Qass. 
 
 Book.. 
 
mu 
 
THE 
 
 SUPPRESSED HISTORY 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN ADAMS, 
 
 (FROM 1797 TO 1801,) 
 AS PRINTED AND SUPPRESSED IN 1802. 
 
 BY JOHN WOOD, 
 
 Author of " The History of Switzerland," &,c. 
 NOW REPUBLISHED WITH 
 
 NOTES, AND AN APPENDIX, 
 
 BY JOHN HENRY SHERBURNE, 
 
 Author of "The Life and Character of Paul Jones," '-Naval Sketches," "Etiquette," 
 " Pencillings Abroad," &c. &;c. 
 
 WALKER Sc GILLIS, No. 10 SOUTH FIFTH STREET. 
 
 1846. 
 
Entered, according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1845, by 
 
 JOHN HENRY SHERBURNE, 
 
 In the office of the Clerk of the District Court of the United States in and 
 
 for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. 
 
 B. M. DUSENBERV, stereotyper. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 Introduction by the Editor ----- 7 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Introductory Remarks — Biography of President John Adams 
 — Review of his Political Tenets — Causes of his election 25 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 Speech of Presi(^t Atiams — Speech of Thomas Jefferson — 
 Remarks-— -British Piracy — Mr. Monroe's Embassy - 33 
 
 CHAPTER ni. 
 
 Speech of President Adams — Answer from the House of 
 Representatives — Proceedings of Congress - - 61 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Remarks on the Meeting of Congress — History of the Al- 
 gerine Treaty — Blount's Conspiracy Investigated — British 
 Piracy 81 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Speech of President Adams — Address from the Senate — 
 Blount's Conspiracy — Quarrel between Mr. Lyon and 
 Mr. Griswold — Instances of a similar nature in the Par- 
 
 (3) 
 
ly CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 liament of Scotland — The House of Commons in Eng- 
 land, and the Senate of Lucerne in Switzerland — Com- 
 munication of President Adams relative to the negotiation 
 with France — Acts passed by Congress - - - 97 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Reflections on the Conduct of President Adams — Dismissal 
 of Mr. Gardner of New Hampshire — Spies encouraged — 
 Anecdote of the spy Oram — Treatment of General Sump- 
 ter of South Carolina, at the New Circus, Philadelphia — 
 Federal mob on the 9th of May, 1798 — Dismission of Dr. 
 James Reynolds from the Dispensary at Philadelphia — 
 Persecution by the Dunkards — Federal Addresses — Vanity 
 of President Adams — Remarks of Mr. Callender on the 
 President's answer to the New Jersey Militia — Procession 
 of President Adams from Quincy to Boston — Bostonian 
 Honours — Reception given to President Adams at Faneuil 
 Hall — Characters of the Senators and Members of the 
 House of Representatives - - - - - 124' 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Observations upon the Alien and Sedition Bills — Arrest of 
 Dr. Smith and Mr. Burk — Origin of Dr. Smith's acquaint- 
 ance with President Adams — Trial of Colonel Matthew 
 Lyon — Barbarous Treatment towards French Prisoners — 
 Case of Joseph Ball and others - - - - 160 
 
 CHAPTER VIIL 
 
 Meeting of Congress — Speech of President Adams — Re- 
 marks — Impeachment of Blount — Gerry's Despatches — 
 Story of the Female Spy and her tubs of Seditious Papers 
 — Acts passed by Congress --..-- 171 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Page 
 
 Dr. Logan — Capture of L'lnsurgente — Murder of Neale 
 Harvey — Trial of Dr. Reynolds — William Duane and 
 others — Attack upon the Aurora office — Case of Ebenezer 
 Giles 191 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Trial of John Fries for High Treason - - - 199 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Trials of Jonathan Robbins, Isaac Williams, and William 
 Frothingham. - - - - - - -212 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Remarks upon an Aristocratical Form of Government — The 
 administration of President Adams compared to an Aris- 
 tocracy — Quarrel at Trenton between Mr. Adams and his 
 Cabinet — Alexander Hamilton's Letter respecting their 
 difference — Appointment of an embassy to France — Cha- 
 racters of the Envoys — Anecdotes of President Adams and 
 Dr. Franklin — President Adams' jealousy and dislike to 
 Dr. Franklin — President Adams endeavours to calumniate 
 Dr. Franklin — Memoirs of Alexander Hamilton - 222 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Meeting of the Sixth Congress — President Adams's Speech 
 — Death of General Washington — Proceedings of Con- 
 
 • gress — John Randolph insulted at the Theatre, Philadel- 
 phia — Acts passed by Congress - - - - 238 
 1^ 
 
tl CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Page 
 
 Remarks on the Constitution of Connecticut — Trials of 
 Cooper, Fries, Callender, and Holt — General Observa- 
 tions -------- 254- 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Lives and Characters of Thomas Jefferson, Aaron Burr, and 
 Charles Cotesworth Pinckney - - - - 287 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Meeting of Congress — President Adams's Speech — French 
 Treaty — Proceedings of the House of Representatives — 
 Anecdote of Mr. Adams — Election of the President and 
 Vice-President — Observations on the Dismission of Timo- 
 thy Pickering and McHenry — Conclusion - - 311 
 
 Appendix ------- - 337 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 As it is in the revolution of empires when truly 
 great men make themselves known, so it may be 
 amid the turbulent strife that at times agitates the 
 political world — when a people tired, and borne 
 away by a ruthless intriguing faction, to save them- 
 selves from ruin, make a bold, determined stand in 
 vindication of their sacred rights, and in defence of 
 their liberties — it is when such powerful sentiments 
 animate the hearts of a people born to be free, and 
 truly enlightened views direct them to the easy at- 
 tainment of benefits calculated to secure their free- 
 dom, happiness, and future prosperity, that their 
 inmost souls expand, their mental faculties assume 
 their natural proportion and energy, and, in defiance, 
 come forth determined to assert those rights so im- 
 portant and essential to their welfare, and call to 
 their aid those whom they are convinced will save 
 them and their devoted country from anarchy, dis- 
 solution, and lasting disgrace. 
 
 (7) 
 
8 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The Constitution was, in the early period of this 
 Republic (as it now is) the pole-star on which all 
 eyes were intently fixed, the majority of the people 
 believing that as a Washington in the days that 
 tried men's souls, through the aid of Divine Provi- 
 dence made them free and independent, a Jefferson 
 through the assistance of the same All-Wise Being 
 should again be the means of more closely uniting 
 the bonds of the Union by a link still stronger — irre- 
 sistible to a faction, who, for their own aggrandize- 
 ment, were willing to see the Constitution trampled 
 under foot, and hurled from the Legislative halls. 
 
 At this momentous period, a still small voice was 
 heard from the silent tomb of the father of his 
 country, which was loudly responded to, and aroused 
 the people to adhere to those principles which 
 inspired their patriotic sires in 1776, and with a 
 spirit and power as irresistible as governed them, 
 and bid them onward, did they once more triumph, 
 and place a true patriot son of Virginia, a Jefferson, 
 to preside over the destinies of the Republic, which 
 an aristocratical faction had endeavoured to over- 
 throw by tyranny, oppression, and the restriction of 
 opinion. Virginia spoke — her voice was echoed 
 and re-echoed by the hills of New England, the an- 
 swering shores of Georgia, and the reverberating 
 chffs of the Alleghanies, until every freeman awoke 
 
INTRODUCTION. 9 
 
 at the summons, and came forth with, shield and 
 spear, and the stirring war-cry of " A Jefferson to 
 the rescue — Liberty and Union,'''' 
 
 It must be admitted by every impartial and un- 
 prejudiced mind, whether one of the old federal 
 school of 1798, a federal whig of 1841, or a repub- 
 lican of the JefFersonian school, that the letter pub- 
 lished in the work from the late Governor John 
 Langdon of New Hampshire^ (uncle of the editor,) 
 who was called the Washington of the Granite state, 
 to Senator Samuel Ringgold of Maryland, must have 
 had the effect of linking together, with hooks of 
 steel, the Republican party from 1801 until 1825, 
 when by bargain and deep intrigue in the halls of 
 Congress, General Jackson was excluded from the 
 high office to which the wishes of the people had 
 destined him. This had the effect of again rousing 
 the Republican party to action ; and, in 1829, Gene- 
 ral Jackson was inaugurated President of the United 
 States, and, full of zeal for the welfare of the people, 
 planned a crusade against hank monopoly — over- 
 throwing the monster as his prowess overthrew the 
 invading British army at New Orleans. 
 
 The reader will doubtless be curious to know in 
 what manner, after a lapse of nearly half a century, 
 a copy of the suppressed work, now re-printed, came 
 into the possession of the editor, who has no hesi- 
 
10 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 tation in briefly explaining the source whence he 
 obtained it, and other matters relating to its publi- 
 cation and siippress'wti in 1802, and the cause of 
 his reprinting it at the present calm period after the 
 great political storm which so recently passed over 
 our happy and growing republic. 
 
 The suppressed copy of " Adamses Administra- 
 tion^^'' now in the possession of the editor, was pre- 
 sented to his father, (the late Judge Sherburne of 
 the United States District Court for the District of 
 New Hampshire,) by his old friend and correspon- 
 dent, the late Thomas Jefferson, then President of 
 the United States. The editor in arranging the ex- 
 tensive library of his late father, found the work, 
 and after an attentive perusal, w;hile on a visit to 
 New York in 1840, submitted it to a literary friend 
 asking his advice with respect to printing it anew. 
 This friend although averse to what is called repub- 
 lican principles, advised its republication, and intro- 
 duced the editor to one of the most extensive pub- 
 hshing houses in New York. The pubhshers, who 
 were of the same politics as the literary gentleman 
 above referred to, after three days consideration, 
 and consulting the editor of a leading political 
 paper, also of the same creed in politics, agreed to 
 republish it on certain terms, provided the consent 
 
INTRODUCTION. 11 
 
 of Ex-President John Quincy Adams could be ob- 
 tained. 
 
 The editor soon after was compelled to relinquish 
 his project by unexpectedly having business which 
 took him to Europe. Subsequent duties undertaken 
 for the government in relation to the removal of 
 some of the Indian tribes, have occasioned the re- 
 printing and editing of the work to be deferred till 
 the present day. 
 
 It was during the editor's visit at New York in 
 the fall of 1840, that he was informed why and 
 wherefore this book was ever suppressed ; while the 
 work was in press, but one individual, a renowned 
 pohtical star of that day, had access to the office ; 
 and the room having but one door of entrance, was 
 so closely watched as to prevent any one from en- 
 tering or departing without being observed. This 
 political star^ with others, was in the habit of visit- 
 ing a certain lady conspicuous at that period for 
 her deep political intrigue, with a mind, however, 
 far more exalted, and possessing far more acute- 
 ness, in finding out what was in agitation among 
 the intriguing pohticians. This pohtical star was 
 in the habit also of imparting to this lady all that 
 transpired from day to day not only in the political 
 but the fashionable world. — One evening this gen- 
 tleman on a visit to the lady's house appeared buriei 
 
12 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 more deeply in thought than usual, as if something 
 weighed heavily on his great mind, which the lady 
 observing, with all her usual tact, ordered the tray, 
 with a variety of choice wines, dec, which she in- 
 variably found had the desired effect of gaining the 
 secrets, plots, and counterplots from high function- 
 aries. She was not disappointed in her scheme ; the 
 mind of the great man was relieved, and the import- 
 ant secret disclosed in strict confidence^ with a promise 
 of the perusal of the printed sheets as they came 
 from the press. The lady not only perused^ but sub- 
 mitted them from time to time in confidence to the 
 lynx eye o^ another political luminary, whose name ap- 
 pearing in no enviable point of view at that juncture, 
 caused the mighty genius some alarm at the part he 
 was to play in the Political Drama, and he at once re- 
 solved the work should 7iot be made pubhc if money 
 could prevent it, with the good will of the author. Ac- 
 cordingly, consulting with two of his confiding po- 
 litical friends residing in New York, 07ie now no 
 more, the other still living in the same city in good 
 health, (and as deep in the affairs of the nation as 
 in days of yore,) he privately commissioned them 
 to endeavour to purchase the whole edition. Over- 
 tures were made for that purpose in private to the 
 author, and after several secret meetings the pur- 
 
INTRODUCTION. IS 
 
 chase was completed for a certain sum, the copies 
 to be counted, and immediately consumed. 
 
 Although the two friends of the gentleman, and 
 the publisher, were only present at the time of the 
 great conflagration^ some few copies escaped the 
 flames, and it is said, were privately sold to certain 
 individuals, and by them sent to their political 
 friends at a distance. 
 
 It was supposed at the time, that it was through 
 the influence of a certain lady known to Colonel 
 Burr and General Hamilton, that the few copies 
 were saved and distributed ; and that she received 
 a certain sum for her agency in the matter ; and 
 this was the commencement of hostilities between 
 those two political aspirants, which resulted in the 
 fatal duel at Hoboken, the particulars of which are 
 well known in the history of those times. 
 
 This work will, in a measure, prove that federal- 
 ism in 1798, and modern whiggery, are one and the 
 same family ; that the principles which governed 
 the party in 1798, and were carried out at that mo- 
 mentous period, were attempted by the party in 
 1841. For being elated at their unexpected success, 
 plans were matured for an unmerciful crusade 
 against their opponents, and would have been car- 
 ried fully into eff*ect, if the wishes of the leaders of 
 2 
 
14 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 the party, and of President Harrison's cabinet, had 
 prevailed. The President himself was, to the 
 knowledge of the editor, positively opposed to this 
 general proscription. Whether he would have 
 finally yielded to the pressure which he painfully 
 sustained for a month, cannot now be known ; for 
 the hand of an All- Wise Being relieved him from 
 his great anxiety, by calling him to another and a 
 better world, which destroyed the nefarious mea- 
 sures of his cabinet, and their friends. This alone 
 saved the mandate from beinor carried out to its full 
 and contemplated extent, of thrusting instanter from 
 office all who were denounced as having in their 
 veins a sprinkhng of democratic blood ; thus carry- 
 ing out a principle laid down by Mr. Adams, never 
 to trust a vulgar democrat to any office of responsi- 
 bility or patronage ; for the reason, as he once 
 wrote, that "if a family which has been high in 
 office and splendid in wealth, falls into decay from 
 profligacy, folly, vice, or misfortune, they generally 
 turn democrats, and court the lowest of the people 
 with an ardour, an art, a skill, and consequently 
 with a success, which no vidgar democrat can at- 
 tain." (See Appendix.) Mr. Adams in carrying out 
 this principle, that no democrat should be trusted 
 with office, thrust from an exalted and important 
 station, a near connexion of the editor, whose only 
 fault was in being an honest, upright republican of 
 
INTRODUCTION. 15 
 
 the Jeffersonian school. Mr. Jefferson, on comincr 
 into power, caused him to be reinstated. 
 
 It appears, throughout Mr. Adams's administra- 
 tion, that his imagination was disturbed by the 
 goblin of Democracy^ The same uneasy ambition 
 which characterized him in pubhc, pursued him even 
 to his retreat. Envy and jealousy seemed to have 
 burned in his bosom, and he conceived the Hercu- 
 lean project of prostrating the reputation of Mr. Jef- 
 ferson, and of raising himself and his family on the 
 ruins of democracy. Yet, amid all this confusion 
 and war of elements, Mr. Jefferson stood, hke At- 
 las, upon a broad and immoveable basis, with his 
 head in clear sunshine, above the lowering clouds. 
 The principles of the Constitution went into com- 
 plete and harmonious operation, and the resources 
 of the country were developed, to the credit of this 
 country, and to the admiration of the whole Christian 
 world. 
 
 The people flocked to the republican standard, 
 and the result of the second election of Mr. Jeffer- 
 son demonstrated, that pure republican principles 
 had taken deep root in their affection. They could 
 not be overthrown. 
 
 By retirement after the revolution Mr. Adams 
 might have preserved a rank in that luminous galaxy 
 of heroes and statesmen who so gallantly achieved 
 our independence; but his ambitious mind sought 
 
16 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 eagerly for power — ^he obtained it ; his abuse of it, 
 under the advice of intriguing pohtical aspirants, 
 caused his downfall, like other ambitious leaders who 
 have risen, flourished, and fallen — proving that this 
 inordinate and unprincipled thirst for power in a re- 
 public on the part of a " few at the expense of the 
 many," has always been the inveterate bane of li- 
 berty — the semen dissolutionis of political communi- 
 ties. That although men are, by nature, free and 
 equal, yet, there is among them, a perpetual ten- 
 dency to inequality. Society is constantly diverging 
 into the extremes of affluence and power on the one 
 hand, and penury and weakness on the other. The 
 history of nations is little else than the history of 
 individuals, the existence and prosperity of the one 
 depending in a measure upon the purity, patriotism, 
 and pubhc spirit of the other. 
 
 By a constant recurrence to first principles, and an 
 unceasing inspection and scrutiny into the conduct 
 and characters of our distinguished men, we may 
 hope still to preserve our rights, and perpetuate 
 them to all future generations. However elevated 
 his rank, powerful his connexions, or unlimited his 
 hold upon the estimation and confidence of his coun- 
 trymen, we shall not shrink from summoning the de- 
 linquent to that tribunal, from which there is no 
 appeal — to the tribunal of Public Opinion. 
 
 The Editor. 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 OF 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Introductory Remarks — Biography of Mr. Adams — Review 
 of his Political Tenets — Causes of his Election. 
 
 The United States of America enjoyed, under the admi- 
 nistration of the illustrious Washington, all those advantages 
 which result from the prudent policy of a virtuous magistrate. 
 The peaceful system which he pursued, repaired, in a great 
 measure, the injuries sustained by a long and expensive civil 
 war. His interests and passions were the same as those of the 
 people, and a constant communication of good offices kept 
 alive their attachments. During the first four years of the 
 present confederacy, the second station of executive public 
 employment, and all of the third grade, remained in the same 
 hands ; nor did any changes take place in the more subordinate, 
 but from voluntary resignation and death. The public debt 
 decreased in a much greater proportion than ever was known 
 to take place in the same period in any nation of the world 
 — the expenses of government were also much less, in propor- 
 tion to wealth and numbers, than those of any kingdom in 
 Europe. Affairs remained in this prosperous state until the 
 conclusion of Jay's treaty, which the growing propensity for 
 commerce and interest had effected. Then, for the first time, 
 those generous maxims of liberty which had established our 
 
 3 C25) 
 
26 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 independence, were observed to suffer — our towns and villages 
 were immediately stocked with British agents, Nova Scotian 
 tories, and French royalists — the epithet of royalist became a 
 distinction more powerful than merit, and the name of repub- 
 lican the most odious of titles. The voluntary resignation of 
 Washington, who probably perceived the disorders which were 
 to follow, and the election of a monarchical president, gave a 
 four years triumph to this hydra of despotism. Before I 
 relate the tyranny and corruption which disfigured this period, 
 it may not be improper to give a short account of the life 
 of Mr. Adams, his political tenets, and the incidents attending 
 his election. This will form the design of the present chapter. 
 John Adams was born at Braintree, in Massachusetts, the 
 19th day of October, 1735. General report states his father 
 to have been a shoemaker, and the descendant of a Scottish 
 family, who emigrated to Massachusetts Bay about 1650. 
 Young Adams is also said to have prosecuted, for several 
 years, the same business ; until, by the advice of his uncle, 
 who was a village schoolmaster, he applied himself to the 
 study of letters, and relinquished the occupation of Crispin. 
 In the year 1755, he taught a school near Braintree, and con- 
 tinued in this sphere of life for several years. At what pe- 
 riod he commenced the study of law is uncertain — we only 
 know that on the 5th of March, 1770, he advocated the cause 
 of monarchy at Boston, in the case of Captain Preston, who 
 barbarously put to death several citizens of that tow^n. Doc- 
 tor Morse, in a short biography which he has given of Mr. 
 Adams, has the following particulars respecting this trial. 
 *' The cause of Captain Preston was most unpopular. The 
 whole town had been in a state of irritation on account of the 
 conduct of Governor Hutchinson and the troops which were 
 stationed in it — their resentment now burst into a flame — but 
 he felt the cause to be a just one ; and the danger of incurring 
 the displeasure of his countrymen could not deter him from 
 undertaking it. He conducted the cause with great address, 
 by keeping off the trial till the passions of the people had time 
 to subside. The trial at length commenced, and lasted several 
 days, during which, he displayed the most extensive know- 
 ledge of the laws of his country and of humanity ; and, at 
 the conclusion, he had the satisfaction of proving to Great 
 Britain herself, that the citizens of Massachusetts would be 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 27 
 
 just and humane to their enemies, amidst the grossest insults 
 and provocations." Captain Preston was acquitted. 
 
 Mr. Adams was afterwards elected a member of the first 
 Congress, in 1774, and certainly assisted at bringing about the 
 memorable resolution of the 4th of July, 1776, which de- 
 clared the American colonies free, sovereign, and independent 
 states. 
 
 Having been for a considerable length of time one of the 
 commissioners of the war department, and a principal suggestor 
 of the terms to be offered to France for forming a treaty of 
 alliance and commerce, he was sent to the court of Versailles, 
 along with Franklin and Lee, as ministers plenipotentiary of 
 the United States, to consummate that important business. 
 On his return from France, he was called upon by Massachu- 
 setts to assist in forming a plan of government ; and this state 
 is, without doubt, indebted to Mr. Adams, both for the ex- 
 cellencies as well as imperfections of its present constitution. 
 
 When this business was completed he returned to Europe, 
 vested with full powers from Congress to assist at any con- 
 ference which might be opened for the establishment of peace; 
 and he soon after received other powers to negotiate a loan of 
 money for the use of the United States ; and to represent them 
 as their minister plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses 
 the States General of the United Provinces. 
 
 While in Europe, Mr. Adams pubUshed his defence of the 
 constitutions of government of the United States of America. 
 To ascertain the political creed of Mr. Adams, it is only ne- 
 cessary to consider a few passages in the preface to this ela- 
 borate compilation. According to Mr. Adams, a monarchy, 
 limited by an aristocratical and a democratical power in the 
 constitution, is the most perfect government of any. " The 
 English," he says, *' by blending together the feudal institu- 
 tions with those of Greece and Rome, have made that noble 
 composition which avoids the inconveniences and retains the 
 advantages of both ; and it would be the height of folly 
 to go back to the institutions of Woden and Thor, and of the 
 ancient Germans, after knowing the history of England." 
 Hume and Robertson, he asserts, have given such admirable 
 accounts of the feudal institutions, and their consequences, 
 that it would have been, perhaps, more discreet in him to have 
 referred to them, without saying anything upon the subject. 
 
 As the principles of Mr. Adams, respecting government. 
 
28 
 
 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 are erected upon the feudal system, and as the theory which 
 he has adopted concerning that system, appears, by his own 
 confession, to be drawn from Hume and Robertson, it is only 
 necessary, in order to expose the fallacy of the political struc- 
 ture which Mr. Adams has raised, to detect a few of the lead- 
 ing errors of these writers. 
 
 Hume and Robertson, it is well known, were the slaves of 
 a faction, and that they meanly prostituted their talents to 
 vindicate tyranny, and destroy the rights of their nation^ — 
 they dwell on what they term the aristocratical genius of an- 
 cient times — they take a pleasure in painting the power of the 
 Saxon nobles, and in displaying the abjectness of the people 
 of ancient Britain. From a view of paying a compliment to 
 royalty, they aifect to consider the Norman invasion as the 
 proper era of the British constitution ; and William the Rob- 
 ber, as the founder of English liberty. Mr. Hume says, " none 
 of the feudal governments in Europe had such institutions as 
 the county courts, which the great authority of the Conqueror 
 still retained from the Saxon customs — all the freeholders of 
 the county, even the greatest barons, were obliged to attend 
 the sheriffs in these courts, and to assist them in the adminis- 
 tration of justice." 
 
 In every feudal kingdom, however, notwithstanding this 
 strong affirmation, the comes was known and the comitatus. 
 " The comitatus, or county, w^as the territory or estate of the 
 comes ; and the court he held, and in which he presided, was 
 the county court, to w^hich the freeholders and feudators were 
 called, and acted as assessors or judges."* 
 
 Mr. Hume says in another place, " that the great authority 
 of the Conqueror retained the county courts from the Saxon 
 customs." He thus infers that these courts were favourable 
 to the royal authority. The fact, however, is exactly the re- 
 verse. The greater jurisdiction there is in the nobles and the 
 people, the more limited is the prerogative of princes. The 
 county courts were eminent and formidable supports of the 
 liberty of the subject ; and instead of giving them encourage- 
 ment, it was the interest of the Conqueror to employ his great 
 authority in their suppression. 
 
 Mr. Hume, notwithstanding a variety of authorities which 
 oppose his assertions, expresses himself to the following pur- 
 
 * Doctor Gilbert Stuart's View of Society in Europe. 
 
()!• JOHN ADAMS. 29 
 
 pose. (Appendix 2cl, to the History of England.) " The 
 great similarity among all the feudal governments of Europe 
 is well known to every man that has any acquaintance with 
 ancient history ; and the antiquaries of all foreign countries, 
 where the question was never embarrassed by party disputes, 
 have allowed, that the commons were very late in being ad- 
 mitted to a share in the legislative power.'' 
 
 The learned work of Archbishop Hincmar, De Ordine Pa- 
 latii, places this matter in a very ditferent light ; and the Abbe 
 Mably, who copies and comments upon it, acknowled^Tes the 
 supreme power of the assemblies of the ancient Germans and 
 Saxons, selects examples of it, and of the interference and \ 
 consideration of the people. In fact, nothing of any moment 
 or value, in peace or in war, could be done without their ap- 
 probation. Their assemblies, however, were very different 
 from the Etats Generaux of after times, when the rights of 
 the people were insulted, and the legislative power came to 
 reside in the sovereign — yet it is not uncommoii to confound 
 them ; and on the foundation of this error, improper conclu- 
 sions have been inferred against the commons of England. 
 
 While liberty and the deputies of the people made a figure, 
 and while the prerogative of the sovereign was restrained and 
 directed by national councils and assemblies, in the other 
 countries of Europe, it appears the height of wildness to con- 
 clude, as Hume has done in his History of England, and Ro- 
 bertson in his plausible introduction to the History of Charles 
 v., that in Britain, the inhabitants were in a state of slavery ; 
 and that the mandate of the prince was law. His condition, 
 so far from being despotic, was every moment exposed to dan- 
 ger and insult. He might be deposed for a slight offence — 
 he was elected to his office — and his coronation oath expressed 
 his subjection to the community, and bound him to protect the 
 rights of his subjects. ^ 
 
 The Anglo-Saxon laws are proofs, that instead of govern- 
 ing by his will or caprice, he was under the control of the 
 national assembly. In the preambles to them, we find that 
 the ivites or sapientes, were a constituent branch of the go- 
 vernment. The expression, seniores sapientes popiili met, is 
 a part of the prologue to the ordinations of King Ina, anno 
 712. And these sapientes popmli, or deputies of the people, 
 appear in the laws of other princes of the Anglo-Saxons. 
 
 By a curious testimony, it is even obvious that the word 
 3* 
 
30 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 sapientes must have meant the commons. In the supplication 
 del county de Devonshire to Edward III. there are these ex- 
 pressions : "Que luy please par Vavys des prelats, countees, 
 haronSi et autres sages in cest present parliament ordeiner, 
 Src. The bishops, the earls, barons, and other sages, in this 
 present parliament, ordain." This supplication is printed in 
 the 4 Inst. p. 232, in the reign of the third Edward ; from 
 the autres sages expressing the commons, it may surely be 
 decisively inferred that sapientes had the same meaning in 
 older times. 
 
 In fact, the expressions that denote the Anglo-Saxon assem- 
 blies, allude to their nationality. " Commune concilium^ con- 
 ventus omnium, concilium cleri et populi, omnium principium 
 et omnimn sapientum conventus, &c. The common council, 
 the general assembly, the assembly of the clergy and people, 
 the convention of all the chiefs and all the wise men," are ap- 
 pellations which mark forcibly the interference and assistance 
 of the commons. 
 
 Dr. Robertson has, \vith more art, although not with equal 
 force of thought and reasoning, inculcated the same opinions 
 as Mr. Hume. The former was better versed in Jesuitical in- 
 trigue, the latter deeper founded in metaphysical argument. 
 They both employed themselves in the cause of monarchy, 
 and their works, from beginning to conclusion, can only be 
 regarded as plausible defences of prerogative. Mr. Adams, 
 trusting to the undue weight of what are called great autho- 
 rities, has put implicit confidence in their assertions, and in 
 a theory which w^as framed by them, for the express purpose 
 of complimenting royalty at the expense of their nation. 
 
 From the same cause have sprung the senates of the United 
 States. In England, and every other country where the feu- 
 dal system has been established, an order of men superior to 
 the commons necessarily exist, and must remain until a total 
 revolution in property as w^ell as government takes place ; but 
 in America, where the distinction of superior and vassal is un- 
 know^n, and where men hold their property by an equal 
 tenure, the erection of a senate, or house of chieftains, is a 
 direct violation of the rights of citizens, and can serve no other 
 purpose than to clog the wheels of government, and add to 
 the national expense. 
 
 Mr. Adams urges as an argument in favour of the establish- 
 ment of a senate, " that the rich, the w^ell-born, and the able 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 31 
 
 acquire an influence among the people that would soon be toQ 
 much for simple honesty and plain sense in a house of repre- 
 sentatives. The most illustrious of them should, therefore, be 
 -separated from the mass, and placed by themselves in a senate ; 
 this is, to all honest and useful intents, an ostracism. A mem- 
 ber of a senate of immense wealth, the most respected birth 
 and transcendant abilities, has no influence in the nation, in 
 comparison of what he would have in a single representative 
 , assem.bly. When a senate exists, the most powerful men in 
 Vthe state may safely be admitted into the house of representa- 
 tives, because the people have it in their power to remove him 
 into the senate as soon as his influence becomes dangerous." 
 A weaker argument than this, could scarcely have been con- 
 ceived ; since it is obvious, that if the people have it in their 
 power to remove a member fiom the house of representatives 
 into the senate, when his power becomes dangerous, that they 
 have it also in their power to elect another representative ; 
 which would answer a much better purpose ; for, if a man's 
 principles are such as to be dangerous in one house, they will 
 be equally so in another. 
 
 " The Teutonic institutions described by Csesar, and Ta- 
 citus," says Mr. Adams, '^ are the most memorable experi- 
 ment, merely political, ever yet made in human affairs : they 
 have spread all over Europe, and have lasted eighteen hundred 
 years. Nothing, therefore, ought to have more weight with 
 America, to determine her judgment against mixing the autho- 
 rity of the one, the few and the many, assuredly in one assem- 
 bly, than the wide-spread miseries and final slavery of almost 
 all mankind, in consequence of such an ignorant policy in the 
 ancient Germans." Mr. Adams could not possibly have ex- 
 pressed sentiments more hostile to the pure principles of re- 
 publicanism than these. It is well known, that while the 
 superior and the vassal, the chief and the retainer, were inti- 
 mately connected, appeared in the same assembly, and were 
 only distinguished by virtue and talents, the feudal associa- 
 tion was a state of the greatest happiness : — violence and 
 corruption did not disfigure society, until the original manners 
 which the Germans brought from their woods began to decay. 
 The separation of the interests of the lord and the vassal, by 
 the two houses of assembly, first altered the condition of so- 
 ciety. Sufferance soon succeeded to enjoyment, oppression to 
 freedom, and contentions arose, which terminated in the de- 
 
32 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 stniction of the independence of the European nations. Yet 
 this latter state is that which Mr. Adams labours to impose 
 upon Americans; and to divide their society, by erecting a 
 house of noble senators in the midst of republicans. 
 
 These having been the acknowledged sentiments of Mr. 
 Adams, it may appear strange how he became the president 
 of a free people, and the successor of the virtuous Washington. 
 The services which he performed towards the establishment 
 of American independence, by means of his intrigues at the 
 court of Versailles, and the profuse distribution of British gold 
 in the United States, can only account for this extraordinary 
 election. But notwithstanding, upon strict inquiry, he does 
 not appear to have been the choice of the real majority. The 
 following facts related by Mr. Callender, though they may 
 be denied by the friends of Mr. Adams, are certainly correct : 
 the truth of them has been fully ascertained. 
 
 In Pennsylvania Mr. Adams gained a vote by the trick of a 
 postmaster, w^ho stopped the mail from Greene county till the 
 poll w^as closed at Philadelphia. In Maryland, he gained a 
 second, by the folly of one Plater, who balloted both for him 
 and Mr. Jefferson, from an anxiety that Mr. Adams should be 
 vice president. In Maryland, he gained a third suffrage in 
 the western district of that state, by a majority of four voices, 
 owing to negligence on one side, and knavery on the other. 
 The district consists of two counties, Alleghany and Wash- 
 ington. A separate poll was held in each of them. Wash- 
 ington is, of the two, by far the most populous — the census 
 of 1790 gives it fifteen thousand eight hundred and twenty-two 
 inhabitants, and Alleghany no more than four thousand eight 
 hundred and nine. Washington is full of republicans, and 
 Alleghany of their opponents — the republicans put an end to 
 their poll as soon as they had a considerable superiority of the 
 whole number of genuine voters that they knew to reside in 
 the two counties which form the district. The six per cent, 
 agitators of Alleghany did not stop theirs — they brought 
 over a crowd from Pennsylvania and Virginia, and by this 
 means made up a majority of four. Neither the constitution 
 nor Congress itself, had provided any check for the investiga- 
 tion of false votes, and the majority of four trampled on the 
 rights of real citizens. 
 
 Putting these facts together, it w'ill appear that Mr. Jeffer- 
 son, and not Mr. Adams, was the choice of America. The 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 33 
 
 total number of electors was one hundred and thirty-eight — 
 each of these voted either for Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Adams. 
 But Plater voted for both. Hence, instead of one hundred 
 and thirty-eight, the suffrages came to one more — thus they 
 mounted up to one hundred and thirty-nine. Of these, Mr. 
 Adams had seventy one, and Mr. Jefferson sixty-eight. Lay- 
 ing aside the Maryland vote of Plater, Mr. Adams will then 
 have seventy, and Mr. Jefferson sixty-seven — returning to 
 Mr. Jefferson the Green county vote in Pennsylvania, and 
 striking out the spurious vote in the western district of Mary- 
 land, will make an odds of two votes — abstract these two 
 from the majority of seventy, and then Mr. Adams has only 
 sixty-eight. Then add these two to the sixty-seven for Mr. 
 Jefferson, and he is president by a majority of one. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Speech of Mr. Adams — Speech of Mr. Jefferson — Remarks 
 — British Piracy — Mr. Monroe's Embassy. 
 
 On Saturday, the 6th of March, 1797, Mr. Adams, as 
 president of the United States, attended in the chamber of the 
 House of Representatives to take his oath of office, according 
 to the direction of the constitution. On his entrance, as well 
 as on the entrance of General Washington and Mr. Jefferson, 
 loud and reiterated applause burst from the audience. Having 
 taken his seat on the elevated chair of the speaker of the 
 House of Representatives, the vice-president, General Wash- 
 ington, and the secretary of the Senate, on his right, the 
 speaker and clerk of the House of Representatives on his left, 
 and the chief justice of the United States, and associate 
 judges, at a table in the centre, he proceeded to deliver the 
 following speech : 
 
 "When it was first perceived, in early times, that no middle 
 course for America remained between unlimited submission to 
 a foreign legislature, and a total independence of its claims, 
 men of reflection were less apprehensive of danger from the 
 formidable power of fleets and armies they must determine to 
 
34 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 resist, than from those contests and dissensions which would 
 certainly arise concerning the forms of government to be insti- 
 tuted over the whole, and over the parts of this extensive 
 country. Relying, however, on the purity of their intentions, 
 the justice of their cause, and the integrity and intelligence of 
 the people, under an overruling Providence, which had so 
 signally protected this country from the first, the representa- 
 tives of this nation, then consisting of little more than half its 
 present numbers, not only broke to pieces the chains which 
 were forging, and the rod of iron that was lifted up, but 
 frankly cut asunder the ties which had bound them, and 
 launched into an ocean of uncertainty. 
 
 " The zeal and ardour of the people during the revolution- 
 ary war, supplying the place of government, commanded a 
 degree of order sufficient at least for the temporary preserva- 
 tion of society. The confederation, which was early felt to 
 be necessary, w^as prepared from the models of the Batavian 
 and Helvetic confederacies, the only examples which remain 
 with any detail and precision in history ; and certainly the 
 only ones which the people at large had ever considered. But 
 rellecting on the striking difference in so many particulars, 
 between this country and those where a courier may go from 
 the seat of government to the frontier in a single day, it was 
 then certainly foreseen by some, who assisted in Congress at 
 the formation of it, that it could not be durable. 
 
 " Negligence of its regulations, inattention to its recommen- 
 dations, if not disobedience to its authority, not only in in- 
 dividuals, but in states, soon appeared w^ith their melancholy 
 consequences — universal languor, jealousies and rivalries of 
 states, decline of navigation and commerce, discouragement of 
 necessary manufactures, universal fall in the value of lands and 
 their produce, contempt of public and private faith, loss of 
 consideration and credit with foreign nations, and, at length, 
 in discontents, animosities, combinations, partial conventions, 
 and insurrection, threatening some great national calamity. 
 
 " In this dangerous crisis, the people of America were not 
 abandoned by their usual good sense, presence of mind, reso- 
 lution, or integrity — measures were pursued to concert a plan 
 to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic 
 tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the 
 general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty — the 
 
OP JOHN ADAMS. 35 
 
 public disquisitions, discussions, and deliberations, issued in 
 the present happy constitution of government. 
 
 " Employed in the service of my country abroad, during 
 the whole course of these transactions, I first saw the consti- 
 tution of the United States in a foreign country. Irritated by 
 no literary altercation, animated by no public debate, heated 
 by no party animosity, I read it with great satisfaction, as a 
 result of good heads, prompted by good hearts ; as an experi- 
 ment, better adapted to the genius, character, situation, and 
 relations of this nation and country, than any which had ever 
 been proposed or suggested. In its general principles and 
 great outlines, it was conformable to such a system of govern- 
 ment, as I had ever most esteemed — and in some states, my 
 own state in particular, had contributed to establish. Claim- 
 ing a right of suffrage, in common with my fellow-citizens, in 
 the adoption or rejection of a constitution which was to rule 
 me and my posterity, as well as them and theirs, I did not 
 hesitate to express my approbation of it on all occasions, in 
 public and private. It was not then, nor has been since, any 
 objection to it in my mind, that the executive and senate were 
 not more permanent, nor have I ever entertained a thought 
 of promoting any alteration in it, but such as the people them- 
 selves, in the course of their experience, should see or feel to 
 be necessary or expedient, and by their representatives in 
 Congress and the state legislatures, according to the constitu- 
 tion itself, adopt and ordain. 
 
 " Returning to the bosom of my country, after a painful 
 separation from it for ten years, I had the honour to be elect- 
 ed to a station under the new order of things, and I have re- 
 peatedly laid myself under the most serious obligations to sup- 
 port the constitution. The operation of it has equalled the 
 most sanguine expectations of its friends ; and from an habi- 
 tual attention to it, satisfaction in its administration, and de- 
 light in its effects, upon the peace, order, prosperity, and 
 happiness of the nation, I have acquired an habitual attach- 
 ment to it, and veneration for it. 
 
 " What other form of government, indeed, can so well de- 
 serve our esteem and love ? 
 
 " There may be little solidity in an ancient idea, that con- 
 gregations of men into cities and nations are the most pleasing 
 objects in the sight of superior intelligences. But this is very 
 certain, that to a benevolent human mind, there can be no 
 
36 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 spectacle presented by any nation, more pleasing, more noble, 
 majestic, or august, than an assembly, like that which has so 
 often been seen in this and the other chamber of Congress — 
 of a government, in which the executive authority, as well as 
 that of all the branches of the legislature, are exercised by 
 citizens, selected at regular periods by their neighbours, to 
 make and execute laws for the general good. Can anything 
 essential, anything more than mere ornament and decoration, 
 be added to this, by robes or diamonds ? Can authority be 
 more amiable or respectable, when it descends from accident, 
 or institutions establisherl in remote antiquity, than w'hen it 
 springs fresh from the hearts and judgments of an honest and 
 enlightened people ? for it is the people only that are repre- 
 sented ; it is their power and m.ajesty that is reflected ; and 
 only for their good, in every legitimate government, under 
 whatever form it may appear. The existence of such a go- 
 vernment as ours, for any length of time, is a full proof of a 
 general dissemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the 
 whole body of the people. And what object or consideration, 
 more pleasing than this, can be presented to the human mind? 
 If national pride is ever justifiable or excusable, it is when it 
 springs not from power or riches, grandeur or glory, but from 
 conviction of national innocence, information, and benevolence. 
 
 "In the midst of these pleasing ideas, we should be un- 
 faithful to ourselves, if we should ever lose sight of the dan- 
 ger to our liberties — if anything partial or extraneous should 
 infect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous, and independent 
 elections. 
 
 " If an election is to be determined by the majority of a 
 single vote, and that can be procured by a party, through ar- 
 tifice or corruption, the government may be the choice of a 
 party for its own ends; not of the nation, for the national 
 good. If that solitary suffrage can be obtained by foreign 
 nations, by flattery or menaces, by fraud or violence, by ter- 
 ror, intrigue, or venality, the government may not be the choice 
 of American people, but of foreign nations. It may be for- 
 eign nations who govern us, and not we, the people, who 
 govern ourselves : and candid men will acknowledge, that in 
 such cases, choice would have little advantage to boast of over 
 lot or chance. 
 
 " Such is the amiable and interesting system of government 
 (and such are some of the abuses to which it may be exposed) 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 37 
 
 which the people of America have exhibited to the admiration 
 and anxiety of the wise and virtuous of all nations, for eight 
 years, under the administration of a citizen, who, by a long 
 course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, tempe- 
 rance, and fortitude, conducting a people inspired with the 
 same virtues, and animated with the same ardent patriotism 
 and love of liberty, to independence and peace, to increasing 
 wealth and unexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude 
 of his fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praise of foreign 
 nations, and secured immortal glory with posterity. 
 
 " In that retirement which is his voluntary choice, may he 
 long live to enjoy the delicious recollection of his services, the 
 gratitude of mankind, the happy fruits of them to himself and 
 the world, which are daily increasing, and that splended pros- 
 pect of the future fortunes of his country, which is opening 
 from year to year. His name may be still a rampart, and the 
 knowledge that he lives, a bulwark against all open or secret 
 enemies of his country's peace. 
 
 " This example has been recommended to the imitation of 
 his successors, by both houses of Congress and by the voice of 
 the legislatures and the people throughout the nation. 
 
 " On this subject it might become me better to be silent, or 
 to speak with diffidence. But as something may be expected, 
 the occasion, I hope, will be admitted as an apology if I ven- 
 ture to say, that if a preference upon principles of a free, re- 
 publican government, formed upon long and serious reflection, 
 after a diligent and impartial inquiry after truth ; if an at- 
 tachment to the constitution of the United States, and a con- 
 scientious determination to support it until it shall be altered 
 by the judgment and wishes of the people, expressed in the 
 mode prescribed in it ; if a respectful attention to the consti- 
 tutions of the individual states, and a constant caution and 
 delicacy towards the state governments; if an equal and im- 
 partial regard to the rights, interests, honour, and happiness 
 of all the states in the union, without preference or regard to 
 a northern or southern, an eastern or western position, their 
 various political opinions on unessential points, or rather their 
 personal attachments ; if a love of virtuous men of all parties 
 and denominations ; if a love of science and letters, and a wish 
 to patronize every rational effort to encourage schools, col- 
 leges, universities, academies, and every institution for propa- 
 gating knowledge, virtue, and religion among all classes of the 
 4 
 
38 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 people, not only for their benign influence in the happiness of 
 life in all its stages and classes, and of society in all its forms, 
 but as the only means of preserving our constitution from its 
 natural enemies, the spirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the 
 spirit of intrigue, the profligacy of corruption, and the pesti- 
 lence of foreign influence, which is the angel of destruction to 
 elective governments ; if a love of equal laws, of justice and 
 humanity in the interior administration ; if an inclination to 
 improve agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, for neces- 
 sity, convenience, and defence; if a spirit of equity and hu- 
 manity towards the aboriginal nations of America, and a dis- 
 position to meliorate their condition, by inclining them to be 
 more friendly to us, and our citizens more friendly to them ; 
 if an inflexible determination to maintain peace and inviolable 
 faith with all nations, and that system of neutrality and im- 
 partiality among the belligerent powers of Europe, which has 
 been adopted by this government, and so solemnly sanctioned 
 by both houses of Congress, and applauded by the legislatures 
 of the states, and the public opinion, until it shall be other- 
 wise ordained by Congress ; if a personal esteem for the 
 French nation, formed in a residence of seven years, chiefly 
 among them, and a sincere desire to preserve the friendship 
 which has been so much for the honour and interest of both 
 nations ; if, while the conscious honour and integrity of the 
 people of America, and the internal sentiment of their own 
 power and energies must be preserved, an earnest endeavour 
 to investigate every just cause, and remove every colourable 
 pretence of complaint ; if an intention to pursue, by amicable 
 negotiation, a reparation for the injuries that have been 
 committed on the commerce of our fellow-citizens, by what- 
 ever nation — and, if success cannot be obtained, to lay the 
 facts before the legislature, that they may consider what fur- 
 ther measures, the honour and interest of the government and 
 its constituents demand ; if a resolution to do justice, as far as 
 may depend upon me, at all times, and to all nations, and 
 maintain peace, friendship, and benevolence with all the world ; 
 if an unshaken confidence in the honour, spirit, and resources 
 of the American people, on which I have so often hazarded 
 my all, and never been deceived; if elevated ideas of the high 
 destinies of this country, and of my own duties towards it, 
 founded on a knowledge of the moral principles and intellec- 
 tual improvements of the people, deeply engraven on my mind 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 39 
 
 in early life, and not obscured but exalted by experience and 
 age — and as, with humble reverence, I feel it to be my duty 
 \o add, if a veneration for the religion of a people who pro- 
 fess and call themselves Christians, and a fixed resolution to 
 consider a decent respect for Christianity among the best re- 
 commendations for the public service, can enable me, in any 
 degree, to comply with your wishes, it shall be my strenuous 
 endeavour, that this sagacious injunction of the two houses 
 shall not be without effect. 
 
 " With this great example before me, with the sense and 
 spirit, the faith and honour, the duty and interest of the same 
 American people pledged to support the constitution of the 
 United States, I entertain no doubt of its continuance in all its 
 energy ; and my mind is prepared, without hesitation, to lay 
 myself under the most solemn obligations to support it, to the 
 utmost of my power. 
 
 " And may that Being, who is supreme over all, the patron 
 of order, the fountain of justice, and the protector, in all ages 
 of the world, of virtuous liberty, continue his blessing upon 
 this nation, and its government, and give it all possible suc- 
 cess and duration, consistent with the ends of his providence." 
 
 After concluding his speech, Mr. Adams descended from his 
 seat, to receive the oath of office from the chief justice. Hav- 
 ing taken the oath, which w^as administered with great solem- 
 nity, he resumed his chair, paused a few moments, then rose 
 and retired. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson addressed the Senate, which was convened in 
 their chamber, by the call of the late President ; in the follow- 
 ing extempore speech : 
 
 " Gentlemen of the Senate, 
 
 " Entering on the duties of the office to which I am called, 
 I feel it incumbent on me to apologize to this honourable house, 
 for the insufficient manner in which I fear they may be dis- 
 charged. At an earlier period of my fife, and through some 
 considerable portion of it, I have been a member of legislative 
 bodies, and not altogether inattentive to the forms of their 
 proceedings — but much time has elapsed ; since that other 
 duties have occupied my mind ; in a great degree it has lost 
 its familiarity with this subject. I fear that the house will 
 have but too frequent occasion to perceive the truth of this 
 acknowledgment. If a diligent attention, however, will en- 
 
40 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 able me to fulfil the functions now assigned me, I may pro- 
 mise that diligence and attention shall be sedulously employed. 
 For one portion of my duty, I shall engage with more confi- 
 dence, because it will depend on my will and not on my capa- 
 city. 
 
 " The rules which are to govern the proceedings of this 
 house, so far as they shall depend on me for their application, 
 shall be applied with the most rigorous and inflexible impar- 
 tiality, regarding neither persons, their views or principles, 
 and seeing only the abstract proposition subject to my deci- 
 sion. If, in forming that opinion, I concur with some and 
 differ from others, as must of necessity happen, I shall rely on 
 the hberahty and candour of those from whom I differ, to be- 
 lieve that I do it on pure motives. I might here proceed, and 
 with the greatest truth, to declare my zealous attachment to 
 the constitution of the United States ; that I consider the 
 union of these states as the first of blessings ; and, as the first 
 of duties, the preservation of that constitution which secures 
 it. But I suppose these declarations not pertinent to the oc- 
 casion of entering into an office whose primary business is 
 merely to preside over the form of this house. And no one more 
 sincerely prays, that no accident may call me to the higher 
 and more important functions which the constitution even- 
 tually devolves on this office. These have been justly con- 
 fided to the eminent character who has preceded me here, 
 whose talents and integrity have been known and revered by 
 me through a long course of years, have been the foundation 
 of a cordial and uninterrupted friendship between us ; and I 
 devoutly pray he may be long preserved for the government, 
 the happiness and prosperity of our common country." 
 
 The apparently liberal and patriotic sentiments displayed in 
 the President's speech, had the immediate eflfect of conciliating 
 the friendship of many who had been his most violent op- 
 posers ; the sound of words was to supply for a few days, the 
 place of virtuous deeds, and the services of Washington were 
 to be eclipsed by the laboured periods of a studied oration. 
 A writer in the Argus breaks forth in the following strain of 
 unthinking panegyric: "Who can peruse this address without 
 giving it his most unreserved approbation ? It is so long 
 since the citizens of America heard an acknowledgment, on 
 the part of their executive, that all power was derived from 
 the people, that they had almost forgot their government was 
 
OP JOHN ADAMS. 41 
 
 a representative one : not less pleasing must it be, to hear him 
 place in a light bordering on ridicule, the diamonds, robes, 
 and other ornaments and decorations of royalty : a striking 
 contrast this, to the example of his predecessor in office. May 
 he persevere in it, uninfluenced by the menaces or machina- 
 tions of artful and designing men." One might have sup- 
 posed this to be the language of ridicule and not sincerity, 
 had not the author been a clergyman, who has since figured 
 as one of the warmest espousers of the Hamiltonian faction. 
 
 As the most distinguishing features in Mr. Adams's admin- 
 istration have been his predilection for the English govern- 
 ment, and his avowed hatred to the French, it may not be 
 improper to give a fair statement of the conduct of both these 
 nations, to this country, previous to the election of 1797. 
 This will assist to develope the secret bonds which were so 
 firmly to unite the president of a free country with a British 
 king. The most striking mark of regard which the English 
 paid to Americans, was the respect shown to our commerce, 
 by insulting indiscriminately, during the year 1796, almost 
 every vessel which displayed the flag of Ihe United States. 
 To enumerate all the deeds of this nature would occupy se- 
 veral volumes — a few of the most glaring instances will be 
 sufficient for the purpose. 
 
 The schooner John, of Salem, Captain Philip Saunders, 
 had been on a voyage to Jamaica ; while he lay there, an 
 English officer, and five men, from a sloop-of-war, came on 
 board to impress his crew. Only one of them happened to 
 be on board besides the mate and a boy. The rest were on 
 shore on business. The gang took the sailor. On behig told 
 that he w^as an American, they replied that they knew this, 
 but wanted men, and would have them whatever might be the 
 consequences. Captain Saunders went on board the sloop-of- 
 war to reclaim his seaman. The commander, in an insolent 
 manner, ordered him back to his own vessel, desired an ac- 
 count of the wages due to the hand, and to send them and his 
 clothes to the sloop — in case of non-compliance he was threat- 
 ened with a flogging. The rest of the crew were secreted 
 on shore, by the captain, for ten days, till the sloop-of-war 
 sailed, as her declared design was to impress the whole. Du- 
 ring this period the schooner lay exposed to the weather, as 
 well as the insults of the sloop-of-war, without any person to 
 take care of her except the captain, his mate, and the boy — 
 4* 
 
42 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 the sloop's crew consisted of eighty-seven men ; of these 
 thirty-tivewere said to be Americans, who had been impressed 
 in the West Indies. Tliis story is related in the Salem news- 
 papers of the 8th of March, as also by Mr. Callender, who 
 concludes his account of it by observing, that such, at the dis- 
 tance of twenty months, was the success of Jay's appeal to 
 the magnanimity of George Guelph, and of his kissing the 
 hand of "the meat, drink, snuff, and diamond-loving Dame." 
 
 In the spring of 1796, Captain Samuel Green made a voy- 
 age from Norfolk, in Virginia, to Martinico. He commanded 
 a fast-saihng schooner, of three hundred barrels burthen ; and 
 carried a cargo for the British at that island. On his arrival, 
 the consignee showed him a bill of sale of the vessel, and told 
 him he was no longer master, because the schooner was 
 bought for the British government, and to be fitted out as a 
 privateer. If Captain Green chose to remain on board, he 
 was told he might have employment ; this offer he refused. 
 Several of the sailors were impressed by the British — others 
 were enticed to enter as volunteers in the different ships. 
 
 Jacob Peterson, master of the sloop Polly, of Philadelphia, 
 on the 29th of January, 1796, arrived at Cape Nichola Mole, 
 where he had scarcely cast anchor, w^hen the Syren, a British 
 sixty-four, pressed one of his best seamen. On the 81st, he 
 sailed for Jercmie. While he remained in that port, about 
 nine o'clock in the evening of the 9th of February, Captain 
 Reynolds, of the Harriot, a British armed ship in government 
 service, manned his boat and pressed several American seamen 
 from different ships in the harbour. He began with the ship 
 Carolina of Baltimore, Captain Luther. 
 
 Next day Reynolds went on shore, swearing that he would 
 that night make a sweep among the Americans. The latter, 
 hearing of this threat, assembled themselves into two vessels 
 that lay in the harbour, one of them the brig Richard and 
 James, of Philadelphia, and the other the schooner Eliza, of 
 Baltimore. About nine o'clock in the evening, a boat full of 
 armed men was observed coming from the Harriot towards the 
 Eliza. She was hailed, and enjoined to keep her distance. 
 Reynolds caused his men to fire. This was returned, and 
 after some time the boat went off — she came back wuth a 
 fresh supply of men, and again found it prudent to retire. 
 The people in the Eliza then went on board of the Richard 
 and James. Reynolds went on shore, procured a rein- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 43 
 
 forcement, and came back to a third assault. Finding the 
 Eliza deserted, he gave up the attempt. In this contest, the 
 British said that they had seventeen killed or wounded. The 
 Americans had one killed, and one wounded. 
 
 On the 28th of March, 1796, the ship Bacchus, Captain 
 George, arrived at Philadelphia. On the 20th, he was boarded 
 by the Thetis, a British frigate. She pressed his mate and 
 cabin-boy, on a suspicion of their being British subjects. The 
 mate attempted to effect an escape, but was retaken, and 
 nearly flogged to death. 
 
 The schooner Voluptas, Jonathan Hall, master, of Baltimore, 
 w^as sent into Kingston by the Severn, of forty-four guns. 
 She had on board a valuable cargo of coffee and cotton, and 
 part of an outward bound freight of provisions, wuth a large 
 sum of money. The supercargo, Mr. Duncan, was going 
 from Gonaives to the Platform, to purchase coffee to load the 
 schooner for Baltimore. The pretence for seizing the Volup- 
 tas was, that she carried provisions for an enemy's port. At 
 this time, the captain of the Severn had detained Mr. Duncan 
 a prisoner for fifty-two days, and threatened to try him as a 
 British subject for high treason, although he showed a certifi- 
 cate of his being an American citizen. 
 
