutch Republic. 1855. (A 
 
 classic, naturally in part superseded by later research). 
 J. F. Motley: The Life and Death of John of Oldenbarneveld. 
 
 1873. 
 J. C. Squire: William the Silent. (1918). 
 
 CHAPTER VI. ENGLAND 1509-88 
 
 Bibliographies in Cambridge Modern History, and in the Po- 
 litical History of England, by Pollard and Fisher, for 
 which see below. 
 
 Sources : 
 
 Letters and papers, foreign and domestic, of the reign of 
 Henry VIII, arranged by J. S. Brewer, J. Gairdner and 
 R. H. Brodie. 20 vols. (Monumental). 
 
 Similar series of "Calendars of State Papers" have been pub- 
 lished for English papers preserved at Rome (1 vol. 
 1916), Spain, (15 vols.), Venice (22 vols), Ireland (10 
 vols.), Domestic of Edward VI, Mary, Elizabeth and 
 James (12 vols.). Foreign Edward VI (1 vol.), Mary (1 
 vol.), Elizabeth (19 vols, to 1585), Milan (1 vol. 1912). 
 J The English Garner: Tudor Tracts 1532-88, ed. E. Arber. 
 8 vols. 1877-96. 
 
 Documents illustrative of English Church History, compiled 
 by H. Gee and W. J. Hardy. 1896. 
 
 Select Statutes and other Const^itutional Documents 1558- 
 1625, ed. G. W. Prothero.- 1898. 
 
 The Statutes of the Realm., printed by command of George 
 III. 1819 ff. 
 
 Select Cases before the King's Council in Star Chamber, ed. 
 I. S. Leadam. Vol. 2, 1509-44. Selden Society. 1911. 
 
 Original Letters, ed. by Sir H. Ellis. 1st series, 3 vols. 1824 ; 
 2d series 4 vols. 1827 ; 3 series 4 vols. 1846. 
 
 Literature : 
 
 H. A. I. Fisher: Political History of England 1485-1547. 
 New edition 1913. (Political History of England edited 
 by W. Hunt and R. L. Poole, vol. 5. Standard work). 
 
 A. F. Pollard: Political History of England 1547-1603. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 769 
 
 1910. (Political History of England ed. by Hunt and 
 Poole, vol. 6. Standard work). 
 
 L. D. Innes: England under the Tudors. 1905. 
 
 I. Gee: The Reformation Period. 1909. (Handbooks of 
 English Church History). 
 
 '. Gairdner : Lollardy and the Reform.ation. 4 vols. 1908 ff. 
 (Written by an immensely learned man with a very 
 strong high-church Anglican bias). 
 
 'reserved Smith: "Luther and Henry VIII," English His- 
 torical Review, xxv, 656 If, 1910. 
 
 •reserved Smith: "German Opinion of the Divorce of Henry 
 VIII," English Historical Review, xxvii, 671 11', 1912. 
 
 •reserved Smith: "Hans Luft of Marburg," Nation, May 16, 
 1912. 
 
 'reserved Smith: "News for Bibliophiles," Nation, May 29, 
 19i:{. (On early English translations of Luther). 
 
 ^reserved Smith: "Martin Luther and England," Nation, 
 Dec. 17, 1914. 
 
 •reserved Smith: "Complete List of Works of Luther in 
 English," LutJieran Quartcrlij, October, 1918. 
 
 \. R. Adair: "The Statute of Proclamations," English His- 
 torical Review, xxxii, 34 flP. 1917. 
 
 iOrd Ernest Hamilton: Elizahethan Ulster. (1919). 
 
 *eter Guilday: The English Catholic Refugees on the Conti- 
 nent 1558-1795. Vol. 1. 1914. (Brilliant study). 
 
 L F. Pollard: England under Protector Somerset. 1900. 
 
 L F. Pollard: Henry VIII. 1902. 
 
 L F. Pollard: Thomas Cranmer. 1906. 
 
 r. H. Pollen: The English Catholics in tJie Reign of Eliza- 
 beth. 1920. 
 
 ^ A. Gasqiiet: The Eve of the Reformation. New ed. 1900. 
 
 I. B. Merriman : The Life and Letters of Thomas Cromivell. J 
 2 vols. 1902. (Valuable). 
 
 L. 0. Meyer : England und die kathoUsche Kirche unter Eliz- 
 abeth. 1911. (Thorough and brilliant). Said to be 
 translated into English, 1916. 
 
 Li. Tresal: Les origines du schisme anglican 1509-71. 1908. 
 
 L J. Klein : Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth. 1917. 
 
 r. A. Froude: History of England from the Fall of Wolsey J 
 to the Armada. 12 vols. 1854-70. (Still the best 
 picture of the time. Strongly royalist and Protestant, 
 some errors in detail, brilliantly written). 
 
770 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Dictionary of National Biography, ed. by Leslie Stephens and 
 
 Sidney Lee. 63 vols. 1887-1900. 
 Carlos B. Lumsden: The Dawn of Modern England 1509-25. 
 
 1910. 
 Richard Bagwell: Ireland under the Tudors. 3 vols. 1885. 
 H. Holloway: The Reformation in Ireland. 1919. 
 Mrs. J. R. Green: The Making of Ireland and its Undoing 
 
 1200-1600. First edition 1908; revised and corrected 
 
 1909, (Nationalist; interesting), 
 H. N. Birt: The Elizabethan Religious Settlement. 1907. 
 W. Walch: England's Fight with the Papacy. 1912. 
 R. G. Usher: The Rise and Fall of High Commission. 1913. 
 Die Wittenberger Artikel von 1536, hg. von G. Mentz. 1905. 
 R. G. Usher: The Presbyterian Movement 1582-9. 1905. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. SCOTLAND 
 
 Sources. 
 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland. 12 vols. 1844 ff. 
 B. J. Kidd : Documents of the Continental Reformation, 1911, 
 
 pp. 686-715. 
 Calendar of State Papers relating to Scotland 1509-1603. 2 
 
 vols. ed. M. J. Thorpe. 1858. 
 State Papers relating to Scotland and Mary Queen of Scots 
 
 1542-81, ed. J. Bain and W. K. Boyd. 5 vols, 1898 ff. 
 Hamilton Papers, 1532-90, ed. J. Bain. 
 Much in the English calendars for which see bibliography to 
 
 chap, VI. 
 John Knox's Works, ed. Laing, 1846-64. 
 R. Lindsay of Pitseottie: Historic and cronicles of Scotland, 
 
 ed. A. J, G. Mackay. 1899-1911. 3 vols. 
 Satirical Poems of the Time of the Reformation, ed. J. Crans- 
 
 toun, 2 vols, 1891. 
 John Knox: The History of the Reformation of Religion in 
 
 Scotland, ed. by Cuthbert Lennox. 1905. 
 Literature : 
 P. Hume Brown: History of Scotland. 3 vols. 1899-1909. 
 W. L. Mathieson: Politics and Religion; a study of Scottish 
 
 history from Reformation to Revolution. 2 vols. 1902. 
 D. H. Fleming: The Reformation in Scotland. 1910. 
 
 (Strongly Protestant). 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 771 
 
 G. Christie: The Influence of Letters on the Scottish Befor- 
 
 mat ion. 1908. 
 A. Lang: John Knox and the Reformation. 1905. 
 J. Crook: John Knox the Reformer. 1907. 
 A. B. Hart, "John Knox," in American Historical Review, 
 
 xiii, 259-80. (Brilliant character study). 
 R. S. Rait: "John Knox,"" in Quarterly Review, vol. 205, 
 
 1906. 
 A. Lang: The Mystery of Mary Stuart. 1902. 
 Lady Blennerhassett : Maria Stuart, Konigin von Schottland. 
 
 1907. 
 A. Lang: A History of Scotland. 4 vols. 1900-7. 
 P. Hume Brown: John Knox. 2 vols. 1895. 
 H. Cowan: John Knox. 1905. 
 A. R. Macewen : A History of the Church in Scotland. Vol. 
 
 I (397-1546), 1913; Vol. II (1546-60), 1918. (Good). 
 A. Lang: "Casket Letters," Encyclopcedia Britannica, 1910. 
 P. Hume Brown: Surveys of Scottish History. 1919. 
 
 (Philosophical). 
 
 CHAPTER VIIT. THE COUNTER REFORMATION 
 
 §§ 1 and 2. The Papacy and Italy 1521-1590. 
 Sources : 
 C. Mirbt: op. cit. 
 
 Consilium delectorum cardinalium et aliorum praelatorum de 
 
 emendanda ecclesia 1537. In Mansi: Sacrorum Concil- 
 
 , iorum et Decretorum collectio nova, 1751, Supplement 5, 
 
 pp. 539-47. The same in German with Luther's notes 
 
 in Luther's Werke, Weimar, vol. 50. 
 
 Literature : 
 
 L. von Pastor : A History of the Popes from the Close of the 
 Middle Ages. English translation ed. by R. F. Kerr. 
 Vols. 9-12. 1910 ff. (These volumes cover the period 
 1522-1549. Standard work dense with new knowledge). 
 
 L. von Pastor: Geschichte der Pdpste seit dem Ausgang des 
 Mittelalters. Band VI. 1913; VII. 1920. (Of these vol- 
 umes of the German, covering the years 1550-65, there is 
 as yet no English translation). 
 
 P. Herre : Papsttum und Papstwahl im Zeitalter PhUipps, II. 
 1907. 
 
772 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 J. McCabe: Crises in the History of the Papacy. 1916. 
 (Popular). 
 
 Mandel Creighton: op. cit. 
 
 L. von Ranker History of the popes, their church and state, 
 in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, translated 
 from the German by Sarah Austin. Vol. 1, 1841. 
 (Translation of Ranke's Die rdmischen Papste, of 
 which the first edition appeared 1834-6. A classic). 
 
 H. M. Vaughan: The Medici Popes. 1908. (Popular, sym- 
 pathetic). 
 
 G. Droysen: Geschichte der Gegenreformation. 1893. 
 (Oncken's Series). 
 
 E. Rodocanachi: "La Reformation en Italic," Revue des 
 Deux Mondes, March, 1915. 
 
 Lord Acton: Lectures on Modern History, 1906, pp. 108 ff. 
 
 J. A. Symonds: The Catholic Reaction. 2 vols. 1887. 
 
 G. Monod: "La Reforme Catholique," Revue Historique, 
 vol. exxi (1916). 
 
 B. Wiffen: Life and Writings of Juan de V aides. 1865. 
 
 C. Hare: Men and Women of the Italian Reformation. 
 
 (1913). 
 Kirche und Reformation. Unter mitwirkung von L. v. 
 
 Pastor, W. Schnyder, L. Schneller usw. hg. von 
 
 J. Scheuber. 1917. 
 "Counter-Reformation" in the Catholic Encyclopcedia. 
 G. Benrath: Geschichte der Reformation in Venedig. 1886. 
 J. Burckhardt: op. cit. 
 
 § 3, The Council of Trent 
 
 Sources : 
 
 Concilium. Tridentinum. Diariorum, actorum, epistularum, 
 tractatuum nova collectio. Edidit Societas Goerres- 
 iana. 1901 ff. In course of publication ; as yet have ap- 
 peared vols. 1-5, 8, 10. 
 
 J. Susta: Die romische Kurie und das Konzil von Trient 
 unter Pius IV. Aktenstiicke zur Geschichte des Konzils 
 von Trient. 4 vols. 1904-1914. 
 
 Le Plat: Monumenta ad historiam Concilii Tridentini spec- 
 tantia. 7 vols. 1781-7. 
 
 The Canons and Decrees of the Sacred and Ecumenical Coun- 
 cil of Trent, translated by J. Waterworth. 1848. Re- 
 print, Chicago, 1917. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 773 
 
 G. Drei: "Per la Storia del Concilio de Trento. Lettere in- 
 
 edite del Segretario Camille Olivo 1562." Archivio 8to- 
 
 rico Italiano 1916. 
 P. Schaff: The Creeds of Christendom. Vol. 2, 1877. 
 
 (Latin text and English translation of canons and 
 
 decrees). 
 The Cathechism of the Council of Trent, translated into 
 
 English by J. Donovan. 1829. 
 
 Literature : 
 J. A. Froude: Lectures on the Council of Trent. 1899. 
 P. Sarpi: The historic ,of the Councel of Trent. 1620. 
 (Translation from the Italian, which first appeared 1619). 
 A. Harnack: Lehrhuch der Dogmengeschichte,* 1910, vol. iii, 
 pp. 692 ff. English translation, vol. vii, pp. 35-117. 
 Ranke's remark that there was no good history of the 
 Council of Trent holds good today. The best, as far as it 
 goes, is in Pastor. 
 
 § 4. The Jesuits 
 
 V, Sources : 
 Bihliotheque de la Compagnie de Jesus. I ere partie: Biblio- 
 graphic par les peres De Backer. 2eme partie par A. 
 
 Carayan. Nouvelle ed. par C. Sommervogel. 10 vols. 
 
 1890-1909. Corrections et Additions par E. M. Riviere. 
 
 1911. 
 Monumenta historica Societatis Jesu, edita a Patribus ejusdem 
 
 Societatis. Madrid, 1894-1913. 46 volumes. 
 Cartas de San Ignacio de Loyola, 6 vols. 1874-89. 
 Acta Sanctorum, July 7. 1731. 
 The Autohiogra'phy of St. Ignatius, English translation ed. 
 
 by J. F. X. O'Connor. 1900. 
 Letters and Instructions of St. Ignatius Loyola, translated by 
 
 D. F. OLeary and ed. by A. Goodier. 1914. 
 The Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius Loyola. Spanish and 
 
 English, by J. Rickaby, S. J. 1915. 
 Beati Petri Canisii, S. J., Epistulae et Acta, ed. O. Brauns- 
 
 berger. 6 vols, as yet. 1896-1913. 
 
 Literature. 
 H. Boehmer: Les Jesuites. Ouvrage traduit de I'allemand 
 avec une Introduction et des Notes par G. Monod. 1910. 
 (Standard work though very concise). 
 
/774 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 E. Gothein: Ignatius von Loyolu und die Gegenreformation. 
 1895. 
 
 A. McCabe: A Candid History of the Jesuits. 1913. (Hos- 
 
 tile but not Tinveraeious) . 
 
 B. Buhr: Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ldndern deutscher 
 
 Zunge im 16ten Jahrhimdert. Band I. 1907. 
 
 H. Fouqueray : Histoire de la Compagnie de Jesus en France. 
 2 vols. 1910-13. 
 
 E. L. Taunton: The Jesuits in England. 1901. 
 
 Francis Thompson: Saint Ignatius Loyola. 1913. (I men- 
 tion this book by "a seventeenth century poet born into 
 the nineteenth century" on account of the author's fame). 
 
 S. Brou: St. Frangois Xavier. 2 vols. Paris, 1912. 
 
 J. M. Cros: St. Frangois de Xavier, 2 vols. Toulouse, 1900. 
 
 On Xavier see also Mirbt, op cit., no. 350, A. D. White : War- 
 fare of Science and Theology, 1896, ii, 5-22, and Pastor. 
 
 Life of St. Francis Xavier hy Edith A. Stewart, with transla- 
 tions from his letters by D. Macdonald. 1917. (Pop- 
 ular and sympathetic). 
 
 W. G. Jayne: Vasco da Gama and his successors (1910), On 
 Xavier, pp. 188 ff. 
 
 § 5. The Inquisition and the Index 
 
 Sources : 
 
 P. Fredericq: Corpus Documentorum Inquisitioms Neerlan- 
 dicce, vols. 4, 5., 1900 ff. 
 
 L. von Pastor: Allegemeine Dekrete der romischen Inquisi- 
 tion 1555-97. 1913. 
 
 Mandament der Keyserlijcken Maiesteit, vuytghegeven int 
 laer xlvi. Louvain. 1546. One hundred facsimile copies 
 printed for A. M. Huntington at the De Vinne Press, 
 New York, 1896. 
 
 Catalogi Librorum reprohatorum & prcelegendorum ex iudicio 
 Academice Louaniensis, Pinciae. MDLI. Mandato do- 
 minorum de consilio sanctae generalis Inquisitionis. One 
 hundred facsimile copies printed for A. M. Huntington 
 at the De Vinne Press, New York, 1895. 
 
 Catalogus lihrorum qui prohibentur mandato Illustrissimi & 
 Rev. D. D. Ferdinand de Valdes, Hispalen. Archiepis- 
 copi, Inquisitoris Generalis Hispaniae, 1559. One hun- 
 dred facsimile copies printed at De Vinne Press, 1895. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 775 
 
 LiTERATUBE. 
 
 H. C. Lea: A Historif of the Inquisition in Spain. 4 vols. 
 1906-7. Characterized by wide reading and the use 
 of many manuscripts which Lea had copied from all 
 European archives. A really wonderful work. The 
 manuscripts on which it is based are still in his library 
 in Philadelphia. I have been kindly allowed by his son 
 and daughter to look over those on Spanish Protes- 
 tantism. 
 
 H. C. Lea: The Inquisition in the Spanish Dependencies. 
 1908. 
 
 P. Fredericq: ''Les recents historiens catholiques de I'lnqui- 
 sition en France," Revue Historique, cix, 1912), pp. 
 307 ff. (A scathing criticism of the apologists of the In- 
 quisition who have written against Lea). 
 
 E. N. Adler: Auto de Fe and the Jew. 1908. 
 
 E. Schafer: Beitrdge zur Geschichte des spanischen Protes- 
 
 tantismus und der Inquisition. 3 vols. 1902. 
 G. Bushbell: Reformation und Inquisition in Italien um die 
 Mitte des XVI Jahrhunderts. 1910. 
 
 F. H. Reusch: Dcr Index der verhotenen Bitcher. 2 vols. 
 
 1883. (Standard). 
 J. Hilgers: Der Index der verhotenen Biicher. 1904. 
 
 (Apologetic). 
 H. C. Lea: Chapters from the Religious History of Spain 
 
 connected with the Inquisition. 1890. (Chiefly on the 
 
 Index). 
 Articles: "Inquisition," "Holy Offtce," &c. in the Encylo- 
 
 pmdia of Religion and Ethics, Protestantische Realency- 
 
 clopddie, Catholic Encyclopedia, &c. 
 
 G. H. Putnam: The Censorship of the Church of Rome. 2 
 
 vols. 1906. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE IBERIAN PENINSULA AND THE EXPANSION 
 OF EUROPE 
 
 § 1. Spain 
 
 Sources : 
 Coleccion 'de documentos ineditos para la historia de Espana. 
 
 112 vols. 1842 ff. 
 Nueva Coleccion de documentos ineditos dx. 6 vols. 1892-6. 
 
776 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Calendar of Letters, Despatches and State Papers, Spanish, 
 
 &c., 15 vols, covering 1509-1603, except 1555-8. 1862 
 
 to date. 
 A. Morel-Fatio: Historiographie de Charles Quint. 1913. 
 
 (Contains a new French version of the Commentaries 
 
 of Charles V). 
 F. L. de Gomara: Annals of the Emperor Charles V, ed. by 
 
 R. B. Merriman. 1912. 
 
 Literature. 
 
 Rafael Altamira y Crevea: Historia de Espana, Tomo III,^ 
 1913. (The best general history, very largely social, 
 written in easy, popular style). 
 
 C. E. Chapman: The History of Spain. 1918. (Based on 
 Altamira). 
 
 R. B. Merriman: The Rise of the Spanish Empire. 2 vols., 
 to 1516. 1918. (Doubtless the future volumes of the 
 excellent work will be even more valuable for our present 
 purpose) . 
 
 K. Habler: Geschichte Spaniens unter den Hadshurgern, 
 Band 1, 1907. (Standard work for the period of 
 Charles V). 
 
 Martin A. S. Hume: Spain, its Greatness and Decay 1479- 
 1788. 1898. (Popular). 
 
 M. A. S. Hume: Philip II of Spain. 1897. 
 
 E. Gossart: Charles V et Philip II. 1910. 
 
 E. A. Armstrong: Charles V. Second ed. 1910. 2 vols. 
 
 W. H. Prescott: History of the Reign of Philip II, King of 
 Spain. 1855-74. (Unfinished, a classic). 
 
 H. C. Lea: The Moriscos in Spain: their Conversion and Ex- 
 pulsion. 1901. 
 
 Bratli: Philippe II, roi d'Espagne, 1912. (An unhappy 
 attempt to whitewash Philip; uses some new material). 
 
 M. Philippson : Westeiiropa im Zeitalter von Philip II, Eliz- 
 abeth und Heinrich IV. 1882. 
 
 § 2. The Expansion of Europe 
 
 W. H. Prescott: History of the Conquest of Mexico. 1843. 
 (A classic). 
 
 W. H. Prescott : History of the Conquest of Peru. 1847. 
 
 H. Vander Linden: "Alexander VI and the Bulls of De- 
 marcation," American Historical Review, xxii, 1916, pp. 
 1 ff.. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 777 
 
 I. A. Wright: Early History of Cuba, 1492-1586. 1916. 
 C. de lannoy et H. Van der Linden: L' Expansion coloniale 
 
 des Peuples Europeens. Vol. 1. Portugal et Espagne. 
 
 1907. 
 
 E. G. Bourne: Spain in America. 1904. (Excellent). 
 
 S. Ruge: Geschichte des Zeitalters de-r Entdeckungen. 1881. 
 (Onckeii: Allgemeine Geschichte). 
 
 P. Leroy-Beaulieu : De la Colonisation chez les peuples mod- 
 ernes. 1st ed. 1874. 6th ed. 1908. 2 vols. 
 
 J. Winsor: Narrative and Critical History of America, vols. 
 1, 2, 1889, 1886. 
 
 H. Morse Stephens: The Story of Portugal. 1891. 
 
 G. Young: Portugal Old and Young. 1917. 
 
 The Commentaries of the great Afon&o Dalboquerque, ed. by 
 W. de G. Birch. 4 vols. 1875-84. 
 
 K. G. Jayne: Vasco da Gama and his Successors. (1910). 
 
 K. Waliszewski: Ivan le Terrible. 1904. 
 
 The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries 
 of the English Nation, by R. Hakluyt. 12 vols. 1903. 
 
 Purchas His Pilgrimes, by S. Purchas. 20 vols. 1905. 
 
 F. G. Davenport: European Treaties bearing on the History 
 
 of the United States and its Dependencies. 1917. 
 W. C. Abbott: The Expansion of Europe. 2 vols. 1918. 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 
 
 As the sources for this chapter would include all the ex- 
 tant literature and documents of the period, it is impossible 
 to do more than mention a few of those particularly referred 
 to. Moreover, as most political histories now have chapters 
 on social and economic conditions, a great deal on the sub- 
 ject will be found in the previous bibliographies. 
 
 General 
 Sources : 
 
 Wm. Harrison's Description of England (1577, revised and 
 enlarged 1586) ed. F. J. Furnivall. 1877 ff. 7 parts. 
 
 Social Tracts, ed. A. Lang from Arber's English Garner. 
 1904. 
 
778 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Literature. 
 
 Handworterhuch der Staatswissenschaften,^ ed. J. Conrad, 
 W. A. Lexis, E. Loening. 8 vols. 1909-11. (Stan- 
 dard). 
 
 Worterbuch der Volkswirtschaft,^ hg. von L. Elster. 2 vols. 
 1911. 
 
 Social England, ed. by H, D. Traill and J. S. Mann. Vol. 
 3. Henry VIII to Elizabeth. 1902. (Standard work, 
 originally published 1894). 
 
 S. B. Fay: The Hohenzollern Household. 1916. 
 
 A Catalogue of French Economic Documents from the 16th, 
 17th and 18th Centuries, published by the John Crerar 
 Library, Chicago, 1918. 
 
 H. van Houtte: Documents pour servir a V histoire des prix 
 de 1387 a 1794. 1902. 
 
 Cavaignac: *'La Population de I'Espagne vers 1500." 
 Seances et Travaiix de V Academic des Sciences morales et 
 politiques, 79e Annee, 1919, pp. 491 ff. (puts the popu- 
 lation at ten to twelve millions). 
 
 J. Culevier: Les denomhrements de foyers en Brabant (XVIe 
 et XVIIe siecles.) 1912. 
 
 W. Cunningham: Essay on Western Civilization in its Eco- 
 nomic Aspect. Vol. 2. 1900. 
 
 J. Beloch: "Die Bevolkerung Europas zur Zeit der Renais- 
 sance." Zeitschrift filr Sozialwissenschaft, iii, 1900, pp. 
 765-86. 
 
 D. J. Hill: A History of Diplomacy in the International De- 
 velopment of Europe. Vol. 2. 1910. 
 
 C. H. Haring: "American^ Gold and Silver Production in 
 the first half of the Sixteenth Century," Quarterly Jour- 
 nal of Economics, May, 1915. 
 
 C. H. Haring: Trade and Navigation between Spain and the 
 Indies in the Time of the Hapsburgs. 1918. 
 
 L. Felix: Der Einfluss von Staat und Becht auf die Ent- 
 wicklung des Eigenthums. 2te Halfte, 2te Abteilung. 
 1903. 
 
 G. Wiebe: Zur Geschichte der Preisrevolution der 16. und 17. 
 Jahrhunderten, in Von Miaskowski : Staats und sozi- 
 alwissenschaftliche Beitrage, II, 2. 1895. (Important.) 
 
 G. d' Avenel: Histoire economique de la propriete, des sal- 
 cdres, des denrees et de tons les prix en general 1200-^ 
 1800. 6 vols. 1894 ff. (Wonderfully interesting work). 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 779 
 
 G. d'Avenel: Decouvertes d'Hisioire Sociale. 1910, (Brief 
 
 sumniaiy of his larger work). 
 W. Naude: Die Getreidehandelspolitik der Europdischen 
 
 Sinaten von 13ten his zum 18ten Jahrhiindert. 1896. 
 N. S. B. Gras: The Evolution of the English Corn Market. 
 
 1915. 
 
 A. P. Usher: The History of the Grain Trade in France. 
 
 1100-1710. 1913. 
 K. Habler: Die wirtschaftliche Blilte Spaniens im 16. Jahr- 
 hiindert und ihr V erf all. 1888. 
 
 B. Moses: ''The Economic Condition of Spain in the 16th 
 
 Century." American Historical Association Reports. 
 
 1893. 
 E. P. Cheyney: Social Changes in England in the Sixteenth 
 
 Century as Reflected in Contemporary Literature. Part 
 
 J, Rural Changes. 1895. 
 A. Luschin von Ebengreuth: Allgemeine Milnzkunde imd 
 
 Geldgeschichte des Mittelalters und der neueren Zeit. 
 
 1904. 
 
 § 4. Life of the People 
 
 Sources : 
 
 Das Zimmersche Chronik,^ hg. v. K. A. Barack. 4 vols. 
 1861-2. 
 
 Social Germany in Luther's Time, the Memoirs of Bartholo- 
 mew Sastrow, translated by A. D. Vandam. 1902. 
 
 T. Tusser: A Hundred Points of Good Huslandrie. 1558. 
 (Later expanded as: Five Hundred Points of Good Hus- 
 bandry united to as many of Good Huswifery. 1573). 
 
 I. von Pastor: Die Reise Kardinals Luigi d'Aragona 1517-8. 
 1905. (Erganzungen und Erliiuterungen zu Janssens 
 Geschichte des deutschen Volkes. Band IV, Teil 4). 
 
 Baldassare Castiglione: The Book of the Courtier. English 
 translation by Opdycke. 1903. 
 
 Th^ Seconde Parte of a Register: being a Calendar of Man- 
 Xiscripts binder th-at title intended for publication by the 
 Puritans. 1593. By A. Peel. 2 vols. 1915. 
 
 Treatises : 
 
 E. B. Bax: German Society at the Close of the Middle Ages. 
 
 1894. 
 P. V. B. Jones: Household of a Tudor Nobleman. 1917. 
 
780 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 W. B. Rye: England as seen by Foreigners in the Days of 
 
 Elizabeth and James I. 1865. 
 C. L. Powell: English Domestic Relations, 1487-1653: a 
 
 study of Matrimony and Family Life in Theory and 
 
 Practice as revealed in the Literature, Law and History 
 
 of the Period. 1917. 
 W. Kawerau: Die Reformation und die Ehe. 1892. 
 P. S. Allen: The Age of Erasmus. 1914. 
 K. R. Greenfield: Sumptuary Laws of Nilrnb&rg. 1918. 
 Preserved Smith: "Some old Blue Laws," Open Court, 
 
 April, 1915. 
 H. Almann : Das Lehen des deutschen Volkes bem Beginn der 
 
 Neuzeit. 1893, 
 
 E. S. Bates: Touring in 1600. 1911. 
 
 T. F. Ordish: The Early London Theatres. 1894. 
 
 J. Cartwright: Baldassare Castiglione. 2 vols. 1908. 
 
 J. L. Pagel: Geschichte der Medizin. Zweite Auflage von 
 
 K. midhoff. 1915. 
 A. H. Buck : The Growth of Medicine from the Earliest Times 
 
 to about 1800. 1917. 
 H, Haeser: Geschichte der Medicin. Band 11.^ 1881. 
 
 F. H. Garrison: An Introduction to the History of Medicine. 
 
 1914. 
 J. Lohr: Methodisch-hritische Beitrage zur Geschichte der 
 
 Sittlichlieit des Klerus, besonders der Erzdiozese Koln 
 
 am Ausgang des Mittelalters. 1910. 
 H. A. Krose : Der Einfluss der Konfession auf die Sittlichkeit 
 
 nach den Ergebnissen der Statistik. 1900, 
 Henri (J. A.) Baudrillart: Histoire du luxe prive et public 
 
 dcpuis I'antiquite jusqu' a nos jours. Vol. 3, Moyen Age 
 
 et Renaissance. 1879. 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 THE CAPITALISTIC REVOLUTION 
 
 Many of the books referred to in the last chapter and 
 many general histories have chapters on the subject. Their 
 titles are not repeated here, 
 
 English Economic History. Select Documents ed. by A. E. 
 Bland, P. A. Brown and R. H. Tawney. 1914. (With 
 helpful bibliographies and well-selected material). 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 781 
 
 H. G. Rosedale: Queen Elizabeth and the Levant Company. 
 1904. 
 
 E. Levasseur: Histoire des classes ouvrieres et de I' industrie 
 en France avant 1789.^ 2 vols. 1900-1. 
 
 G. Avenel: Faysans et Ouvriers depuis sept cent ans.* 1904. 
 
 W. Cunningham : The Growth of English Industry and Com- 
 merce, during the Early and Middle Ages.^ 1910. Mod- 
 em Times.^ 1894. 
 