 Captain Hall and Mr. Duncan were sent in irons from Cape 
 Nichola Mole to Port Royal, on board of the Lark man-of- 
 war. On their passage, they were put upon two-thirds of the 
 British seamen's allowance of salt beef and bread. The cap- 
 tain, one night while asleep, had his watch and money stolen 
 out of his pocket. It was their opinion that the Severn had 
 designed to send the schooner to the bottom, for she ran so 
 near as to carry away her bowsprit. 
 
 The ship Lydia, Robert Blount, master, from Portsmouth, 
 in New Hampshire, had arrived at Kingston. About four 
 leagues to the windward of Port Royal, he was boarded by 
 the Regulus. She took away his mate and four men. They 
 were all natives of Portsmouth, married, and had regular pro- 
 tections. Before taking them on board, the British captain 
 sent his surgeon into the Lydia to examine the micn, and see 
 if they were in good health. The Regulus had pressed above 
 fifty American seamen, went afterwards to Port-au-Prince, 
 and from thence to England. 
 
 The ship Hannah, Captain Hoare, from Philadelphia to 
 France, was, on the 24th of February, taken by the Lynx 
 
44 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 sloop-of-war — she stripped the Hannah of her whole crew, 
 excepting the mate, the cook, and the cabin-boy, and sent her 
 into Bermuda. Most of the hands impressed had protections. 
 The captain of the Lynx had spoke on the day before with 
 the Roebuck, of Philadelphia, and said that he was only pre- 
 vented from taking her by a violent gale of wind. 
 
 On the 29th of March, the ship Friendship, Captain Atkins, 
 arrived at Norfolk — when within the Capes of Chesapeake, 
 he was boarded by a boat from the Thetis, Captain Cochran, 
 who pressed a man who had been naturalized for ten years 
 before. As the Chesapeake is within the territory of the 
 United States, he might as well have kidnapped him in the 
 streets of Philadelphia or New York. 
 
 The Ocean, Captain Vredenburgh, was taken on the 31st 
 of March, only one league from the Highlands, and sent into 
 HaUfax, by La Prevoyance, a British frigate. The whole 
 crew, excepting the master and mate, were impressed into the 
 British service — two of them were native Americans, and the 
 rest Swedes and Danes. When Captain Vredenburgh re- 
 monstrated, the British captain told him to look to Jay's 
 treaty. 
 
 Captain Paulding, of the brig Polly, of New York, from 
 Curacoa, on the 3d of March, was sent into Grenada by the 
 Favourite sloop-of-war — his hands were impressed, his sailing 
 orders, letters, invoices, and bills of lading, destroyed. The 
 captain, mate, and two passengers, were stripped of their 
 baggage and w^earing apparel, thrown into prison, where they 
 were detained for three weeks, before a passport for their de- 
 parture was granted. 
 
 The Maryland Journal of the 13th of April, 1797, has an 
 extract of a letter from an American seaman, dated Spithead, 
 December 26th, 1795, on board the ship Assistance, in which 
 he had been detained from the 20th of October preceding — 
 the man belonged to the Hannah of Baltimore, Captain 
 Wescott. This vessel, with four other Americans, were 
 carried into Saint John's, Newfoundland — the sailors were 
 either turned ashore to starve, or pressed into the British 
 service. 
 
 The Norfolk paper of the 4th of April has the following 
 paragraph: "The ship Diana, of New York, David Chade- 
 ayne, master, on her passage from the East Indies to New 
 York, was boarded by his Britannic Majesty's brig Pelican, 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 45 
 
 Captain J. C. Searle, who sent an officer and crew on board, 
 and took out the mate, six people, and carried her into Port 
 Royal, where, on the 6th of March, while in their possession, 
 she caught fire and was burnt to the water's edge, with all 
 her cargo of immense value." 
 
 The Boston Newspaper of the 7th of April, 1796, has the 
 following letter: 
 
 " Captain Elkanah Mayo, who arrived in town this week 
 from New York, has favoured us with the following account 
 of the cruel treatment he and his men received from the officers 
 and men of the British frigate La Pique, at Barbadoes, in De- 
 cember last, viz. Captain Mayo, in the ship Polly, of Cape 
 Ann, homeward bound from a whaling voyage, was drove in 
 by stress of weather to Barbadoes, where he lay near three 
 weeks for the arrival of some Americans to freight his oil 
 home, during which time the British frigate La Piqiie arri\ed 
 there from a cruise, and, in two days after, pressed two of his 
 hands. Captain Mayo applied to the governor for protection, 
 who caused the men to be released. Three days after, Cap- 
 tain Mayo's boat being ashore with three men, waiting for 
 him, the frigate's barge hauled in close to his boat, and board- 
 ed him with cutlasses, to press the men by force. The men 
 called on Captain Mayo from the shore, who ran to the boat 
 for their rehef, where he found the crew of the British frigate, 
 with the tiller of their barge, beating his men over their heads 
 with said tiller, till the blood gushed from their mouths and 
 noses, and otherwise mangling them in a barbarous and shock- 
 ing manner. Captain Mayo sprung into the boat and cleared 
 it of the British crew. The commanding officer, who was 
 then on the wharf, said he would have every man on board 
 the ship. Mr. Woodruff, with whom Captain Mayo did busi- 
 ness, being on the wharf, offered his bonds to the captain of 
 the frigate that he would bring his protections on shore. Cap- 
 tain Mayo then went on board his ship to bring his protec- 
 tions — w^hile he was on board, the commanding officer of the 
 frigate, and all the rest of the officers, got into their barge, 
 waiting for Captain Mayo, w^ho was returning with all his 
 protections — they boarded him — the commanding officer jump- 
 ed into Captain Mayo's boat with his drawn cutlass, and 
 dragged by force all his men into their barge, and then pre- 
 sented his cutlass to Captain Mayo's breast, and ordered him 
 into the barge, which he refused ; after which he pricked him 
 
46 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 several times in the breast, and then towed him on board the 
 frigate — he put Captain Mayo's men into the hold, among his 
 men who were sick with the yellow fever — he then ordered 
 a pair of irons to be fixed on Captain Mayo, which were not, 
 however, fixed — he kept him on the quarter-deck until even- 
 ing, then ordered Captain Mayo's boat to be hauled up, and 
 ordered him on board alone. Captain Mayo requested him to 
 let him have a man to go with him, w^hich the captain of the 
 frigate refused ; then said he would cast him off and set him 
 adrift — he told him he might perish at sea, to which he re- 
 plied he hoped he would. Captain Mayo told him he w^ould 
 not go unless he cast him off — he then took his barge and 
 tow^ed Captain Mayo on board his own ship. The next morn- 
 ing Captain Mayo went to the governor and complained of 
 the officers' conduct — the governor ordered his men to be im- 
 mediately released, who w^ere accordingly sent on shore. Four 
 days after, three of his men were taken with the yellow fever, 
 which they took while on board the frigate, and which spread 
 through Captain Mayo's ship's company — four of his men died 
 of the fever ; the rest were obliged to leave the ship, and he 
 hired negroes to pump her. Captain Mayo then chartered 
 vessels as he could find them, to take his men and cargo to 
 the United States. This base conduct of our new treaty- 
 allies occasioned the loss of eight thousand dollars to his 
 owners." 
 
 /, the subscriber, do testify to the above account. 
 (Signed) Elkanah Mayo. 
 
 The Musquito, Captain Harsher, arrived on the 17th of 
 January at Baltimore, from Bourdeaux. On the voyage he 
 was met by the Hussar, a British frigate — his keys were 
 taken, his chests broke open, and everything stolen that the 
 British could lay their hands on. They also drank a case of 
 wine, pressed the Musquito's mate, and one of the hands, who 
 was an American. 
 
 A letter from Fredericksburgh, dated April 1, 1796, has 
 the following intelligence: The schooner William, Captain 
 John Scott, from Basseterre, St. Kitt's, having arrived in the 
 river, on the 23d of February, between nine and ten o'clock 
 in the evening in Basseterre-road, he was boarded by a boat 
 with five men with cutlasses — they belonged to a British 
 armed sloop lying there. They ordered William M'Coy, a 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 47 
 
 native of Fredericksburgh, into the boat ; but being prevented 
 from taking him, they went back to the sloop ; immediately 
 after, they returned with their commander, one WilHams, and 
 an additional number of men, armed with pistols and cutlasses 
 — they took away from the schooner, John Mansfield, Wil- 
 liam M'Coy, and two blacks. Next morning Captain Scott 
 went on shore, and proved these people to be citizens of the 
 United States — he could recover only the two blacks. Every 
 American at the port shared a similar fate — a Baltimore 
 schooner was stript of all her hands excepting the mate and 
 a boy. 
 
 A letter from Captain Thorndike Deland, dated Kingston, 
 1st of April, 1796, to a merchant in Philadelphia, contained 
 for publication a list of twelve American vessels taken and 
 carried into that port. Captain Deland farther says, that he 
 had heard of twenty-seven other ships at Tortola which were 
 in jeopardy — that all Americans w^hen carried into Kingston 
 were, after examination, turned ashore without provision for 
 their support. Any one having a concern in a house, or hav- 
 ing even a factor in St. Domingo, or any French port, was 
 deemed a Frenchman, and his property was on that account 
 condemned. On the 21st of April, 1796, the schooner Wil- 
 liam and Mary, Captain Shaw, arrived at Portsmouth, New 
 Hampshire, in thirty-eight days from Kingston — w^hen he left 
 that place, the impressment of American seamen had not sub- 
 sided. On the 5th of May the schooner Mermaid, Captain 
 Tabet, arrived from the Mole at New York — his mate, a na- 
 tive American, was pressed by the Regulus. Several other 
 Americans were, at the same time, pressed from different 
 vessels. 
 
 A Charleston newspaper of the 8th of April, 1796, contains 
 the copy of a sentence passed by Judge Green, of Bermuda. 
 It is dated the 6th of January preceding, and respected the 
 brig Fame. In summer, 179o, the Fame sailed from Charles- 
 ton for Bordeaux. On her return she was captured and taken 
 into Bermuda. The vessel and cargo were both American 
 property, but one of the owners, who went along with her, 
 had stayed behind in France to dispose of the remaining part of 
 the cargo. This accident transformed him, in the eyes of 
 Green, into a French citizen, and on that pretence both ship 
 and loading were confiscated. Thus the British went on in 
 the West Indies, while Mr. Bayard was transmitting to Phi- 
 
48 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 ladelphia his important assurances about indemnification, and 
 the resentment of the London Court of Admiralty at the de- 
 crees of Green. 
 
 About the 23d of April, Captain Mercer, of the sloop Am- 
 buscade, arrived at Philadelphia from Bermuda. He brought 
 a list of eight American vessels, with their cargoes, which 
 were condemned at that place, and of seven others which 
 were libelled. One of the latter was a brig from Boston. 
 Captain Mercer had heard that her captain had died of abuse 
 which he received from the prize-master. A paragraph of the 
 same date says, that at Nevis, the schooner Andrew, Captain 
 Montayne, of Philadelphia, had her mate and seamen pressed 
 by a British schooner. They were all Americans, and had 
 protections. The particulars are related in the captain's pro- 
 test as transmitted to his owner. 
 
 Joshua Whiting was a seaman on board of the American 
 brig Samuel. At Port-au-Prince he and four others of the 
 crew were pressed by a British frigate. Three of them, after 
 eleven days, escaped by swimming, in the course of which one 
 man had the calf of his leg bitten off by a shark ; another of 
 them was retaken and almost flogged to death. Whiting and 
 the cripple escaped, after losing their whole adventure, besides 
 being cruelly treated. 
 
 The brig Columbia, and the schooner Unity, both of New- 
 buryport, sailed from Port Lewis on the 7th of March, 1796. 
 Next day they were brought to by the Ganges, a British 
 seventy-four, and a schooner attendant on the ship, and sent 
 into Montserrat, examined, and on the 14th dismissed, upon 
 paying forty-four pounds, four shillings and ten pence, as the 
 expense of their examination. 
 
 The sloop Dove, of New Haven, in Connecticut, had gone 
 on a voyage to the West Indies. While lying at Antigua she 
 was boarded by a boat's crew from the Narcissus, who took 
 away Benjamin Eastman. He was a native American, and as 
 such had a protection. On the 3d of April, 1796, the master 
 and mate of the Dove made oath to this fact at New Haven. 
 
 In April, 1796, the American ship Eliza sailed from New 
 York, for St. Thomas, and had orders to touch at St. Bartho- 
 lomew ; she was taken by Captain Cochran, of the Thetis 
 frigate. The supercargo, a Danish subject, was stripped to 
 the skin ; the ship was Ubelled before the Vice Admiralty 
 Court at Bermuda, under pretence of being French property. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 49 
 
 The trunks of the supercargo were sealed up, and he was 
 thrown penniless out of the ship, without clothes or a second 
 shirt to his back. The captain and crew were put on shore 
 destitute of subsistence. Six or seven days after the ship and 
 cargo had been libelled, the cattle were sold at half their 
 prime cost, bought in by the agents who sold them, and sold 
 a second time next day, at a considerable profit. 
 
 A Boston newspaper of the 26th of May, contains a depo- 
 sition dated at St. George, the 27th of April preceding. It 
 was emitted by the second mate of the brigantine Polly, John 
 Bosson, late master. The vessel was on her way from De- 
 marara to Boston, when the Cleopatra, a British privateer, 
 took her. Soon after, the prize-master quarrelled with Cap- 
 tain Bosson, and wantonly beat him in a most shocking man- 
 ner. Within six days after, Captain Bosson died of his 
 bruises, in the twenty-fifth year of his age. 
 
 Such were the effects of Jay's treaty to American com- 
 merce. Not more than a twelvemonth after this treaty was 
 signed, and not six months after it had been fully ratified, up- 
 wards of three hundred American ships were captured by 
 British frigates and British pirates ; and, upon the most mo- 
 derate calculation, a thousand American citizens were doomed 
 to fight in the cause of a tyrant against the rights of their 
 nation. Much noise has been made about the injuries com- 
 mitted against American commerce by the French republic ; 
 but in this year, when every newspaper was suffocated with 
 British robberies, we only find three or four instances of French 
 depredation. The following is the only one, of which a cor- 
 rect statement is given : the paragraph is from a Boston paper, 
 of the 16th of April, 1796. 
 
 By an arrival on Saturday, of a vessel from Curacoa, we 
 received the following protest of Hugh Wilson, master of the 
 American brig called the Jay, belonging to Baltimore, who 
 being duly sworn before the notary royal and public, of Saint 
 Bartholomew, declareth : " That having got his vessel cap- 
 tured and condemned, as hereafter will appear, and having had 
 his log-book, and all the papers belonging to the vessel and to 
 himself, taken from him, all to the shipping articles, and a 
 small memorandum book of his private disbursements, he is 
 obliged to give his declaration from memory, and to the best 
 of his recollection, viz.. That, on the 10th of April last, 179o, 
 he sailed in said brio; from Saint Pierre, in the island of Mar- 
 5 
 
50 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 tinico, bound to Antigua ; that on the 12th of said month, in 
 the morning, he was boarded by the French armed schooner (as 
 near as he could recollect) the Athenienne, commanded by one 
 Paschal, from Guadaloupe, under the lee of which island the 
 brig then was, and in the evening was carried into Basseterre- 
 road, in last said island ; that the same deponent, and all his 
 crew, were immediately put on board a French sloop-of-war, 
 w^here they were detained about eight or ten days, without 
 knowing what was the intention of the French to do with the 
 said brig, and without ever having been heard or examined ; 
 that the deponent and supercargo, Mr. John Starck, were sent 
 on shore, and conducted to the interpreter or linguist, who 
 told them the brig Jay, and her remaining cargo, consisting 
 in corn and slaves, had already been condemned, and who fur- 
 nished Mr. Starck with a copy of the condemnation ; that Mr. 
 Starck was put at liberty, but the deponent was, the next 
 day, thrown into Basseterre gaol, where he remained about 
 ten days, after which he was drove out of the said gaol, and 
 put in chains on board a small French schooner, bound to 
 Point-d-Petre, the deponent lying all the passage (about sixty 
 hours), with eight prisoners more, chained to the same bar, 
 in the hold of said schooner, upon the stone ballast, with a 
 very scanty and indifferent food ; that having arrived in such 
 a situation at Point-a-Petre, the deponent was immediately 
 put on board one of the prison-ships in the harbour, where he 
 was detained for near eight months ; that is to say, until the 
 1st instant (January, 1796), when Captain Wheeler, of the 
 brig Peggy, of New York, having obtained permission to 
 pick out American sailors, that might be found on board of 
 different prison-ships, came alongside the ship where the de- 
 ponent was detained ; that having made his case known to 
 him, he, the said Captain Wheeler, took the deponent along 
 with him, and put him on board the said brig Peggy ; that on 
 the 11th instant or thereabout, the deponent went in said brig 
 from Point-a-Petre, and arrived in this harbour of Gustavia, 
 yesterday, the 13th instant, without yet knowing what has 
 become of his vessel, the brig Jay, her cargo, or anything 
 belonging to her, and without ever having been heard, either 
 in behalf of said property or of himself, during all the time of 
 near nine months he was detained in Guadaloupe, plundered 
 of everything belonging to him, and not left a second shirt to 
 put on ; that during his detention in Poirit-a-Petre, Captain 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 51 
 
 Lyle, of Baltimore, as he passed by said prison-ship, having 
 seen and recollected the deponent, had applied to the com- 
 missaire de guerre in bis behalf, but in vain, as said Captain 
 Lyle afterwards told the deponent." 
 
 Having related the principal depredations committed upon 
 the commerce of the United States, by the respective powers 
 of Great Britain and France, during the year 1796, I shall 
 now give a general view of Mr. Monroe's embassy, and of 
 those circumstances which led to the unfortunate misunder- 
 standing which existed between America and France, during 
 the administration of Mr. Adams. 
 
 For some time previous to 1791, the conduct of the execu- 
 tive of this country had been extremely distant and ceremoni- 
 ous towards the repubUc of France ; nor did the recall of Mr. 
 Genet, the French ambassador, whose personal altercations 
 with the President had led the French government to make 
 this act of solemn reparation, effect any change in its favour. 
 The French justly supposed, that national honour, if not na- 
 tional gratitude, would have prevented the American govern- 
 ment from seizing the opportunity when they were struggling 
 for their political existence, against the power of despots, to 
 throw herself into the arms of their most potent enemy. It 
 was, therefore, with equal surprise and indignation that they 
 heard of the negotiation which Mr. Jay w^as carrying on be- 
 tween America and England, the tenor of which was so evi- 
 dently in opposition to treaties already existing between them 
 and us. 
 
 An intercepted letter from the President of the United 
 States, addressed to Mr. Morris, who officiated as secret agent 
 of the American government, in London, had discovered to 
 the directory the hostile views of the government of the United 
 States, and the intrigues they were carrying on with England. 
 This letter, which was dated at Philadelphia, the 22d of De- 
 cember, 1794, was saved from the wreck of the Boston packet, 
 that had foundered on the coast of France. It was a detailed 
 answer to various letters of Mr. Morris, respecting the pend- 
 ing negotiation. The President complained highly of the 
 haughty conduct of the English administration, and of the ar- 
 bitrary measures which they had pursued, and which they 
 were continuing to pursue, with respect to American naviga- 
 tion. He requested Mr. Morris to represent to the minister, 
 not only the injustice, but the impolicy of this conduct, par- 
 
5S - THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 ticularly at the moment when it was so much the interest of 
 England to concihate the minds of the inhabitants of the 
 United States to the acceptance of the treaty. He detailed 
 the efforts he had made, and the difficulties he had. undergone, 
 to overcome the wayward disposition of his countrymen 
 towards French politics ; the abettors of which were the chief 
 opponents of the treaty in question, which, however, he said, 
 had the approbation of the greater and more respectable part 
 of the community. His main object, he observed, the only 
 object, indeed, which ought to be continually kept in view, 
 was peace, which he was most anxious to preserve ; and if 
 America was happy enough to keep herself out of European 
 quarrels, she might, from the increase of her trade, from secu- 
 ring the monopoly of being the carrier of the world, vie, in 
 twenty years, with the most formidable power in Europe. 
 
 Such sentiments from the President of the United States, 
 naturally awakened in the French those feelings of resent- 
 ment which arise from a sense of injury, heightened by ingra- 
 titude ; and excited also in them a desire of displaying that 
 resentment. 
 
 On the 2d of August, 1794, when Mr. James Monroe, who 
 had been appointed our minister-plenipotentiary to the French 
 republic, arrived in Paris, he perceived an apparent coolness 
 and distrust in the proceedings of the French Convention, and 
 affairs appeared to him to be in a train for an entire separa- 
 tion of the two countries. More than a week elapsed after 
 he presented his credentials to the commissary of foreign af- 
 fairs, without obtaining an answer when he should be re- 
 ceived. The state of things occasioned by the fall of Robes- 
 pierre, which took place before his arrival, he imagined might 
 be the reason of this delay ; but he soon understood that it 
 proceeded from a very different cause. It was intimated to 
 him, that the committee of public safety had imbibed an opin- 
 ion, that Mr. Jay was sent to England with views unfriendly 
 to France, and that his mission was adopted for the purpose 
 of covering and supporting Mr. Jay's to England ; that Mr. 
 Jay's was a measure of substantial import, contemplating on 
 the part of America a close union with England, and that 
 Mr. Monroe's was an act of policy, intended to amuse and 
 deceive. It w^as added, that this impression not only caused 
 the delay of his reception, but that the committee, being un- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 53 
 
 willing to become the dupes of this policy, was devising how 
 to defeat it. 
 
 Upon consideration of these circumstances, Mr. Monroe 
 addressed a letter to the Convention on the 14th of August, 
 notifying his arrival, and asking to what department of the 
 government he should present himself for recognition. This 
 expedient procured the desired effect, and he was received 
 by the Convention itself, on the day following. When he de- 
 livered his address to the Convention, he laid likewise before 
 it, the resolutions of the Senate and House of Representatives, 
 as communicated by the administration, in respect to France 
 and the French Revolution. 
 
 After being recognised, the first object Mr. Monroe turned 
 his attention to, was the deranged state of American com- 
 merce ; and, for that purpose, he applied to the Committee of 
 Public Safety, for a restoration of the ancient and legitimate 
 order of things, with reparation for the injuries America had 
 sustained. His first note to the committee on this subject 
 was dated the 3d of September, 1794 — six weeks, however, 
 elapsed without receiving any satisfactory answer. On the 
 18th of October, he sent in a second note in support of the 
 former, but with little effect. He at last obtained an inter- 
 view with the diplomatic members of the committee ; com- 
 mencing a conversation with a design to lead them to that 
 point, that he mi^ht explain in a suitable manner the objects 
 of Mr. Jay's mission to England. The gazettes of Paris, at 
 that time, were filled with reports that Mr. Jay was to pass 
 over to France, to propose a mediation of peace, on the part 
 of America, at the instance of England — which reports in- 
 creased, in a considerable degree, the suspicions of the com- 
 mittee. Mr. Monroe, therefore, with a view of doing away 
 those ideas, proposed an offer of our services, to promote 
 peace by way of mediation, according to an article in his in- 
 structions ; but in a manner to create belief that we neither 
 wished, nor would undertake that office, unless by solicitation ; 
 nor then, except at the instance of our ally ; adding that he 
 wanted no immediate answer to this communication, having 
 made it only to inform them of the amicable views of our ad- 
 ministration towards France. So far Mr. Monroe's object 
 went to discredit the report without noticing it. The mem- 
 bers, however, adverted directly to it, asking Mr. Monroe 
 whether it was true ; to which he replied that it could not 
 5* 
 
54 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 be true, since Mr. Jay was sent to England on special busi- 
 ness, only " to demand compensation for the depredations on 
 our trade, and the surrender of the western posts," to which 
 his authority was strictly limited. The members acknow- 
 ledged in terms sufficiently polite, the attention which was 
 shown on that occasion, by the administration, to the interests 
 of France, as well in the offer of service to the French re- 
 public by the United States, as in the confidential communica- 
 tion Mr. Monroe made upon the subject of our own affairs. 
 Thus the conference ended. 
 
 About this time, Mr. Monroe was applied to by M. Gar- 
 doqui, minister of finance in Spain, to obtain for him, of the 
 French government, permission to enter France, ostensibly to 
 attend certain baths on account of ill-health, but more proba- 
 bly to open a negotiation for peace with the French republic. 
 At first Mr. Monroe was averse to comj^ly with his demand ; 
 but it having been reiterated, and passing by trumpet through 
 the Spanish and French armies, he could not avoid presenting 
 it to the view of the French government. 
 
 After this incident, he was asked by the diplomatic mem- 
 bers of the Committee of Public Safety, whether he thought 
 they could obtain by loan, of the United States, or within the 
 United States, some money to aid the French government in 
 its operation. Mr. Monroe understood, about four or five 
 millions of dollars were wanted to be laid out in the purchase 
 of provisions and other supplies in the United States. Shortly 
 after, he was informed by the diplomatic members of the Com- 
 mittee of Public Safety, that their minister, then about to de- 
 part for the United States, would be instructed to propose an 
 arrangement, whereby France should engage to secure the 
 attainment of all our claims upon foreign powers, when she 
 made her own treaties with them, as likewise to protect our 
 commerce from the Algerines. 
 
 By these several communications and explanations on Mr. 
 Monroe's part, which were much aided by the movements of 
 General Wayne on the frontiers, showing, that if America 
 was not in a state of actual war with Great Britain, so neither 
 was she in a state of actual peace, the doubts which the com- 
 mittee had entertained began to w^ear away. 
 
 On the 18th of Novem'ber, 1794, the Committee of Public 
 safety passed an arret, by which the commissary of maiine 
 was ordered to adjust the amount due to our citizens on ac- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. ^ 55 
 
 count of the Bordeaux embargo, as likewise for supplies ren- 
 dered to the government of St. Domingo. By it, too, the 
 embarrassments which impeded our direct commerce with 
 France, as also those which impeded it with other countries, 
 by the arbitrary rule of contraband, in respect to provisions 
 destined for those countries, were done away. Free passage 
 in American vessels was likewise allowed to the subjects of 
 the powers at war wuth France, other than soldiers and sailors 
 in the actual service of such powers. In short, all the objects 
 to which Mr. Monroe's note of the 3d of September extended, 
 were yielded, except that of allowing our vessels to protect 
 enemies' goods ; which point was declared to be withheld until 
 such powers should agree that the merchandise of French citi- 
 zens, in neutral vessels, should likewise be free. 
 
 Thus the business of reform, respecting our affairs with 
 France, was commenced : but it did not end here ; for, not 
 long after, it was proposed by the above-named committee, 
 united with that of legislation, in a report to the Convention, 
 as the part of a general system, to put in execution likewise 
 that article of our treaty which stipulates that free ships shall 
 make free goods ; which proposition was adopted and an- 
 nounced to Mr. Monroe, on the 3d of January, 1795. 
 
 Our affairs with France were now in a prosperous state. 
 By the repeal of the decrees under which our trade was ha- 
 rassed, there was an end put to complaints from that cause; 
 and, as orders were issued for the adjustment of the accounts 
 of such of our citizens as had claims upon the French repub- 
 lic, wnth a view to their payment, the prospect of retribution 
 for past losses was likewise a good one. Our commerce, also, 
 fiouri^ihed beyond what was ever known before ; for, by virtue 
 of our treaty with France of 1778, America was becoming 
 the carrier of her own commodities to England and her allies. 
 Such, too, w^as the friendly bias of the people of France to- 
 wards us, that notwithstanding our vessels gave no protec- 
 tion to French property against English cruisers, nor in cer- 
 tain cases to the productions of the French islands turned 
 into American property, yet we were become likewise the 
 principal carriers of France. Even the privilege of x\merican 
 citizenship w^as an object of great value to the owner, for an 
 American citizen could neutralize vessels, funds, &c., and 
 thus proht in many ways by the condition of his country. In 
 short, such was our situation with the French republic, and 
 
56 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 with other powers, so far as depended on France, that there 
 was but one point upon which we had cause to feel or express 
 any solicitude ; which was, that it might not vary. 
 
 But, unhappily, this state of things, so correspondent with 
 the ancient relations of America with France, so congenial 
 with the public sentiments, and necessary to the public welfare, 
 was not doomed to be a permanent one ; for even whilst the 
 proposition last above-mentioned, was depending before the 
 Convention, accounts were received from England that Mr. 
 Jay had concluded a treaty with that power of a very different 
 import from his instructions, or what the French government 
 had a right to expect. 
 
 As soon as this report reached Paris, it produced in the 
 committee a very disagreeable sensation in regard to America ; 
 for immediately afterwards, Mr. Monroe was applied to by 
 that body in a letter, which stated, that they had heard of the 
 contents of that treaty, and asking in what light they were to 
 consider it. It happened that Mr. Monroe had received on 
 the same day a letter from Mr. Jay, of the 2oth of November, 
 informing him that he had concluded, on the 19th of the same 
 month, a treaty with Great Britain, which contained a decla- 
 ration that it should not be construed or operate contrary to 
 our existing treaties, " but as it was not ratified, it w^ould be 
 improper to publish it." Mr. Monroe, therefore, made Mr. 
 Jay's letter the basis of his reply to the committee, adding, 
 that although he was ignorant of the particular stipulations 
 of the treaty, yet he took it for granted the report was 
 altogether without foundation. 
 
 On the 16th of January, 1795, Mr. Monroe received 
 another letter from Mr. Jay, informing him, that he proposed 
 to communicate to him in ciphers the principal heads of the 
 treaty, confidentially. Mr. Monroe being/ urprised at this 
 intelligence, and not wishing to possess a copy of the treaty, 
 if clogged with any condition whatever, wrote to Mr. Jay by 
 a Mr. Purviance, to that purpose. He received an answer, 
 refusing to send him a copy of the treaty, urging as a motive 
 for his refusal, that America w^as an independent nation. 
 
 Soon after this extraordinary answer, Mr. Monroe received 
 another letter from Mr. Jay by Colonel Trumbull, informing 
 him that he had authorized that gentleman to communicate to 
 him the contents of the treaty, but this proposition Mr. Mon- 
 roe very properly rejected. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 57 
 
 Colonel Trumbull, however, made a communication upon 
 the subject of the treaty to Mr. Hidsborn, of Boston, with a 
 design that he should communicate the same to Mr. Monroe 
 — in consequence of which, Mr. Monroe received it, and made 
 of it, afterwards, all the use which a paper so informal w^ould 
 admit of. 
 
 About the beginning of February, 1795, Mr. Monroe re- 
 ceived a letter from the Secretary of State, dated the 2d of 
 December, 1794. In this letter, the secretary takes notice of 
 Mr. Monroe's address to the Convention, as also of his letter 
 to the Committee of Public Safety. In the first, he charges 
 him with having expressed a solicitude for the welfare of the 
 French republic, in a style too warm and affectionate — much 
 more so than his instructions warranted. For the future, he 
 instructs him to cultivate the French republic with zeal, but 
 without any unnecessary eclat. In Mr. Monroe's letter to 
 the committee, demanding an indemnity for spoliations, and a 
 repeal of the decrees suspending the execution of certain ar- 
 ticles of our treaty of commerce with France, the secretary 
 censures Mr. Monroe for having yielded an interest it was his 
 duty to secure. 
 
 About the beginning of July, 1795, Colonel Humphreys, 
 then resident minister of the United States at Lisbon, arrived 
 at Paris, with the view to obtain of the French government 
 its aid in support of our negotiations with the Barbary powers. 
 He brought no letter from the administration to the French 
 government, to authorize his treating with it in person, and, 
 of course, it became the duty of Mr. Monroe to apply in his 
 behalf for the aid that was desired. Accordingly, he ad- 
 dressed a letter to the Committee of Public Safety, on the 5th 
 of July, 1795, opening the subject to its view generally, and 
 requesting its aid in such mode as should be agreed between 
 them. Mr. Monroe had several conferences with the mem- 
 bers of the diplomatic section of the Committee of Public 
 Safety upon the subject, as also with the Commissary of 
 Foreign Affairs, by whom he was assured that the aid he de- 
 sired should be given in the most efficacious manner that it 
 could be. Arrangements were, therefore, taken for pursuing 
 those negotiations, under the care of Joel Barlow, and with 
 the full aid of France; when, unfortunately, as Mr. Barlow 
 was upon the point of embarking with our presents, intelli- 
 gence was received, that a Mr. Donaldson, whom Colonel 
 
58 
 
 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 Humphreys had left at Alicante with a conditional power, but 
 in the expectation that he would not proceed in the business 
 until he heard further from him, had passed over to Algiers, 
 and concluded a treaty with that regency, and, of course, 
 without the aid of France ; which, therefore, ended our ap- 
 plication to the French government for its aid in support of 
 our negotiations with those powers. 
 
 Early in June, 1795, accounts were received in Paris, that 
 the British government had revived its order for the seizure 
 of provision vessels destined for France. At that period, 
 Paris, and many other parts of France, were in the greatest 
 distress for provisions ; in consequence whereof, the attention 
 of the government was directed with great solicitude to those 
 quarters whence supplies were expected, particularly to the 
 United States, where great suras had been expended in the 
 purchase of them. Unfortunately, however, but few of those 
 vessels reached their destination, as they were, in general, 
 taken by the British cruisers. It being obvious, that the 
 aggression of Great Britain upon the rights of neutral nations 
 was made with the intention of increasing the distress that 
 was then raging at Paris, it tended to excite a ferment in the 
 French councils, which was not pointed ftt Great Britain 
 alone. The United States were particularly animadverted 
 upon, owing to a report from one of its secret agents in Eng- 
 land, who stated, he was advised, through a channel to be 
 relied upon, that the English government had intimated the 
 measure would not be offensive to the United States, since it 
 was a case provided for between Great Britain and them. 
 
 About the middle of August, 1795, American gazettes 
 were received at Paris, containing copies of the English treaty, 
 whereby its contents were made known to the Committee of 
 Public Safety. From this period, therefore, all mystery w^as 
 at an end — the possession of the treaty enabled the French 
 government to judge for itself upon all the points which it 
 involved. Nor w^as the effect which it produced an equivocal 
 one ; for, according to Mr. Monroe's report, there was not 
 a description of persons, not in the interest of the coalesced 
 powers, who did not openly and severely censure it. 
 
 In the beginning of December, 1795, Mr. Monroe received 
 two letters from Mr. Pickering, by which he was informed 
 officially, and for the first time, that the treaty was ratified. 
 
 From this period to the 25th of June, 1796, Mr. Monroe 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 59 
 
 had frequent conferences with several of the members of the 
 Directory, from whom he received the flattering assurance of 
 the friendship of France towards the United States. But this 
 prospect was soon changed, by a letter which he received 
 from the Minister of Foreign Affairs, requesting information 
 whether the intelligence which the gazettes announced, of the 
 House of Representatives having agreed to carry the treaty 
 into effect, was to be rehed on? and, in case it was, asking 
 further, in what light they were to view that event, before 
 he called the attention of the Directory to those consequences 
 resulting from it, which specially interested the French re- 
 public? Mr. Monroe replied to the minister, that with respect 
 to his first interrogatory, whether the House of Representa- 
 tives had passed a law to carry the treaty into effect? he 
 could give him no authentic information — and with respect to 
 the second, as he had already answered his several objections 
 to that treaty, to which he had received no reply, it was im- 
 possible for him to enter again, under such circumstances, into 
 that subject. 
 
 In the beginning of August, 1796, the Directory recalled 
 Mr. Adet, and appointed another to take his place, with the 
 grade of charge des affaires. Mr. Monroe apprehending, 
 from certain circumstances, that he would not be well received 
 by the government of the United States, remonstrated against 
 his appointment with the French government, and with suc- 
 cess; for it was revoked. 
 
 In the beginning of August, Mr. Monroe saw in the Ga- 
 zette, a communication from the minister of foreign affairs to 
 Mr. Barthelemy, the ambassador of France to the Swiss Can- 
 tons, announcing an arret of the Directory, by which it was 
 determined to act towards the commerce of neutral powers, 
 in the same manner as those powers permitted the English go- 
 vernment to act towards them. In consequence wherrof, he 
 applied to the minister for information relative to that arr.H, 
 from whom he received a general answer, corresponding only 
 in sentiment with the letter above-mentioned, to the ambassa- 
 dor of the republic, at Basle. 
 
 About the end of August, Mr. Monroe heard that Mr. 
 Adet was recalled, and no successor appointed in his room. 
 He was informed, at the same tiine, that any further applica- 
 tion from him to the French government would be improper ; 
 since it would not only prove fruitless, but, most probably, 
 produce an ill effect. 
 
60 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 Near seven months had elapsed since the minister of foreign 
 affairs communicated to Mr. Monroe the discontent of the 
 Directory, on account of Jay's treaty, and its decision to make 
 the same known to our government by an envoy extraordi- 
 nary, to be despatched to the United States; in the couise of 
 which time, he had not received a single line from the depart- 
 ment of state, although he had regularly informed it of every 
 incident that occurred, and notwithstanding the crisis was a 
 very important one, requiring the profound attention of the 
 administration. In the course of this time, Mr. Monroe was 
 left alone by the administration, to oppose the discontent of 
 France, not only unaided, but likewise under circumstances 
 the most unfavourable. At this period, also, he received a 
 letter from the secretary of state, of the 13th of June, com- 
 municating to him the high dissatisfaction of the President, on 
 account of his conduct respecting the British treaty. On the 
 12th of October, he received a letter from the minister of fo- 
 reign affairs, announcing the recall of Mr. Adet, and in the 
 beginning of November, he received a letter from the secre- 
 tary of state, announcing his own recall by the President of 
 the United States. 
 
 The Directory, w^hen Mr. Monroe took leave, observed, as 
 they had done on a former occasion with respect to Sweden, 
 that the people of America not being implicated in the acts 
 of their government, were still objects of their esteem ; and 
 expressed also their personal regard for the interest which Mr. 
 Monroe, during his residence at Paris, had shown for the wel- 
 fare of the republic. 
 
 The news of the intended resignation of the President of 
 the United States, had preceded the arrival of the new am- 
 bassador, Mr. Pinckney. This event, w^hich was expected 
 by the French government, had, in some measure, allayed its 
 warmth; and it was hoped that an amicable arrangement 
 would speedily have taken place, as it was supposed that the 
 choice of the United States would fall on a person less hostile 
 to their interests; but as the exchange of ambassadors under 
 the present circumstances afforded so favourable an opportu- 
 nity of expressing their feelings, they not only refused to 
 permit the new ambassador to remain officially at Paris, but 
 intimated to him, that his residence as a private citizen was 
 inexpedient. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 61 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Speech of the President — Answer of the House of Repre- 
 sentatives — Proceedings of Congress. 
 
 No event had occurred since the confederation of the states 
 which excited such general consternation and anxiety among 
 all classes of people, as the proclanaation for the meeting of 
 Congress on the loth of May. The recall of Mr. Adet, and 
 the dismission of Mr. Pinckney, by the Directory of France, 
 sufficiently evinced the opinion which that republic entertained 
 of our administration. From the well known principles of 
 Mr. Adams, it was not to be expected that proper persons 
 would be appointed to effect a reconciHation between the two 
 countries. Yet, great hopes were entertained by the repubU- 
 can party, that whatever might be the views of the executive, 
 the virtue and patriotism of the House of Representatives 
 w^ere such, as never to allow them to abandon our natural ally, 
 and embrace again the arms of Britain, against the cause of 
 universal freedom. 
 
 The first business \vhich the House of Representatives en- 
 tered upon after having met, was the choice of a speaker. 
 Mr. Dayton, Mr. Dent, and Mr. Baldwin, were the three can- 
 didates ; but Mr. Dayton was elected, there being seventy-six 
 votes in his fiivour. Mr. Dent and Mr. Baldwin had only 
 one each. 
 
 Upon Tuesday, the 16th of May, the President addressed 
 to both houses of Congress assembled, the following speech : 
 
 " Gentlemen of the House of Representatives : — 
 
 " The personal inconveniences to the members of the Senate 
 and House of Representatives, in leaving their families and 
 private affairs at this season of the year, are so obvious, that 
 I the more regret the extraordinary occasion which has ren- 
 dered the convention of Congress indispensable. 
 
 '' It would have afforded me the highest satisfaction, to 
 have been able to congratulate you on a restoration of peace 
 to the nations of Europe, whose animosities have endangered 
 our tranquillity. But we have still abundant cause of grati- 
 
62 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 tude to the Supreme Dispenser of national blessings, for gene- 
 ral health and promising seasons; for domestic and social hap- 
 piness ; for the rapid progress and ample acquisitions of indus- 
 try, through extensive territories; for civil, political, and re- 
 ligious liberty. While other states are desolated with foreign 
 war or convulsed with intestine divisions, the United States 
 present the pleasing prospect of a nation, governed by mild 
 and equal laws, generally satisfied with the possession of their 
 rights, neither envying the advantages nor fearing the power 
 of other nations; solicitous only for the maintenance of order 
 and justice, and the preservation of liberty ; increasing daily 
 in their attachment to a system of government, in proportion 
 to their experience of its utility ; yielding a ready and general 
 obedience to laws, flowing from the reason and resting on the 
 only solid foundation, the affections of the people. 
 
 " It is with extreme regret I shall be obliged to turn your 
 thoughts to other circumstances, which admonish us, that some 
 of these felicities may not be lasting ; but if the tide of our 
 prosperity is full, and a reflux commencing, a vigilant circum- 
 spection becomes us, that we may meet our reverses with for- 
 titude, and extricate ourselves from their consequences, with 
 all the skill we possess, and all the efforts in our power. 
 
 " In giving to Congress information of the state of the union, 
 and recommending to their consideration such measures as 
 appear to me expedient or necessary, according to my con- 
 stitutional duty, the causes and the objects of the present ex- 
 traordinary session will be explained. 
 
 " After the President of the United States received inform- 
 ation that the French government had expressed serious dis- 
 contents at some proceedings of the government of these states, 
 said to affect the interests of France, he thought it expedient 
 to send to that country a new minister, fully instructed to 
 enter on such amicable discussions, and to give such candid 
 explanations, as might happily remove the discontent and sus- 
 picions of the French government, and vindicate the conduct 
 of the United States. For this purpose, he selected from 
 among his fellow-citizens, a character, whose integrity, 
 talents, experience, and services, had placed him in the 
 rank of the most esteemed and respected in the nation. 
 The direct object of his mission w^as expressed in his letters 
 of credence to the French republic, being, to "maintain that 
 good understanding, which, from the commencement of the 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 63 
 
 alliance, had subsisted between the two nations, and to efface 
 unfavourable impressions, banish suspicions, and restore that 
 cordiality which w^as at once the evidence and pledge of a 
 friendly union.' And his instructions were to the sanrie effect, 
 * faithfully to represent the disposition of the government and 
 people of the United States, their disposition being one ; to 
 remove jealousies and obviate complaints, by showing that 
 they were groundless; to restore that mutual confidence which 
 had been so unfortunately and injuriously impaired, and to ex- 
 plain the relative interests of both countries, and the real sen- 
 timents of his ow*n.' 
 
 "A minister thus specially commissioned, it was expected, 
 would have proved the instrument of restoring mutual confi- 
 dence betw^een the two republics — the first step of the French 
 government corresponded with that expectation. A few days 
 before his arrival at Paris, the French minister of foreign 
 relations informed the American minister then resident at 
 Paris, of the formalities to be observed by himself in taking 
 leave, and by his successor, preparatory to his reception. 
 These formahties they observed ; and on the ninth of Decem- 
 ber, presented officially to the minister of foreign relations, 
 the one a copy of his letters of recall, the other a copy of his 
 letters of credence. These were laid before the Executive 
 Directory. Two days afterwards, the minister of foreign 
 relations informed the recalled American minister, that the 
 Executive Directory had determined not to receive another 
 minister plenipotentiary from the United States, until after 
 the redress of grievances demanded of the American govern- 
 ment, and which the French republic had a right to expect 
 from it. The American minister immediately endeavoured 
 to ascertain, whether, by refusing to receive him, it w^as in- 
 tended that he should retire from the territories of the French 
 republic, and verbal answers were given, that such was the 
 intention of the Directory. For his owm justification, he de- 
 sired a written answer; but obtained none until towards the 
 last of January ; when, receiving notice in wTiting to quit the 
 territories of the republic, he proceeded to Amsterdam, w^here 
 he proposed to wait for instruction from this government. 
 During his residence at Paris, cards of hospitality were refused 
 him, and he was threatened with being subjected to the juris- 
 diction of the minister of police — but wdth becoming firmness, 
 he insisted on the protection of the law of nations, due to hira 
 
64 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 as the known minister of a foreign power. You will derive 
 further information from his despatches, which will be laid 
 before you. 
 
 " As it is often necessary that nations should treat for the 
 mutual advantage of their affairs, and especially to accommo- 
 (h\te and terminate differences ; as they can treat- only by 
 ministers, the right of embassy is well known, and established 
 by the law and usage of nations ; the refusal on the part of 
 France to receive and hear our minister, is then the denial of 
 a right, but the refusal to receive him until we have acceded 
 to their demands, without discussion and without investigation, 
 is to treat us neither as allies, nor as friends, nor as a sovereign 
 state. 
 
 " With this conduct of the French government, it will be 
 proper to take into view the public audience given to the late 
 minister of the United States, on his taking leave of the Exe- 
 cutive Directory. The speech of the President discloses sen- 
 timents more alarming than the refusal of a minister, because 
 more dangerous to our independence and union ; and, at the 
 same time, studiously marked with indignities towards the 
 government of the United States — it evinces a disposition to 
 separate the people of the United States from the govern- 
 ment; to persuade them that they have different affections, 
 principles, and interests from those of their fellow-citizens, 
 whom they themselves have chosen to manage their common 
 concerns, and thus to produce divisions fatal to our peace. 
 Such attempts ought to be repelled, with a decision which 
 shall convince France and the world, that we are not a de- 
 graded people, humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear and 
 sense of inferiority, fitted to be the miserable instruments of 
 foreign influence, and regardless of national honour, character, 
 and interest. 
 
 " I should have been happy to have throwm a veil over 
 these transactions, if it had been possible to conceal them ; but 
 they have passed on the great theatre of the world, in the face 
 of all Europe and America, and with such circumstances of 
 publicity and solemnity, that they cannot be disguised, and 
 will not soon be forgotten ; they have inflicted a w^ound in the 
 American breast — it is my sincere desire, however, that it may 
 be healed ; it is my sincere desire, and in this, I pres\ime, I 
 concur with you and with our constituents, to preserve peace 
 and friendship with all nations ; and believing that neither the 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 65 
 
 honour nor the interest of the United States absohitely forbid 
 the repetition of advances for securing those desirable objects 
 with France, I shall institute a fresh attempt at negotiation, 
 and shall not fail to promote and accelerate an accommodation, 
 on terms compatible with the rights, duties, interests, and 
 honour of the nation. If we have committed errors, and 
 these can be demonstrated, we shall be willing to correct them; 
 if we have done injuries, we shall be willing, on conviction, to 
 redress them; and equal measures of justice, we have a right 
 to expect from France, and every other nation. The diplo- 
 matic intercourse between the United States and France being 
 at present suspended, the government has no means of obtain- 
 ing official information from that country ; nevertheless, there 
 is reason to believe, that the Executive Directory passed a de- 
 cree on the 2d of March last, contravening in part the treaty 
 of amity and commerce of 1778, injurious to our lawful com- 
 merce, and endangering the lives of our citizens. A copy of 
 this decree will be laid before you. 
 
 " While we are endeavouring to adjust all our differences 
 with France by amicable negotiation, the progress of the war in 
 Europe, the depredations on our commerce, the personal in- 
 juries to our citizens, and the general complexion of affairs, 
 render it my indispensable duty to recommend to your con- 
 nderation effectual measures of defence. 
 
 " The commerce of the United States has become an in- 
 teresting object of attention, whether we consider it in relation 
 to the wealth and finances, or the strength and resources of 
 the nation. With a sea-coast of near tw'O thousand miles in 
 extent, opening a wide field for fisheries, navigation, and com- 
 merce, a great portion of our citizens naturally apply their 
 industry and enterprise to these objects; any serious and per- 
 manent injury to commerce would not fail to produce the 
 most embarrassing disorders ; to prevent it from being under- 
 mined and destroyed, it is essential that it receive an adequate 
 protection. 
 
 " The naval establishment must occur to every man who 
 considers the injuries committed on our commerce, the insults 
 offered to our citizens, and the description of the vessels by 
 which these abuses have been practised ; as the sufferings of 
 our mercantile and seafaring citizens cannot be ascribed to 
 the omission of duties demandable, considering the neutral 
 situation of our country, they are to be attributed to the hope 
 6* 
 
66 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 of impunity arising from a supposed inability on our part to 
 atford protection — to resist the consequence of such impres- 
 sions on the minds of Ibreign nations, and to guard against 
 the degradation and servihty which they must finally stamp on 
 the American character, is an important duty of government. 
 
 '• A naval power, next to the militia, is the natural defence 
 of the Unitecl States. The experience of the last \var \vould 
 be sufficient to show that a moderate naval force, such as 
 would be easily within the present abilities of the Union, 
 would have been sufficient to have baffled many formidable 
 transportations of troops from one state to another, which 
 were then practised — our sea-coasts, from their great extent, 
 are more easily annoyed, and more easily defended by a naval 
 force than any other ; with all the materials our country 
 abounds ; in skill, our naval architects and navigators are equal 
 to any ; and commanders and seamen will not be wanting. 
 
 " Eut, although the establishment of a permanent system 
 of naval defence appears to be requisite, I am sensible it can- 
 not be formed so speedily and extensively as the present crisis 
 demands. Hitherto, I have thought proper to prevent the 
 sailing of armed vessels, except on voyages to the East In- 
 dies, where general usage, and danger from pirates, appeared 
 to render the permission proper ; yet the restriction has origi- 
 nated solely from a wish to prevent collusions with the powers 
 at war, contravening the act of Congress, of June, one 
 thousand seven hundred and ninety-four, and not from any 
 doubt entertained by me of the policy and propriety of per- 
 mitting our vessels to employ means of defence, while engaged 
 in a lawful foreign commerce. It remains for Congress to 
 prescribe such regulations as will enable our seafaring citizens 
 to defend themselves against violations of the law of nations, 
 and at the same time restrain them from committing acts of 
 hostility against the powers at war. In addition to this volun- 
 tary provision for defence, by individual citizens, it appears to 
 me necessary to equip the frigates, and provide other vessels 
 of inferior force, to take under convoy such merchant vessels 
 as still remain unarmed. 
 
 " The greater part of the cruisers, whose depredations have 
 been most injurious, have been built, and some of them par- 
 tially equipped in the United States. Although an effectual 
 remedy may be attended with difficulty, yet I have thought 
 it my duty to present the subject generally to your considera- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 67 
 
 tion. If a mode can be devised, by the wisdom of Congress, 
 to prevent the resources of the United States from being con- 
 verted into the means of annoying our trade, a great evil will 
 be prevented. With the same view I think it proper to men- 
 tion, that some of our citizens resident abroad have fitted out 
 privateers, and others have voluntarily taken the command, 
 or entered on board of them, and committed spoliations on the 
 commerce of the United States. Such unnatural and iniqui- 
 tous practices can be restrained only by severe punishments. 
 
 "But besides a protection of our commerce on the seas, I 
 think it highly necessary to protect it at home, where it is 
 collected in our most important ports. The distance of the 
 United States from Europe, and the well-known promptitude, 
 ardour and courage of the people in defence of their country, 
 happily diminish the probability of invasion : nevertheless, to 
 guard against sudden and predatory incursions, the situation 
 of some of our principal seaports demands your consideration ; 
 and as our country is vulnerable in other interests besides those 
 of its commerce, you will seriously deliberate, whether the 
 means of general defence ought not to be increased, by an ad- 
 dition to the regular artillery and cavalry, and by arrange- 
 ments for forming a provisional army. 
 
 " With the same view, and as a measure which even in time 
 of universal peace ought not to be neglected, I recommend to 
 your consideration, a revision of the laws for organizing, arm- 
 ing, and disciplining the mihtia, to render that natural and 
 safe defence of the country efficacious. Although it is very 
 true that we ought not to involve ourselves in the pohtical 
 system of Europe, but to keep ourselves always distinct and 
 separate from it, if we can ; yet to effect this separation, early, 
 punctual, and continual information of the current chain of 
 events, and of the political projects in contemplation, is no 
 less necessary than if we were directly concerned in them ; it 
 is necessary, in order to the discovery of the efforts made to 
 draw us into the vortex, in season to make preparation against 
 them. However we may consider ourselves, the maritime 
 and commercial powers of the world will consider the United 
 States of America as forming a weight in that balance of 
 power in Europe, which never can be forgotten or neglected. 
 It would not only be against our interest, but it would be do- 
 ing wrong to one half of Europe at least, if we should volun- 
 tarily throw ourselves into either scale. It is a natural pohcy 
 
68- THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 for a nation that studies to be neutral, to consult with other 
 nations engaged in the same studies and pursuits ; at the same 
 time that measures might be pursued with this view, our trea- 
 ties with Prussia and Sweden, one of which is expired, and 
 the other near expiring, might be renewed. 
 
 ^^ Gentlemen of the House of Representatives : — 
 
 " It is particularly your province to consider the state of 
 the public finances, and to adopt such measures respecting 
 them, as exigencies shall be found to require ; the preservation 
 of public credit, the regular extinguishment of the public 
 debt, and a provision of funds to defray any extraordinary ex- 
 pense, will, of course, call for your serious attention ; although 
 the imposition of new burthens cannot be in itself agreeable, 
 yet there is no ground to doubt, that the American people 
 will expect from you such measures as their actual engage- 
 ments, their present security, and future interest demand. 
 
 " Gentlemen of the Senate, and 
 
 Gentlemen of the House of Representatives : — 
 
 " The present situation of our country imposes an obliga- 
 tion on all the departments of government, to adopt an expli- 
 cit and decided conduct. In my situation, an exposition of 
 the principles by which my administration wull be governed, 
 ought not to be omitted. 
 
 " It is impossible to conceal from ourselves or the world, 
 what has been before observed, that endeavours have been 
 employed to foster and establish a division between the go- 
 vernment and people of the United States. To investigate 
 the causes which have encouraged this attempt, is not ne- 
 cessary ; but to repel, by decided and united councils, insinu- 
 ations so derogatory to the honour, and aggressions so dan- 
 gerous to the constitution, union, and even independence of 
 the nation, is an indispensable duty. 
 
 "It must not be permitted to be doubted, whether the peo- 
 ple of the United States will support the government esta- 
 blished by their voluntary consent, and appointed by their 
 free choice, or whether, by surrendering themselves to the 
 direction of foreign and domestic factions in opposition to their 
 own government, they will forfeit the honourable station they 
 have hitherto maintained. 
 
 '^ For myself, having never been indifferent to what con- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 69 
 
 cerned the interests of my country ; devoted the best part of 
 my life to obtain and support its independence, and constantly 
 witnessed the patriotism, fidelity, and perseverance of my fel- 
 low-citizens on the most trying occasions, it is not for me to 
 hesitate or abandon a cause in which my heart has been so 
 long engaged. 
 
 " Convinced that the conduct of the government has been 
 just and impartial to foreign nations, that those internal regu- 
 lations, which have been established by law for the preserva- 
 tion of peace, are in their nature proper, and that they have 
 been fairly executed, nothing will ever be done by me to im- 
 pair the national engagements, to innovate upon principles 
 wdiich have been so deliberately and uprightly established, or 
 surrender in any manner the rights of the government. To 
 enable me to maintain this declaration, I rely, under God, with 
 entire confidence on the firm and enhghtened support of the 
 national legislature, and upon the virtue and patriotism of my 
 fellow-citizens." 
 
 The business which engaged both houses of Congress for 
 the first fortnight of this session, was the preparing of an 
 answer to Mr. Adams for this gracious speech. Messrs. 
 Venable, Freeman, Griswold, Kittera, and Rutledge, were 
 the committee appointed by the House of Representatives for 
 that purpose. The three latter were truly federal ; and the 
 first report they gave in, was even too complaisant for many 
 of the federal faction to suffer. 
 