 W. J. Ashley: The Economic Organisation of England. 
 1914. (Brief, brilliant). 
 
 G. TTnwin: The Industrial Organization of England in the 
 Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. 1904. (Scliol- 
 ,ariy). 
 
 A. P. Usher: The Industrial History of England. 1920. 
 
 J. W. Burgon: Life and Times of Sir T. Gresham. 2 vols. 
 1839. 
 
 0. Noel: Histoire du commerce du monde. 3 vols. 1891- 
 1906. 
 
 H. G. Selfridge: The Romance of Commerce. 1918. 
 
 J. A. Williamson: Maritime Enterprise 1485-1558. 1913. 
 
 J. Strieder: Die Inventar der Firnia Fugger aus dem Jahre 
 1527. 1905. 
 
 J, Strieder: Zur Genesis des modernen Kapitalismus. 1904. 
 
 J. Strieder: Studien zur Oeschichte kapitalistischer Organi- 
 sations for men: Monopole, KarteUe und Aktiengesellschaf- 
 ten im Mittelalter und zu Beginn der Neuzeit. 1914. 
 (Highly important). 
 
 Clive Day: History of Commerce. 1907. 
 
 W. Miick: Der Mansf elder Kupferschieferherghau. 1910. 
 
 R. Ehrenberg: Das Zeitalter der Fugger. Band I, 1896. 
 
 C. A. Herrick: History of Commerce and Industry. 1917. 
 (Text-book). 
 
 M. P. Rooseboom: The Scottish Staple in the Netherlands, 
 1292-1676. 1910. 
 
 W. Sombart: Krieg und Kapitalismus. 1913. 
 
 W. Sombart: Der Moderne Kapitalismus? 2 vols, in 3. 
 1916-7. 
 
 L. Brentano: Die Anfdnge des modernen Kapitalismus. 
 1916. 
 
 A. Schulte : Die Fugger in Rom. 2 vols. 1904. 
 
 Maxime Kowalewsky: Die okonomische Entwicklung Eu- 
 ropas his zum Beginn der kapitalistischen Wirtschafts- 
 
782 BIBLIOGEAPHY 
 
 form. Aus dem Russischen iibersetzt von A. Stein. Vol. 
 
 6. 1913. (Important). 
 R. E. Prothero: English Farming Past and Present. 1912. 
 E. F. Gay: "Inclosures in England in the 16th Century," 
 
 Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 17, 1903. 
 E. F. Gray: Zur Geschichte der Einhegungen in England. 
 
 1902. (Berlin dissertation). 
 J. S. Leadam: The* Domesday of Inclosures. 1897. 
 J. E. T. Rogers : Six Centuries of Work and Wages. 1884. 
 J. E. T. Rogers: A History of Agriculture and Prices in 
 
 England. Vols, iii and iv, 1400-1582. 1882. (A 
 
 classic). 
 J. Klein : The Mesta : A Study in Spanish Economic History. 
 
 1920. 
 R. H. Tawney: The Agrarian Pnohlem in the Sixteenth Cen- 
 tury. 1912. 
 W. Stolze: Zur Vorgeschichte des Bauernkrieges. (Staats- 
 
 und sozialwissenschaftliche Forschungen, hg. von G. 
 
 Schmoller. Band 18, Heft 4). 1900. 
 J. Hayem: Les Greves dans les Temps Modemes. Memoires 
 
 et Documents pour servir a Vhistoire dii commerce et de 
 
 rindustrie en France. 1911. 
 I. Feuchtwanger : "Geschichte der sozialen Politik und des 
 
 Armenwesens im Zeitalter der Reformation." Jahrhuch 
 
 filr Gesetzgehung, 1908, xxxii, and 1909, xxxiii. 
 J. S. Schapiro: Social Reform and the Reformation. 
 
 1909. 
 G. TThlhorn: Die ChristlicJie Liehestdtigkeit. 1895. 
 E. M. Leonard: The Early History of English Poor Relief. 
 
 1900. 
 0. Winckelmann : ''Die Armenordnungen von Niirnberg 
 
 (1522), Kitzingen (1523), Regensburg (1523) und 
 
 Ypern (1525)," Archiv filr Reformationsgeschichte, x, 
 
 1913 and xi, 1914. 
 J. L. Vivos: Concerning the Relief of the Poor, tr. by M. M. 
 
 Sherwood. 1917. 
 Liher Vagatorum, reprinted, with Luther's preface, in 
 
 Luther's Werke, Weimar, vol. xxvi, pp. 634 ff. 
 Brooks Adams: The New Empire. 1902. (Fanciful). 
 K. Lampreoht: Zum Verstdndnis der wirtschaftUchen und 
 
 sozialen Wandlungen in Deutschland vom 14-16. Jahr- 
 
 hundert. 1893. 
 
BIBLIOGEAPHY 783 
 
 Shakespeare's England, by various authors. 2 vols. 1916. 
 chap, xi, G. Unwin: "Commerce and Coinage." 
 
 H. Schonebaum: ''Antwerpens Bliitezeit im XVI. Jahrhun- 
 dcrt." Archiv fur KulturgescMchte, xiii. 1917. 
 
 0. Winckelmaiin : "Ueber die altesten Armenordnungen der 
 Keformationszeit." Eistorische Vierteljahrschrift, xvii. 
 1914-5. 
 
 Stella Kramer: The English Craft Gilds and the Govern- 
 ment. 1905. 
 
 Niederldndische Akten und Urkunden zur Geschichte der 
 Hanse und zur deutschen Seegeschichte . . . iearheitet 
 von R. Hapke. Band I (1531-57). 1913. 
 
 W. Cunningham: Progress of Capitalism in England. 
 1916. 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 MAIN CURRENTS OF THOUGHT 
 § 1. Bihlical and Classical Scholarship 
 
 Novum Instrumentum omne, diligenter ah Erasmo Rot. recog- 
 nitum et emendatum. Basileae. 1516. (Nearly 300 
 editions catalogued in the Bibliotheca Erasmiana. In 
 Erasmi Opera Omnia, 1703, vol. VI.) 
 
 Novum testamentum graece et latine in academia Complutensi 
 n^viter impressum. 1514. Vetu^ testamentum multi- 
 plici lingua nunc primum impressum. hi hac prae- 
 clarissima Complutensi universitate. 1517. 
 
 C. R. Gregory: Die Textkritik des Neuen Testaments. 3 
 parts. 1900-9. 
 
 Articles "Bible," in Encyclopcedia Britannica, Encyclopcedia 
 of Religion and Ethics, Protestantische Realencyklopddie, 
 and Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart. 
 
 E. von Dobschiitz : The Influence of the Bible on Civilization. 
 
 1913. 
 
 F. Falk : Die Bihel am Ausgange des Mittelalters, ihre Kennt- 
 
 nis und ihre Verhreitung. 1905. 
 
 Martin Luther's Deutsche Bihel, in Sammtliche Werke, Wei- 
 mar, separately numbered, vols, i, ii, iii, v. 
 
 K. 'FullertGn: "Luther's doctrine and criticism of Scrip- 
 ture," Bibliotheca Sacra, Jan. and April, 1906. 
 
 H. Zerener: Studien ilber das beginnende Eindringen der 
 lutheri^chen Bibeliibersetzung in der deutschen Literatur. 
 1911. 
 
784 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Lutherstudicn zur 4. Jahrhundertfeier der Reformation, von 
 den Mitarbeitern der W&imarer Lutherausgabe. 1917. 
 pp. 203 ff. 
 
 K. A. Meissinger: Luther's Exegese in der Friihzeit. 1911. 
 
 0. Reichert: Martin Luther's Deutsche Bibel. 1910. 
 
 Sir H. H. Howorth: "The Biblical Canon according to the 
 Continental Reformers," Journal of Theological Studies, 
 ix, 188 ff. (1907-8). 
 
 J. P. Hentz: History of the Lutheran Version of the Bible. 
 1910. 
 
 D. Lortsch: Histoire de la Bible en France. 1910. 
 
 A. W. Pollard : Records of the English Bible. 1911. 
 
 S. C. Macauley: "The English Bible," Quarterly Review, 
 Oct. 1911, pp. 505 ff. 
 
 W. Canton: The Bible and the Anglo-Saxon People. 1914. 
 
 H. T. Peck: A History of Classical Philology. 1911. 
 
 Sir J. E. Sandys: "Scholarship," chap, ix in Shakespeare's 
 England, 1916. 
 
 Sir J. E. Sandys : A History of Classical Scholarship. Vol. ii, 
 1908. (Standard). 
 
 H. Hallam: Introduction to the Literature of Europe in the 
 15th, 16th and 17th Centuries. 1837-9. (Very compre- 
 hensive, in part antiquated, somewhat external but on the 
 whole excellent). 
 
 § 2. History 
 
 Treatises : 
 E. Pueter: Geschichte der Neueren Historiographie. 1911T 
 
 French translation, revised, 1916. (Work of brilliance: 
 
 philosophical, reliable, readable). 
 M. Ritter: "Studien iiber die Entwicldung der Geschichts- 
 
 wissenschaft. " Historische Zeitschrift, cit. (1912). 
 
 261 ff. 
 E. Menke-Gliickert : Die Geschichtschreibung der Reforma- 
 tion und Gegenreformation. Bodin und die Begrilndung 
 
 der Geschichtsmethodologie durch Bartholomdus Keeker-, 
 
 mann. 1912. 
 P. Joachimsen: Geschichtsauffassung und Geschichtschrei- 
 
 bung in Deutschland unter dem Ei^ifluss des Humanis- 
 
 mus. Teil I. 1910. 
 G. L. Burr : ' ' The Freedom of History, ' ' American Historical 
 
 Review, xxii, 261 f. 1916. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 785 
 
 A. Morel-Fatio: Historiographie de Charles-Quint. 1913. 
 
 F. C. Baur: Die Epochen der kirchlichen Geschichtschrei- 
 
 hung. 1852. 
 L. von Ranke: Zur Kritik neueren GescMchtschreiber.^ 
 1874. 
 
 G. Wolf: Quellenkunde der deutschen Be formations ge- 
 schichte. Vol. i, 1915 ; vol. ii, 1916. 
 
 Article, ''History" in Encyclopedia Americans, ed. of 1919. 
 
 Originals. 
 
 If. Machiavelli: Istorie fiorentine. (to 1492). First ed. 
 1561-64. Numerous editions, and English translation by 
 C. E. Detmold: The Historical, Political and Diplomatic 
 Writings of N. Machiavelli. 4 vols. 1882. 
 
 Francesco Guicciardini : Storia fiorentina. (1378-1509). 
 First published 1859. Istoria d' Italia. (1492-1534). 
 First edition 1561-64 ; numerous editions since, and Eng- 
 lish translation by G. Fenton: The historic of Guicciar- 
 dini. 1599. 
 
 Benvenuto Cellini: Life, translated by R. H. H. Cust. 2 
 vols. 1910. (The original text first correctly published 
 b}^ 0. Bacci, 1901. Many English translations). 
 
 Paulus Jovius: Ilistoriarum sui temporis lihri. xlv. (1493-- 
 1547). 1550-52. 
 
 Polydore Verg-il: Anglicne Historiae lihri. xxvii, (to 15.38). 
 First edition, to 1509, Basle, 1534; 2d ed. 1555. (I use 
 the edition of 1570. The best criticism is in H. A. L. 
 Fisher's Political History of England 1485-1547, pp. 
 152 ff.) 
 
 Polydore Vergil: De rerum inventorihus lihri octo. 1536. 
 2d ed., enlarged, 1557. 
 
 Caesar Baronius: Annales Ecclesiastici (to 1198). Rome, 
 1588-1607. 
 
 Ecclesiastica Historia . . . secundum centurias, a M. Flacio, 
 et aliis. Magdeburg. 1559-74. 
 
 H. Bullinger: Reformationsgeschichte, hg. von J. J. Hottin- 
 gcr und II. II. Vogeli. 3 vols. 1838-40. (Index to 
 this in preparation by W. Wuhrmann; Bullinger 's Cor- 
 respondence will also soon appear). 
 
 Joan. Sleidani: De statu religionis et reipuhlicae, Carolo 
 Quinto Caesare, commentariorum lihri xxvi. 1555. 
 (My edition, 1785, 3 vols., was owned formerly by I. 
 Dolliuger). 
 
786 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Joannis Cochlaei: Historia de Actis et scriptis M. Lutheri 
 1517-46.. Coloniae. 1549. (Critique in A. Herte's dis- 
 sertation, Die Lutherbiographie des J. Coehlaeus. 
 1915). 
 
 J. Mathesius : Siehzehn Predigten van den Historien des 
 Herrn Doctoris Martini Luthers. 1st ed. 1566; new ed. 
 by Losehe, 1898. 
 
 Memoires de Martin et de Guillaume du Bellas/: (1513-52). 
 1st ed. 1569. Critical ed. by V. L. Bourrilly and Fleury^ 
 Vindry, 1908 ff. 
 
 Blaise de Monluc: Commentaires (1521-76); 1st ed. 1592; 
 critical ed. by P. Courtreault. 1911-14. 
 
 Oeuvres de P. de Bourdeille, Seigneur de Brantome, ed. L. La- 
 lanne. 11 vols. 1864 ff. 
 
 J. J. Scaliger: Opus novum de emendatione temportfm. 
 1583, 1593. 
 
 Histoire ecclesiastique des eglises frangaises reformees. Pub, 
 par Baum et Cunitz. 3 vols. 1883-9. (Attributed, 
 with probability, to Beza; first published 1580). 
 
 Jean Bodin: Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem, 
 1566. 
 
 Peter Martyr d' Anghiera: Opus epistolarum. 1530. (This 
 rare edition at Harvard. The work is a history in the 
 form of letters, partly fictitious, partly genuine. Cf. J. 
 Bernays: Peter Martyr Anghierensis und sein Opus 
 Epistolarum. 1891). 
 
 Ignatius de Loyola: Autobiography. Monumenta Societa- 
 tis Jesu, ser. iv, torn. 1, 1904. English translation ed. 
 by J. F. X. 'Connor. 1900. 
 
 George Buchanan: Berum scoticarum historia. Edinburgh. 
 1582. (Cf. M. Meyer-Cohn: G. Buchanan als Publizist 
 und Historiker Maria Stuarts. 1913). 
 
 John Knox: The History of the Reformation of Religion 
 ivithin the realm of Scotland. (First incomplete edi- 
 tion, 1586 ; critical complete edition by D. Laing, 1846, 
 in vol. 1 of Knox's Works. Cf. A. Lang: "Knox as His- 
 torian," Scottish Historical Review, ii, 1905, pp. 113 ff). 
 
 John Foxe: Acts and Monuments of the Christian Martyrs. 
 1563. (The MS that I have compared with Fox is Har- 
 leian MS 419 of the British Museum, endorsed: "John 
 Fox's Collection of Letters and Papers on Theological 
 Matters," fol. 125). 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 787 
 
 Nicholas Sanders: De origine et progressu schismatis Angli- 
 cani. 1585, 
 
 Edward Hall: The Union of the Nolle and Illustrious Fam- 
 ilies of Lancaster and York, 1542. Published as Hall's 
 Chronicle, 1809. 
 
 Raphael Holinshed: Chronicles of England, Scotland and 
 Ireland. Vol. 1, 1577. 
 
 John Stow : The Chronicles of England from Brute unto this 
 present year of Christ 1580. Second edition, The Annals 
 of England, 1592. 
 
 § 3. Political Theory 
 
 Sources : 
 Erasmus: Institutia principis christiani, in Opera omnia, 
 
 1703, iv, 561. 
 The Utopia of 8ir Thomas More (English and Latin) edited 
 
 by G. Sampson with an introduction by A. Guthkelch. 
 
 1910. 
 N. Machiavelli: The Prince. (Innumerable editions and 
 
 translations). 
 H. Jordan: Luthers Staatsauffassung. 1917. (Extracts 
 
 from his works). 
 Zwingli: De vera et falsa religione, Werke ed. Egli, Finsler 
 
 und Kohler, iii, (1914), 590 ff. 
 Calvin: Institutio, ed. 1541, cap. xvi. 
 L. Vives: De communione rerum. 1535. 
 Vindidae contra Tyrannos, sive de principis in populum 
 
 populique in principem legitima pot estate. Stephano 
 
 lunio Bruto Celta Auctore. 1580. 
 Francisci Hotmani Francogallia. Nunc quartum ah auctore 
 
 rccognita. 1586. 
 E. de la Boetie: Discours de la servitude volontaire. In, 
 
 Oeuvres completes pub. par P. Bonnefon. 1892, pp. 1 ff. 
 De Jure Magistratuum in subditos [by Beza]. 1573. 
 The Worlis of Mr. Richard Hooker, ed J. Keble. 3 vols. 
 
 1888. 
 J. Bodin: Les six livres de la repuhlique. 1577. 
 G. Buchanan: De Jure Begni apud Scotos. 1579. 
 J. de Mariana: De rege et regis institutione. 1599. 
 
 Literature: 
 
 Lord Acton: ''Freedom in Christianity," (1877), in The 
 
 History of Freedom and other Essays, ed. J. N. Figgis and 
 
 R. V. Lawrence. 1907. 
 
788 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 W. A. Dunning: A History of Political Theories. Ancient 
 and Medieval. 1902. From Luther to Montesquieu. 
 1905. 
 
 J. N. Figgis: Studies in Political Thought from Gerson to 
 Grotius.^ 1916. 
 
 J. Mackinnon: A History of Modern Liberty. Vol. 2. The 
 Age of the Eeformation. 1907. 
 
 I. Cardauns: Die Lehre vom Widerstandsrecht des Volkes 
 gegen die rechtmdssige Ohrigkeit im Luthertum und im 
 Calvinismus des sechzehnten Jahrhunderts. 1903. 
 
 R. Chauvire : Jean Bodin, Auteur de la Repuhlique. 1914. 
 
 J. Kreutzer: Zwinglis Lehre von der Ohrigkeit. 1909. 
 
 F. Meinecke: "Luther iiber christliehen Geminwesen und 
 
 christliehen Staat," Historische Zeitschrift, Band 121, 
 
 pp. 1 ff, 1920. 
 J. Faulkner: "Luther and Economic Questions," Papers of 
 
 the Am. Ch. Hist. Soc, 2d ser. vol. ii, 1910. 
 K. D. Macmillan: Protestantism in Germany. 1917. 
 K. Sell: "Der Zusammenhang von Reformation und polit- 
 
 ischer Freiheit. " Ahh. in Theolog. Arheiten aus dem 
 
 rhein. wiss. Predigerverein. Neue Folge. 12. 1910. 
 L. H. Waring: The Political Theories of Martin Luther. 
 
 1910. 
 
 G. von Schulthess-Rechberg : Luther, Zwingli und Calvin in 
 
 ihren Ansichten iiber das Verhdltnis von Staat und 
 Kirche. 1910. 
 
 K. Rieker: "Staat und Kirche nach lutherischer, reformier- 
 ter, moderner Anschauung," Hist. Vierteijahrschrift, i, 
 370 ff. 1898. 
 
 E. Troeltsch: Die Soziallehren der christliehen Kirchen und 
 Gruppen. 1912. 
 
 H. L. Osgood: "The Political Ideas of the Puritans." Po- 
 litical Science Quarterly, vi, 1891. 
 
 R. Treumann: Die Monarchomachen. Fine Darstellung der 
 revolutiondren Staatslehren des xvi Jahrhundert 1573- 
 1599. 1885. 
 
 A. Elkan: Die Puhlizistik der Bartholomdusnacht und Mor- 
 nays Vindiciae contra tyrannos. 1905. 
 
 H. D. Foster: "The Political Theories of the Calvinists," 
 American Historical Review, xxi, 481 ff. (1916). 
 
 Paul van Dyke: "The Estates of Pontoise," English His- 
 torical Review, 1913, pp. 472 ff. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 789 
 
 E. Armstrong: "Political Theory of the Huguenots," Eng- 
 lish Historical Review, iv, 13 ff, 1889. 
 
 K. Glaser: "Beitrage zur Geschiehte der politisehen Litera- 
 tur Frankreiehs in der zweiten Halfte des 16. Jahr- 
 hundert." Zeitschrift filr Franzosische Sprache und 
 Uteratur. Vols. 31, 32, 33, 39, 45; 1904-18. 
 
 W. Sohm: "Die Soziallehren Melanchthons, " Historische 
 Zeitschrift, exv, pp. 64-76. 1915. 
 
 Lord Acton: History of Freedom, pp. 212-31. (Reprint of 
 introduction to L. A. Burd's edition of the Prince of 
 Machiavelli.) 1907. 
 
 John Morley: Miscellanies, 4th series. 1908. 1 ff. "Mach- 
 iavelli." 
 
 Dr. Armaingaud: Montaigne Pamphletaire. L'^nigme du 
 Contr'un. 1910. 
 
 J. Jastrow: "Kopernikus' Miinz- und Geld-theorie. " Ar- 
 chiv filr Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolifik, xxxviii, 734 
 ff. 1904. 
 
 K. Kautsky: Communism in Central Europe in the Time of 
 the Reformation. 1897. 
 
 E. Jenks: A Short History of English Law. 1912. 
 
 A. Esmein: Histoire du Droit Frangais.^ 1905. (And later 
 editions). 
 
 R. Schroder: Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte.^ 1907. 
 
 Walter Platzhoff : Die Theorie von der Mordbefugnis der Oh- 
 rigkeit im XVl. Jahrhundert. Ebinger's Historische 
 Studien, 1906. 
 
 0. H. Pannkoke: ''The Economdc Teachings of the Refor- 
 mation." In a collection of essays entitled Foiir Hun- 
 dred Years, 1917. 
 
 G. SchmoUer: Zur Geschiehte der nationalokonomischen An- 
 sichten in Deutschland wdhrcnd der Reformationsperiode. 
 1860. 
 
 F. G. Ward: DarsteUung und Wiirdigung der Ansichten 
 
 Luthers iiher Stoat und Gesellschaft. 1898. 
 
 § 4. Science. 
 
 J. P. Richter: The Literary Works of Leonardo da Vinci. 2 
 
 vols. 1883. 
 Les Manuscrits de Leonard de Vinci de la hihliotheque de 
 
 VInstitut. Publics en facsimile avec transcription lit- 
 
 terale, traduction frangaise , . . par Ch. Ravaisson- 
 
 Molien. 6 vols. 1881-91, 
 
790 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Leonardo da Vinci's note-hooks; arranged and rendered into 
 English by E. McCurdy. 1906. 
 
 Leonardo de Vinci: Notes et Dessins sur la Generation. 
 1901. 
 
 Leonard de Vinci : Feuillets inedits conserves a Windsor. 22 
 vols. 1901 ff. 
 
 Instituto di Studi Vinciani: — Per il IV o centenario delta 
 morte di Leonardo da Vinci. 1919. 
 
 A. C. Klebs: Leonardo da Vinci and Ms anatomical studies. 
 1916. 
 
 Hieronymi Cardani: Opera Omnia. 1663. 10 vols. 
 
 W. W. R. Ball: A Short Account of the History of Mathe- 
 matics. 1901. 
 
 M. Cantor: Vorlesungen iXher Geschichte der Mathematik. 
 Vol. 2 (1200-1668). 1900. 
 
 H. G. Zeuthen: Geschichte der Mathematik in 16. und 17. 
 Jahrhundert. 1903. 
 
 Articles, "Algebra" and "Mathematics" in Encyclopaedia 
 Britannica. 
 
 Maximilien Marie: Eistoire des sciences mathematiques et 
 physiques, vols. 2 and 3. 1883-4. 
 
 F. Cajori: History of Mathematics.^ 1919. 
 
 David E. Smith : Rara arithmetica. A catalogue of the arith- 
 metics written before the year MDCI, with a description 
 of those in the library of G. A. Plimpton. 1908. 
 
 F. Dannemann: Grundriss einer Geschichte der Naturwissen- 
 schaften.\ 2 vols. 1902. 
 
 W. A. Locy: Biology and its makers.^ 1915. 
 
 W. A. Locy: The 3Iadn Currents of Zoology. 1918. 
 
 E. L. Greene: Landmarks of Botanical History. Part 1. 
 
 1909. (Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 54). 
 J. V. Cams : Geschichte der Zoologie his auf Joh. Milller und 
 Ch. Darwin. 1872. 
 
 F. Cajori : A History of Physics in Its Elementary Branches. 
 
 1899. 
 Conradi Gesneri Historiae Animalidim, libb. iii, 3 vols. 1551-8. 
 Wm. Gilbert . . . on the Loadstone and Magnetic Bodies . . . 
 
 a translation by P. P. Mottelay. 1893. 
 E. Gerland: Geschichte der Physik von den altesten Zeiten 
 
 his zum Ausgange des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts. 1913. 
 
 (Work of high philosophical and scientific value). 
 J. C. Brown : A History of Chemistry from the Earliest Times 
 
 Till the Present Day. 1913. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 791 
 
 F. J. Moore: A History of Chemistry. 1918. 
 
 T. E. Thorpe: A History of Chemistry. 2 vols. 1909-10. 
 
 Quaestiones Novae in Lihelhim de Sphaera Johannis de Sa- 
 
 cro Bosco, collectae ah Ariele Bicardo. Wittenberg, 1550. 
 
 (Library of Mr. G. A. Plimpton, New York). 
 S. Gunther: Geschichte der Erdkunde. 1904. 
 Articles, ''Geography" and "JMkp" in Encyclopcedia Britan- 
 
 nica. 
 L. Gallois: Les geographes allemands de la Renaissance, 
 
 1890. 
 N. Copernici De Bevolutionihus orhium cwlestium libri vi. 
 
 (First edition 1513; I use the edition of Basle, 1566). 
 L. Prowe: Nikolaus Coppernicus. 3 vols. 1883-4. (Stan- 
 dard). 
 Wohlwill: ' * Melanchthon und Kopernicus," in Mitteilun- 
 
 gen ziir Geschichte der Medizin und der Naturwiss&n- 
 
 schaften, iii, 260, 1904. 
 Luther on Copernicus, Bindseil: Lutheri Colloquia, 3 vols. 
 
 1863-66, vol ii, p. 149. (This is the best text; the 
 
 stronger form of the same saying, in which Luther called 
 
 Copernicus a fool, seems to have been retouched by Auri- 
 
 f aber) . 
 A. D. White: The Warfare of Science and Theology, 2 vols. 
 
 1896. Vol. i, pp. 114 ff. 
 A. Miiller: Nikolaus Copernicus. 1898. 
 Dorothy Stimson: The Gradual Acceptance of the Coperni- 
 
 can Theory of the Universe. 1917. (Excellent). 
 W. W. Bryant: History of Astronomy. 1907. 
 Article, "Navigation," in Encyclopcedia Britannica. 
 
 § 5. Philosophy 
 
 The Works of Luther, Melanchthon, Calvin, Zwingli, &c. 
 The Workes of Sir Thomas More, 1557. (Passage quoted, 
 
 p. 329h). 
 De Trinitatis Erroribus per M. Servetum'. (Printed, 1531; 
 
 I use the MS copy at Harvard). 
 M. Serveti Christianismi Restitutio. (I use the MS copy at 
 
 Harvard). 
 E. F. K. Miiller: Die Bekenntnisschriften der reformierten 
 
 Kirche. 1903. 
 Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, translated by 
 
 T. A. Buckley. 1851. 
 
792 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Thomas Cajetan's commentarj^ on Atiuinas, in the standard 
 edition of the Summa, 1880 ff. 
 
 Catechism of the Council of Trent, translated into English 
 by J. Donovan. 1829. 
 
 Altensteig: Lex^icon Theologicum. 1583. 
 
 A. Harnack: A History of Dogma, translated from the third 
 edition by N. Buchanan. 7 vols. 1901. 
 
 A. Harnack: Lehrhuch der Dogmengeschichte.* 1910. Vol. 
 iii. 
 
 E. Troeltsch: Geschichte der christlichen Religion. 1909. 
 (Kultur der Gegenwart). 
 
 R. M. Jones: Spiritual Reformers of the 16th and 17th Cen- 
 turies. 1914. 
 
 0. Ritschl: Dogmengeschichte des Protestantisms^, i, ii, 
 Iliilfte, 1912. 
 
 A. C. McGiffert: Protestant Thought before Kant. 1911. 
 
 J. Gottschick: Luther's Theologie. 1914. 
 
 Francis Bacon: Novum Organum, Bk. I, aphorisms xv, Ixv, 
 and Ixxix; Essays i, (Truth), iii, (of Unity in Reli- 
 gion), XXXV, (Prophecy). Advancement of Learning, 
 Bk. ix. 
 
 Montaigne's Essays, passim (numerous editions and excellent 
 English translation by Florio). 
 
 "W. Lyly: Euphues and Atheos (edited by E. Arber, 1904). 
 
 R. Ascham: The Schmlmaster. 1761. 
 
 Janssen-Pastor^^ ii, 461 f (on the Godless Painters of Nurem- 
 berg; cf. also M. Thausing: A DUrer, translated by F. 
 A. Eaton. 1882, ii, 248 f.) 
 
 !Fran§ois Rabelais: Oeiwres (numerous editions and transla- 
 tions). 
 
 J. M. Robertson: A Short History of Freethought.^ 2 vols. 
 1906. 
 
 Colloque de Jean Bodin des Secrets cachez et des Choses Sub- 
 limes. Traduction francaise du Colloquium Heptaplo- 
 nicres, par R. Chauvire. 1914. 
 F. von Bezold: "Jean Bodins Colloquium Heptaplomeres und 
 der Atheismus des 16. Jahrhunderts," Ilistorische Zeit- 
 schrift, cxiii, 260-315. 
 Jordani Bruni Opera, ed. Fiorentino. 3 vols. 1879-91. 
 
 Giordano Brunos Oesammelte Werke, verdeutscht iind er- 
 Idutcrt von L. Kuhlenbech. 6 vols. 1907-10. 
 
 W. Boulting: Giordano Bruno: His Life, Thought and Mar- 
 tijrdom. (1916). 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 793 
 
 L. Kuhlenbeck: Giorduno Bruno, seine Lehre von Gott, von 
 
 dcr Vnsterhlichkeit und von der Will ens freiheit. 1913. 
 W. Pater: Gaston de ki Tour. 1896. 
 J. R. Charbonnel: L'£:thiqu6 de Giordano Bruno et le deux- 
 
 iime dialogue de Spaccio, traduction. 1919. 
 J. Owen: The Skeptics of the Italian Renaissances 1893. 
 J. Owen: The Skeptics of the French Kenaissarice. 1893. 
 A. M. Fairbairn: "Tendencies of European Thought in the 
 
 Age of the Reformation," Cambridge Modern History, 
 
 ii, chap. 19. 
 Allegemeine Geschichte der Philosophie. (Kultur der Ge- 
 
 genwart, Teil i, Abt. V.) 1909. W. Windelband: Die 
 
 neuere Philosophie. 
 