 Mr. Nicholas, of Virginia, proposed an amendment, w^hich 
 tended to modify the approving panegyric contained in the 
 answer. He said, that this was the most important crisis 
 America had known since the declaration of its independence; 
 and it would depend much upon the answer returned to the 
 President's speech, whether we were to witness a similar 
 scene of havoc and distress to that which w^as not yet for- 
 gotten. The situation in which we stood with respect to 
 France, in his opinion, called for the most judicious proceed- 
 ings ; it w^as his wish to heal the breach, which was already 
 too great, by temperate, rather than widen it by irritating 
 measures. 
 
 He confessed, that he considered the answer reported to 
 them, as going to decide the question of peace or war for this 
 country — he thought it a thing of that sort which might have 
 the worst possible consequence, and could have no good effect ; 
 
70 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 it might tend to irritate, to prevent any sort of inquiry or 
 settlement taking place, but could not serve tov^^ards an ad- 
 justment of differences. What, said Mr. Nicholas, can be 
 expected, if Americans act upon this temper? Their declara- 
 tion with respect to France, will probably reach that country 
 before an envoy can be sent to endeavour to negotiate a settle- 
 ment of differences — why endeavour to frighten them, when 
 we are the weakest power ? He said, he did not mean to re- 
 commend humiUating measures ; he would pledge himself not 
 to submit to insult without redress, nor was any man more 
 unwilling to make mean or improper concessions than he ; but 
 the language of moderation and justice he preferred to a boast- 
 ing manner. If injury or error had been committed on the 
 part of America, he wished it to be corrected. He considered 
 it to be for the honour, credit, and interest of America, that 
 the committee should go into a fair and full examination of the 
 address before them, and he hoped that examination would 
 take place. 
 
 Mr. Freeman, member for New Hampshire, after several 
 preliminary observations, declared, he should vote for the 
 amendment, as he saw nothing in it exceptionable — it did 
 not contain, he said, an unqualified approbation of the measures 
 of the executive, nor any undignified expressions. If the 
 amendment should not prevail, still the original report might 
 be so amended as to induce him perhaps to vote for it. He 
 hoped a spirit of conciliation would obtain, and that unanimity 
 h%ht prevail on the occasion. 
 
 Mr. Edward Livingston,* of New^ York, in a speech of 
 five hoursj which it would be impossible to abridge, supported 
 the amendment. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin w^as of opinion the debate had been extended 
 on so wide a field, that the object which, in his mind, occu- 
 pied the first place, was in some measure deprived of the full 
 consideration which time and circumstances demanded ; he 
 thought those arguments which concerned the conduct of 
 foreign nations towards each other, might as well have been 
 omitted altogether, on the present occasion. The members 
 
 * This gentleman is a descendant of a Scotch family, who emigrated to 
 America the beginning of last century. His great grandfather was a .Tohn 
 Livingston, a Presbyterian clergyman, who made a conspicuous figure 
 during the Reformation 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 71 
 
 of the committee might be made sensible of the irritation of 
 such discussions, but he believed no one would pretend to say, 
 he was fully informed of foreign concerns on either side, to 
 decide upon their policy or impolicy. At the same time, it 
 should be considered, that the situation of America, and the 
 best policy to be pursued in her situation, were the only pro- 
 per objects of our immediate attention, and those alone upon 
 which the House should pretend to be properly informed, or 
 to decide with effect. 
 
 The question before the House, he said, was the amend- 
 ment proposed by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicho- 
 las), respecting which, we could not be too speedy in our 
 decisions. The events on the other side of the Atlantic were 
 so rapid, as not to be within our reach or control ; w^e even 
 did not know the events which had already taken place. He 
 would not rely on the generosity of any nation in particular 
 circumstances ; and there was no knowing the extent to which 
 success might lead men, under a mistaken impression of injury. 
 America ought to lose no time. France had nearly over- 
 whelmed all Europe by land — what she might do next, we 
 did not know ; whether she was just or unjust, we should at 
 least not lose time in negotiation; and w^e ought the more 
 readily to do this, because there was no man in America, of 
 what party he might be, who would not resist, if resistance 
 was required; therefore, he said, while the conflict remained 
 doubtful, it became us to determine on our affairs ; and as the 
 amendment appeared to furnish the only grounds upon which 
 negotiation was at all likely to be attended with the necessary 
 effects of securing power and independence, they ought to be 
 preserved. 
 
 Several other amendments having been proposed and car- 
 ried, the following address was at length agreed to, and pre- 
 sented to the President by the members of the House of Re- 
 presentatives, on the 3d of June, w^ho all walked in procession 
 for that purpose : 
 
 " To the President of the United States. 
 
 " Sir, — The interesting details of those events which have 
 rendered the convention of Congress at this time indispensa- 
 ble (communicated in your speech to both houses), has excited 
 in us the strongest emotions. Whilst w^e regret the occasion, 
 
72 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 we cannot omit to testify our approbation of the measure, and 
 to pledge ourselves, that no consideration of private inconve- 
 nience shall prevent, on our part, a faithful discharge of the 
 duties to which we are called. 
 
 "We have constantly hoped, that the nations of Europe, 
 whilst desolated by foreign wars, or convulsed by intestine 
 divisions, would have left the United States to enjoy that peace 
 and tranquilHty to which the impartial conduct of our govern- 
 ment has entitled us ; and it is now with extreme regret, we 
 find the measures of the French republic tending to endanger 
 a situation so desirable and interesting to our country. 
 
 " Upon this occasion, we feel it our duty to express, in the 
 most explicit manner, the sensations which the present crisis 
 has excited, and to assure you of our zealous co-operation in 
 those measures which may appear necessary for our security 
 or peace. 
 
 " Although it is the earnest wish of our hearts that peace 
 may be maintained with the French republic, yet we never 
 will surrender those rights which belong to us as a nation ; 
 and whilst we view with satisfaction the wisdom, dignity, and 
 moderation which have marked the measures of the supreme 
 executive of our country, in its attempts to remove, by candid 
 explanations, the complaints and jealousies of France, we fe^l 
 the full force of that indignity which has been offered our 
 country in the rejection of its minister. No attempts to wound 
 our rights as a sovereign state will escape the notice of our 
 constituents. They will be felt with indignation, and repelled 
 with that decision which shall convince the world that we are 
 not a degraded people, that we can never submit to the de- 
 mands of a foreign power, without examination and without 
 discussion. 
 
 " Knowing, as we do, the confidence reposed by the people 
 of the United States in their government, we cannot hesitate 
 in expressing our indignation at any sentiments tending to 
 derogate from that confidence. Such sentiments, wherever 
 entertained, serve to evince an imperfect knowledge of the 
 opinions of our constituents. 
 
 *' Sensibly as we feel the wound which has been inflicted 
 by transactions disclosed in your communication, yet we think 
 with you, that neither the honour nor the interest of the United 
 States forbids the repetition of advances for preserving peace. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. - 73 
 
 "We therefore receive, with the utmost satisfaction, your 
 information that a fresh attempt at negotiation will be insti- 
 tuted, and we cherish the hope, that a mutual spirit of conci- 
 liation, and a disposition on the part of France to compensate 
 for any injuries which may have been committed on our neu- 
 tral rights, and on the part of the United States to place 
 France on grounds similar to those of other countries, in their 
 relation and connexion with us, if any inequalities shall be 
 found to exist, will produce an accommodation compatible 
 with the engagements, rights, interest, and honour of the 
 United States. 
 
 " Fully, however, impressed with the uncertainty of the re- 
 sult, we shall prepare to meet with fortitude any unfavoura- 
 ble events which may occur, and to extricate ourselves from 
 their consequences, with all the skill we possess, and with all 
 the efforts in our powder. Beheving with you, that the con- 
 duct of the government has been just and impartial to foreign 
 nations, that the laws for the preservation of peace have been 
 proper, and that they have been fairly executed, the represen- 
 tatives of the people do not hesitate to declare, that they will 
 give their most cordial support to the execution of principles 
 so deliberately and uprightly established. 
 
 " The many interesting subjects which you have recom- 
 mended to our consideration, and which are so strongly en- 
 forced by this momentous occasion, will receive every atten- 
 tion which their importance demands ; and we trust that, by 
 the decided and explicit conduct w^hich will govern our delibe- 
 ration, every insinuation will be repelled which is derogatory 
 to the honour and independence of our countr3\ 
 
 "Permit us, in offering this address, to express our satis- 
 faction at your promotion to the first office in the government, 
 and our entire confidence that the pre-eminent talents and pa- 
 triotism w^iich have placed you in this distinguished situation, 
 will enable you to discharge its various duties with satisfaction 
 to yourself, and advantage to our common country." 
 
 The House having returned, w^ent into a committee of the 
 whole on the state of the union. The following propositions 
 were brought forward, and their consideration occupied the 
 attention of the House the greater part of the session : — 
 
 1st. That provision should be made for fortifying the ports 
 
74 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 and harbours of the United States. The sum of seventy-five 
 thousand dollars was voted for this purpose. 
 
 2d. That provision be made by law for completing and 
 manning the frigates United States, Constitution, and Con- 
 stellation. 
 
 3d. That provision be made by law for procuring by pur- 
 chase a further naval force, to consist of three frigates and 
 six sloops of war. 
 
 4th. That provision be made by law for empowering the 
 President to employ the naval force of the United States, as 
 convoys to protect the trade thereof. 
 
 5th. That provision be made for regulating the arming of 
 merchant vessels of the United States. 
 
 6th. That the mihtary establishment should be augmented 
 by one regiment, a corps of artillerists and engmeers, and se- 
 veral companies of dragoons. 
 
 7th. That provision be made for empowering the President 
 to raise a provisional army, to consist of a certain number of 
 regiments of infantry, ..one regiment of artillery, and one regi- 
 ment of dragoons. , 
 
 8th. That provision be made for authorizing the President 
 to borrow money, fop the defence and security of the United 
 States. ' •. . ,; . 
 
 9th. That a revenue be raised, adequate to the reimburse- 
 ment of such sUms-ia$ the President may borrow. 
 
 10th. That the exportation of arms, ammunition, and mili- 
 tary stores, be prevented for a limited time. 
 
 On the 12th of June, the president of the United States 
 sent a message to the House of Representatives, acquainting 
 them that he had received information from the commissioners 
 appointed on the part of the United States, pursuant to the 
 third article of our treaty with Spain, that the running and 
 marking of the boundary line between the colonies of East 
 and West Florida, and the territory of the United States, had 
 been delayed by the officers of his Catholic majesty ; and that 
 they had declared their intention to maintain his jurisdiction, 
 and to suspend the withdrawing of his troops from the mili- 
 tary posts they occupied within the territory of the United 
 States, until the two governments should, by negotiation, set- 
 tle the meaning of the second article, respecting the with- 
 drawing of the troops, garrisons, or settlements of either party, 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 75 
 
 in the territory of the other ; that is, whether, when the Spa- 
 nish garrisons withdrew, they were to leave the works stand- 
 ing or to demohsh them ; and until, by an additional article 
 to the treaty, the real property of the inhabitants should be 
 secured ; and likewise, until the Spanish officers were sure the 
 Indians would be pacific. 
 
 The President mentioned, that in order to remove the first 
 difficulty, he had resolved to leave the matter to the discretion 
 of the officers of his Catholic majesty ; and as to the second, 
 he would cause an assurance to be published, that the settlers 
 or occupants of the land in question should not be disturbed 
 in their possessions by the troops of the United States, but on 
 the contrary, that they should be protected in all their lawful 
 claims. He also recommended to the consideration of the 
 House, the expediency of creating a government in the midst 
 of the Natchez, similar to that established for the territory 
 north-west of the river Ohio, but with certain modifications, 
 relative to titles in claims of land, whether of individuals or 
 companies, or to claims of jurisdiction of any individual state. 
 
 Towards the close of the session, the attention of Congress 
 was drawn to One of the most singular conspiracies that had 
 hitherto been attempted in the United States: viz., a plan laid 
 by William Blount, a senator, from the state of Tennessee, 
 and Mr. Liston, the English minister, for the British to in- 
 vade the Spanish territory from Canada, aided by men enlisted 
 within the United States, and by the Indians. This mysteri- 
 ous affair was first brought to light by the following letter 
 from Blount, to a person of the name of Carey, an Indian in- 
 terpreter : 
 
 " Colonel King's Iron Works, April 21, 1797. 
 
 "Dear Carey — I wished to have seen you before I re- 
 turned to Philadelphia ; but I am obliged to return to the 
 session of Congress, which commences on the loth of May. 
 
 " Among other things I wished to have seen you about, 
 was the business of Captain Chesholm, mentioned to the 
 British minister last winter at Philadelphia. 
 
 " I beheve, but am not quite sure, that the plan then talked 
 of, will be attempted this fall; and if it is attempted, it will 
 be in a much larger w^ay than then talked of; and if the In- 
 dians act their part, I have no doubt but it will succeed. A 
 man of consequence has gone to England about the business, 
 
76; THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 and if he makes arrangements as he expects, I shall have a 
 hand in the business, and probably shall be at the head of the 
 business on the part of the British. You are, however, to 
 understand, that it is not yet quite certain that the plan will 
 be attempted ; you will do well to keep things in a proper 
 train of action, in case it should be attempted, and to do so 
 will require all your management — I say, all your management, 
 because you must take care in whatever you say to Rogers, 
 or anybody else, not to let the plan be discovered by Hawkins, 
 Dinsmore, Byers, or any other person in the interest of the 
 States of Spain. 
 
 " If I attempt this plan, I shall expect to have you, and all 
 my Indian country, and all my Indian friends, with me ; but 
 you are now^ in good business, I hope, and you are not to risk 
 the loss of it, by saying anything that will hurt you, until you 
 hear from me. Where Captain Chesholm is, I do not know : 
 I left him at Philadelphia in March, and he frequently visited 
 the minister, and spoke upon the subject ; but I believe he 
 w^ill go into the Creek nation by way of Carolina or Georgia 
 — he gave out that he was going to England, but I did not 
 believe him. Among other things that you -may safely do, 
 will be to keep my consequence with Watts, anc| the Creeks 
 and Cherokees generally ; and you must by no means say any- 
 thing in favour of Hawkins, but as often as you can, with 
 safety to yourself, you may teach the Creeks to believe that 
 he is no better than he should be ; any power or consequence 
 he gets, will be against our plan. Perhaps Rogers, w^ho has 
 no office to lose, is the best man to give out talks against 
 Hawkins. Read the letter to Rogers ; if you think it best to 
 send it to him, put a wafer in it, and forward it to him by a 
 safe hand, or perhaps you had best send to him to come to yon, 
 and speak to him yourself respecting the state and prospect 
 of things. 
 
 " I have advised you, in whatever you do, to take care of 
 yourself — I have now to tell you to take care of me too, 
 for a discovery of the plan would prevent the success, and 
 much injure all parties concerned ; it may be, that the com- 
 missioners may not run the line as the Indians may expect or 
 wish, and in that case, the Indians may be taught to blame me 
 for making the treaty. 
 
 '' To such complaints against me, if such there are, it may 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 77 
 
 be said by my friends, at proper times and placeSj that Dou- 
 blehead confirmed the treaty with the President, at Philadel- 
 phia, and receives as much as five thousand dollars a year, to 
 be paid to the nation, over and above the first price : Indeed, 
 it may with truth be said, that though I made the treaty, I 
 made it by the instructions of the President ; and, in fact, it 
 may with truth be said, that I was by the President instructed 
 to purchase much more land than the Indians would agree to 
 sell. 
 
 " This sort of talk will be throwing all the blame off me, 
 upon the President ; and as he is now out of office, it will be 
 of no consequence how much the Indians blame him. And 
 among other things that may be said for me is, that I was not 
 at the running of the line, and that if I had been, it would 
 have been run more to their satisfaction. In short, you un- 
 derstand the subject, and must take care to give out the proper 
 talks, to keep up my consequence with the Creeks and Chero- 
 kees. Can't Rogers contrive to get the Creeks to desire the 
 President to take Hawkins out of the nation ? for if he stays 
 in the Creek nation, and gets the good-will of the nation, he 
 can and will do great injury to our plans. When you have 
 read this letter over three times, then burn it. I shall be at 
 Knoxville in July or August, when I will send for Watts and 
 give him the whiskey I promised him. 
 
 "William Blount." 
 
 After the above letter came into the hands of the President, 
 application was made to the British minister for information 
 on the subject: he at first professed entire ignorance of the 
 affair, but at length acknowledged that application was made 
 to him by several persons six months before, on this business; 
 that he had laid their plan before his government, but that it 
 had declined having anything to do with the business. He, 
 however, refused to give up the names of the persons con- 
 cerned. Mr. Blount attended in his place in the Senate, on 
 the 6th of July, in consequence of an order from that House, 
 and after a motion to inform the President and House of Re- 
 presentatives of the circumstance, he rose and read from a 
 paper his sentiments on the subject of his letter. He said, 
 that understanding an impeachment was to be brought against 
 him for the part he w^as supposed to have taken in the con- 
 
78 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 trivance of the British to invade the Spanish territory through 
 the United States, he was determined to be silent in the pre- 
 sent stage of the business, not doubting but in the end his 
 character would come out pure, and defeat the malice of his 
 enemies. 
 
 Mr. Ross brought up the report from the committee which 
 had been appointed to investigate into this conspiracy ; and, 
 after recapitulating the points of the letter, stated that the 
 criminality went beyond the personal conduct of the member, 
 as senator ; that it appeared that Carey was an agent in the 
 pay of the United States, stationed within the Cherokee na- 
 tion ; that Hawkins was the superintendent of Indian affairs 
 in behalf of the United States, and the others, severally, in 
 similar situations ; that the attempt to dissuade them from 
 their duty, and the expression, that the proceedings should be 
 kept hidden from the United States and Spain, evidently be- 
 spoke purposes not consistent with the peace of America. He 
 concluded, that it was the opinion of the committee that Wil- 
 liam Blount should be expelled from his seat in the Senate, 
 and that he was guilty of a high misdemeanor. 
 
 Mr. Blount requested the privilege of counsel, which, after 
 a long debate, was granted — he proposed three, who were 
 unanimously rejected — Messrs. Dallas and Ingersojl were at 
 length chosen. On July the 7th, the Senate was engaged in 
 discussing the resolution for his expulsion. The counsel on 
 Blount's behalf contended, that as a motion for impeachment 
 was pending, or past, in the House, the Senate, who were to 
 sit as judges to decide it, ought not to prejudge the question. 
 
 Mr. Sitgreaves, in the name of the House of Representa- 
 tives, and of the people of the United States, said, that he 
 impeached Mr. Blount of high crimes and misdemeanors, and, 
 in due time, would exhibit particular articles against him. 
 Further, that the House demanded the Senate should take an 
 order for the appearance of Mr. Blount, to answer to the said 
 impeachment. 
 
 After a considerable debate on this motion, Mr. Blount en- 
 tered into recognizance for his appearance, in the sum of 
 20,000 dollars — Pierce Butler and Thomas Blount, esquires, 
 were accepted as his sureties. 
 
 On July the 8th, the motion was proposed in the Senate for 
 expelling Mr. Blount. Messrs. Dallas and Ingersoll took 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. , 79 
 
 their seats at the bar of the House, as his counsel. Mr. Dal- 
 las commenced his defence in a very able address, which occu- 
 pied more than three hours — Mr. Ingersoll followed him in 
 a speech of nearly two hours. These gentlemen had recourse 
 to every precedent w^hich could be produced from history, and 
 to every argument which abihty and ingenuity could suggest. 
 They particularly relied on the ground, that the punishment 
 of an offender should in no case precede his trial, and that to 
 expel Mr. Blount from his seat then, would be to do what 
 could only be done, provided he was found guilty on the im- 
 peachment preferred, which, however, they denied the House 
 of Representatives to prefer. 
 
 The defence being finished, Mr. Ross rose, and in a very 
 lumjnous speech, examined all the arguments wliich had been 
 adduced by the counsel, in order to show their want of solidity. 
 He justified the expulsion of Mr. Blount from his seat, on the 
 evidence which they had of his unworthiness to fill it, and ap- 
 pealed very forcibly to the feehngs of the House as to the 
 nature of the crime of which he stood charged, and as to what 
 might have been the consequence, had his plans been carried 
 into effect. 
 
 After some of the other members had delivered their opin- 
 ions on the subject, Mr. Blood W'Orth moved to postpone the 
 decision till Monday — the yeas and nays w^ere taken upon the 
 question, and it w^as negatived, 19 to 7. The question was 
 then put on the expulsion, and carried by yeas and nays, 26 
 to 1 ; the negative vote was Mr. Tazewell's. 
 
 After this decision had taken place, Mr. Blount's bail de- 
 livered him up, and he was taken into the custody of the mes- 
 senger of the House. 
 
 Mr. Blount was then held for his appearance, in a recog- 
 nizance of one thousand dollars in himself, and five hundred 
 each in two sureties. Both houses afterw^ards adjourned until 
 the 2d Monday in November. 
 
 The following are the titles of the acts passed during this 
 session of Congress : — 
 
 1. An act for prohibiting, for a limited time, the exporta- 
 tion of arms and ammunition, and for encouraging the im- 
 portation thereof. 
 
 2. An act to prevent citizens of the United States from pri- 
 vateering against nations in amity with the United States. 
 
80 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 3. An act to provide for the further defence of the ports 
 and harbours of the United States. 
 
 4. An act authorizing a detachment of the militia of the 
 United States. 
 
 5. An act, in addition to an act, entitled, "An act concern- 
 ing the registering and recording ships and vessels." 
 
 6. An act directing the appointment of agents in relation 
 to the sixth article of the British treaty. 
 
 7. An act providing a naval armament. 
 
 8. An act to ascertain the time for the next meeting of 
 Congress. 
 
 Titles of Bills postponed till the next Session. 
 
 1. To prevent the arming of private ships, except in cer- 
 tain cases, and under certain regulations — rejected in the 
 House of Representatives. 
 
 2. For raising and organizing an additional corps of artil- 
 lerists and engineers — rejected in the House of Representatives. 
 
 3. To prevent citizens of the United States from entering 
 into the military or naval service of any foreign prince or 
 state — postponed in the House of Representatives. 
 
 4. To enable the President of the United States, under 
 certain restrictions, to raise a provisional army — rejected in 
 the Senate, where it originated. 
 
 5. To authorize the President of the United States to lay, 
 regulate, and revoke embargoes — rejected in the Senate, where 
 it originated. 
 
 6. To suspend, in part, the operation of an act, entitled, 
 " An act for raising a further sum by additional duties on cer- 
 tain articles imported, and for other purposes" — rejected in 
 the House of Representatives. 
 
 7. For arming, organizing, and disciplining, the militia of 
 the United States — postponed in the House of Representatives. 
 
 Titles of Bills brought in, and not decided upon. 
 
 1. A bill laying duties on licenses for selling foreign wines 
 and foreign distilled spirituous liquors by retail — passed in the 
 House of Representatives. 
 
 2. A bill to continue in force, for a limited time, the act 
 and parts of acts therein mentioned — passed in the House of 
 Representatives. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 81 
 
 3. A bill to authorize the President of the United States, 
 during the recess of Congress, to provide galleys and other 
 vessels, for certain purposes therein mentioned. 
 
 4. A bill making additional appropriations for the support 
 of government for the year 1797. 
 
 5. A bill authorizing a loan of money. 
 
 6. A bill laying duties on stamped vellum, parchment, and 
 paper. 
 
 7. A bill providing for the more effectual collection of cer- 
 tain internal revenues of the United States. 
 
 8. A bill respecting consuls and vice-consuls. 
 
 9. A bill allowing an additional mileage to the members of 
 both houses. 
 
 10. A bill for laying an additional tax on salt imported. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Remarks on the meeting of Congress — History of the Jilge- 
 rine Treaty — Blount's Conspir-acy investigated — British 
 Piracy. 
 
 The convention of Congress at this period, appeared to im- 
 partial men of every party, as one of the most extraordinary 
 occurrences in the infant history of the American republic. 
 
 When the treachery of Great Britain hurled upon us the 
 fury of the Barbary powers, and, by bribery and corruption, 
 stimulated the peaceful Indians to hostilities — when English 
 pirates plundered our vessels, insulted our flag, and impressed 
 our seamen, a war wuth Britain was cried down by the trumpet 
 of federal proclamation. In place of Congress being sum- 
 moned to listen to the thundering accents of a war-speech, a 
 messenger was despatched to the court of Britain, robed with 
 dignity, and armed with the power of forming an alliance, at 
 the remembrance of which posterity will blush, and the vir- 
 tues of Washington will sink into contempt. 
 
 The administration of France viewed with justice the 
 duplicity of our proceedings; but with their usual magnanimity. 
 
82 
 
 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 they overlooked it for a considerable time. Finding them- 
 selves, however, despised in the esteem of our men of power, 
 and deserted by the executive, they remonstrated in the 
 mildest and most pacific terms, against our usage and our in- 
 gratitude. When no satisfactory explanation was deigned to 
 be given, they suspended the functions of their minister, and 
 refused to receive one from us, unless some negotiation was 
 entered upon. In short, they considered the cold indifference 
 of our executive, and the acquiescence of our merchants to its 
 measures, as just grounds for this proceeding, and a fit retalia- 
 tion for the shameful conduct of the United States. 
 
 It is not my intention to justify France entirely in her de- 
 predations on our commerce ; but if Adams and his party 
 could defend the British scheme of adjudication, upon the 
 grounds that the ruin of France w^as her main object, the can- 
 dour of republicans ought to justify France upon a more liberal 
 basis. The object of the French Directory extended no fur- 
 ther than to injure the commerce of a power which aimed at 
 the destruction of liberty, and which endeavoured to monopo- 
 lize the produce of the world. But the utmost excesses of 
 France never could be compared w-ith the most trivial depre- 
 dations of our English allies. American property was never 
 confiscated, unless detected in an illicit trade. Our seamen 
 w^ere never impressed, much less flogged to death. The dun- 
 geons of despotism were never exposed to our patriots ; nor 
 was there an instance of an American citizen, as Jonathan 
 Bobbins, being demanded to die by the hands of a foreign 
 executioner. 
 
 Mr. Adams, in his speech, spoke about foreign and domestic 
 factions. Upon this, a writer in the Argus observed, "that 
 as there was but one foreign and one domestic faction in the 
 United States, it was wondrous strange that Mr. Adams should 
 have held the monsters up to-day." "The British faction," 
 says this WTiter, " was the only foreign faction, and the tory 
 faction the only domestic faction America was cursed with." 
 These factions admired John Adams because John Adams ad- 
 mired the British constitution, and cursed the French republic. 
 They bestowed unbounded panegyrics upon Alexander Hamil- 
 ton, because this gentleman acted the part of prime minister 
 to the President. Tliey thought the administration and the 
 government ought to be confounded and identified ; that the 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 83 
 
 administration was the government, and the government the 
 administration ; and that the people ought to bow in tame 
 submission to its whim and caprice. 
 
 Mr. Adams says in his speech, that " it will be proper to 
 take into view the public audience given to the late minister 
 of the United States, on his taking leave of the Executive 
 Directory," because, in his opinion, it was marked with in- 
 dignities towards the government of the United States, and 
 evinced a disposition to separate the people of the United 
 States from the government ; " that such attempts ought to be 
 repelled with a decision which shall convince France and the 
 world, that we are not a degraded people, humiHated under a 
 colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted to be the 
 miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of 
 national honour, character, and interest." 
 
 This sentiment of Mr. Adams was soon re-echoed, both in 
 church and senate, by his courtiers and sycophants. Nothing 
 was heard of but intrigues between the people of the United 
 States and France. A senator of Congress declared in con- 
 vention, that he should be for making a law to banish every 
 citizen of America that educated his children in the study of 
 the French language. The author of the Serious Considera- 
 tions on the Election of President, laboured for several Sun- 
 days together, endeavouring to persuade his audience that the 
 genius of Frenchmen was deceit, and that every principle 
 which savoured of French manners, was dangerous to the 
 peace of society. In short, no stone was left unturned by the 
 partisans of Mr. Adams, and the federal preachers of the gos- 
 pel, to embroil the people of the United States in a war with 
 the French republic. To effect this purpose, it has been 
 proved, that agents of Britain clandestinely purchased Ameri- 
 can vessels, introduced them into French ports, and then sent 
 them on buccaneering cruises under French colours, against the 
 American trade. 
 
 What were the motives which dictated this policy to Mr. 
 Adams and the federal party ? Whether love for monarchy 
 or a regard for the independence of America, I shall not at- 
 tempt to decide; but will observe, that it was not only inju- 
 dicious and short-sighted, but the most pernicious system that 
 could be pursued by the first magistrate of a republican go- 
 vernment. 
 
84 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 I shall not leave it to the partisans of Mr. Adams to argue, 
 that France had no right to impose laws upon America ; this 
 every candid inquirer will admit. Nor have the people of the 
 United States any right to prescribe laws for France. Each 
 nation is certainly thus far inaependent of each other ; but 
 while Adams, Pickering, and Jay, felt so strong a propensity 
 to form treaties with foreign nations, and while our represen- 
 tatives proclaimed those treaties to be the supreme law of the 
 land, a breach of treaty must be a violation of the laws of 
 that land, with whom such treaties are made ; but the breach 
 w^as not so wide, as to justify the most distant apprehensions 
 of a w'ar with France. Those who imposed such ideas, were 
 political impostors, who only aimed at amassing power and 
 wealth upon the ruins of the people. The observations made 
 by Mr. Monroe, on this subject, deserve to be impressed on 
 the heart of e\ery American; nor can I do better than repeat 
 them here. " The contrast (says that elegant writer) between 
 the situation we might have held through the w^hole of this 
 w^ar, and that which we have held, is a striking one. We 
 might have stood well with France, avoiding all the losses 
 we have sustained from her, enjoying the benefit of the prin- 
 ciples of free trade, and even appeared as an advocate for 
 those principles, and without going to any extremity ; we 
 might have preserved our ancient renown, bought at a great 
 expense of blood and treasure, in a long war, in a contest for 
 liberty, and even appeared as a defender of liberty, and with- 
 out fighting for her ; we might, too, in my opinion, have com- 
 manded a better fortune in our negotiation with Britain, and 
 only by availing ourselves, in a suitable manner, of the for- 
 tunes of France ; and, instead of a situation so advantageous, 
 so honourable, so satisfactory to our country, what is that into 
 which our government has conducted us? our navigation de- 
 stroyed, commerce laid waste, and a general bankruptcy 
 threatening those engaged in it ; the friendship of a nation 
 lost, the most powerful on earth, w-ho had deserved better 
 things from us, and had offered to place us, our vessels and 
 commodities, on the footing of its native citizens, in all its do- 
 minions ; war hanging over us, and that not on the side of 
 liberty and the just affections of our people, but of monarchy 
 and our late most deadly foe ; and we are made fast by treaty, 
 and by the spirit of those at the helm, to a nation bankrupt 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 85 
 
 in its resources, and rapidly verging either to anarchy or des- 
 potism. Nor is this all : our national honour is in ihe dust; 
 we have been kicked, cuffed, and plundered all over the ocean ; 
 our reputation for faith scouted ; our government and people 
 branded as cowards, incapable of being provoked to resist, and 
 ready to receive again those chains we had taught others to 
 burst. Long will it be before we shall be able to forget what 
 we are, nor will centuries suffice to raise us from the high 
 ground from which we have fallen." 
 
 One of the most extraordinary acts which was committed 
 by Washington, and approved of by the administration of 
 Adams, was the Algerine treaty. This treaty was subscribed 
 by the Dey and by Mr. Donaldson, upon the 5th of Septem- 
 ber, 1795. The Dey promised to observe it for an annual 
 consideration of twelve thousand sequins, in maritime stores 
 from the United States. A sequin is worth a dollar and about 
 ninety-seven cents ; of course, twenty-four thousand dollars 
 could purchase maritime stores to the worth of twelve thou- 
 sand sequins. On May the 6th, 1796, twenty-four thousand 
 dollars per annum were pledged and appropriated for payment 
 of the anr dity — but it was immediately found out, that, by 
 the estimate of the prices fixed between Donaldson and the 
 Dey, the stores would cost three times as much in Philadel- 
 phia as they were reckoned at in Algiers. For instance, Don- 
 aldson promised to furnish powder at half a dollar per pound, 
 at the very time that article sold in Philadelphia for three half 
 dollars per pound ; thus, by the gross ignorance of our envoy, 
 the tribute was trebled. 
 
 The price of masts furnishes another instance of a similar 
 nature. Donaldson estimated them at three hundred dollars 
 each ; but there is good reason to suppose that they could not 
 be conveyed to Algiers, for a total charge of less than twelve 
 or thirteen hundred dollars; some of them that had been cut 
 within a few miles of the lake Otsego, in the state of New 
 York, cost one hundred pounds per stick, for transportation 
 from the place of their growth to the lake; from thence they 
 w'ere to be floated down the Susquehanna, which rises from 
 that body of water. In May, 1797, a number of these masts 
 had come down as far as Wright's ferry, in Pennsylvania — 
 several had stuck upon the rocks. About Christmas, 1797, 
 Gibers were sold at the same ferry for twenty dollars, and 
 8 
 
86 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 then sawed down into planks. Judge Cooper was the con- 
 tractor for these masts ; he got one or two of them transported 
 by land to Philadelphia ; there he offered to the person who 
 carried them down, eighty dollars for the carriage, but to his 
 astonishment, was informed, that twice that sum would be ne- 
 cessary. The masts themselves were a most beautiful speci- 
 men of the vegetation of an American forest ; they were from 
 ninety to a hundred feet in length, from three to four feet in 
 diameter, without a single limb in the whole piece. 
 
 Before the Senate and the President had ratified such a 
 treaty, prudence at least should have suggested to them the 
 propriety of inquiring into the price of tiie ditlerent articles 
 they had engaged to furnish. Their door-keepers might have 
 informed them of the price of gunpowder, and ceitainly a 
 carpenter m.ight be fo\md, whose knowledge in the price of 
 timber would have given a guess for the charge of masts. 
 This, however, is only a specimen of federal negligence, and 
 of that unnecessary expense which prevailed in every transac- 
 tion that took place during the period of the late administra- 
 tion. 
 
 The consequence was, that the twenty-four thousand dollars 
 per annum could not purchase the maritime stores; of course. 
 Congress found themselves reduced to the ridiculous necessity 
 of passing a second act of appropriation. It was dated March 
 3d, 1797, and the second clause is in these words: "And be it 
 further enacted, that a further sum, not exceeding ninety-six 
 thousand two hundred and forty-six dollars and sixty-three 
 cents, be, and the same is hereby appropriated, for discharging 
 the two first years' annuity to the Dey and regency of Al- 
 giers, pursuant to treaty, in addition to the sum appropriated 
 for that purpose, by the act of the 6th of May, 1796." 
 
 Thus, an additional tribute of fifty thousand dollars per 
 annum was saddled upon this country by the incapacity of 
 our envoy, and the negligence of our Senate. 
 
 But the most scandalous part of this most shameful treaty 
 is yet to be told. The first clause of the law just quoted, 
 authorizes the President " to apply a sum not exceeding two 
 hundred and eighty thousand, two hundred and fifty-nine dol- 
 lars and three cents, to the expenses which may have been 
 incurred in any negotiations with the Dey and Regency of 
 Algiers, beyond the sums heretofore appropriated." 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 87 
 
 The law contains not a single word of explanation, how 
 this money should be applied ; this was left to the discretion 
 of Washington ; and this general, who appears, in the latter 
 end of his administration, to have had no will of his own, by 
 the advice of Mr. Adams built a frigate for the tyrant of 
 Algiers, to harass our trade whenever the tribute should not 
 be regularly remitted. 
 
 This frigate, which was called the Crescent, was finished 
 even before it was deemed necessary to consult Congress. In 
 the American Annual Register for 1796, Mr. Callender takes 
 notice that it was then upon the stocks, and the law which 
 assigned the money to pay for it, was not passed for six weeks 
 after the publication of the book. It is impossible that there 
 could be a more glaring breach of the constitution than this 
 here specified. By that instrument, of which the President 
 swore to the observation, he is expressly prohibited from 
 touching one farthing of the public money, unless for purposes 
 pointed out beforehand by Congress. To demonstrate the 
 President's imprudence, it is only requisite to read the clause 
 last quoted. The very fractions, in the sum of the appropria- 
 tions for the treble tribute, and for the Crescent, evidently 
 show that every cent of the money had been expended before 
 Congress had been consulted ; because the legislature would 
 not have stopped at three cents, unless it had been to meet 
 some particular account. 
 
 How much of these two hundred and eighty thousand dol- 
 lars went for the frigate I cannot specify. The Aurora of 
 March 30, 1797, has a long article upon this tribute ; the 
 writer says, that the Crescent cost ninety-nine thousand seven 
 hundred and twenty-seven dollars. -— - — "^ 
 
 Another remarkable circumstance in this treaty is, that it 
 does not say from what date the first year of payment was 
 to commence, nor at what periods the stores were to be de- 
 livered. Besides the seventy-two thousand dollars per annum, 
 and the two hundred and eighty thousand dollars of penalty, 
 the Dey has received from the United States another and a 
 very considerable disbursement, in consequence of Donaldson's 
 treaty. A large sum of money was to be paid down to him, 
 and it was the delay of making this payment that produced 
 the building of the Crescent. On the face of the treaty there 
 appears no mention of such a sum. Mr. Callender, who treats 
 
THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 this business to its very foundation, says, government was 
 utterly ashamed of it, and did not wish the story to be staring 
 in the statute book. He gives the following particulars as far 
 as they can be traced : 
 
 '• On March 20, 1794, a law was passed, authorizing the 
 President to borrow one million of dollars, at an interest not 
 exceeding five per cent., ' to be applied to such public pur- 
 poses as are authorized by law^' The Bank of the United 
 States is, by the same act, authorized to lend the m-oney to 
 the President. 
 
 " This act bears, in its very blush, the signals of hypocrisy. 
 It is well known that no money can be borrowed at five per 
 cent., and much less a million of dollars. But Congress knew 
 that they were going to do something which w^as a little w^orse 
 than ordinary, and this blind was held out with a view to 
 divert the attention of their constituents from the real fact, 
 and to excite admiration, to be sure, at their wonderful 
 economy. 
 
 " The wording of this act is curious in another respect, in 
 as much as it does not tell what was going to be done with 
 the cash — eight hundred thousand dollars of it w^re to be 
 employed in this infernal negotiation with the Dey of Algiers 
 — the other two hundred thousand dollars went for other ex- 
 penses of intercourse with foreign nations. On February 15, 
 1797, Mr. Wolcott gave a statement to Congress of what was 
 become of these two hundred thousand dollars — this document 
 fills eighteen pages — it is extremely interesting ; but we must 
 at this time attend the eight hundred thousand dollars in their 
 perilous pilgrimage from Philadelphia to Algiers. 
 
 '' What follows has been partly copied from the Aurora 
 of March 30, 1797; and it must be observed, that although 
 government has a host of writers in constant employment, 
 this narrative was never contradicted. Indeed, the principal 
 features of it are incontestably true ; and, from the most re- 
 spectable private information, I am satisfied of the strict accu- 
 racy of all the circumstances which are now to be related: 
 
 " These eight hundred thousand dollars were to be borrowed 
 from the bank, which had no hard money to itself. But this 
 company holds a great mass of national stock, and agreed to 
 lend it to the government at par — in other words, the bank 
 held the bill of government for twenty shilHngs ; but this bill 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 89 
 
 would not sell in the market for more than seventeen shillings, 
 or thereabouts. Government consented, however, to accept 
 of it back again, as worth twenty shillings, and to give a 
 second obligation for the million of dollars. This awkward 
 practice of taking its own bills, and then going to market to 
 sell them, is not, perhaps, quite intelligible to every reader. 
 Government having now got hold of its ow^n bills, the object 
 was to raise money upon them — the bills might have been sold 
 in America, but so great a quantity of them coming into the 
 market at one time, would have reduced the price of stock, 
 and several members of government are stockholders. The 
 bills of government were, therefore, sent to London, and sold 
 there at a lower price than what they would have sold for in 
 the United States. 
 
 Dols. Cts. 
 
 The sum borrowed from the bank was 800,000 00 
 
 The Aurora says, that the government bills, that 
 
 is, the national stock received from the bank, 
 
 sold in London for only 685,572 22 
 
 Loss by the sale 114,427 78 
 
 " Sir Francis Baring, the banker in London, had, in the 
 mean time, agreed to advance seven hundred and two thou- 
 sand seven hundred and fifty-eight dollars, on account of this 
 affair. In November, 1794, an attempt was made to get the 
 money from England ; but a proclamation had about that time 
 been issued at London, prohibiting the exportation of bullion 
 — this made it impossible to send the remittance in that shape. 
 After a lapse of eight months, drafts were obtained upon Leg- 
 horn, Hamburgh, and Lisbon — at this juncture the French 
 took Leghorn, but Bonaparte did not interrupt the transaction. 
 By the course of exchange, how^ever, thirty-seven thousand 
 seven hundred and fifty-eight dollars were lost — the sum w^as 
 thus reduced from seven hundred, and two- thousand and odd 
 dollars, to six hundred and sixty-five thousand. The Aurora 
 says, that this last sum, in its remittance to Algiers, was again 
 reduced to six hundred and forty-two thousand five hundred 
 dollars. We shall now add together these three successive 
 sums of loss w4iich those eight hundred thousand dollars sus- 
 tained. 
 
90 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 Dols. Cts. 
 
 1. The national paper was sold in London with 
 
 a loss of 114,427 78 
 
 2. By the disadvantage of exchange in the 
 
 drafts upon Leghorn, 37,758 81 
 
 3. Expense of conveyance to Algiers, 22,500 00 
 
 174,686 59 
 
 But there is another item of expense ; before 
 the American public stock was sold, Sir F. Ba- 
 ring had promised to send to the continent 702,758 51 
 
 The paper sold for only 685,572 22 
 
 Difference, 17,186 29 
 It would be necessary for the government of 
 America to make" up the difference to their agents 
 in London — add this to the former losses, 174,686 59 
 
 Total loss by the remittance, 191,872 88 
 Besides these one hundred and ninety-two 
 thousand dollars of direct loss, the money wan- 
 dered for more than twelve months upon its way 
 — at six per cent, upon eight hundred thousand 
 dollars, this interest comes to forty-eight thou- 
 sand, and we cannot offer less than twelve thou- 
 sand to the bankers in London for their trouble. 
 The former statement of loss was 191,872 88 
 
 Interest of the eight hundred thousand dollars 
 for one year, and subjoining for agency to Baring, 60,000 00 
 
 Total, 258,872 88 
 
 (( 
 
 The conclusion of the whole matter is this; Congress 
 transmitted to Algiers, six hundred and forty-two thousand 
 five hundred dollars. 
 
 "The additional expense of sending this money, cost two 
 hundred and fifty thousand dollars, or thereabouts." 
 
 Mr. Callender proceeds to remark, that if Mr. Washington 
 had chosen to go into the market, and buy these eight hun- 
 dred thousand dollars worth of stock from the common hold- 
 ers, a considerable sum would have been saved to the public. 
 For instance, says he, if stock was at eighteen shillings per 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 91 
 
 pound, this makes an odds of one-tenth part ; at that rate, his 
 nominal eight hundred thousand dollars worth of it, could have 
 been bought in for seven hundred and twenty thousand dollars 
 of hard cash, if he had been master of that much money. In 
 this way Mr. Pitt bought in some part of the national debt 
 of England. But as the federal government could not take 
 this method, it was necessary to go to the Bank of the United 
 States, and there to borrow, not money, but depreciated paper. 
 The paper was sold in England, at the ruinous discount of 
 one hundred and fourteen thousand four hundred and twenty- 
 seven dollars. Thus government granted its obligation to the 
 bank for eight hundred thousand dollars, and could be obhged 
 by the bank to refund every farthing of the sum, while it re- 
 ceived in return depreciated paper ; which it was obliged to 
 sell again for less than seven hundred thousand dollars. The 
 result was, that the bank did, in effect, receive upon the trans- 
 action a premium of about one hundred thousand dollars, more 
 or less. The bank had only to go into the market, and buy, 
 at about seventeen shillings and six pence per pound, as much 
 paper as Mr. Washington w^anted, and for which he gave an 
 obligation at par, that is, at its full nominal value, of twenty 
 shillings per pound. 
 
 From the whole history of the Algerine tribute, it is obvi- 
 ous, that our executive had no grounds to be so angry, even 
 if the French did ask for a present in money, which, most 
 probably, never w^as the case. To the Algerines w'e never 
 were in the smallest degree indebted more than we have been 
 to England ; on the contrary, we have sutTered from both na- 
 tions; even in time of peace, our citizens have been impressed 
 by the one, and enslaved by the other. Our commerce has 
 been trampled upon by both, and our laws spurned with con- 
 tempt. An American republican is as much despised in Britain 
 as in Algiers, and regarded with the same insignificance as an 
 African in the United States. A dereliction of his principles 
 can only insure his person protection in London or Edinburgh. 
 In the year 1794, thirty students from Virginia were nearly- 
 massacred, in the theatre of the latter metropolis, from their 
 ignorance that it was the practice to give the same homage to 
 the tune of God save the King, as the Christian pays to his 
 Creator. Yet this is the nation in whose alliance Mr. Adams 
 gloried, whose administration he adored, and the government 
 of which he held up to his country as a model of perfection. In 
 
92 
 
 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 speaking disrespectfully of Great Britain, I hope it will not be 
 supposed I attempt to stigmatize the people of that kingdom. 
 The king, the nobles, the army, and the priests, must be sepa- 
 rated from the people. The individuals there, v.dio are not 
 connected with government, entertain principles equally lib.>- 
 ral wdth Frenchmen or Americans, and the superior advantage 
 of education which they enjoy, gives a rational firmness to the 
 mind, which the mass of Americans is still unacqainted with. 
 
 The secret connexion which subsisted between Mr. Adams 
 and the government of Great Britain, is nowhere more con- 
 spicuous than in the mysterious conspiracy of Senator Blount. 
 In the history of modern intrigue, it is impossible to find a 
 parallel to this : An English ambassador is proved, by his 
 own confession, to have held a secret and illegal correspon- 
 dence with members of the Senate — yet this ambassador is 
 not only suffered by the President to exercise the usual func- 
 tions of his office, but to conceal the names of those Americans 
 who were to be his accomplices in the destruction of our 
 country. A greater degree of friendship and intimacy even 
 manifested itself between Mr. Adams and Mr. Liston after 
 the discovery of this affair than before ; their interviews were 
 more frequent, and the dry formality of a courtly audience 
 w^as exchanged for the familiar ceremony of domestic acquaint- 
 ance. Nothing was more common than for the President of 
 the United States and the ambassador of Great Britain to be 
 seen arm and arm in the streets of Philadelphia, discussing 
 the politics of the day, and contrasting the shrewd observa- 
 tions of Mr. Cobbett (as they were pleased to term them) with 
 the scurrilous abuse of Mr. Duane.* 
 
 * Mr. Duane had been the proprietor and editor of several newspapers in 
 India; but the last, which was his sole property, was " The Indian World, ^'' 
 by whieh he had realized a handsome fortune, and in September, 1794, adver- 
 tised his whole standing' property for siilc, meaning-, and publislnna^ his in- 
 tention, to return to Philadelpliia. His property was to he sold on the 1st of 
 January, 17!)5, and lie had souglit a passage in tlie Hercules, of Boston, 
 Captain Delano, then lying- at Calcutta, and to sail in all April. 
 
 At this time, Mr. Duane was on terms of the best good-will with most 
 of the pul)lic characters in that part of India, and in the especial esteem of 
 the gentlemen of the army, who had made his paper the vehicle by which 
 their grievances were complained of, and which have since been redressed 
 in the most ample manner. Mr. Duane h;id been particularly noticed by 
 Sir William Jones, and Sir John Shore, and from both had received tokens 
 of marked attention, which he considered flattering and honourable to him. 
 On the evening of the 26th of December, 1794, a note was left at Mr. Du- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 93 
 
 If we draw our attention a moment to the preparations 
 which were carrying on in Britain, at the beginning of 1797, 
 we shall see sufficient proofs of the reality of Blount's plan. 
 
 anc's country-house, written by Captain John Collins, private secretary to 
 Sir Jolin Shore, inviting- Mr. Duane to the governor- general's house, on the 
 ne?:t day, at eight o'clock. Mr. Duane did not receive the note until the 
 nicrning of the 27th, when on his way to the grand lodge of Masons, whose 
 festival was on that day ; he instantly proceeded to the governor-general's, 
 expecting to breakfast there. He was met in the saloon by Captain Collins, 
 and after salutations, the following circumstances took place : 
 
 Capt. Collins. I am glad you are so punctual, Mr. Duane. 
 
 Mr. Duane. I generally am, sir ; I hope the governor-general is well. 
 
 Capt. C. He is not to be seen, and — 
 
 Mr. D. I understand I was invited by him. 
 
 Capt. C. Yes, sir, but I am directed by the governor-general to inform 
 you, that you are to consider yourself as a state-prisoner, [He stamped on 
 the floor, and thirty Sepahis, who stood concealed behind the folding doors 
 of an anti-chamber, rushed out, and presented their bayonets to D.'s breast 
 — the doors being left open by them, discovered Sir John Shore, and two 
 others of the Supreme Council on a sofa.] 
 
 Mr. D. I did not think Sir John Shore, or you, sir, could be so base and 
 treacherous as to proceed, or even to think as you do. 
 
 Capt. C. Silence, sir — (To the Sepahis), Chillow Sepahi, (in English, drag 
 him along, Sepahis.) 
 
 Mr. D. (To the Sepahis) Osti labaaJium becjagga — (softly, my friends, I 
 shall go along with you) — (to Collins) What is to follow next, Collins ; the 
 bow-string or scimetar ? 
 
 Capt. C. You are insolent, sir, — Chilloto joul, soor Marani — (drag him 
 along, you pig-eatings coundrels.) 
 
 Mr. D. You are performing the part of Grand Vizier, now, my little 
 gentleman, and these are your mutes — Calcutta is become Constantinople, 
 and the governor-general the Grand Turk. 
 
 Much more passed, but during the last sentences, Mr. Duane was con- 
 veyed down stairs, put into his palanquin, and his bearers beaten all the way 
 to Fort William. There he was given in charge with ridiculous fuss — two 
 sentinels placed at the outer door of the quarters (which were those of a 
 field-officer), and a sentinel with a drawn bayonet, always by his side, asleep 
 or awake. The day he was seized, was Saturday ; on Monday morning 
 following, a company of royal grenadiers paraded on the ramparts, and he 
 was marched to the water side, where a company of royal light infantry 
 was ready to receive him in a barge, upon which he was conducted to an 
 armed Indiaman, commanded by Sir Charles Mitchell, and carried to Eu- 
 rope. No charge was ever lodged against him, but when at St. Helena he 
 would not be permitted to go on shore there, being a foreigner ; and when 
 the vessel arrived in the English Channel, he was put on shore without ob- 
 taining a single word of information as to the cause. Though his property, 
 on a moderate calculation, was worth eight thousand pounds sterling, be- 
 side outstanding debts to the amount of twenty-three thousand roupees, or 
 thirteen hundred dollars, when he applied to one of the first lawyers in 
 England to institute a suit for the recovery of it, the gentleman had the 
 candour to ask how much money he had left ; being told about two hundred 
 pounds sterling, he returned a fee of twenty guineas, said that though the 
 
94 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 Ten thousand troops v;ere kept enramped for six months to- 
 gether, at Plymouth, for the ostensible purpose of proceeding 
 to the West Indies ; to the West Indies they never went, nor 
 was there ever a rational apology assigned by Mr. Pitt for this 
 unaccountable armament, who retained idle for such a period 
 not only this army, but a fleet of one hundred transports, 
 which lay ready to receive them. When we add to this, that 
 in the spring of the same season, one regiment of artillery 
 and three regiments of infantry were despatched to Canada, 
 with fifty thousand stand of arms, what are we to suppose ? 
 Previous to 1797, there w^ere sufficient troops and arms in 
 Canada to keep the natives in subjection — something more 
 must have been intended. There was no invasion dreaded in 
 that quarter of the globe, from France, nor had Britain any 
 enemjies in that part of America to contend with. Some ex- 
 pedition or other must have been meditated to take place in 
 Canada, and this expedition could only have been against the 
 United States, or against Spanish America, through the me- 
 dium of the United States. Such an enormous quantity of 
 arms as fifty thousand stand could have been sent for no other 
 purpose;, the army often thousand men, if the expedition 
 had taken place, would, most probably, have landed in South 
 America, in place of the West Indies, so as to co-operate wuth 
 the force from Canada, precisely according to the plan laid 
 down by Senator Blount. What became of the British arms 
 which w^ere sent to Canada, w^e know not. Whether they 
 are there still, or were afterwards sent back, is a matter upon 
 w^hich the English papers are silent. 
 
 I shall conclude this chapter w^ith an account of the princi- 
 pal depredations committed on our commerce by British ves- 
 
 case was one of the most extraordinary and oppressive he liad ever heard 
 of, he advised Mr. Duane not to attempt vv'asting what he had left, in a com. 
 petition with the funds of the East India Company, who could spend forty 
 thousand pounds without missing- it. Several gentlemen had written from 
 India to their friends in behalf of Mr. Dunne, among- others to Lord Lucan, 
 who, in conversation with Mr. Duane, said that the only way to recover his 
 property would be to go to Mr. Dundas, and make a disclosure of all that 
 he knew concerning- persons in India — this intimntion mig-ht have been in- 
 terpreted two wavs, but the first impression which it made on Mr. Duane 
 was that o^ contempt ; he took his hat, and without saying- a word, left him, 
 and relinquished all hope of restitution for the robbery. In a faw weeks 
 afterwards Mr. Duane returned to his native country, and of course with 
 very great cause to admire the constitution, laAvs, and order of the British 
 government, domestic and foreign I 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 95 
 
 sels of war, from May 1797, until the meeting of Congress in 
 November. 
 
 On the 23(1 of May, 1797, James Hammond, a native citi- 
 zen of the United States, belonging to the American ship 
 Hope, of New York, Michael Pierce, master, when on shore 
 in the island of Madeira, was pressed by Captain James, of 
 the British brig-of-war El-Corso, and carried forcibly on 
 board in open day, before the house of the American consul, 
 Mr. Pintard. Captain Pierce having applied to Mr. Pintard 
 for redress, the latter waited upon the British vice-consul, 
 who, at length, persuaded Captain James to deliver up Ham- 
 mond; but the day before the Hope intended to sail, a boat's 
 crew came again on board from the El-Corso and carried off 
 five men, three of them Americans, one a Swede, and the 
 other an Italian. Mr. Pintard remonstrated with the British 
 consul upon the grossness of the insult, but received for an- 
 swer, that all interference on his part would be in vain, for 
 British captains supposed they had, when out of British ports, 
 an unlimited authority to tyrannize over the rest of mankind. 
 Captain Pierce then went to the British captain himself; but 
 the only satisfaction he received, was to be thrown into prison 
 along with the supercargo, for refusing to give the five men 
 their wages. 
 
 On the 2d of June, 1797, a number of American captains, 
 at Port-au-Prince, in St. Domingo, presented a petition to 
 Governor Simcoe — they represented that eleven American 
 vessels, with cargoes amounting to three hundred thousand 
 dollars, had been captured by British privateers, and were 
 then lying in that port in expectation of a trial — they had ap- 
 plied for it, and were told in answer, that they were to be 
 sent for adjudication to Mole St. Nicholas. They state, that 
 several of the vessels could not proceed to that place without 
 considerable repairs, and that others had been abandoned I)y 
 their crews ; some with their cargoes were likewise in a state 
 of suffering. Many of the petitioners being entire strangers, 
 were reduced to inconveniences from want of money. Seve- 
 ral crews and supercargoes were laid under the most distressing 
 circumstances, from sickness, disappointment, and mortifica- 
 tion. 
 