 E. Cassirer: Das Erkenntnisprohlem in der Philosophie und 
 
 Wissenschaft der neuen Ze^it. Vol. i.- 1911. (Ex- 
 cellent. Fii-st edition, 1906-7). 
 
 R. Adamson: A Short History of Logic. 1911. 
 
 H. Hoffding: A History of Modern Philosophy. English 
 translation. 2 vols. 1900. 
 
 R. Eucken: The Problenv of Human Life as Viewed by the 
 Great Thiyikers. English translation. 1909. 
 
 J. M. Baldwin: Dictionary of Philosophy and Psychology. 
 8 vols. 1901-5. 
 
 J. R. Charbonnel: La pensee italienne au XVIe siccle. 1919. 
 
 A. Bonilla y San Martin : Luis Vives y la filosofia del renaci- 
 m,iento. 1903. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 THE TEMPER OP THE TIMES 
 
 § 1. Tolerance and Intolerance 
 
 Lord Acton: The History of Freedom. 1907. ''The Protest- 
 ant Theory of Persecution," pp. 150-187. (Essay writ- 
 ten in 1862). 
 
 F. Ruffini: Religious Liberty, translated by J. P. Heyes. 
 
 1912. 
 K". Paulus: Protestant ismus und Toleranz. 1912. 
 S. L. Burr: "Anent the ^Middle Ages." American Historical 
 
 Revietv. 1913, pp. 710-726. 
 P. Wappler: Die Stellung Kursachsens und Philipps von 
 
 Hcssen zur Tiiuferbewegung. 1910. 
 ^ncyclopcedia of Religion and Ethics, ix, s. v. "Persecution." 
 
794 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 S. Castellion : Traite des Heretiques. A savoir, si on les doit 
 persecuter. Ed. A. Olivet. Geneve. 1913. 
 
 P. Wappler: Inqwisition und Ketzerprozess zu Zwickau. 
 1908. 
 
 J. A. Faulkner: ''Luther and Toleration," Papers of Ameri- 
 can Church History Society, Second Series, vol. iv, pp. 
 129 ff. 1914. 
 
 K. Volker: Toleranz und Intoleranz im Zeitalter der Refor- 
 mation. 1912. 
 
 W. E. H. Lecky: A History of the Rise and Influence of the 
 Spirit of Rationalism in Europe. 2 vols. 1865. chapter iv, 
 "Persecution" (in vols. 1 and 2 both). 
 
 Erasmi opera, 1703, ix, 904 ff. Proposition iii. 
 
 H. Hermelinck: Der Toleranzgedanke. 1908. 
 
 The Workes of Sir Thomas More, 1557, pp. 274 ff. (A Dia- 
 logue of Sir Thomas More, 1528). 
 
 Montaigne: Essays, Book ii, no. xix. 
 
 A. J. Klein: Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth. 1917. 
 
 R. Lewin: Luther's Stellung zu den Juden. 1911. 
 
 R. H. Murray: Erasmus and Luther: their attitude to Tol- 
 eration. 1920. 
 
 § 2. Witchcraft 
 
 Papers of the American Historical Association, iv, pp. 237-66. 
 
 Bibliography of witchcraft by G. L. Burr. 
 N. Paulus: Hexenwahn und Hexenprozess, vornehmlich im 
 
 16. Jahrhundert. 1910. 
 G. L. Burr: The Witch Persecutions. Translations and Re- 
 prints issued by the University of Pennsylvania, vol. 3, 
 
 no. 4, 1897. 
 G. L. Burr: The Fate of Dietrich Flade. 1891. 
 J. Hansen: Zauberwahn, Inquisition und Hexenprozess im 
 
 Mittelalter, und die Entstehung der grossen Hexenverfol- 
 
 gung. 1900. 
 F. von Bezold: "Jean Bodin als Okkultist und seine Demon- 
 
 omanie." Historische Zeitschrift, cv. 1 ff. (1910). 
 Gosson: The School of Abuse (1578), ed. E. Arber, 1906, p. 
 
 60. 
 De Praestigiis demonum . . . authore Joanne Wiero . . . 
 
 1564. 
 Johannis Wieri: De lamiis. 1582. 
 Reginald Scott: The Discoverie of Witchcraft, wherein the 
 
 Lewde dealing of Witches and Witchmongers is notably 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 795 
 
 detected . . . whereunto is added a Treatise upon the 
 Nature and Substance of Spir^its and Devils. 1584. Re- 
 printed by B. Nicholson, 1886. 
 
 W. Notestein: A History of Witchcraft in England 1558- 
 1718. 1911. 
 
 V. E. H. Lecky: A History of the Rise and Influence of the 
 Spirit of Rationalism in Europe. 2 vols. 1865. Vol. 1, 
 chaps, i, and ii. 
 
 lontaigne: Essays, vol. iii, no. xi. 
 
 [. C. Lea: A History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages. 
 Vol. iii, 392 ff. 
 
 K L. Kittredge: *'A Case of Witchcraft," American His- 
 torical Review, xxiii, pp. 1 ff, 1917. 
 
 !. Mirbt: Quellen zur Geschichte des Papsttums und des ro- 
 mischen Katholizismus.^ 1911. p. 182. (Bull, Summis 
 desiderantes) . 
 
 r. Roskoff: Geschichte des Teufels. 1869. 
 
 L. Graf: II diavolo. 1889. 
 
 [. C. Lea: The Inquisition in Spain, 1907, vol. iv, chaps. 8 
 and 9. 
 
 Hatutes of the Realm, 5 Eliz. 16 : An Act agaynst Inchant- 
 mentes and Witcheraftes. (1562-3). 
 
 ?. de Cauzons : La Magie et la Sorcellerie en France. 4 vols. 
 (1911). 
 
 1. Klinger: Luther iind der deutscheVolksal>erglauhe. 1912. 
 {Palaestra, vol. 56). 
 
 § 3. Education 
 
 llhum AcademicB Vitehergensis 1502-1602, Band I, ed. K. E. 
 Forstemann, 1841. Band ii, 1895. Band iii Indices, 
 1905. (Reprint of vol. i, 1906). 
 
 '. C. H. Weissenborn : Alden der Erfurter Universitdt. 3 
 vols. 1884. 
 
 I-. Buchanan: "Anent the Reformation of the University of 
 St. Andros," in Buchanan's Vernacular Writings, ed. P. 
 Hume Brown, 1892. 
 
 "he Statutes of the Faculty of Arts and of the Faculty of 
 Theology at the Period of the Reformation, of St. An- 
 drews' University, ed. R. K. Hannay, 1910. 
 
 i. Hartf elder: Melarichthoniana pa'dogogica. 1895. 
 
 \ V. N. Painter: Luther on Education, including a historical 
 introduction and a translation of the Reformer's two 
 most important educational treatises. 1889. 
 
796 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Mandament der Keyserlijcker Mmesteit, vuytghegeven int 
 Jaer xlvi. Louvain. 1546, (100 facsimiles printed for 
 A. M. Huntin^on at the De Vinne Press, N. Y., 1896. 
 Contains lists of books allowed in schools in the Nether- 
 lands), 
 
 C. Borgeaud: Histdire de V Umversite de Geneve. 2 vols. 
 1900, 1909. 
 
 J. M. Hofer: Die Stellung des Des. Erasmus und J. L. Yives 
 zur Pddagogik des Quintilian. (Erlangen Dissertation). 
 1910. 
 
 F. Watson: Vives and the Renascence education of Women. 
 1912. 
 
 P. Monroe: Cyclopedia of education. 5 vols. 1912-3. 
 
 K. A. Schmid : Geschichte der Erziehung vom Anfang his auf 
 unserer Zeit. 5 vols, in 7. 1884-1902. (Standard), 
 
 A. Zimmermann: Die Universitdten Englands im 16. Jahr- 
 hundert. 1889. 
 
 A. Zimmermann: England's ''offentliche Schulen" von der 
 Reformation his zur Gegenwart, 1892 (Stimmen aus 
 Maria-Lach. vol. 56). 
 
 F. P. Graves: A History of Education during the Middle 
 
 Ages and the Transition to Modern Times. 1910. 
 *'Die Frequenz der deutschen Universitaten in friiherer 
 
 Zeit," Deutsches Wochenhlatt, 1897, pp. 391 ff. 
 P. Monroe : A Text-Book of the History of Education. 1905. 
 
 (Standard text-book). 
 W. S. Monroe: A Bibliography of Education. 1897. 
 
 G. Mertz: Das 8chulwesen der deutschen Reformation. 
 1902. 
 
 P. Paulsen : Geschichte des gelehrten Unterrichts in Deutsch- 
 land.^ 2 vols. 1896-7. 
 
 "W. Sohm: Die Schule Johann Sturms. 1912. 
 
 J. Picker: Die Anfdnge der akademischen Studien in Strass^ 
 hurg. 1912. 
 
 Shakespeare's England, 1916. 2 vols. ch. 8 "Education" by 
 Sir J. E. Sandys. 
 
 A. Koersch: L' Humanisme helge d I' epoque de la Renais- 
 sance. 1910. 
 
 Sir T. Elyot: The hoke named the governour. 1531. (New 
 edition by H. H. S. Croft. 2 vols. 1880). 
 
 Melanchthonis opera omnia, xi, 12 ff. * ' Declamatio de cor- 
 rigendis adolescentise studies." (1518). 
 
 Jl. Ascham: The Schole Master. 1571. (I use the reprint 
 
 i 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 797 
 
 in the English Works of R. Ascham, ed. J. Bennet, 1761). 
 M. Fournier: Les Statuts et Privileges des Universites fran- 
 
 gaises depuis leur fondation jusqu'en 1789. 4 vols. 
 
 1890-4. 
 F. Bacon: The Advancement of Learning, Book ii. 
 Elizabethan Oxford: reprints of rare tracts ed. by C. Plumer. 
 
 1887. 
 Grace hook A containing records of the University of Cam- 
 bridge 1542-89, ed. by J. Venn. 1910. 
 Registres des proces-verbaux de la Faculte de theologie de 
 
 Paris, pub. par A. Clerval. Tome I. 1917. (1505-23). 
 J. H. Lupton: A Life of John Colet, new ed. 1909. (First 
 
 printed 1887. On St. Paul's School, pp. 169, 271 ff.) 
 W. H. Woodward: Des. Erasmus concerning the Aim and 
 
 Method of Education. 1904. (Fine work). 
 F. P. Graves: Peter Ramus and the Educational Reformation 
 
 of the 16th Century. 1912. 
 Encyclopcedia Britannica, articles *' Universities" and 
 
 "Schools." 
 Altamira y Crevea: Historia de Espana,^ iii, 532 ff. (1913). 
 
 F. Gribble: The Romance of the Cambridge Colleges. 
 
 (1913). 
 J. B. Mullinger: A History of the University of Cambridge. 
 1888. 
 
 G. C. Brodrick: A IDistory of the University of Oxford. 
 
 1886. 
 C. Headlam: The Story of Oxford. 1907. 
 W. H. Woodward: Studies in Education during the Age of 
 
 the Renaissance 1400-1600. 
 A. Bonilla y San Martin: Luis Vives y la filosofia del renaci- 
 
 mienio. 1903. 
 A. Lef ranc : Histoire du. College de France depuis ses origines 
 
 jitsqu' a la fin du premier empire. 1893. 
 P. Feret: La Facidte de Theologie de Paris, ^poque 
 
 Moderne. 7 vols. 1900-10. 
 W. Friedensbuxg : Geschichte der Universitdt Wittenberg. 
 
 1918. 
 § 4. Art 
 
 Very fine reproductions of the works of the principal 
 painters of the time are published in separate volumes of the 
 series, Klassiker der Kunst in Gesamtausgaben, Deutsche Ver- 
 lags-Anstalt, Stuttgart und Leipzig. A brief list of standard 
 criticisms of art, many of them well illustrated, follows: 
 
798 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 K. Woermann: Geschichte der Kunst aller Zeiten und 
 
 Volker. Band 4.- 1919. 
 S. Reinach: Apollo.'^ 1907. (Also English translation. 
 
 Marvelously compressed and sound criticism). 
 J. A. Symonds: T'he Italian Renaissance. The Fine Arts. 
 
 1888. 
 L. Pastor: History of the Popes. (Much on art at Rome, 
 
 passim). 
 B. Berenson: North Italian Painters of the Renaissance. 
 
 1907. 
 B. Berenson: Central Italian Painters of the Renaissance. 
 
 1897. 
 B. Berenson: The Venetian Painters of the Renmssance.^ 
 
 1902. 
 
 B. Berenson: The Florentine Painters of the Renaissance."^ 
 
 1903. 
 
 Giorgio Vasari: Lives of the Most Eminent Painters, Sculp- 
 tors and Architects, newly translated by G. du C. de Vere, 
 10 vols. 1912-14. (Other editions). 
 
 R. Lanciani: The Golden Days of the Renaissance in Rome. 
 1907. 
 
 E. Mlintz: Histoire de V art pendant la Renaissance. 3 vols. 
 1889-95. 
 
 J. Crowe and (J. Cavalcaselle: History of Italian Painting. 
 1903 ff. 
 
 L. Dimier : French Painting in the Sixteenth Century. 1904. 
 
 L. F. Freeman: Italian Sculptors of the Renaissance. 1902. 
 
 H. Janitschek: Geschichte der deutschen Malerei. 1890. 
 
 H. A. Dickenson: German Masters of Art. 1914. 
 
 E. Bertaux: Rome de V avenement de Jules II a nos jours."^ 
 1908. 
 
 M. Reymond: L' Education de Leon^ard. 1910. 
 
 W. Pater: "Leonardo da Vinci," in the volume called The 
 Renaissance, 1878. (Though much attacked this is, in 
 my opinion, the best criticism of Leonardo). 
 
 S. Freud: Leonardo da Vinci. 1910. 
 
 W. von Seidlitz: Leonardo da Vinci. 2 vols. 1909. (Ex- 
 cellent). 
 
 Osvald Siren: Leonardo da Vinci. 1916. 
 
 Leonardo da Vinci: A treatise on painting, translated from 
 the Italian by J. F. Rigaud. London. 1897. 
 
 C. J. Holmes: Leonardo da Vinci. Proceedings of the 
 
 British Academy. 1919. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 799 
 
 E. Miintz: Raphael, sa vie, son oeiivre et son temps. 1881. 
 W. Pater: "Raphael," in Miscellaneous Studies, 1913. 
 
 (First written 1892; fine criticism). 
 Edward McCurdy: Raphael Santi. 1917. 
 H. Grimm: Life of Michael Angelo, tr. by F. E. Bunnett. 
 
 2 vols. New ed. 1906. 
 Crowe and Cavalcasselle : Life and Times of Titian. 1877, 
 H. Thode: Michelangelo und das Ende der Renaissance. 5 
 
 vols. 1902-13. 
 L. Dorez: ''Nouvelles recherches sur Michel- Ange et son en- 
 tourage," Bibliotheque de V Ecole des Chartes. Vol. 
 
 77, pp. 448 ff. (1916), vol. 78, pp. 179 ff. (1917). 
 Romain Roland: Vie de Michel- Ange.'^ 1913. 
 The Sonnets of Michael Angelo Buonarroti, translated into 
 
 English by J. A. Symonds, (IMy copy, Venice, has no 
 
 date). 
 R. W. Emerson : Essay on Michaelangelo. 
 A. Diirer's Schriftliche Nachlass, ed. E. Heidrich. 1908. 
 M. Thausing: A. Dilrer.^ 1876. (English translation from 
 
 1st ed. by F. A. Eaton. 1882). 
 Alhrecht Dilrers Niederldndische Reise, hg. von J. Veth und 
 
 8. Miiller. 2 vols. 1918. 
 A. B. Chamberlain: Hans Holbein the Younger. 2 vols. 
 
 1913. 
 A. Michel: Histoire de V art depuis les premiers temps 
 
 Chretiens jusqu' a nos jours. 3 vols. 1905-8. 
 C. H. Moore: The Character of Renaissance Architecture. 
 
 1905. 
 R. Bloomfield: A History of French Architecture from the 
 
 Reign of Charles VIII till the death of Mazarin. 2 vols. 
 
 1911. 
 
 § 5. Belles Lettres 
 
 Note: The works of the humanists, theologians, biblical 
 and classical scholars, historians, publicists and philosophers 
 have been dealt with in other sections of this bibliography. 
 Representative poets, dramatists and writers of fiction for 
 the century (up to but not including the Age of Shakespeare 
 in England or of Henry IV in France) are the following: 
 Italian : Ariosto, A. F. Grazzini, M. Bandello, T. Tasso, 
 
 Berni, Guarini. 
 French: Margaret of Navarre, C. Marot, Rabelais, Joachim 
 
 du Bellay, Ronsard, Montaigne. 
 
800 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 English: Lyndesay, Skelton, Wyatt, Surrey, anonymous 
 poets in Tottel's Miscellany, Sidney, E. Spenser, Donne, 
 Lyly, Heywood, Kyd, Peele, Greene, Lodge, Nash, Mar- 
 lowe. 
 
 German: Hans Sachs, Fischart, T. Mumer, anonymous Till 
 Eulenspiegel and Faustbuch, B. Waldis. 
 
 Spanish: The Picaresque novel, La vida de Lazarillo de 
 Tonnes y de sus fortunas y adversidades. 
 
 Portuguese : Camoens. 
 As it is not my purpose to give even a sketch of literary 
 
 history, but merely to illustrate the temper of the times from 
 
 the contemporary belles lettres, only a few suggestive works 
 
 of criticism can be mentioned here. 
 
 H. Hallam: Introductioii to the Literature of Europe in the 
 1.5th, 16th and 17th Centuries. 1838-9. (Old, but still 
 useful). 
 
 J. A. Symonds: Italian Literature. 1888. 
 
 G, Lanson: Histoire de la litterature frangaise.^ 1906. 
 
 C. H. C. Wright: A History of French Literature. 1912. 
 
 C. Thomas: A History of German Literature. 1909. 
 
 E. Wolff: Faust und Luther. 1912. 
 
 The Cambridge History of English Literature, vol. iii, Renais- 
 sance and Reformation. 1908. 
 
 J. J. Jusserand: Histoire Litteraire du Peuple Anglais. 
 Tome ii, De la Renaissance a la Guerre Civile. 1904. 
 (Also English translation; a beautiful work). 
 
 Winifred Smith: The Commedia delV Arte. 1912. (Nota- 
 ble). 
 
 A. Tilley : The Literature of the French Renaissance. 2 vols. 
 1904. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV 
 
 THE REFORMATION INTERPRETED 
 
 The purpose of the following list is not to give the titles of 
 all general histories of the Reformation, but of those books 
 and articles in which some noteworthy contribution has been 
 made to the philosophical interpretation of the events. Many 
 an excellent work of pure narrative character, and many of 
 those dealing with some particular phase of the Reformation, 
 are omitted. All the noteworthy historical works published 
 prior to 1600 are listed in tlie bibliography to Chapter XII, 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 801 
 
 section 2, and are not repeated here. The chronological order 
 
 is here adopted, save that all the works of each writer are 
 
 grouped together. In every case I enter the book under the 
 
 year in which it first appeared, adding in parentheses the 
 
 edition, if another, which I have used. 
 
 Francis Bacon (1561-1626): Essay Iviii; also Essays i, iii, 
 XXXV; Novum Organum Bk. i, aphorisms xv and Ixv; Ad- 
 vancement of Learning, Bk. ix, and i. 
 
 Tacques-Auguste de Thou (Thuanus) : Historiae siti temporis. 
 1604-20. 
 
 Hngo Grotius: Annales et historiae de rehus helgicis. 1657. 
 (Written 1611 ff). 
 
 William Camden: Annales Rerum Anglicarum et Hiherni- 
 carum regnante Elizahetha. Pars I, 1615 ; Pars II, 1625. 
 
 Agrippa d' Aubigne : Efistaire Universelle. 1616-20. 
 
 Paolo Sarpi: Istoria del Concilio Tridentino. 1619. (P. 
 Sarpi: Histoire du Concile du Trente, French transla- 
 tion by Amelot de la Houssaie. 1699). 
 
 Arrigo Caterino Davila: Storia delle guerre civili di Francia. 
 1630. 
 
 QiuHo Bentivoglio: Guerra di Fiandria. 1632-39. 
 
 Famiano Strada: De hello belgico decades duo. 1632-47. 
 
 Frangois Eudes, [called] de Mezeray: Histoire de France. 
 1643-51. 
 
 David Calderwood (1575-1650) : History of the Kirk of Scot- 
 land, ed. T. Thompson, 1842-9. 
 
 Lord Herbert of Cherbury: Life and Reign of Henry VIII. 
 1649. 
 
 Thomas Fuller: Church History, 1655. (Ed. Brewer, 6 vols. 
 1845). 
 
 I. Harrington: Oceana, 1656. (Harrington's Works, 1700, 
 pp. 69, 388). 
 
 Sforza Pallavicino: Istoria del Concilio di Trento. 1656-7. 
 
 Annales ecclesiastici . . . aiictore Reynaldo, ed. J. D. Mansi. 
 Tomi 33-35. Lucaeu 1755. (Oderic Reynaldus, who 
 died 1671, was a continuator of Baronius, covering the 
 period in church history 1198-1565). 
 
 Jean Claude: Defense de la Reformation. . . . 1673. (Eng- 
 lish translation: An historical defense of the Reformation. 
 1683). 
 
 Gilbert Burnet : History of the Reformation of the Church of 
 England. 3 vols. 1679, 1681, 1715. (Ed. by Pocock, 
 6 vols. 1865ff). 
 
802 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Louis Maimbourg: Histoire du Lutherawisme. 1680, 
 Pierre Jurieu: Histoire du Calvinisme et celle du Papisme 
 
 mises en parallele. 1683. (English translation, 2 vols. 
 
 1823). 
 Veit Ludwig von Seckendorf: Commeniarius Mstoricus et 
 
 apologeticus de Luther anismo. 1688-92. 
 Jacques Benigne Bossuet: Histoire des variations des eglises 
 
 protestantes. 1688. (I have used the editions of 1812 
 
 and 1841). 
 Pierre Bayle : Dictionnaire hisiorique et critique, 1697., s. v. 
 
 ''Luther," "Calvin," &e. 
 Gabriel Daniel: Histoire de France. 1703. 
 Jeremy Collier: Ecclesiastical History, 2 vols. 1708-14. (ed. 
 
 Lathbury, 9 vols. 1852). 
 Eapin Thoyras: Histoire d' Angleterre. 1723ff. 
 Johann Lorenz Mosheim: Institutiones historiae christianae 
 
 rec67itiores. 1741. 
 Montesquieu: Esprit des Lois, 1748, Livre xxiv, chaps. 2, 5, 
 
 25 ; Livre xxv, chap. 2, 6, 11. 
 Frederick II (called The Great) of Prussia: De la Supersti- 
 tion et de la Religion. 1749. (Oeuvres, 1846, i, 204 ff). 
 Voltaire: Essai sur les moeurs et I' esprit des nations, et sur 
 
 les principaux faits de I' histoire depuis Charlemagne 
 
 jusqu'd Louis XIII. 1754. (Cf. also a passage in his 
 
 Dictionnaire philosophique). 
 David Hume: History of England from the Invasion of 
 
 Julius Caesar to the Revolution of 1688. The volumes on 
 
 the Tudor period came out in 1759. 
 William Kobertson : A History of Scotland. 1759. 
 William Robertson: History of the Reign of the Emperor 
 
 Charles V. 1769. 
 Edward Gibbon: The Decline and Fall of the Romxin Empire. 
 
 1776-88. (On the Reformation, chap, liv, end). 
 Encyclopedic, 1778, s.v. " Lutheranisme. " (Anonymous ar- 
 ticle). 
 Johann Gottfried von Herder: Das Weimarische Gesanghuch, 
 
 1778, Vorrede. 
 Herder: Brief e das Studium der Theologie hetreffend, 1784. 
 
 (Samtliche Werke, Teil 14). 
 Herder: Brief e zur Beforderung der Humanitdt, 1793-7. 
 
 (Samtliche Werke, Teil 14). 
 Michael Ignaz Schmidt: Geschichte der Deutschen. Aeltere 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 803 
 
 Geschielite (to 1544), 1778 ff. Neuere Gescliiclite (1544- 
 1660), 1785 fie. 
 
 Jakob Gottlieb Planck : Geschielite des protestantischen Lehr- 
 hegriffs, 6 vols. 1783-1800. 
 
 [M. J. A. N. de Caritat, Marquis] De Condorcet: Esqvlisse d'un 
 tableau historique des Progres de V Esprit humain. 1794. 
 (I use the fourth edition, 1798, pp. 200 &.) 
 
 F. A. de Chateaubriand : Essai historique sur les Revolutions, 
 1797. (Oeuvres, 1870). 
 
 Chateaubriand: Analyse raisonnee de V histoire de France. 
 (Oeuvres, 1865, Tome 8). 
 
 Friedrich von Hardenberg (called Novalis) : Die Christen- 
 heit Oder Europa, 1799 (Novalis' Sehriften hg. von Minor, 
 1907, Band ii. Also English translation). 
 
 Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749-1832) : SdmtUche Werke, 
 Jubilaumsausgabe, no date, Stuttgart and Berlin, i, 242 
 and ii, 279, and other obiter dicta for which see the ex- 
 cellent index. See also Gespraehe mit Eckermann, 1832, 
 English translation in Bohn s library, p. 568. 
 
 Friedrich Schiller: Geschichte des Ahfalles der Vereinigten 
 Niederlandc vo7i der spanischen Regierung. 1788. (2d 
 ed., much changed, 1801; translation in Bohn's library). 
 Cf. also Schiller's letter to Goethe, Sept. 17, 1800, in 
 Schiller's Brief e, hg. von F. Jonas, 1895, vi, 200. 
 
 Christoph Martin Wieland (1733-1813). His opinion, in 1801 
 is given in Diary &c of Henry Crahh Robinson, ed. T, 
 Sadler, 3 vols., 1869, i, 109, and in " Charakteristik 
 Luthers," in Pantheon der Deutschen, 1794. 
 
 Charles de Villers: Essai sur V esprit et I'infliience de la Re- 
 forme de Luther. 1803. (English translation by James 
 Mill, 1805). 
 
 William Roscoe : Life and Pontificate of Leo X. 1805. 
 
 J. G. Fichte: Reden an die deutsche Nation, 1808. Nr. 6. 
 
 Mme. de Stael: De VAllemagne. 1813. 
 
 E. M. Arndt: Ansichten und Aussichten der deutschen Ge- 
 schichte. 1814. 
 
 Arndt: Vojn Worte und voni Kirchenliede. 1819. 
 
 Arndt: Christliches und Tilrkisches. 1828, pp. 255 ff. 
 
 Arndt: Vergleichende Volker geschichte. 1814. 
 
 Friedrich von Schlegel: Geschichte der alten und neuen Lit- 
 eratur. 1815. (Samtliche Werke, 1822, ii, 244 fiP). 
 
 Schlegel: Philosophic der Geschichte. 1829. (English 
 translation in Bohn's Library). 
 
804 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Joseph de Maistre: De I'eglise gallicane. 1820, cap. 2. 
 (Oeuvres, 1884, ii, 3 ff). 
 
 De Maistre: Lettres sur I'Inquisition espagnole. 1815 ff. 
 (Oeuvres ii), 
 
 John Lingard: History of England, vols. 4, 5. 1820 ff, 
 
 G. W. F. Hegel: Philosophie der Geschichte. Lectures de- 
 livered first 1822-3, published as vol, ix of his Werke by 
 E, Gans, 1837, (English translation by J, Sibree, 1857, 
 in Bohn's Library). 
 
 Leopold von Ranke : Geschichte der romamschen und german- 
 ischenVolker von 1494-1535. Band i, (bis 1514). 1824. 
 Appendix: Zur Kritik neuerer Geschichtschreiber. 
 
 Ranke: Die romischen Pdpste, ihre Kirche und ihr Staat im 
 XVI. und XVII. Jahrhundert. 1834-6, (Many edi- 
 tions and translations of this and other works of Ranke). 
 
 Ranke: Deutsche Geschichte Hm Zeitalter der Reformation. 
 1839-47. 
 
 Ranke: Zwolf Biicher Preussischer Geschichte. Band i und 
 ii, 1874. 
 
 Ranke: Die Osmannen und die Spanische Monarchic im 16. 
 und 17. Jahrhundert. 1877. 
 
 C. H. de Rouvroy, Comte de Saint-Simon: Nouveau Chris- 
 tianisme, Oeuvres, 1869, vii, 100 ff. (written 1825). 
 
 Henry Hallam: Constitutional History of England from the 
 accession of Henry VII to the death of George II. 1827. 
 
 Hallam : Introduction to the Literature of Europe in the 15th, 
 16th and 17th Centuries. 1837-9. 
 
 A. Thierry: Vingt-cinq letters sur I'histoire de France. 
 1827. 
 
 Frangois-Pierre-Guillanme Guizot: Histoire de la civilisation 
 en Europe. 1828. (English transl. by Hazlitt. 1846). 
 
 Guizot: Histoire de la civilisation en France. 4 vols, 1830. 
 
 PhiHpp Marheineke: Geschichte der deutschen Reformation. 
 4 vols. 1831-4. 
 
 Heinrich Leo: Geschichte der Niederlanden. 2 vols. 1832-5. 
 
 Leo: Lehrbuch der Universalgeschichte, 6 vols. 1835-44. 
 
 Friedrich von Raumer: Geschichte Europas seit dem Ende 
 des 15. Jahrhundert. 1832-50. 
 
 A. Vinet: Moralistes des 16. and 17. siecles. 1859 (Lectures 
 given 1832-47). 
 
 H. Martin: Histoire de France. 1833-6. 
 
 Heinrich Heine: Zur Geschichte der Religion und Philoso- 
 phic in Deutschland. 1834. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 805 
 
 Jules Michelet: Memoires de Luther ecrits par lui-meme, 
 
 traduits et mis en ordre. 1835. 
 Michelet et Quinet : Les Jesuites. 1842. 
 Michelet: Histoire de France, vols. 8-10, 1855 ff. 
 J. H. Merle d'Aubigne: Histoire de la Reformation du 16. 
 
 siccle. 5 vols. 1835-53. (English translation, 1846). 
 Thomas Babington Macauley: "On Ranke's History of the 
 
 Popes," 1840, published in his Essays, 1842. There are 
 
 also remarks on the effect of the Reformation in his 
 
 History of England, 1848 ff. 
 John Carl Ludwig Gieseler: Lehrhuch der Kirchengeschichte. 
 
 Band iii, Abteilung 1, 1840. (Many later editions, and an 
 
 English translation). 
 Jaime Balmes: El protestantismo comparado con el catolic- 
 
 ismo en sus rclaciones con la civilizacion Europea. 4 vols. 
 
 1842-4. (English translation as, Protestantism and 
 
 Catholicism compared, 2d ed. 1851). 
 Thomas Carlyle : Heroes and Hero-worship. 1842. 
 Philarete Chasle: "La Renaissance sensuelle: Luther, Rabel- 
 ais, Skelton, Folengo," Revue des deux Mondes, March, 
 
 1842. 
 Edgar Quinet: Le genie des religions. 1842. 
 Quinet: (see Michelet). 
 
 Quinet: Le Christianisme et la Revolution frangaise. 1845. 
 Johann Joseph Ignaz von Bollinger : Die Reformation. 3 vols. 
 
 1846-8. 
 Bollinger: Luther, eine Skizze. 1851. 
 Bollinger: Kirche und Kirchen. 1861, p. 386. 
 Bollinger: Vortrdge iiber die Wiedervereinigungsversuche 
 
 zwischen den christUchen Kirchen und die Aussichten 
 
 einer kilnftigen Union. 1872. 
 F. C. Baur: Lehrhuch der christlichen Dogmengeschichte. 
 
 1847. 
 Baur: Die Epochen der kirchlichen Geschichtschreihung. 
 
 1852. 
 Baur: Geschichte der christlichen Kirche, Band iv, 1863. 
 E. Forcade : "La Ref orme et la Revolution, ' ' Revue des Deux 
 
 31 011 des, Feb. 1849. 
 William Corbbett: A History of the Protestant "Reforma- 
 tion" in England and Ireland, showing how that event 
 
 has impoverished and degraded the main body of the 
 
 People in these countries. 1852. 
 Napoleon Roussel: Les nations catholiques et les nations pro- 
 
806 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 testantes comparees sous le triple rapport du hien-etre, 
 
 des lumieres et de la moralitS. 1854. 
 "William H. Prescott: History of the Reign of Philip II, 
 
 King of Spain. 1855-72. 
 John Lothrop Motley : The Rise of the Dutch Republic. 1855. 
 Motley: History of the United Netherlands from the death 
 
 of William the Silent to the Synod of Dort. 1860-7. 
 Motley: Life and Death of John of Barneveldt. 1874. 
 James Anthony Fronde: History of England from the Fall 
 
 of Wolsey to the Death of Elizabeth. (Later: To the 
 
 Spanish Armada). 1856-70. 
 Fronde: Short Studies on Great Subjects. 1867-83. 
 Fronde: The Divorce of Catharine of Aragon. 1891. 
 Fronde: The Life and Letters of Erasmus. 1894. 
 Fronde: Lectures on the Council of Trent. 1896. 
 Henry Thomas Bnckle: History of Civilization in England. 
 
 1857-61. 
 Paul de Lagarde: "Ueber das Verhaltnis des deutschen 
 
 Staates zu Theolo^e, Kirche und Religion." Deutsche 
 
 Schriften, 1886, pp. 48 &. (Written in 1859, first 
 
 printed 1873). 
 David Friedrich Stranss: Ulrich von Hutten. 1858. 
 Gnstav Freytag: Bilder aus der deutschen Vergangenheit. 
 
 1859-62. 
 Ferdinand Gregorovins ; Oeschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittel- 
 
 alter. 1859-71. 
 Lord Acton: Many essays and articles, beginning about 1860, 
 
 mostly collected in his History of Freedom and Other 
 
 Essays, 1906, and Historical Essays and Studies, 1907. 
 Acton: Lectures on Modern History. 1906. (I use the 1912 
 
 edition; the lectures were delivered in 1899-1901). 
 Acton: Letters to Mary Gladstone, ed. H. Paul, 1904. 
 Jacob Burckhart: Die Cultur der Renaissance in ItaUen. 
 
 1860. (English translation by S. G. C. Middlemore, 
 
 1878). Twentieth ed. by L. Geiger, 1919. 
 W. Stnbbs: Lectures on European History. 1904. (De- 
 livered 1860-70). 
 Frangois Lanrent: Etudes sur Vhistoire de Vhumanite. 18 
 
 vols. Vol. viii: La Reforme. (No date, circa 1862). 
 
 Vol. xvii: La Religion de Tavenir. 1870. Vol. xviii: 
 
 Philosophie de I'histoire. 1870. (pp. 340 ff). 
 John William Draper: History of the Intellectual Develop- 
 ment of Europe. 1863. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 807 
 
 Draper: History of the Conflict of Science and Beligion. 
 
 1874. 
 W. E. H. lecky: History of the Rise and Influence of the 
 
 Spirit of Bationalism in Europe. 1865. 
 K. P. W. Maurenbrecher : Karl V und die deutschen Pro- 
 
 testanten. 1865. 
 Maurenbrecher: England im Be formationszeit alter. 1866. 
 Maurenbrecher: Studien U7id Skizzen zur Geschichte der Be- 
 
 formationszeit. 1874. 
 Maurenbrecher: Geschichte der katholischen Beformation. 
 
 1880. 
 Henry Charles Lea: Superstition and Force. 1866. 
 Lea: Historical Sketch of Sacerdotal Celibacy. 1867. 
 Lea : Chapters from the Beligious History of Spain connected 
 
 with the Inquisition. 1890. 
 Lea: History of Aw^icular Confession and Indulgences in the 
 
 Latin Church. 1896, 
 Lea : History of the Inquisition in Spain. 1906-7. 
 Lea: "The Eve of the Reformation," Cambridge Modern 
 
 History, ii, 1902. 
 Ludwig Hausser: Geschichte des Zeitalters der Beformation. 
 
 1867-8. 
 Frederic Seebohm: The Oxford Beformers, 1867. 
 Seebohm: The Era, of the Protestant Bevolution. 1874. 
 H. H. Milman : Savonarola, Erasmus and other Essays. 1870. 
 Eichhoff: Dr. Martin Luther: 100 Stimmen namhafter Man- 
 ner aus 4 Jahrhunderten. 1872. 
 George Park Fisher: The Beformation. 1873. (New ed. 
 
 1906). 
 John Richard Green: Short History of the English People, 
 
 1874. 
 Green: History of the English People, 4 vols. 1877-80. 
 John Addington Symonds: The Benaissance in Italy, 7 vols. 
 
 1875-86. 
 Symonds: "Renaissance," article in Encyclopaedia Britan- 
 
 nica, 9th, 10th, 11th ed. 
 Johannes Janssen: Geschichte des deutschen Volkcs seit dem 
 
 Ausgange des Mittelalters, 1876-88. (Twentieth ed. of 
 
 vols. 1, 2; eighteenth ed. of vols. 3-8, by L. Pastor, 
 
 1913 ff). 
 Emile de Laveleye: Le protestantisme et le catholicisme dans 
 
 leurs rapports avec la liherte et la prosperite des peuples, 
 
 1875. 
 
808 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Richard Watson Dixon: History of the Church of England 
 from the abolition of the Roman jurisdiction, 6 vols. 1878- 
 1902. 
 
 Friedrich Nietzsche: Menschliches, Allzumenschliches. 1878, 
 p. 200. 
 
 Nietzsche: Die frohliche Wissenschaft. 1882, §§ 35, 148, 149, 
 385. (And other obiter dicta, cf. Werke, vii, 401). 
 
 Pasquale Villari: Niccold Machiavelli e i suoi tempi. 1878. 
 (English transL, 1891). 
 
 Ludwig (von) Pastor: Die kirchliche Unionshestrehungen un- 
 ter Karl V, 1879. 
 
 Pastor: Geschichte der Pdpste seit dem Ausgange des Mittel- 
 alters, 7 vols. 1886-1920. (English translation of Ger- 
 man vols. 1-5, making 12 vols, ed. by Antrobus and 
 Kerr). 
 
 H. M. Baird: The Rise of the Huguenots in France. 1879. 
 
 Baird: The Huguenots and Henry of Navarre. 1886. 
 
 Georg Christian Bernhard Piinjer: Geschichte der christlichen 
 Religionsphilosophie seit der Reformation. 2 Bande. 
 1880-3. (English translation of the first volume as. 
 History of the Christian Philosophy of Religion from 
 the Reformation to Kant, by W. Hastie. 1887). 
 
 J. E. Thorold Rogers: History of Agricidture and Prices in 
 England, vol. iv, 1882, pp. 72 ff. 
 
 Rogers: The Economic Interpretation of History, 1888, pp. 
 83 ff. 
 
 K. W. Nitzseh: Geschichte des deutschen Volkes his zum 
 Augshurger Religions friede, hg. von Matthai, 1883-5. 
 
 Heinrich von Treitschke : ' ' Luther und die deutsche Nation, ' ' 
 1883. (English translation in Germany, France, Russia 
 and Islam, 1915, 227 ff. Other criticisms of the Refor- 
 mation may be found in his other works, e.g., Deutsche 
 Geschichte im 19. Jahrhundert, 1 Teil,^ 1895, pp. 86, 
 391). 
 
 Charles Beard: The Reformation of the Sixteenth Century 
 in its relation to Modern Thought and Knowledge. 1883. 
 
 A. Stern: Die Socialisten der Reformationszeit. 1883. 
 
 Matthew Arnold: St. Paul and Protestantism. 1883. 
 
 Adolf (von) Harnack: Martin Luther in seiner Bedeutung 
 fiir die Geschichte der Wissenschaft und der Bildung. 
 1883 (Fifth ed. 1910). 
 
 Harnack : M. Luther und die Grundlegung der Reformation. 
 1917. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 809 
 
 Harnack: Lelirhiich der Dogmengcschichte, Band iii, 1890. 
 
 (Fourth ed. 1910, and English translation by Neil Bu- 
 chanan, 1897). 
 Hamack: Das Wesen des Christentums. 1900. (English 
 
 translation, What is Christianity f 1901). 
 Hamack: ''Die Bedeutung der Reformation innerhalb der 
 
 allgemeinen Religionsgeschichte, " Bcderi und Aufsdtze, 
 
 Band ii, Teil ii, 1904. 
 Hamack: "Die Reformation," Internationale Monatsschrift, 
 
 xi, 1917. 
 M. Monnier: La Reforme, de Luther a Shakespeare. (His- 
 
 toire de la litterature moderne). 1885. 
 Leo Tolstoy: Thoughts and Aphorisms. 1886-93. Tolstoy's 
 
 AVorks, English, 1905, xix, 137 f. 
 Philip Schaif: History of the Christian Church. Vol. VI, 
 
 The German Reformation. 1888. Vol. VII, The Swiss 
 
 Reformation. 1892. 
 F. von Bezold: Die Reformation. 1890. (In Oncken's All- 
 
 gemeine Geschichte in Einzeldarstellungen). 
 F. von Bezold, E. Gotheim nnd R. Koser: Staat und Gesell- 
 
 schaft der neueren Zeit. 1908. (Die Kultur der Gegen- 
 
 wart, Teil ii, Abteilung V), 
 William Cunningham : Growth of English Industry and Com- 
 merce dur^ing the early and Middle Ages. 1890. 
 
 (Fourth ed. 1905). 
 Cunningham: Growth of English Industry and Commerce in 
 
 Modern Times. 1882. (3d ed. 1903). 
 Cunningham: Western Civilization in its Economic Aspects 
 
 in Ancient Times. 1898. 
 Cunningham: Western Civilization in its Economic Aspects 
 
 in Modern Times. 1900. (I also have the advantage of 
 
 having taken notes of Dr. Cunningham's lectures at 
 
 Columbia University, November, 1914). 
 Eudolph Cristoph Eucken: Die Lehensanschauungen der gros- 
 
 scn Denker. 1890. (7th ed. 1907; English translation, 
 
 The Problem of Human Life, by W. Hough and Boyce 
 
 Gibson, 1909). 
 F. Simmel: Soziale Differenzierung. 1890. 
 Robert Flint: History of the Philosophy of History. 1893. 
 C. Borgeaud: The Rise of Modern Democracy in Old and 
 
 New England. Translated by Mrs. B. Hill. Preface 
 
 by C. H. Firth. 1894. (First published in French 
 
 periodicals 1890-1). 
 
810 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Herbert L. Osgood: "The Political Ideas of the Puritans," 
 
 Political Science Quarterly, vi, 1 ff., 201 ff., 1891. 
 WiUielm Dilthey: "Auffassung und Analyse des Menschen 
 
 im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert. ' ' Archiv fiir die Geschichte- 
 
 der JPhilosophie, iv, (1891) 604 ff., v, (1892), 337 ff. 
 Dilthey: "Die Glaubenslehre der Ref ormatoren, " Preus- 
 
 siche Jahrbiicher, Ixxv, (1894), pp. 44 ff. 
 Dilthey: "Weltanschauung und Analyse des Menschen seit 
 
 Renaissance und Reformation." Gesammelte Schriften, 
 
 ii, 1914. 
 E. A. Freeman: Historical Essays, 4th series, 1892, 
 Karl Lamprecht: Zum Verstdndnis der wirtschaftlichen und 
 
 sozialen Wandlungen in Deutschland vom 14. bis zum 
 
 16. Jahrhundert. 1893. 
 Lamprecht: Deutsche Geschichte, Band 5, 1894-5. 
 Otto Pfleiderer: Philosophy and Development of Beligion. 
 
 (Gifford Lectures at Edinburgh), 1894, vol. ii, pp. 321 ff. 
 Pfleiderer: "Luther as the founder of Protestant civiliza- 
 tion." In Evolution and Theology, 1900, pp. 48-79. 
 
 (Address given 1883). 
 E. Belfort Bax: German Society at the Close of the Middle 
 
 Ages. 1894. 
 Bax: The Peasants* War in Germany. 1899. 
 Bax: The Rise and Fall of the ATmbaptists. 1903. (Large 
 
 portions of the three works by Bax have been reprinted 
 
 in his German Culture Past and Present. 1915). 
 Brooks Adams: The Law of Civilization and Decay. 1895. 
 Brooks Adams: The New Empire. 1902, 
 Karl Kautsky: Vorldufer des neuren Sozialismus, Band i, 
 
 "Der Kommunismus in der deutsehen Reformation," 
 
 1895. (Communism in Central Europe in the Time of the 
 
 Reformation, transl. by J, L. and E. G. Mulliken. 1897). 
 A. Berger: Die Kulturaufgaben der Reformation. 1895. 
 
 (2 1908). 
 Berger: M. Luther in kulturgeschichtlicher Darstellung, 
 
 3 parts, 1895, 1907, 1919. 
 Berger: Ursachen und Ziele der deutsehen Reformation. 
 
 1899. 
 Berger: Sind Humanismus und Protestantismus gegen- 
 
 sdtzigf 1899. 
 H. Hauser: "De I'humanisme et de la Reforme en France," 
 
 Revue Historique, July-Aug. 1897. 
 Karl SeU: "Die wissenschaftliche Aufgaben einer Geschichte 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 811 
 
 der christlichen Religion," Freussische Jahrhiicher, 
 xcviii. (1899), 12 ff. 
 
 Sell: Christentum und Weltgeschichte seit der Reformation. 
 1910. 
 
 Sell: Der Zusammenhang von Reformation und politischer 
 Freiheit. Abhandlmigen in Theologischen Arbeiten 
 aus dem rheinisclien wissenschaftlichen Predigerverein. 
 N. F. 12. 1910. 
 
 John Mackinnon Robertson : A Short History of Freethmight. 
 1899. (3 1915). 
 
 Robertson: A Short History of Christianity. 1901. (^1913). 
 
 S. N. Patten: The Developme^it of English Thought. A 
 S.tudj in the Economic Interpretation of History. 1899. 
 (Fanciful). 
 
 Ferdinand Brunetiere: "L'oeuvre litteraire de Calvin." Re- 
 vue des Deux Mondes, Oct 15, 1900. 
 
 Brunetiere: "L'oeuvre de Calvin." (1901). Discours de 
 C&mhat, ii, 1908, pp. 121 ff. 
 
 Williston Walker: The Reformation. 1900. 
 
 Walker: A History of the Christian Church. 1918. 
 
 A. Loisy: L'Evangile et I'^glise. 1901. (Answer to Har- 
 nack's AVesen des Christentums). 
 
 A. Lang: History of Scotland, i, 1901, p. 382. 
 
 A. F. Pollard: Henry VIII. 1902. 
 
 A. F. Pollard: Thomas Cranmer. 1904. 
 
 Pollard: Folitical History of England 1547-1603. 1910. 
 
 James Gairdner: The English Church in the Sixteenth Cen- 
 tury (1509-58). 1902. 
 
 J. Gairdner: Chapters in the Cambridge Modern History, 
 ii, 1902. 
 
 Gairdner: Lollardy and the Reformation. 4 vols. 1908 ff. 
 
 Mandell Creighton: A History of the Fapacy, vol. 5, 1902. 
 
 E. Armstrong: The Emperor Charles V. 1902. 
 
 H. Lemonnier: Histoire de France (ed. par E. Lavisse), v, 
 1903-4. 
 
 James Harvey Robinson: ''The Study of the Lutheran Re- 
 volt," American Historical Review, viii, 205. 1903. 
 
 J. H. Robinson: "The Reformation," Encyclopcedia Britan- 
 nica, 1911. 
 
 Auguste Sabatier: Les religions d'autorite et la religion 
 de Vesprit. 1903. (* 1910. English translation 1904). 
 
 (H. M.) Alfred Baudrillart: L'£;glise catholique, la Renais- 
 
812 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 sance, le Protestantisme. 1904. (English translation 
 
 by Mrs. Philip Gibbs. 1908). 
 W. H. Frere: The English Church in the Reigns of Eliza- 
 
 heth and James I, 1904. 
 H. A. L. Fisher: A Political History of England 1485-1547. 
 
 1904. 
 Fisher: The Republican Tradition in Europe, 1911, pp. 34 ff. 
 J. H. Mariejol: Histoire de France (ed. par E. Lavisse), 
 
 Tome vi, 1904. 
 E. P. Cheyney: The European Background of American 
 
 History, 1904, p. 168. 
 0. Hegemann: Luther in katholischem Urteil. 1904. 
 Friedrich Heinrich Suso Denifle: Luther and Luthertum in 
 
 der ersten Entwicklung, i, 1904 ; ii, hg. von A. M. Weiss, 
 
 1909. 
 Max Weber: "Die protestantische Ethik und der 'Geist' 
 
 des Kapitalismus, " Archiv fiir Sozialwissenschaft und 
 
 SozialpoUtik, xx and xxi, 1905. 
 George Santayana: Reason in Religion, 1905, pp. 114-124. 
 Santayana: Winds of Doctrine, 1913, pp. 39-46. 
 Santayana: Egotism in German Philosophy, 1917, pp. 1 
 
 ff., 23. 
 P. Imbart de la Tour: Les Origines de la Reforme, 3 vols. 
 
 1905-13. 
 P. Imbart de la Tour: ''Luther et TAllemagne, " in Revue 
 
 de metaphysique et morale, 1918, p. 611. 
 David J. Hill: A History of Diplomacy in the International 
 
 Development of Europe, vol. 2, 1906, pp. 422 f, 460. 
 A. W. Benn: A History of English Rationalism in the 
 
 Eighteenth Century, 1906, pp. 76 f. 
 J. Mackinnon: A History of Modern Liberty, Vol, iii. The 
 
 Age of the Reformation, 1906. 
 T. M. Lindsay: A History of the Reformation. 2 vols. 
 
 1906-7. 
 H. Bbhmer: Luther im Lichte der neueren Forschung. 1906. 
 
 (2d. ed. 1909, 3d 1913, 5th 1918, each much changed). 
 Ernst Troeltsch: Bedeutung des Protestantismus fiir die 
 
 Entstehung der modemen Welt. 1906. (2d ed. 1911; 
 
 English translation, "Protestantism and Progress." 
 
 1912). 
 Troeltsch: Protestantisches Christentum und Kirche in der 
 
 Neuzeit, 1906. (Kultur der Gegenwart, I, Teil iv, 1). 
 
 2d ed. 1909. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 813 
 
 Troeltsch: " Protestantismus und Kultur," in Die Religion 
 in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 1912. 
 
 Troeltsch: Die Soziallehren der christlichen Kirchen und 
 Gruppen, 1912. 
 
 Troeltsch: "Renaissance und Reformation," Histarische 
 Zeitschrift, ex. 519 ff., 1913. 
 
 Troeltsch: "Die Kulturbedeutung des Kalvinimus, " Inter- 
 nationale Wochenschrift, iv, 1910. 
 
 Troeltsch: "Luther und der Protestantismus, " Neue Bund- 
 schau; Oct. 1917. 
 
 T. Brieger: "Die Reformation." In Welt geschichte 1500- 
 1648, ed. Pflugk-Harttung, 1907. (Published separately, 
 enlarged, 1909). 
 
 F. Loofs: Luther's Stellung zum Mittelalter und zur Neuzeit. 
 1907. 
 
 Horst Stephan: Luther in den Wandlungen seiner Kirche. 
 1907. 
 
 A. Kalthoff: Das Zeitalter der Reformation. 1907. 
 
 Otto Pfleiderer: Die Entwicklung des Christ entums. 1907. 
 
 Joseph Fabre: La pensee moderne, de Luther a Leibnitz. 
 1908. 
 
 F. Lepp: Schlagworter des Reformat ionszeitalters. 1908. 
 
 Paul Sabatier: Les Modernist es, 1908 (Translated, Modern- 
 ism, 1908, pp. 75 ff). 
 
 Paul Sabatier: L'Orientation religieuse de la France actuelle, 
 1911. (Translated, France Today, its Religious Orien- 
 tation, 1913, pp. 49-51). 
 
 John ITorley: Miscellanies, Fourth Series, 1908, pp. 120 ff. 
 
 R. Eckert: Luther im Urteil bedeutender Manner. 1908. 
 (2d ed., expanded, 1917). 
 
 E. Boutroux: Science et religion dans la philosophie con- 
 
 temporaine, 1908, p. 13. 
 L. Zscharnack: "Reformation und Humanismus im Urteil 
 der deutsehen Aufklarung," Protestantische Monat- 
 shefte, 1908, xii, 81 ff, 153 ff. 
 
 F. Rachfahl: "Kalvinismus und Kapitalismus, " Interna- 
 
 tionale Wochetischrift, iii, 1909. 
 E. Fueter : ' ' Die Weltgeschichtliche Bedeutung des Calvinis- 
 
 mus. " Wissen und Leben, ii, 1909, pp. 269 ff. 
 E. Fueter: Geschichte der neueren Historiographie. 1911. 
 
 (French translation, 1916). 
 E. Fueter: Geschichte des Europdischen St aatensy stems 
 
 1492-1559. 1919. 
 
814 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 W. Windelband: Allgemeine Geschichte der Philosophie, p. 
 
 395. (Kultur der Gegenwart, Teil I, Abt. 5, 1909). 
 Solamon Reinach: Orpheus, 1909. 
 
 Jacob Salwyn Schapiro: Social Reform and the Reforma- 
 tion. 1909. 
 F. Katzer: Luther und Kant. 1910. 
 Emil Knodt: Die Bedeutung Calvins und des Calvinismus 
 
 filr die protestantische Welt. 1910. 
 Jaeger: " Germanisierung des Christentums," Religion in 
 
 Geschichte und Gegenwart, 1910. 
 A. Dide: J. J. Rousseau, le Protestantisme et la Revolution 
 
 frangaise. (1910). 
 J. Rivain: Politique, Morale, Religion; Sur VE sprit pro- 
 
 testant; Protestantisme et progres; I'^glise et V^tat. 
 
 1910. 
 C. Burdach: "Sinn und TJrsprung der Worte Renaissance 
 
 und Reformation." Konigliche-preussische. Akademie 
 
 der Wissensehaften, Sitzungsherichte, 1910, pp. 594-646. 
 W. Kohler: Idee und Personlichkeit in der Kirchenge- 
 
 schichte. 1910. 
 W. Kohler: ''Luther," in Morgenrot der Reformation, hg. 
 
 von Pflugk-Harttung, 1912. 
 W. Kohler: Martin Luther und die deutsche Reformation. 
 
 1916. 
 W. Kohler in Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 1909, 
 
 i, 2117 ff. 
 Kohler: "Erasmus," 1918. (Klassiker der Religion). 
 Kohler: Dr. M. Luther, der deutsche Reformator. 1917. 
 H. T. Andrews: "The Social Principles and Effects of the 
 
 Reformation." In Christ and Civilisation, ed. J. B. 
 
 Patten, Sir P. W. Bunting and A. E. Garvie, 1910. 
 Fernand Mouret: Histoire generale de I'JSglise. Tome 5. 
 
 La Renaissance et la Reforme. 1910. (^ 1914). 
 A. Humbert: Les Origines de la Theologie moderne, 1911. 
 Hartmann Grisar: Luther. 3 vols. 1911-13. 
 Preserved Smith: Life and Letters of Martin Luther, 1911. 
 
 (Especially the preface to the second edition, 1914). 
 Preserved Smith: "Justification by Faith," Harvard Theo- 
 logical Review, 1913. 
 Preserved Smith: "Luther," International Encyclopcedia, 
 
 1915. 
 Preserved Smith: "The Reformation 1517-1917." Billio- 
 
 theca Sacra, Jan. 1918. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 815 
 
 Preserved Smith: "English Opinion of Luther," Harvard 
 Theological Review, 1917. 
 
 Elillaire Belloc: "The Results of the Reformation." Cath- 
 olic World, Jan. 1912. 
 
 P. Wemle: Renaissance und Reformation. 1912. 
 
 Alfred Plummer: The Continental Reformation. 1912. 
 
 Maxime Kowalewsky: Die okonomische EntwicJdung Euro- 
 pas his zum Beginn der hapitalistischen Wirtschaftsform. 
 Aus dem Russischen iiberstezt von A. Stein. Vol. vi, 
 1913, pp. 51 ff. 
 
 J. B. Bury: A History of Freedom of Thought. 1913. 
 
 &. L. Burr: "Anent the Middle Ages," American Historical 
 Review, 1913. 
 
 Burr: "The Freedom of History," American Historical Re- 
 view, Jan. 1917. 
 
 W. J. Ashley: Economic Organization of England, 1914, 
 pp. 64 ff. 
 
 A. Elkan: "Entstehung und Entwicklung des Begriffs *Ge- 
 genref ormation, ' " Historische Zeitschrift, cxii, pp. 
 473-93, 1914. 
 
 E. M. Hulme: The Renaissance, the Protestant Revolution 
 
 and the Catholic Reformation. 1914. (Second ed. 
 1915). 
 
 G. Wolf: Quellenkunde der deutschen Reformationsge- 
 schichte, 2 vols. 1915, 1916. 
 
 A. E. Harvey : ' ' Economic Self-Interest in the German Anti- 
 clericalism of the 15th and 16th Centuries," American 
 Journal of Theology, 1915. 
 
 Harvey: "Economic Aspects of the Reformation," Lutheran 
 Survey, Aug. 1, 1917, pp. 459-64. 
 
 Harvey: "Martin Luther in the Estimate of Modern His- 
 torians," American Journal of Theology, July, 1918. 
 
 W. P. Paterson: "Religion," chap. 9 of German Culture, ed. 
 by W. P. Paterson, 1915. 
 
 John Dewey: German Philosophy and Politics. 1915. 
 
 H. Cohen: Deutschtum und Judentum. 1915. 
 
 G. Kawerau: Luther's Gedanken iiber den Krieg. 1916. 
 
 G. Monod: "La Reforme Catholique," Revue Historique, 
 cxxi, 1916, esp. pp. 314 f. 
 
 F. S. Marvin: Progress and History, 1916. (Essays by 
 
 various authors). 
 Shailer Mathews: The Spiritual Interpretation of Historic, 
 1916, esp. pp. 57 ff. 
 
816 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Frank Puaux: "La Reformation jugee par Claude et 
 Jurieu." Bulletin de la Societe de Vhistoire du Pro- 
 testantisme, Juillet-Sept. 1917. 
 
 I. Marchaud: La Reformation: ses causes, sa nature, ses 
 consequences. 1917. 
 
 W. Weiss: "Pour le Quatrieme Centenaire de la Eeforma- 
 tion," Bulletin de la Societe de I'histoire du Protest an- 
 tisme, 1917, pp. 178 ff. 
 
 K. D. Macmillan : Protestantism in Germany. 1917. 
 
 Georg von Below: Die Ursachen der Reformation, 1917. 
 
 H. M. Gwatkin: "Reformation," in Encyclopcedia of Re- 
 ligion and Ethics, 1917. 
 
 Alfred Fawkes: "Papacy," idid. 
 
 Max Lenz: "Luthers weltgesehichtliche Stellung," Preus- 
 sische Jahrhiicher, clxx, 1917. 
 
 Chalfant Robinson: "Some Economic Aspects of the Pro- 
 testant Reformation Doctrines." Princeton Theological 
 Review, October 1917. 
 
 Arthur Cushman McGiffert: "Luther and the Unfinished 
 Reformation." Address given at Union Seminary Oct. 
 31, 1917, published in the Union Seminary Bulletin, 
 1918. 
 
 Revue de Metaphysique et Morale, Sept.-Dec, 1918. Special 
 number on the Reformation with important articles by 
 C. A. Bemouilli, Imbart de la Tour, N. Weiss, F. Buisson, 
 P. Watson, Frederic Palmer, E. Doumergue and others. 
 
 W. K. Boyd: "Political and Social Aspects of Luther's 
 Message," South Atlantic Quarterly, Jan., 1918. 
 
 H. Scholz: "Die Reformation und der deutsche Geist." 
 Preussische Jahrhiicher, clxx, 1, 1918. 
 
 F. Heller: Luther's Religionsgeschichtliche Bedeutung. 
 1918. 
 
 F. J. Teggart: The Processes of History, 1918, pp. 162 ff. 
 
 Lucy H. Humphrey: "French Estimates of Luther," Lu- 
 theran Quarterly, April, 1918. (Interesting study). 
 
 J. Paquier: Luther et VAllemagne. 1918. 
 
 Wilbur Cross Abbott: The Expansion of Europe 1415-1789. 
 2 vols. 1918. 
 
 H. E. Barnes: "History," Encyclopcedia Americana, 1919. 
 
 George Foot Moore: History of Religions: Judaism, Chris- 
 tianity, Mohammedanism. 1919. 
 