 The governor's ansv/er was haughty and reproachful. He 
 promised to recommend to the judge of the admiralty, Mr. 
 Combauld, to decide their cases at an early period ; but he 
 
96 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 gave them no reason to suppose that there would be a court 
 erected for that purpose at Port-au-Prince. He hoped that 
 they would be acquitted of that contraband traffic, which 
 many citizens of the United States carried on with the French 
 government, in St. Domingo. He closed with telling them, 
 that this illicit trade might, at no remote distance, seriously 
 disturb the security of the American continent. 
 
 On the 27th of July, 1797, Nathaniel Silsbee, captain of 
 the ship Betsey, wrote a letter to the printer of a Salem 
 newspaper; he had arrived at Salem from Madras, three days 
 before the date of the letter. At his departure, there were in 
 that port nine English ships of war. One of them was the 
 Sybille frigate, Captain Cook, who pressed from Captain 
 Silsbee, Edward Hulen, a native of Salem. He also threat- 
 ened, that if any complaint should be made by Silsbee to the 
 governor on shore, he would not only take every seaman, but 
 every officer from the Betsey. He did not commit this vio- 
 lence from scarcity of hands ; for he told Captain Silsbee that 
 he had thirty-five men over and above his ship's complement. 
 He added, that he believed fifteen of them were real American 
 citizens; that he had pressed them from on board of American 
 ships at Lisbon, in spite of the remonstrances of the Ameri- 
 can consul at that place. Cook farther declared, that he 
 would keep these men in perfect security till the end of the 
 war. 
 
 After the impressment of Hulen, the Betsey was daily visit- 
 ed by a lieutenant from the Sybille; during his stay on 
 board, this officer took full command of the ship, mustered the 
 crew regularly on the quarter-deck, and would not suffer any 
 ship's duty to be carried on at these times ; he farther threat- 
 ened to correct the American officers for not manning the 
 ship's side, and paying him such respect, as, he said, the pre- 
 sence of any British officer ought to command. 
 
 The brig Two Sisters, Captain Conkling, of New York, on 
 the 13th of August was boarded by the General Nicholl, a 
 British letter-of-marque, Captain Morrison. Captain Conk- 
 ling was ordered on board with his papers; Morrison, Avith- 
 out deigning to examine them, put them in his chest, and went 
 himself on board the brig, where he beat with his hanger 
 every sailor, ordering them, at the same time, to declare the 
 property to be French. Finding, however, such treatment in 
 vain, he took the mate and the men on board, and put the 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 97 
 
 whole in irons, until he rifled the vessel completely. The brig, 
 after being deprived of the most valuable part of her cargo, 
 was afterwards dismissed. 
 
 The following is a summary of an account stated by Cap- 
 tain Dunlevy, who remained in Hispaniola, from the 9th of 
 June to the 20th of October, 1797. Eighteen American ves- 
 sels, wuth their cargoes, were condemned. Two of the cap- 
 tains of these ships were detained three months before they 
 could get their papers, which could have been had with ease 
 in three days, or a much less time; another of the captains 
 died of grief; a nineteenth vessel, with her cargo, was sold to 
 pay the costs of suit ; a twentieth w^as cleared, but the cargo 
 condemned. 
 
 These were the advantages America reaped from her alli- 
 ance with monarchy. It is true, innumerable instances oc- 
 curred, this summer, of like depredations on the part of France; 
 but then it ought to be remembered, that we were in a state 
 of w^ar with that country, but at peace with England. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Speech of the President — Address from the Senate — 
 Blounfs Conspiracy — Quarrel between Mr. Lyon and Mr. 
 Griswold — Instances of a similar nature in the Parlia- 
 ment of Scotland, the House of Commons in England, 
 and the Senate of Lucerne, in Switzerland — Communica- 
 tion from the President relative to the negotiation with 
 France — Acts passed by Congress. 
 
 The House of Representatives met, according to their re- 
 solution of adjournment, on the second Monday of November ; 
 but a sufficient number of senators having not come forward 
 to form a quorum until the 23d of November, no business of 
 consequence was entered upon. iVbout twelve that day, both 
 houses being convened, the President delivered the following 
 speech : 
 9 
 
98 
 
 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 " Gentlemen of the Senate, and 
 
 " Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, 
 
 " I was for some time apprehensive that it would be neces- 
 sary, on account of the contagious sickness which afflicted the 
 city of Philadelphia, to convene the national legislature at 
 some other place. 
 
 " This measure it was desirable to avoid, because it would 
 occasion much public inconvenience, and a considerable public 
 expense, and add to the calamities of the inhabitants of this 
 city, whose sufferings must have excited the sympathy of all 
 their fellow-citizens. Therefore, after taking measures to 
 ascertain the state and decline of the sickness, I postponed my 
 determination, having hopes, now happily realized, that, with- 
 out hazard to the lives or health of the members. Congress 
 might assemble at this place, where it was next by law to 
 meet. I submit, however, to your consideration, whether a 
 power to postpone the meeting of Congress, without passing 
 the time affixed by the constitution, upon such occasions, 
 would not be a useful amendment to the law of one thousand 
 seven hundred and ninety-four ? 
 
 "Although I cannot yet congratulate you on the re-establish- 
 ment of peace in Europe, and the restoration of security to 
 the persons and properties of our citizens from injustice and 
 violence at sea, we have, nevertheless, abundant cause of 
 gratitude to the Source of benevolence and influence, for in- 
 terior tranquillity and personal security; for propitious seasons, 
 prosperous agriculture, productive fisheries, and general im- 
 provements ; and above all, for a rational spirit of civil and 
 relicious liberty, and a calm, but steady determination, to sup- 
 port our sovereignty, as well as our moral and religious liberty, 
 against all open and secret attacks. 
 
 " Our envoys exti-aordinary to the French republic, em- 
 barked, the one in July, the other early in August, to join 
 their colleague in Holland. I have received intelligence of 
 the arrival of both of them in Holland, from whence they all 
 proceeded on their journey to Paris, within a few days of the 
 nineteenth of September. Whatever may be the result of this 
 mission, 1 trust that nothing will have been omitted on my 
 part, to conduct the negotiation to a successful conclusion, on 
 such equitable terms, as may be compatible with the safety, 
 honour, and interest, of the United States. Nothing, in the 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 99 
 
 mean time, will contribute so much to the preservation of peace, 
 and the attainment of justice, as a manifestation of that energy 
 and unanimity, of which, on many former occasions, the peo- 
 ple of the United States have given such memorable proofs, 
 and the exertion of those resources for natural defence, which 
 a beneticent Providence has kindly placed within their power. 
 
 " It may be confidently affirmed, that nothing has occurred 
 since the adjournment of Congress, which renders inexpedient 
 those precautionary measures recommended by me to the con- 
 sideration of the two houses, at the opening of your late ex- 
 traordinary session. If that system was then prudent, it is 
 more so now, as increasing depredations strengthen the reasons 
 for its adoption. 
 
 " Indeed, whatever may be the issue of the negotiation with 
 France, and whether the war in Europe is or is not to con- 
 tinue, I hold it most certain, that permanent tranquillity and 
 order will not soon be obtained. The state of society has so 
 long been disturbed, the sense of moral and rehgious obliga- 
 tions so much weakened, public faith and national honour have 
 been so impaired, respect to treaties has been so diminished, 
 and the law of nations has lost so much of its force; while 
 pride, ambition, avarice, and violence, have been so long un- 
 restrained, there remains no reasonable ground on which to 
 raise an expectation that a commerce without protection or 
 defence will not be plundered. 
 
 " The commerce of the United States is essential, if not to 
 their existence, at least to their comfort, their growth, pros- 
 perity, and happiness. The genius, character, and habits, of 
 the people are highly commercial ; their cities have been 
 formed and exist upon commerce ; their agriculture, fisheries, 
 arts, and manufactures, are connected with, and depend upon 
 it. In short, commerce has made this country what it is, and 
 it cannot be destroyed or neglected without involving the peo- 
 ple in poverty and distress — great numbers are directly and 
 solely supported by navigation — the faith of society is pledged 
 for the preservation of the rights of commercial and seafaring, 
 no less than of the other citizens. Under this view of our 
 aifairs, I should hold myself guilty of a neglect of duty, if I 
 forbore to recommend that we should make every exertion to 
 protect our commerce, and to place our country in a suitable 
 posture of defence, as the only sure means of preserving 
 both. 
 
100 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 " I have entertained an expectation that it would have been 
 in my power, at the opening of the session, to have communi- 
 cated to you the agreeable information of the due execution 
 of our treaty with his Catholic majesty, respecting the with- 
 drawing of his troops from our territory, and the demarcation 
 of the line of limits. But by the latest authentic intelligence, 
 Spanish garrisons were still continued w^ithin our country, and 
 the running of the boundary line had not been commenced. 
 These circumstances are the more to be regretted, as they 
 cannot fail to affect the Indians in a m.anner injurious to the 
 United States. Still, however, indulging the hope that the 
 answers which have been given will remove the objections of- 
 fered by the Spanish officers to the immediate execution of the 
 treaty, I have judged it proper that we should continue in 
 readiness to receive the posts, and to run the line of limits. 
 
 " Further information on this subject will be communicated 
 in the course of the session. 
 
 " In connexion with this unpleasant state of things on our 
 western frontier, it is proper for me to mention the attempts 
 of foreign agents to alienate the affections of the Indian na- 
 tions, and to excite them to actual hostilities against the 
 United States. Great activity has been exerted by these 
 persons, who have insinuated themselves among the Indian 
 tribes residing within the territory of the United States, to in- 
 fluence them to transfer their affections and force to a foreign 
 nation ; to form them into a confederacy, and to prepare them 
 for war against the United States. 
 
 " Although measures have been taken to counteract these 
 infractions of our rights, to prevent Indian hostilities, and to 
 preserve entire their attachment to the United States, it is my 
 duty to observe, that to give a better effect to these measures, 
 and to obviate the consequences of a repetition of such prac- 
 tices, a law providing adequate punishment for such offences 
 may be necessary. 
 
 " The commissioners appointed under the fifth article of the 
 treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, between the United 
 States and Great Britain, to ascertain the river which was 
 truly intended under the name of St. Croix, mentioned in the 
 treaty of peace, met at Passamaquoddy Bay, in October, 
 1796, and viewed the mouths of the rivers in question, and 
 the adjacent shores and islands, and being of opinion that 
 actual surveys of both livers to their sources w^re necessary, 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 101 
 
 gave to the agents of the two nations instructions for that 
 purpose, and adjourned to meet at Boston in August. They 
 met, but the surveys requiring more time than had been sup- 
 posed, and not being then completed, the commissioners again 
 adjourned to meet at Providence, in the state of Rhode Island, 
 in June next, when we may expect a final examination and 
 decision. 
 
 *' The commissioners appointed in pursuance of the sixth 
 article of the treaty, met at Philadelphia in May last, to ex- 
 amine the claims of British subjects, for debts contracted 
 before the peace, and still remaining due to them from citizens 
 or inhabitants of the United States. Various causes have 
 hitherto prevented any determinations ; but the business is 
 now resumed, and doubtless will be prosecuted without inter- 
 ruption. 
 
 " Several decisions on the claims of citizens of the United 
 States, for losses and damages sustained by reason of irregular 
 and illegal captures or condemnations of their vessels or other 
 property, have been made by the commissioners in London, 
 conformably to the seventh article of the treaty. The sums 
 awarded by the commissioners have been paid by the British 
 government. A considerable number of other claims, where 
 costs and damages, and not captured property, were the only 
 objects in question, have been decided by arbitration, and the 
 sums awarded to the citizens of the United States have also 
 been paid. 
 
 " The commissioners appointed agreeably to the twenty- 
 first article of our treaty with Spain, met at Philadelphia in 
 the summer past, to examine and decide on the claims of our 
 citizens for losses they have sustained, in consequence of their 
 vessels and cargoes having been taken by the subjects of his 
 Catholic majesty, during the late war between Spain and 
 France : their sittings have been interrupted, but are now re- 
 sumed. 
 
 " The United States being obligated to make compensation 
 for the losses and damages sustained by British subjects upon 
 the award of the commissioners acting under the sixth article 
 of the treaty with Great Britain, and for the losses and damages 
 sustained by British subjects, by reason of the capture of their 
 vessels and merchandise, taken within the limits and jurisdic- 
 tion of the United States and brought into their ports, or 
 taken by vessels originally armed in ports of the United 
 
102 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 States, upon the awards of the commissioners acting under 
 the seventh article of the same treaty, it is necessary that 
 provision be made for fulfilling these obligations. 
 
 " The numerous captures of American vessels by the cruis- 
 ers of the French republic, and of some by those of Spain, 
 have occasioned considerable expenses in making and support- 
 ing the claims of our citizens before their tribunals. The 
 sums required for this purpose have, in divers instances, been 
 disbursed by the consuls of the United States. By means of 
 the same captures, great numbers of our seamen have been 
 thrown ashore in foreign countiies, destitute of all means of 
 subsistence ; and the sick in particular have been exposed to 
 grievous sufferings. 
 
 " The consuls have in these cases also advanced moneys for 
 their relief. For these advances they reasonably expect re- 
 imbursements from the United States. 
 
 '^ The consular act relative to seamen requires revision and 
 amendment — the provisions for their support in foreign coun- 
 tries, and for their return, are found to be inadequate and in- 
 effectual. Another provision seems necessary to be added to 
 the consular act. Some foreign vessels have been discovered 
 sailing under the flag of the United States, and with forged 
 papers. It seldom happens that the consul can detect this 
 deception ; because they have no authority to demand an in- 
 spection of the register and sea-letters. 
 
 " Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, 
 
 " It is my duty to recommend to your serious consideration, 
 those objects which by the constitution are placed particularly 
 within your sphere, the national debt and taxes. 
 
 ** Since the decay of the feudal system, by w^hich the public 
 defence w^as provided for chiefly at the expense of individuals, 
 the system of loan has been introduced. And as no nation 
 can raise within the year by taxes, sufficient sums for its de- 
 fence and military operations in time of war, the sums loaned 
 and debts contracted have necessarily become the subject of 
 what have been called funding systems. 
 
 " The consequences arising from the continual accumulation 
 of public debts in other countries, ought to admonish us to be 
 careful to prevent their growth in our own. The national 
 defence must be provided for, as well as the support of govern- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 103 
 
 ment ; but both should be accomplished as much as possible 
 by immediate taxes, and as little as possible by loans. 
 
 " The estimates for the service of the ensuing year, will, 
 by my direction, be laid before you. 
 
 *' Gentlemen of the Senate, and 
 
 " Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, 
 
 "We are met together at a most interesting period. The 
 situations of the principal powers of Europe are singular and 
 portentous ; connected with some by treaties, and with all by 
 commerce, no important event there can be indifferent to us. 
 Such circumstances call with pecuhar importunity, not less 
 for a disposition to unite in all those measures on which the 
 honour, safety, and prosperity of our country depend, than 
 for all the exertions of wisdom and firmness. 
 
 " In all such measures, you may rely on my zealous and 
 hearty concurrence." 
 
 After the President retired, the House proceeded to the 
 choice of a chaplain. The persons nominated, were Dr. Green, 
 Dr. Priestly, Dr. Blair, General Williams, and Mr. Ustick. 
 When the votes were examined. Dr. Green was found to have 
 53, and none of the rest more than six — he was of course duly 
 elected. 
 
 On Friday, the 24th, Mr. Harper moved for an address to 
 the communications of the President. He was opposed by 
 Mr. Lyon, who showed very forcibly the absurdity, and the 
 expense incurred to the nation, by establishing a custom of 
 debating ten or fourteen days, as in the last session, about the 
 wording of an answer to the President's speech. The motion 
 of Mr. Harper was, how^ever, carried ; and after a week's de- 
 liberation, an answ^er was agreed to nearly similar to the one 
 presented by the Senate. Of the two, this deserves more par- 
 ticular notice, as it will show the state of humble submission 
 to which the Senate (a body that ought to have retained some 
 appearance of dignity) descended in the late administration : 
 
 " Sir : — The communications you have thought proper to 
 make in your speech to both Houses of Congress, on the 
 opening of their present session, afford additional proofs of 
 the attention, integrity, and firmness which have marked your 
 official character. 
 
104 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 " We cannot but approve of the measures you had taken 
 to ascertain the state and dechne of the contagious sickness 
 ■which has so lately afflicted the city of Philadelphia, and the 
 pleasing circumstance that Congress is now assembled at that 
 place, without hazard to the health of its members, evinces 
 the propriety of your having postponed a determination to 
 convene the national legislature at any other place — we shall 
 take into consideration the law^ of 1794, on this subject, and 
 W'ill readily concur in any amendment which may be deemed 
 expedient. 
 
 " It would have given us much pleasure to have received 
 your congratulations on the re-establishment of peace in Eu- 
 rope, and the restoration of security to the persons and pro- 
 perties of our citizens from injustice and violence at sea. But 
 though these events, so desirable to our country and the world, 
 have not taken place, yet we have abundant cause of grati- 
 tude to the Great Disposer of human events, for interior tran- 
 quillity and personal security ; for propitious seasons, pros- 
 perous agriculture, productive fisheries, and general improve- 
 ment ; and above all, for a rational spirit of civil and religious 
 liberty, and a calm, but steady determination to support our 
 sovereignty against all open and secret attacks. 
 
 '' We learn with satisfaction, that our envoys extraordinary 
 to the French republic, had safely arrived in Europe, and 
 were proceeding to the scene of negotiation ; and whatever 
 may be the result of the mission, we are perfectly satisfied 
 that nothing on your part has been omitted, which could in 
 any way conduce to a successful conclusion of the negotiation, 
 upon terms compatible with the safety, honour, and interest 
 of the United States; and w-e are fully convinced, that in the 
 mean time, a manifestation of the unanimity and energy of 
 which the people of the United States have given such memo- 
 rable proofs, and a proper exertion of those resources of na- 
 tional defence which we possess, will essentially contribute to 
 the preservation of peace and the attainment of justice. 
 
 " We think, sir, with you, that the commerce of the United 
 States is essential to the grow'th, comfort, and prosperity, of 
 our country ; and that the faith of society is pledged for the 
 preservation of the rights of commercial and seafaring, no 
 less than of other citizens ; and even if our negotiation with 
 France should terminate favourably, and the war in Europe 
 cease, yet the state of society which unhappily prevails in so 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 105 
 
 great a portion of the world, and the experience of past times 
 under better circumstances, unite in warning us that a com- 
 merce so extensive, and which holds out so many temptations 
 to lawless plunderers, can never be safe without protection and 
 defence ; and we hold ourselves obliged by every tie of duty 
 which binds us to our constituents, to promote and concur in 
 such measures of marine defence as may convince our mer- 
 chants and seamen that their rights are not sacrificed, nor their 
 injuries forgotten. 
 
 " We regret that notwithstanding the clear and explicit 
 terms of the treaty between the United States and his Catholic 
 majesty, the Spanish garrisons are not yet withdrawn from our 
 territory, nor the running of the boundary line commenced. 
 
 " The United States have been faithful in the performance 
 of their obligations to Spain, and had reason to expect a com- 
 pliance equally prompt on the part of that power. We still, 
 however, indulge the hope that the convincing answers which 
 have been given to the objections stated by the Spanish officers 
 to the immediate execution of the treaty, will have their pro- 
 per effect, and that this treaty, so mutually beneficial to the 
 contracting parties, will be finally observed with good faith — 
 we, therefore, entirely approve of your determination to con- 
 tinue in readiness to receive the posts, and to run the line of 
 partition between our territory and that of the king of Spain. 
 Attempts to alienate the affections of the Indians, to form 
 them into actual hostility against the United States, whether 
 made by foreign agents or by others, are so injurious to our 
 interests at large, and so inhuman wuth respect to our citizens 
 inhabiting the adjacent territory, as to deserve the most ex- 
 emplary punishment, and we will cheerfully afford our aid in 
 framing a law which may prescribe a punishment adequate to 
 the commission of crimes so heinous. 
 
 " The several objects you have pointed out to the attention 
 of the legislature, whether they regard our internal or exter- 
 nal relations, shall receive from us that attention w^hich they 
 merit, and we will readily concur in all such measures as may 
 be necessary, either to enable us to fulfil our engagements at 
 home or to cause ourselves to be respected abroad ; and at 
 this portentous period, when the powers of Europe, with whom 
 we are connected by treaty or commerce, are in so critical a 
 situation, and when the conduct of some of those powers 
 towards the United States is so hostile and menacing, the 
 
106 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 several branches of the government are, in our opinion, called 
 upon with peculiar importunity to unite, and, by union, not 
 only to devise and to carry into effect these measures, on 
 which the safety and prosperity of our country depend, but 
 also to undeceive those nations, who, regarding us as a weak 
 and divided people, have pursued systems of aggression in- 
 consistent with a state of peace between independent nations. 
 And, sir, we beg leave to assure you, that we derive a singu- 
 lar consolation from the reflection, that at such a time the 
 executive part of our government has been committed to your 
 hands ; for in your integrity, talents, and firmness, we place 
 the most entire confidence." 
 
 To this address the President was pleased to give a few 
 w'ords in reply, complimenting them in his turn, upon their 
 wisdom, their penetration, and independent spirit. 
 
 The House of Representatives delivered their address the 
 day following, and received the honour of tasting the wine 
 and breaking the bread of the President. Mr. Lyon, of Ver- 
 mont, was the only member who had the firmness to refuse 
 attending this procession. 
 
 The first important business which came before Congress 
 this session, was the conspiracy of Governor Blount. Mr. 
 Sitgreaves, on the 4th of December, brought up the report 
 from the committee which had been appointed for the purpose 
 of collecting evidence relative to this subject. In their re- 
 port the committee state, that soon after their appointment, 
 they received a trunk from J. Ross, Esq., containing sundry 
 papers belonging to William Blount, which had been seized 
 by order of the Senate. From a perusal of these papers, it 
 appeared that one Nicholas Romayne, a practitioner of physic 
 in New York, was intimately connected with Blount. They, 
 therefore, conceived it to be their duty to secure the person 
 of Romayne, and for that purpose issued a writ, the execution 
 of which they placed in the hands of the secretary of state, 
 who appointed Captain W. Eaton messenger on the occasion. 
 This messenger returned with Romayne and his papers, which 
 he also seized on the 10th of July. Mr. Romayne, after 
 being examined, gave security for his appearance before the 
 Senate on the trial of Blount. 
 
 Major Lewis was appointed by the committee to secure 
 James Carey and one James Grant, who also appeared to have 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 107 
 
 had connexions with Blount. Mr. William Davy, of Phila- 
 delphia, was examined respecting a Mr. Chisholm, who sailed 
 for London in a vessel chartered by him, having his passage 
 paid by Mr. Liston. Mr. Davy recollected a conversation 
 which passed between Mr. Chisholm and Mr. Thornton, the 
 deputy of Mr. Liston, who promised Chisholm the command 
 of a squadron to act against Pensacola. He also produced a 
 letter from his brother in London, mentioning that Chisholm 
 endeavoured to get money from him; but before he gave him 
 any, he applied to Lord Grenville's office, to know if he liad 
 got any money from thence, and finding they had supplied 
 him largely, he declined letting him have any. 
 
 The deposition of Dr. Romayne w^as nearly as follows : He 
 stated that he had been acquainted with Mr. Blount since 
 1782 ; that his first acquaintance with Chisholm, was whilst 
 in treaty with Mr. Blount in land specuhition. Some time 
 afterwards, he intended going to London to sell lands, but 
 abandoned that design, owing to property falling in price. 
 He said Governor Blount promised to procure a bill to enable 
 aliens to hold land in the state of Tennessee. He confessed 
 that Blount used often to regret that the English did not 
 possess Louisiana, and spoke of going to England on that 
 business, for that they had much better possess it than the 
 French ; that it was agreed on between Blount and him- 
 self, to sound certain persons in Philadelphia, as well as in 
 Virginia, and the southern states, on this subject ; but that the 
 whole business had been dropped for some time by Blount's 
 neglecting to answer his letters. 
 
 The letters which passed between Blount and Romayne 
 have dates from February to May, 1797, and were chiefly on 
 the project of going to England on the business of Louisiana. 
 In these letters. Dr. Romayne frequently speaks with confi- 
 dence of success, and often remarks upon the critical situation 
 of the European powers, and the improbability of peace. 
 
 Several letters passed between Romayne and Mr. Liston, 
 but the former acknowledged their being destroyed, except the 
 following one, w^hich, of itself, is a sufficient proof of the 
 conspiracy on the part of the British minister. 
 
 Philadelphia, 28th April, 1797. 
 " I am much indebted to you, sir, for your friendly letter 
 of the 14th of this month, enclosing one from Mr. Pulteney, 
 
108 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 whose good opinion gives me high satisfaction. (That letter 
 is now returned.) 
 
 " Taking it for granted that I understand to what business 
 you allude, I could wish to have a full examination of your 
 sentiments on the subject. It may be done, I think, in writing ; 
 you may depend on secrecy and discretion on my part. 
 
 " The general sketch of what has taken place here, is, that 
 a person came to me to make certain important propositions 
 of enterprize, to which I Hstened, but said I had no power to 
 act. 
 
 " He appeared to be determined and active, though illiterate 
 and unfit to assume command. 
 
 " He urged to have my consent to go to Europe, to tell his 
 own story, to which I consented (though with some hesita- 
 tion) not thinking myself authorised to give a positive refusal. 
 
 " It strikes me that if a person of confidence, with proper au- 
 thority from home, were to accompany him to the scene of ac- 
 tion, something might probably be effected. 
 
 "Information of every sort will be gratefully received. 
 
 " N. B. I have no intention of sending my secretary any- 
 where. 
 
 ** Believe me, with great truth and regard, sir, your most 
 obedient, humble servant, 
 
 Robert Liston. 
 
 " Dr. Romayne." 
 
 The charges exhibited by the House of Representatives 
 against William Blount, are contained in the five following 
 articles : 
 
 "Article I. 
 
 " That whereas, the United States, in the months of Febru- 
 ary, March, April, May, and June, 1797, were at peace with 
 his Catholic Majesty, the King of Spain ; and whereas, during 
 the months aforesaid, his said Catholic Majesty and the King 
 of Great Britain were at war with each other ; yet he the said 
 William Blount, though a senator of the United States, did 
 conspire, within its territories, to carry on a military expedi- 
 tion against the dominions of his Catholic Majesty in the 
 Floridas and Louisiana, for the purpose of conquering the 
 same for the King of Great Britain. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 109 
 
 " Article II. 
 
 " That whereas, on the 27th of October, 1795, a treaty of 
 friendship, limits and navigation, was concluded between the 
 United States and his Catholic Majesty, by the oth article of 
 which, it was agreed that the two contracting parties should 
 maintain peace and harmony among the Indian nations who 
 inhabit the country adjacent to the tw^o Floridas. Yet the 
 said Mr. Blount, disregarding the stipulations of said treaty, 
 did conspire to excite the Creek and Cherokee Indians to 
 commence hostilities against the subjects of his Catholic Ma- 
 jesty in the Floridas and Louisiana, for the purpose of reducing 
 the same to the dominion of the King of Great Britain, with 
 whom his Catholic Majesty was at war. 
 
 " Article III. 
 
 " That whereas, by the ordinances of Congress for regu- 
 lating trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes, it has been 
 made lawful for the President of the United States, in order to 
 insure the continuance of the friendship of the said Indian tribes, 
 to appoint temporary agents to reside among them ; and 
 whereas, in pursuance of the said authority, he did appoint 
 Benjamin Hawkins to be principal temporary agent for Indian 
 affairs within the Indian nations south of the River Ohio — 
 yet the said William Blount did, in the prosecution of his 
 criminal designs, contrive to alienate the confidence of the 
 said Indian tribes from Benjamin Hawkins, contrary to the 
 duty of his trust and station as a senator of the Unit^^ 
 States. 
 
 "Article IV. 
 
 " That whereas, by the ordinances of Congress it is made 
 lawful for the President to establish trading houses at such 
 places on the western and southern frontiers as he shall judg- 
 most convenient for carrying on a hberal trade with the In- 
 dian nations, and to appoint an agent in each trading house, 
 with such clerks as may be necessary for the execution of the 
 said acts, he did appoint James Carey to be the interpreter 
 for the United States to the Cherokee nation ; yet the said 
 William Blount did contrive, by bribery and corruption, to 
 lead off the said James Carey from the duties of his office. 
 10 
 
110 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 "Article V. 
 
 " That whereas, certain tribes or nations of Indians inliabit 
 within the territorial limits of the United States, between j 
 whom and the settlements of the United States certain boun- ' 
 dary lines have been agreed upon, to separate the lands and 
 possessions of the said Indians from the lands and possessions 
 of the United States; and, whereas, it was further stipulated i 
 that the boundary line should be ascertained and marked by 
 three persons appointed on the part of the United States, and 
 three Cherokees on the part of their nation ; yet the said 
 William Blount did contrive to create and foment discontents 
 and disaffection among the said Indians towards the govern- 
 ment of the United States, in relation to the ascertainment and 
 marking of the said boundary line, contrary to the duty and 
 trust of his station as senator of the United States, and against 
 the peace and interests thereof." 
 
 The following gentlemen were appointed by the House as 
 managers to conduct the impeachment against Mr. Blount: 
 Mr. Sitgreaves, Mr. Bayard, Mr. Harper, Mr. Gordon, Mr. 
 Pinckney, Mr. Dana, Mr. Sewall, Mr. Hosraer, Mr. Dennis, 
 Mr. Evans and Mr. Imlay. 
 
 During the ballot of their election an unfortunate quarrel 
 took place between two members, Mathew Lyon, of Ver- 
 mont, and Roger Griswold, which occupied the attention of 
 the house for several weeks after. The committee of privi- 
 leges, who were instructed to inquire into the conduct of these 
 gentlemen, made the following report on the second of Feb- 
 ruary : 
 
 That during the sitting of the house on the 30th of Jan- 
 uary, when the tellers of the house were engaged in counting 
 the ballots for managers of the impeachment against William 
 Blount, Mr. Lyon was standing without the bar of the house, 
 and in conversation with the speaker, who had left his seat as 
 is usual on such occasions ; the subject of his conversation was 
 the conduct of the representatives of the State of Connecticut, 
 of whom Mr. Griswold was one. Mr. Lyon declared that 
 they acted in opposition to the interests and opinions of nine 
 tenths of their constituents; that they were pursuing their 
 own private views, without regarding the interests of the 
 people of that state ; that they were seeking offices which they 
 were willing to accept, whether yielding 9000 or 1000 dollars. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. Ill 
 
 He further observed, that the people of that state were blinded 
 and deceived by those representatives; that they were permit- 
 ted to see but one side of the question in politics, being lulled 
 asleep by the opiates which the members from that State ad- 
 ministered to them, with other expressions equally tending 
 to derogate from the political integrity of the representatives 
 of Connecticut. 
 
 On Mr. Lyon's observing, that if he should go into Con- 
 necticut, and conduct a letter press there for six months, 
 although the people of that state were not fond of revolution- 
 ary principles, he could effect a revolution, and turn out the 
 present representatives, Mr. Griswold replied, " if you go into 
 Connecticut, Mr. Lyon, you had better wear your wooden 
 sword," alluding to Mr. Lyon's having been cashiered in the 
 army. 
 
 Mr. Lyon did not notice the allusion at the time, but con- 
 tinued the conversation ; Mr. Griswold then left his seat and 
 stood next to Mr. Lyon, leaning on the bar, but being outside 
 of the same. 
 
 On Mr. Lyon's saying, he knew the people of Connecticut 
 well, having lived among them many years ; that he had fre- 
 quent occasion to fight them in his own district, and that he 
 never failed to convince them — Mr. Griswold asked if he 
 fought them with his wooden sword ; on w^hich Mr. Lyon 
 spit in his face. 
 
 The House was engaged in the investigation of this unim- 
 portant affair until the 28th of February. A motion was 
 made for the expulsion both of Mr. Lyon and Mr. Griswold, 
 but it was finally negatived ; and the two disorderly members 
 were allowed to retain their seats, without ever receiving a 
 reprimand for their conduct. However Mr. Lyon may be re- 
 spected for his firmness in adhering to the rights of his coun- 
 try, his conduct on this occasion must be regarded by every 
 impartial person, to have been as equally unwarrantable and un- 
 becoming the dignity of a member of Congress as the beha- 
 viour of Mr. Griswold. Perhaps the punishment of expulsion 
 might be supposed to affect the rights of their constituents, 
 but certainly a moderate fine, and a reprimand from the spea- 
 ker, ought to have been the lightest apology admitted of. 
 
 Similar instances of indecorous behaviour have occurred in 
 the parhaments of Britain, and the national assemblies of other 
 countries; but they have been always attended with the 
 
112 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 marked disapprobation of the assembly insulted. During the 
 contest that took place in the Scotch parliament relative to 
 the union of that country with England, a furious Jacobite tory 
 tossed the wig of his poKtical opponent into the fire. The 
 offender, whose name was M'Donald, was condem.ned by a 
 vote of the House to be incapable of wearing a wig on his 
 head, a sword by his side, or affixing his arms to any written 
 document for the space of one twelvemonth after the trans- 
 gression. 
 
 In the reign of James I. of England, a motion was made in 
 the House of Commons to supply the Welch members with 
 pocket handkerchiefs ; owing to several indecencies that were 
 daily practised by these mountaineers. 
 
 In Lucerne, in Switzerland, in the year 1792, a democrati- 
 cal member entered the Senate, with the three-coloured ribbon 
 flying at his breast. This assembly, who w^ere all, excepting 
 a few individuals, attached to aristocracy, evinced their dis- 
 pleasure by a low hooting and hissing ; one, however, who 
 could not govern so easily his passion, walked up to the re- 
 publican member, and tore off, in a forcible manner, the ensign 
 of liberty. The aristocrat was instantly called to order, un- 
 derwent a trial for disorderly behaviour in the Senate, and 
 was fined in a sum of three hundred florins. 
 
 The next business of importance which occupied the atten- 
 tion of Congress, w^as a communication of the President, re- 
 specting the dispatches which he had received from the envoys 
 extraordinary of the United States to the government of 
 France. These papers were laid before the public by an or- 
 der of the Senate on the 5th of April. Before their commu- 
 nication, a thousand reports were industriously circulated, 
 tending to place the conduct of the French Directory in the 
 most odious light — even members themselves, w^ere found base 
 enough to give by letter and otherwise, impressions of their 
 contents very different from the truth. It was publicly de- 
 clared, and that on the authority of a member, that twelve 
 millions of dollars had been demanded, as a condition on which 
 a negotiation would be opened. This furnishes a striking 
 proof of the hostile disposition which our executive entertained 
 towards the French repubhc, and of its determination, at all 
 events, to bring about a war between the two countries. The 
 limits of this volume preclude the possibility of inserting these 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 113 
 
 official papers; but the following is a correct summary of 
 their substance: — 
 
 On the 4th of October, 1797, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, 
 John Marshall, and Elbridge Gerry, arrived in Paris, as en- 
 voys extraordinary from the United States of America, to the 
 French republic. On the 6th, they communicated their ap- 
 pointment by an official letter to Talleyrand, minister of 
 foreign affairs ; and on the 8th, they waited upon this minister, 
 and delivered their letters of credence — he informed them that 
 he was, by order of the Directory, preparing a report of the 
 situation of the United States with regard to France, and 
 when finished, he w^ould acquaint them with the steps that 
 were to follow. Cards of hospitality were then given to them 
 in a style suitable to their official character. 
 
 On the 11th of November, the envoys wrote an official 
 letter to Talleyrand, complaining of having not yet received 
 any reply from him or the Directory, of the situation in w^hich 
 they were thus left. Not obtaining an answer, they sent 
 their secretary, Major Rutledge, to Talleyrand, who informed 
 Major Rutledge, that he had communicated the letter of the 
 envoys to the Directory, and they would direct him what 
 steps to take. 
 
 This w'as the whole of the official intercourse our envoys 
 had with the French government. By letter, dated the 24th 
 of December, they inform our secretary of state that they 
 w^re resolved, if on the 10th of January they had no official 
 answer to their letter, to write to Talleyrand, stating the ob- 
 ject of their mission, and discussing the subject of difference 
 between the tw^o nations in like manner as if they had been 
 actually received ; and to close the letter with requesting the 
 government to open the negotiation with them, or to grant 
 them their passports. 
 
 The last letter of the envoys to our government is dated 
 8th January, and therefore prior to the letter which they in- 
 tended to write. 
 
 Between the 14th of October and the 1st of November, 
 some gentlemen (whose names are not communicated by the 
 executive to Congress, but who are designated by the letters 
 W. X. Y- and Z.) were introduced to our envoys, and two of 
 them, Mr. X. and Mr. Y. stated that they had messages from 
 Mr. Talleyrand, who was desirous that a reconcihation should 
 take place, and that they would suggest plans for that purpose. 
 
114 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 The substance of their proposals was, that the Directory, and 
 particularly two of the members of it, were exceedingly irri- 
 tated at some passages of the President's speech of the 16th 
 of May past; that an explanation of some parts, and a re- 
 paration of others (which parts were designated) should be 
 made ; that in lieu of reparation for the speech, the Directory 
 would accept money ; that is to say, a loan for the use 
 of the French repubUc, of 32,000^000 florins (equal to 
 12,800,000 dollars) and besides that, a sum of money by way 
 of douceur, for the pocket of the Directory and ministers, 
 which might be at the disposal of Mr. Talleyrand, equivalent 
 to 1,200,000 livres, or fifty thousand pounds sterling ; that 
 commissioners should be appointed to ascertain the claims of 
 the United States in like manner as under our treaty with 
 England, excepting those condemned for want of a role d'equi- 
 page, which must be left a subject of negotiation ; and that 
 France should, by a new treaty, be put upon the same footing 
 as Eng and. It was also stated by the sam.e gentleman, and 
 especially by Mr. Y. (who is called a confidential friend of 
 Talleyrand, but who stated that he had no official character) 
 that the loan to be made should be executed by the United 
 States, purchasing from the French republic at par, a 
 quantity of stock, bearing five per cent interest, paid by Hol- 
 land to France, known by the name of Dutch rescriptions, 
 and which at market was worth only ten shillings in the 
 pound. 
 
 It was also demanded, that our government should advance 
 to our citizens the amount of indemnifications to be paid for 
 illegal captures by France, the said amount to be afterwards 
 repaid by France to our government ; and it was added, that 
 it would be extremely proper that the amount of indemnifica- 
 tions thus paid to our citizens, should again be by them applied 
 in new supplies to the French government. This last part 
 seems, however, to have been dropped by those agents ; and 
 on the 30th of October, Mr. Y. gave in writing the following 
 propositions : 
 
 1. The American envoys shall remain here for six months, 
 in the same manner and upon the same footing as did Mr. 
 Aranjo, the envoy of Portugal. 
 
 2. There shall be formed a commission of five members, 
 agreeably to a form to be established, for the purpose of de- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 115 
 
 ciding upon the reclamations of the Americans, relative to the 
 prizes made on them by the French privateers. 
 
 3. The American envoys will engage that their govern- 
 ment shall pay the indemnifications, or the amount of the sums 
 already decreed to the American creditors of the French re- 
 public, and those which shall be adjudged to the claimants by 
 the commissioners ; this payment shall be made under the 
 name of an advance to the French Republic, who shall repay 
 it in a time and manner to be agreed on. 
 
 4. One of the American envoys shall return to Am.erica, 
 to demand of his government the necessary powers to par- 
 chase, for cash, the 32,000,000 of the Dutch rescriptions be- 
 longing to the French republic, in case the envoys should 
 conclude a treaty which shall be approved of by the tw^o na- 
 tions. 
 
 5. In the mean time, the definitive treaty shall proceed, for 
 the termination of all differences existing between the French 
 repubhc and the United States, so that the treaty may be con- 
 cluded immediately on the return of the deputy. 
 
 6. The question of the role d'equipage shall remain sus- 
 pended until the return of the deputy, and the commission 
 shall not pronounce upon any reclamation when this point 
 shall be in question. 
 
 7. During the six months granted for the going and return- 
 ing of the deputy, hostilities against the Americans shall be 
 suspended, as well as the process for the condemnation before 
 the tribunals ; and the money of the prizes already condemned, 
 in the hands of the civil officers of the nation, shall remain 
 there, without being dehvered to the privateer men, until the 
 return of the deputy. 
 
 These propositions were to be made by our envoys as com- 
 ing from themselves, and Mr. Talleyrand would undertake to 
 use his influence wath the Directory to have them adopted. 
 But Mr. X. added, that Mr. Talleyrand would not consent 
 even to lay the proposition before the Directory, without pre- 
 viously receiving the £50,000 sterhng, or the greater part 
 of it. 
 
 They were, however, rejected by our envoys, w^ho hinted 
 that they would pay the douceur of £50,000 sterling on the 
 ratification of the treaty. 
 
 Mr. Talleyrand, on the 28th of October, ofl*ered to Mr. 
 Gerry for perusal, an arret of the Directory, in which they 
 
116 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 had demanded reparation for the President's speech; and 
 added, that he thought that he could, by money, prevent its 
 effect — and on the od of November Mr. Y. showed the en- 
 voys a copy of a letter, said to be prepared by Mr. Talley- 
 rand in pursuance of the arret, which he said would be sent, 
 unless they came into the above stated proposition. The 
 envoys said they did not wish the letter to be delayed ; but, 
 notwithstanding, it never was sent. Mr. Y. also argued a 
 great deal on the immense power of France, the danger of a 
 war to America, the impending ruin of England, the certainty 
 of the invasion, the great advantage of neutrality, and the 
 great number of friends to France and America, who would 
 throw the blame of the rupture of the negotiation on the 
 British party. 
 
 To all these insinuations the envoys answered with firmness, 
 still declaring that they had full powers to make a treaty to 
 restore friendship, but none to make a war, which would 
 amount to a breach of neutrality; and they agreed, on the 1st 
 of November, to have no further direct intercourse with the 
 French government. 
 
 On the 17th of December, Mr. Y. made another attempt, 
 saying that six weeks having elapsed since the rejection of 
 the former propositions, perhaps the envoys had changed their 
 mind ; and he said that Mr. Talleyrand thought, that if two 
 measures were adopted, a reconciliation would follow, to wit: 
 the gratuity of £oO,000 sterling, and a purchase of only 
 16,000,000 Dutch rescriptions at par (equal to 6,400,000 dol- 
 lars). He stated that the state of Virginia owed to M. Beau- 
 raarchais £145,000 sterling, and he (Beaumarchais) consented 
 to lose £45,000 of it, provided he got the other £100,000, 
 and the gratuity of £50,000 sterling was given to Talley- 
 rand ; that in this manner the United States would be only 
 £5000 sterling out of pocket, as they would get the £45,000 
 from Virginia — and as to the rescriptions, he said more than 
 one half of the sum could be borrowed in Holland on the 
 credit of the rescriptions, and the balance would be demanded 
 only in easy instalments, which might also be obtained in loan. 
 He again threatened, in case of non-compliance, and said that 
 a few frigates from St. Domingo would be sent to ravage the 
 coasts of the United States. 
 
 On the same day Mr. Gerry and Mr. Y. went to see Mr. 
 Talleyrand ; and Mr. Gerry told Mr. Talleyrand that Mr. Y. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 117 
 
 had stated to him that morning some propositions, as coming 
 from Mr. Talleyrand, respecting which he could give no 
 opinion. Mr. Talleyrand said that the information given by 
 Mr. Y. was just, and might always be relied on; but that he 
 would reduce to writing his propositions, which he did ; and, 
 after having shown them to Mr. Gerry, burnt the })aper. Mr. 
 Gerry, on his return home, reduced them to writing from 
 memory, as follows : 
 
 " France has been serviceable to the United States, and 
 now they wish to be serviceable to France ; understanding the 
 French repubhc has sixteen millions of Dutch rescriptions to 
 sell, the United States will purchase them at par, and will 
 give her further assistance when in their power. 
 
 " The first arrangement being made, the French govern- 
 ment will take measures for reimbursing the equitable demands 
 from America, arising from prizes, and to give free navigation 
 to their ships in future." 
 
 On the 4th of May and the 18th of June, the President 
 sent two other messages to Congress, relative to fresh commu- 
 nications he had received from the envoys, respecting a decree 
 passed by the Councils of France, to capture and condemn all 
 neutral vessels laden in part or in whole with the manufac- 
 tures or productions of England or its possessions. The en- 
 voys had remonstrated against the injustice of this decree, in 
 a letter to the minister of foreign aifairs in France, dated the 
 17th of January, but received no satisfactory reply. 
 
 Congress were taken up the greater part of the remainder 
 of this session, which was both the longest and most import- 
 ant that had yet been held under the present confederacy, in 
 discussing the Alien and Sedition bills, which met with con- 
 siderable opposition from the most respectable members in the 
 House of Representatives. The speech of Mr. Livingston, 
 against the Alien Bill, was justly esteemed, and his patriotic 
 exertions on this occasion will ever be remembered. 
 
 On Monday, the 16th of July, they adjourned, after pass- 
 ing the following acts : 
 
 1. An act to postpone for a limited time, the commencement 
 of the duties imposed by the act, entitled, " An act laying 
 duties on stamped vellum, parchment, and paper." 
 
 2. Making certain partial appropriations for the year 1798. 
 
118 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 3. Authorizing the payment of certain sums of money to 
 the daughters of the late Count de Grasse. 
 
 4. For the relief of the representatives of William Carmi- 
 chael, deceased. 
 
 o. For the relief of North and Vesey, of Charleston, South 
 Carolina. 
 
 6. For allowing a compensation to the door-keeper of the 
 Senate and his assistant, for their services during the late ses- 
 sion of Congress. 
 
 7. For the relief of John Frank. 
 
 8. To prescribe the mode of taking evidence in cases of 
 contested elections for members of the House of Representa- 
 tives of the United States, and to compel the attendance of 
 witnesses. 
 
 9. Providing for the payment of the interest on a certifi- 
 cate due to General Kosciusko. 
 
 10. To amend the several acts for laying duties on spirits 
 distilled within the United States, and on stills. 
 
 11. Supplementary to the act, entitled, "An act regulating 
 foreign coins, and for other purposes." 
 
 IJ. Directing the secretary of war to place certain persons 
 on the pension list. 
 
 13. For the relief of William Alexander. 
 
 14. Appropriating a certain sum of money to defray the 
 expense of holding a treaty or treaties with the Indians. 
 
 lo. To provide for the widows and orphans of certain de- 
 ceased officers. 
 
 16. For the erection of a light-house, and placing buoys at 
 the several places therein mentioned. 
 
 17. Providing the means of intercourse between the United 
 States and foreign nations. 
 
 18. Making appropriations for the support of government 
 for the year 1798, and for other purposes. 
 
 19. For the relief of Sylvan us Cromwell. 
 
 20. To amend the act entitled " An act laying duty on 
 stamped vellum, parchment, and paper." 
 
 21. Declaring the consent of Congress to an act of the 
 commonw^ealth of Massachusetts. 
 
 22. Declaring the consent of Congress to an act of the state 
 of Maryland, passed the 28th of December, 1793, for the ap- 
 pointment of a health officer. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 119 
 
 23. For an additional appropriation to provide and support 
 a naval armament. 
 
 24. To continue in force the fifth section of an act in ad- 
 dition to the act, entitled, " An act to establish the post-office 
 and post-roads of the United States." 
 
 25. To continue in force for a limited time, a part of an act 
 entitled "An act making further provision for securing and 
 collecting the duties on foreign and domestic distilled spirits, 
 stills, wines, and teas." 
 
 26. For the relief of the refugees from the British pro- 
 vinces of Canada and Nova-Scotia. 
 
 27. To continue in force the act, entitled, " An act pro- 
 hibiting, for a limited time, the exportation of arms and am- 
 munition, and for encouraging the importation thereof." 
 
 28. For an amicable settlement of limits with the state of 
 Georgia, and authorizing the establiwshment of a government 
 in the Mississippi territory. 
 
 29. Authorizing an expenditure, and making an appropria- 
 tion for the reimbursement of the moneys advanced by the 
 consuls of the United States in certain cases. 
 
 30. Supplementary to an act, entitled, " An act authorizing 
 a loan for the use of the city of Washington, in the District 
 of Columbia, and for other purposes therein mentioned." 
 
 31. To provide an additional armament for the further pro- 
 tection of the trade of the United States, and for other pur- 
 poses. 
 
 32. Making an appropriation for the payment of a balance 
 found due to the legal representatives of William Carmichael, 
 deceased. 
 
 33. To provide an additional regiment of artillerists and 
 engineers. 
 
 34. For erecting light-houses. 
 
 35. To establish an executive department, to be denomi- 
 nated the department of the navy. 
 
 36. To authorize certain officers and other persons, to ad- 
 minister oaths. 
 
 37. Supplementary to the act providing for the further de- 
 fence of the ports and harbours of the United States. 
 
 38. To enable the President of the United States to procure 
 cannon, arms, and ammunition, and for other purposes. 
 
 39. To authorize the President of the United States to 
 
120 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 cause to be purchased or built, a number of small vessels, to 
 be equipped as galleys or otherwise. 
 
 40. For the relief of Obadiah Brown. 
 
 41. Directing the payment of a detachment of militia, for 
 services performed in the year 1794, under Major James Ore. 
 
 42. To continue in force a part of an act, respecting the 
 compensation to the officers and mariners of the revenue cutters. 
 
 43. To revive and continue in force the act respecting the 
 compensation of clerks, and for other purposes. 
 
 44. For the relief of William Imlay. 
 
 45. For the relief of Joseph Noarse. 
 
 46. To amend the act, entitled, "An act to amend and re- 
 peal in part, the act, entitled, " An act to ascertain and fix 
 the military establishment of the United States." 
 
 47. Authorizing the President of the United States to raise 
 a provisional army.* 
 
 48. More effectually to protect the commerce and coasts of 
 the United States. 
 
 49. Providing for the relief of persons imprisoned for debts 
 due to the United States.f 
 
 50. Supplementary to an act, entitled, " An act for the re- 
 lief of persons imprisoned for debt." 
 
 51. Respecting the loan office and final settlement certifi- 
 cates, indents of interest, and the unfunded or registered debt, 
 credited in the books of the treasury. 
 
 52. Making appropriations for the military establishment 
 for the year 1798, and for other purposes.J 
 
 * By this act, the President was authorized, in the event of a declaration 
 of war ag^ainst the United States, to enlist and call into actual service, for a 
 term not exceeding' three years, an army often thousand men ; each soldier 
 to receive a bounty of ten dollars, one half on enlisting, and the other half 
 on joining the corps to which he might belong. 
 
 t Any person imprisoned upon execution issuing from any court of the 
 United States, for a debt due to the same, by this net may procure his free- 
 dom, if he applies in writing to the secretary of the treasury, stating the 
 circumstances of the case, and his inability to discharge the debt, provided 
 there be proof sufficient of the truth of tlie facts stated by the debtor. 
 
 t This net allows the sum of 1,411,798 dollars for the military establish, 
 mcnt of 1798, to be appropriated as follows : 
 
 For the pay of the army of the United States, 264,824 dollars : For the 
 subsistence of the officers of the army, 40,G61 dollars : For the subsistence 
 of the nnn-commissioned officers, 247,178 dollars: Forage, 15,816 dollars: 
 Horses for the cavalrv, to replace those who may die, 4,500 dollars : Cloth- 
 ing. 83,050 dollars ; Bounties and premiums, 38,000 dollars : Hospital do- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 121 
 
 53. To suspend the commercial intercourse between the 
 United States and France, and the dependencies thereof. 
 
 54. Supplementary to, and to amend the act, entitled, "An 
 act to establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and to repeal 
 the act heretofore passed on that subject." 
 
 55. To amend the act, entitled, " An act providing a naval 
 armament," and the act, entitled, " An act to authorize the 
 President of the United States to cause to be purchased or 
 built a number of small vessels, to be equipped as galleys or 
 otherwise." 
 
 56. Supplementary to, and to amend the act, entitled, " An 
 act authorizing the President of the United States to raise a 
 provisional army." 
 
 57. To extend the privilege of franking letters and packets 
 to the secretary of the navy. 
 
 5S. Concerning aliens.* 
 
 59. To authorize a grant of lands to Stephen Monot, and 
 other inhabitants of Galliopolis, therein named. 
 
 60. To authorize the defence of the merchant vessels of the 
 United States against French depredations. 
 
 61. To punish frauds committed on the Bank of the United 
 States. 
 
 partment, 10,000 dollars : Ordnance department, 43,000 dollars ; Quarter- 
 master's department, 224,000 dollars : Payment of annuities to the Six Na- 
 tions, 14,000 dollars: For the expenses attending- the transmission of g-oods 
 for the above annuities, 9000 : For promoting civilization, and pay of tempo- 
 rary agents, 15,000 dollars : For ratios to Indians at tlie different military 
 posts, 20,000 dollars : For building a grist and saw-mill for the use of the 
 Stockbridge Indians, 3000 dollars : For presents to Indians on their visit to 
 the scat of government, 10,000 dollars : For the protection of the frontiers 
 of the United States, 60,000 dollars : For loss of stores, allowances to officers 
 on being ordered to distant commands, &,c., 20,000 dollars : For the annual 
 allowance to the invalids of the United States, 12,067 dollars 7 cents : For 
 the construction and repair of certain vessels on the lake, 16,700 dollars : 
 For making good a deficiency in the appropriations for the subsistence of 
 the non-commissioned officers and privates of the army of the United 
 States, 114,167 dollars: For making good a deficiency in tlie appropriation 
 for the expense of the quarter-master and Indian departments, 54,634 
 dollars. 
 
 * By this act, which was to continue in force until tlie 22d of June, 1800, 
 it was lawful for the President of the United Stiites to order all such aliens 
 as he might judge dangerous, to depart out of the territory of the United 
 States within a limited time ; and in case any alien, so ordered to depart, 
 should be found at large within tlie United States afler the tune limited, he 
 was liable to be imprisoned for a term not exceeding three years, and 
 rendered incapable of ever becoming a citizen of the United States. 
 
 11 
 
122 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 62. In addition to the act more effectually to protect the 
 commerce and coasts of the United States. 
 
 63. Making an appropriation for the expenses incident to 
 the new regiment of artillerists and engineers during the year 
 1798. 
 
 64. Supplementary to the act, entitled, ^' An act to provide 
 an additional armament for the further protection of the trade 
 of the United States, and for other purposes." 
 
 65. Providing arms for the militia throughout the United 
 States. 
 
 66. Respecting alien enemies. 
 
 67. To declare the treaties heretofore concluded with 
 France, no longer obligatory on the United States. 
 
 68. Further to protect the commerce of the United States.* 
 
 69. Limiting the time within which claims against the 
 United States, for credit on the books of the treasury, may 
 be presented for allowance. 
 
 70. To provide for the valuation of lands and dwelling- 
 houses, and the enumeration of slaves within the United 
 States. 
 
 71. To augment the army of the United States, and for 
 other purposes. 
 
 72. To enable the President of the United States to borrow 
 money for the public service. 
 
 73. For erecting a light-house at Gay Head, on Martha's 
 Vineyard, and for other purposes. 
 
 74. Authorizing an additional naval armament. 
 
 75. For the relief of sick and disabled seamen. 
 
 76. For allowing an additional compensation to the door- 
 keepers and assistant door-keepers of the Senate and House 
 of Representatives. 
 
 77. In further addition to the act, entitled, " An act to 
 establish the judicial courts of the United States." 
 
 78. To suspend, for a further time, the duties upon the 
 manufacture of snuff within the United States, and the draw- 
 back upon the exportation thereof. 
 
 * The President was hereby authorized, whenever he should judge it ex- 
 pedient, to instruct the public armed vessels in the service of the United 
 States, to seize any armed French, or pretended French vessels, found 
 within the jurisdictional limits of the United States, or elsewhere on the 
 high seas. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 123 
 
 79. Making certain appropriations, and to authorize the 
 President to obtain a loan on the credit of the direct tax. 
 
 80. Allowing an additional compensation to the secretary 
 of the Senate, and the clerk of the House of Representatives, 
 and their clerks, for the present session of Congress. 
 