BIBLIOGEAPHY 617 
 
 P. Hume Brown: Surveys of Scottish History. 1919. (Es- 
 says posthiunously collected). 
 
 J. Haller: Die Ursachen der Reformation. 1919. 
 
 F. Arnold: Die deutsche Reformation in ihren Beziehungen 
 zu den Kulturverhdltnissen des Mittelalters. 1919. 
 
 D. H. Bauslin: The Lutheran Movement of the Sixteenth 
 Century. 1919. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Aalst, 264. 
 
 Aberdeen, University of, 12. 
 
 Abgarus, 585. 
 
 Abyssinia, 405. 
 
 Acontius, J., 627. 
 
 Acton, Lord, 357, 377, 642, 
 
 737, 741. 
 Adams, B., 726. 
 Adrian VI, Pope, 
 
 appeal to Germany, 84 f., 
 
 378. 
 and Luther, 241, 378. 
 and Inquisition, 242, 378, 
 
 415. 
 pontificate, 378 f., 389. 
 in Spain, 427. 
 and art, 690. 
 Aerschot, Duke of, 269. 
 Aeschylus, 574. 
 Aesop, 574. 
 Africa, 10, 437, 441, 443, 
 
 445 f ., 473, 525, 533, 
 
 616. 
 Agriculture, 540 ff . 
 Agrippa of Nettesheim, H. 
 
 C, 420, 508, 510, 
 
 638 f. 
 Aigle, 161. 
 
 Aix-in-Provence, 203. 
 Alamanni, L., 373. 
 Albertinus, A., 453. 
 Albertus Magnus, 612. 
 Albigenses, 35. 
 Albuquerque, A. d', 443. 
 Alcala, University of, 12, 400, 
 
 565, 673. 
 Aleander, J., 78, 80, 191, 195, 
 
 241. 
 
 819 
 
 AlenQon, 195. 
 
 Charles, Duke of, 189. 
 Aleppo, 446. 
 Alesius, A., 354. 
 Alexander VI, Pope, 17 f., 
 
 407, 418, 435, 709. 
 Algiers, 449. 
 Allenstein, 618. 
 Almeida, F. d', 442. 
 Altdorf, 670. 
 Alva, Duke of, 
 
 defeats German Protes- 
 tants, 120. 
 besieges Metz, 200. 
 regent of the Netherlands, 
 
 254, 257 ff., 672. 
 and England, 332, 335, 
 
 339 f. 
 art of war, 488. 
 Amazon, 438. 
 
 America, 275, 407, 416, 430, 
 435 ff., 457, 512, 523, 
 616, 651. 
 gold and silver from, 
 473 ff. 
 Amboise, 197. 
 
 Tumult of, 210 f . 
 Amboyna, 524. 
 Ameaux, 175. 
 Ammonius, A., 649. 
 Amsterdam, 244, 257, 2611, 
 
 275, 531. 
 Amyot, 576. 
 Anabaptists, 82. 
 in Germany, 99 ff. 
 and Melanchthon, 117. 
 and polygamy, 120. 
 in Sweden, 138, 
 
820 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Anabaptists (continued) 
 in Poland, 142. 
 in Transylvania, 145. 
 in Switzerland, 154 ff. 
 in Netherlands, 237, 243 f., 
 
 248 f ., 295. 
 in England, 295, 308, 315. 
 in Italy, 376, 417. 
 and Council of Trent, 392. 
 and Bible, 573. 
 communism, 606. 
 persecuted, 644 f. 
 for toleration, 646. 
 judged by Bax and Kaut- 
 sky, 726. 
 Andalusia, 433 f. 
 Andelot, 205. 
 Andrea del Sarto, 680. 
 Angbierra, P. M. d', 702. 
 Anjou, Francis, Duke of, 
 269 f., 272, 274, 602. 
 Anne Boleyn, Queen of Eng- 
 land, 287, 290 f ., 293, 
 295, 298 f., 548, 588, 
 676. 
 Anne of Cleves, Queen of 
 
 England, 306 f . 
 Anne, Queen of France, 182 f . 
 Anthology, 574. 
 Antwerp, 237, 239 ff., 245, 
 256 f ., 260, 265, 284, 
 355, 442, 454, 467, 
 472, 565. 
 trade, 523 ff., 531 f ., 537. 
 charity, 559. 
 art, 683. 
 Appenzell, 146. 
 Aquaviva, 410. 
 Aquinas, T., 34, 43, 47, 163, 
 
 529, 590, 624. 
 Arabs, 442 f., 448. 
 Aragon, 428. 
 Arbuthnot, A., 355. 
 
 Archangel, 526. 
 Arcimboldi, 136. 
 Aretino, P., 694. 
 Argyle, Earl of, 360. 
 Ariosto, 11, 19, 374, 502, 
 
 508 ff., 628, 692. 
 Aristarchus, 617. 
 Aristophanes, 574. 
 Aristotle, 49, 52, 63 f., 66, 
 513, 574, 590, 609, 
 612, 617, 623. 
 
 reaction against, 636 f. 
 Armentieres, 256. 
 Armstrongs, 505. 
 Amdt, 718. 
 
 Arras, League of, 271 ff. 
 Art, 3, 674, 91. 
 
 Gothic, 7. 
 
 rewards of artists, 472. 
 
 history of, 582 f. 
 
 painting, 674 ff. 
 
 architecture, 685 ff. 
 
 Eeformation and Counter- 
 reformation, 689 ff. 
 Artois, 239. 
 Arzila, 446. 
 Ascham, R., 327, 497 f ., 634 f ., 
 
 667 f ., 671, 692. 
 Ashley, 729. 
 Asia, 447 f., 474, 616. 
 Aske, R., 304. 
 Askewe, A., 309. 
 Atahualpa, 440. 
 Atlantic, 10, 442, 490, 523. 
 Aubigne, M. d', 723. 
 Aubigne, T. A. d', 600f. 
 Augsburg, 74, 113, 128, 454. 
 
 Diet of (1518), 46,67. 
 
 Diet of (1530), 110, 116 ff. 
 
 Diet of (1548), 129, 239. 
 
 Diet of (1555), 130. 
 
 Religious Peace of, 114, 
 130 ff., 255, 650. 
 
INDEX 
 
 821 
 
 Augsburg (continued) 
 
 Confession, 116 f., 122, 130, 
 145, 299, 392. 
 
 banks, 520 f., 527 f. 
 
 pauperism, 559 f . 
 Augustine, 34, 65, 584, 606. 
 Augustinian Friars, 67, 240, 
 
 702, 708. 
 Australia, 443. 
 
 Austria, 74 ff., 79, 146, 158, 
 238. 
 
 Rudolph IV, Duke of, 44. 
 
 Don John of, 266 ff., 272. 
 
 Matthew, Archduke of, 
 268 ff. 
 Auvergne, 202. 
 Avicenna, 513. 
 Avignon, popes at, 14, 42. 
 Azores, 435, 441. 
 Aztecs, 438 f . 
 
 Babington, A., 338. 
 
 Bacon, F., 392, 487, 591 f., 
 609, 623, 626, 650, 
 666, 669. 
 on effect of the Reforma- 
 tion, 635 f. 
 
 Baden, 157, 238. 
 
 Badius, J., 471. 
 
 Balboa, 438. 
 
 Baldwin, J., 635. 
 
 Bale, J., 578. 
 
 Balearic Isles, 535. 
 
 Baltic, 523, 526. 
 
 Bamberg, 114, 658. 
 
 Bandini, P. A., 377. 
 
 Baptista Mantuanus, 667. 
 
 Baptists, 102. 
 
 Barbarossa, 449. 
 
 Barbary, 535. 
 
 Barcelona, 428, 535. 
 University of, 12, 400. 
 
 Bamabites, 397. 
 
 Barnes, R., 308. 
 Baronius, C, 585. 
 Barton, E., 290. 
 Basil III, Czar, 447. 
 Basle 
 
 joins Swiss Confederacy, 
 146. 
 
 center of humanism, 147, 
 150. 
 
 Reformation, 156 f., 160, 
 162. 
 
 Council of, 15 f., 40, 45, 
 147 f., 389. 
 
 University of, 11, 149. 
 Baur, F. C, 720 f . 
 Bavaria, 44, 74, 114, 127, 406, 
 
 454. 
 Bax, B., 725 f . 
 Baxter, R., 656, 729. 
 Bayard, 501. 
 Beard, C, 739. 
 Beaton, D., 356 f ., 382. 
 Beatus Rhenanus, 53. 
 Becket, T., 59, 305. 
 Beda, N., 161. 
 Beirut, 446. 
 Beham, B., 103, 628. 
 Beham, H. S., 103, 628. 
 Belgium, 76, 555. 
 Belgrade, 449. 
 Bellay, J. du, 576, 579. 
 Bellay, M. du, 582, 704. 
 Bellay, R. du, 196. 
 Bellinis, 677. 
 Below, G. von, 739. 
 Bembo, P., 51, 374, 376. 
 Benedict, St., 397. 
 B.engal, 524. 
 Ben Mosheh, G., 565. 
 Benn, A. W., 742. 
 Ber, L., 106. 
 Berger, A. E., 728. 
 Bernard, St., 34, 397. 
 
822 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Berne, 146 ff., 153, 157 f., 
 160 f., 168 f., 179, 
 645. 
 Bemi, F., 376. 
 Berquin, L. de, 193. 
 Berthelier, P., 175. 
 Berwick, 358. 
 Berwickshire, 362. 
 Besancon, University of, 672. 
 Bessarion, 52. 
 Beucklessen, 101 f . 
 Beza, T., 172, 181, 213, 565, 
 
 585, 598, 647, 671. 
 Bezold, 732. 
 Bible 
 
 first printed, 9. 
 number of editions, 26. 
 Vulgate, 26, 188, 392, 396, 
 
 566. 
 French, 26, 175, 188, 196, 
 
 570. 
 German, 26, 81, 86, 100, 
 
 111 f ., 157, 569 f . 
 English, 37 f., 243, 284, 
 289, 300, 329, 354 ff., 
 359, 566, 570 f. 
 Swedish, 138. 
 Polish, 142. 
 Greek, 147, 188, 374, 420, 
 
 564 ff. 
 Dutch, 243. 
 Spanish, 245. 
 
 new Latin translations, 
 374, 565 f. 
 * Italian, 374. 
 Hebrew, 565. 
 Complutensian Polyglot, 
 
 565 f. 
 
 authority of, 35, 371, 40, 
 
 165 f., 392, 571 ff. 
 exegesis and criticism of, 
 
 566 ff. 
 byYalla, 49, 566f. 
 
 Bible (continued) 
 by Lef evre, 52 f . 
 by Colet, 53. 
 by Reuchlin, 54. 
 by Erasmus, 60, 564 ff. 
 by Luther, 568 f . 
 new translations con- 
 demned, 192, 203, 
 284, 309, 420 ff. 
 price of, 468. 
 popularity, 571 f. 
 effect of bibliolatry, 573, 
 
 655 f. 
 illustrated by Raphael, 679. 
 Biilia Pauperum, 8, 26. 
 Biel, G., 160, 743. 
 Bijns, A., 246. 
 Bion, 574. 
 Blaurer, A., 179. 
 Blaurer, T., 134. 
 Blaurock, G., 645. 
 Blois, 197, 210. 
 
 States General, 222. 
 Blue Laws, 171 ff., 482 ff. 
 Boccaccio, 47 f ., 422. 
 Bodin, J., 222, 582, 601 f., 
 608, 623. 
 on religion, 630. 
 on witchcraft, 657, 659 f , 
 Boece, H., 354. 
 Bohemia, 38 ff., 74, 144, 290. 
 Bohemian Brethren, 40 f ., 
 
 142, 144. 
 Bohm, H., 87. 
 Bohmer, 739. 
 Boiardo, 376. 
 Bologna, 393. 
 
 University of, 11, 603, 613, 
 
 618, 627. 
 Concordat of, 42 f., 184, 
 230. 
 Bolsec, J., 167, 176, 375. 
 Bombasius, 564. 
 
INDEX 
 
 823 
 
 Boniface VIII, Pope, 14, 23, 
 
 41 f. 
 Bonivard, 168. 
 Bonn, 657, 
 Bonner, 604. 
 Books 
 
 numbers of, 9, 691 f . 
 
 prices of, 468. 
 
 royalties, 471 f. 
 
 literature, 691-8. 
 Borgeaud, C, 743. 
 Borgia family, 15, 676. 
 
 Caesar, 17, 590, 676. 
 
 Lucretia, 17, 676. 
 Borgia, F., 410. 
 Borneo, 524. 
 Borromeo, C, 386, 417. 
 Borthwick, D., 355 note. 
 Bossuet, 702 f. 
 Botero, J., 608. 
 Bothwell, Earl of, 366 ff. 
 Boucher, J., 190, 600, 605. 
 Bourbon, Anthony of, 205, 
 
 210, 213. 
 Bourbon, Charles, Constable 
 
 of, 185, 205, 380. 
 Bourbon, Charles, Cardinal 
 
 of, 223. 
 Bourgeoisie, 5, 236, 278, 
 
 549 ff. 
 Bourges, 195. 
 
 University of, 11, 162. 
 
 Pragmatic Sanction of, 
 
 42 f. 
 Archbishop of, 227. 
 
 Boyneburg, 313. 
 Brabant, 245, 253, 255, 264, 
 269, 274. 
 
 population, 454. 
 Brahe, T., 623. 
 Bramante, 686. 
 Brandenburg, 74, 468, 540. 
 
 population, 454. 
 
 Brandenburg (continued) 
 Joachim I, Elector of, 77. 
 Joachim II, Elector of, 119, 
 
 127. 
 Albert of. Grand Master of 
 
 the Teutonic Order, 
 
 113, 139. 
 John, Margrave of, 398. 
 Brandenburg- Culmbach, Al- 
 bert of, 130. 
 Brant, S., 88. 
 
 Ship .of Fools, 54, 147. 
 Brantome, 211, 350, 582, 704. 
 Brask, J., 137. 
 Brazil, 405, 408, 435, 444. 
 Breda, 251. 
 Brederode, 257. 
 Brentano, 729. 
 Brenz, 645. 
 Brescia, 455, 565, 658. 
 Brethren of the Common 
 
 Life, 12, 26, 32. 
 Briconnet, W., 180 ff. 
 Brielle, 260. 
 Bristol, 323. 
 Brittany, 182, 195. 
 Brothers of Mercy, 397. 
 Browne, R., 345. 
 Briick, C, 116. 
 Bruges, 273, 559. 
 Bruno, 507, 623, 639 f. 
 Brunswick, Henry, Duke of, 
 
 120. 
 Brussels, 235, 242, 245, 253, 
 
 255 tf., 264, 266, 268, 
 
 272, 439, 502, 540. 
 Bucer, M., 110, 120, 122, 164, 
 
 169, 312 f ., 322, 375, 
 
 508, 596, 645. 
 Buchanan, G., 354, 579 f., 
 
 603, 703. 
 Buckingham, Duke of, 280. 
 Buckle, H. T., 722. 
 
824 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Bude, W., 187, 190, 193 f., 
 
 667, 672. 
 Bugenhagen, J., 137. 
 Bullinger, H., 102, 123, 150, 
 
 160, 179, 299, 312, 
 
 326, 356, 420, 587. 
 Burckhardt, J., 732. 
 Burghley, "W. Cecil, Lord, 
 
 327, 333 f ., 337 f ., 
 554, 635. 
 
 Burgos, 457. 
 
 Burgundy, Free County of, 
 
 76, 234, 257, 455, 
 
 553. 
 Philip the Good, Duke of, 
 
 234. 
 Charles the Bold, Duke of, 
 
 235. 
 Burgundy (France), 186. 
 Burnet, G., 701. 
 Burr, G. L., 732. 
 Busleiden, J., 672. 
 Butts, W., 470 f . 
 
 Cabot, S., 446. 
 
 Cabral, 442. 
 
 Cabrieres, 203. 
 
 Cadiz, 341, 524 f . 
 
 Cairo, 446. 
 
 Cajetan, T. de Vio, Cardinal, 
 
 46, 671, 393, 566, 
 
 605, 624. 
 Calais, 200, 281, 302, 319, 332 
 Calcagnini, C, 620. 
 Calderon, 433. 
 
 Calendar, reform of the, 623 f . 
 Calicut, 441 f. 
 Calixtus III, Pope, 16. 
 Calvin, G., 161. 
 Calvin, I., 169. 
 Calvin, J. : 
 and Oerman Theology, 32. 
 
 Calvin, J. (continued) 
 
 doctrine of the eucharist, 
 
 110, 165 f. 
 and Lutherans, 134. 
 and Zwingli, 134, 1591, 
 
 166. 
 and Bohemian Brethren, 
 
 144. 
 early life, 161 1 
 and Erasmus, 162, 164. 
 and Luther, 162, 164 1 
 conversion, 162. 
 Institutes of the Christian 
 
 Religion, 162 ff., 169, 
 
 198, 208, 645. 
 doctrine of predestination, 
 
 164 ff., 746. 
 in Italy, 168, 376. 
 in Geneva, 168 ff., 179. 
 at Strassburg, 169. 
 at Colloquy of Eatisbon, 
 
 169. 
 marriage, 169. 
 ■^ social reform, 170 ff., 483. 
 persecutes, 175 ff., 645 1 
 and Servetus, 177 1 
 international position, 1791 
 death and character, 180 1 
 and French Reformation, 
 
 189, 201, 2301 
 and Rabelais, 1941 
 and French Bible, 196. 
 political theory, 211, 592, 
 
 596 1, 604. 
 influence in Netherlands, 
 
 248. 
 influence in England, 312, 
 
 326 1, 335. 
 influence in Scotland, 359. 
 and Bolsec, 375. 
 and Council of Trent, 392. 
 and Index, 420. 
 on torture, 481. 
 
INDEX 
 
 825 
 
 Calvin, J. {continued) 
 
 on amusements, 485. 
 
 biblical exegesis, 569, 572. 
 
 on usury, 609. 
 
 and free thought, 626. 
 
 and witchcraft, 656. 
 
 and art, 690. 
 
 judged by Gibbon, 710 f. 
 
 judged by Christie, 731. 
 Calvinism 
 
 barred by Peace of Augs- 
 burg, 130. 
 
 and Lutheranism, 134, 
 179 f. 
 
 in Scandinavia, 138. 
 
 in Poland, 142 f. 
 
 international, 179 f. 
 
 in France, 201 ff. 
 
 in Netherlands, 247 ff. 
 
 in Scotland, 353. 
 
 in Spain, 416. 
 
 in Italy, 417. 
 
 political effect, 594, 707. 
 
 and Capitalism, 728 f. 
 Camden, 703. 
 Cambrai 
 
 Treaty of, 186. 
 
 Archbishopric of, 252. 
 Cambridge, University of, 56, 
 471, 604, 671, 687. 
 
 and Reformation, 281 f. 
 Cambridgeshire, 323. 
 Camoens, 11, 444 f . 
 Campanus, 626. 
 Campeggio, 122. 
 Canisius, P., 32, 406. 
 Cano, S. del, 441. 
 Canon Law, 43 f ., 69, 71, 78. 
 Canossa, 43. 
 
 Cape of Good Hope, 10, 441. 
 Cape Verde Islands, 435, 
 
 441. 
 Capitalism, 3-5, 515-562. 
 
 Capitalism (continued) 
 and Reformation, 515, 
 
 727 f., 748. 
 origins, 515 ff. 
 first great fortunes, 517 f. 
 banking, 518 ff. 
 mining, 522 f . 
 commerce, 523 ff. 
 manufacture, 536 ff. 
 gilds, 537 ff. 
 agriculture, 541 ff. 
 bourgeoisie, 548 ff. 
 proletariat, 552 ff. 
 pauperism, 556 ff. 
 Capito, W., 110, 150, 157, 189, 
 
 508, 645. 
 Cappel 
 First Peace of, 158. 
 battle of, 158 f . 
 Capuchins, 375, 397. 
 Caracci, 689. 
 Caracciolo, M., 78. 
 Caraffa, J. P., see Paul IV. 
 Cardan, J., 610 f., 614. 
 Carlstadt, A. Bodenstein of, 
 69, 81, 83, 90, 108, 
 120, 136, 241, 420, 
 569. 
 Carlyle, T., 718. 
 Carpi, Berengar of, 613. 
 Cartier, J., 446, 526. 
 Cartwright, T., 343. 
 Cassander, 248, 255. 
 Castellio, S., 175, 646 f. 
 Castiglione, B., 492, 501, 510. 
 Castile, 412, 427 f . 
 Cateau-Cambresis, Treaty of, 
 
 200, 206, 372. 
 Catechisms, 112, 142, 395, 
 
 406 f. 
 Catharine of Aragon, Queen 
 of England, 279, 
 2861, 290 f., 321. 
 
826 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Catharine Howard, Queen of 
 
 England, 307. 
 Catharine Parr, Queen of 
 
 England, 307. 
 Catharine de' Medici, Queen 
 of France, 
 
 marriage, 198 f. 
 
 character, 211. 
 
 policy, 211 ff. 
 
 ''flying squadron," 215. 
 
 and St. Bartholomew, 217 f . 
 
 as seen by Huguenots, 220 f . 
 
 death, 224. 
 
 and Pius V, 386. 
 
 invents corsets, 497. 
 
 and Machiavelli, 591. 
 
 and art, 688. 
 
 judged by Michelet, 717. 
 Catholic Church (see also Pa- 
 pacy and Counter- 
 reformation). 
 
 revolt from, 4, 
 
 history in later Middle 
 Ages, 13-20. 
 
 heir of the Koman Empire, 
 13, 747. 
 
 abuses, 20 f. 
 
 wealth, 21. 
 
 temporal power, 29, 37, 
 701 
 
 attacked by Luther, 123, 
 388. 
 
 intolerance, 641 ff. 
 Celibacy, sacerdotal, 
 
 effect on race, 13, 453. 
 
 vow not kept, 25. 
 
 rejected by Wyclif, 37. 
 
 repudiated by Luther, 71, 
 81. 
 
 in England, 306, 313. 
 
 and Inquisition, 508. 
 Cellarius, C, 561. 
 Cellini, B., 504, 583, 653, 688. 
 
 press. 
 
 Censorship of the 
 417 ff., 423 f. 
 Cerdagne, 426. 
 Cerratani, B., 377. 
 Cervantes, 433, 692. 
 Ceuta, 446. 
 Ceylon, 408, 524. 
 Chambre Ardente, 203 f 
 Chancellor, R., 447. 
 Chapuis, 288, 291. 
 Charles V, Emperor, 
 heir of Burgundy 
 Spain, 76, 426. 
 elected emperor, 77. 
 crowned, 78. 
 religious policy, 
 
 116 ff., 121 f., 
 322 note, 
 conquers Tunis, 121. 
 war with France, 
 
 185 ff., 198, 427. 
 Schmalkaldie War, 126, 
 
 383. 
 abdicates, 132, 246. 
 in Netherlands, 
 
 238. 
 suppresses rebellion 
 
 Ghent, 236 f. 
 and England, 278 ff., 294, 
 
 317 f. 
 and papacy, 378 ff. 
 and Inquisition, 417. 
 character, 427, 498. 
 betrothed to Mary Tudorj 
 
 432. 
 and Moors, 433. 
 and Russia, 447. 
 finance, 467. 
 in Spain, 477. 
 and Fuggers, 528. 
 portrait, 678. 
 Charles VIII, King of France, 
 17, 35. 
 
 and 
 
 79 ff., 
 236, 
 
 121, 
 
 235, 
 
 of 
 
INDEX 
 
 827 
 
 Charles IX, King of France, 
 
 143, 211 ff., 217 f . 
 Charron, P., 633. 
 Chartres, 227. 
 
 Chateaubriand, Edict of, 204. 
 Chaucer, G., 25. 
 Cheshire, 323. 
 Chesterton, G. K., 729. 
 ChejTiey, E. P., 742 f. 
 Chieregato, F., 84, 377. 
 Children, 510 f ., 555. 
 China, 443. 
 
 Christian II, King of Den- 
 mark, Norway, and 
 Sweden, 136. 
 Christian III, King of Den- 
 mark, 119, 137. 
 Christianitj^, 13, 583, 627, 
 
 7441 
 Christie, R. C, 731. 
 Cicero, 49, 488, 619. 
 Ciceronians, 577 f . 
 Cisneros, 6. de, 401. 
 Civita Vecchia, 535. 
 Clement of Rome, 568. 
 Clement V, Pope, 14. 
 Clement VII, Pope, 186, 250. 
 
 and Charles V, 236, 433. 
 
 and Henry VIII, 287, 291 
 
 pontificate, 379 ff., 389. 
 
 forbids duelling, 485 f, 
 
 and Copernicus, 622. 
 
 and art, 690. 
 Clement VIII, Pope, 228. 
 Clenoch, M., 325. 
 Clergy 
 
 morals, 25, 493 f. 
 
 power of, 27 f . 
 
 denounced by Wyelif, 37. 
 
 attacked in Gravamina, 45. 
 
 assailed by Luther, 71. 
 
 in Netherlands, 236. 
 
 reform in England, 314. 
 
 Clergy {continued) 
 
 in Scotland, 353 f., 356. 
 
 pay of, 470. 
 
 position of, 493 ff, 
 
 spoliation, 550 f. 
 Cleves, 44. 
 
 William, Duke of, 306. 
 Clocks and watches, invention 
 
 of, 7 f ., 688. 
 Cochin, D., 738. 
 Cochin (India), 442. 
 Cochin-China, 408. 
 Cochlaeus, 284, 588, 702. 
 Coeur, J., 460. 
 Cognac, League of, 186. 
 Cole of Faversham, 167. 
 Colet, J., 26, 53, 57, 280 f., 
 
 510, 665, 667. 
 Coligni, G. de, 199, 205, 
 
 214 ff., 261. 
 Cologne, 44, 54, 74, 252, 454. 
 
 University of, 77, 241, 655, 
 mQ, 670. 
 
 reformation of, 120, 127, 283. 
 
 counter-reformation of, 128. 
 Colonna family, 16. 
 
 Vittoria, 375. 
 Columbus, C, 3, 10 f., 62, 430, 
 
 434 f ., 614 f. 
 Commerce, 442 ff., 523 ff. 
 Communism, 94, 155. 
 Como, 658. 
 Compass, invention of, 7, 
 
 614 f. 
 Compostella, 499. 
 Conde, Prince of, 211, 214 f . 
 Condorcet, 713. 
 Congo, 405. 
 Constance, Council of, 
 
 ends Great Schism, 14. 
 
 deals with heresy, 14, 39 f. 
 
 reforms, 14 f., 45. 
 
 memory of, 148, 389, 703. 
 
828 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Constantinople, 9, 16, 448. 
 Consubstantiation, 33, 108. 
 Contarini, G., 117, 122, 377, 
 
 382, 393, 402. 
 Coornheert, D. V., 249, 251. 
 Cop, 172. 
 Copenhagen, University of, 
 
 12. 
 Copernicus, N. 
 
 Bible quoted against, 573. 
 
 economic theory, 608. 
 
 trigonometry, 610. 
 
 life, 618. 
 
 astronomy, 3, 618 ff. 
 
 De Revolutionibus Orhium 
 Ccdestium, 620. 
 
 reception of his theory, 
 621 ff., 632. 
 
 influence on philosophy, 
 637 ff. 
 Cordus, E., 558. 
 Correggio, 680. 
 Corsica, 456. 
 Cortez, H., 438 f. 
 Cossacks, 139 f. 
 Cotta, U., 63. 
 
 Counter-reformation, 377- 
 424. 
 
 turns back Protestants, 388. 
 
 Spanish Spirit, 389. 
 
 and art, 690 f . 
 
 origin of word, 721. 
 Courtenay, W., 36. 
 Coutras, battle of, 223. 
 Coverdale, M., 299 f., 327, 355, 
 
 570 f. 
 Cox, R., 508. 
 Cracow, 140, 144. 
 
 University of, 618. 
 Craig, J., 603. 
 Cranach, L., 376, 683. 
 Cranmer, T., 290, 299, 313 f., 
 322 f., 495. 
 
 Creighton, M., 741. 
 Crepy, Peace of, 121, 198. 
 Crespin, 585. 
 Cromwell, T. 
 
 alliance with France, 187. 
 
 and Reformation, 289, 
 295 ff., 299 ff., 306 f. 
 
 death, 307. 
 
 fortune, 518. 
 
 and Machiavelli, 591. 
 Cuba, 438. 
 Cugnatis, I. de, 502. 
 Cumberland, 304. 
 Cunningham, W., 729. 
 Cusa, N. of, 48, 617, 640. 
 
 Damascus, 446. 
 Dancing, 500. 
 Daniel, G., 704. 
 Dante, 47, 423. 
 Danzig, 140 f., 454. 
 Damley, Lord, 366 f. 
 Dauphine, 202. 
 Davila, 704. 
 Delft, 264. 
 
 Demonology, 63, 653 ff. 
 Demosthenes, 574. 
 Denifle, 741. 
 Denmark 
 
 and Liibeck, 118. 
 
 early emigration, 135. 
 
 Reformation, 136 ff. 
 
 population, 458. 
 
 church property, 551. 
 Dessau, League of, 114. 
 Deventer, school, 56, 662. 
 Diaz, B., 10. 
 Digby, E., 639. 
 Digges, L., 614. 
 Dillenburg, 251, 258. 
 Dilthey, W., 730. 
 Diodorus, 574. 
 
INDEX 
 
 829 
 
 Dionysius the Areopagite, 50, 
 
 52 f. 
 Dispensations, papal, 22 f. 
 Dolet, S., 187, 203, 231, 629 f. 
 Dollinger, I., 723 f. 
 Dominic, St., 397, 399. 
 Dominicans, 148, 407, 702, 708. 
 Donatus, Latin grammar of, 
 
 8 f., 663. 
 Dordrecht, 240. 
 Doria, A., 449. 
 Douai, 186, 672. 
 Drake, F., 339 ff., 446. 
 Dress, 496 f. 
 Drinking, 485, 497 f . 
 Dublin, 347. 
 Dudley, Edmond, 279. 
 Dudley, Guilford, 317, 518. 
 Duelling, 485 f. 
 Dundee, 354. 
 Durand, 108. 
 Diirer, A., 510. 
 
 at Basle, 147. 
 
 in Netherlands, 240, 454, 
 466 ff., 537. 
 
 and Mexican spoils, 439. 
 
 property, 472. 
 
 art, 683 ff. 
 
 East Indies, 274 f ., 409. 
 Eck, J., 68 f., 77 f., 117 f., 122, 
 
 608. 
 Eckhart, 30 f. 
 
 Edinburgh, 3551, 360, 367, 
 671. 
 Treaty of, 361 f. 
 Education, 661-73. 
 method, 662 f., 667 f. 
 curriculum, 663 f. 
 effect of Reformation, 
 664 f., 670. 
 Edward II, King of England, 
 296. 
 
 Edward VI, King of England, 
 
 foreign policy, 200. 
 
 and Reformation, 286. 
 
 birth, 299. 
 
 reign, 310-7. 
 
 and Scotland, 352. 
 
 a law of, 483. 
 
 and gilds, 540. 
 
 and Bible, 572. 
 
 schools, 666. 
 
 accomplishments, 668. 
 Edwards, J., 166 f. 
 Egmont, L., Count of, 200, 
 
 251, 257, 259. 
 Egmont, N. of, 240. 
 Egypt, 449. 
 Einsiedeln, 140, 150. 
 Eisenach, 63, 81. 
 Eleanor, Queen of France, 
 
 186. 
 Elizabeth, Queen of England, 
 
 and St. Bartholomew, 219. 
 
 and Netherlands, 253, 267, 
 275. 
 
 birth, 291. 
 
 heir to the throne, 316 f. 
 
 character, 324. 
 
 religious policy, 324 ff., 
 336 ff. 
 
 refuses to marry, 331. 
 
 foreign policy, 332 ff. 
 
 and popes, 335, 3371, 
 3861 
 
 and Ireland, 346, 348. 
 
 and Knox, 361. 
 
 and Mary, Queen of Scots, 
 368. 
 
 censorship, 419. 
 
 government, 477, 479. 
 
 navy, 491. 
 
 dancing, 500. 
 
 commercial policy, 527. 
 
 and Bible, 572. 
 
830 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen of England, 
 (continued) 
 and liberty, 604 f . 
 skepticism, 634. 
 tolerance, 650. 
 accomplishments, 668. 
 and universities, 671. 
 and <^rt, 688. 
 and Spenser, 693. 
 Elizabeth of Valois, Queen of 
 
 Spain, 226. 
 Ely, H., 338. 
 Elyot, T., 510, 667. 
 Emden, 260. 
 Emerson, R. W., 718. 
 Empson, R., 279, 518. 
 Emser, J., 702. 
 England 
 
 pays Peter's Pence, 21. 
 church of, 41 f., 327, 330. 
 literature, 135. 
 and French Calvinists, 204, 
 
 214, 219. 
 
 and Netherlands, 238, 
 
 248 f., 260, 275, 288, 
 
 339. 
 
 foreign policy under Henry 
 
 VIII,277ff.,288,309. 
 
 Reformation, 281 ff., 310 ff. 
 
 Reformation Parliament, 
 
 288 ff. 
 dissolution of monasteries, 
 
 296 f ., 551. 
 alliance with Sehmalkaldic 
 League, 300 f., 305 f. 
 Pilgrimage of Grace, 302 ff. 
 religious parties and statis- 
 tics, 308, 311, 323, 
 325 f., 328. 
 Book of Common Prayer, 
 312, 329 f., 344, 358. 
 social disorders, 314 ff. 
 Catholic reaction, 318 ff. 
 
 England (contin%ed) 
 
 war with France, 319, 332. 
 conversion of masses to 
 
 Protestantism, 327 f . 
 Thirty-nine Articles, 329 f ., 
 
 343. 
 finances, 331 f ., 522. 
 war with Spain, 332, 339 ff., 
 
 433. 
 rebellion of Northern Earls, 
 
 334 f ., 550. 
 buccaneers, 339 f., 533. 
 . Puritanism, 343 ff. 
 
 and Scotland, 359, 361 f. 
 censorship, 419. 
 population, 453, 458, 
 coinage, 462, 474. 
 navy, 470, 490 f . 
 criminal law, 481 f. 
 army, 489. 
 clergy, 494. 
 brigandage, 505. 
 commerce, 526 f ., 532 ff. 
 gilds, 540 f . 
 inclosures, 543 ff. 
 agriculture, 546 ff. 
 serfs, 553. 
 
 regulation of labor, 554. 
 poor-relief, 561 f . 
 and Polydore Vergil, 581. 
 chronicles, 582. 
 skeptics, 633 ff. 
 witchcraft, 656, 658. 
 schools, 665 f. 
 universities, 671. 
 Enzinas, F., 245. 
 Epictetus, 574. 
 Epistolae Obscurarum Viror- 
 
 um, 55. 
 Erasmus, 51. 
 
 Enchiridion Militis Chris- 
 
 tiani, 26, 57, 193, 
 
 684. 
 
INDEX 
 
 831 
 
 Erasmus (contmued) 
 on worship of saints, 28 f . 
 and Colet, 53. 
 
 early life and works, 56-61. 
 Praise of Folly, 57. 
 "philosophy of Christ," 58, 
 
 583, 698. 
 Colloqiiies, 59 f ., 667 f. 
 Latin style, 60 f ., 577 f. 
 foresees Reformation, 61. 
 and Luther, 104 ff., 134, 
 
 241, 649, 733. 
 Diatribe on Free Will, 105, 
 
 167. 
 edits New Testament, 147, 
 
 564 f. 
 and Zwingli, 149 f., 1531, 
 
 160. 
 and Farel, 160 f . 
 and Calvin, 162, 164. 
 biblical criticism, 188, 
 on persecution, 191, 642, 
 
 646 f. 
 influence in France, 193. 
 and Netherlands, 235, 
 
 239 ff. 
 and Henry VIII, 277, 287 
 and English Reformation, 
 
 281 f. 
 on polygamy, 287, 507. 
 influence in Italy, 376. 
 and Index, 420 ff. 
 income, 471. 
 on war, 488. 
 on German inns, 499 f . 
 anecdote, 502. 
 on treatment of women, 
 
 509. 
 political theory, 557, 592 f . 
 edits Fathers, 575. 
 on Roman capitol, 575. 
 on books, 577. 
 biographies, 582. 
 
 Erasmus (contimied) 
 
 and witchcraft, 655. 
 
 on education, 667, 669, 672. 
 
 portrait, 683. 
 
 on hymn-singing, 690. 
 
 wit, 693. 
 Erastus, T., 594. 
 Erfurt, 30, 82, 350, 454. 
 
 University of, 63 f., 670. 
 Eric XIV, King of Sweden, 
 
 138. 
 Ermeland, 618. 
 Esch, J., 242. 
 Essex, 323. 
 
 Earl of, 348. 
 Esthonia, 139. 
 Estienne family, 187, 203. 
 
 Henry, 220. 
 
 Henry, junior, 575. 
 
 Robert, 565, 575 
 Eton, 662 f. 
 
 Eucharist, doctrine of the, 86, 
 107 ff., 133, 160, 
 165 f., 206, 241, 301, 
 314, 711. 
 Eucken, 740. 
 Euclid, 574, 610. 
 Eugene IV, Pope, 15. 
 Euripides, 574. 
 Exeter, 323. 
 
 Exploration, 10 f ., 434-50. 
 Exsurge Domine, 77 f . 
 Eyemouth, 362. 
 
 Faber, see Le Fevre and 
 
 Lefevre. 
 Fagius, 312, 322. 
 Fallopius, 613. 
 Farel, W., 160 f., 164, 168 f., 
 
 176, 178, 195 f. 
 Farnese, A., 272 ff. 
 Famese, 0., 250. 
 Faust, 696 f. 
 
ss^ 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Ferdinand, Emperor, 76, 238. 
 and Wiirttemberg, 79, 119. 
 and Luther, 86. 
 opposes German reforms, 
 
 114. 
 elected King of Romans, 
 
 118. 
 tolerates Lutherans, 131. 
 becomes emperor, 132, 246. 
 in Hungary, 144. 
 and Elizabeth, 333. 
 and Council of Trent, 391, 
 
 394 f. 
 commercial grants, 528. 
 Ferdinand, King of Aragon, 
 76, 398, 412, 426, 
 590. 
 Ferrara, 375 f . 
 
 Alphonso, Duke of, 492. 
 Renee, Duchess of, 168, 376, 
 
 646. 
 University of, 618, 627. 
 Fichte, 718. 
 Ficino, M., 51. 
 Field, J., 623. 
 Figgis, N., 742. 
 Finland, 138, 458. 
 Fish, S., 283, 296. 
 Fisher, G. P., 739. 
 Fisher, H. A. L., 735. 
 Fisher, J., 2821, 290, 294, 
 
 382. 
 Fisher, R., 635. 
 Fitzherbert, 543. 
 Flacius Ulyricus, 133, 584. 
 Flanders, 239 f., 246, 257, 
 
 274, 288, 525. 
 Flemings, 270. 
 Flodden, battle of, 279, 353, 
 
 488. 
 Florence, 17 f ., 372, 381, 456, 
 463 f., 514, 520, 686. 
 Florida, 437, 
 
 Flushing, 260. 
 
 Folengo, 374. 
 
 Formula of Concord, 133 f. 
 
 Forzio, B., 376. 
 
 Fox, E., 301. 
 
 Foxe, J., 327, 585 f ., 701. 
 
 France 
 
 Universities, 11 f. 
 
 Raformation, 12, 187 ff. 
 
 invades Italy, 17, 185. 
 
 Galilean church, 42, 184 
 215, 551. 
 
 war with Germany, 79, 116 
 121, 123, 127, 185 ff. 
 198, 207. 
 
 relations with Switzerland 
 147. 
 
 Calvin, 162. 
 
 condition, 182, 184. 
 
 royal pedigrees, 183. 
 
 Renaissance, 187. 
 
 expansion of, 199 f. 
 
 wars of religion, 210 ff. 
 455. 
 
 failure of Protestantism 
 228 ff. 
 
 war with England, 279 
 309, 319, 332. 
 
 civilization, 350. 
 
 and Scotland, 359. 
 
 and Council of Trent, 395 
 
 Jesuits in, 405 f . 
 
 censorship, 419. 
 
 population, 455, 458. 
 
 wealth, 459 ff. 
 
 army, 459. 
 
 coinage, 462 f . 
 
 finance, 467, 470, 480, 522, 
 
 duelling, 486. 
 
 trade, 525 f. 
 
 serfs, 553. 
 
 poor-relief, 561. 
 
 memoirs, 582. 
 
INDEX 
 
 833 
 
 ranee {continued) 
 republicans. 597 ff. 
 skeptics, 628 ff. 
 'ranche Comte, see Bur- 
 gundy, Free County 
 of. 
 Vancis, St., 397, 399, 404. 
 Vancis I, King of France, 
 candidate for imperial 
 
 throne, 77. 
 and Zwingli, 157 f, 
 and Calvin, 162. 
 character, 184 f., 278 f . 
 and Luther, 191, 231. 
 alliance with German Prot- 
 estants, 197. 
 death, 198. 
 and Waldenses, 203. 
 army, 459, 489. 
 finance, 461, 467, 470. 
 on gambling, 485. 
 College de France, 672. 
 portrait, 678. 
 and art, 688. 
 i'rancis II, King of France, 
 210 f., 330, 359, 862. 
 i^rancis, Dauphin, 221. 
 Franciscans, 148, 397, 407. 
 i'rancke, S., 583, 627. 
 i^ranconia, 91. 
 i^raneker. University of, 
 
 673. 
 <^rankenhausen, 95. 
 i^rankfort-on-the-Oder, Uni- 
 versity of, 11, 670. 
 •"rankfort-on-the-Main, 31, 
 76, 321, 358, 523. 
 Treaty of, 122. 
 ?^rauenburg, 618. 
 ^'rederic III, Emperor, 45. 
 Frederic I, King of Denmark, 
 
 136 f. 
 ^ree Will, 105, 164 ff. 
 
 Freiburg - in - the - Breisgau, 
 
 University of, 11. 
 Freiburg in Switzerland, 
 
 146, 168. 
 Freytag, G., 718 f . 
 Friesland, 235, 238, 259, 272. 
 Froben, J., 147, 190, 280. 
 Frobisher, M., 446. 
 Froude, J. A., 343, 367, 717. 
 Frundsberg, 380, 488. 
 Fugger, Bank of, 77, 461, 
 520 ff. 
 
 family, 461, 479, 522 f. 
 
 Anthony, 528. 
 
 James, 527 f. 
 
 Jerome, 528. 
 
 Raymond, 528. 
 Funk, 133. 
 Fust, J., 9. 
 
 Gaetano di Tiene, 397. 
 
 Galateo, J., 375. 
 
 Galen, 513, 574. 
 
 Galileo, 424, 621 f. 
 
 Gama, Vasco da, 3, 10 f ., 
 
 441 ff. 
 Gambling, 485. 
 Gandia, Duke of, 517. 
 Garland, John of, 663. 
 Garv, N., 347. 
 Gascony, 216. 
 Gasquet, 740. 
 Gelasius, Pope, 418. 
 Gembloux, battle of, 269. 
 Geneva 
 
 evangelized by Zwingli 's 
 missionaries, 158, 
 160. 
 
 Calvin at, 168 ff. 
 
 constitution, 168 f. 
 
 theocracy, 170 ff. 
 
 immigration, 174 f., 204, 
 321. 
 
834 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Geneva (continued) 
 Libertines, 175 f . 
 capital of Protestantism, 
 
 179. 
 under Beza, 181. 
 Knox at, 358 f. 
 dancing, 500. 
 
 witch persecution, 656, 658. 
 school, 668, 671 f. 
 university, 671. 
 Genoa, 381, 456, 468, 520, 525. 
 Gentillet, 591. 
 Germaine de Foix, Queen of 
 
 Spain, 398. 
 German Theology, The, 31. 
 Germany 
 universities, 11, 53, 670 f . 
 mystics, 30 ff. 
 nationalism, 43 ff. 
 humanism, 53. 
 condition, 74 ff. 
 Peasants' War, 87-95, 552. 
 causes, 87 ff. 
 Twelve Articles, 92 f. 
 suppression, 94 f . 
 Luther, 97 f . 
 effect of, 155, 192, 531, 
 593 f. 
 rebellion of the Knights, 
 
 83 f., 505. 
 religious statistics, 132 f. 
 effect of religious contro- 
 versy, 134. 
 French Calvinists in, 204. 
 and Netherlands, 237 ff. 
 Ascham's opinion of, 327. 
 civilization, 350. 
 and Italy, 371. 
 and Spain, 372. 
 Counter-reformation, 388. 
 and Council of Trent, 395. 
 Jesuits in, 405 ff, 
 censorship, 419. 
 
 Germany (continued) 
 
 and Reformation, 425. 
 
 population, 454, 458. 
 
 coinage, 463. 
 
 inns, 499 f . 
 
 mines, 522 f. 
 
 trade, 526 f . 
 
 agriculture, 543. 
 
 serfs, 553. 
 
 labor, 554 f. 
 
 poor-relief, 560 f. 
 
 constitution, 595 f. 
 
 reform of calendar, 624. 
 
 witch hunt, 657 f. 
 
 schools, 665. 
 
 books, 691. 
 Gertruidenberg, 251. 
 Gesner, C, 611 f. 
 Ghent, 236 f ., 240, 256, 269 f., 
 272 f ., 454. 
 
 Pacification of, 265, 270. 
 Ghislieri, see Pius V. 
 Giberti, M., 382. 
 Gibbon, E., 167, 710 f. 
 Gilbert, H., 532 f. 
 Gilbert, W., 615, 639. 
 Gilds, 3 ff., 263 f., 537 ff. 
 Giorgione, 677. 
 Gipsies, 558. 
 
 Giulio Romano, 680, 690. 
 Giustiniani, 280. 
 Glarus, 146, 149, 157. 
 Glasgow, 354, 368. 
 
 University of, 12. 
 Glencairn, Earl of, 360. 
 Gloucester, 323. 
 Goa, 408, 443, 445. 
 Goch, J. Pupper of, 420. 
 Goethe, J. W. von, 697, 711 f. 
 Gold, production of, 473 ff., 
 
 516 f. 
 Gonzalez, 588. 
 Gosson, 658. 
 
INDEX 
 
 835 
 
 Gotha, 128. 
 Gouge, J., 519. 
 Granada, 426, 433. 
 Granvelle, A. P., 250 ff. 
 Gratius, 0., 55. 
 Gravamina, 45 f. 
 Gravelines, battle of, 200. 
 Great Schism, 14. 
 Greek, 16, 53, 667 ff. 
 
 classics, 574 ff. 
 Gregory VII, Pope, 43. 
 Gregory XI, Pope, 36, 44. 
 Gregory, XIII, Pope, 
 
 and St. Bartholomew, 
 218 f., 387. 
 
 and Elizabeth, 337 f., 387. 
 
 pontificate, 386 f. 
 
 reform of Calendar, 624. 
 Gregory XIV, Pope, 226. 
 Greifswald, University of, 11, 
 
 670. 
 Grenoble, 195. 
 Greiham, T., 534. 
 Grey, Lady Jane, 316 ff., 511. 
 Gribaldi, JM., 178 f. 
 Grimani, 575. 
 Grisar, H., 741. 
 Grisons, Confederacy of, 
 
 146 f. 
 Groningen, 235, 238. 
 Groote, G., 32. 
 Grotius, H., 276, 704. 
 Gruet, J., 176. 
 Grumbach, 132. 
 Guadegni, T., 520. 
 Guam, 440. 
 
 Guelders, 235, 238, 262, 272. 
 Guicciardini, F., 373, 422, 
 
 580, 704. 
 Guicciardini, L., 454. 
 Guinea, 533. 
 Guinegate, 279. 
 Guines, 200, 280 f., 319. 
 
 Guise 
 
 Claude, Duke of, 199. 
 Francis, Duke of, 199 f., 
 210 f., 214, 319, 
 597. 
 Henry, Duke of, 217 f., 221, 
 223 f. 
 Guizot, 714. 
 Gustavus Vasa, King of 
 
 Sweden, 137 f. 
 Gutenberg, J., 8 f. 
 
 Haarlem, 101, 262. 
 
 Hagenau, 122. 
 
 Hague, 240. 
 
 Haiti (Espanola, Hispani- 
 
 ola), 436, 533. 
 Hales, J., 608. 
 Hall, E., 284, 582, 703. 
 Hallam, H., 723. 
 Hamburg, 113, 454, 559. 
 Hamilton, P., 354. 
 Haring, C. H., 475. 
 Harnack, A. von, 739. 
 Harrington, 706. 
 Harrison, 498, 547. 
 Harzhom, E., 420. 
 Haug bank, 521. 
 Hawkins, 339, 533. 
 Health, public, 486 f., 511 ff. 
 Hebrew, 53 f., 668, 672. 
 Hegel, 719 f. 
 Hegius, 662. 
 Heidelberg, 67. 
 Heilsberg, 618. 
 Heimburg, Gregory of, 46. 
 Heine, H., 112, 715 f . 
 Helmont, 255. 
 Helmstadt, University of, 
 
 670. 
 Henlein, P., 688. 
 Henry VII, King of England, 
 
 279, 517. 
 
836 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Henry VIII, King of Eng- 
 land, 
 and France, 186, 279. 
 character, 277 ff. 
 and Luther, 277, 287 f ., 472. 
 Empson and Dudley, 279. 
 and Scotland, 279, 356. 
 and Charles V, 280 f . 
 ''Defender of the Faith," 
 
 283. 
 divorce from Catharine, 
 286 f., 290 f., 704, 708. 
 Supreme Head of the 
 
 Church, 289 ff., 293. 
 will, 316, 321. 
 and Ireland, 346, 348. 
 finances, 461. 
 government, 477, 479. 
 navy, 491. 
 
 commercial policy, 526. 
 and Polydore Vergil, 581. 
 and Sanders, 588. 
 and Melanchthon, 605. 
 and education, 666. 
 portrait, 683. 
 Henry II, King of France 
 character, 198 f. 
 suppresses Protestantism, 
 
 203 f. 
 death, 206 f . 
 
 and Council of Trent, 393. 
 income, 461. 
 Henry III, King of France, 
 
 143, 219 if., 600. 
 Henry IV, King of France, 
 
 597. 
 policy, 167, 212, 225. 
 leader of Huguenots, 223 ff. 
 character, 224 f . 
 conversion, 227 f , 
 Edict of Nantes, 228 f. 
 Henry d'Albret, King of 
 
 Navarre, 189. 
 
 Henry, Bang of Portugal, 
 
 432, 446. 
 Heracleides, 617. 
 Herder, 718. 
 Herodotus, 574. 
 Hertford, 322. 
 Hesse, 84, 113, 551. 
 Philip, Landgrave of, 
 suppresses Peasants' Re- 
 volt, 95. 
 calls conference at Mar- 
 burg, 109. 
 attacks Wiirzburg and 
 
 Bamberg, 114. 
 signs Protest, 115. 
 restores Ulrich of Wiirt- 
 
 temberg, 119. 
 commits bigamy, 119. 
 expels Henry of Bruns- 
 wick, 120. 
 captivity, 128, 130. 
 and Zwingli, 157. 
 Heywood, J., 283. 
 Hindoos, 443. 
 Hippocrates, 513. 
 Historiography 
 
 in the sixteenth century, 
 579-588. 
 humanistic, 579 ff. 
 memoirs, 582. 
 chronicles, 582. 
 biography, 582 f . 
 church history, 583 ff. 
 later treatment of Reforma- 
 tion, see Reforma- 
 tion, 
 Hobbes, T., 594. 
 Hochstetter, C, 529. 
 Hochstraten, J., 54. 
 Hoen, 108, 240 f . 
 Hofen, U. T. von, 160. 
 Hoffberg, P. von, 538. 
 Hoffmann, M., 101, 243. 
 
INDEX 
 
 837 
 
 Holbein, H., 278, 548, 677, 
 
 683, 685. 
 Holland, 76, 251. 
 
 Anabaptists, 101. 
 
 Reformation, 240, 250, 256, 
 270. 
 
 war with Spain, 260, 263 f ., 
 271 f., 274, 342. 
 
 population, 454. 
 Hollinshed, R., 582. 
 Hol>Tood, 356. 
 Homer, 574. 
 
 Hooker, R., 344 f., 604, 606. 
 Hooper, 314. 
 
 Horn, Count of, 257, 259. 
 Hotman, F., 218, 220, 223, 
 
 582, 598. 
 Howard of Effingham, Lord, 
 
 342. 
 Hiibmaier, B., 92. 
 Huguenots 
 
 origin of the name, 208. 
 
 character, 208 f. 
 
 history, 210 ff. 
 
 guaranteed liberty of wor- 
 ship, 228 f . 
 
 in Netherlands, 248, 260. 
 
 and England, 332. 
 
 polities, 596 ff. 
 
 caricatured, 685. 
 
 judged by French secular 
 historians, 704. 
 
 judged by Michelet, 716. 
 Hulst, F. van der, 242. 
 Humanism 
 
 patronized by papacy, 16. 
 
 prepares for Reformation, 
 47, 61. 
 
 turns against Luther, 102 ff. 
 
 in Poland, 140. 
 
 in Netherlands, 254 f. 
 
 in Scotland, 354. 
 
 decay, 692. 
 
 Hume, D., 708 ff. 
 Hungary, 144, 350, 449, 463. 
 
 universities, 12, 
 Huss, J. 
 
 protected by a university, 
 12. 
 
 death, 14, 39. 
 
 life and work, 38 ff. 
 
 influence on Luther, 41, 69, 
 71 f., 86, 744. 
 
 influence in Poland, 140. 
 
 followers in Bohemia, 144. 
 
 on Index, 420. 
 Hussites, 75, 80, 649. 
 Hutlin, M., 558. 
 Hutten, U. von, 684. 
 
 mocks Julius II, 24. 
 
 publishes Valla's Donation 
 of Constantine, 49, 
 55, 70. 
 
 character and work, 55 f . 
 
 supports rebellion of 
 knights, 83. 
 
 incites peasants, 91. 
 
 and Luther, 96. 
 
 taunts Erasmus, 105. 
 
 commercial ideas, 530. 
 Hutton, M., 604. 
 Huxley, 730. 
 
 Iceland, 137. 
 Idria, 528. 
 
 Imbart de la Tour, P, 736. 
 Ineas, 439 f . 
 
 Independents, 102, 345 f. 
 Index of Prohibited Books, 
 32, 245, 381, 383, 
 388, 395, 420 ff., 591. 
 
 Congregation of, 422. 
 
 Index Expurgatorius, 422 f . 
 
 effect, 423 f . 
 
 and Copernicus, 622. 
 
 and Weyer, 659. 
 
838 
 
 INDEX 
 
 India, 10, 441 ff., 446, 523, 
 
 616. 
 Indians (American), 436 ff. 
 Individualism, 6, 28, 515, 677, 
 
 749. 
 Indulgences, 
 
 letters of first printed, 9. 
 
 theory and practice of, 
 23 f. 
 
 denounced by Wyclif, 37. 
 
 denounced by Huss, 39. 
 
 Erasmus's opinion of, 57. 
 
 attacked by Luther, 66 f. 
 
 in Denmark, 136. 
 
 in Switzerland, 151. 
 
 in Netherlands, 236. 
 
 and Fuggers, 527. 
 Inghirami, 51. 
 Ingolstadt, 51. 
 
 University of, 11, 406. 
 Innocent III, Pope, 14, 
 
 35. 
 Innocent VIII, Pope, 16 f ., 
 
 35, 654. 
 Inquisition 
 
 in Netherlands, 242 ff., 257. 
 
 Spanish, 242, 412 ff., 431. 
 
 in Venice, 376. 
 
 and Loyola, 400. 
 
 medieval, 412. 
 
 procedure, 413. 
 
 penalties, 414. 
 
 number of victims, 414 f . 
 
 scope, 415. 
 
 in Spanish dependencies, 
 416. 
 
 Roman, 416 f. 
 
 Index, 420, 423. 
 
 in Portugal, 445. 
 
 suppresses books on anat- 
 omy, 613. 
 
 and philosophy, 628. 
 
 and Bruno, 639. 
 
 Inquisition (continued) 
 
 judged by modem Cath- 
 olics, 642 f . 
 
 and witchcraft, 655, 658. 
 
 judged by Froude, 717. 
 Institoris, H., 654. 
 Intelligence, growth of, 12 f. 
 Intelligentsia, 551 f. 
 Inventions, 6 ff. 
 Ireland, 346-9, 453, 535. 
 
 Jesuits in, 405. 
 
 and Inquisition, 417. 
 Isabella, Queen of Castile, 76, 
 
 412, 426. 
 Isabella of Portgual, Queen 
 
 of Spain, 432. 
 Isocrates, 574. 
 Italy 
 
 first printers in, 9. 
 
 lack of national feeling, 43, 
 372. 
 
 and Renaissance, 47, 372 f., 
 425. 
 
 decadence, 135. 
 
 invaded by France, 17, 
 185. 
 
 civilization, 350. 
 
 and Reformation, 371 ff. 
 
 Jesuits in, 405. 
 
 population, 455 f., 458. 
 
 coinage, 463 f. 
 
 hospitals, 514. 
 
 banks, 519 f . 
 
 trade, 525. 
 
 reform of calendar, 624. 
 
 universities, 673. 
 Ivan IV, Czar, 143, 447, 748. 
 Ivry, battle of, 225. 
 
 Jagiello dynasty, 139. 
 James IV, King* of Scotland, 
 279, 352. 
 
INDEX 
 
 839 
 
 James V, King of Scotland, 
 199, 210, 352 f., 
 355 f., 580. 
 James VI, King of Scotland, 
 367, 369 f., 484, 505, 
 660. 
 James, W., 167, 740. 
 Jane Seymour, Qneen of Eng- 
 land, 299. 
 Janizaries, 449, 489. 
 Jansen, 276. 
 Jansenists, 406. 
 Janssen, J., 740. 
 Japan, 405, 408, 443, 616. 
 Jamae, battle of, 215. 
 Java, 443, 616. 
 Jena, University of, 670. 
 Jerome, St., 192, 684. 
 Jerome of Prague, 14, 40. 
 Jerusalem, 400, 402, 499. 
 Jesus Christ, 13, 29, 63. 
 Jesuits, 396-411. 
 
 in Poland, 143 f . 
 
 in Bohemia, 144. 
 
 in France, 202, 216, 231. 
 
 in Netherlands, 249. 
 
 in England, 328, 336 f. 
 
 origins, 381, 402 f. 
 
 and Paul IV, 384. 
 
 at Council of Trent, 393 f. 
 
 typical, 398. 
 
 organization, 403 f. 
 
 obedience, 404 f. 
 
 growtli, 405 f. 
 
 combat heresy, 405 ff. 
 
 foreign missions, 407 ff. 
 
 decay, 409 ff. 
 
 casuistry, 411, 506. 
 
 in Portugal, 445. 
 
 and tyrannicide, 605. 
 
 and philosophy, 628. 
 
 colleges, 666, 670 f. 
 
 art, 691. 
 
 Jesuits (continued) 
 
 judged by Michelet, 717. 
 Jetzer, J., 148, 708. 
 Jewel, J., 327, 344, 656. 
 Jews, 415 ff., 426, 445, 649 
 J-oan d'Albret, Queen of 
 
 Navarre, 205, 21o. 
 Joan of Arc, 581. 
 Joanna, Queen of Spain, 76, 
 
 477. 
 John the Baptist, 63. 
 John XXIII, Pope, 39. 
 John III, King of Portugal, 
 
 409, 445. 
 John III, King of Sweden, 
 
 138. 
 Jonas, J., 420, 508. 
 Josephus, 574. 
 Jovius, P., 580 ff., 703. 
 Jud, L., 157. 
 Julius II, Pope, 18 f ., 24, 51, 
 
 686, 709. 
 Julius III, Pope, 383 f., 393, 
 
 420. 
 Justification by faith only, 
 Lefevre, 53, 65. 
 Luther, 65 f., 86, 570, 625, 
 
 724, 745. 
 Contarini, 122. 
 At Ratisbon Colloquy, 127. 
 in France, 196, 206. 
 in England, 301, 314. 
 in Italy, 375, 377. 
 at Council of Trent, 392 f. 
 historical estimate of the 
 doctrine, 745 f . 
 
 Kaiserberg, G. of, 530. 
 Kant, I., 165, 625, 715 f. 
 Kaulbach, 715. 
 Kautsky, K., 726. 
 Kawerau, G., 737. 
 KeUer, L., 508. 
 
840 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Kempis, Thomas a, Imitation 
 of Christ, 26, 32 f., 
 401. 
 Kent, 322. 
 Kett, 314. 
 K) air-ed-Din, 449. 
 Knodt, 729. 
 Knollys, 603. 
 Knox, J., 167. 
 
 at Geneva, 174, 358 f . 
 
 in England, 313, 325, 358. 
 
 poUtical theory, 325, 363 f., 
 366, 602 ff. 
 
 character, 357 f . 
 
 early life, 358. 
 