 81. Making certain additional appropriations for the year 
 1798. 
 
 82. Authorizing the grant and conveyance of a certain lot 
 or piece of ground to Eli Williams. 
 
 83. To alter and amend the several acts for the establish- 
 ment and regulation of the treasury, war, and navy depart- 
 ments. 
 
 84. To amend the act, entitled, ^' An act to suspend the 
 commercial intercourse between the United States and France." 
 
 85. An act in addition to the act, entitled, " An act for the 
 punishment of certain crimes against the United States." The 
 first clause of this act, which w^as termed the Sedition Act, 
 ordained, " That if any person should unlawfully combine or 
 oppose any measure of the government of the United States, 
 or intimidate any person holding a place or office under the 
 same, he shall be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanour, and 
 on conviction, be punished by a fine not exceeding five thou- 
 sand dollars, and imprisoned during a term not less than six 
 months, and not exceeding five years." 
 
 Second clause expressed, " That if any person should write 
 or publish, or cause to be WTitten or published, any libel 
 against the government of the United States, or either House 
 of Congress, or against the President, he should be punished 
 by a fine not exceeding two thousand dollars, and by imprison- 
 ment not exceeding tw^o years." This act was to continue in 
 force until the 3d of March, 1801. 
 
124 
 
 THE ADMIN1ST1L:\.TI0N 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Reflections on the conduct of the President — Dismission of 
 Mr. Gardner of Mew Hrunpshire — Spies encouraged — 
 Anecdote of the Spy Oram — Treatment to General Sump- 
 ter of South Carolina, at the JYew Circus, Philadelphia 
 — Federal mob on the 9th of May, 1798 — Dismission of 
 Dr. James Reynolds from the Dispensary at Philadelphia 
 — Persecution by the Dunkards — Federal Addresses — 
 Vanity of the President — Remarks of Mr. Cullender on 
 the Presidents answer to the Jfew Jersey Militia — Pro- 
 cession of the President from Quincy to Boston — Bostonian 
 honours — Reception given to the President at Faneuil Hall 
 — Characters of the Senators and Members of the House 
 of Representatives. 
 
 The beginning of the year 1798 may not improperly be 
 styled the commencement of the reign of terror in the United 
 States. Previous to the spring of this year, the image of a 
 republic, and the mildness of Washington's administration, 
 were preserved with a decent reverence. The unfortunate 
 alien had not to dread a dungeon more horrible than that 
 which he escaped, nor were the pen or the lips of the patriot 
 compelled to submit to the rigid forms of a sedition law. The 
 wavering intellect of Mr. Adams had only now assumed the 
 consistency of a tyrant. Although he might have long as- 
 pired at sovereign power, his administration was unstained 
 with acts of cruelty. He had not, previous to this period, 
 calumniated virtue, punished merit, rewarded vice, and given 
 a poignancy to the rage of contending parties. Whatever his 
 intentions might formerly have been, his conscience and not 
 the world witnessed their criminality. 
 
 Wilham Gardner,* Commissioner of Loans for New Hamp- 
 shire, a man of honour and integrity, was one of the first 
 whom he deprived of the means of supporting -a numerous 
 family, on account of his political principles. This gentleman 
 had, in December 1790, accepted the above othce — he was 
 then Treasurer of New Hampshire, a place worth about a 
 thousand dollars per annum — his situation as commissioner 
 
 * An uncle to the Editor. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 125 
 
 amounted only to six hundred and .fifty — he did not solicit his 
 new office — he was urged to accept of it by an assurance that 
 Congress would augment the salary — as they did not, Mr. 
 Gardner signified his intention to resign within eighteen 
 months after his acceptance, Mr. Hamilton, then secretary 
 of the treasury, sent him a letter in answer, dated the 14th 
 of June, 1792. In this letter, Mr. Hamilton expresses the 
 warmest approbation of Mr. Gardner's services, and regrets 
 that they had not been adequately rewarded — he solicited him 
 to continue his situation, with the assurance that his salary 
 would be enlarged. Mr. Gardner received two other letters 
 in the same style from Mr. Hamilton, and two from his suc- 
 cessor, Mr. Wolcott — of these, the, last is dated so late as 
 February 6th, 1797. In summer, 1798, he was turned out, 
 for refusing to subscribe an address to the President which 
 was circulated at Portsmouth, in New Hampshire, couched in 
 the most fulsome style, and breathing only slander and servile 
 bombast. 
 
 The same system of persecution was immediately extended 
 all over the continent. Every person holding an office was 
 obliged to resign, or adore Mr. Adams as the Augustus of the 
 nevv' world — a catalogue of their expulsions would fill a pam- 
 phlet. Spies were employed to report to the executive every 
 action and every word which reflected upon the President or 
 his servants. No public company was free from these hired 
 slaves of tyranny — the tables of the virtuous were besieged 
 by their sycophancy and betrayed by their hypocrisy. One 
 of them, by name Oram, had even the audacity to introduce 
 himself into an hotel where the Vice-President lodged. The 
 mind of Mr. Jefferson is above suspicion or disguise — his con- 
 versations on philosophy and politics were carried to the In- 
 quisition at Braintree, there new modelled, and afterwards 
 handed to Abercroraby, Linn, and Mason, by whom they were 
 trumpeted forth to the world. Mr. Adams had resolved to 
 reward the villain by making him a captain of artillery ; but 
 the depraved part of the Senate were ashamed of his charac- 
 ter, and the project was relinquished. 
 
 The emperors' of Rome, in the height of their power, re- 
 ceived from their humble subjects not more servile marks of 
 submission than were paid to President Adams by the federal 
 faction. The republican who had firmness enough of mind 
 11* 
 
126 
 
 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 to know his own importance, was always insulted, and often 
 in hazard of his life from this host of aristocracy. 
 
 In the summer of 1798, General Sumpter, of South Caro- 
 lina, was unwarrantably abused at the new circus, in Market 
 street, Philadelphia, because he did not pull off his hat, kiss 
 the ground, and clap his hands when John Adams entered the 
 place. The general sat in one of the front rows, when a ru- 
 mour spread that the President was coming in — the spectators 
 were rising from their seats, hurrying off their hats, and com- 
 mencing to clap, when one Fitzhugh called out in a loud 
 voice, asking why the general did not clap ? A second rumour 
 arose, and a second demand for clapping was made upon the 
 venerable veteran — at the same time Fitzhugh attempted to 
 seize his hands and force him to give applause. General 
 Sumpter represented there w^as no mutual acquaintance to jus- 
 tify such freedoms, that he was a stranger to the gentleman, 
 and asked if the latter knew who he was? " Oh, damn you, 
 we know you and all your party,", replied the tory ; " I hope 
 in six months time to see you all banished from the country ;" 
 then turning to the spy Oram, he went on thus : " Does not 
 Dayton keep these fellows in excellent order?" alluding to the 
 ruffian insolence of this man when Speaker of the House of 
 Representatives. The second rumour of the approach of the 
 President proved also groundless. At last, however, his Ma- 
 jesty did appear. Fitzhugh then attempted to snatch off 
 General Sumpter's hat, asking why, like the rest of the com- 
 pany, he did not uncover? The general found out his name, 
 and called for him next morning at his lodgings ; but Fitzhugh 
 was gone. 
 
 The ninth day of May, 1798, which was appointed by the 
 state of Pennsylvania as a day of fast and of worship to the 
 Creator, was designed by the federal friction as a day of mas- 
 sacre and bloodshed : they and the clergy had fixed upon it 
 as the most proper time for commencing their political perse- 
 cution. A well known clerical aristocrat, of Christ's church, 
 Philadelphia, was to give the signal of riot from the pulpit, 
 by a thundering declamation against philosophers and jacobins, 
 free-masons and illuminati. ]3ache, the printer, whose ftimily 
 and house were doomed for destruction, heard, by accident, 
 of his danger — he applied to Hilary Baker, then mayor of the 
 city, for protection ; but the mayor was in league with the 
 conspirators, and protection was refused. Bache, as his only 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 127 
 
 means of defence, collected and armed all his friends, and the 
 other republican householders did the same. The aristocrats, 
 seeing these preparations, desisted from their plan, but like 
 cowardly assassins, they filled the streets with noise and alarm, 
 broke several windows, knocked down the lamp-posts, be- 
 daubed the statue of the venerable Franklin with mud, and 
 defiled the entrance to every public building with crowns and 
 ensigns of royalty. When the hour of twelve at night was 
 struck, the Coffee House, in South Second street, which is 
 kept by an old servant of the ambassador Liston, was imme- 
 diately crow^ded with Adamites, who stunned the ears of the 
 neighbourhood until sunrise next morning with " God save 
 the King," and " Rule Britannia." The history of this night 
 has never been completely told. Mr. Callender affirms, that 
 a large quantity of arms were lodged in a house near the Hall 
 of Congress, from whence muskets and balls were to have 
 been distributed to the federal mob. Happily, however, by 
 the exertions of the republican inhabitants, the storm blew 
 over, and Philadelphia did not witness, as was intended, the 
 scenes of Paris on the 10th of August and 2d of September, 
 1792. 
 
 The spirit of party even extended itself to charitable insti- 
 tutions. The Dispensary at Philadelphia was then conducted 
 by six physicians, who gave attendance gratis. One of these 
 was Dr. James Reynolds, of Ireland, a gentleman who w^as 
 obliged to abandon his native country on account of his attach- 
 ment to political liberty. The managers of the Dispensary, 
 in place of thanking him for the acceptance of a trust by 
 which he could gain nothing, took offence at his attendance, 
 and gave him notice that his services were not acceptable. 
 The other five physicians wrote a letter to the managers, re- 
 presenting, that they could never admit the introduction of 
 such a principle for dismission. The board treated their let- 
 ter with contempt, and returned it back with a note wrote on 
 the cover, that " the contents were of a nature improper to be 
 considered." The physicians immediately gave in their re- 
 signation, adding, that they would continue their attendance 
 until successors could be appointed. The managers sent them 
 another letter, and, without thanking them for the latter part 
 of their communication, accepted of their proposal to resign. 
 
 In the same summer (1798), a German, living in Maryland, 
 wrote an account of himself in a letter to Philadelphia. He 
 
128 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 had been reduced, in his own country, from opulence to want, 
 by his attachment to the French revokition. He indented 
 himself and his family with the captain of a vessel bound for 
 Maryland; the captain could not sell the man, and gave him 
 hberty to shift for his support. The German was engage d by 
 some Dunkards to teach a school ; after a considerable time, 
 his employers came to learn his political history. At the pe- 
 riod of his writing this letter, they had resolved to turn him 
 loose on the world in revenge for his political tenets : what 
 became of him afterwards is not known. 
 
 During these scenes of tyranny, which were daily exhibited 
 in the streets of Philadelphia, Baltimore, and New' York, the 
 federal papers throughout the Union were filled with addresses 
 to the President, complimenting him upon the mildness, justice, 
 and impartiality of his administration; his attachment to 
 liberty and his benevolence to foreigners. Pickering, Liston, 
 and the British merchants, were the most active instruments 
 in procuring these epistles of royal jargon. 
 
 Every town and village which did not honour the Presi- 
 dent with their approbation, were supposed to be under the 
 influence of some jacobin. The province of Maine, where 
 General Dearborn, the present secretary of war, resides, was 
 ranked in the number; and the whole odium thrown upon 
 this patriotic officer. Mr. Pickering is said to have wrote to 
 him a letter; requesting him to use his influence with the in- 
 habitants to address the President ; informing him at the same 
 time, that Mr. Adams entertained the highest opinion of his 
 friendship, and that this act would still further strengthen that 
 sentiment. General Dearborn, with that candid integrity 
 which marks his character, returned an answer, informing the 
 secretary of state, that whatever his private sentiments might 
 be, he had taken no part in preventing the inhabitants to ad- 
 dress the President, nor would he use his exertions to promote 
 an address, however agreeable it might be to Mr. Adams, un- 
 less he saw a change of measures from those which were car- 
 rying on. Mr. Pickering wrote a second and a third letter to 
 the same purpose, but received no answer. 
 
 An address from New York was presented, containing four 
 thousand signatures, but three thousand of the names were 
 those of English merchants, their clerks and servants, who 
 had not resided above a few years in the state ;. several in- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 129 
 
 stances were even known of merchants compelling their clerks 
 to sign more than once under different signatures. 
 
 One of these addresses will be a sufficient specimen of the 
 fulsome flattery which was made use of: it is the production 
 of a society of merchants at Boston. 
 
 '* To John Adams, Esq., President of the United States of 
 America. 
 
 " We the subscribers, inhabitants and citizens of Boston, in 
 the state of Massachusetts, deeply impressed with the alarm- 
 ing situation of our country, and convinced of the necessity 
 of uniting with firmness at this interesting crisis, beg leave to 
 express to you, the chief magistrate and supreme ruler over 
 the United States, our fullest approbation of all the measures, 
 external and internal, you have pleased to adopt under direc- 
 tion of the divine authority, for setthng and accommodating 
 all existing differences, upon terms compatible with the safety, 
 the interest, and the dignity of the United States. 
 
 " We beg leave also to express the high and elevated opin- 
 ion we entertain of your talents, your virtue, your wisdom, 
 and your prudence; and our fixed resolution to support, at the 
 risk of our lives and fortunes, such measures as you may de- 
 termine upon to be necessary for promoting and securing the 
 honour and happiness of America ; nor can we omit, upon 
 such an occasion, to declare to the w^orld, that w'e are not 
 humiliated under a colonial sense of fear, that w^e are not a 
 divided people, but that we know the duty we ow^e to the 
 President of our country, and are determined to support him. 
 
 " Boston, 1st May, 1798." 
 
 The childish vanity Mr. Adams displayed upon receiving 
 these addresses, gave surprise to those w^ho even had the best 
 opportunity of being acquainted with his weaknesses. They 
 usually formed part of his table equipage, as regularly as a 
 newspaper, or a dish of coffee — a file of five hundred of them, 
 suspended in the front of his library, served him as a political 
 dictionary for civil, naval, and mihtary appointments, on all 
 occasions. None w^hose name w^as not found entered in this 
 sacred register, could claim any pretensions to the favour of 
 Mr. Adams. The magistrate, the soldier, and the sailor, 
 equally ow^ed their birth to this bundle of federal parchment, 
 which is now preserved in the palace of Braintree, and w^hich 
 
130 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 will transmit to posterity the political state of America at 
 the close of the eighteenth century. 
 
 Those addresses which were not couched in the most sub- 
 missive terms, were treated with the greatest contempt. One 
 of this nature was transmitted in June, 1798, by some officers 
 and soldiers of the Jersey miUtia. They said that they did 
 not acknowledge an implicit approbation of the conduct of 
 Mr. Adams ; they declared their disbelief " that the adminis- 
 tration of our governm.ent had in all cases been absolutely 
 perfect I" they explained their aversion to an English alliance 
 and a French war ; they ascribed the calamitous situation of 
 the United States to the influence of interested commercial 
 characters, and of the internal faction that had formerly re- 
 sisted the American Revolution; they warned Mr. Adams to 
 beware of surrounding flatterers, and of men who panted to 
 speculate in the spoils of w^ar. Mr. Adams returned th^m an 
 answer, censuring them in the severest terms for presuming to 
 call a government of their own choice a party, and for assert- 
 ing, or even supposing, that he caressed those characters who 
 were the w^orst enemies of America. 
 
 On this answer, Mr. Callender, with his usual acuteness, 
 makes the following severe, though just remarks : " Under the 
 general phrase of government, Mr. Adams here attempts to 
 confound the constitution and its officers. These are two 
 matters entirely distinct; as such they shall be separately dis- 
 cussed. I begin with the form of government ; that is, the 
 present federal constitution. 
 
 " This system w^as, after a violent struggle, adopted by a 
 majority of the people — one reason or conceit, which led them 
 to this measure, was, lest the United States should be invaded 
 and partitioned by some foreign power. For the last ten 
 years our public transactions have often originated in false 
 alarms, operating on the public mind like as many shocks of 
 electricity — at one time Genet was to overturn the govern- 
 ment ; when that bugbear vanished, the western mob, so care- 
 fully fostered into consequence by Hamilton, was to cover the 
 continent with carnage and desolation. 
 
 " The third annual panic arose in July, 1795, on the publica- 
 tion of Jay's treaty ; by democratical demonstration, the whole 
 shipping of America was, in two years at farthest, to be an- 
 nihilated. Nine months after, we found out that this very 
 bargain was the best imaginable, and that nothing but an im- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 131 
 
 riiLcUate acceptance of it could save our foreign commerce from 
 extinction. This was in 1796. The periodical tremor of 
 1797, began by the recall of Adet from Philadelphia, the re- 
 jection of Pinckney at Paris, the torrent of French piracy 
 that burst upon our navigation, and our consciousness of hav- 
 ing, in some measure, deserved the vengeance of the republic. 
 Men of sense recollected the impertinence of our presidential 
 speeches regarding France, the brutality of newspapers hired 
 by British ambassadors, and patronized by the federal party, 
 and above all, the ever-infamous desertion of our allies and 
 benefactors, consummated by Jay's treaty. In 179S, America 
 did, for once, assume an appearance of resolution. To meet 
 the approaching war. Congress voted for preparations to the 
 amount of about fourteen millions and six hundred thousand 
 dollars; and after all this additional vortex of debt, we dis- 
 covered that the last annual alarm has been equally false with 
 each of its predecessors. The French were provoked to plun- 
 der, but they have hitherto refused to fight. 
 
 " I now return to the tremor of 1787, by w^hich the * go- 
 vernment of your own choice,' viz., the federal constitution, 
 was crammed down the gullet of America. The first grand 
 argument for adoption w^as the danger existing from external 
 conquest. This could only be attempted upon three quarters : 
 First, by the English, a people whom the Americans had just 
 before beaten, and who, during that very period, were succes- 
 sively on the brink of war with France, Holland, and Russia. 
 Second, France might possibly have invaded this country ; but 
 her exchequer was bankrupt, and she was of course incapable 
 of fighting. Third, Spain could have disturbed the United 
 States, but her councils are always pacific. For the last hun- 
 dred and fifty years, her vigour has been broken, and she has 
 never once gone to war, but when kicked into it by the ambi- 
 tion of France or England. In short, at the time in question, 
 the powers of Europe were occupied in plotting the destruc- 
 tion of each other ; they had no leisure of thinking of Ame- 
 rica. Patrick Henry and his friends, in the convention of 
 Virginia, could not force Mr. Madison's majority to compre- 
 hend this very plain fact. The dread of foreign conqueb.t. was, 
 in 1787, as ridiculous as that of witchcraft, for which Mr. 
 Burroughs, once a parson of Salem, was hung by the .Mjints 
 of the last century." 
 
132 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 Mr. Callender urges, in ridicule, a number of other argu- 
 ments America had for framing a new constitution : 
 
 1st. Rhode Island (says he) refused to pay her share of the 
 expense of the war or of taxes to discharge it. 
 
 2d. The advantages that Congress would possess over in 
 dividual states, in framing commercial treaties with foreign 
 nations. 
 
 Mr. Callender admits that this motion was a plausible one, 
 and the principal cause of the formation of the constitution. 
 
 3d. In order to pay the debts of the United States, which 
 the Congress under the old confederacy could not pay. 
 
 On January 1st, 1790, the domestic and foreign debt of the 
 United States amounted, collectively, to fifty-four millions 
 three hundred and sixty two thousand dollars. The domes- 
 tic debt had been a great source of gambling to the members 
 of Congress ; with a view, therefore, to conceal their infamous 
 traffic, they comprehended in the same statute a mass of debt 
 due by individual states. With the same justice they might 
 have included all the debts which are reciprocally due between 
 private citizens ; the one measure would have been as regular 
 as the other. To assist themselves in supporting this assump- 
 tion of state debts, they authorized, on the 4th of August, 1794, 
 a loan of twenty-one millions five hundred thousand dollars. 
 The certificates of debts due by individual states, and which 
 had been issued by them as pledges to their private creditors, 
 were, under certain restrictions, to be received at the federal 
 treasury as current cash, in part of the loan. Thus the fede- 
 ral treasury was to reimburse itself by recourse upon the indi- 
 vidual states, for payment of these certificates. The young 
 government, therefore, was soon involved in a labyrinth of 
 debt, which, so far from decreasing, would, if the measures of 
 the late administration had been pursued, accumulated to a 
 sum our revenues never would have been adequate to defray. 
 
 ''Wherefore," says Mr. Callender, "the principal induce- 
 ments to accept of the constitution of your own choice are 
 proved by common sense or experience, to have been abso- 
 lutely chimerical, and nothing better than hobby-horses. 
 
 " In contradiction to what Mr. Adams affirms in his answer, 
 it is established, that the present government, both in its origin 
 and progress, has been, in every shape and sense, the govern- 
 ment of a party ; and of a party that is, in many respects, 
 very worthless. In opposition to the merit assumed by the 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 133 
 
 President, as a promoter of domestic peace, it is established, 
 that his measures multiply domestic discord ; and that the 
 scandalous newspapers printed under his influence, are so 
 many trumpets sounding to the charge of civil war. In ad- 
 dition to his inflammatory aspersions regarding French tribute, 
 it is proved, that the United States are tributary to the In- 
 dians, to the Algerines, and to the English." 
 
 Mr. Adams expressed himself in the same manner to an ad- 
 dress from the Bostonians of the 7th of August, 1797, as he 
 did to the New Jersey militia. 
 
 " The idea," says he, " of separating the people from a 
 government of their owm choice, can originate with none but 
 enemies of republican governments. Such a project, were it 
 practicable, w'ould be a demonstration that the people are not 
 capable of such a government ; and by a sudden introduction 
 of wasting calamities, would soon convince the people them- 
 selves of the necessity of instituting another form for their 
 own security and protection. The decided reprobation of 
 such nefarious designs by the citizens of Boston and its vici- 
 nity, will have a great effect in defeating them." 
 
 The Bostonians may justly be considered to have been the 
 Prsetorian guards of John Adams. The homage of flattery 
 which was Hrst paid him by these citizens, was at length con- 
 verted into a solemn protestation of fideUty. Whenever he en- 
 tered their town, a numerous cavalcade composed of horsemen 
 and foot, of women and children, were accustomed to collect 
 round his person ; to address him rather as the sovereign of the 
 world than the President of the United States, and to adore 
 him as a divinity, and not as a man. His procession from 
 Quincy, on the 17th of August, 1797, and the pompous parade 
 displayed on this occasion, will long be remembered as a spe- 
 cimen of the ostentatious dignity he was pleased to affect, and 
 of the honours which the folly of his countrymen allowed him. 
 Perhaps the monarch of France never visited Versailles in 
 greater state than Mr. Adams did Boston that day. 
 
 At an early hour in the morning, a corps of cavalry, com- 
 manded by Captain Amory, marched to Quincy, and paraded 
 before his door. From thence the President was escorted to 
 the seat of his excellency, the governor, at Roxbury. A 
 troop of girls dressed in white walked before him, and strewed 
 the road with flowers and leaves of laurel. The citizens of 
 Quincy led up the rear, bearing the American flag, the por- 
 12 
 
134 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 trait of John Adams, and the ensigns of liberty. This nume- 
 rous cavalcade was met on the road from Milton, and joined 
 by the officers of the Boston regiment, in uniform, as also by 
 a motley group of Bostonians, some in carriages, some on 
 horseback, and others on foot, who were hurrying to pay their 
 respects to the President. The increased multitude continued 
 their route to town, at the entrance of which they were wel- 
 comed by a federal salute from Captain Bradlee's artillery. 
 At the ancient fortification they were reinforced by cadets, by- 
 artillery and by infantry, all commanded by devoted subjects 
 to royalty. The line of march then continued to the centre 
 of the city, amidst the welcoming huzzas of crowds of syco- 
 phants, and the smiles of bevies of ladies, who adorned the 
 windows and displayed their charms to attract the fancy of 
 the President. Having arrived at the Old South, Mr. Adams 
 alighted, passed his escort in review, displayed his person for 
 a few minutes to the admiring spectators, by walking on the 
 balcony of the old State-House, from whence he proceeded to 
 the Senate chamber, where a procession was formed of the 
 principal officers of state, the senators of state, the judges, and 
 the members of the House of Representatives, who conducted 
 their sovereign to partake of the pleasures which were pre- 
 pared for his reception at Faneuil Hall. 
 
 This apartment was decorated throughout with trees and 
 evergreen. At the bottom of the stairs, an arch properly 
 supported, exhibited the Federal Constellation. At the head 
 of the first flight, was the bust of " a patriot," irradiated in 
 glory, motto, " The lustre of his actions burns with triumph- 
 ant brightness, and spreads a glory round him." Over him 
 an obelisk topped with the Omniscient Eye, motto, Fiddes 
 protego; descending from which a cherub extended a garter, 
 motto, sic iter ad astra, presented the Palm and the Laurel, 
 and offered them as Premium Virtutis. The second flight 
 exposed to view an urn bearing these words, " To the mem- 
 ory of those brave men who have fallen in the cause of Lib- 
 erty," and a pedestal with hie manes oh patrimn pugnando 
 vulnera passi. At the entrance of the hall. Liberty in all 
 her charms and emblems, held a scroll, seeming to breathe its 
 wish, " Liberty, Peace, and Happiness to all mankind." A 
 festooned orchestra formed the entrance to the room, which 
 was hung round with tapestry the most splendid which the 
 states of New England ever beheld. The decorations of co- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 135 
 
 lumns, ribbons, wreaths, and festoons were variously suspended 
 and grouped to please the fancy of the eye and attract the 
 crowd of flatterers whom Mr. Adams was to honour with his 
 presence. Over his seat, which was elevated in the form of 
 a throne, the arras of the United States were seen supporting 
 a portrait of himself, to which was affixed a satin curtain, 
 and the following lines, said to be the production of the poet 
 Trumbull : 
 
 " First advocate of Independence' cause ; 
 First to defend Columbia's balanced laws ; 
 First to oppose when Anarch's sons assail, 
 A conscious, grateful people bid thee hail." 
 
 Such was the pomp and parade that usually took place 
 whenever Mr. Adams was pleased to compliment the inhabi- 
 tants of Boston with a courtly visit. A striking specimen of 
 the genius and character of these people, who affect to hold 
 in contempt the innocent and sprightly levity of the citizens 
 in the southern states. 
 
 It may be interesting to know how the Alien Act, that pow- 
 erful engine of tyranny which Mr. Adams so successfully 
 wielded, was passed into a law, I shall, therefore, give an 
 account of the proportion of votes from each state in favour 
 of the bill and against it. 
 
 This act originated in the Senate of Congress, where it was 
 read, for the first time, upon June 8, 1798. Humphrey Mar- 
 shal, the poet, proposed an amendment of the second clause 
 of the first section — it was in these words : " which order 
 shall also express the cause of removal." Although nothing 
 could be more reasonable than this amendment, it was rejected 
 by seventeen votes against six. 
 
 The votes were fifteen against eight on the passing of the 
 bill. They stood thus : 
 
 Li favour of the Bill. 
 New Hampshire, 1 ; Massachusetts, 1 ; Rhode Island, 1 ; 
 Connecticut, 2 ; Vermont, 2 ; New York, 2 ; New Jersey, 1 ; 
 Pennsylvania, 1; Delaware, 2; Maryland, 1; South Caro- 
 lina, 1.— Total, 15. 
 
 Jigainst the Bill. 
 Virginia, 2; North Carolina, 1; Kentucky, 2; Tennessee, 
 2; Georgia, 1.— Total, 8. 
 
 It passed in the House of Representatives on the 21st of 
 
136 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 June, 1798, by forty-six votes against forty. Nineteen mem- 
 bers were absent. 
 
 For the Bill 
 
 New Hampshire, 3 ; Massachusetts, 11 ; Rhode Island, 2 
 Connecticut, 7 ; Vermont, 1 ; New York, 5 ; New Jersey, 4 
 Pennsylvania, 4; Delaware, 1; Maryland, 4; Virginia, 1 
 North Carolina, 1; South Carolina, 2. — Total, 46. 
 
 Against the Bill. 
 
 Massachusetts, 1 ; Vermont, 1; New York, 2; Pennsyl- 
 vania, G; Maryland, 3; Virginia, 11; Kentucky, 2 ; North 
 Carolina, 8 ; Tennessee, 1 ; South Carolina, 3 ; Georgia, 2. — 
 Total, 40. 
 
 From whence it appears evident, that the passing of the 
 Alien Act was entirely owing to the New England faction. 
 Not one senator from these states voted against it, and only 
 one representative out of twenty-four who were present. On 
 the contrary, eleven members from Virginia out of twelve 
 who attended the House, exerted every effort to oppose the 
 bill. In the Senate, there were fourteen members to the north 
 of the river Potomac, every one of whom supported it. Of 
 the nine members to the south of that river, two voted for it, 
 and seven against it. 
 
 John Langdon, senator from New Hampshire, was absent 
 at the passing of the bill. This is one of the few honest men 
 whom New England has sent to Congress. During the Re- 
 volution his services were conspicuous; a firm adherence to 
 republicanism has been a constant and uniform trait in his cha- 
 racter ever since. But Mr. Langdon, like most other virtu- 
 ous men, had the misfortune to incur the displeasure of Mr. 
 Adams. The following letter which this senator wrote to 
 Samuel Ringold, of Maryland, previous to the election of Mr. 
 Jefferson, unfolds sufficiently his own principles as w^ell as 
 those of the President. It is one of those precious morsels 
 of political information which deserve a place in every publi- 
 cation intended to record the vices and views of the late ad- 
 ministration : 
 
 " Portsmouth, October 10, 1800. 
 
 " Dear Sir : — Your agreeable favour of the 4th instant 
 has this moment come to hand ; I am greatly rejoiced to see 
 gentlemen of property and influence coming forward at this 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 137 
 
 eventful moment in the common cause of our country ; I have 
 no doubt we shall yet be saved. 
 
 " I am now packing my baggage, shall set out in the stage 
 to-morrow morning for the city of Washington ; hope to be 
 in Baltimore the beginning of next month ; this prevents me 
 answering your letter so fully as I could wish, having only 
 one moment to spare. 
 
 " In the conversation held between Mr. Adams, Mr. Tay- 
 lor, and myself, Mr. Adams certainly expressed himself (as 
 far as my memory serves me) in the very words mentioned 
 in your letter, viz., that he hoped, or expected to see the day 
 when Mr. Taylor, and his friend Mr. Giles, would be con- 
 vinced that the people of America would not be happy w^ith- 
 out an hereditary chief magistrate and senate, or at least for 
 life. 
 
 " Believe me sincerely, your obedient servant, 
 
 " John Langdon.* 
 
 " Samuel RingoW 
 
 It may be remembered that Mr. Callender requested time 
 might be granted him to serve a subpcena on Mr. Langdon, as 
 also on several others, whose evidence he believed would suf- 
 ficiently prove the most material of his charges against Mr. 
 Adams. But this necessary postponement, which would have 
 shown the President in his proper colours, was peremptorily 
 refused by the federal court. This circumstance, and the con- 
 duct of Judge Chase on that occasion, shall be more particu- 
 larly investigated when we come to narrate the trial of Mr. 
 Callender. 
 
 ]\Ir. Langdon, to his other virtues, adds that of a charitable 
 and generous mind — few of his countrymen possess this virtue 
 in an equal degree. Inattentive to the spirit of party and po- 
 litical intrigue, his principal study and greatest ambition are 
 to reward industry and obtain the applause of good men. 
 On all occasions he has stood forth and exerted himself in the 
 cause of the distressed and injured citizen. In short, which- 
 ever way we view Mr. Langdon, we find him fertile in every 
 great and good qualification. 
 
 Leaving Mr. Langdon, we enter a barren waste when we 
 
 * John Langdon was an uncle to the Editor. 
 
 12* 
 
138 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 venture to explore the characters of the other senators from 
 New England. 
 
 Theodore Sedgwick, of Massachusetts, and James Hill- 
 house, of Connecticut, were the principal authors of the alien 
 and sedition acts ; they also voted for Hamilton's plan of fund- 
 ing the domestic debt. A transaction more detestable than 
 this scheme can hardly be conceived, when it is known that 
 both these men had made considerable purchases in the certifi- 
 cates of the old army. 
 
 Foster, of Rhode Island, is one of the weakest men in the 
 United States. He voted, if we may believe his friends, for 
 the plans of the President, without comprehending their ten- 
 dency or import. His constituents, w^ho sent him to Congress, 
 and who were acquainted with the narrow^ extent of his ta- 
 lents, ought only to be censured. 
 
 Elijah Paine, from Vermont, presents a character of a dif- 
 ferent complexion. He displays, on every occasion, a natural 
 fierceness which it is impossible to temper or disguise. Though 
 a stranger to real wisdom, he is possessed both of selfish 
 cunning and a talent for intrigue. He can threaten or cringe 
 to his opponents as circumstances require ; but in general, his 
 behaviour borders on rudeness, and his oratory is savage in 
 the extreme. 
 
 Uriah Tracey may be regarded as the Burke of Connecti- 
 cut. Though neither possessed of the talents, the erudition, 
 or the splendid eloquence of that British senator, he rivals 
 him in anti-jacobin abuse and vindictive declamation against 
 the French nation. He w^ould wade up to the knees in blood 
 to extirpate the republicans of France. He has declared in 
 Congress, that if he had his wish, he would arm every man, 
 woman and child in America against every man, woman and 
 child in France. These were not words uttered in the heat 
 of passion, in the unthinking moment of pleasure, or over the 
 intoxicating fumes of Braintree claret ; they were pronounced 
 in/a solemn exhortation to the senators of the United States, 
 and accurately recorded by Mr. Lloyd, the stenographer, who 
 was present. 
 
 Mr. Bingham, of Philadelphia, senator for Pennsylvania, is 
 a merchant of immense property, a high-flying federalist, and 
 devoted to the British interest. He is ambitious of being 
 thought a man of science and a lover of the arts, but no man 
 has less claim to these pretensions than Mr. Bingham. The 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 139 
 
 ability of reading his own language, and of directing the 
 clerks of his counting-house, constitutes his whole stock of 
 learning. Although the virtues of honesty and a generous 
 heart are not the most conspicuous traits in his character, yet 
 he was the friend of Mr. Adams, and companion to the am- 
 bassador Liston. 
 
 The charges which have been adduced against James Ross, 
 the colleague of Mr. Bingham, are too numerous to admit of 
 insertion in their full extent. I shall only briefly specify 
 those, the truth of which even his friends are compelled to 
 allow. 
 
 This senator voted, in the convention of Pennsylvania, on 
 the 2d of February, to strike out of the constitutional regula- 
 tions about holding offices, the words " who acknowledges the 
 being of a God, and a future state of rewards and punish- 
 ments." 
 
 He stayed away from the Senate without any cause for nine- 
 teen weeks and four days, so that Pennsylvania, which had 
 only two votes in the Senate, was left with no more than one 
 vote in that body. (Journal of the Senate, January 8, April 
 26, and July, 1798.) By this means he escaped the odium of 
 voting for the alien and sedition bills. 
 
 Mr. Ross voted for the British treaty; for increasing the 
 salaries of the officers of government when the people were 
 groaning under the weight of new taxes ; he voted also for a 
 standing army. 
 
 At the table of Messrs. HoUines and Rainey, merchants, at 
 Philadelphia, when " The Constitution of the United States" 
 was given as a toast, he left the room. 
 
 Mr. Ross has been proved to be a deist — see a letter from 
 Mr. Jones, late chaplain to General Wayne, inserted in the 
 Aurora, 1st October, 1797. 
 
 General Lloyd, of Maryland, is the last of the federal sena- 
 tors I shall at present remark. This man, in the year 1799, 
 entered into a contract with the secretary of the navy to furnish 
 staves to the amount of 1500 dollars ; he received the money in 
 hand, and engaged to send the staves as soon as he got home. A 
 twelvemonth elapsed, and no staves came to hand ; upon in- 
 quiry being made, it was discovered that General Lloyd pos- 
 sessed no wood fit for that purpose. The money was never 
 returned, but the honest general was compelled, by the present 
 administration, to give a bond for the sum, bearing interest. 
 
140 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 The senators who opposed the bills were characters very 
 different. Mr. Henry Tazewell, and General Mason, of Vir- 
 ginia, w'ere of this party. I cannot represent these men in 
 juster terms than Mr. Callender has done. " Mr. Henry 
 Tazewell," says this writer, "was too honest to be purchased, 
 and too firm to be bullied ; too watchful to be surprised, and 
 too shrewd to be deceived. This gentleman was long an 
 effective antagonist to the stratagems of senatorial deceit, and 
 the brutality of senatorial despotism. 
 
 " With a happy temper, an invulnerable character, an in- 
 dependent fortune, and an amiable family ; with every physi- 
 cal and moral circumstance about him which can provoke the 
 envy, or challenge the esteem of mankind, General Mason has 
 presented an object of calumny for a set of miscreants whom 
 his good sense obliges him to despise, but whom his good na- 
 ture will hardly suffer him to detest. Without parade or 
 effort, his patriotism flows, like a natural fountain, from the 
 sweetness and rectitude of the primitive elements of his mind. 
 Had the majority of the Senate voted and acted like General 
 Mason, this country, to borrow the language of Demosthenes, 
 might have escaped from an Iliad of misfortunes,''^ 
 
 Of the twenty-six representatives from New England, only 
 three made a figure, or even were heard of, during the Revo- 
 lution. These were General Shepard, General Varnum, and 
 General Skinner. General Yarnum was the only member 
 w^ho voted against the alien bill. General Skinner was not 
 present, or most probably he would have acted with the same 
 patriotism. As for General Shepard, who voted for it, his 
 Ijest friends allow his only merit consists in that species of 
 personal courage which fits the mercenary assassin, but becomes 
 not the republican soldier — Shepard could fight with the same 
 courage in the cause of despotism as in that of liberty. Strong 
 in body but weak in intellect, he only appreciates those quali- 
 ties which characterize the barbarian ; while he holds in ridi- 
 cule the more generous virtues which adorn the mind and 
 enlarge the understanding of the civilized patriot. In short, 
 nature could not, without difficulty, produce a being more ig- 
 norant and wretched in point of reasoning, than this New 
 England general. 
 
 Mr. Samuel Sewall, of Massachusetts, w^as considered a 
 tory during the Revolution. He figured in the bankrupt list, 
 and has therefore little to fear from the worst misfortunes that 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 141 
 
 can befall his country. When he attempts to speak, his in- 
 solence and virulence of expression are unequalled by the bil- 
 lingsgate of the lowest miscreant who bawls at Westminster 
 for royal favour. But his character being known, his efforts 
 are disregarded, and his inflammatory jargon suffers a merited 
 contempt. 
 
 Dwight Foster, member from the same state, was also a 
 tory. This man being conscious of his own weakness, seldom 
 speaks but when he lisps an unmeaning sentiment in honour 
 of John Adams at some federal hall of riotous debauch. Sloth 
 and indolence, or a game at cards, are his favourite amuse- 
 ments. His hatred to the French is reported principally to 
 proceed from the lively sentiment in discourse which distin- 
 guishes that nation, and which by no means accords with the 
 phlegmatic humour of Mr. Foster. 
 
 John Allen, of Connecticut, is as remarkable for the un- 
 couth and vulgar extravagance of his expressions, as he is for 
 his tall hectic appearance. He has declared in a public as- 
 sembly, that the federal constitution was not worth a damn, 
 and that he would be glad to give it a kick. He gave up his 
 seat in Congress for the sake of being chosen into the Assem- 
 bly of Connecticut ; but his behaviour, when a representative, 
 disgusted even the federalists, and he was overpowered by a 
 republican candidate, which circumstance, it is said, had such 
 an effect upon his nerves, as ahnost to deprive him of the 
 weak and tender capacity of reasoning which he formerly 
 possessed. 
 
 Mr. George Thatcher, member also from Massachusetts, 
 when in the third Congress was almost never known to open 
 his lips. At that time he supported the character of a rea- 
 sonable man ; but observing that silence was not the way of 
 gaining the favour of the President and advancing in the list 
 of preferment, he studied for a whole summer the art of anti- 
 jacobin declamation with such success, that he delivered in 
 the Congress after, a thundering speech, intending to prove 
 that Barras was either mad or drunk, when he made his fare- 
 well address to Mr. Monroe. His friends were astonished at 
 his powers, and dignified him with the title of the American 
 Barras. Malice, however, who sheds her venom upon the 
 best of characters, accounts for this rapid and remarkable 
 change in the manners of Mr. Thatcher by the powerful at- 
 traction of British gold, and even hints at a promise from the 
 
142 
 
 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 ambassador Liston, if Blount's conspiracy had taken effect. 
 But it is much more probable that the love of vanity and ap- 
 plause, and a desire to rise in the estimation of Mr. Adams, 
 were the principal motives \vhich induced this New England 
 member to pass from the humble path of reserve and decency 
 into the boisterous ocean of noise and petulance. 
 
 Harrison G. Otis is another member from the royal state of 
 Massachusetts, who laboured with all the trick of a quibbling 
 attorney, to get the alien bill passed into a law. This man 
 is not entirely divested of fancy, but he is a stranger to argu- 
 ment, and unacquainted with the virtues of truth and candour. 
 The interest of British merchants, it is reported, procured him 
 to be one of the directors of the Bank of the United States, 
 and several pecuniary favours which he has granted these gen- 
 tlemen in return, prove that he possesses, in an eminent de- 
 gree, the qualifications of gratitude and a bountiful heart to 
 his friends. He is neither devoid of filial affection, if we may 
 judge from his petty manoeuvres to procure an addition of two 
 hundred dollars to the salary of his father. But the fear 
 which he expresses of Frenchmen, and his hatred at Irish- 
 men, are the two striking characteristics of his mind. In the 
 summer of 179S, he so much dreaded a French invasion, that 
 it is said, he would have removed into some of the back set- 
 tlements had it not been for the persuasion of Dwight Foster 
 and George Thatcher. No man, says Mr. Callender, can be 
 more ambitious to be the scavenger of his party than this ca- 
 lumniator of the Irish nation. Mr. Otis has since obtained 
 his wish ; for no man is more employed in rallying and collect- 
 ing together the scattered dregs of federalism than Harrison 
 G. Otis. 
 
 The late Mr. Josiah Coit, of Connecticut, who voted both 
 for the alien and sedition bills, wished at first to be considered 
 impartial ; but on this account he was attacked with the ut- 
 most fury by the treasury newspapers. William Cobbett 
 railed at him under the name of the Connecticut Bear ; Timo- 
 thy Pickering used to say, a doubtful friend was more danger- 
 ous than a professed enemy, and so was Mr. Coit; Mr. Adams 
 said he never wished to keep his mouth shut but in the pre- 
 sence of Mr. Coit. To do away with these prejudices which 
 Mr. Coit perceived the federal faction possessed towards him, 
 he made a long and violent invective in Congress against Mr. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 143 
 
 Jefferson, and afterwards voted for every measure the Presi- 
 dent desired. 
 
 Such were the characters of the principal leaders of the 
 New England faction, who ushered into existence the alien 
 bill, and gave a stab to the independence of America which 
 will be long felt and remembered. I shall now slightly trace 
 a few of the federal representatives in the other states, who 
 were no less active in promoting the power of the President 
 and infringing upon the rights of the people. 
 
 General VVilliams, of the state of New York, stands first in 
 the list of these federalists. This man, in the early period of 
 his life, was for several years tumbler to a quack doctor, who 
 travelled through the United States, vending his nostrums. 
 In these itinerant speculations. General Williams, who is re- 
 markable for activity and strength of body, used to carry upon 
 his shoulders all the stage apparatus and several chests of 
 medicine. When the revolutionary war broke out, he enlisted 
 in the army, and by his valour more than his honesty rose to 
 the rank he now holds. In 1776, he was elected a senator 
 from the state of New York, but was expelled two years after- 
 wards for the crimes of perjury, forgery, and corruption, as 
 may be seen by the journals of that assembly.* 
 
 * The following are the charges which were preferred against him by the 
 Senate of New York, on the 24th of October, 1778 : 
 
 1. That Joiin Williams, Esq., has ordered regimental courts martial, for 
 the trial of persons upwards of fifty years of age, and others ; and for of- 
 fences not cognizable before any court martial of the militia, authorized by 
 the law of this state, in which case the supposed delinquents have been 
 fined in different sums, from four shillings up to th'iTiy pounds ; and that in 
 consequence thereof, their personal property had been distrained, and sold at 
 an under value, to their great loss and impoverishment, and without being 
 duly convened at such court martial, and furnished with an opportunity of 
 defending themselves. 
 
 2. That Lieutenant-Colonel Webster, of the said John Williams's regi- 
 ment, was not only not consulted about the appointment of such courts mar- 
 tial, but was never appointed or requested by the said John Williams, to sit 
 in, or attend at either of them ; although the said Jolm Williams had fre- 
 quent and ready admission at the said courts martial. 
 
 3. That he not only subjects persons, by means of such pecuniary pun- 
 ishments as aforesaid, to heavy forfeitures, but also for effectually levying 
 them, threatens many of the inhabitants of the county to try them for their 
 lives, unless they submit to the penalties imposed by such courts martial as 
 aforesaid ; declaring, to their great distress, that he has it in his power to 
 strip them of all their property. 
 
 4. That he has made false abstracts for the militia, who have been in ac- 
 tual service under him, whereby he has, to the prejudice of the continent, 
 
144 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 The federalists exclaim against the private characters of 
 those men who figured in the National Assembly and Con- 
 vention of France ; while they pass over in silence the vices 
 of their own party. But let them examine the life and actions 
 of this beloved friend of Mr. Adams, and compare them with 
 the deeds of the blackest jacobin who ever graced the bloody 
 
 received much greater sums than it was ever conceived were due to such 
 militia ; and has withheld from persons belonging to his regiment, pay that 
 was actually due them, and received by him for their use. 
 
 5. That in the trial of sundry persons, before such courts martial as 
 aforesaid, for supposed offences, he has caused the said courts to inquire into 
 facts, which, if they ever happened, must have been perpetrated long before 
 tlie militia law took place ; thus making a law, which was only intended to 
 apply to cases posterior in their occurrence to the law itself, have retrospect 
 to facts, which if real, must have occurred before the passing thereof. 
 
 6. That when the continental troops abandoned Ticonderoga, and re- 
 treated from the enemy, and they advanced into the country, he sent one 
 Jonathan Baker to Major Skeene, in the enemy's service, and furnished him 
 with liard money to bear his expenses ; that Baker returned from Major 
 Skeene with a manifesto and proclamation from General Burgoyne, calculated 
 to enforce the submission of the inhabitants ; which manifesto and procla- 
 mation were brought into the committee and by them suppressed. 
 
 7. That afterwards, when the enemy had advanced as far as Fort Ann, 
 find the danger of the inhabitants thereby increased, he called the people of 
 his regiment togetlicr, and told them that they must take care of themselves, 
 intimating thereby his declining to command them ; and that afterwards, 
 having collected them in his barn, he told them they had but one of three 
 things to choose, to wit, either to fly for their lives, or to take up arms and 
 fight the enemy, or submit to them and take protections. And that after- 
 wards, when Captain M'Crocker, a continental officer, arrived on the spot, 
 he, the said John Williams, abandoned the command of his regiment to the 
 said officer. (Page 136, Journal of the Senate of the State of New York, 
 for 1778.) 
 
 On the 28th January, 1779, General Williams, after a full investigation 
 of tliese charges, was found guilty of those contained in the second and 
 fourth articles, and in some instances, of those in the first article. (Page 
 159, Journal of the Senate.) On the Stii of February, 1779, he was ex- 
 pelled by the following minute: (Page 1G6, Journal of the Senate.) The 
 crimes of which John Williams, Esquire, stands adjudged by the resolutions 
 of this Senate, of the 29th of January last, hold him up as entirely des^ti- 
 tutc of integrity, evidenced by his unjust misapplication of military autho- 
 rity, his flagrant peculation on the United States of North America, his dis- 
 honest attempts to deprive the militia under his command of their just pay, 
 and his after attempts to cover his injustice by undue applications of a great 
 part of the moneys which he had received from the pay office of the said 
 United States, upon false and fraudulent pay abstracts, fabricated and at- 
 tested by himself. In this accumulated and just view of his conduct, he 
 appears to this Senate wholly unworthy to represent the good people of tliis 
 state in the dignified and important place of a senator thereof 
 
 Resolved, therefore, that the said John Williams, Esquire, be, and he is 
 hereby expelled this Senate. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 145 
 
 list of Robespierre, and they will find that John Williams 
 is infinitely their superior in perfidy and low chicanery. It is 
 inconceivable how this man ever came to be elected a member 
 of Congress, or how the House of Representatives sutfered 
 him to profane their presence ; unless we suppose that an in- 
 terval of time had cast a shade over his villany, and that in 
 the dearth of honesty the rogue crept in. 
 
 Jonathan Dayton, of New Jersey, the late speaker of Con- 
 gress, is notorious from Boston to Georgia. The deeds of the 
 other members of Congress were scarcely known beyond the 
 circle of their respective states, but the speculations of this 
 man have rung throughout the western world. They are un- 
 folded in sixteen letters to one Francis Childs, which were 
 made public by a bill of complaint which Dayton and one 
 Lawrence presented to the chancellor of New York, against 
 Childs. The letters will speak for themselves;* for any com- 
 
 * To the Honourable Robert R. Livingston, Esquire, Chancellor of the 
 State of New York. 
 
 The bill of complaint of Jonathan Hampton Lawrence, and Jonathan 
 Dayton, humbly complaining, show unto your honour, your orators, Jonathan 
 H. Lawrence, and Jonathan Dayton, of the city of New York, merchants, 
 trading and using commerce, together with Francis Childs, under the style 
 or firm of Lawrence, Dayton, and Co. That some time in or about the 
 thirteenth day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred 
 and ninety-six, the said Francis Childs, and a certain William Denning, jr., 
 applied to your orators to endorse two promissory notes for them ; the one 
 drawn by the said Francis Childs for the sum of eighteen thousand eight 
 hundred and ten dollars, the other drawn by the said William Denning, jr., 
 for the sum of six thousand six hundred dollars, both dated on the said 
 thirteenth of May, in the year last aforesaid, and payable, with interest, in 
 eighteen months after date ; and your orators show, that in compliance with 
 such request, they endorsed the said notes with their said firm, and delivered 
 the same to the said William Denning, jr., and Francis Childs. And your 
 orators show, that the said several promissory notes were delivered by the 
 said Francis Childs and William Denning, jr., to a certain Thomas Marston, 
 in pursuance of a colourable agreement for the sale of land-office warrants ; 
 which, as your orators are informed by the said William Denning, jr., was 
 an usurious agreement for the loan of money at an interest greatly exceeding 
 the interest of seven per cent, per annum. And that the said notes were 
 made and given by them, and received by the said Thomas Marston, to se- 
 cure the said sum, and the illegal and usurious interest thereof, contrary to 
 the form of the statute in such cases made and provided; whereby your 
 orators are advised, the said several notes are void and of no effect. And 
 your orators further show, that at and for some considerable time after the 
 said thirteenth day of May, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six, the 
 said Francis Childs, and the said William Denning, jr., were and continued to 
 be solvent ; but that your orators did not pay the said notes and endorsements, 
 to secure themselves against the said endorsements by suits against the said 
 
 13 
 
346 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 ment upon such a scheme would only tend to render stale and 
 less flagrant the rascality of the transaction. Some crimes 
 are so horrible in their nature as will not endure the lash of 
 
 William Denning and Francis Childs, they being assured by the said WiHiam 
 Denning, jr., that the said corrupt agreement could be proved by evidence in 
 his possession, and tliat the said evidence should be produced ; the said 
 William Denning, jr., having formally forbidden your orators to pay the said 
 note, on the ground of such corrupt agreement. But novkr, so it is, may it 
 please your honour, that the said Francis Childs, and William Denning, jr., 
 having become insolvent, the said Thomas Marston delayed commencing 
 any prosecution against your orators, until the said William Denning and 
 Francis Childs became insolvent ; but about a year after the said notes be- 
 came due, commenced a suit in the Supreme Court of this state, against 
 your orators, as endorsers of the several notes. And the said Francis Childs 
 and William Denning, well knovv^ing their inability to pay the said notes, in 
 case they should be taken up by your orators, but combining and confede- 
 rating themselves to and with the said Thomas Marston, and to and with 
 divers other persons, at present unknown to your orators, whose names, when 
 discovered, they pray may be inserted in this their bill of complaint, with 
 proper and apt words, to charge them as parties thereto, in this respect, 
 how to injure and aggrieve your orators, refuse to produce the testimony of 
 the original agreement and consideration for the said notes ; and the said 
 Thomas Marston refuses to discover whether any, and what sums of money 
 were left in his hands, by the said Francis Childs or William Denning, jr., 
 or either of them, which ought, in equity, to have been endorsed as a pay- 
 ment thereon. All which actings and doings of the said confederators, are 
 contrary.to equity and good conscience, and tend to the manifest injury and 
 oppression of your orators. In tender consideration whereof, and forasmuch 
 as your orators are wholly remediless in the premises, by the court rules of 
 the common law, the said suit being now pending against them, and your 
 said orators being unable to plead, on account of the want of such precise 
 information of the evidence of the said original agreement as the said con- 
 federates possess, but which they now refuse to communicate, and that 
 the rather, as the information relative to such evidence, together with 
 the delay in bringing the said suit, tended to prevent your orators from 
 securing themselves against the said endorsements. To the end, there- 
 fore, that the said Thomas Marston, Francis Childs, and William Denning, 
 jr., and the rest of the confederators, when discovered, may, upon their 
 several and respective corporeal oaths, true, full, and perfect answer make, 
 to all and singular the premises, in as full and ample manner as if the same 
 wore here again repeated, and they thereto interrogated. And that the said 
 suits at law against your orators may be enjoined, and that they may have 
 such farther and other relief, as to your honour shall seem meet, and be 
 agreeable to equity and good conscience. May it please your honour, to 
 grant unto your orators, the most gracious writ of the people, of injunction 
 to the said Thomas Marston, his attorneys, counsellors, solicitors, and agents, 
 and every of them, to be directed, thereby commanding them, under a cer- 
 tain pain, therein to be expressed, absolutely to desist from furtlier prosecuting 
 the said suit at law against your orators, until the said defendants shall have 
 fully answered this bill, and your honour shall make other order herein to 
 the contrary. And may it also please your honour, to grant unto your 
 orators, the most gracious writ of tlie people, of injunction to the said 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 147 
 
 censure, and the actions of Dayton are of this class. Mr. 
 Callender says there appears to be something about this fede- 
 ralist which even treachery cannot trust. 
 
 Thomas Marston, Francis Childs, and William Denning, jr., and their con- 
 federates, wlien discovered, commanding them and every of them, at a cer- 
 tain day, and under a certain pain, therein to be expressed, to be and appear 
 before your honour, in this honourable court, to answer all and singular, 
 and to stand, to perform, and abide, such order and decree therein, as may 
 be agreeable to equity and good conscience : and your orators will ever 
 pray. J. H. LAWRENCE. 
 
 Sworn this second day of June, 1800, before me, 
 
 JAMES M. HUGHES, Master in Chancery. 
 
 I certify that I have perused the within bill, and in ray opinion a writ of 
 injunction ought to issue, agreeably to the prayer thereof, the suit at law 
 not being at issue. JAMES M. HUGHES, Master in Chancery. 
 
 Dated 2d June, 1800. 
 
 I certify the preceding to be a true copy of a bill filed in my office, July 5, 
 1800. ISAAC L. KIP, Clerk of Chancery. 
 
 Answer of T. Marston to the above Complaint. 
 
 {The several answers of Thomas Marston, defendant, 
 who is impleaded with Francis Childs and Williain 
 Denning, junior, to the bill of complaint of Jonathan 
 H. Lawrence, and Jonathan Dayton, complainants. 
 
 IN CHANCERY. 
 