 Monstrous Regiment of 
 Women, 361. 
 
 and Mary, 364 ff. 
 
 on women, 361, 509. 
 
 and Buchanan, 580. 
 
 as an historian, 586 f. 
 Koberger, A., 510. 
 Kohler, W., 739. 
 Kohlhase, J., 505. 
 Konigsberg, 526, 670. 
 Koran, 420, 584. 
 Kovalewsky, 729. 
 Kurdistan, 449. 
 Kurtz, 737. 
 Kiistrin, J. von, 127, 130. 
 
 La Boetie, 599 f. 
 Lactantius, 667. 
 Ladrones, 440. 
 Lagarde, P. de, 736. 
 Lamprecht, K., 737. 
 Lancaster, John of, 36. 
 Landau, 495. 
 Landstuhl, 84. 
 Lang, A., 367. 
 Lang, M., 557. 
 Languedoc, 216. 
 
 La RocheUe, 216, 219, 229, 
 
 260, 526. 
 Las Casas, B. de, 436. 
 Laski, J., 141, 312. 
 Lasso, 0., 689. 
 Lateran Council, Fifth, 19, 
 
 418 f., 628. 
 Latimer, H., 294, 299, 322, 
 
 495, 504. 
 Latin, 53, 63, 451, 663 ff. 
 
 classics, 574 ff. 
 La Tour, 354. 
 Laurent, 739. 
 Laveleye, E. de, 737. 
 Laynez, 394, 401. 
 Lea, H. C, 423, 731. 
 Lecky, 723. 
 Lefevre d 'Staples, J., 
 
 early life, 52. 
 
 biblical work, 52, 188, 196, 
 566, 570. 
 
 justification by faith, 53, 
 65. 
 
 and Farel, 160. 
 
 and Calvin, 162. 
 
 and French Reformation, 
 188 ff., 196 f. 
 Le Fevre, P., 400, 406. 
 Leghorn, 535. 
 Leicester, Robert Dudley, 
 
 Earl of, 275, 331. 
 Leinster, 348. 
 Leipheim, 95. 
 Leipzig 
 
 University of, 38, 671. 
 
 debate, 68 f., 77, 191. 
 
 Interim, 129. 
 Lemnius, S., 502 f. 
 Lemonnier, 732. 
 LeoX. 
 
 character and policy, 19, 
 77. 
 
 finance, 22. 
 
INDEX 
 
 841 
 
 Leo X (continued) 
 
 Concordat of Bologna, 43. 
 
 and Diet of Augsburg 
 (1518), 46. 
 
 and indulgences, 66 ff. 
 
 condemns Luther, 77. 
 
 and Charles V, 81, 236. 
 
 death, 84. 
 
 attacked by Sachs, 86. 
 
 and Henry VIII, 283. 
 
 Oratory of Divine Love, 
 397. 
 
 and Sapienza, 673. 
 
 portrait, 678. 
 
 and art, 688. 
 Leo, Emperor, 744. 
 Leon, P. de, 437. 
 Leonardo da Vinci, 
 
 income, 472. 
 
 scientific work, 612 f ., 637 f . 
 
 anatomy, 613. 
 
 physics, 613 f. 
 
 astronomy, 617. 
 
 on necromancy, 658. 
 
 art, 674 ff. 
 Lepanto, battle of, 266, 432, 
 
 490. 
 Lerma, Duke of, 517 f. 
 Leslie, J., 354. 
 Lessing, 712. 
 Levant, 442. 
 
 Lewis, King of Hungary, 144. 
 Ley den, 263. 
 
 John of, 101 f. 
 
 University of, 275, 673. 
 L'Hopital, M. de, 213, 215, 
 
 597. 
 Liege, 235, 260. 
 Lilienstayn, J., 40. 
 Lille, 186, 559. 
 Lima, 416. 
 
 Lincolnshire, 303, 323. 
 Lisbon, 9, 408, 442, 444, 524. 
 
 Lister, G., 240. 
 Lithuania, 138 ff. 
 Livonia, 139. 
 Livy, 667. 
 Lochleven, 368. 
 Loisy, A., 739, 741. 
 Lollards, 38, 354, 649. 
 Lombardy, 456. 
 London, 288, 317, 332. 
 
 first printers in, 9. 
 
 Netherlanders in, 253. 
 
 and Reformation, 281, 301, 
 322 f. 
 
 population, 453. 
 
 credit, 467. 
 
 and theater, 485. 
 
 brothels, 506. 
 
 death-rate, 511 f. 
 
 trade, 524, 533 f., 539, 548. 
 
 pauperism, 559. 
 Loretto, 499. 
 Lorraine, 257. 
 
 Charles, Cardinal of, 199, 
 210 f. 
 Lotto, L., 376. 
 Lotzer, 92. 
 Louis XI, King of France, 
 
 42, 556. 
 Louis XII, King of France, 
 
 19, 182 f. 
 Louvain, University of, 77, 
 241, 245, 253, 378, 
 420, 422, 668, 672. 
 Loyola, I., 
 
 early life, 398 f . 
 
 conversion, 399 f . 
 
 and Luther, 400, 405. 
 
 first disciples, 400 f . 
 
 Spiritual Exercises, 401 f. 
 
 founds Company of Jesus, 
 402 f. 
 
 death, 405. 
 
 autobiography, 588. 
 
842 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Loyola, I. (continued) 
 judged by Lagarde, 736. 
 # Liibeck, 113, 118 f., 454. 
 
 Lublin, 140. 
 
 Union of, 141. 
 Lucca, 420, 456. 
 Lucerne, 146, 153. 
 Ludolph of Saxony, 399. 
 Luther, C. von Bora, 123, 288. 
 Luther, M. 
 career 
 
 changes in his life-time, 3, 
 alludes to New World, 
 
 11, 497. 
 and University of Wit- 
 tenberg, 12. 
 influenced by mystics, 
 
 32 ff. 
 nationalism, 44, 46 f . 
 early life, 62 ff. 
 becomes a friar, 64. 
 inner development, 64 ff. 
 journey to Italy, 64, 514. 
 summoned to Augsburg 
 
 (1518), 67 f. 
 debates with Eck, 68 f. 
 condemned by Catholic 
 
 church, 77. 
 bums bull and Canon 
 
 Law, 78. 
 at Diet of Worms, 79 f ., 
 
 132, 398, 441, 741. 
 under ban of the Empire, 
 
 81. 
 at Wartburg, 81. 
 opposes radicals, 82 ff., 
 
 96 ff. 
 and Peasants' War, 91, 
 
 93, 97 f., 557 f. 
 wins German ruling 
 
 classes, 111. 
 reforms church service 
 and government, 112 f. 
 
 Luther, M, (continued) 
 illnesses, 123. 
 marriage, 123 f., 284. 
 death, 124, 322 note. 
 real estate and income, 
 
 468, 471. 
 anecdotes, 495 f., 580. 
 closes brothels, 506 f . 
 doctrines, opinions and 
 
 character 
 doctrine of eucharist, 36 
 
 (see controversy with 
 
 Zwingli). 
 justification by faith 
 
 only, 65. 
 declares councils can err, 
 
 69. 
 literary genius, 111, 125. 
 political theory, 116, 549, 
 
 594 ff., 606. 
 opinion of polygamy, 
 
 120, 286, 507, 
 
 703. 
 virulence, 123. 
 character, 124 f. 
 opinion of theater, 485. 
 on Sunday observance, 
 
 171. 
 on Aristotle, 637. 
 opinion of war, 487. 
 on hunting, 500. 
 on Reformation, 504, 
 
 700 f. 
 on lying, 506. 
 on marriage, 506, 508 f. 
 on education, 511, 665, 
 
 667. 
 commercial ideas, 530 f ., 
 
 608. 
 on poor relief, 560. 
 biblical criticism, 568 f., 
 
 572. 
 refutes Koran, 584. 
 
INDEX 
 
 843 
 
 Luther, M. (continued) 
 
 on Copemican theory, 
 
 621. 
 philosophy, 624 ff. 
 on toleration, 642 ff. 
 on witchcraft, 652, 655 f. 
 on art and music, 687, 
 
 690. 
 writings 
 
 translates Valla on Dona- 
 tion of Constantine, 
 
 49. 
 lectures on Bible, 64. 
 Ninety -five Theses, 67, 
 
 281. 
 Address to the Christian 
 
 Nohility, 70 ff., 376, 
 
 530, 560. 
 Babylonian Captivity of 
 
 Church, 72 f., 'l20, 
 
 164, 282. 
 translation of Bible, 73 f ., 
 
 81, 111 f., 569 f. 
 On Monastic Vows, 81. 
 Bondage of the Will, 
 
 105 f., 164. 
 hymns, 112, 354, 689, 
 
 737. 
 catechisms, 112, 164, 
 
 407. 
 Jack Sausage, 120. 
 Schmalkaldic Articles, 
 
 121. 
 Against the Papacy at 
 
 Rome, 123. 
 TaUe Talk, 124. 
 influence and relations with 
 
 contemporaries 
 Lefevre, 53. 
 Hutten, 56. 
 general influence, 62, 
 
 80 f., 83, 698. 
 Sachs, 86 f . 
 
 Luther, M. {continued) 
 
 deserted by humanists, 
 
 102 ff. 
 and Erasmus, 104 ff., 241, 
 
 649. 
 and Zwingli, 107 ff., 
 
 150 ff., 154, 159 f. 
 and Melanchthon, 133. 
 invited to Denmark, 136. 
 hailed by Bohemian 
 
 Brethren, 144. 
 and Calvin, 162, 165, 
 
 179 f. 
 More, 167. 
 influence in France, 
 
 188 ff., 203. 
 influence in Netherlands, 
 
 239 ff. 
 and Henry VIII, 277, 
 
 282 f ., 285, 287. 
 influence in England, 
 
 281 ff., 299 f., 312, 
 
 326, 635. 
 influence in Scotland, 
 
 354 ff. 
 influence in Italy, 373 ff., 
 
 380. 
 influence on Catholic re- 
 form, 388. 
 Index, 420. 
 Loyola, 400, 405. 
 Lemnius, 503. 
 and Raphael, 678 f. 
 and Diirer, 684. 
 caricatured, 685. 
 and Faust, 697. 
 judged by posterity, 
 Sleidan, 587, 705. 
 earily biographers, 588. 
 Des Periers, 629, 
 Montaigne, 631 f. 
 Charron, 633. 
 Bruno, 639. 
 
844 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Luther, M. (continued) 
 R. Burton, 700. 
 early Catholics, 702. 
 Bossuet, 703. 
 Vettori, 704. 
 Guicciardini, 704. 
 Brantome, 704. 
 Robertson, 709. 
 Hume, 710. 
 Gibbon, 710 f. 
 Wieland, 711. 
 Goethe, 712. 
 Lessing, 712. 
 Condorcet, 713. 
 and French Revolution, 
 
 713 ff. 
 and Romantic Movement, 
 
 715 fie. 
 
 Mme. de Stael, 715. 
 Heine, 715 f. 
 Michelet, 716 f. 
 Carlyle, 718. 
 Emerson, 718. 
 Herder, 718. 
 Arndt, 718. 
 
 German patriots, 718 f. 
 Hegel, 720. 
 Dollinger, 723 f. 
 Bax, 725 f. 
 Nietzsche, 730 f. 
 Troeltsch, 733. 
 Santayana, 734. 
 Imbart de la Tour, 736. 
 Lagarde, 736. 
 The Great War, 737 f . 
 Paquier, 738. 
 Harnack, 739. 
 Loisy, 739. 
 W. James, 740. 
 Grisar, 741. 
 Acton, 741. 
 
 secularization of the 
 world, 748. 
 
 Lutheranism, 
 
 in England, 38, 308, 330. 
 
 in Germany, 111, 133 f. 
 
 in France, 195 ff. 
 
 in Netherlands, 243 ff. 
 
 in Italy, 376 f., 417. 
 
 and papacy, 383. 
 
 in Spain, 415 f. 
 
 political theory, 594, 707. 
 Luxemburg, 76, 238. 
 Lyly, J., 635. 
 Lyndsay, D., 351, 355 note, 
 
 356, 615. 
 Lyons, 512, 523, 526, 556. 
 
 Waldenses, 35. 
 
 and Reformation, 192, 
 195, 218. 
 
 Maastricht, 258, 273. 
 MacAlpine, J., 354. 
 Macaulay, 432, 717. 
 McGiffert, A. C., 739. 
 Machiavelli, N. 
 
 The Prince, 295, 589. 
 
 and Index, 421 f. 
 
 on war, 487 ff. 
 
 ethics, 505 f . 
 
 on classics, 576. 
 
 as an historian, 580. 
 
 political theory, 589 ft'., 
 599, 601 f., 608. 
 
 and Christianity, 628, 649. 
 Mackinnon, 742. 
 Madagascar, 443. 
 Madeira, 441, 444. 
 Madrid, 9. 
 
 Treaty of, 185 f ., 379. 
 Madgeburg, 63, 66, 129. 
 Magdeburg Centuries, 584 f. 
 Magellan, F., 3, 440 f., 615. 
 Magni, 0., 138. 
 Magrath, 417. 
 Maitland, 365. 
 
INDEX 
 
 845 
 
 Majorca, 415. 
 
 Malabar, 524. 
 
 Malacca, 443. 
 
 Malay Peninsula, 446, 616. 
 
 Maldonato, 106. 
 
 Malines, 252 t, 262. 
 
 Malory, T. 
 La Morte d' Arthur, 692. 
 
 Malta, 456. 
 
 Manchester, 538. 
 
 Manners, 500 ff. 
 
 Manresa, 399, 401. 
 
 Manichaeans, 418. 
 
 Mansfeld, 62, 523, 662. 
 
 Mantua, 121. 
 Benedict of, 376. 
 Isabella d'Este, Marchion- 
 ess of, 376, 572. 
 
 Manz, F., 645. 
 
 Marburg, 
 
 Colloquy at, 109 f. 
 University of, 287, 354, 670. 
 
 Marcellus II, Pope, 384. 
 
 Marcion, 583, 744. 
 
 Marcourt, A. de, 197. 
 
 Marcus Aurelius, 574. 
 
 Margaret d 'Angouleme, 
 Queen of Navarre, 
 29, 324, 572, 676. 
 and Reformation, 189 f., 
 194 f. 
 
 Jlargaret Tudor, Queen of 
 Scotland, 330,352. 
 
 Mariana, 605. 
 
 Marignano, battle of, 147, 
 150, 185, 488. 
 
 Marlowe, C, 635, 697. 
 
 Marnix, P. van, 263. 
 
 Marot, C, 187, 194, 197, 203, 
 232, 693. 
 
 Marranos, 240, 445. 
 
 Marriage, 
 prohibited degrees, 22 f. 
 
 Marriage (continued) 
 
 Protestant regulation of, 
 
 112, 173. 
 Catholic reform, 395. 
 esteemed, 507 f . 
 Marsiglio of Padua, 43. 
 Mary, Mother of Jesus, wor- 
 shiped, 29, 63, 148, 
 
 358, 495. 
 
 Mary of Burgundy, Empress, 
 
 76, 235. 
 Mary Tudor, Queen of 
 England, 287, 
 291. 
 foreign policy, 200, 319. 
 and Netherlands, 248 f. 
 succession, 316 f. 
 marriage, 318 f., 432. 
 religious policy, 319 ff. 
 and Knox, 358, 361. 
 censorship, 419. 
 commercial policy, 526. 
 and universities, 671. 
 Mary Tudor, Queen of 
 France, 281, 316, 
 432. 
 Mary of Hapsburg, Queen of 
 Hungary, 237, 244, 
 249. 
 Mary of Lorraine, Queen of 
 Scotland, 199, 352, 
 
 359, 361. 
 
 Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots, 
 and England, 325, 330, 
 
 333 f., 336, 338, 340, 
 
 352, 365, 368. 
 execution, 339 f., 368 f. 
 marriage with Francis II, 
 
 210, 351, 359. 
 birth, 356. 
 and Knox, 364 tf . 
 marriage with Damley, 
 
 366. 
 
846 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Mary Stuart (continued) 
 
 marriage with Bothwell, 
 367 f. 
 
 Casket Letters, 367 f . 
 
 deposed, 367, 602 f. 
 
 dress, 466, 
 
 and Buchanan, 580. 
 Martyr, Peter, see Vermigli 
 
 and Anghierra. 
 Marx, C, 724 f. 
 Masuccio, 50. 
 Mathesius, 588. 
 Mathews, S., 725. 
 Matthews, T., 300. 
 Matthys, J., 101 f. 
 Maurenbrecher, 740. 
 Maurer, H., 91. 
 Maurolycus, 611. 
 Maximilian I, Emperor, 
 
 and Julius II, 19. 
 
 and Luther, 68. 
 
 policy, 75 f . 
 
 death, 77. 
 
 and Netherlands, 235, 238, 
 486. 
 Maximilian II, Emperor, 132, 
 
 144, 258. 
 Mayence, 8 f ., 74, 666, 670. 
 
 Albert, Elector of, 66, 79, 
 496. 
 
 Berthold, Elector of, 418. 
 Mayenne, Duke of, 225 ff., 
 
 492. 
 Mayr, C, 528. 
 Meaux, 192, 195, 202, 218. 
 Mecca, 446. 
 
 Medici, de', family, 15, 17, 
 519. 
 
 Lorenzo the Magnificent, 
 19, 682. 
 
 Lorenzo II, 198 f. 
 
 Alexander, 250, 381. 
 
 Cosimo, 372. 
 
 Medina, 446, 513 fif. 
 Medina Sidonia, Duke of, 341. 
 Mediterranean, 442, 523. 
 Melanchthon, P. 
 
 doctrine of eucharist, 70. 
 
 and Luther, 81, 111, 124, 
 133. 
 
 and Peasants' "War, 98, 558. 
 
 at Marburg Colloquy, 109. 
 
 drafts Augsburg Confes- 
 sion, 117. 
 
 on polygamy, 120, 287, 
 
 reforms Cologne, 121. 
 
 negotiates with Catholics, 
 122. 
 
 attacked by Lutherans, 
 129, 133. 
 
 and Zwingli, 134. 
 
 and Calvin, 164. 
 
 and Servetus, 178. 
 
 and France, 187, 203. 
 
 and England, 299, 301, 312, 
 326 f. 
 
 and Scotland, 356. 
 
 on Index, 420. 
 
 salary, 471. 
 
 and Lemnius, 503. 
 
 and Bible, 569. 
 
 political theory, 596, 605. 
 
 and Copernicus, 621 f. 
 
 persecutes, 644 f . 
 
 on education, 667, 
 Mendelssohn, 715. 
 Mercator, G., 616. 
 Merindol, 203. 
 Metz, 184, 200. 
 Mexico, 416, 438 f ., 474 f. 
 Meyerbeer, 715. 
 Mezeray, de, 704. 
 Michaelangelo, 472, 681 ff., 
 
 686, 690. 
 Miehelet, J., 398, 716 f. 
 Middleburg, 263. 
 
INDEX 
 
 847 
 
 ]\Iilan, 185 f., 372, 380 f., 
 
 416 f., 456. 
 Milne, W., 359. 
 :\Iiltitz, C. von, 68. 
 Milton, J., 74, 423, 608, 
 
 668. 
 Mirabilia Urhis Romae, 74. 
 Mirandola, Pico della, 51 ff., 
 
 108, 374, 606. 
 Miritzsch, M., 240. 
 Mississippi, 437. 
 Modena, 456. 
 jMohacs, battle of, 144. 
 Mohammedanism, 433, 448, 
 583 f ., 627, 707 f ., 
 745. 
 Moluccas, 408, 443. 
 Monarchy, 476 f., 549. 
 Moncontour, battle of, 215. 
 Money 
 
 value of, in the sixteenth 
 century, 461 ff., 
 472 f. 
 
 coins, 462 ff. 
 
 interest, 467 f. 
 
 power of, 548. 
 Monod, G., 735. 
 Monopolies, 85, 88, 528 ff. 
 Mons, battle of, 216, 261. 
 Montaigne, M. de, 
 
 and New World, 11. 
 
 and Reformation, 231 f. 
 
 on torture, 482. 
 
 on classics, 576 f. 
 
 and La Boetie, 599 f. 
 
 skepticism, 631 f. 
 
 on toleration, 648. 
 
 on witchcraft, 660 f . 
 Montauban, 219, 229. 
 Montbeliard, 161. 
 Monte, A. C. del, 382. 
 Montesquieu, 707. 
 Montluc, B. de, 216, 582. 
 
 Montmorency, A. de, 185, 187, 
 
 517. 
 Montpellier, 229. 
 Mook, battle of, 263. 
 Moors, 426, 428, 433 f. 
 Morals, 503 ff. 
 
 of clergy, 25, 493 f . 
 IVIorata, 0., 374. 
 Moravians, see Bohemian 
 
 Brethren. 
 Moray, Earl of, 334, 367 f. 
 More, T. 
 
 Utopia, 11, 26, 509, 558, 
 606 f., 648, 698. 
 
 debt to Lefevre, 53. 
 
 and Reformation, 167, 
 281 ff., 295, 299. 
 
 on Henry VIII, 279, 295. 
 
 death, 294 f. 
 
 on persecution, 294 f ., 648. 
 
 drinks only water, 497. 
 
 on hunting, 500. 
 
 marriages, 508 f . 
 
 and Bibles, 571. 
 
 and religion, 633 f., 649. 
 
 and witchcraft, 655. 
 
 portrait, 683. 
 
 judged by Robertson, 731 
 Moriscos, 415, 433 t, 517, 
 Morley, Lord, 592. 
 Mornay, P. Duplessis, 264, 
 
 598 f. 
 Morocco, 446. 
 Morone, 394. 
 
 Mortmain, Statute of, 41. 
 Morton, Earl of, 360. 
 Moschus, 574. 
 Moscow, 512. 
 Mosheim, 712. 
 Motley, 718. 
 Mount joy. Lord, 277. 
 Miihlberg, battle of, 128, 238. 
 Miihlhausen in Thuringia, 94. 
 
848 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Miilhausen in Alsace, 160. 
 Munich, 666. 
 Miinster, 101 f., 244. 
 Munster, S., 420, 565. 
 Miinster, T., 82, 91, 94 f., 97, 
 
 112, 594, 701. 
 Muret, 576. 
 Murner, T., 472, 694. 
 Muscovy, 139, 143 f., 447. 
 Music, 689. 
 Mutian, 54, 103. 
 Myconius, 160, 313. 
 Mystics, 29-34, 744. 
 
 Naarden, 262. 
 Namur, 267. 
 Nanak, 745. 
 Nantes 
 
 University of, 11. 
 
 Edict of, 228 f ., 406, 650. 
 Naples 
 
 French in, 42, 186. 
 
 Spanish, 372, 380, 416 f . 
 
 Reformation, 375 f . 
 
 population, 456. 
 Narva, 534. 
 Nash, T., 635. 
 Nassau, 251. 
 
 Louis of, 257 ff., 263. 
 Nationalism 
 
 rise of, 5. 
 
 effect on church, 41-47. 
 
 in France, 182. 
 Naumburg, Bishop of, 120. 
 Negroes, 437, 525, 533. 
 Neo-Platonism, 51, 54. 
 Nesbit, J., 354. 
 Netherlands 
 
 mystics, 32 f . 
 
 Charles V, 78. 
 
 and French Calvinists, 204, 
 216. 
 
 Netherlands (continued) 
 
 constitution, 234 ff. 
 
 Mary, Regent of, 237, 244, 
 249. 
 
 Margaret of Austria, Re- 
 gent of, 237. 
 
 relations with the Empire, i 
 237 f. i 
 
 Reformation, 239 ff., 271 ff. i 
 
 and Spain, 246 ff., 254 ff., ; 
 488. 
 
 and Alva, 258 ff. 
 
 Northern Provinces declare 
 independence, 272 ff., 
 602. 
 
 "Beggars," 256 ff., 342. 
 
 and England, 332, 344 f. 
 
 civilization, 350. 
 
 Jesuits, 405 f . 
 
 censorship, 419. 
 
 population, 453, 458. 
 
 post office, 486. 
 
 commerce, 531 ff. 
 
 agriculture, 547. 
 
 serfs, 553. 
 
 poor-relief, 559 f. 
 
 reform of calendar, 624. 
 Newcastle, 358. 
 Nice, Truce of, 121, 198. 
 Nicholas V, Pope, 16, 45, 
 
 566. 
 Nicoletto, 374. 
 Nietzsche, F., 730 f. 
 Niklashausen, Piper of, 87. 
 Nimes, 219. 
 
 Bishop of, 205. 
 Nobility, 236, 491 f., 550. 
 Nola, 639. 
 Norfolk, 323. 
 
 Duke of, 334 f . 
 Norman, R., 615. 
 Normandy, 202. 
 North, T., 576. 
 
INDEX 
 
 849 
 
 Northumberland, John Dud- 
 ley, Duke of, 316 f., 
 321. 
 Norway, 135, 137, 458. 
 Norwich, 254, 315. 
 Novara, battle of, 150. 
 Noyen, 161. 
 
 Nuremberg, 74, 79, 86, 90, 
 128, 454, 483, 688. 
 humanism, 54. 
 Diet of (1522), 84 f., 528. 
 Diet of (1524), 851 
 ' ' godless painters, ' ' 103, 
 
 628. 
 revolts from Rome, 113. 
 Peace of, 118. 
 Diirer, 472, 684. 
 poor-relief, 560. 
 
 Occam, William of, 35 f ., 43, 
 108, 625, 743. 
 
 Ochino, B., 174, 312, 375, 397, 
 420. 
 
 Oecolampadius, J., 108 ff., 
 156 f ., 159, 161, 299, 
 312, 420, 508, 626. 
 
 Oldenbarneveldt, J. van, 275, 
 602. 
 
 Olivetan, 162, 196, 570. 
 
 Orange, Anne, Princess of, 
 251, 253. 
 
 Orange, Charlotte, Princess 
 of, 251. 
 
 Orange, William, Prince of, 
 167, 246, 250 ff., 258. 
 character, 251, 274. 
 elected Statholder of Hol- 
 land, 261. 
 death, 274, 340. 
 and England, 339. 
 
 Orellana, 438. 
 
 Orinoco, 436. 
 
 Orleans, University of, 162. 
 
 Orleans (continued) 
 
 Reformation, 197, 202, 218. 
 
 States General, 212 f. 
 Osgood, H. L., 743. 
 Osiander, A., 420, 620, 623. 
 Oudewater, 264. 
 Overj^ssel, 235. 
 
 Oxford, University of, 36, 38, 
 281, 471, 639, 671, 
 687. 
 Oxfordshire, 314. 
 
 Pacific Ocean, 438, 440. 
 Paciolus, L., 610. 
 Pack, O. von, 114. 
 Paderborn, University of, 670. 
 Padua, University of, 618, 627. 
 Paget, Lord, 310. 
 Palatinate, 74, 79, 84, 121, 
 127. 
 
 Frederic III, Elector Pala- 
 tine, 121, 128. 
 Palermo, 416. 
 Palestrina, 384, 689. 
 Palma, University of, 12. 
 Pampeluna, 399 f. 
 Papacy 
 
 history of in the later Mid- 
 dle Ages, 13-20. 
 
 triumphs over Councils, 15. 
 
 secularization, 15. 
 
 patronizes art and letters, 
 16. 
 
 denounced by Wyclif , 37, 
 
 rejected by Bohemian 
 Brethren, 40. 
 
 attacked by Marsiglio, 43. 
 
 assailed by Valla, 49. 
 
 rejected by Luther, 68 ff., 
 123, 388. 
 
 dependent on Spain, 372. 
 
 history, 1522-90, 377-88. 
 
 and Turks, 449. 
 
850 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Papacy (continued) 
 finance, 480. 
 
 judged by Creighton and 
 Acton, 642, 741. 
 Paquier, 738. 
 
 Paracelsus, T., 513, 632, 638 f. 
 Paraguay, 408. 
 Pare, A., 513 f. 
 Paris 
 
 first printers at, 9. 
 university of, 11, 42, 161, 
 190 f., 202 ff., 227, 
 250, 400, 422, 561, 
 566, 600, 642, 664. 
 College of Montaigu, 161, 
 400 f ., 669. 
 Parlement of, 42, 1841, 
 
 191, 227, 229, 406. 
 and Reformation, 192, 
 195 ff., 213, 217, 221, 
 228. 
 Jesuits, 202. 
 besieged by Henry IV, 
 
 225 f., 455. 
 population, 455. 
 credit, 467. 
 constabulary, 482. 
 brothels, 507. 
 hospitals, 514. 
 trade, 539. 
 Parker, 604. 
 
 Parma, Duke of, 226, 456. 
 Parma, Margaret of, 250, 
 
 256 f. 
 Pascal, B., 398. 
 Passau, Convention of, 130. 
 Pastor, A., 626. 
 Pastor, L. von, 740 f . 
 Patten, S. N., 726. 
 Paul the Apostle, 13, 52 f., 65, 
 98, 150, 356, 377, 
 418, 742. 
 Paul II, Pope, 16. 
 
 Paul III, 250. 
 
 and oecumenical council, 
 121, 389 f. 
 
 and Luther, 123. 
 
 alliance with Charles V, 
 127. 
 
 and Margaret of Navarre, 
 189. 
 
 and Rabelais, 194. 
 
 and England, 292 ff. 
 
 pontificate, 381 ff. 
 
 reforms, 381 ff. 
 
 foreign policy, 383. 
 
 and Jesuits, 401. 
 
 and Inquisition, 416. 
 
 and American Indians, 436. 
 
 and Sapienza, 471, 673. 
 
 and artists, 472, 504. 
 
 and Copernicus, 620, 622. 
 
 and philosophy, 628. 
 Paul IV, 382, 384, 397, 417, 
 
 421 f. 
 Paulet, Sir A., 339. 
 Paulus Diaeonus, 608. 
 Pauperism, 558 ff. 
 Pausanias, 574. 
 Pavia, battle of, 94, 185, 372, 
 
 379, 459. 
 Penz, G., 103, 628. 
 Periers, Des, 629. 
 Perrin, A., 176. 
 Persia, 449. 
 Perth, 360. 
 
 Peru, 416, 438 ff., 474 f. 
 Pescia, Domenico da, 18. 
 Petrarch, 47. 
 Petri, L., 138. 
 Petri, O., 137. 
 Pfefferkom, J., 54. 
 Philibert, E., 249. 
 Philip IV of France, 14, 42. 
 Philip the Handsome of Haps- 
 burg, 76, 235. 
 