 This defendant now, and at all times hereafter, saving and reserving to 
 himself all, and all manner of benefit, and advantage of exception, that may 
 be had or taken, to the many errors, uncertainties, and manifest insufficiencies, 
 in the complainant's said bill of complaint, contained for answer thereto, or 
 unto so much thereof as this defendant is advised is material or necessary 
 to make answer unto, he answereth and saith, that some time in the month 
 of April, or the beginning of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
 seven hundred and ninety-six, this defendant holding certain land-office 
 warrants, he was applied to by Francis Childs, named in tlie said bill of 
 complaint, through his agent, George Knox, to sell the same warrants to 
 him ; that this defendant agreed with the said agent to sell the said warrants 
 at and after the rate of fifty-five dollars for each hundred acres ; that tho 
 number of warrants amounted, as near as this defendant can recollect, to four 
 hundred and sixty-two, covering in the whole forty-six thousand two hun- 
 dred acres of land. And this defendant further saitli, that the amount of the 
 consideration to be given for the said warrants, was twenty-five thousand 
 four hundred and ten dollars ; and that the same this defendant agreed to 
 accept in notes, payable within eighteen months, with lawful interest ; and 
 this defendant further answering, saith, that on the thirteenth day of May, 
 in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six, the 
 agreement for the sale of the said land-office warrants was completed, and. 
 
148 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 Four members from Pennsylvania voted for the alien act; 
 and Mr. Hartley, who was then absent, voted for the sedition 
 act. 
 
 as near as he can recollect, he delivered the said warrants to the said agents, 
 or a clerk of the said -Francis Childs, and at the same time, this defendant 
 received a promissory note, dated the said thirteenth day of May, in the 
 said year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six, made by the said 
 Francis Childs, in favour of Lawrence, Dayton, and Co., for the sum of 
 eighteen thousand eight hundred and ten dollars, payable in eighteen months, 
 with interest, which note was endorsed by said Lawrence, Dayton, and Co., 
 to William Denning, jr., and by the said William Denning, jr., endorsed 
 to this defendant. And this defendant further saith, that for the residue 
 of the said consideration for the said warrants, he received one other pro- 
 missory note, bearing date the said thirteenth day of May, in the year one 
 thousand seven hundred and ninety-six, made by the said William Den- 
 ning, jr., in favour of Lawrence, Dayton, and Co., for the sum of six thousand 
 six hundred dollars, payable in eighteen months, with interest, which note 
 was endorsed by the said Lawrence, Dayton, and Co., to this defendant. And 
 this defendant further saith, that the said agreement for the purchase of the 
 said land-office warrants, as aforesaid, was an honest and bona fide transac- 
 tion, and not a corrupt or usurious agreement ; neither are the considera- 
 tions expressed in the said promissory notes, usurious or illegal ; neither were 
 the said notes given for the loan of money, at an interest exceeding the in- 
 terest of seven per cent, per annum ; but the same were given to secure to this 
 defendant the payment of the amount of the consideration money agreed to 
 be given to this defendant, for the said land-office warrants, and for no other 
 purpose. And this defendant further answering, saith, that some time after 
 the said notes became due, he caused a suit to be instituted in the Supreme 
 Court of Judicature of this state against the complainants upon the said 
 note ; that as this defendant hath been informed by his attorney, and which 
 information he believes to be true, in such suit it was plead in abatement of 
 the same, that the said Francis Childs was their partner ; and thereupon the 
 said suit was discontinued, and the suit alluded to in the complainant's bill of 
 complaint, instituted, and is now depending. And this defendant further 
 saith, that he has not received at any time, either from the complainants, the 
 said Francis Childs, or the said William Denning, jr., any payment whatever, 
 on account of the said notes, or either of them ; but that the sum of twenty 
 five thousand four hundred and ten dollars, the amount of the said notes, 
 with the lawful interest thereon, from the said thirteenth day of May, in the 
 year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six, is now justly due this 
 defendant. And this defendant humbly insists, that the allegations of the 
 said complainants, in their said bill of complaints, are mere pretexts to 
 avoid paying a just debt. And this defendant further saith, that as the 
 agreement for the sale and delivery of the said land-office warrants, was a 
 verbal one, from the length of time elapsed since the making of it, he can- 
 not, from his recollection, set forth any further or more relating thereto than 
 what he hath already done in this his answer. And this defendant further 
 saith, that he denies all, and all manner of unlawful combination and con- 
 federacy, wherewith he is charged, without that there is any other matter, 
 cause, or thing, in the complainant's said bill of complaint contained, mate- 
 rial or effectual in the law, for this defendant to make answer unto, and not 
 herein and hereby well and sufficiently answered, avoided, traversed, or de- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 149 
 
 William Craik, of Maryland, was originally a man of some 
 moderation, and possessed of a considerable share of political 
 knowledge. By both parties he was heard with deference 
 
 nicd, is true, to the knowledge and belief of this defendant, all which mat- 
 ters and things this defendant is ready and willing to aver, maintain, and 
 prove, as this honourable court shall direct ; and humbly prays to be hence 
 dismissed, with his reasonable costs and charges in the law, in this behalf, 
 most wrongfully sustained. THOMAS MARSTON. 
 
 Sworn the 1st of July, 1800, before 
 
 THOMAS COOPER, Master in Chancery. 
 
 State of New York 
 in Chancery. 
 
 Answer of Francis Childs, <^c. 
 
 The several answers of Francis Childs^ defendant^ 
 who is impleaded with Thomas Marston and Wil- 
 liam Denning, junior, to the bill of complaint of 
 Jonathan H. Lawrence and Jonathan Dayton, com- 
 plainants. 
 
 This defendant, saving to himself, now, and at all times hereafter, all, 
 and all manner of benefit, and advantage of exception, that may be had 
 or taken, to the many untruths, errors, uncertainties, and manifest insuffi- 
 ciencies, in the complainants' said bill of complaint, contained for answer 
 thereunto, or unto so much thereof as this defendant is advised is material 
 or necessary for this defendant to make answer unto, he answereth and 
 saith, that some time previous to the thirteenth day of May, in the year of 
 our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six, this defendant and 
 the complainants, Jonathan H. Lawrence and Jonathan Dayton, became 
 partners in trade, under the firm and style of Lawrence, Dayton and Co. 
 That the said Jonathan Dayton was then Speaker of the House of Repre- 
 sentatives in Congress, and resided, at that time, in the city of Philadelphia, 
 and from his situation in publie life, well knowing the advantages which 
 would result from speculating in land-office warrants, projected a specula- 
 tion, and wrote to this defendant, in the city of New York, to purchase a 
 quantity of paper of that description ; that thereupon, this defendant learn- 
 ing that Thomas Marston, of the city of New York, gentleman, had a 
 number of land-office warrants to dispose of, this defendant applied by his 
 agent, to the said Thomas Marston, for the purchase of the said warrants, 
 which were in number four hundred and sixty-two. And this defendant 
 agreed with the said Thomas Marston, to allow for the same, at and after 
 the rate of fifty-five dollars for each hundred acres of land contained in the 
 said warrants, to be paid within eighteen months, with interest. And this 
 defendant further saith, that the said warrants were to, and did actually, 
 cover forty-six thousand two hundred acres of land. And this defendunt 
 further saith, that at the time the said speculation was on foot, he com- 
 municated the same to the said Jonatlian H. Lawrence, who expressed 
 a wish to be concerned therein ; that thereupon this defendant wrote to the 
 said Jonathan Dayton upon the subject, who approved of the said Jonathan 
 H. Lawrence being concerned in the said speculation. And this defendant 
 furtlier saith, that William Denning, junior, of the city of New York, also 
 knowing of the said speculation, did apply to this defendant, to let him, 
 the said William Denning, junior, into a share of the said purchase and 
 speculation ; that thereupon this defendant consulted with the said Jonathan 
 
 13* 
 
150 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 and respect ; but this did not please Mr. Adams, and a friendly 
 hint was given to him by secretary Pickering that neither 
 praise nor profit could be got by such conduct. 
 
 H. Lawrence, who was the acting partner of the house of Lawrence, Day- 
 ton and Co., and who consented to the said William Denning, junior, be- 
 coming interested in the said purchase and speculation with them. And 
 this defendant further answering, saith, that he, immediately thereafter, by 
 his said agent, concluded the said agreement with the said Thomas Mars- 
 ton, and informed him that the said William Denning, junior, was to be 
 concerned with this defendant, the said Jonathan H. Lawrence and Jonathan 
 Dayton, in the said purchase. And this defendant further answering, saith, 
 that in order to secure to the said Thomas Marston, the payment of the 
 consideration money, agreed to be paid to the said Thomas Marston, for the 
 said warrants, at the time aforesaid, and at the rate aforesaid, amounting 
 in the whole to the sum of twenty-five thousand four hundred and ten dol- 
 lars, this defendant, in consequence of a previous understanding between 
 him and the said Jonathan H. Lawrence for that purpose, and at his request, 
 did, on the thirteenth day of May, in the year one thousand seven hundred 
 and ninety-six, make a certain promissory note to Messrs. Lawrence, Day- 
 ton and Co., payable to them, or order, in eighteen months after date, for 
 the sum of eighteen tliousand eight hundred and ten dollars, with interest, 
 (that sum being the amount of the said warrants which fell to the share of 
 Lawrence, Dayton and Co., on such purpose) which note was endorsed by 
 the said Jonathan H. Lawrence, for Lawrence, Dayton and Co. to the said 
 William Denning, junior, and by the said William Denning, junior, endorsed 
 to the said Thomas Marston. And this defendant further saith, that for the 
 residue of the consideration money for the said warrants, the said William 
 Denning, junior, did make a certain other note to the said Lawrence, Day- 
 ton and Co., payable in eighteen months, for the sum of six thousand six 
 hundred dollars, with interest, (that sum being the amount of the said war- 
 rants, at the rate aforesaid, which fell to the share of the said William 
 Denning, junior), which said last mentioned note was endorsed by the said 
 Jonathan H. Lawrence, for the said Lawrence, Dayton and Co. to the said 
 Thomas Marston. And this defendant further saith, that said notes being 
 thus drawn, endorsed and delivered to the said Thomas Marston, the said 
 land warrants, at the same time, were delivered by tlie said Thomas Mar- 
 ston to a clerk of this defendant, and this defendant delivered the same to 
 the said Jonathan H. Lawrence, and who, to the best of this defendant's 
 recollection and belief, entered the same, or such parts thereof as belonged 
 to the said Lawrence, Dayton and Co., in the books of the said company, 
 and delivered the same, which fell to tlie share of the said William Denning, 
 junior, to him. And this defendant further saith, that he is informed that 
 the said William Denning, junior, some short time after, sold and disposed 
 of the said land warrants which fell to his sliarc, to a profit; and that the 
 said Lawrence and Dayton, though not for the benefit of Lawrence, Day- 
 ton and Co. located a part of the said warrants which fell to their share, on 
 lands of an immense value. And this defendant further answering, saith, that 
 the said agreement, for the said purchase of the said land warrants, was 
 not a corrupt or usurious agreement ; neither were the considerations ex- 
 pressed in the said notes usurious or illegal ; neither were the said notes 
 given for the loan of money, at an interest exceeding the interest of seven 
 per cent, per annum ; but the same were given to secure to the said Thomas 
 
OP JOHN ADAMS. 151 
 
 For the speculations of General Morgan, of Virginia, I 
 must refer the reader to Captain Stephenson's printed letters. 
 Morgan held an office in the Pittsburgh expedition, and 
 
 Marston the consideration money to be paid for the said warrants, which 
 were purchased upon good faith, and a fair transaction. And this defendant 
 further saith, that the said note, so as aforesaid drawn by this defendant, 
 was not for his own private benefit or account, but on account of the said 
 Lawrence, Dayton and Co. And that before and since the filing of the said 
 bill of complaint, the said Jonathan H. Lawrence has acknowledged the 
 same to this defendant. And this defendant further saith, that before the 
 said notes became due, he went to Europe ; and that before he went to Eu- 
 rope, conceiving himself not separately answerable for the payment of the 
 said note so drawn by him as aforesaid, he never made any arrangements 
 for the payment thereof when the same became due ; but this defendant 
 saith, that when he went to Europe, he lefl in the hands of the said Jona- 
 than H. Lawrence and Jonathan Dayton, personal property sufficient to 
 have paid his proportion of the said notes, which property might easily have 
 been turned into money, and the notes paid off and discharged, had the said 
 Jonathan H. Lawrence and Jonathan Dayton been disposed so to do. And 
 this defendant further saith, that he has been informed, and verily believes, 
 that afler the said William Denning, junior, had given his note as afore- 
 said, and before the same became due, the said William Denning, junior, 
 became insolvent. 
 
 And this defendant further saith, that the said speculation in the said 
 land warrants, was a project and contrivance of the said Jonathan Dayton, 
 whilst he was Speaker of the House of Representatives in Congress, as this 
 defendant can abundantly show by letters from the said Jonathan Dayton, 
 to him vipon the subject, and copies of which are hereunto annexed. And 
 this defendant farther answering, saith, that he cannot but confess that the 
 whole amount of principal and interest on the said notes, are now honestly 
 due to the said Thomas Marston, agreeable to the tenor of the said notes, 
 and that the said notes ought long since to have been paid off: And this de- 
 fendant denies that any payment whatever has been made by him to the 
 said Thomas Marston, on account of the said notes or either of them ; and 
 insists that the allegations of the said complainants as contained in their 
 bill of complaint, are mere shifls used by them to delay or get rid of the 
 payment of a just debt : And this defendant further answering, saith, that 
 he knows not of his own knowledge, when the suit mentioned in the com- 
 plainants' bill of complaint was instituted upon the said notes, but he has 
 been informed and believes, that during his absence in Europe, a suit was 
 commenced upon the said notes, against the said Jonathan H. Lawrence 
 and Jonathan Dayton, and that to such suit, the said complainants plead in 
 abatement, that this defendant was not a party to the said suit: and that 
 thereupon the said suit was discontinued, and a suit commenced anew in 
 the Supreme court of this state upon the said notes, in which suit this de- 
 fendant is made one of the defendants, and which suit, as this defendant is 
 informed, is the one now alluded to in the complainants' said bill of com- 
 plaint. And this defendant further saith, that as the agreement respecting 
 the purchase of the said land-office warrants, from the said Thomas Mars- 
 ton, was not reduced to writing, he can declare or discover no other agree- 
 ment than the one before in this his answer, set forth in that behalf. 
 And this defendant denies all, and all manner of unlawful combinations 
 
152 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 shared very deeply in the profits of that job. Want of health 
 prevented his attendance when the alien and sedition bills 
 passed, or he would, without any hesitation, have voted for 
 the royal pair. 
 
 and confederacy wherewith he is charged — without that, that there is any 
 other matter, cause or thing in the complainants' said bill of complaint, 
 contained material or effectual in the law for this defendant to make answer 
 unto, and not herein and hereby well and sufficiently answered, avoided, tra- 
 versed or denied, is true to the knowledge or belief of this defendant, all 
 vi^hich matters and things this defendant is ready and willing to aver, 
 maintain and prove as this honourable court shall direct, and humbly prays 
 to be hence dismissed with his reasonable costs and charges in the law, in 
 this behalf wrongfully sustained. FRANCIS CHILDS. 
 
 Sworn this 26th day of June, 1800, before me, 
 
 THOMAS COOPER, Master in Chancery. 
 
 LETTER. (No. 1.) 
 
 Dear Sir, — I transmit herewith Finlay's Commercial Register, which may 
 be useful to you and L. D. & Co. as matter of information. I hope to hear 
 from you upon the subject of the warrants, when the mail which left New 
 York yesterday arrives here. A lai'ge company is forming itself here, for 
 the purchase of United States lands, and a part of their capital is to be 2000 
 military land warrants; but it will be impossible for the company to procure 
 them without paying a very high price. Yours in haste, 
 
 JONA. DAYTON. 
 
 P. S. You need not mention my name. 
 
 Francis Childs, Esq., iVeio York. 
 
 Free. JONA. DAYTON. 
 
 (No. II.) 
 
 Philadelphia, January 27, 1796. 
 
 Dear Sir,— I have been very directly informed that military land warants 
 have been, within a few days, sold in New York, upon time, at seventy-five 
 dollars per Inmdred acres. Will you employ some broker, who is in that line, 
 to inquire how much can be had in cash for them, to the amount of two hun- 
 dred warrants, or 20,000 acres, and how much upon time, with or without 
 the legal interest. Do not mention my name to tlie broker, or any other 
 person; nor make it known that it is my wish to sell, as such information 
 miglit possibly have an influence to produce a fall. The committee have 
 reported a bill for the sale of lands, in the Norlh-Western territory ; have 
 fixed the price at two dollars per acre, and have admitted military warrants, 
 in payment for all purchasers, in the proportion of one-seventh. As soon as 
 it comes from the press I will transmit it to you. The same committee are 
 preparing two other bills, the one for sale of lands in the South-Western ter- 
 ritory, and the otlier, for the grant of the military tracts upon tlie location 
 of military warrants. You will oblige me by writing on this subject by 
 Monday's mail. JONA. DAYTON. 
 
 P. S. Mr. Mitchell was one who gave seventy-five dollars. 
 
 F. Childs, Esq. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 153 
 
 James Machir is a Scots tory, and cautiously withdrew 
 
 himself to the country before the bills were brought forward. 
 
 Thomas Evans, also of Virginia, voted for both, and de- 
 
 (No. III.) 
 
 Fhiladelphia, January 29, 1796. 
 
 Dear Sir, — I send you a copy of the bill for the sale of lands in the 
 North-Western Territory ; it would be well for Mr. Morton to publisli it, that 
 any persons may be at liberty to make such remarks, eillier by letters to 
 members, or otherwise, as suggest themselves. Has Capt. Waddell sailed ? 
 and did he sail before the receipt of my letters ? It is possible that the pub- 
 lication of the enclosed bill, on Monday, may so affect the market for war- 
 rants as to raise them on Monday evening. I wish, tlicrefore, you would 
 write to me by Tuesday's mail. If your broker should be offered more 
 than fifly-two dollars in cash, or in proportion for thirty or sixty days, you 
 may direct him to make engagements for two hundred warrants, or 20,000 
 acres, to be delivered in eight days ; or you can probably borrow them from 
 Capt. Watson, or some other friend, until I can send them from this place. 
 Vour attention to this will oblige your friend, &c. JONA. D. 
 
 Francis Childs, Esq. 
 
 (No. IV.) 
 
 Philadelphia, Februarys, 1796. 
 
 Dear Sir, — In consequence of the great scarcity of cash, it may perhaps 
 be more beneficial to make sale of the warrants upon credit. I wish the 
 first payment of four thousand dollars to fall due the 30th of March, and the 
 residue at such convenient times thereafter as may accommodate the pur- 
 chaser. I expect an opportunity in one or two days to send forwards the 
 two hundred warrants, as I shall want a supply of money in a few days be- 
 yond what I have at command. I would consent to your taking for one- 
 third or one-half of them, fifty dollars in cash, if you cannot get more, as 
 they have been sold in New York for seventy-five dollars on a year's credit. 
 It is best to request your agents to ask high enough for them, and to know 
 from any persons offering to purchase what they will give. 
 
 A company has formed itself here, which will absorb sixteen or eighteen 
 hundred land warrants, amounting to 160 or 180,000 acres. I have desired 
 Mr. Meeker to sign, in name of J. H. Lawrence Sc Co, such number of 
 shares as amount to 30,000 acres, payable in v.'arrants. If 3'ou or he wish 
 to come in, it is so arranged that you can come in for a part of the 30,000, 
 after the plan of the association and its objects are made known to you. 
 AVrite to me by the next mail, and believe me yours, with esteem, J. D. 
 
 Mr. Childs. 
 
 (No. V.) 
 
 Philadelphia, Feh. 9, 1796. 
 Dear Sir, — I have received yours of yesterday, and agreeably to my pro- 
 mise transmit you herewith a copy of the bill reported by the committee, for 
 locating military land warrants. Is it necessary that I should send you the 
 warrants before I have information that you have stipulated for their sale ? 
 as in case you fail I should wish to have them here, to take advantage of 
 any sudden favourable offer in this place. If, however, you think it ad- 
 visable, I will forward them by the first good opportunity, although the one 
 
154 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 fended them in a pamphlet, the style and language of which 
 were not ill adapted to the dignity of the cause he had under- 
 taken. 
 
 which I expected by Mr. Ogden has failed, he having returned from Tren- 
 ton home without visiting us as he had proposed. What terms have been 
 offered you for the warrants in cash or on time ? The enclosed bill may be 
 printed if you think best. — Yours with esteem, J. D. 
 
 P. S. Do you know whether James Watson still holds his warrants ? 
 
 F. Childs, Esq. 
 
 (No. VI.) 
 
 Philadelphia, Feb. 10, 1796. 
 
 Dear Sir, — I have this moment received yours of yesterday, and approve 
 of the sale at fifty dollars for the whole two hundred. A good opportunity 
 must be sought for transmitting them to you. I will thank you to inform 
 me on what day you must have them, so that if a good conveyance does 
 not previously offer, I must send a person purposely with them to reach you 
 within the time. The payment in ten or fifteen days will answer my pur- 
 pose well, provided you are certain of a compliance at that time, and the 
 warrants are only to be delivered at the moment of payment. You will please 
 to employ the money as you propose for me, if to be done safely and to great 
 advantage. I have fifl;y more which I would sell at fifty-five dollars for 
 sixty days to Mr. M., if he can give you a good endorser — perhaps John 
 Stitc?, Inform me the day I must send them, and what can be had in cash 
 or on credit, when you write me. I am holder of a very large quantity, 
 which higher prices alone can tempt me to sell ; do you know who are the 
 buyers generally in your market ? 
 
 The charters you request, shall be procured and sent. — Yours, , 
 
 JONA. DAYTON. 
 
 Francis Childs, Esq. 
 
 (No. VII.) 
 
 Philadelphia, February 15th, 1796. 
 
 Dear Sir, — Mr. Benjamin Williamson is now here, and will leave this place 
 on Wednesday morning. I shall send the warrants by him, and he has pro- 
 mised that he will take them immediately to you in New York, so that you 
 may expect them on Saturday at farthest. Do not lose sight of the contract 
 you have made, for I am aware that they will experience a temporary fall, 
 and if you fear any disadvantage from the delay, it may be possible to borrow 
 them ; but as your letter mentions that you are to be paid in twelve or fifteen 
 days, I conclude the purchaser will think himself favoured that you do not 
 call upon him sooner. Your broker or agent would do well to inquire 
 whether he will be ready to pay the money, and receive the warrants by 
 Saturday, or if it is preferred, by Monday. Is it improper for you to tell 
 me who the purchaser is ? I am promised the papers which you wished to 
 have to-day. — Yours in haste, 
 
 Francis Childs, Esq. JONA. DAYTON. 
 
 (No. VIIT.) 
 
 Philadelphia, February 23c?, 1796. 
 Dear Sir, — I have received your's of yesterday : I am of opinion that 
 the land-office bill will pass, the difference in sentiment which occurs in 
 
OP JOHN ADAMS. 155 
 
 Mr. Grove was the only member from North-Carolina who 
 supported these bills. This man, to use the words of Junius, 
 is only " the Punch of the puppet-show, to speak as he is 
 prompted by the chief juggler behind the curtain." 
 
 debate appearing to turn principally upon the mode and system rather than 
 upon the expedience of doing it. Warrants cannot be got here at fifty — no 
 broker or other person will engage to supply two or three hundred under 
 sixty dollars each, but they bid no price in proportion in cash, as it is ex- 
 tremely scarce. I have not sold out as St. and Salt, suspect ; or rather I 
 hold more than two-thirds of all I had, believing that they cannot eventu- 
 ally fall. I may, however, sell sixty more, but not for less than those you 
 disposed of for me. They will, I am sure, soon rise in New Yorli, as tiiey 
 arc not to be had here ; and the Spanish treaty, which is arrived, and is said 
 to have secured the navigation of the Mississippi, will give a new spring to 
 that speculation. You will, without doubt, close the business of your 
 
 w 1 contract as soon as possible, that you may have and employ the 
 
 money to the best and earliest advantage. In great haste, yours, 
 
 F. Guilds, Esq. J. DAYTON. 
 
 (No. IX.) 
 
 Philadelphia, March 1, 171)6. 
 Dear Sir, — Colonel Samuel Ward has probably informed you, that at his 
 request, and to accommodate Mr. Comfort Sands, I agree to give up the bond 
 and mortgage on the two lots, and take the note of the one, endorsed by 
 the other, for the sum. My papers are in the hands of Mr. Lawrence, to 
 whom, with you, I have referred the business. I will thank you for your 
 attention to it, and particularly to see that I am made secure, as you know 
 infinitely better than I do the circumstances of the merchants or men of 
 business. If Colonel Ward should comply with my request, and anticipate 
 the payment of one third or one half, by giving one note payable on the 30th 
 of Marcli, and postponing the like proportion of it to a more distant time, 
 it will oblige me, but I would not insist upon it as the condition of my com- 
 pliance. Will you be so obliging as to inform Mr. Lawrence that I have 
 received his letter upon the subject of the new Insurance Company about to 
 be established in New York, and I authorize him or you, if you think it ad- 
 visable, and subscribe for yourselves, to put down my name for twenty 
 shares exclusively of the subscription for the company. Have you yet re- 
 
 Scived the money for the w ts, or whr\t prevents your receiving it? 
 ^he interest itself on such a sum is of some consequence, even if no other 
 injury can arise from delay. Do you know their price at this time in New 
 York ? It has been liinted to me, that the Ion? expected ratification of the 
 British treaty is arrived, and that the whole will be promulgated by procla- 
 mation, in this evening's paper. The Spanish treaty is now before the 
 Senate, and is said to be very favourable. It will, when known, undoubtedly 
 give a new spring to our land-office bill, and enhance the value of our 
 western lands. Yours with regard, JONA. DAYTON. 
 
 P, S. Mr. Dcnman, in course of conversation, has just mentioned that he 
 sold two hundred warrants on a credit of thirty days, at fifty-one dollars. 
 Have you made tiie change in the original contract; or were they other 
 
 w ts. 
 
 F. Childs. 
 
156 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 The members from South-Carolina who voted for the alien 
 and sedition acts, were Thomas Pinckney, Robert G. Harper 
 and John Rutledge. 
 
 (No. X.) 
 
 Philadelphia, March 14, 1796. 
 
 Dfar Sir, — I have drawn upon you this morning in favour of Matthias 
 Denman, for four thousand dollars, payable in fourteen daj's from the date. 
 
 You will, of course, take care to bring within your reach by that time so 
 
 much of the proceeds of the sales of my w ts as will enable you to 
 
 discharge the bill. Are you employing the money to advantage, or is it still 
 in the hands of the purchaser ? and if so, what does he allow for the use of 
 it ? How long notice must be given you, if I should find it my interest to 
 draw for the residue ? A contract which I have lately made, will, if fulfilled 
 by the other party, impose on me an obligation to pay, by instalments, about 
 3,500 dollars, six hundred of which are to be on demand. He is disposed to 
 make a considerable abatement from the residue for prompt payment; but 
 not knowing what you are to receive, I cannot judge whether it is better to 
 leave the money where it is. You have, I find, organized your Insurance 
 Company, but the president is a man whose name I never before heard. Do 
 you know anything yet respecting Captain Land on, or do you expect to see 
 before you hear from him ? Can you tell the highest price obtainable in 
 cash or on credit, with approved notes, for one hundred warrants ? It has 
 become very problematical whether the rice speculation will prove as ad- 
 vantageous as was at first expected — what think you of it ? Have you heard 
 from Captain Waddell ? Yours with esteem, JONA. DAYTON. 
 
 Francis Childs, Esa. 
 
 (No. XI.) 
 
 Philadelphia, March 24, 1796. 
 
 Dear Sir, — By Captain Clay, of this town, who left Liverpool the 22d 
 ult., we have an inundation of news — I enclose the hand-bill and paper. 
 You will readily perceive that the most important article, under the head of 
 the preliminary convention for peace, was a fabrication. 
 
 I advised you, in a former letter, of my having drawn upon you for 4000 
 dollars, in favour of Mr. Denman ; I have since heard nothing from him or 
 you. It was my wish to have been informed, likewise, how the product of 
 the warrants is situated, and what compensation is to be allowed for its use, 
 as a very handsome oifer had been made, which I could not accept until I 
 had advice from you. With sincere regard, yours, 
 
 Francis Childs, Esq. JONA. DAYTON. 
 
 (No. XII.) 
 
 Philadelphia, March 29, 1796. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Dear Sir, — The committee, yesterday, reported the land-ofiiee bill, con. 
 
 formably to the alterations and amendments made in committee of the whole 
 
 house ; it is ordered to be printed, and when put into our hands a copy shall 
 
 be sent — my oj)ininn is that the bill will pass. On what terms are the 400 
 
 w ts offered you, on a credit of six and twelve months ? Not so large 
 
 can be had here on any terms: but I should wish to compare it first with 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 157 
 
 The political character of Harper is well known ; and 
 probably we shall have his secret history, when, like Alexan- 
 der Hamilton, he will be obliged to give to the world his amo- 
 
 tlie offers in tliis place. In respect to the English treaty, it is my opinion 
 that every question reUiting to it, in every shape, will have an unfavourable 
 aspect towards it, except the last and most important one, viz. that of making 
 appropriations, upon which occasion, I am inclined to believe, there will be 
 a majority for carrying it into effect. I request you, however, not to men- 
 tion my name as an authority for it, on account of my situation. 
 
 Yours with esteem, 
 F. Guilds, Esq. JONA. DAYTON. 
 
 (No. XIII.) 
 
 Philadelphia, Ajnil 6, 1796. 
 [Extract.] 
 Dear Sir, — I am pleased that you have made the arrangements which 
 you mention, respecting the sum of 5000 dollars, which remains on account 
 
 of the w . The w you mention cannot, in my opinion, but prove 
 
 a good bargain at 55, on a credit of 6 months ; you are, however, as capa- 
 ble of judging as myself I have made an offer for 200 here myself, at 
 nearly the same rate. We are discussing the land-office bill, which will 
 undoubtedly pass, great progress having been made in it yesterday. 
 
 Yours with esteem, 
 F. Childs, Esq. J. DAYTON. 
 
 (No. XIV.) 
 
 Philadelphia, April 19, 1796. 
 Dear Sir, — I have received yours of the 15th. There were many rea- 
 sons which induced a wish tiiat you would become equally concerned with 
 Mr. Lawrence and myself, in the house about to be formed and cstablislied 
 in New York — it was therefore witli pleasure I read your dctn- nination. 
 la answer to your inquiries respecting the English treaty, I assure you that 
 I entertain an opinion different from the leaders of both parties — they think 
 that a majority will refuse appropriations; I do not think so, althoug-h it is 
 highly probable that such will be tlie first vote and decision. As in military 
 so in political contests, an unsteadiness or wavering in the ranks on one 
 side always augurs an unfavourable issue to the party where it is perceived, 
 and rarely fails to produce flight, dismay, and defeat : such symptoms are 
 perceptible in the plialanx of the opposers cf appropriations, and I own I 
 shall be cgregiously mistaken if (wlien it becomes a question of nerve) a 
 sufficient number do not tread back their ground to occasion a result very 
 different from that which present appearances indicate. They calculate upon 
 the number j'ou mention, viz. 57, and say that they are certain, and cannot 
 be diminished, but will probably be increased ; this would, on account of 
 absentees, make a majority of 15 ; too large a number to be easily operated 
 upon ; but this is no common case. The section in the 1 md-office bill wliich 
 provided for the admission of military warrants in a certain proportion, in 
 payments, was, upon my suggesting that it would be more fivourable and 
 acceptable to tlie army, to have a tract equal to the Wabash tract, appro- 
 priated for military rights near the Scioto, struck out. There did not ap- 
 
 14 
 
158 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 rous intrigues, in order to divert public attention from con- 
 templating the schemes he had formed for enslaving his coun- 
 try. 
 
 pear to be a single member opposed to give such a tract in lieu of the other 
 plan, and the bill for locating military warrants will be so amended. The 
 disadvantages of the original plan were, that warrants could only be intro- 
 duced in proportion as the land sold, for two dollars and upwards, and it 
 could not be expected that in this way, more than one thousand warrants 
 would be absorbed in any one year ; as 600,0000 acres was the largest 
 quantity calculated to be sold annually at those prices, and the sixth part 
 thereof would require 1000 warrants or 100,000 acres. On the other plan, 
 the whole number which any man possesses may be located and realized in 
 twelve months, and that on lands good and well situated. The prospect of 
 their rising in value is, in my opinion, fairer than it ever was, and I have since 
 the sale made by you, purchased nearly 100 for cash, 200 on a year's credit 
 with legal interest, and expect to get 2 or 300 more. What is their price 
 with you, on a year's credit, with or without legal interest ? Can any and 
 what number be had upon a sudden demand and occasion ? The contents 
 of this letter are of such a nature as render it improper to be seen by any 
 except yourself; burn it therefore, wlien you have perused it, and believe me 
 
 Sincerely yours. 
 
 (No. XV.) 
 
 Philadelphia, April 19, 1796. 
 Dear Sir, — I have received yours of yesterday. The alarm which you 
 mention to prevail in the city of New York, will be productive of good ra- 
 ther than evil, although I am far from believing that the present state of 
 things warrants it. The shock which private credit is receiving, and tl^.e 
 fall of produce, as well as the stagnation of commerce, even though it be 
 temporary, are serious evils. Cannot the friends of Livingston, Havens, 
 Hathorn, Van Cortlandt, and Bayley, be induced to remonstrate seriously 
 with them, against their opposition to making the proper provision for car- 
 rying the treaty into effect. Request Mr. Childs to make the attempt. He 
 or liis friends must know who have the greatest influence with those gen- 
 tlemen, and they will, I am sure, respect much more the advice of their 
 friends and supporters, immediately addressed to them personally, than that 
 of a petition directed to the House of Representatives. But I do not mean 
 to discourage the latter mode of declaring your sentiments ; but I recom- 
 mend the sending persons even into the districts of the members I have 
 mentioned, in order to engage influential men to be active. There will be 
 time to do this, for the discussions will probably be very lengthy — or if tliey 
 are not, the first vote will not be so conclusive but that we may change, 
 wlienevcr a few will come over from the first majority. That majority is 
 diminishing — three from Maryland and the one from Jersey v.'ho voted for 
 Livingston's resolutions will now vote for carrying the treaty into effect ; two 
 New York members, and two or three are wavering, but are inclined 
 to tlic Virginia side, if the stir that is making does not shake their nerves. 
 Tell Mr. Childs they must be active, and appoint respectable committees to 
 correspond in all directions, excepting south of the Potomac. Keep «p, 
 for a time, the spirit that is now fermenting, and all will yet be well. My 
 opinion is, tliat your arrangements and establishment in New York should 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 159 
 
 The characters of Pinckney and Rutledge I reserve until I 
 treat of the election of Mr. Jefferson in South-Carolina. 
 
 go forward, for I cannot persuade myself that a majority will persist in 
 their opposition, or that if they do, the consequences will be so important as 
 are apprehended. This is intended for you and Mr. Childs only, as I would 
 not say anything which would tend to relax the laudable exertions which 
 are about to be made. The purchase you hint at, may, I believe, be made 
 advantageously, if you can hit upon the price when it is at its lowest. 
 Should you be very much pressed for money, I can accommodate you here 
 for a number of days, and until you are more in cash, with the 750 dollars. 
 
 Yours with esteem, 
 
 JONA. DAYTON. 
 
 (No. XVI.) 
 
 Philadelphia, May ISth, 1796. 
 Dear Sir, — Yours of yesterday is received. The three thousand dollars 
 which I asked to be remitted from Mr. Denning before the adjournments, will 
 not probably be wanted before the 24th or 25th, as our session will necessa- 
 rily be prolonged a few days beyond the time contemplated. I will join you 
 in the purchase of the four hundred and sixty-two w. and am willing that 
 Mr. Lawrence should be concerned also, if he wishes it. Inquire, when 
 you go to the city next week, whether any other considerable quantity may 
 be had, and on what terms, and give me immediate information, and at the 
 same time, where you will be on each day next week, whether in E. Town 
 or N. York. I have sometimes thought it might be advisable to form a 
 company to purchase all the floating w., and afterwards locate them ; but 
 some inconvenience would attend such a partnership, which rather deters 
 
 me from it. Who are these in the city that are purchasing w with 
 
 an intention to hold and locate them ? I will write by to-morrow's mail and 
 isend you the last report of the land-office committee. — Yours, 
 
 JONA. DAYTON. 
 
 P. S. Deliver the enclosed Register to Mr. Lawrence, who will probably 
 be at home on Sunday. 
 
 F. Childs, Esq. 
 
 [Mr. Dayton has since withdrawn his suit, after paying the costs ; which 
 is an evident proof of the justice of the answers of Mr. Marston and Mr. 
 Childs, and the injustice of his own complaint.] 
 
160 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Observations upon the Alien and Sedition Bills — Arrestment 
 of Dr. Smith and Mr. Biirk — Origin of Dr. Smith's 
 acquaintance with Mr. Adams — Trial of Colonel Mat hew 
 Lyon — Barbarous treatment towards French Prisoners — 
 Case of Joseph Ball and others. 
 
 The alien and sedition bills were acts, for the passing of 
 which Mr. Adams deserves to be dragged and impeached 
 before the bar of the Senate ; nor will Congress perform their 
 duty to the people, if they suffer such an infringment of their 
 rights to pass unnoticed. The rebellion of Fries, or the out- 
 rages committed by the Western mob, were not such flagrant 
 violations of the Constitution of the United States, as those 
 unwarrantable deeds. I do not mean to perplex the reader 
 with a tedious argument upon a subject which has already 
 been so fully discussed ; divine inspiration itself, could hardly 
 throw a new light upon it. 
 
 The 9th Sect, of Art. 1, of the Constitution, proves, in a 
 sufficient manner, the illegality of the alien bill. " The mi- 
 gration or importation," says that clause, " of such pf?rsons 
 as any of the States now existing, shall think proper to ad- 
 mit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year 
 one thousand eight hundred and eight ; but a tax or duty may 
 be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for 
 each person." Judge Iredell wished to persuade the grand 
 jury of Pennsylvania, upon the trial of Fries, that this clause 
 was only intended for blacks ; but even allowing his idea to 
 be just, the alien bill contained no exception in favour of ne- 
 groes more than whites. Aliens of every description, Euro- 
 peans, Chinese, and Africans were, by this bill, left at the 
 mercy of the President, either to be buried in a dungeon or 
 sent to starve on some inhospitable shore. Neither time nor 
 money was allowed the unfortunate stranger who had incurred 
 the displeasure of Mr. Adams, to enable him to return to his 
 native country ; he had only one alternative, either to rot in 
 jail or embark upon the ocean, perhaps without a farthing in 
 his pocket. 
 
 It is amazing with what effrontery Judge Iredell laboured 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 161 
 
 to explain away the above clause. " It is believed," says he, 
 " that it was never suggested in any other country, that 
 aliens had a right to go into a foreign country, and stay at 
 their will and pleasure, without any leave from the govern- 
 ment." Supposing this to be the case, the laws of other na- 
 tions could not supersede and do away an express article in 
 our Constitution, which allowed the importation of aliens for 
 a specified time. America, however, is not the only country 
 which held out this protection for foreigners — in Great Bri- 
 tain, before the alien bill passed, they enjoyed the same privi- 
 lesfe of residence as citizens. 
 
 Respecting the sedition act, it is entirely incompatible with 
 the following amendment to the Constitution : " Congress 
 shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or 
 prohibiting the full exercise thereof, or abridging the freedom 
 of speech, or of the press, or the right of the people peace- 
 ably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress 
 of grievances." 
 
 Judge IredelFs sole defence of this bill rests upon the sup- 
 position, that it was not intended to affect the liberty of the 
 press, and he is forced to acknowledge, that the above clause 
 in the sedition act, renders void any law which would have 
 that tendency. But it is no difficult matter to prove, not- 
 withstanding the ingenious subtlety of the judge's argument, 
 that the sedition law struck directly at the vitals of that in- 
 estimable right. — It imposed a fine of two thousand dollars, 
 upon every person who should WTite or publish, or cause 
 to be written or published, a libel against the government of 
 the United States, or either House of Congress, or against 
 the President ; and by (he trials which took place, it may be 
 seen, that any publication which did not approve of the mea- 
 sures of government, and the conduct of the Executive, was 
 construed into a libel. The prosecutions of Lyon and Cal- 
 lender, of Cooper and Holt, are the best commentary upon 
 the sedition law. The names of these gentlemen will be quo- 
 ted in support of the liberty of the press, and of the tyranny 
 of Mr. Adams, when the laboured arguments of Paterson and 
 Peters, of Iredell,* Addison, and Chase, are no longer remem- 
 bered.! 
 
 * Judge Iredell died a few months after the trial of Fries. 
 t The Essay of Hortensius, and Mr. Wharton's Treatise on Political In- 
 quiry, may be consulted with considerable profit on this subject. 
 
 14* 
 
162 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 Dr. James Smith and Mr. Burk, of New- York, the former 
 a citizen and the latter an alien, were among the first who 
 were arrested upon the sedition act. They were the editors 
 of a newspaper called the Time-Piece, and had inserted a para- 
 graph which did not meet with the approbation of the Presi- 
 dent. An antipathy of a long standing had existed between 
 Mr. Adams and the Doctor. Smith is a native of America ; 
 he went to Britain before the declaration of our independence, 
 and afterwards passed over to France. There he got ac- 
 quainted w^ith Mr. Adams when at Paris, in the year 1777. 
 But these two politicians did not long agree — the open re- 
 publicanism of the Doctor could not accord with the sly and 
 Jesuitical policy of the American negotiator ; they w^ere also 
 rivals in other pursuits. The city of Paris is the grand thea- 
 tre for amusing sport and amorous intrigue. Both Mr. 
 Adams and Doctor Smith were desirous of exhibiting their 
 youthful talents, and of displaying to the metropolis of Eu- 
 ropean fashion, the gallantry of the new world. In these 
 respects Dr. Smith had infinitely the advantage ; his lively 
 wit and jeu-d'esprit were more acceptable to the Parisian 
 ladies than the dull and phlegmatic humour of Mr. Adams. 
 This circumstance, joined to a difference in political opinion, 
 created an irreparable breach between them, which was not 
 forgot by the one w'hen raised to the elevated station of Presi- 
 dent of the United States, or by the other in the more humble 
 capacity of a newspaper editor. When Mr. Adams heard of 
 the Doctor's intention to return to his native country, at the 
 commencement of the present war, he exhibited signs of dis- 
 pleasure and uneasiness ; probably he dreaded that some of 
 the frohcs in which he acted the part of a lifeless Punch at 
 the palace of Yergennes, would be brought to light ; and that 
 Americans would hear with surprise, that instead of a diplo- 
 matic character, they had sent a buffoon to the Court of 
 Yersailles. 
 
 Whether from American or British influence, certain it is, 
 that Doctor Smith could, with the greatest difficulty procure 
 an American captain to carry him to New- York, and even 
 after he had engaged with one, the vessel, either by accident 
 or design, run aground upon the English coast, and notice 
 was sent to the British ministry and the American ambassa- 
 dor that Smith was on board ; but no public steps for his de- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 163 
 
 tention being taken, he was allowed to proceed for his native 
 country. 
 
 Burk knowing, as he was an alien, that he would not only 
 receive the punishment which a federal court would gener- 
 ously bestow, but be afterwards compelled to leave the United 
 States, thought it most prudent to take himself off without 
 waiting for the issue of a trial. The Time-Piece was, in 
 consequence, dropped, and this being the point which Mr. 
 Adams w'ished to accomplish, the trial of Dr. Smith was 
 never brought forward. 
 
 Although the sedition law had now for some time been 
 employed in holding the citizens in subjection, and preventing 
 them from a mutual communication of their griefs and inju- 
 ries, yet it was never supposed, that Mr. Adams w^ould ven- 
 ture to extend the same scourge of power to the Representa- 
 tives of the people. This was a step for w^hich he could 
 borrow no precedent even from England, the government of 
 which he so much admired — he was also conscious of the 
 danger of the attempt, and probably would never have tried 
 the experiaient, had it not been for the urgent entreaties of his 
 secretaries, Timothy Pickering and Oliver Wolcott. These 
 active inquisitors entertained an implacable aversion towards 
 Colonel Mathew Lyon. They dreaded the open honesty of 
 his tongue, and the rough though just censure of his pen. 
 They knew while this patriot w^as at large, it would be im- 
 possible to cancel truth and lull into lethargy the citizens 
 of Vermont and the Eastern states. But were he deprived 
 of the use of his literary arms, even for a few months, they 
 had hopes that in this time, they might draw the chains of 
 slavery so far over his unhappy countrymen, as afterwards 
 to defy both the force of patriotism and the love of liberty 
 to remove. 
 
 The loss of no occurrence in the judiciary courts of 
 America, ought so much to be regretted as an accurate state- 
 ment of his trial. The rigid discipline practised in the Fede- 
 ral court, in wdiich Judge Paterson presided, prevented even 
 the printer of the Vergennes Gazette from taking notes. 
 The miserable account, therefore, printed in most of the public 
 papers, w^as the production of one of Lyon's jury, w^hose 
 name, like that of the traitor Arnold, must fill every honest 
 mind with indignation and scorn. 
 
164 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 Thus circumstanced, it is only practicable to relate the 
 leading occurrences that took place on that occasion : 
 
 On Friday, the 5th of October, 1798, the grand jury of 
 Vergennes brought into court an indictment containing three 
 counts against Colonel Mathew Lyon, Representative for 
 Vermont. The first of which charged Mr. Lyon, with wri- 
 ting a letter to Mr. Spooner, printer of the Windsor paper, 
 published on the 31st of July last, containing artful and 
 indirect accusations against the President of the United 
 States ; importing corruption in his appointment of men to 
 office, displacing and " rejecting men of age, experience, wis- 
 dom, and independency of sentiment," and insinuating that he 
 is devoted to a fondness for " ridiculous pomp, idle parade, 
 and selfish avarice." The second and third counts were for 
 uttering, publishing, and printing, of certain parts of a letter, 
 said to be from an American diplomatic character in France, 
 (commonly called the Barlow letter) " abusing, in a most 
 virulent manner, the President and Senate of the United 
 States ; and particularly for their conduct towards France." 
 
 The indictment contained inuendoes in common form, and 
 averments of the ''intention of the defendant to stir up sedi- 
 tion, and to bring the President and government of the United 
 States into contempt, &c." 
 
 Mr. Lyon was apprehended and brought before the court 
 on Saturday morning, put to plead, and desired to name his 
 counsel. He pleaded not guilty, and informed the court that 
 he had sent to Bennington for Jonathan Robinson, and David 
 Fay, Esqrs. to be his counsel, but that he did not expect them 
 until Monday — he was, therefore, admitted to bail, and the 
 court put the cause over to Monday. Accordingly, on that 
 day at 11 o'clock, Mr. Lyon was called ; he observed that 
 his counsel had not arrived, and requested a postponement : 
 the court adjourned to 11 o'clock ; he again requested a post- 
 ponement, and the court, after some hesitation, adjourned to 
 12 o'clock. 
 
 At 12 the court opened, and Mr. Lyon informed the court 
 that he chose to proceed to trial, although his counsel from 
 Bennino;ton had not arrived. He sent for Judsfe Israel Smith 
 to advocate his cause, who declined being particularly assigned 
 as counsel, but at Mr. Lyon's desire he sat by him during the 
 trial and advised. 
 
 After a statement of the case by Charles Marsh, the attor- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 165 
 
 ney of the United States, Mr. Lyon entt-red upon his defence. 
 He began by observing, 1st, That the court had no jurisdiction 
 of the cause, for that the hiw of Congress was imconstitutional 
 and void. 2d, That the publications were innocent ; and 3d, 
 That the contents were triie. This he said he would prove by 
 Judge Paterson, and his friend Judge Smith. He accordingly 
 asked Judge Paterson if he had not frequently dined with the 
 President, and observed his ridiculous pomp and parade : The 
 latter shook his head, smacked his lips, and recalled to his 
 memory the convivial debauch. " Mr. Lyon," says he, " I 
 have sometimes dined with the President, but in place of pomp 
 and parade, have seen a great deal of hospitality without 
 much ceremony." Mr. Lyon then inquired whether he did 
 not see more pomp and servants there than at the tavern 
 where he lodged at Rutland. The judge, conscious that 
 there was some difference between the table of Braintree, and 
 the humble fare of a country tavern, with the privilege of 
 half a bed, made no reply, but smoked a segar. Judge Smith 
 was not examined ; and Mr. Lyon proceeded to read several 
 parts of the publications complained of, upon which he made 
 several pertinent, and judicious remarks. The cause was 
 then argued by Mr. Marsh, on the part of the United States, 
 and by Mr. Lyon for himself. 
 
 The charge of judge Paterson was neither candid nor per- 
 spicuous, but abounded in sophistry : if it had been preserved 
 it would afford an illustrious specimen of federal talents, and 
 federal rectitude. 
 
 The jury retired at 8 o'clock in the evening, and brought 
 in their verdict of guilty about 9. 
 
 The court called on the prisoner to show cause wherefore 
 judgment should not be pronounced against him ; also to give 
 any information he pleased that might serve to reduce the fine. 
 Mr. Lyon requested time until the next morning, which the 
 court accordingly granted. 
 
 On Tuesday, when the court met, he informed them, *' that 
 he very lately possessed property which he estimated at 
 twenty thousand dollars, and had conveyed it to certain per- 
 sons who were bound for his debts, amounting to about sixteen 
 hundred dollars — he did not know that he could command two 
 hundred dollars by his property, but he confessed he was 
 worth more than any sum it was in the powder of the court to 
 impose on him as a fine." 
 
166 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 He also complained "that the juries were packed, and 
 brought from towns which were known to be inimical to him, 
 for the purpose of crushing him ; that he was hurried on to 
 trial, and therefore was not prepared." 
 
 Judge Paterson, after commenting upon the heinous crime 
 of attempting to ridicule the President, passed sentence on him 
 in the following words : — 
 
 " Mathew Lyon, it is the pleasure of this court that you 
 be imprisoned four months, pay costs, and a fine of one thou- 
 sand dollars, and stand committed until the judgment be com- 
 plied with." 
 
 Colonel Lyon was then conducted out of court, and thrown 
 into a dungeon six feet square, where he was left to starve 
 during a rigorous w^intcr. The character of this patriot can- 
 not be better described than in the words of Dr. Graham, in 
 his sketch of Vermont : 
 
 " Fairhaven joins on Skeensborough, and is the most flour- 
 ishing town in the state ; it owes its consequence to its founder. 
 Colonel Lyon, whose enterprise and perseverance in carrying 
 on manufactories, has been of infinite utility to the public, to 
 the gratitude of which he has the strongest claims. He has 
 erected a furnace for casting all kinds of hollow iron ware, and 
 two forges, a slitting-mill for the making of nail rods, a paper- 
 mill, a printing-press, and corn and saw-mills. — It is a curious 
 fact, that Colonel Lyon has executed a good deal of printing 
 at his office, on paper manufactured by himself, of the bark of 
 the bass-wood tree, and which is found to answer every pur- 
 pose for common printing. He has held some of the first offi- 
 ces in the state, and no man in it can be more qualified to do 
 so, as his knowledge of the finances, and situation of the 
 country is scarcely to be equalled ; nor does his integrity ever 
 suffer him to lose sight of the real good of the people — his 
 friendship and generosity are as great as his ambition — his 
 passions, and all his pursuits flow from the noblest feelings of 
 the heart ; they are all exerted for the benefit of mankind, 
 and not only endear him to my esteem, but secure to him the 
 respect and affection of all those who are happy in his ac- 
 quaintance, or who have a knowledge of his character. 
 
 The cruelty of Jacobinism has been compared to the hor- 
 rors of the Jersey prison-ship; but the barbarity of either will 
 hardly bear a comparison with the federal tortures that were 
 practised under the name of economy, upon the crews of two 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS* 167 
 
 French vessels, the Sanspareil and the Jaloux. These ships 
 had been captured by some of Mr. Adams's armed cruisers, 
 and the men confined from the 20th of September until the 6th 
 of November, 1798, in the small prison of Newcastle.^ The 
 foJ lowing extract from a letter inserted in the Aurora, de- 
 scribes their treatment and their situation : " They have not 
 been allowed a basket to contain the provisions which private 
 humanity bestowed upon them ; a single pot serves for every 
 species of vessel for sixty men : locked up at night, they are 
 under the necessity of making use of their hats, their shoes, 
 their handkerchiefs and their shirts, to contain those excre- 
 tions from which nature has not exempted an individual of the 
 animal creation. They have been without a separate apart- 
 ment for the sick, nor have they been granted the most trifling 
 lit 'nsil to prepare or administer to the sick, the few medicines 
 which they have left. They are totally destitute of w^arm 
 clothing, and the naked floor of the room, often wet, is the 
 place where they may repose during the night. Men not long 
 from a tropical climate, men long estranged from the rigours 
 of a northern winter, may, without being deemed unreasona- 
 ble, call this treatment cruel. 
 
 " Tw^o of their number have literally perished since their 
 confinement in the prison. One died through want, it not be- 
 ing in the power of his companions to administer medicines ; 
 and the other fell a victim to the severity of the cold. Two 
 others must have paid the last debt to nature had it not been 
 for the humane attention of the inhabitants of Newcastle, to 
 whom they owe their protracted existence. These acts of 
 humanity were attributed by a pettifogger of the same place, 
 to some lurking remains of friendship for the French ; but his 
 wickedness was of no avail." The letter adds, that the peo- 
 ple of Newcastle supplied them with clothes, without which, 
 they say, that many of them must have perished. On the 
 day the letter was wrote, they were, for the first time, visited 
 by Mr. Robert Hamilton, Commissary of Prisoners ; they 
 complained to him, but were answered, " that government al- 
 lowed nothing, and if they had no friends they might perish." 
 
 Whatever barbarities may have been committed by the 
 French upon their prisoners, the following fact ought to make 
 Americans blush : A cartel in the end of 1798, was sent 
 from this country to Bourdeaux with seventy French prison- 
 ers. They were shut up in a small steerage, with hardly 
 
168 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 water and meat for six men. Twelve died of hunger during 
 the passage, six after being landed, and the others were so 
 sick and so much enfeebled that little hopes were entertained of 
 their recovery. 
 
 I only mention these circumstances with the view of show- 
 ing the danger of vesting an unlimited confidence in the 
 officers of government. The best men and the warmest pa- 
 triots ought to be watched with a jealous eye. Wealth and 
 power render callous the most tender passions, and shade 
 with a mantle of vice the brightest virtues. 
 
 Among the federal frauds committed this year, the case of 
 Joseph Ball deserves particular notice. This man, with seve- 
 ral others, were holders of bills of credit, issued in pursuance 
 of a resolution of Congress, dated March 18th, 1780. These 
 bills were to be paid out of the funds of individual states ; but 
 as credit of this nature was not sufficient for circulating the 
 paper, Congress passed an act which contains the following 
 clause: "that the said new bills, issue on the funds of indivi- 
 dual states for that purpose established, and be signed by per- 
 sons appointed by them, and that the faith of the United 
 States be also pledged for the payment of the said bills, in 
 case any state, on whose funds they shall be emitted, should, 
 by the events of war, be rendered incapable of redeeming 
 them." 
 
 A memorial respecting these bills was presented to the House 
 of Representatives in the month of March, 1798, by Ball and 
 others concerned. A committee was appointed to examine 
 their claims. This committee, in their report, quotes the 
 above clause, and then adds the following observations : 
 "The interest accruing on them (viz. the bills) was to have 
 been paid by the United States annually, if called for, in bills 
 of exchange on Europe, and the amount charged to the states 
 respectively. It does not appear, however, that any such 
 payments were made." The interest was several times called 
 for, but never paid ; so that in the beginning Congress broke 
 their bargain. 
 
 The report then remarks, that the greater part of those 
 bills had been redeemed by the states which stood indebted 
 for them, and adds, that " the bills for which payment is now 
 demanded, are chiefly of those issued by the states of New 
 Ham})sliire, Massachusetts, and Rhode Island. This sjiecies 
 of paper has never been considered as forming any part of the 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 169 
 
 debt of the United States ; in the various arrangements which 
 have been made since the estabhshment of the present govern- 
 ment relative to the debt of the United States, no provision 
 has ever been made for those bills." This appears a strange 
 assertion, for the endorsement upon each of them stood thus : 
 " The United States insure the payment of the within bill, 
 and will draw bills of exchange for the interest, annually, if 
 demanded." At the end of eighteen years this interest is de- 
 manded ; and the committee report, that the endorsers are not 
 obliged to pay it although the endorsement is not denied. 
 
 The committee next observe, that on January 16th, 1795, 
 Mr. Wolcott reported to Congress upon these bills, which 
 the holders had lodged for payment at the Treasury office. 
 The total amount of the principal sums was ninety thousand 
 five hundred and seventy-five dollars. The secretary's plan 
 of redemption I shall give in his own words, viz., that these 
 bills " should be provided for by taking the principal sum of 
 them, without interest, on loan, at five per cent, payable 
 quarter-yearly, redeemable at the pleasure of the United 
 States, and payable in thirty years. 
 
 As Mr. Wolcott admits the claim w^as just, the interest 
 certainly became as much due as the principal sum. At the 
 same time when the committee made their report, the simple 
 interest amounted to near the original sura. In 1798, the 
 money had been owing for eighteen years, and the bills were 
 to bear an interest, according to the original terms of agree- 
 ment, at five per cent. The interest, therefore, came to 
 eighty-one thousand five hundred and nine dollars and sixty 
 cents — if it had been paid annually, as in justice it ought to 
 have been, it would have amounted vastly higher ; for the 
 creditors would then have reaped the advantage of compound 
 interest. Supposing this to have been the case, the account 
 will stand thus : 
 
 Dollars. 
 Principal sum 90,574 
 
 Compound Interest for fourteen years and a hundred 
 
 and five days, at 5 per cent. 90,674 
 
 Do. Interest for the next four years about 41,200 
 
 Total sum, 222,148 
 If this collective sum be divided into five equal parts, the 
 interest will make exactly three out of these five parts. In 
 lo 
 
170 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 Other words, if Mr. Wolcott's plan had been adopted, the 
 creditors would have been practically, and in substance, de- 
 frauded out of three-fifths of their money. They would have 
 been just in the situation of a man who receives a bankrupt 
 composition of eight shilhngs per pound. 
 
 Upon this scheme of the secretary, Mr. Ball, and the other 
 bill-holders would have made a most pitiful bargain. It 
 would have been singular in any other man but Mr. Wolcott 
 to have proposed such a heavy reduction, after acknowledging 
 in the strongest and fullest terms, the justice of the whole 
 debt. But the nefarious inconsistencies of the ci-devant secre- 
 tary of the treasury are notorious. The committee then pro- 
 ceed thus : " Good faith demands that the United States 
 should supply the omissions of the states which issued the 
 bills, by providing themselves at the least for the interest upon 
 them ; but it is not easy to pronounce on what terms they 
 ought to be provided for" — it is granted, however, by the 
 committee, that Congress were bound to provide for the inter- 
 est on some terms or other. " It is a well-knowm fact," con- 
 tinues the report, " that these bills sunk in the same vortex 
 of depreciation with the old continental bills, and while they 
 continued to circulate, w^ere generally in the ratio of forty of 
 the old for one of the new. 
 
 This unfortunate depreciation, which operated upon all the 
 paper-money notes, and certificates, issued during the war, 
 necessitated the United States to adopt principles relative to 
 them, which cannot apply in case of ordinary contract. The 
 states, individually, have assumed similar privileges, and in 
 making provision for the bills in question, in some instances 
 have considered them as depreciated currency. The commit- 
 tee are informed, that all the states who issued bills of this 
 description, have already made provision for their redemption 
 either at their nominal amount, or a certain ratio of deprecia- 
 tion, except the state of Rhode Island ; and they think, it is 
 fairly to be presumed, that the states have made as liberal a 
 provision as the nature of the case demanded. The United 
 States have once made allowances to the several states, in set- 
 tlements of their accounts for the supplies for which those bills 
 were issued ; should they make any further provision, they 
 must consider the several states as indebted to them for the 
 amount of such provision. 
 
 " From an attentive consideration of all the circumstances 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 171 
 
 of this case, which the committee have endeavored fully to 
 examine and present to the view of the House, they are of 
 opinion, that it will not be expedient for Congress to make 
 any provision for the payment of the said bills, or any interest 
 thereon ; they therefore recommend, that the petitioners re- 
 spectfully have leave to withdraw their petitions." 
 
 The House of Representatives agreed to the report, and 
 Ball and his fellow sufferers were obliged to submit to the 
 fraud. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Meeting of Congress — Speech of the President — Remarks 
 — Impeachment of Blount — Gerry^s Dispatches — Story of 
 the female spy and her tubs of seditious papers — Acts 
 passed by Congress. 
 
 On Monday the 3d of December, the third session of the 
 fifth Congress commenced ; but eight members being absent 
 from the Senate of the number necessary to form a quorum, 
 the President did not meet them until the Sth. A melancholy 
 gloom w^as diffused over the countenances both of the Senators 
 and the Representatives. They had assembled at the close 
 of the greatest pestilence America had yet experienced, and 
 there w^ere few of them who had not to lament the loss of 
 some particular friend or acquaintance. Even the President 
 himself, whose feelings are not the most tender, seemed deeply 
 affected, and for the first time, appeared to sympathise with 
 the sufferings of the people. This temporary compassion 
 might, however, have proceeded from a different cause. 
 Amidst the flattering compliments of Timothy Pickering, 
 OUver Wolcott, and a train of federal courtiers, it was im- 
 possible Mr. Adams could disguise from himself, that he had 
 incurred the contempt and hatred of every man of honesty 
 and virtue in the United States. The dungeon in which the 
 Vermont patriot was starving, must, in the solitary moments 
 of silent reflection, have stared him in the face, and reminded 
 him of the fate his crimes deserved. The just apprehension 
 of a guilty conscience, heightened, perhaps, by the calamity 
 
172 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 W'ith wliich America had been afflicted, and not the praise- 
 worthy compassion ot" a generous mind, was most probably 
 the cause of that unusual diffidence and appearance of sorrow 
 which he exhibited in delivering the following speech : 
 
 " Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, 
 
 " While with reverence and resignation we contemplate the 
 dispensations of Divine Providence, in the alarming and de- 
 structive pestilence with which several of our cities and towns 
 have been visited, there is cause for gratitude and mutual 
 congratulations that the malady has disappeared, and that we 
 are again permitted to assemble in safety, at the seat of go- 
 vernment, for the discharge of our important duties — but 
 when we reflect that this fatal disorder has, within a few 
 years made repeated ravages in some of our principal sea- 
 ports, and with increased malignancy ; and when we consider 
 the magnitude of the evils arising from the interruption of 
 public and private business, whereby the national interests are 
 deeply affected, I think it my duty to invite the legislature of 
 the union to examine the expediency of establishing suitable 
 regulations in aid of the health-laws of the respective states; 
 for these being foriried on the idea, that contagious sickness 
 may be communicated through the channels of commerce, 
 there seems to be a necessity that Congress, who alone can 
 regulate trade, should frame a system, which, while it may 
 tend to preserve the general health, may be compatible with 
 the interests of commerce, and the safety of the revenue. 
 
 "While we think on this calamity, and sympathise with 
 the immediate sufferers, we have abundant reason to present 
 to the Supreme Being, our annual obligations of gratitude, for 
 a liberal participation in the ordinary blessings of his provi- 
 dence : to the usual subjects of gratitude I cannot omit to add 
 one of the first importance to our well being and safety — I 
 mean the spirit which has arisen in our country against the 
 menaces and aggressions of a foreign nation. A manly sense 
 of national honour, dignity, and independence has appeared, 
 which, if encouraged and invigorated by every branch of the 
 government will enable us to view, undismayed, the enter- 
 prises of any foreign power, and become the sure foundation 
 of national property and glory. 
 
 " The course of the transactions in relation to the United 
 States and France, which have come to my knowledge during 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 173 
 
 your recess, will be made the subject of a future communica- 
 tion. That communication will confirm the ultimate failure 
 of the measures which have been taken by the government of 
 the United States, towards an amicable adjustment of differ- 
 ences with that power. You will, at the same time, perceive 
 that the French government appears solicitous to impress the 
 opinion, that it is averse to a rupture wath this country, and 
 that it has in a quahfied manner, declared itself willing to re- 
 ceive a minister from the United States, for the purpose of re- 
 storing a good understanding. It is unfortunate for profes- 
 sions of this kind, that they should be expressed in terms 
 which may countenance the inadmissible pretension of a right, 
 to describe the quahfications which a minister from the United 
 States should possess, and that while France is asserting the 
 existence of a disposition on her part to conciliate with since- 
 rity the differences which have arisen, the sincerity of a like 
 disposition on the part of the United States, of which so many 
 demonstrative proofs have been given, should even be indi- 
 rectly questioned. It is also worthy of observation, that the 
 decree of the Directory, alleged to be intended to restrain the 
 depredations of French cruisers on our commerce, has not given, 
 and cannot give any rehef ; it enjoins them to conform to all 
 the laws of France, relative to cruising and prizes, while 
 these laws are themselves the sources of the depredations of 
 W'hich w^e have so long, so justly, and so fruitlessly complained. 
 
 " The law of France, enacted in January last, which sub- 
 jects to capture and condemnation neutral vessels and their 
 cargoes, if any portion of the latter are of British fabric or 
 produce, although the entire property belong to neutrals, in- 
 stead of being rescinded, has lately received a confirmation by 
 the failure of the proposition for its repeal. While this law, 
 which is an unequivocal act of w^ar on the commerce of the 
 nation it attacks, continues in force, those nations can see in 
 the French government only a power regardless of their essen- 
 tial rights, of their independence and sovereignty, and if they 
 possess the means, they can reconcile nothing with their inte- 
 rest and honour but a firm resistance. 
 
 " Hitherto, therefore, nothing is discoverable in the con- 
 duct of France, which ought to change or release our mea- 
 sures of defence ; on the contrary, to extend and invigorate 
 them, is our true policy. We have no reason to regret that 
 those measures have been thus far adopted and pursued, and 
 15* 
 
174 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 in proportion as we enlarge our view of the portentous and 
 incalculable situation of Europe, we shall discover new and 
 cogent motives for the full development of our energies and 
 resources. 
 
 " But in demonstrating by our conduct, that we do not fear 
 war, in the necessary protection of our rights and honour, we 
 shall give no room to infer that we abandon the desire of 
 peace. An efficient preparation for war can alone insure 
 peace. It is peace that we have uniformly and perseveringly 
 cultivated ; and harmony between us and France may be re- 
 stored at her option ; but to send another minister, without 
 more determinate assurances that he would be received, would 
 be an act of humiliation to which the United States ought not 
 to submit ; it must therefore be left to France, if she is indeed 
 desirous of accommodation, to take the requisite steps; the 
 United States will readily observe the maxims by which they 
 have hitherto been governed ; they will respect the sacred 
 rights of embassy ; and with a sincere disposition on the part 
 of France, to desist from hostility, to make reparation for the 
 injuries heretofore inflicted on our commerce, and to do justice 
 in future, there will be no obstacles to the restoration of a 
 friendly intercourse. In making to you this declaration, I 
 give a pledge to France and to the world, that the executive 
 authority of this country still adheres to the humane and 
 pacific policy which has invariably governed its proceedings, 
 in conformity with the wishes of the other branches of the 
 government and of the people of the United States. But 
 considering the late manifestations of her pohcy towards for- 
 eign nations, I deem it a duty deliberately and solemnly to 
 declare my opinion, that whether we negotiate with her or 
 not, vigorous preparations for war will be alike indispensable. 
 These alone will give us an equal treaty, and insure its ob- 
 servance. 
 
 '* Among the measures of preparation which appear expe- 
 dient, I take the liberty to recal your attention to the naval 
 establishment. The beneficial effects of the small naval 
 armament, provided under the acts of the last session, are 
 known and acknowledged ; perhaps no country ever experi- 
 enced more sudden and remarkable advantages from any mea- 
 sure of policy than we have derived from the arming for our 
 maritime protection and defence. We ought, without loss (vf 
 time to lay the foundation for an increase of our navy, to a 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 175 
 
 size sufficient to guard our coasts and protect our trade. 
 Such a naval force, as is doubtless in the power of the United 
 States to create and maintain, would also afford to them the 
 best means of general defence, by facilitating the safe trans- 
 portation of troops and stores to every part of our extensive 
 coasts. To accomplish this important object, a prudent fore- 
 sight requires that systematical measures be adopted for pro- 
 curing, at all times, the requisite timber and other supplies. 
 In what manner this shall be done I leave to your considera- 
 tion. 
 
 " I will now advert, gentlemen, to some matters of less mo- 
 ment, but proper to be communicated to the national legisla- 
 ture. 
 
 " After the Spanish garrisons had evacuated the posts 
 which they occupied at the Natchez and the Walnut Hills, 
 the Commissioner of the United States commenced his ob- 
 servations to ascertain the point near the Mississippi, which 
 terminated the northern-most part of the thirty-first degree 
 of north latitude. From thence he proceeded to run the 
 boundary Une betweeen the United States and Spain. He 
 was afterwards joined by the Spanish Commissioner, when 
 the work of the former was confirmed ; and they proceeded 
 together to the demarcation of the line. Recent information 
 renders it probable, that the northern Indians, either instiga- 
 ted to oppose the demarcation, or jealous of the consequences 
 of suffering white people to run a line over lands to which 
 the Indian title had not been extinguished, have, ere this time, 
 stopped the progress of the Commissioners — and considering 
 the mischiefs which may result from continuing the demarca- 
 tion in opposition to the will of the Indian tribes, the great 
 expense attending it, and that the boundaries which the Com- 
 missioners have actually estabhshed, probably extend at least 
 as far as the Indian title has been extinguished, it will per- 
 haps, become expedient and necessary to suspend further pro- 
 ceedings, by recalHng our commissioner. 
 
 '• The commissioners appointed in pursuance of the fifth 
 article of the treaty of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation 
 between the United States and his Britannic Majesty, to de- 
 termine what river was truly intended under the name of the 
 river St. Croix, mentioned in the treaty of peace, and forming 
 a part of the boundary therein described, have finally decided 
 that question. On the 2oth of October, they made their 
 
176 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 declaration, that a river called Scoodiac, which falls into Passa- 
 maquoddy Bay, at its north-western quarter, was the true St. 
 Croix intended in the treaty of peace, as far as its great 
 fork, where one of its streams comes from the westward and 
 the other from the northward, and that the latter stream is 
 the continuation of the St. Croix to its source. This decision, 
 it is understood, will preclude all contention among individual 
 claimants, as it seems that the Scoodiac, and its northern 
 branch, bound the grants of land which have been made by 
 the respective adjoining governments. A subordinate ques- 
 tion, however, it has been suggested, still remains to be de- 
 termined. Between the mouth of the St. Croix, as now set- 
 tled, and what is usually called the Bay of Fundy, lie a num- 
 ber of valuable islands. The commissioners have not con- 
 tinued the boundary line through any channel of these islands ; 
 and unless the Bay of Passamaquoddy be a part of the Bay 
 of Fundy, this further adjustment of boundary will be neces- 
 sary. But it is apprehended that this wall not be a matter 
 of any difficulty. 
 
 " Such progress has been made in the examination and de- 
 cision of cases of capture and condemnation of American 
 vessels, which were the subject of the seventh article of the 
 treaty of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation between the Uni- 
 ted States and Great Britain, that it is supposed the commis- 
 sioners will be able to bring their business to a conclusion in 
 August of the ensuing year. 
 
 " The commissioners, acting under the 21st article of the 
 treaty between the United States and Spain, have adjusted 
 most of the claims of our citizens, for losses sustained in con- 
 sequence of their vessels and cargoes having been taken by 
 the subjects of his Catholic Majesty, during the war between 
 France and Spain. 
 
 " Various circumstances have occurred to delay the execu- 
 tion of the law for augmenting the military establishment ; 
 among these the desire of obtaining the fullest information to 
 direct the best selection of officers. As this object will now 
 be speedily accomplished, it is expected that the raising and 
 organizing of the troops will proceed without obstacle and 
 with effect. 
 
 " Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, 
 " I have directed an estimate of the appropriations which 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 177 
 
 will be necessary for the service of the ensuing year to be laid 
 before you, accompanied with a view of the public receipts 
 and expenditures to a recent period. It will afford you satis- 
 faction, to infer the great extent and solidity of the pubHc 
 resources, from the prosperous state of the finances, notwith- 
 standing the unexampled embarrassments which have attended 
 commerce. When you reflect on the conspicuous examples 
 of patriotism and liberality which have been exhibited by our 
 mercantile fellow-citizens, and how great a proportion of the 
 public resources depends on their enterprise, you will naturally 
 consider, whether their convenience cannot be promoted and 
 reconciled with the security of the revenue, by a revision of the 
 system, by which the collection is at present regulated. 
 
 " During your recess, measures have been steadily pursued 
 for effecting the valuations and returns directed by the act of 
 the last session, preliminary to the assessment and collection 
 of a direct tax. No other delays or obstacles have been ex- 
 perienced, except such as were expected to arise from the 
 great extent of our country, and the magnitude and novelty 
 of the operation ; and enough has been accomplished to assure 
 a fulfilment of the views of the legislature. 
 
 " Gentlemen of the Senate, and 
 
 Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, 
 
 " I cannot close this address without once more adverting 
 to our political situation, and inculcating the essential import- 
 ance of uniting in the maintenance of our dearest interests ; 
 and I trust, that by the temper and wisdom of your proceed- 
 ings, and by a harmony of measures, we shall secure to our 
 country that weight and respect to which it is so justly en- 
 titled." 
 
 This speech of Mr. Adams forms the fourth specimen of the 
 political oratory which graced the Presidential chair during 
 the anglo-federal administration. Among the many forms and 
 usages which America has borrowed from her mother country, 
 that of a president's speech, at the beginning of every session, 
 appears to be one of the most unfortunate, though one which 
 has been cultivated with the greatest zeal. 
 
 A few lines of a complimentary address to the parliament 
 of Britain, the studied composition of the minister of state, 
 
178 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 but delivered by the king, has given rise to the annual habit 
 of an hour's declamation from the President of America, how- 
 ever trivial the circumstances of his communication may be, or 
 however unfitted our chief magistrate himself is for such a 
 task. Although the speeches of our present President will 
 ever form a conspicuous figure in the annals of rhetoric, it is 
 not to be supposed his successors will all have the same 
 strength of mind or power of language. The addresses of 
 the venerable Washington are no longer remembered, and the 
 lengthy orations delivered by Mr. Adams are now read with 
 disgust; but the province of impartial history requires their 
 insertion. A careful perusal of them will also repay the pa- 
 tient reader, who wishes to be acquainted w^ith the designs of 
 the late administration, as they show the character of Mr. 
 Adams in a more conspicuous light than all his other produc- 
 tions. 
 
 The main topic of this last speech is our late difiference w^ith 
 France. Mr. Adams says, " that the Directory questioned 
 the sincerity of our administration towards peace." They 
 certainly did so, and upon the best grounds. Our love for 
 peace w^as never to be demonstrated by any evident partiality 
 to the measures of Grenville and Pitt, and by virulence and 
 contumely towards the republicans of France. A desire for 
 peace surely was not to .be displayed by appointing men for 
 our envoys whose principles were known to be of a monar- 
 chical bias. It was not a demonstration of wisdom, or of our 
 aversion to hostilities, to prevent one of those ministers from 
 treating, with whom the Directory were ready to treat. The 
 voidance of a treaty entered into with France, and the break- 
 ing off of all intercourse with her when she w^as assailed on 
 every side by the armies of tyrants, w^ere not the most manifest 
 marks of our affection to her ; yet the rhetoric of Mr. Adams 
 passes over these circumstances, and discovers in the views of 
 France, new and cogent motives for the full development of 
 our energies and resources. 
 
 The House of Representatives were occupied their usual 
 time in preparing an answer to the President. 
 
 On Friday, the 4th of December they took into considera- 
 tion a proposition made by Mr. Harper, for printing 20,000 
 copies of the Alien and Sedition laws, which was agreed to. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 179 
 
 On the 18th of December, the Senate formed itself into a 
 court of impeachment for the purpose of trying William 
 Blount for crimes and misdemeanours against the United 
 States ; but Mr. Blount having not appeared, they postponed 
 the trial until Monday, the 24th of December, when Messrs. 
 Dallas and Ingersoll, the counsel for Mr. Blount, put in their 
 plea against the charge exhibited. Mr. Harper, in behalf of 
 the managers, prayed for time to be allowed them for making 
 their replication, and Thursday, the 3d of January, was fixed 
 upon for that purpose. 
 
 On this day, the impeachment of Mr. Blount was resumed 
 in the Senate. The court being formed, Mr. Bayard, who 
 was chairman, presented a replication in behalf of the repre- 
 sentatives, setting forth, that as the arguments stated by 
 Blount's counsel respecting the House of Representatives not 
 having power to prefer the articles of impeachment, and the 
 Senate power to try them, were insufficient, their plea on that 
 account ought not to be sustained, but that Mr. Blount should 
 be compelled to answer to the articles of impeachment. 
 
 Mr. Ingersoll, counsel for the defendant, said that the 
 managers had favoured him and Mr. Dallas with a copy of the 
 replication, to which they had agreed to oppose a demur, 
 which he presented, and the same was read. 
 
 Mr. Bayard entered into a lengthy examination of the plea 
 put in by Mr. Blount's counsel ; he said their first objection to 
 the jurisdiction of the Senate over the crimes with which the 
 defendant was charged, was the privilege of a jury. He ob- 
 jected to the necessity of a jury in impeachments more than 
 in courts martial ; that the House of Representatives had ex- 
 amined the evidences in this case, and had solemnly given in- 
 quest of the guilt of the accused, and exhibited articles of im- 
 peachment ; but that the necessity of a jury, if proved, might 
 be answered, as the Senate had power to issue process for 
 bringing a jury from the district w^here the crime was com- 
 mitted — besides, in cases of impeachment, there might be two 
 trials, and who ever heard of two juries pronouncing verdict 
 on one accusation ? 
 
 Again, he objected that a senator was not a civil officer in 
 the United States, and therefore not constitutionally impeach- 
 able. He went into an elaborate examination of those parts 
 of the constitution whereon the meaning was presumable by 
 common law, and the same presumption must be taken wilh 
 
180 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 respect to a senator's real situation. Who then on the pre- 
 sumption of common law was impeachable? Agreeable to the 
 jurisdiction of the Houses of Lords and Commons, in England, 
 it would be in the power of the Senate and Representatives to 
 declare who should be impeached ; they were competent to it. 
 The situation of a senator was at times legislative, executive, 
 and judicial. He referred to the sense of Congress in 17S7, 
 ■^vhen the government of the S. W. Territory (now Tennessee) 
 was established ; then it was the opinion of that house, that 
 the members of the legislature and Senate were civil officers ; 
 and it was not a little remarkable, that Mr. Blount voted in 
 favour of that point which his counsel now disputed. He 
 confessed he was aware that the counsel would oppose to this 
 principle, that part of the constitution which they had not 
 namecl in their plea, where it gave the President power to 
 choose all civil officers. It would be said that a senator was 
 not a civil officer, because not chosen by the President ; but 
 he said, the clause alluded to, had the words '' under the go- 
 vernment," which plainly implied that there were offices in the 
 government — the Senate are the government. Against that 
 he sup})osed it might be said that the constitution provided 
 that no civil officer should be a member of either house, mean- 
 ing no officer of the President's appointing ; now, if that was 
 not the meaning, he insisted the speaker could not be a mem- 
 ber of the House of Representatives. He agreed that it was 
 not the distinct parts, but the main and general meaning of the 
 constitution, that the honourable council should be guided by in 
 their decision of the point of jui isdietion before them. Regard- 
 ing this, he particularly mentioned a part where it was said, that 
 no person who had obtained a title from any foreign prince, should 
 enjoy any office in the United States. If, therefore, a senator 
 was not to be considered as an officer in the government, a 
 dangerous principle might be introduced contrary to the real 
 inlention of the constitution, as they may enjoy titles ; but 
 this could not be supposed to be its meaning. Another objec- 
 lion to the jurisdiction mentioned in the plea was, that the de- 
 (endant w;is not now a senator. He hinted at this argument, 
 in order to show that any offiicer might evade a trial by lesign- 
 iiig his situation as soon as a crime was committed. 
 
 It was also argued in tlie plea, that the crime charged was 
 not during the execution of any trust, or for malconduct in 
 office. To this Mr. Rayard only replied that a judge, heading 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. ♦ 181 
 
 an insurrection, did not commit the crime in office; but this 
 could be no excuse from punishment. As to the last plea of 
 the competency of common law jurisdiction, he opposed the 
 principle. 
 
 The President then told the counsel that they might reply ; 
 but Mr. IngersoU requested, as the hour of adjournment was 
 arrived, and as the counsel wished to prepare an answer to the 
 observations of Mr. Bayard, that it might be postponed until 
 Friday. 
 
 This day having met, I\Ir. Dallas delivered a very long, 
 argumentative, and ingenious speech, in defence of the plea 
 which had been filed in behalf of the defendant, and in an- 
 swer to the speech of Mr. Bayard. Mr. Dallas commenced 
 his speech at half past eleven, and did not close it till past 
 three. 
 
 On Saturday, Mr. Ingersoll finished the defence in support 
 of the plea, against the jurisdiction of the court ; after which 
 Mr. Harper made a reply, in support of the jurisdiction of the 
 Senate. The court then adjourned until Monday, when the 
 question was determined by fourteen votes to eleven against 
 the jurisiliction — so that the impeachment fell to the ground. 
 
 Although it is to be regretted that such a conspirator as 
 Blount should have escaped the punishment due to his crimes, 
 yet the decision was certainly favourable to the rights of the 
 people ; for if once the right of impeaching members of Con- 
 gress had been established, it would have proved a powerful 
 engine of tyranny. The names of those members wIjo voted 
 for this dreadful prerogative, ought therefore to be marked as 
 inimical to the liberty of this country. These were, Chipman, 
 Davenport, Goodhue, Latimer, Livermore, Lloyd, Paine, Ross, 
 Sedgwick, Stockton, and Tracey. 
 
 On the 18th of January, the President communicated to 
 Congress several papers relative to the atfiiirs of the United 
 States with the French republic, consisting of a letter from 
 Mr. Pickering to Mr. Gerry, dated "Joth .June, 1798, a letter 
 from Mr. Gerry to Air. Pickering, dated 1st October, 1798, 
 after his arrival in this country, and the correspondence which 
 took })lace in Paris between Air. Gerry, and the minister for 
 foreign alfairs, M. Talleyrand. 
 
 Mr. Pickering censures Mr. Gerry in rather severe and un- 
 justifiable terms, for not having taken his departure from 
 France along with Generals Pinckney and Marshall. " The 
 16 
 
182 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 respect," says he, " due to yourselves, and to your country, 
 irresistibly required that you should turn your backs to a 
 government that treated both with contempt ; a contempt not 
 diminished but aggravated by the flattering but insidious dis- 
 tinction in your favour, in disparagement of men of so respect- 
 able talents, untainted honour, and pure patriotism, as Generals 
 Pinckney and Marshall, and in whom their government and 
 their country reposed entire confidence ; and especially when 
 the real object of that distinction was to enable the French 
 government, trampling on the authority and dignity of our 
 own, to designate an envoy with whom they w^ould condescend 
 to negotiate. It is therefore to be regretted that you did not 
 concur with your colleagues in demanding passports to quit 
 the territories of the French Republic some time before they 
 left Paris." Mr. Pickering also adds, that " the President 
 will never send another minister to France without assurances 
 that he will be received, respected, and honoured as the rep- 
 resentative of a great, free, powerful, and independent na- 
 tion," 
 
 Mr. Gerry, in answer to the secretary of state, justifies his 
 conduct upon the following grounds : — 
 
 " In consequence of his letter, (the minister of foreign af- 
 fairs) to the envoys, of the 18th of March, he renewed his 
 proposition to me to treat separately ; and again received a 
 negative answer. He then proposed that I should remain at 
 Paris, until the sense of the government could be obtained ; 
 declaring, as before, that an immediate rupture would be the 
 consequence of my departure. To have left France under 
 such circumstances was a measure which I could not justify. 
 The power of declaring war was not entrusted with the su- 
 preme executive of the United States, much less with a minis- 
 ter; and to have thus provoked it, would, in my mind, have 
 been tantamount to a declaration thereof. Indeed, to have 
 plunged the nation into a war suddenly, even if it was inevi- 
 table, appeared to me in other respects unwarrantable. Con- 
 gress, who alone had a right to adopt this measure, might, by 
 such a premature step, have been defeated in their previous 
 arrangements, and subjected to other manifest inconveniences, 
 and the executive might have been placed on grounds less ad- 
 vantageous for forming alliances, &c., whereas, my detention 
 at Paris gained time, if this was requisite, and could not pro- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 183 
 
 crastinate a declaration of war, if the United States were pre- 
 pared for it. Other considerations had their weight. 
 
 "France, at that time, was making very formidable pre- 
 parations, with a professed design to overthrow the British 
 government; and such were the exertions and enthusiasm of 
 her citizens, armies, and administration, as to spread a general 
 alarm throughout Great Britain. It was evident, then, to 
 common observation, that should France succeed, she would 
 acquire by the powerful navy and resources of Britain, such 
 strength as to be able to give law to Europe, and to regions 
 more remote ; and it was rational to suppose that a coalition 
 would be formed of such European powers as were not in the 
 interest or under the influence of France, to put an end to the 
 war, by offering their mediation, and declaring their intention 
 to^pppose the power which should refuse it — the temporising 
 negotiations at Rastadt had this aspect; moreover, the inter- 
 nal affairs of France were in an agitated state, and threatened 
 civil commotions. If then, on the one hand, a new coalition 
 against France, a change in her government, or even a suc- 
 cessful resistance on the part of Great Britain had happened, 
 a favourable opportunity would have presented itself to the 
 United States for obtaining of her a just and advantageous 
 treaty ; and this would have been lost by a previous rupture 
 in consequence of my departure. If, on the other hand. Great 
 Britain, unaided, had fallen, the United States W'Ould have 
 been in a much better condition at peace than at war with the 
 most formidable power the world had exhibited. In such an 
 event they could have but small hopes of resisting France, 
 and it might have been deemed madness in them even to have 
 attempted it. For these reasons I thought it my indispen- 
 sable duty to remain a short time at Paris." 
 
 Mr. Gerry, in this letter, informs the secretary of state, that 
 when he left Paris, from the best information he could obtain, 
 the Executive Directory were very desirous of a reconcilia- 
 tion between the two countries. " Every impediment," he 
 says, " was adopted by the French minister to prevent my 
 departure." 
 
 The displeasure of the French at Mr. Gerry's departure, 
 evidently appears from the correspondence that took place be- 
 tween Mr. Talleyrand and Mr. Gerry. 
 
 The first of Talleyrand's letters to Mr. Gerry, after the 
 
184 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 departure of the other envoys, is couched in the most friendly 
 and pacific terms ; it is dated the 3d of April, 1798. 
 
 " To Mr. Gerry, Envoy Extraordinary of the United States 
 of Jlmerica, to the French Repuhlic. 
 
 " I suppose, sir, that Messrs. Pinckney and Marshall have 
 thought it useful and proper, in consequence of the intimations, 
 which the end of my note of the 18th of March, 1798, pre- 
 sents, and the obstacles which their known opinions have in- 
 duced to the desired reconciliation, to quit the territories of 
 the Republic. In this supposition, I have the honour to point 
 out to you the 5th or the 7th of this decade, to resume our 
 reciprocal communications upon the interests of the French 
 Republic and the United States of America. 
 
 " Receive, I pray you, the assurance of my perfect consi- 
 deration. 
 
 " Ch. Mau. Talleyrand." 
 
 From the following letters of Talleyrand, it would also 
 seem that he was entirely unacquainted with the mysterious 
 interviews that took place between our envoys and the gen- 
 tlemen whom they w^ere pleased to designate by W. X. Y. Z. 
 
 " May 30, 1799. 
 
 " To Mr. Gerry, — I communicate to you, sir, a London 
 Gazette of the 15th of May last ; you will there find a very 
 stiange publication. I cannot observe, without surprise, that 
 intriguers have profited of the insulated condition in which 
 the envoys of the United States had kept themselves, to 
 make proposals and to hold conversations, the object of which 
 was evidently to deceive you. 
 
 " I pray you to make known to me immediately the names 
 denoted by the initials W. X. Y. and Z., and that of the wo- 
 man who is described as having had conversations with Mr. 
 Pinckney upon the interests of America ; if you are averse to 
 sending them to me in writing, be pleased to communicate 
 them confidentially to the bearer. 
 
 " I must rely upon your eagerness to enable the govern- 
 ment to fathom those practices, of which I felicitate you on 
 not having been the dupe, and which you must w'ish to see 
 cleared up." 
 
 " June 1, 1798. 
 
 " To Mr. Gerry, — I have received, sir, your letter of 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 185 
 
 yesterday. You inform me, 1st. That the Gazette presented, 
 contains all the informal negotiations communicated by the 
 envoys to their government. 2d. That the persons referred 
 to have not produced to your knowledge any authority, any 
 document of any kind whatever to accredit themselves. 3d. 
 That three of the individuals mentioned, (that is to say, in 
 the order in which I have placed them) W. X. Y. are foreign- 
 ers ; and the fourth, (that is to say) Z. acted only as mes- 
 senger and interpreter. 
 
 " Although I perceive your repugnance to naming those 
 individuals, I must earnestly request you to yield it to the im- 
 portance of the object. Be pleased, therefore, 1st. Either 
 to give me their names in writing, or communicate them 
 confidentially to the bearer. 2d. To name the woman 
 whom Mr. Pinckney mentions. 3d. To tell me whether 
 any of the citizens attached to my service and authorized by 
 me to see the envoys, told them a word which had relation 
 to the disgusting proposition which was made by X. and Y. 
 to give any sum, whatever, for corrupt distribution. 
 
 June 4, 1798. 
 
 " To Mr. Gerry, — Your letter of yesterday. Sir, has just 
 been handed to me. You may render to me, in perfect confi- 
 dence, the names you mention to me under your hand and 
 seal — I assure you, that they shall not be published as coming 
 from you." 
 
 Mr. Gerry^s Answer. 
 
 " The names of the persons designed in the communications 
 of the envoys extraordinary of the United States, to their 
 government, (published in the Commercial Advertiser of the 
 11th of April, last,) are as follows : 
 
 " X. is M . Y. is Mr. Bellamy. Z. is Mr. Houtval." 
 
 Mr. Gerry has inserted the proper name of X. in this docu- 
 ment, as given to Mr. Talleyrand. But the person designated by 
 X. not having (like Y.) avowed himself, the promise made by 
 the envoys to him and Y. " that their names should, in no event, 
 be made public," is still obligatory on the executive, in respect 
 to X. and therefore his name has never been made known. 
 
 No political negotiation ever engaged or perplexed public 
 curiosity, more than this still mysterious correspondence of X. 
 Y. and Z. Whether the roguery of the business is to be 
 16* 
 
186 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 placed with the Directory, with Talleyrand, with the Ameri- 
 can envoys, or wdth the concealed persons, is a point upon 
 which no satisfactory proofs can yet be obtained. To form 
 any probable opinion respecting it, we must, as in every other 
 intricate transaction, examine the characters and views of the 
 parties concerned, and by comparing them together endeavour 
 to discover upon which side the villany lies. 
 
 No three persons could have been sent by Mr. Adams, less 
 acceptable to the Directory of France, than Pinckney, Mar- 
 shall, and Gerry. Pinckney, it is well knowm, was refused 
 before, and had, on that account, in his letters to Pickering, 
 which were published, and which the French must have seen, 
 represented that people in the worst point of view. Sending 
 such a character to Paris in order to negotiate a peace, was 
 nearly an equal insult as if Mr. Pitt had sent to America the 
 traitor Arnold in order to represent the court of Britain. 
 John Marshall was an improper character in several respects ; 
 his principles of aristocracy were well known. Talleyrand, 
 w^hen in America, knew that this man was regarded as a 
 royalist, and not as a republican, and that he was abhorred by 
 most honest characters. Mr. Gerry was the least exceptiona- 
 ble of the three ; but Gerry was never by nature intended for 
 a diplomatic character, no more than Mr. Adam.s ; they were 
 both natives of that soil '* in w'hich no salutary plant takes 
 root." In short, if Mr. Adams had wished to declare war 
 against France, he could not have adopted a more explicit 
 mode of making known his sentiments, than by sending this 
 triumvirate to treat for a peace. The French, notwithstand- 
 ing, appeared to manifest every desire to negotiate ; the Di- 
 rectory, it is true, did not admit the envoys to an audience ; 
 but the Minister for Foreign Affairs was empowered to treat 
 with them, and every effort was used on his part to effect a 
 negotiation — but they neither would condescend to wait upon 
 him together, or separately ; their time was otherwise occu- 
 pied, either in chatting with X. Y. and Z. or in composing 
 elaborate epistles to Mr. Pickering, complaining of the inso- 
 lence of Mr. Talleyrand and the roguery of the Directory. 
 
 Two of them, Pinckney and Marshall, at length departed, 
 but not in the most honourable manner. An unhappy female 
 of a respectable family in Paris, lost her reputation in their 
 company; her parents, to screen themselves from the odium 
 of intriguing with the ambassadors of a foreign country, turned 
 
OF JOHN- ADAMS. 187 
 
 her out of doors. She applied to Pinckney for leave to ac- 
 company him to America, which, it is said, he granted, and 
 fixed a day for their departure, but went off without either 
 giving her notice, or a compensation for the loss of her virtue. 
 The helpless lady was obliged to solicit the charity of Mr. 
 Gerry, who also promised, she said, to conduct her to Ame- 
 rica, but afterwards left her as Mr. Pinckney. When all the 
 embassy were fled, she applied to the captain of an American 
 vessel, who, on the faith of her story, gave her a passage to 
 Charleston ; but she had no sooner arrived, than she was ap- 
 prehended as a female spy. A few tender and affectionate 
 cards, which had been addressed to her by her lovers, and 
 which she carried along with her as passports, were twisted 
 into bills of treason ; two or three small trunks containing 
 wearing apparel, which constituted all her property, were, 
 with the same facility, framed into tubs of seditious papers, 
 for the purpose of distribution among the slaves of the southern 
 states. What afterwards became of the unfortunate lady, 
 we know not; whether Pinckney and Marshall recognized her, 
 or whether she was drove to the hard necessity of working 
 for her own support and that of a helpless infant, the only 
 known benefit procured to the United States from the embassy 
 of Pinckney, Marshall, and Gerry. 
 
 To return from this digression, let us observe the conduct 
 of Mr. Gerry. This gentleman often insinuates and sometimes 
 even asserts, that Talleyrand told him he might rely on any 
 information given by Mr. Y. ; but from the correspondence 
 between him and Talleyrand respecting their names, it evi- 
 dently appears that the latter was totally ignorant of any 
 offers ever made by him. As Mr. Gerry has never attempted 
 to contradict Talleyrand in this matter, but seems to acquiesce 
 in it, we must infer that the whole story of £50^00 sterling, 
 as a douceur, and 16,000,000 of Dutch rescriptions by way 
 of loan, was either a fabrication of X. Y. and Z., or of our 
 own envoys, or perhaps of both. If there was any reality in 
 the said bribe, it proceeded from a very different quarter than 
 either Talleyrand or the Directory — X. and Y. were most 
 probably agents for the privateers-men, and the £-50,000 was 
 intended for their pockets, and not for that of the French 
 minister. Some words dropped by Mr. X., and related by 
 the envoys in their despatches, appear to confirm this suppo- 
 sition. " He said that all the members of the Directory were 
 
188 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 not disposed to receive our money; that Merlin, for instance, 
 was paid from another quarter, and would touch no part of the 
 douceur which was to come from us." We replied, " that 
 we had understood that Merlin was paid by the owners of pri- 
 vateers ; and he nodded an assent to the fact." A late pub- 
 lication published in Paris, in vindication of the conduct of 
 Talleyrand, even insinuates that Pinckney was leagued with 
 the privateer merchants; and that most of the privateers fitted 
 out in the French ports were the property of Americans. We 
 trust that neither Mr. Pinckney nor any of our consuls were 
 engaged in such a nefarious trade, although it must be allowed, 
 there were several citizens of the United States who enriched 
 themselves upon the spoils of their countrymen. The same 
 publication affirms, that X. and Y. were the proprietors of 
 several privateers at Bourdeaux and Dunkirk. If this be true, 
 it is not surprising that they should have exerted every scheme 
 to prevent a reconciliation. At all events, our envoys de- 
 serve the greatest censure for having been duped by such 
 swindlers. 
 
 The following were the Acts passed this Session of Con- 
 gress : 
 
 1. An act for the punishment of certain crimes therein spe- 
 cified. 
 
 2. An act respecting balances reported against certain 
 states, by the commissioners appointed to settle the accounts 
 between the United States and the several states. 
 
 3. An act to alter the stamp duties imposed upon foreign 
 bills of exchange and bills of lading, by an act, entitled " An 
 act laying duties upon stamped vellum, parchment, and paper," 
 and further to amend the same. 
 
 4. An act further to suspend the commercial intercourse 
 between the United Slates and France, and the dependencies 
 thereof. 
 
 5. An act for the relief of Jonathan Haskill. 
 
 6. An act to authorize the reimbursements of moneys ex- 
 pended in rendering aid to sick and destitute American sea- 
 men in foreign countries. 
 
 7. An act for the relief of Gazzan, Taylor, and Jones, and 
 of Samuel Watt, of the city of Philadelphia. 
 
 8. An act appropriating a certain sum of money to defray 
 the expense of holding a treaty or treaties with the Indians. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 389 
 
 9. An act for the augmentation of the navy. 
 
 10. An act authorizing the estabhshment of docks. 
 
 11. An act authorizing the purchase of timber for naval 
 purposes. 
 
 12. An act respecting quarantine and health laws. 
 
 13. An act fixing the pay of the captains and commanders 
 of ships and vessels of war of the United States. 
 
 14. An act to amend the act, entitled "An act to provicie 
 for the valuation of lands and dwelling-houses, and the enume- 
 ration of slaves within the United States." 
 
 15. An act providing compensation for the marshals, clerks, 
 attorneys, jurors and witnesses in the courts of the United 
 States, and to repeal certain parts of the acts therein men- 
 tioned, and for other purposes. 
 
 J 6. An act for the relief of Thomas Lewis. 
 
 17. An act to amend an act, entitled " An act giving effect 
 to the laws of the United States within the district of Ten- 
 nessee." 
 
 18. An act making appropriations for defraying the ex- 
 penses which may arise in carrying into effect certain treaties 
 between the United States and several tribes or nations of In- 
 dians. 
 
 19. An act allowing James Mathers compensation for ser- 
 vices done for the United States, and expenses incurred in 
 rendering said services, as sergeant-at-arms to the Senate. 
 
 20. An act altering the time of holding the District Court 
 in Vermont. 
 
 21. An act concerning French citizens that have been or 
 may be captured, and brought into the United States. 
 
 22. An act giving eventual authority to the President of 
 the United States to augment the army. 
 
 23. An act to provide for the security of bail in certain 
 cases. 
 
 24. An act to augment the salaries of the officers therein 
 mentioned. 
 
 25. An act to regulate the medical establishment. 
 
 26. An act to grant an additional compensation for the 
 year 1799, to certain officers of the Senate and House of Re- 
 presentatives of the United States. 
 
 27. An act for the government of the navy of the United 
 States. 
 
 28. An act to establish the compensations of the otficers 
 
190 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 employed in the collection of the duties on imposts and ton- 
 nage, and for other purposes. 
 
 29. An act authorizing the augmentation of the marine 
 corps. 
 
 30. An act to erect a beacon on Boon Island. 
 
 31. An act to regulate and fix the compensation of clerks. 
 \i2. An act to establish the Post-Office of the United 
 
 States. 
 
 33. An act to amend the act, entitled " An act regulating 
 the grant of lands appropriated for military services, and foi 
 the society of the United Brethren for propagating the gospel 
 among the heathens." 
 
 34! An act making appropriations for the support of 
 government for the year one thousand seven hundred and 
 ninety-nine. 
 
 35. An act to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian 
 tribes, and to preserve peace on the frontiers. 
 
 36. An act in addition to an act for the more general pro- 
 mulgation of the laws. 
 
 37. An act authorizing the President of the United States 
 to Qll certain vacancies in the army and navy. 
 
 38. An act making additional appropriations for the year 
 1799. 
 
 39. An act vesting the power of retaliation in the President 
 in certain cases. 
 
 40. An act respecting the distillers of Geneva. 
 
 41. An act for the relief and support of American seamen. 
 
 42. An act to alter and discontinue certain post-roads, and 
 to establish others. 
 
 43. An act for the better organizing of the troops of the 
 United States. 
 
 44. An act authorizing the sale of lands between the great 
 and little rivers Miami, in the United States Territory, N. W. 
 of the river Ohio, and for giving pre-emption to certain per- 
 sons. 
 
 45. An act for the relief of Comfort Sands, and others. 
 
 46. An act to establish the salary of the deputy post-master 
 general. 
 
 47. An act to regulate the collection of duties on imposts 
 and tonnage. 
 
 48. An act for the support of the naval establishment for 
 the year 1799. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 191 
 
 49. An act for the support of the military establishment for 
 the year 1799. 
 
 50. An act in addition to the act for the relief and protec- 
 tion of American seamen, and further to amend the same. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Dr. Logan — Capture of Ulnsurgente — Murder of JYeale 
 Harvey — Tibial of Dr. Reynolds, Duane, and others — Jit- 
 tack upon the Aurora Office — Case of Ehenezer Giles. 
 
 In summer, 1798, soon after the publication of our envoy's 
 despatches, a transaction occurred, that unveiled the designs 
 and wishes of the conspirators for a French war. Dr. George 
 Logan, a native of Pennsylvania, and a citizen of independent 
 fortune, set out from Philadelphia on a voyage to Europe. 
 
 Having landed at Hamburgh, he met with General La 
 Fayette, who procured him the means of pursuing his journey to 
 Paris, W'here he arrived on the 7th of August, 1798. Upon 
 inquiry of the consul-general of the United States, he was in- 
 formed our commissioners had left that city, without having 
 accomplished the object of their mission, and that all nego- 
 tiation was at an end. Further, that an embargo had been laid 
 on all American shipping in the ports of France, and that many 
 of our seamen were confined as prisoners. 
 
 Dr. Logan, justly supposing that there was no law, moral 
 or political, which could prevent him from benefiting his 
 country, availed himself of every legal means to procure an 
 interview with influential characters. Through the polite- 
 ness of a foreigner of distinguished talents, whose name is not 
 mentioned. Dr. Logan w^as introduced to citizen Merlin. This 
 Director, and man of science, Dr. Logan frequently visited 
 afterwards on the footing of a private friend. On one of these 
 occasions Merlin informed him, that France had not the least 
 intention to interfere in the public affairs of the United Sta'tes ; 
 that his country had acquired great reputation in having as- 
 sisted America to become a free republic, and that they never 
 would disgrace their own revolution by attempting the de- 
 
192 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 struction of the United States. He observed, that with re- 
 spect to the violation of our flag, it was common with all 
 neutrals, and was provoked by the example of England, and 
 intended to place France on an equal ground with her, so long 
 as she should be permitted, by the neutral powers, to avail 
 herself of their resources. But that the government of France, 
 averse to such a competition, were contemplating measures to 
 make their laws more favourable towards neutral nations. In 
 confirmation of this declaration. Dr. Logan received, whilst at 
 Bordeaux, a letter from the Consul-General of the United 
 States, dated Paris, August 30th, in w^iich the Consul in- 
 formed him that the report of France adopting a more liberal 
 system in regard to the flag and property of neutrals, was 
 gaining ground every hour. 
 
 Dr. Logan, believing that this manifestation of friendship 
 on the part of the republic of France, would be highly ac- 
 ceptable to his country, he offered his services to Mr. Skip- 
 with, the Consul-General, to be the bearer of his despatches 
 to the President of the United states. A duplicate of the 
 same despatches had been forwarded by some other channel. 
 When Dr. Logan, therefore, after his arrival, presented them 
 to Mr. Pickering, in place of being cordially received or 
 thanked for his trouble, he was simply informed that they 
 were of no importance, as their contents had been already re- 
 ceived. Insinuations of treason were thrown out against him, 
 and agreeable to the federal custom, Mrs. Logan was also re- 
 viled, a lady, in whose character, the utmost diligence of ma- 
 lice has not been able, more than in that of her husband, to 
 discover a single stain. 
 
 To these slanderous accusations. Dr. Logan can oppose the 
 blessings of hundreds of his countrymen, whom he has saved 
 from the risk of ruin. At Bourdeaux he received, upon Sep- 
 tember 8th, 1798, an address subscribed by fourteen masters 
 of ships, and other persons, w'hose property he had preserved 
 from confiscation. He also procured freedom for a consider- 
 able number of seamen. For these services, at the sitting 
 down of Congress, in December, 1798, the whole federal fac- 
 tion broke loose upon him. Thatcher, Harper, and Otis at- 
 tacked him with all their fury. As a vindication of his cha- 
 racter, he published the following letter, dated Bourdeaux, 
 September Sth, 1798 : 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 193 
 
 " Sir, — A habit of trade, of many years standing, with the 
 United States of America, has, in the late difficulties between the 
 two countries, enabled us to feel how much we are indebted 
 to your laudable endeavours to prevent this country from 
 acting hostilely, after the late occurrences in America ; and 
 how much we are beholden to you in particular, for the con- 
 vincing proof of the good intentions of this government, in 
 taking oif the embargo they had laid on all American vessels. 
 Pray excuse this abrupt manner of delivering our sentiments ; 
 but as acting for our friends in America, we find ourselves 
 more particularly obliged — we feel ourselves gratified in thus 
 assuring you of our esteem ; we wish you a successful passage 
 over to America, and remain. Sir, your cordial friends, 
 
 '' Skinner, Fenwick & Brown. 
 
 « To Dr. Logan, of Philadelphia." 
 
 In the beginning of this year (1799), hostilities were openly 
 commenced between the Republic of France and the United 
 States. The first engagement of any importance between 
 the two powers, was fought on the 9th of February, by 
 LTnsurgente of 40 guns. Captain Bureaut, and the Constella- 
 tion of 38 guns, Commodore Truxtun. Victory proved fa- 
 vourable to us, and L'Insurgente was captured ; but the glory 
 of the day was clouded by an unfortunate accident, the death 
 of one of the seamen on board of Truxtun's vessel, occa- 
 sioned by a stab, received from the third Lieutenant of the Con- 
 stellation. Neale Harvey, was the name of this unfortunate 
 young man, and Andrew Sterret, that of the officer. Whether 
 Harvey actually deserted his station during the action, is a 
 matter not ascertained. But humanity must incline us to be- 
 lieve that Sterret thought so, before he plunged a sword into 
 the bowels of a fellow-citizen. The affair, however, might 
 have been buried in oblivion, had not Sterret's imprudence 
 urged him to publish it to the world, in a letter to his father. 
 '• One fellow (says Sterret) I was obliged to run through the 
 body, and so put an end to a coward. You must not think 
 this strange, for w^e would put a man to death for even look- 
 ing pale on board this ship." On this occasion we must 
 certainly blame both the silence of Truxtun and that of our 
 administration. The duty which they owed to their country, 
 ought certainlv to have compelled a public investigation of 
 17 
 
194 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 the affair, which, it is to be hoped, would have turned out, not- 
 withstanding its untoward aspect, to Sterret's honour; and re- 
 moved from the character of that brave officer a stain which 
 will ever blot the most praiseworthy action he can perform. 
 But Mr. Adams received the intelligence with equal indif- 
 ference as Truxton beheld it ; and without any investigation 
 w^hich we know of, promoted Mr. Sterret with the other offi- 
 cers. 
 
 The day of Truxtun's victory, which was on Sunday, is 
 remarkable on another account. A motion was to have been 
 made in Congress the Monday following, for a repeal of the 
 Alien law of 1798. — In order to promote this repeal. Dr. Rey- 
 nolds, Mr. Duane, and several other gentlemen of Philadelphia, 
 went to St. Mary's Church, and placed upon the doors, peti- 
 tions to Congress for that purpose, with the intention of re- 
 ceiving the signatures of those of the congregation who were 
 aliens. No proceeding could have been more harmless, and 
 unexceptionable than this ; but the appellation of alien was 
 synonymous with Jacobin in the understanding of the tory 
 Christians. The alarm of sedition and treason was sounded 
 in the church ; the pious priest dropped the bible, and out 
 rushed the federal mob. A desperado, of the name of Galla- 
 gher, at the head of several ruffians, attacked Reynolds, 
 knocked him down, then kicked him, and maltreated his 
 friends in the same manner. The petitions were torn from 
 the door, and a flaming report of the suppression of the alien 
 riot, as it was called, appeared in the federal papers next 
 morning. 
 
 The federalists, not satisfied with their victory, were deter- 
 mined, if possible, to accomplish the ruin of Reynolds and his 
 companions. They therefore accused the former, of an inten- 
 tion to murder Gallagher, and the latter of a riot and assault 
 at St. Mary's Church. Their trial was brought forward the 
 22d of the same month, and, most probably, had it not been 
 for several republicans who fortunately w'ere upon the jury, 
 they would all have been found guilty, and received the pun- 
 ishment which a partial court might award ; but the sound 
 judgment of a few prevailed over the bigoted prejudice of 
 the many, and a verdict of acquittal was in consequence 
 given. 
 
 Enraged at this verdict, the enemies of liberty and order re- 
 solved no longer to be trifled with by the forms of law, and the 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 195 
 
 caprice of a jury. A band of upwards of thirty took the oath 
 of vengeance. The names of the leaders of this conspiracy 
 were, John Dunlap, J. B. A'PKean, Peter Miercken, George 
 Willing, Joshua B. Bond, Owen Foulke, Jonathan Robeson, 
 Edward Shoemaker, John Singer, William Lewis, and James 
 Simmons. On the loth of May, they entered the office of 
 the Aurora ; one party with pistols in their hands, acted as 
 sentinels upon the compositors and pressmen, while another 
 party kept at bay several strangers who were in the office. 
 Peter Miercken, with several of his followers, then attacked 
 Mr. Duane, the object of their malice. The former knocked 
 him down, while the latter ruffians held his hands. Bleeding 
 and senseless, they dragged him down stairs into Franklin 
 court, and there satiated their vengeance by repeating their 
 blows upon Mr. Duane, and his alfectionate son, a boy of 
 sixteen, who threw himself across the body of his father, to 
 screen him from the blood-thirsty barbarians. 
 
 They would have proceeded to have demolished the whole 
 building, had not the republicans, by this time, received notice 
 of the savage scene, and proceeded to the relief of their pa- 
 triot. 
 
 Notwithstanding this most unprovoked and unwarrantable 
 assault, Mr. Duane found it impracticable, during the admin- 
 istration of Mr. Adams, to obtain the smallest redress for the 
 injuries which his person and property had sustained ; it was 
 not until the month of April last, two years afterwards, that 
 their trial coul-d be brought forward. The only compensa- 
 tion he then received, did not exceed two hundred dollars. 
 
 Among the various insults which the American flag had 
 suffered during this and the preceding year, from the cruisers 
 of his Britannic majesty, the treatment of Ebenezer Giles, 
 commander of the schooner Betsey, of Beverley, in Massachu- 
 setts, merits particular attention, both on account of the singu- 
 lar barbarity which disgraced the British on that occasion, 
 and the tame conduct of the President, and Mr. Pickering, 
 when they heard of the outrage which the honour of their 
 country had sustained. The protest of Captain Giles and his 
 crew, give the fullest account, and are the best proofs of this 
 unprovoked attack from a British ship of war. 
 