INDEX 
 
 851 
 
 Philip II, King of Spain, 130, 
 132. 
 and France, 212, 226 ff., 
 
 252. 
 on St. Bartholomew, 218. 
 and Netherlands, 246 ff., 
 
 272 ff., 602. 
 marriage with Mary of 
 
 England, 318 f. 
 and Elizabethan England, 
 331 ff., 338, 362, 
 533. 
 and papacy, 384 ff. 
 and Council of Trent, 395. 
 finances, 431. 
 
 character and policy, 431 ff. 
 and Portugal, 446. 
 and Turks, 449 f . 
 portrait, 678. 
 Philippine Islands, 440 f. 
 Philosophy, 624-40. 
 Keformers, 624 ff. 
 skeptics, 627 ff. 
 science, 637 ff. 
 Piacenza, 250, 456 
 Picardy, 161, 202. 
 Piccolomini family, 15. 
 Piedmont, 35. 
 Pindar, 574. 
 Pinkie, battle of, 359. 
 Pirckheimer, W., 104, 106, 
 
 683. 
 Pisa, 627. 
 
 Council of (1409), 14. 
 Schismatic Council of 
 (1511), 19. 
 Pistoia, 488. 
 Pius II, Pope, 16, 241, 42, 
 
 350. 
 Pius IV, Pope, 384 ff., 393 ff. 
 Pius V, Pope, 334 f., 338, 
 
 386 f., 417, 422. 
 Pizarro, 439 f. 
 
 Plato, 51, 150, 418, 574, 606, 
 
 629. 
 Pliny the Elder, 667. 
 Plutarch, 574, 576, 619. 
 Pocock, R., 48. 
 Podiebrad, 40. 
 Poggio, 51, 421. 
 Poissy, Colloquy of, 2131, 
 
 598. 
 Poitiers, Diana of, 199. 
 Poitou, 216. 
 Poland, 
 
 pays Peter's Pence, 21. 
 
 suzerain of Prussia, 113. 
 
 literature, 135. 
 
 constitution, 138 f. 
 
 wars, 139 f., 447. 
 
 Reformation, 140-44. 
 
 Henry III, 143, 219. 
 
 civilization, 350. 
 
 Counter-reformation, 388. 
 
 and Council of Trent, 395. 
 
 Jesuits, 405. 
 
 population, 458, 
 
 gilds, 540. 
 
 reform of calendar, 624. 
 Pole, R., 318 ff., 377, 382, 396, 
 
 591, 604. 
 Political theory, 588-609. 
 
 the state as power, 589 ff. 
 
 republicanism, 592 ff. 
 
 church and state, 593 ff. 
 
 constitution, 595 ff. 
 
 tyrannicide, 606. 
 
 radicals, 606 1 
 
 economic, 607 ff. 
 Pollard, A. F., 742. 
 Polybius, 574. 
 
 Polygamy, 102, 120, 507, 574. 
 Pomponazzi, P., 105, 627, 649. 
 Ponet, J., 604 1 
 Pontano, 508. 
 Pontoise, Estates of, 598. 
 
852 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Porta, J. B., della, 614. 
 Portsmouth, 322. 
 Portugal 
 
 exploration, 10, 435. 
 
 literature, 135. 
 
 civilization, 350. 
 
 and Council of Trent, 395. 
 
 Jesuits, 405. 
 
 colonies, 407 ff., 435, 441 ff. 
 
 Inquisition, 416, 445, 
 
 annexed to Spain, 432, 446. 
 
 decadence, 444 ff. 
 
 population, 458. 
 
 navy, 490. 
 
 commerce, 524. 
 
 reform of calendar, 624. 
 Porzio, S., 627. 
 Posen, 140, 144. 
 Post Office, 468 f., 486. 
 Praemunire, Statute of, 41 f., 
 
 289. 
 Prague, University of, 38, 639, 
 Predestination, doctrine of, 
 164ff., 176, 249, 682. 
 Prescott, 718. 
 
 Pressburg, University of, 12. 
 Prices, 88, 315, 464 ff. 
 
 wheat, 464 f. 
 
 animals, 465. 
 
 groceries, 466. 
 
 dry goods, 466 f . 
 
 metals, 467. 
 
 real estate, 468. 
 
 books, 468. 
 
 rise of, 473, 516 f., 608. 
 Priscillian, 564. 
 Printing, 3, 8ff., 239, 3491, 
 
 418 f. 
 Probst, J., 240, 242. 
 Proletariat, 552 ff. 
 Prostitution, 506 f . 
 Protestantism 
 
 origin of the name, 115. 
 
 Protestantism (continued) 
 period of expansion, 132, 
 
 388 f , 
 varieties of, 179 f. 
 in France, 229 ff. 
 judged by Renan, 742, 
 Provisors, Statute of, 41, 289. 
 Prudentius, 667. 
 Prussia, 113, 133, 139, 141, 
 
 350, 
 Ptolemy, 574, 616 note, 617, 
 Puglia, Francis da, 18. 
 Pulci, 628, 
 
 Puritans, 167, 286, 328, 339, 
 343 ff., 358, 483, 486, 
 604, 690. 
 
 Quakers, 102, 
 Quinet, E., 718. 
 Quirini, 595. 
 
 Rabelais, P., 187. 
 
 and Reformation, 194 f ,, 
 197, 231 f. 
 
 given a benefice, 471. 
 
 anarchism, 606. 
 
 philosophy, 629. 
 
 love of life, 694. 
 Racau, 142. 
 
 Racovian catechism, 142. 
 Radewyn, 32. 
 Raleigh, W,, 532. 
 Ramus, P., 637. 
 Ranke, L. von, 343, 367, 379, 
 
 721 f. 
 Raphael Sanzi, 472, 492, 
 
 677 ff., 686. 
 Ratisbon 
 
 League of, 114. 
 
 Diet of, 122. 
 
 Book of, 122. 
 
 Colloquy of, 127, 169. 
 Records, R., 616 
 
INDEX 
 
 853 
 
 Reinach, S., 735. 
 
 Reformation 
 antecedents, 4 ff. 
 causes, 20-29, 743 f. 
 and Renaissance, 47, 187 f., 
 231 ff., 730, 732 f., 
 749 f. 
 and morals, 503 f . 
 and capitalism, 515. 
 historiography in 16th cen- 
 tury, 585 ft', 
 and state, 593 ff. 
 and education, 664 ff. 
 and art, 684 f., 689 f. 
 and books, 691. 
 parallels to, 744 f . 
 religious changes, 745 ff. 
 political and economic 
 
 changes, 747 f. 
 intellectual changes, 749 f . 
 the word, 700. 
 various interpretations, 
 699-750. 
 Protestant, 699 ff., 739 f . 
 Catholic, 701 ff., 740 f. 
 political, 703 ff. 
 economic, 106, 708, 724 ff. 
 rationalist, 706 ff . 
 French Revolutionary, 
 
 713 ff. 
 romantic, 715 ff. 
 liberal, 716 ff., 742. 
 scientific, 719 ff. 
 Darwinian, 729 ff. 
 Teutonic, 736 1, 747. 
 Eeformatian of the Emperor 
 
 Frederic III, 90. 
 Beformation of the Emperor 
 
 Sigismund, 89 f . 
 Reinhold, E., 621, 623. 
 Rembrandt, 276. 
 Renaissance, 4. 
 
 and Reformation, 47, 187 f ., 
 
 Renaissance (cantiniied) 
 
 231 ff., 730, 732 f., 
 743, 749 f. 
 
 in France, 187. 
 
 in Netherlands, 239. 
 Renan, 742. 
 Renard, 320 f. 
 Renaudie, 210 f. 
 Reni, G., 689. 
 Requesens, L., 263. 
 Reuchlin, J., 54 f ., 103. 
 Reval, 534. 
 Rheims, 252, 672. 
 Rheticus, G. J., 610, 620 ff. 
 Rhodes, 449. 
 Ribadeneira, 588. 
 Riccio, D., 366. 
 Richmond, Duke of, 287, 471. 
 Ridley, 299, 322. 
 Riga, 144, 534. 
 Rink, M., 100. 
 Ritschl, 723. 
 Robertson, J. M., 731. 
 Robertson, W., 367, 709. 
 Robespierre, 716. 
 Robinson, J. H., 743. 
 Rode, H., 240. 
 Rodrigo, 416. 
 Rogers, J., 322. 
 Rohrbach, J., 94, 98. 
 Rome 
 
 and Luther, 64, 67. 
 
 sack of, 185, 372, 380, 456. 
 
 population, 456. 
 
 university of, 471, 673. 
 
 administration, 481, 504. 
 
 pilgrimages, 499. 
 
 prostitutes, 507. 
 
 and Copernicus, 618. 
 
 St. Peter's Church, 686. 
 
 Pasquino and Marf orio, 693. 
 Ronnow, 137. 
 Ronsard, P. de, 231 f ., 693. 
 
854 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Rosenblatt, W., 508. 
 Rostock, University of, 670. 
 Roth, C, 529. 
 Rotterdam, 235, 260. 
 Rouen, 197, 214. 
 Rousillon, 426. 
 Rovere family, 15, 18. 
 Rubeanus, C, 55, 103 f. 
 Rudolph II, Emperor, 268. 
 Russell, B., 735. 
 Russia, 446 f ., 534, 551. 
 Ruthenians, 138. 
 Riixner, G., 90. 
 Ruysbroeck, John of, 32, 34. 
 
 Saal, M. von der, 120. 
 Sabatier, P., 737 f., 742. 
 Sachs, H., 86 f ., 696. 
 Sacraments 
 
 Catholic doctrine of, 27, 
 
 745. 
 Protestant doctrine of, 
 
 72 ff. 301, 314, 625, 
 
 745 f. 
 Saero Bosco, J. de, 615. 
 Sadoleto, 169, 566. 
 St. Andrews, 355, 358, 360. 
 St. Bartholomew, massacre of, 
 
 217 f ., 261 f., 387, 
 
 597. 
 St. David's, 323. 
 St. Gall, 101, 157, 160, 645. 
 St. Quentin, battle of, 200. 
 Saints, worship of, 28 f., 57, 
 
 206, 747. 
 Salamanca, University of, 
 
 400, 673. 
 Salerno, University of, 11. 
 Salisbury, 323. 
 Salmeron, 393, 401. 
 Samosata, Paul of, 627. 
 Sanchez, F., 639. 
 Samson, B., 151. 
 
 Sanders, N., 325, 588, 702. 
 
 Sandomir, 142. 
 
 San Gallo, 686. 
 
 Santayana, G., 734 f. 
 
 Saracens, 448. 
 
 Saragossa, University of, 12. 
 
 Sardinia, 456. 
 
 Sarpi, P., 377, 390, 395, 423, 
 
 705 f. 
 Satyre Menippee, 226 f . 
 Savonarola, 16 ff., 51, 580, 
 
 649. 
 Savoy, 35, 168, 372, 395, 
 455 f., 658. 
 Charles III, Duke of, 168. 
 Louise of, 185. 
 Saxony 
 
 division into Albertine and 
 Ernestine, 119 note. 
 Albertine 
 
 George, Duke of, 24, 56, 
 119, 191, 283, 528, 
 554 f., 700. 
 Henry, Duke of, 119. 
 Maurice, Duke and Elec- 
 tor of, 119. 
 alliance with Charles 
 
 V, 127 f. 
 attacks John Frederic, 
 
 128. 
 becomes elector, 128. 
 captures Magdeburg, 
 
 129. 
 turns against Charles 
 
 V, 130, 393. 
 death, 130. 
 
 and Council of Trent, 
 393. 
 Ernestine 
 
 nationalism, 44. 
 indulgences, 66. 
 mentioned, 74. 
 Peasants' War, 91 ff. 
 
INDEX 
 
 855 
 
 Saxony {continued) 
 
 Anabaptists, 103, 644. 
 becomes Lutheran, 113. 
 brigandage, 505. 
 church property, 551. 
 Frederic, Elector of, 77, 
 82, 93. 
 supports Luther, 66, 
 79, 81, 104, 113, 283. 
 John, Elector of, 113, 
 283, 595, 644. 
 signs Protest, 115. 
 votes against Ferdi- 
 nand, 118. 
 John Frederic the Elder, 
 Elector and Duke of, 
 305. 
 expels Bishop of 
 
 Naumburg, 120. 
 defeated and captured 
 
 by Charles V, 128. 
 freed, 130. 
 
 loses electoral vote, 
 128. 
 John Frederic the Young- 
 er, Duke of, 132. 
 Scaliger, J. J., 575, 585. 
 Scandinavia, 21, 135 ff., 350. 
 Schaffhausen, 146, 157, 160. 
 Schartlin, 128. 
 Scheldt barred by Holland, 
 
 274. 
 Schenck, M., 134. 
 Schenitz, J., 518. 
 Schleswig-Holstein, 136. 
 Schmalkalden, League of, 
 118 ff., 187, 197, 
 300 f., 305 f. 
 Schmalkaldic War, 126 ff., 
 198, 200, 376, 383, 
 393. 
 Schmidt, 712. 
 Schonberg, 622. 
 
 Schools, 12, 471, 662 ff. 
 Schoonhoven, 264. 
 Schwenckfeld, C. von, 
 
 164. 
 Schwyz, 146, 153. 
 Science, 609-24. 
 
 inductive method, 609. 
 
 mathematics, 609 ff. 
 
 zoology, 611 f. 
 
 anatomy, 612 f . 
 
 physics, 613 ff. 
 
 geography, 615 f . 
 
 astronomy, 616 ff. 
 
 schools, 666. 
 Scotland 
 
 and England, 279, 309, 
 351 f ., 358 f., 369. 
 
 condition, 350 ff. 
 
 and France, 351 f., 358 f. 
 
 Reformation, 352 ff., 359 ff., 
 369 f. 
 
 the kirk, 364, 369 f. 
 
 Black Acts, 369. 
 
 population, 453 f., 458. 
 
 theater, 485. 
 
 duelling, 486. 
 
 brigandage, 505. 
 
 serfdom, 553, 
 Scott, R., 659 f. 
 Scotus, Duns, 34. 
 Sea power, 490 f. 
 Sebastian, King of Portugal, 
 
 446. 
 Seckendorf, 701. 
 Selim I, Sultan, 449, 748. 
 Sell, K., 737. 
 Semblangay, 518. 
 Seneca, 162. 
 
 Serfdom, 89 f., 97 f., 552 f. 
 Seripando, 417. 
 Servetus, M., 177 f., 613, 
 
 626 f ., 645. 
 Severn, 322. 
 
856 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Seville, 341, 416, 457, 524 f . 
 University of, 12. 
 
 Seymour, T., 315. 
 
 Shakespeare, W., 424, 581, 
 693, 698. 
 
 Sicily, 416, 455. 
 
 Sickingen, F. von, 56, 83 f ., 
 505, 550, 684. 
 
 Sidney, H., 348. 
 
 Sidney, P., 336, 501. 
 
 Siena, 375, 381. 
 
 Sievershausen, battle of, 130. 
 
 Sigismund, Emperor, 39. 
 
 Sigismund I, King of Poland, 
 139 ff. 
 
 Sigismund II, King of Po- 
 land, 141 ff. 
 
 Sigismund III, King of Po- 
 land, 144. 
 
 Sigiienza, University of, 12. 
 
 Sikhism, 745. 
 
 Silver, production of, 473 ff., 
 516 f. 
 
 Simmel, F., 726. 
 
 Simons, M., 244. 
 
 Sixtus IV, Pope, 16, 412. 
 
 Sixtus V, Pope, 223, 341, 
 387 f., 504 f., 670. 
 
 Skelton, J., 283. 
 
 Sleidan, 587 f., 704 f. 
 
 Smith, H., 635. 
 
 Socinians, 376. 
 
 Somascians, 397. 
 
 Somerset, E. Seymour, Duke 
 of, 310, 352, 359. 
 
 Sophocles, 574. 
 
 Soto, H. de, 437. 
 
 Sozini, F., 145, 375, 626. 
 
 Sozini, L., 142, 145, 375. 
 
 Spain 
 universities, 12, 673. 
 Charles V, 76. 
 literature, 135. 
 
 Spain (continued) 
 
 and Netherlands, 238, 
 
 246 ff., 430, 488. 
 and England, 318 f., 332, 
 
 339 ff., 348, 431 f . 
 Armada, 341 f ., 387, 433. 
 civilization, 350. 
 and papacy, 378 ff. 
 and Counter-reformation, 
 
 389. 
 Jesuits, 405. 
 colonies, 407, 425, 430 f., 
 
 435 ff. 
 Inquisition, 412 ff. 
 censorship, 419. 
 unification, 426. 
 revolt of Communes, 78, 
 
 427 f ., 477, 550, 552. 
 revolt of Hermandad, 78, 
 
 428, 552. 
 empire, 430. 
 Cortes, 428 f. 
 and Portugal, 432 f . 
 and Moors, 433 f. 
 population, 455 ff. 
 coinage, 463. 
 finances, 480, 522. 
 navy, 490 f . 
 clergy, 494. 
 trade, 524 f . 
 the Mesta, 624. 
 reform of calendar, 624. 
 judged by Froude, 717. 
 Spencer, H., 718. 
 Spenser, E., 327, 347, 692 f . 
 Spinoza, B., 276. 
 Spires, 666. 
 Diet of (1526), 114. 
 Diet of (1529), 109, 115, 
 
 644. 
 Diet of (1542), 122. 
 Diet of (1544), 123. 
 Sprenger, J., 654. 
 
INDEX 
 
 857 
 
 Spurs, battle of the, 279. 
 Stael, do, 715. 
 SterHng, 356. 
 
 Steven Bathoiy, King of Po- 
 land, 144. 
 Stevin, S., 610, 614. 
 Stockholm, 9, 136. 
 Stourbridge, 523. 
 Stow, J., 582. 
 Strabo, 574. 
 
 Strassburg, 31, 101, 110, 113, 
 169, 260, 464, 506, 
 658. 
 Strauss, D. F., 719. 
 Stiihlingen, 91, 93. 
 Stuniea, D., 622. 
 Suffolk, 323. 
 
 Charles Brandon, Duke of, 
 316. 
 
 Henry Grey, Duke of, 316. 
 Suleiman, Sultan, 187, 449. 
 Sully, Duke of, 215, 218, 228. 
 Sumatra, 443, 616. 
 Surrey, Earl of, 693. 
 Suso, H., 31. 
 Sussex, 323. 
 Swabia, 93 ff., 119. 
 Sweden 
 
 universities, 12. 
 
 Reformation, 113, 137 f. 
 
 Christian II, 136. 
 
 war with Poland, 139. 
 
 population, 458. 
 
 a law of, 511. 
 
 church property, 551. 
 Switzerland, 88, 146 f. 
 
 Reformation, 146-181. 
 
 civilization, 350. 
 
 population, 454. 
 Symonds, J. A., 398, 730. 
 Syria, 449, 535. 
 
 Taborites, 40. 
 
 Tacitus, 574, 606. 
 
 Tangier, 446. 
 
 Tapper, 254. 
 
 Tartaglia, N., 610, 614. 
 
 Tartars, 139, 447. 
 
 Tasso, T., 374, 449, 628, 692 f. 
 
 Tauler, J., 31, 65. 
 
 Tetzel, J., 66 f. 
 
 Teutonic Order, 31, 44 f ., 113, 
 
 139, 618. 
 Tewkesbury, J., 299. 
 Theater, 485, 695 ff. 
 Theatines, 384, 397. 
 Theocritus, 574. 
 Theognis, 574. 
 Thierry, 718, 
 Thorn, 618. 
 
 Edict of, 140. 
 Thou, de, 217, 703. 
 Thucydides, 574. 
 Tierra del Fuego, 616. 
 Tintoretto, 677. 
 Titian, 677 f. 
 Tobacco, 498. 
 Toledo, 428, 457. 
 
 Enriquez de, 502. 
 Toleration, 641-51. 
 
 Peace of Augsburg, 131. 
 
 Edict of Nantes, 229 f. 
 
 and Bible, 573. 
 
 intolerance of Catholics, 
 641 ff. 
 
 intolerance of Protestants, 
 643 ff. 
 
 Renaissance, 649. 
 
 Reformation, 650 f ., 750. 
 Tolstoy, L., 730. 
 Tordesillas, Treaty of, 435. 
 Torgau, League of, 114. 
 Torquemada, 643. 
 Toul, 184, 200. 
 Toulouse, 214. 
 Toumai, 235, 274. 
 
858 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Tours, 195, 197. 
 Transubstantiation, 
 
 rejected by Wyclif, 37. 
 
 rejected by Taborites, 40. 
 
 attacked by Melanchthon 
 and Luther, 70, 72. 
 
 Lateran Council, 108. 
 
 in Augsburg Confession, 
 117. 
 
 in England, 306, 314. 
 
 and Council of Trent, 393. 
 Transylvania, 144 f . 
 Treitschke, 736 f ., 742. 
 Trent, Council of, 388-96. 
 
 and Protestants, 127, 383, 
 389 f., 393. 
 
 decrees in France, 215. 
 
 reforms, 231, 382, 388, 
 393 ff., 486. 
 
 decrees in England, 333 f . 
 
 opening, 381, 390. 
 
 and Pius IV, 385. 
 
 preparation, 389 &. 
 
 constitution, 390 f. 
 
 dogmatic decrees, 391 ff,, 
 566. 
 
 result, 395 f. 
 
 and Index, 420 ff. 
 
 and charity, 561. 
 
 political theoiy, 606. 
 
 and reason, 625. 
 
 and Louvain, 672. 
 
 and art, 690. 
 
 judged by Sarpi, 705. 
 Treves, 74, 84, 657 f . 
 
 University of, 11, 666. 
 
 Diet of Treves-Cologne, 
 530. 
 Trie, William, 177. 
 Trinity College, Dublin, 349, 
 
 671. 
 Troeltsch, E., 732 ff. 
 Tiibingen, University of, 11. 
 
 Tunis, 121. 
 
 Tunstall, C, 38, 282, 284, 305. 
 
 Turks, 
 
 capture Constantinople, 16. 
 
 war with Germany, 46, 116, 
 122, 132. 
 
 war with Hungary, 144. 
 
 conquer Transylvania, 145. 
 
 alliance with France, 200. 
 
 and papacy, 383. 
 
 and Spain, 432. 
 
 empire, 448 ff. 
 
 army, 489. 
 
 trade, 535. 
 Tuscany, 372. 
 
 Duke of, 613. 
 Tyler, Wat, 37. 
 Tyndale, W., 284 f ., 300, 304, 
 355, 570 f., 596. 
 
 Udal, N., 471, 663. 
 
 Ukraine, 140. 
 
 Ulm, 113, 128. 
 
 Ulster, 348. 
 
 Unitarians, 142 f., 145, 177, 
 
 375, 626, 646. 
 Universities 
 
 in fifteenth century, 11 f. 
 
 and Reformation, 12. 
 
 reform of, 72. 
 
 and Henry VIII, 287. 
 
 pay of professors, 471. 
 
 in sixteenth century, 668 ff, 
 Unterwalden, 146, 153. 
 Upsala, University of, 12. 
 Uri, 146, 153. 
 Ursulines, 397. 
 Usingen, 637. 
 Usury, 72, 529 f ., 608 f. 
 Utrecht, 235, 238, 240, 252, 
 268, 272, 274. 
 
 Union of, 272, 650. 
 
 Vaga, P. del, 690. 
 
INDEX 
 
 859 
 
 Valais, 146 f. 
 Valangin, 161. 
 Valdes, J. de, 376. 
 Valence, University of, 11. 
 Valencia, 428. 
 
 University of, 12. 
 Valla, L., 16, 48 ff., 649. 
 
 Donation of Constantine, 
 48, 70. 
 
 Annotations on New Testor- 
 ment, 49, 566 f . 
 
 Dialogue on Free Will, 50, 
 105. 
 
 On Monastic Life, 50. 
 
 On Pleasure, 50. 
 Valliere, J., 191. 
 Van Dyke, 276. 
 Varthema, L. de, 446. 
 Vasari, G., 582 f., 676, 679. 
 Vassy, massacre of, 214. 
 Velasco, 457. 
 Velasquez, 433. 
 Venezuela, 457. 
 Venice, 372, 402, 512. 
 
 war with Julius II, 19. 
 
 alliance with France, 186. 
 
 and Reformation, 375 f. 
 
 Inquisition, 417, 658. 
 
 trade, 442, 525, 535. 
 
 population, 456. 
 
 coinage, 463 f. 
 
 bank, 522. 
 
 church property, 551. 
 
 art, 677. 
 Verdun, 184, 200. 
 Vergerio, P. P., 377, 390. 
 Vergil, Polydore, 581, 703. 
 Vermigli, P. M., 213, 312, 
 
 322, 375. 
 Verona, 455. 
 Vespucci, A., 436, 606 f. 
 Vettori, 704. 
 Vienna, 448 f . 
 
 Vienna {continued) 
 
 Concordat of, 45. 
 
 University of, 149, 406, 666, 
 670. 
 Vienne, 168, 177. 
 Vieta, F., 610 f . 
 Villalar, battle of, 428. 
 Villavicenzio, L. da, 561. 
 Villers, C. de, 714. 
 Villiers, 258 f . 
 Vilvorde, 284 f . 
 Vitrier, J., 26, 57. 
 Vives, L., 559 f., 574, 606, 
 
 609, 667. 
 Voes, H., 242. 
 Volmar, M., 162. 
 Voltaire, 388, 707 f. 
 Volterra, D. da, 690. 
 
 Wages and salaries, 469 ff., 
 
 556 f. 
 Waitz, 737. 
 
 Waldenses, 35, 82, 203. 
 Waldo, P., 35. 
 Waldseemiiller, M., 616. 
 Wales, 298, 323, 453, 458, 
 
 559. 
 Arthur, Prince of, 286 f. 
 Walker, W., 739. 
 Walloons, 260, 270 f. 
 Walsingham, 305, 499. 
 Walsingham, F., 347. 
 Warham, W., 557. 
 Warsaw, Compact of, 143, 
 
 650. 
 Waterford, 347. 
 Wealth of the world, 458 ff. 
 Weber, M., 728. 
 Wedderburn, James, 355. 
 Wedderburn, John, 355. 
 Weinsberg, 94. 
 Weiss, N., 738. 
 Welser bank, 520 f . 
 
860 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Werner, 715. 
 Wernle, 739. 
 Westeras, Diet of, 137. 
 West Indies, 274, 436 f., 524, 
 
 535. 
 Westmoreland, 304. 
 Weyer, J., 658 f . 
 White, Andrew D., 731. 
 Widmanstetter, A., 622. 
 Wied, H. von, 120. 
 Wieland, 711. 
 Wilna, 144. 
 Wilson, W., 743. 
 Winchester, 323, 662. 
 Wishart, G., 357 f. 
 Witchcraft, 63, 422, 651-61. 
 ancient magic, 651 f. 
 the witch, 652 f. 
 the devil, 653. 
 the Inquisition, 655. 
 Protestantism, 655 f. 
 the witch hunt, 656 ff. 
 growing skepticism, 658 ff. 
 Wittenberg, 66, 81 ff., 961, 
 128, 240, 301, 322 
 note, 354 f., 390, 461, 
 464, 5601 
 University of, 11, 64, 287, 
 471, 494, 502, 509, 
 620ff., 639, 670, 6961 
 Concord, 110. 
 Articles, 301. 
 Wolsey, T., 243, 518, 671. 
 character and policy, 280 f ., 
 
 292, 294. 
 and Eeformation, 282 1, 
 
 355. 
 death, 288. 
 Women, position of, 361, 
 
 5091 
 Worms, 284. 
 
 Concordat of, 43. 
 Diet of (1495), 75. 
 
 Worms (continued) 
 
 Diet of (1521), 78 ff., 96, i 
 
 282, 398. 
 Diet of (1545), 123. 
 Edict of, 81, 85, 114, 116, 
 
 241, 479. 
 Colloquy of, 122, 134. 
 Wullenwever, G., 118. 
 Wurttemberg, 79, 128. 
 
 Ulrich, Duke of, 79, 90, 119. 
 Wurzach, 95. 
 
 Wurzburg, 114, 350, 454, 658. 
 Wyatt, Sir T. (conspirator), 
 
 318. 
 Wyatt, Sir T. (poet), 693. 
 Wyclif, J., 12. 
 life and doctrine, 36 ff., 42, 
 
 284. 
 condemned at Constance, 
 
 391 
 and Reformation, 41, 289, 
 
 354, 744. 
 and Bible, 571. 
 
 Xavier, F., 400, 4081, 499, 
 
 736. 
 Xenophon, 574. 
 Ximenez, 426, 565. 
 
 Yorkshire, 302 f ., 544. 
 Ypres, 560. 
 
 Zapolya, J., 144. 
 
 Zasius, U., 103. 
 
 Zeeland, 256, 260, 2631, 
 
 270 ff. 
 Zierickzee, 264. 
 Zug, 146, 153. 
 Zuiderzee, battle of, 262. 
 Ziitphen, 262, 272. 
 
 Henry of, 240. 
 Zurich 
 
 Anabaptists, 101, 154, 645. 
 
 I 
 
INDEX 
 
 861 
 
 Zurich (continued) 
 
 joins Swiss Confederacy, 
 146. 
 
 Zwingli, 151. 
 
 Keformation, 152 ff. 
 
 theocracy, 156. 
 
 defeat at Cappel, 158 ff. 
 
 Bullinger, 160. 
 
 English Bible printed at, 
 300. 
 
 dancing, 500, 
 
 brothels, 506. 
 
 university, 671. 
 'wickau, 82 f. 
 Jwilling, G., 81, 83. 
 Iwingli, A., 152. 
 Iwingli, U. 
 
 and Luther, 108 ff., 151 f., 
 154. 
 
 death, 110, 159. 
 
 and Melanchthon, 134. 
 
 and Calvin, 164, 166. 
 
 early life, 148 ff. 
 
 mocks indulgences, 150 f. 
 
 at Zurich, 151. 
 
 a Reformer, 152 ff. 
 
 marriage, 152. 
 
 Zwingli, U. (continued) 
 and Erasmus, 153. 
 and Anabaptists, 154 ff., 
 
 645. 
 political schemes, 157 f. 
 True and False Religion, 
 
 158. 
 Exposition of the Christian 
 
 Faith, 158. 
 First Peace of Cappel, 158. 
 at battle of Cappel, 158 f. 
 character, 159. 
 influence in France, 196. 
 doctrine of the eucharist, 
 
 108 ff., 154, 241. 
 influence in England, 284. 
 
 299. 
 and Council of Trent, 392. 
 on Index, 420. 
 biblical exegesis, 569. 
 political theory, 596. 
 on usury, 608 f . 
 on reason, 626. 
 on education, 671. 
 judged by Bossuet, 703. 
 judged by Voltaire, 708. 
 judged by Gibbon, 710. 
 Zwolle, 240. 
 
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