 *' Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 
 
 " By this public instrument, be it made known and manifest, 
 
196 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 that on the 21st of May, 1799, before me, Joseph Ward, Esq., 
 Notary Public, by legal authority admitted and sworn, and 
 practising in Beverly, in said county of Essex, personally 
 came and appeared, Ebenezer Giles, comimander of the schoo- 
 ner Betsey, of said Beverly, and James Wilson, mate, and 
 Allen Stickland and Joseph Patch, seamen, belonging to the 
 said schooner, who after being severally sworn to declare the 
 truth, declared on oath, that they were, on the twenty-seventh 
 day of April, 1799, at the Island of St. Vincent, at a place 
 called La You Bay, on board said schooner, there waiting 
 for his British Majesty's ship of w^ar, called the Daphne, to 
 pass by, who was previously engaged to convoy a fleet of 
 merchantmen from that island to St. Christopher's ; and on 
 Saturday, the 27th day of April aforesaid, about twelve o'clock 
 at noon, the convoy hove in sight, and about three o'clock 
 P. M., we came to sail, and stood out of the bay ; and about 
 twenty minutes past three, P. M., the ship Daphne stood 
 athwart our stern, and hailed us, and requested to know if we 
 had instructions from their ship, which we answered in the 
 affirmative. They ordered the Betsey to bring to ; we then 
 being by the wind close hauled, hove the main-topsail to the 
 mast, and put the helm a-lee ; the Daphne still continued her 
 course close by the land ; the schooner Betsey lay to until 
 about half the fleet convoyed had passed by them, then made 
 sail and stood on with the fleet ; at about 4 o'clock, P. M. 
 observed the Daphne's boat coming towards us; they called 
 to us to heave the main-topsail to the mast, which was imme- 
 diately done, and the boat came under our lee-stem, or for- 
 ward our main chains; we hove a rope to the boat, which 
 they caught in midship of her, which boat lay stem on the 
 schooner, and neglecting to pass the rope into the bow's to 
 catch a turn to wind her, as Captain Giles wished him to do 
 in a polite and respectful manner, and after a short time, they 
 slipped their hold and dropped astern. We then hove the 
 fore-topsail to the mast, dropped the fore and main peaks, 
 and let fly the jib sheets, to wait for the boat to come up with 
 us, which she did in four or five minutes ; as she came along- 
 side. Captain Giles said to the officer on board the boat, " my 
 friend, I was very sorry to have seen you drop a-stern." He 
 answered, ''you damned rascal, do not call me your friend." 
 The captain of the Betsey then told him, that he hoped he 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 197 
 
 should not find him to be his enemy, and particularly the ship 
 Daphne. The officer then placed one of his men from the 
 boat on board the schooner to the helm, and ordered all our 
 sails set, which was immediately done, and stood for the 
 Daphne, and still continuing to treat the captain of the Betsey 
 with insulting and abusive language, and demanded of said 
 Giles his instructions which were received from the Daphne, 
 which were delivered up to him. As we came a-breast of the 
 ship, the officer returned on board the ship, taking the said 
 instructions with him. After a few minutes, some person on 
 board of the ship informed us that they should send their boats 
 on board of us again. The boat soon came alongside of us, 
 and commanded captain Giles on board of the ship immedi- 
 ately. He instantly complied, and went with the officer on 
 board of the ship. Immediately after he arrived on board, 
 the said James Wilson, Allen Stickland, and Joseph Patch, on 
 their oath, testify and swear, that theysaw^ two men on board 
 of the Said ship violently beating Captain Giles, one of them 
 with a large piece of rope, and the other with his fist, and 
 continued to do so for the space of more than thirty minutes, 
 to the best of their judgment, and sometimes by the violence 
 of the blows received, he was struck down; and they soon 
 after sent Captain Giles on board of the Betsey, who, when 
 he came alongside, was not able to stand or walk, by reason 
 of the barbarous treatment he had received on board the 
 said ship. And they further testify, and say that they took 
 Captain Giles on board his schooner in the cabin, and took 
 off his jacket, (as he was not able to take it off himself) and 
 found it much stripped and torn by force of the blows of the 
 rope's end ; also with great surprise saw blood issuing from 
 his mouth and nose, occasioned by the force of the blows of 
 the fist, or the falls on the said ship's deck (to them uncertain 
 which) whilst he was on board; and on further examination 
 found his back and arms unmercifully bruised, and turned 
 black with large wales on the same, occasioned by the cruel 
 and most unnatural treatment he received on botird the said 
 ship ; and further say, that Captain Giles was not able, for the 
 term of four days at least, to come on deck, or do his duty ; 
 neither has he fully recovered his health, as before enjoyed, to 
 this day. 
 
 " In further confirmation of the above written, we have 
 17* 
 
198 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 hereunto set our names, after being first sworn to the truth of 
 the foregoing protest. 
 
 Ebenezer Giles, Master, 
 
 James Wilson, Mate. 
 
 Joseph Patch. 
 
 Allen Stickland. 
 
 "And' the aforesaid affidavit, Ebenezer Giles, at the above 
 said time and place, in addition to the foregoing, by himself 
 further testifieth on oath, and doth declare, that he received 
 his instructions from the ship Daphne on the 25th day of April, 
 1799; and informed the commander of the ship, that his schooner 
 lay at a place called La You Bay, about two leagues to lee- 
 ward of the port of Kingston, at w^hich place the Daphne lay; 
 and that on the 27th day of the same month, he joined the 
 fleet as before expressed ; and was commanded to go on board 
 the ship as aforesaid, and when he came alongside of the said 
 ship, and was passing over the side, the deponent on oath de- 
 clares, that the captain of the said ship called to him, and told 
 him he would let him know what it was to pay a disrespect 
 to a man-of-war, and immediately called for a boatswain's 
 mate. That he then asked the captain what he designed by 
 his disrespect ; the answer was, " you damn' d rascal, not a 
 word." He asked the captain if he was not allowed to speak 
 in his own behalf, w^hich was answered, " what, by you a 
 damned rascal!" and much more abusive language; and or- 
 dered the boatswain's mate to take a rope's end to the damned 
 rasc.al; who, ver}^ readily, began to beat him, the said depo- 
 nent, with a rope of two and a quarter inches, (and the.cap- 
 tain followed the same with blows of his fist) until the rope 
 was fagged out eight or nine inches in length ; then one other 
 boatswain's mate was called by the captain, who immediately 
 appeared, and the captain of the ship ordered him to find a 
 rope that was pointed, and to lay it on well to the damned 
 rascal, and then he began to beat the deponent accordingly, 
 agreeable fo the instructions from his inhum.an commander. 
 The deponent begged of the captain not to murder him in 
 that manner, in God's name; the return was a blow with the 
 captain's fist, which brought the deponent down. The boat- 
 swain still continued to strike the deponent until he received 
 about forty-seven stripes, and then he quitted the deponent, 
 and the captain of the ship ordered the officer w^ho brought 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 199 
 
 him on board, saying, " Mr. Mettina}-, put this damned rascal 
 on board of his vessel, and return with the boat immediately." 
 In further confirmation of the truth of the foregoing protest, 
 I do hereunto set my hand. 
 
 " Ebenezer Giles, Master, 
 
 " The deponents do, therefore, protest, and I the said notary 
 public, at their instance and request, do by these presents, 
 solemnly protest against the captain of the said ship Daphne, 
 and the British government for the aforesaid cruel and bar- 
 barous treatment, and for all losses, costs, suits, expenses and 
 damages that have arisen, or may rise thereon. 
 
 " In testimony whereof, I, the said notary, have here- 
 unto set my hand, and affixed my notarial seal, this 
 twenty-first day of May, 1799. 
 
 " Joseph Ward, N. P." 
 
 Several letters passed between the secretary of state and 
 Captain Giles, respecting this business, but without any satis- 
 faction to the latter; for no proper explanation w^as ever de- 
 manded from the English government for the conduct of the 
 commander of the British frigate. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Trial of John Fries, for High Treason. 
 
 John Fries of the county of Northampton, in Pennsylva- 
 nia, w^as, on the 1st of May, 1799, indicted in the Circuit 
 Court, held at Philadelphia, for levying war against the 
 United States, by opposing the assessors for the direct tax. 
 
 Judge Iredell delivered his charge to the grand jury on the 
 11th of April. Of all the charges which had hitherto been 
 given by the federal judges, this charge of Judge Iredell ap- 
 peared to be the greatest insult offered to the feelings of a free 
 people. Liberty he compared to the religion of Mohammed, 
 which was propagated by the sword : nations, who became 
 free, he said, were placed under French guardianship — French 
 arsenals were the repository of their arras ; French treasuries 
 
200 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 of their money; and the city of Paris of their curiosities. 
 After this display of metaphysicial jargon, he proceeded to 
 an investigation of the ahen and sedition bills, which he at- 
 tempted to vindicate, and to prove their consistency with the 
 constitution of the United States. He then entered upon a 
 laboured disquisition of treason; gave quotations from Judge 
 Hale and Blackstone, and concluded by praying that God 
 might preserve all lovers of subordination from being trampled 
 under the feet of Jacobins. 
 
 On Wednesday the 1st of May, the prisoner, John Fries, 
 was brought to the bar. Upon the indictment being read, 
 charging him with having unlawfully, maliciously, and traitor- 
 ously compassed and levied war, insurrection, and rebellion, 
 against the United States, he pleaded not guilty. The several 
 particulars of these charges are narrated in the following ad- 
 dress of Mr. Sitgreaves, who opened the trial, on the part of 
 the government. 
 
 " Gentlemen of the Jury, 
 
 " By the indictment which has been just read to you, you 
 perceive that John Fries, the prisoner at the bar, has put him- 
 self on trial before you on an accusation of having committed 
 the greatest offence which can be perpetrated in this or any 
 other country; and it will devolve on you to determine, ac- 
 cording to the evidence which will be produced to you, on the 
 important question of life or death. It is the duty of those 
 that prosecute, to open to you, as clear as they are able, those 
 principles of law which apply to the offender; and then to 
 state to you the testimony with which the accusation is sup- 
 ported. This duty has devolved upon me, and I hope, while 
 I regard my duty as accuser, I shall do it in such a way as 
 shall do no injustice to the prisoner. However, if I should be 
 incorrect, there are sufficient opportunities for me to be cor- 
 rected, by the vigilance which the counsel engaged on behalf 
 of the prisoner will use, and the order which the court will 
 observe. These are sufficient to correct any mis-statements, 
 but I will use my utmost endeavours to be guilty of none. 
 
 "The prisoner is indicted of the crime of treason. Treason 
 is defined in the constitution of the United States, Section 3, 
 Art. 3, in the words following: 'Treason against the United 
 States, shall consist only in levying war against them, or in 
 adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort.' 
 
 " This crime appears to be limited to tw^o descriptions : the 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 201 
 
 one, levying war against the United States States, and the 
 other, adhering to its enemies. With respect to the latter 
 branch of the description, there will be no occasion for any 
 explanation, or to call your attention in the least to it, because 
 it is not charged upon the prisoner; he is charged with having 
 committed treason in levying war. 
 
 *' This expression, phraseology, or description, as adopted 
 by our constitution, is borrowed from a statute of Great Bri- 
 tain, passed in the reign of Edward III., w^hich has, ever since 
 it passed, commanded the veneration and respect of that nation, 
 almost equal with their great charter ; it is considered as a 
 great security to their liberties. Indeed, the uniform and 
 unanimous consent given to this statute, through a great lapse 
 of time, by the most able writers on law, its never having un- 
 dergone the least alteration amidst the most severe scrutinies, 
 and its adoption into the constitution of the United States, 
 without the least amendment, are sufficient encomiums to prove 
 its worth. I shall state to you, as far as it is necessary to the 
 present application of that statute, the most able and judicious 
 expositions, but without recurring to a variety of authorities 
 which might be quoted. 
 
 " The crime of treason, as it has been laid down by those 
 writers generally allowed to be the most able on law, w^hose 
 accuracy is unquestionable, is the highest crime that can possi- 
 bly be committed against the good government of a nation, and 
 a considerable inroad into the liberties of a subject. In dis- 
 cussing this crime, I shall only recur to the notes which I have 
 taken, and my own knowledge of the law; if that statement 
 should be inaccurate, there are sufficient opportunities for 
 amendment in the course of this trial. Treason consists in 
 levying war against the government of the United States : it 
 may confidently be said, not only to consist in joining or aiding 
 the hostile intentions of a foreign enemy, nor is it confined to 
 rebellion, in the broad sense in which that word is generally 
 understood, or in the utter subversion of the government and 
 its fundamental institutions ; but it also consists in the raising 
 a military force from among the people, for the purpose of at- 
 taining any object with a design of opposing the lawful autho- 
 rity of the government by dint of arms, in some matter of 
 public concern in which the insurgents have no particular in- 
 terest distinct from the rest of the community. This is the 
 best description of the crime of treason, as it relates to the 
 
202 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 matter before you, which I am able to give. A tumultuously 
 raising the people with force, for the purpose of subverting or 
 opposing the lawful authority of the government, in which 
 those insurgents have no ])articular interest distinct from the 
 people at large. 
 
 *' Agreeable to the division made in the definition of treason 
 by Lord Hale, it must consist both in levying war, and in 
 levying war against the government of the United States. 
 Respecting levying war, it is to be understood, agreeable to 
 the most approved authorities, that there must be an actual 
 military array. I mention this, because I think it proper to 
 be particular in so essential and important an inquiry ; and 
 because I think we shall prove to you that this was actually 
 done by the prisoner. Another thing I wish you to bear in 
 mind is, that war may be sufficiently levied against the United 
 States, although no violence be used, and although no battle 
 be fought. It is not necessary that actual violence should take 
 place, to prove the actual waging of war. If the arrange- 
 ments are made, and the numbers of armed men actually ap- 
 pear, so as to procure the object which they have in view, by 
 intimidation as well as by actual force, that will constitute the 
 offence. 
 
 " It must be war waged against the United States. This 
 is an important distinction. A large assembly of people may 
 come together, in whatever numbers, however they may be 
 armed or arrayed, or whatever degree of violence they may 
 commit, yet that alone would not constitute treason : the trea- 
 son must be known ; it must be for a public, and not a private 
 revenge; it must be avowedly levying war against the United 
 States. If people assemble in this hostile manner, not only to 
 gratify revenge or any other purpose independent of war 
 against the United States, it will only amount to a riot; but 
 if it is an object in which the person has no particular interest, 
 this constitutes the offence of treason. There are a variety 
 of instances, which might be produced in order to illustrate 
 this definition of the law ; but it is not necessary to turn to 
 them. Suffice it to say, that it is the intention or end for 
 which an insurrection is raised, which constitutes the crime. 
 This, of course, you will have in mind when the testimony is 
 gone into. I will just observe, as applicable to this case, that 
 one instance, which is defined, of the crime of treason is, to 
 defeat the operation of the laws of government ; any insurrec- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 203 
 
 tion, I will be bold to say, to defeat the execution of the public 
 laws, amounts to treason. Having given you this explanation 
 of treason, so far as I suppose is connected with the present 
 awful occasion, I shall now proceed to state the amount of 
 evidence we mean to produce, in order to prove that the un- 
 happy prisoner was guilty of that high crime. 
 
 " It will appear, gentlemen, from the testimony which 
 will be presented to you, that during the latter months 
 of the year 1798, discords prevailed to an enormous extent 
 throughout a large portion of the counties of Bucks, North- 
 ampton, and Montgomery, and that considerable difficulties 
 attended the assessors for the direct tax in the execution 
 of the duties of their assessment. It is not in the nature 
 of this inquiry to explain for what purpose or by what 
 means the opposition was made ; it is not necessary to say, 
 whether the complaints urged, were well or ill founded, be- 
 cause it is a settled point, that any insurrection for removing 
 public grievances, whether the complaints be real or pre- 
 tended, amounts to treason, because it is not the mode pointed 
 out by law for obtaining redress. It will then be sufficient 
 to show you, that discontents did exist, and that in various 
 townships of those counties ; that in several townships, asso- 
 ciations of the people were actually formed, in order to pre- 
 vent the persons charged with the execution of those laws of 
 the United States, from performing their duty upon them, and 
 more particularly to prevent the assessors from measuring 
 their houses. This opposition was made at many pubhc 
 township meetings, called for the purpose; in many instances 
 resolutions w^ere entered into and reduced to writing, solemnly 
 forewarning the officers, whose duty it was to execute the 
 laws, and these many times accompanied with threats, if they 
 should perform that duty. Not only so, but discontents pre- 
 vailed to such a height, that even the friends of the govern- 
 ment in that part were completely suppressed, by menaces 
 against any who should assist those officers in their duty ; re- 
 peated declarations were made both at public as well as pri- 
 vate meetings, that if any person should be arrested by the 
 civil authority, such arrest would be followed by the rising of 
 the people, in opposition to that authority, for the purpose of 
 rescuing such arrested prisoners. It will appear to you farther, 
 gentlemen, in the course of evidence, that during those dis- 
 contents, indefatigable pains were taken by those who were 
 
204 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 charged with the execution of the laws, to calra the fears and 
 to remove the misapprehensions of the infatuated people ; for 
 this purpose, they read and explained the law to them, and 
 informed them, that they were misled into the idea that the 
 law was not in force, for 4hat it actually was ; at the same 
 time warning them of the consequences w^hich would flow 
 from opposition ; and this was accompanied with promises, that 
 even their most capricious wishes would be gratified on their 
 obedience. The favour was in many instances granted, that 
 where any opposition w^as made to any certain person exe- 
 cuting the office of assessor, in some townships proposals were 
 made for the people to choose for themselves ; but notwith- 
 standing this accommodating offer, the opposition continued. 
 
 " After having showed to you the general extent of this 
 combination and dangerous conspiracy, which existed in all 
 the latitude I have opened to your view, we shall next give 
 in evidence full proof that the consequences w^ere actual oppo- 
 sition and resistance. In some parts violence was actually 
 used, and the assessors were taken and imprisoned by armed 
 parties ; and in other, mobs assembled to compel thgm either to 
 deliver up their papers or to resign their commissions ; that in 
 some instances they were threatened with bodily harm, so that 
 in those parts, the obnoxious law did remain unexecuted in 
 consequence of this alarm. Seeing the state of the insurrec- 
 tion and rebellion had arisen to such a height, it became ne- 
 cessary, in order to support the dignity, and indeed the very 
 existence of the government, that some means should be 
 adopted to compel the execution of those laws, and warrants 
 were in consequence issued against certain persons, who had 
 so opposed the laws ; these processes being put into the hands 
 of the marshal of the district, were served upon some of 
 them. In some instances during the execution of that duty, 
 the marshal met with insult, ancl almost with violence ; having, 
 however, got nearly the whole of the warrants served, he 
 appointed head-quarters for these prisoners to rendezvous at 
 Bethlehem, w^here some of them w'ere to enter bail for their ap- 
 pearance in the city, and others were to come to the city in 
 custody for trial. It will appear to you, that on the day thus 
 appointed for the prisoners to meet, and when a number of 
 them had actually assembled agreeable to appointment, that a 
 number of parties in arms, both horse and foot, more than 
 one hundred men, accoutred with all their militai-y apparatus, 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 205 
 
 commanded in some instances by their proper officers, marched 
 to Bethlehem, collected before the house in which were the 
 marshal and prisoners, whom they demanded to be delivered 
 up to them, and in consequence of refusal, they proceeded to 
 act very little short of actual hostility, so that the marshal 
 deemed it prudent to accede to their demands, and the priso- 
 ners were liberated. 
 
 " This, gentlemen, is the general history of the insurrection. 
 I shall now state to you the part which the unfortunate priso- 
 ner at the bar took in those hostile transactions. It will ap- 
 pear that the prisoner is an inhabitant of the township of 
 Lower Milford, in the county of Bucks ; that some time in 
 February last, a public meeting was held at the house of one 
 John Kline in that township, to consider, in relation to this 
 house tax, what was to be done ; that at that meeting, certain 
 resolutions were entered into, and a paper signed, (we have 
 endeavoured to trace this paper so as to produce it to the court 
 and jury, but have failed ;) this paper was signed by fifty-two 
 persons, and committed to the hands of one of their number. 
 John Fries was present at this meeting, and assisted in draw- 
 ing up the paper, at which time his expressions against this 
 law were extremely violent, and he threatened to shoot one 
 of the assessors, Mr. Foulke, through the legs, if he did pro- 
 ceed to assess the houses. 
 
 " Again, the prisoner at a vendue, threatened another of the 
 assessors, Mr. S. Clarke, that if he attempted to go on with the 
 assessments, he should be committed to an old stable, and there 
 fed on rotten corn. We shall further prove, that upon its 
 being intimated by some of them to Mr. Chapman, principal 
 assessor, that if they might choose their own assessors, things 
 would go on quietly ; he directed that they should do so ; but 
 still they continued in opposition to the law, and would not 
 choose an officer at all. A general meeting was called to read 
 and explain the la\N to the people, and thus remove any wrong 
 impressions and misapprehensions ; the principal assessor was 
 at that meeting ; but the rudeness, opposition, and violence 
 used by the people, prevented him from doing so, which was 
 an evident proof that they did not want to hear the law, and 
 that they understood enough of it to oppose it. Thus the 
 benevolent intention of that meeting was frustrated. We 
 shall further show you, that the assessor of Lower Milford 
 was intimidated so as to decline making the assessments, and 
 18 
 
206 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 that the principal assessor, together with three other assessors, 
 were obliged to go into that township to execute the law ; that 
 they proceeded in the execution of their duty during a part of 
 the day of the 5th of March last, without any impediment ; 
 that at eleven o'clock in the morning, Mr. Chapman met at 
 the house of Jacob Fries, in Lower Milford, with the prisoner, 
 when he, the prisoner, declared his determination not to sub- 
 mit, but to oppose the law, and that by the next m.orning he 
 could raise seven hundred men in opposition to it: that upon 
 Mr. Chapman telling him that many houses were assessed, the 
 prisoner flew into a violent passion, absolutely declaring that 
 it should soon be in this country as it was in France. We 
 shall farther show you, that at another time during the same 
 day, the prisoner met with two of the assessors, Mr. Roderick, 
 and Mr. Foulke, whom he warned not to proceed in the exe- 
 cution of their duty, accompanied with threats, that if they 
 did they would be hurt, and left them in a great rage. Far- 
 ther, he proceeded to collect parties, with whom he went in 
 search of those men, and attacked them in executing their 
 duty — one of them escaped, but the other he took ; but not 
 having got Mr. Roderick, who appeared to be a particular 
 object of resentment, he let Mr. Foulke go, telling him he 
 w^ould have them again the next day. He told Mr. Clarke, 
 that if he had met with Roderick, he would not have let him 
 go so easy, and declared to him solemnly and repeatedly, that 
 it was his determination to oppose the laws. We shall farther 
 show you, that after having discharged Foulke, he proceeded 
 to collect a large party in the township, in order to take the 
 assessors the next day. Accordingly, on the day following, a 
 numerous party, to wit, about fifty or sixty, the greatest part 
 of whom were in arms, collected together and pursued the 
 assessors, and not finding them in that township, pursued them 
 into another, in order not only to chase them out of the town- 
 ship, but generally to prevent them executing their duty. 
 This party collected, not only many of them in arms, but in 
 military array, with drum and fife, and commanded by this 
 Captain Fries, and one Kuyder : Fries himself was armed with 
 a large horse-pistol. Thus equipped, they went to Quaker- 
 town, in order to accomplish their purpose, where they found 
 the assessors; two of whom they took, but Roderick fled. 
 Fries ordered his men to fire at the man who fled, and the 
 piece was snapped, but did not go off. Fries did then compel 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 207 
 
 Foulke to deliver up to them his papers, but not finding in 
 them ^vhat they expected, they were returned, but at the same 
 time exacting a promise, that he, the assessor, should not pro- 
 ceed in the valuation of the houses in Lower iMilford. Fries 
 was, in many instances, extremely violent against this law, and 
 peremptory in his determination not to submit to it, as will 
 appear by the evidence. 
 
 " When they left Qiiakertown, they met with a travelling 
 man, who expressed some good will towards the government, 
 and for that expression they maltreated him very much, and 
 expressed their general dislike to all who supported tlie same 
 principle. During the time they were at Quakertown, inti- 
 mation was received that the marshal had taken a number of 
 persons prisoners, in consequence of opposing the execution 
 of this law, whereupon a determination was formed amongst 
 those people, to go and effect their rescue ; and the people of 
 Milford were generally invited to assist in this business. 
 When they were going, the party halted at the house of John 
 Fries, and then a paper was signed, by which they bound 
 themselves volunteers to go upon the execution of this design. 
 This paper was written by the prisoner at the bar, and signed 
 by him and the rest ; therein they engaged to go and rescue 
 the prisoners who had been arrested by the marshal. On the 
 morning of the next day twenty or more of them met at the 
 house of Conrod Marks, in arms, to goon with their design. 
 John Fries was armed with a sword, and had a feather in his 
 hat. On the road as they went forward they were met by 
 young ]\Iarks, who told them that they might as well turn 
 about, for that the Northampton people were strong enough 
 to do the business without those from Bucks county ; some 
 were so inclined to do, but at the instance of Fries and some 
 others, they did go forward, and actually proceeded to Bethle- 
 hem. Before the arrival of these troops, a party going on 
 the same business had stopped at the bridge, a small distance 
 from Bethlehem, when they had been met by a deputation 
 from the marshal, whom he had prevailed on to go an^l meet 
 them, in order to advise them to return home ; they agreed to 
 halt there, and to send three of their number to declare to 
 the marshal what was their demand. It was during this pe-^ 
 riod that Fries and his party came up, but it appears that 
 w^hen they came. Fries took the party actually over the 
 bridge, and that he arranged the toll with the man and ordered 
 them to proceed. 
 
208 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 " With respect to proof of the proceedings at Bethlehem, it 
 cannot be naistaken ; he was there the leading man, and he ap- 
 pears to enjoy the command. With the consent of his peo- 
 ple, he demanded the prisoners of the marshal, and when that 
 officer told him that he coidd not surrender them, except they 
 were taken from him by force, and produced his warrant for 
 taking them, the prisoner then harangued his party out of the 
 house, and explained to them the necessity of using force ; and 
 that you shoukl not mistake his design, we will prove to you 
 that he declared, ' that was the third day which he had been 
 out on this expedition, that he had had a skirmish the day 
 before, and that if the prisoners were not released he should 
 have another that day. Now you observe,' resumed he, 
 * that force is necessary, but you must obey my orders : we 
 will not go without taking the prisoners ; but take my orders, 
 you must not fire first; must be first fired upon, and when I 
 am gone then must do as w^ell as you can, as I expect to he 
 the first man that falls.' He farther declared to the marshal, 
 that they ' would fire till a cloud of smoke prevented them 
 from seeing one another ;' and executing the office of com- 
 mander of the troops, which at that time overawed the mar- 
 shal and his attendants, harangued the troops to obey his 
 orders, which they accordingly did ; and the marshal was 
 really intimidated to liberate the prisoners; and then the ob- 
 ject was accomplished, and the party dispersed amid the huz- 
 zas of the insurgents. After this affair at Bethlehem, it will 
 be given you in evidence that the prisoner frequently avowed 
 his opposition to the laws and justified that outrage ; and when 
 a meeting was afterwards held at Lower Milford to choose as- 
 sessors, the prisoner refused his assent to the accommodating 
 object of the meeting, and appeared as violent as ever." 
 
 William Henry, William Barnett, John Barnett, Christian 
 Winters, Christian Butz, Colonel Nichols, Philip Selaugh, 
 Joseph Horsefield, John Mopollan, and several others, w^re 
 called on the part of the prosecutor, whose evidence went to 
 confirm the several charges stated by Mr. Sitgreaves. 
 
 Mr. Dallas, as counsel for the prisoner, endeavoured to 
 prove that the crime of which Fries was guilty, did not 
 amount to treason. He challenged the prosecuting counsel to 
 say, in what part of the evidence it had appeared, that the 
 
OF, JOHN ADAMS. 209 
 
 V 
 
 insurgents went further than to declare that the law did not 
 please them ; that though they did not mean to compel Con- 
 gress to repeal it, they had some doubts and wished to ascer- 
 tain whether it existed or not ; to know whether the country 
 in general had submitted to it ; to know whether General 
 Washington was not dissatisfied with it, and to see whether 
 they c(\uld not get the assessors appointed by themselves. 
 Under these impressions many irregularities occurred ; but he 
 asked the adverse counsel to point out if they had discovered 
 through the whole course of the business, any insurrection 
 existing, any traitorous design, till the meeting at Bethlehem; 
 or whether, till that moment, the inhabitants of Northampton 
 could be said to have been guilty of any crime ? He requested 
 the gentlemen of the jury to view for a moment the motives 
 of the people in the lawless scene at Bethlehem. What did 
 they do ? They rescued the marshal's prisoners ; and when 
 they effected the rescue, they dispersed ; their whole object 
 then-w^as consummated ; for he presumed they contemplated 
 nothing further, as he saw them attempt nothing more ; and 
 yet the time was very favourable to accomplish a more exten- 
 sive design, if it had ever been meditated. 
 
 There was another circumstance, Mr. Dallas said, to which 
 he wished to lead the attention of the jury. He found there 
 was an indisposition to allow a particular class of officers to 
 make the assessments ; and the people urged, that if it was to 
 be done, it should be done by their own assessors. In this 
 important point, therefore, the particular officers, and not the 
 law, formed the object of resentment and opposition on this 
 distinction. He had the respected authority of Mr. Bradford, 
 the late attorney-general of the United States, for asserting 
 that the offence was riot, and not treason. 
 
 The acts committed during that scene of tumult, ought to 
 be punished, and he hoped would be punished ; but as acts of 
 riot and sedition, not as acts of treason. 
 
 He \vas sensible it was possible to draw distinctions ; to re- 
 fine upon the meaning, and pervert the language of the act ; 
 but, on principles of humanity, he was confident the prosecutor 
 would abstain from a mere exercise of ingenuity and eloquence, 
 while he, who contended in favour of life, had a claim to every 
 indidgence; a right to the benefit of every shade of discrimi- 
 nation. 
 
 Mr. Dallas concluded by pointing out the differences in the 
 18* 
 
210 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 nature, progress, and turpitude of the Northampton insurrec- 
 tion, and of the Western insurrection : he also analyzed the 
 case of Lord George Gordon, and contended, that upon this 
 authority alone, the prisoner ought to be acquitted. In the 
 case of Lord Gordon, the direct, the avowed object, was to 
 obtain the repeal of a law ; and as petitions and remonstrances 
 were unavailing, a body of forty thousand men were convened, 
 and marshalled to surround, intimidate, and coerce the parlia- 
 ment. Riot, arson, murder, and every species of the most 
 daring outrage and devastation ensued ; and yet the only pro- 
 secution for high treason was instituted against the leader of 
 the association ; and that prosecution terminated in an acquit- 
 tal. " View then, the riots of Lord George Gordon," (ex- 
 claimed Mr. Dallas) " estimate their guilt by the avowed 
 object ; aggravate the scene with the contemporaneous insults 
 and violence offered to the persons of peers and commoners, 
 and close the retrospect with the horrors which the British 
 metropoHs endured for more than eight days, and then say 
 what was the guilt of John Fries, compared with the guilt of 
 Lord George Gordon ? what is there in the English doctrine 
 of treason, that has justified an acquittal of the latter ? what 
 is there in the American doctrine of treason, that will justify 
 a conviction of the former ? 
 
 " Gentlemen, I can proceed no longer — the life of the pris- 
 oner is left with great confidence in your hands. There are 
 attempts to make him responsible, under the notion of a gene- 
 ral conspiracy, for all the actions, and all the words of meetings, 
 which he never attended, and of persons whom he never saw. 
 But this is too, too harsh, in case of blood : it is inconsistent 
 with the humanity, the tenderness of life, which are charac- 
 teristics of the American people, and especially of the people 
 of Pennsylvania. Nor is it called for by the policy or prac- 
 tice of those who administer our government. I believe that 
 to the chief magistrate, to every public officer, to every candid 
 citizen, it will be a matter of gratification if, after so fair, so 
 full a scrutiny, you should be of opinion, that treason has not 
 been committed. Such an event will by no means insure im- 
 punity to the delinquent ; for though he has not committed 
 treason, though the punishment of death is not to be inflicted, 
 the violation of the laws may be amply avenged upon an in- 
 dictment of a different nature. The only question, however, 
 now to be decided is, whether the oflfence proved is, like the 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 211 
 
 offence charged, treason against the United States. The af- 
 firmation must be incontestibly established, as to the fact and 
 the intention, by the testimony of two witnesses to the same 
 overt act ; but remember, I pray you, what the venerable 
 Lord Mansfield stated to the jury on Lord Gordon's trial ; 
 for if you doubt (it is the principle of law as well as humanity) 
 you must acquit." 
 
 Mr. Dallas then called several witnesses, in order to prove 
 that the crime w^ith which Fries was charged, only amounted 
 to a riot. 
 
 'Mr. Ewing, after the evidence on the part of the prisoner 
 was closed, addressed the jury in a very pathetic and ingenious 
 speech. He said he was sensible that Fries had been guilty of 
 a flagrant violation of law, an offence for which he deserved to 
 suffer, and which the good of society required should be pun- 
 ished ; but he contended and asserted with confidence, because 
 he thought the law would bear him out, that no act the pris- 
 oner had committed, could be construed treason by the most 
 rigid or strained construction of law. 
 
 Mr. Sitgreaves spoke in reply — after which Mr. Lewis ad- 
 dressed the jury in behalf of Fries in a speech of several hours, 
 in which he brought forward every argument in defence of the 
 prisoner which legal knowledge or ingenuity could suggest. 
 
 i\Ir. Rawle closed the prosecution ; after which Judge Ire- 
 dell summed up the evidence on both sides, but not with that 
 candour the case required. An evident bias against the pri- 
 soner was displayed both in his speech, in his looks, and his 
 gestures. 
 
 The jury withdrew for about three hours, and then returned 
 with a verdict — guilty. 
 
 This trial occupied the unremitted attention of the court 
 and jury from April 30th until May 9th, inclusive, during 
 which time the jury never separated. 
 
 The court having met on the 14th of May, to pronounce 
 sentence, Mr. Lewis read several depositions, which imported 
 that John Rhead, one of the jurymen, had declared a preju- 
 dice against the prisoner, after he was summoned as a juror 
 on the trial. He said he found that he could procure other 
 affidavits to the same fact, on the ground of which he moved 
 a rule when the court last met, to show cause why there 
 ought not to be a new trial. He expressed himself aware of 
 the lateness of the period, a verdict having been given, but 
 
212 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 the impossibility of proving the fact earlier, was a sufficient 
 apology. He should forbear to enter into the merits of the 
 motion at that time. 
 
 Several witnesses were examined, who deposed that Rhead 
 had used several harsh expressions respecting Fries, after he 
 had been summoned as a juror. This fact having been proved 
 to the satisfaction of the court, a new trial was granted : the 
 'particulars of w^hich will be given in another chapter. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Trials of Jonathan Robhins, Isaac Williams, and William 
 Frothing ham. 
 
 The fate of Jonathan Robbins, and the story of this unfor- 
 tunate seaman, are too well known and too deeply impressed 
 on the hearts of Americans to require any comment or intro- 
 ductory remarks previous to the narration of the mock trial 
 which the clemency of a southern judge granted him. 
 
 On the 2'5th of July, 1799, he was brought before Judge 
 Bee, of the district court of South Carolina, in virtue of a de- 
 mand made by his Britannic majesty's consul, (on suspicion 
 of his having been concerned in a mutiny on board the British 
 frigate Hermione, in 1797,) that he might be delivered up (to 
 be sent to Jamaica for trial) in virtue of the 27th article of 
 the treaty between the United States and Great Britain, 
 which article runs thus: 
 
 " It is further agreed, that his majesty and the United States 
 on mutual requisitions, by them respectively, or by their re- 
 spective ministers or officers, authorized to majce the same, 
 w ill deliver up to justice all persons who, being charged with 
 murder or forgery committed within the jurisdiction of either, 
 shall seek an asylum within any of the countries of the other: 
 provided that this shall only be done on such evidence of 
 criminality, as, according to the lavv^jjl the place where the 
 fugitive or person so charged shall be found, would justify his 
 apprehension, and a commitm.ent for trial, if the offence had 
 been committed. The expense of such apprehension and de- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 213 
 
 livery shall be borne and defrayed by those who make the 
 requisition and receive the fugitive." 
 
 The commitment of the prisoner was grounded on the two 
 following affidavits : 
 
 " South Carolina District. 
 
 " William Portlock, a native of Portsmouth, in the state of 
 Virginia, upwards of eighteen years old, appeared before me, 
 and being duly sworn, made oath, that he was one of the crew 
 before the mast in the schooner Tanner's Delight, which was 
 commanded by Captain White, who arrived here about three 
 weeks ago; that a person who answered by the name of Nathan 
 Robbins, came also in the said vessel, before the mast, with 
 him ; that he, said Robbins is a tall man, middle size, had 
 long black hair, dark complexion, with a scar on one of his 
 hps; that on and about last Christmas night, he w^as present, 
 and heard the said Robbins talking in the harbour of the city 
 of St. Domingo to some French privateers-men, who Vv^ere on 
 board the Tanner's Delight, when and where he informed 
 them, in his hearing, that he, the said Robbins, was boat- 
 swain's mate of his majesty's frigate Hermione, when she was 
 carried into the port Cavilla ; and added, that they had no 
 occasion to take notice of that. And after the above time, 
 sometimes when he was drunk, he, the said Robbins, would 
 mention the name of the Hermione, and say bad luck to her, 
 and clench his fist. 
 
 his 
 
 " William X Portlock. 
 
 mark. 
 
 "Sworn before me, this 20th February, 1799. 
 
 *^ Thomas Hall, j. p. & u." 
 
 " United States of America^ South Carolina District. 
 
 " Personally came and appeared before me Lieutenant John 
 Forbes, who being duly sworn, deposeth, that a person con- 
 fined in the gaol of this district, who calls himself Nathan 
 Robbins, but whose real name this deponent believes to be 
 Thomas Nash, was a seaman on board the Hermione, British 
 frigate, in which the deponent was a midshipman from the 8th 
 of February, 1797, until the 30th of August following; during 
 which time the said Nash was personally known to this depo- 
 nent ; that this deponent was removed from the said frigate to 
 
214 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 the sloop of war Diligence, on the said 30th day of August, 
 1797. This deponent further deposeth, that on the 19th of 
 September following, he was sent on board of the said British 
 frigate, at which time he saw and left the said Nash in the 
 same station, on board that vessel, as be was at the time of 
 this deponent's being a midshipman therein. That on the 22d 
 of the said month, the crew mutinied on board the said frigate, 
 killed the principal officers, piratically possessed themselves of 
 her, carried her into Laguyra, and there disposed of her to 
 certain subjects of his Catholic Majesty. That the said 
 Thomas Nash was one of the principals in the commission of 
 the said acts of murder and piracy ; whose conduct in that 
 transaction has become known to this deponent by depositions 
 made, and testimony given in court-martial, where some of the 
 said crew have been tried. 
 
 "John Forbes. 
 " Sworn before me this 18th April, 1799. 
 
 " Thomas Bee, 
 " District Judge, South Carolina." 
 
 Upon a candid review of these depositions, there does not 
 appear to have existed the slightest cause for even a commit- 
 ment of Jonathan Robbins. The testimony on the part of 
 Portlock is trifling in the extreme, and that of Lieutenant 
 Forbes entirely verbal report. In the article of the British 
 treaty, there is not a word said of any fugitive that may be 
 found within their dominions, charged with having committed 
 offences at sea on board of American vessels. It is entirely con- 
 fined to cases within the jurisdiction of each, that is territorial 
 jurisdiction ; for had the minister of Britain considered ships 
 as the territory specified in the treaty, he certainly would, by 
 a particular clause, have provided for cases arising at sea. 
 
 That the British government considered the word territory 
 as not applying to ships, is evident from a circumstance which 
 occurred soon after. The crew of an American vessel rose 
 upon their captain, whose name was Little, murdered him 
 and his mate, and then carried the vessel into Britain. The 
 mutineers, in place of being sent back to America, were tried 
 and executed in England. 
 
 Judge Bee, some days before the court met, received a let- 
 ter from the Secretary of State, mentioning that an applica- 
 tion had been made by the British minister, Mr. Liston, to the 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 215 
 
 President for the delivery of the prisoner, under the twenty- 
 seventh article of Jay's treaty, and containing these words: 
 *' The President advises and requests you to deliver him up." 
 This letter was not read in court, though it was shown to 
 the counsel on both sides, but the following certificate and 
 affidavit were produced in behalf of the prisoner, by his coun- 
 sel, Messrs. Moultrie and Ker : 
 
 *' United States of America, State of JYew York, 
 " By this public instrument, be it known, &c. that I, John 
 Keese, a public Notary, &c. do hereby certify that Jonathan 
 Robbins, who has subscribed these presents, personally ap- 
 peared before me, and being by me duly sworn according to 
 law, deposed : That he is a citizen of the United States of 
 America, and liable to be called into the service of his coun- 
 try, and is to be respected accordingly at all times by sea and 
 land. 
 
 " Whereof an attestation being required, I have granted 
 this under my notorial hand and seal. 
 
 " Done at the City of New York in the State of New 
 York, the 20th day of May, 1795. 
 " Quod attestor, 
 
 John Keese, Notary Public." 
 
 "Jonathan Robbins, a mariner, a prisoner now in the cus- 
 tody of the marshal of the district court of the United States, 
 for South Carolina, being duly sworn, saith he is a native of 
 the State of Connecticut, and born in Danbury, in that state ; 
 that he has never changed his allegiance to his native coun- 
 try ; and that about two years ago, he was pressed from on 
 boajilthe brig Betsey, of New York, commanded by Captain 
 White, and was detained there contrary to his will, into the 
 service of the British nation, until the said vessel was cap- 
 tured by those of her crew, who took her into a Spanish port 
 by force, and that he gave no assistance in such capture. 
 
 "JONATHAN ROBBINS. 
 
 " Sworn this 2oth July, 1799, before me, 
 
 " Thomas Hall, Federal Clerk, and J, P. and U"." 
 
 The signature made by the prisoner to this affidavit in court, 
 appeared to be in the same handwriting as the signature made 
 to the one in 1795, from which circumstance it may be pre- 
 sumed, that Jonathan Robbins is the prisoner's real name. 
 
216 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 The body of the affidavit made in New York, in 1795, was 
 printed ; the names, dates, signatures, &c., were filled up in 
 writing ; it had the notarial seal of John Keese, Esq., affixed, 
 and had the appearance of being a genuine paper, used by 
 seamen at that day as a protection. 
 
 These affidavits, and the question whether the prisoner was 
 an American, and an impressed seaman or not, were in the 
 opinion of the court altogether immaterial ; and Judge Bee, 
 without any hesitation, pronounced the decree for delivering 
 up a fellow-citizen into the hands of a foreign executioner. 
 Poor Robbins was then immediately conveyed on board a 
 British sloop of war, which carried him to Jamaica, where 
 he received the ignominious death of a traitorous assassin. 
 
 On the 28th of September, a trial of the most momentous 
 nature came on before the circuit court at Hartford, in Con- 
 necticut. An indictment was laid against one Isaac Williams, 
 for having, on the 27th of February, at Guadaloupe, accepted 
 from the French republic a commission and instructions against 
 the King of Great Britain and his subjects, contrary to the 
 twenty-first article of the treaty with the United States. 
 
 It was admitted on the part of Williams, that he had com- 
 mitted the facts alleged against him in the indictment ; but in 
 his defence, he offered to prove that in the year 1792, he re- 
 ceived from the Consul-General of the French republic a war- 
 rant appointing him a third lieutenant on board the Jupiter, a 
 French seventy-four gun ship ; that pursuant to the appoint- 
 ment, he W'Cnt on board the Jupiter, took the command to 
 which he was appointed, w^hich vessel soon after sailed for 
 France, and arrived at Rochefort in the autumn of the same 
 year. That at Rochefort he was duly naturahzed in the vari- 
 ous bureaus in that port, renouncing his allegiance to all other 
 countries, particularly to America, and taking a solemn oath 
 of allegiance to the republic of France, who appointed him a 
 second lieutenant on board a French frigate, called the Cha- 
 ront, and that before the ratification of the treaty of amity 
 and commerce between the United States and Great Britain, 
 he was duly commissioned a second lieutenant on board a 
 seventy-four-gun ship, in the service of the said republic ; and 
 that he had ever since continued under the government of 
 that nation, most of the time actually residing in the dominions 
 of the French republic ; that during the said period, he was not 
 resident in the United States more than six months, which was 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 217 
 
 in the year 1797, when he came to this country for the pur- 
 pose merely of visiting his relations and friends ; that for about 
 the three last years of his life, he had been domiciliated in the 
 island of Guadaloupe, within the dominions of the French re- 
 public, and had made that place his fixed habitation, without 
 any design of again returning to the United States for perma- 
 nent residence. 
 
 The attorney for the district agreed that the above state- 
 ment was true; but objected, that it ought not to be admitted 
 as evidence to the jury; because it could have no operation 
 in law to justify the prisoner for committing the facts alleged 
 against him in the indictment. 
 
 The question was then argued on both sides, by the coun- 
 sel for the United States, and by the counsel for the prisoner. 
 
 Mr. Law, district judge, expressed doubts as to the legal 
 operation of the evidence ; and gave it as his opinion, that 
 the evidence and the operation of law thereon, be left to the 
 consideration of the jury. 
 
 Mr. Ellsworth, chief justice of the United States, gave his 
 opinion on the question nearly to the following effect : 
 
 " The common law of this country remains the same as it 
 was before the revolution. The present question is to be de- 
 cided by two great principles; one is, that all the members of 
 civil community are bound to each other by compact ; the other 
 is, that one of the parties to this compact cannot dissolve it by 
 his own act. The compact between our community and its mem- 
 bers is, that the community will protect its members, and on the 
 part of the members, that they will at all times be obedient to 
 the laws of the community, and fiuthful in its defence. This com- 
 pact distinguishes our government from those which are founded 
 in violence or fraud. It necessarily results, that the member 
 cannot dissolve this compact, without the consent or default 
 of the community. There has been no consent — no defaults 
 — default is not pretended — express consent is not claimed ; 
 but it has been argued, that the consent of the community is 
 implied by its policy, its condition, and its acts. In countries 
 so crowded with inhabitants, that the means of subsistence are 
 difficult to be obtained, it is reason and pohcy to permit emi- 
 gration. But our policy is different ; for our country is but 
 sparely settled, and we have no inhabitants to spare. 
 
 " Consent has been argued from the condition of the coun- 
 try, because we were in a state of peace : the war had com- 
 19 ' 
 
218 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 menced in Europe. We wished to have nothing to do with 
 the war; but the war would have something to do with us. 
 It has been extremely difficult for us to keep out of this war ; 
 the progress of it has threatened to involve us. It has been 
 necessary for our government to be vigilant in restraining our 
 own citizens from those acts which would involve us in hos- 
 tilities. The most visionary writers on this subject, do not 
 contend for the principle in the unlimited extent, that a citizen 
 may at any and all times, renounce his own, and join himself 
 to a foreign country. 
 
 " Consent has been argued, from the acts of our own 
 government, permitting the naturalization of foreigners. 
 When a foreigner presents himself here, and proves himself 
 to be of a good moral character, well affected to the consti- 
 tution and government of the United States, and a friend to 
 the good order and happiness of civil society ; if he has re- 
 sided here the time prescribed by law, we grant him the 
 privileges of a citizen. We do not inquire what his re- 
 lation is to his own country; we have not the means of know- 
 ing, and the inquiry would be indelicate ; we leave him to 
 judge of that. If he embraces himself by contracting con- 
 tradictory obligations, the faults and the folly are his own. 
 But this implies no consent of the government, that our own 
 citizens should expatriate themselves. 
 
 *' Therefore, it is my opinion, that these facts which the 
 prisoner offers to prove in his defence, are totally irrelevant; 
 they can have no operation in law, and the jury ought not to 
 be embarrassed or troubled with them; but by the constitu- 
 tion of the court the evidence must go to the jury." 
 
 The cause and the evidence were accordingly committed to 
 the jury, who returned a verdict finding the prisoner guilty. 
 
 The court sentenced him to pay a fine of 1000 dollars, and 
 to suffer four months imprisonment. 
 
 Isaac Williams was also indicted before the same court, for 
 having on the 22d of September, 1799, in a hostile manner, 
 with a privateer commissioned by the French Republic, at- 
 tacked and captured a British ship and crew on the high seas. 
 Williams's defence on the first indictment being of no avail, 
 and having no other defence but this, he pleaded guilty. 
 
 The court sentenced him to pay a fine of 1000 dollars, and 
 to suffer a further imprisonment of four months. 
 
 This decision called loudly for the examination not only of 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 219 
 
 individual citizens, but of each State Legislature, and of 
 Congress itself. The opinion of Judge Ellsworth, respecting 
 the validity of the common law, w^as both dangerous and ab- 
 surd. The grounds upon which he denied an American 
 citizen the right of expatriation, Avere equally unfounded. 
 The merits, therefore, of these questions were immediately 
 taken up and fully discussed by several writers of the first 
 legal abilities. Two letters in particular appeared in the 
 Examiner, under the signature of Aristogeton, which treated 
 this subject to its very foundation ; and exposed completelj'' 
 the fallacy of the arguments adduced by the Chief Justice. 
 
 " What are the naturalization laws of the United States ?" 
 exclaims this writer. " They are laws authorizing the sub- 
 jects and citizens of foreign nations to become citizens of this 
 country; and they point out the particular mode in which 
 they may become citizens — that these laws do admit that the 
 members of other communities have a right to throw off their 
 allegiance to their own country, is evident from the language. 
 He (the alien) shall at the time of his application to be admit- 
 ted, declare on oath or affirmation, that he will support the 
 constitution of the United States; and that he doth absolutely 
 and entirely renounce and abjure all allegiance and fidehty to 
 every foreign prince, potentate, state, or sovereignty whatever; 
 and particularly to name the prince, potentate, state or sove- 
 reignty, whereof he was before a citizen or subject. 
 
 " The alien, who visits our country for the purpose of be- 
 coming a citizen, either had a right to throw off his allegiance 
 to his former sovereign without obtaining the consent of that 
 sovereign, or he has not such a right. If he has such right 
 it must be a natural one, because no code of municipal laws 
 in Europe grants the right; nay some of them expressly take 
 it away. If it is a natural right, it belongs equally to all 
 mankind ; the citizens of America, therefore, are equally en- 
 titled to it with the rest of mankind. But of natural rights, 
 men cannot be fairly and properly deprived. No congress, 
 therefore, can properly deprive an American citizen of this 
 right. Great God ! what must have been the feelings of 
 Judge Ellsworth when he was depriving Williams of this na- 
 tural right ! But I will suppress the emotions which beat in 
 my bosom, upon the recollection of this hideous sentence, and 
 I will proceed to examine coolly and dispassionately the ques- 
 tion. If the aHen had not a right to throw off his allegiance 
 
220 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 to his own country, then Congress by making the law, have 
 deprived foreign governments of one of their most essential 
 rights, and have been moreover guilty of a crime which ap- 
 proaches very nearly to that of man-stealing. Yes! if an 
 individual has not a right to throw off the allegiance of his 
 country, if his sovereign's consent is necessary, and if our 
 laws do not require that that consent should be given, we have 
 certainly violated the rights of all the sovereigns in the world. 
 We have decoyed and spirited away from their own homes 
 the members of all the sovereignties of Europe ; we have de- 
 coyed them by the most extensive promises ; by the promise 
 that they shall after a short time become the citizens of a free 
 republic; that they shall enjoy here all the bounties of nature, 
 and possess in security all the products of their labour. This 
 promise has been unaccompanied with any requisition of their 
 sovereign's consent, and if we had not a right to make such 
 an unqualified promise, we have (I aver again) been guilty of 
 man-stealing. And as the punishment of man-steahng is death, 
 so, when nations are guilty of it, a just foundation is laid for 
 war. Now, whatever right an individual may have to think 
 that the people and the Congress of the United States have 
 violated the rights of other sovereigns, certainly a judge can 
 have no right to make such declaration from the bench of jus- 
 tice. Such is the dilemma in which Judge Ellsworth has 
 placed himself. He must either admit that, according to the 
 principles of our naturalization laws, our citizens have a right 
 to expatriate themselves, or that the legislature of the United 
 States, that body whose laws (w^hen they are constituted) he 
 is bound to expound and enforce, have been guilty of the most 
 horrible of all crimes, and have given a sufficient cause of war 
 to all the nations in the world." 
 
 On Thursday, the 21st of November, at New York, David 
 Frothingham was indicted for a hbel against Alexander 
 Hamilton, Esq. Major-General in the service of the United 
 States. 
 
 The publication which gave rise to the indictment was 
 copied in the Argus of the 6th instant, from the Constitutional 
 Telegraph, and is as follows : 
 
 " Extract of a letter from Philadelphia, September 20. 
 " An effort was recently made to suppress the Aurora, and 
 Alexander Hamilton was at the bottom of it. Mrs. Bache 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 221 
 
 was offered 6000 dollars down, in the presence of several 
 persons, in part payment, the valuation to be left to two im- 
 partial persons, and the remainder paid immediately on her 
 giving up the paper ; but she pointedly refused it, and de- 
 clared she would not dishonour her husband's memory, nor her 
 children's future fame, by such baseness; when she parted 
 with the paper it should be to Republicans only. 
 
 *' I am proud to hear of your honorable State's republican- 
 ism. The change in men's minds here is truly astonishing." 
 
 The business was opened by Mr. Hoffman, as attorney- 
 general. The bench consisted of Judge Radcliff, Richard 
 Harrison, recorder, and the mayor of the city. No evidences 
 were sworn on either side, except Mr. C. Golden, assistant 
 attorney, and General Hamilton himself. 
 
 Mr. Golden stated, that at the instance of a letter from 
 Major-General Hamilton, he had called at the office of the 
 Argus, and was introduced to Mr. Frothingham, as conductor 
 of the business ; that after some conversation, Mr. Frothing- 
 ham said, he expected that he was liable for any publications 
 which appeared in the Argus, but repeatedly observed, that 
 he saw no criminality in the present instance as it respected 
 him ; the plea in dispute having been copied from another pa- 
 per: Mr. Golden added, that in pursuance of this declaration 
 Mr. Frothingham was arrested. 
 
 Major-General Hamilton was called upon, on the part of 
 the State, to prove that he was innocent of the charge al- 
 leged against him. This was objected to by Mr. B. Livings- 
 ton counsel for the defendant; and the objection admitted by 
 the court. The General was then asked to explain certain 
 inuendoes in the indictment, respecting speculation, &c. This 
 having been done, he was interrogated what was generally 
 understood by secret service money ? being very well versed 
 in the vernacular tongue, he found some difficulty in the ex- 
 jjilanation; but gave it as his opinion, that it meant money 
 appropriated by a government, generally for corrupt purposeSy 
 as it respected the country and government in which it was to 
 be distributed ; but in support of the government which gave 
 it ! He was then asked, whether he considered the Aurora 
 as hostile to the government of the United States ? and he 
 replied in the affirmative! This closed the testimony. 
 
 Mr. Brockholst Livingston then attempted to prove that 
 19* 
 
222 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 Mr. Frothingham was not responsible ; that his declaration to 
 Mr. Golden should not be admitted as proof against him, and 
 that the attorney ought to have arrested the editor. In 
 reply to this, Mr. Hoffman contended, that every journeyman 
 and apprentice in the printing-office was liable to a prosecution, 
 as having been accessary to the publication of the libel, and 
 consequently Mr. Frothingham, as foreman of the office, was 
 particularly so. To this extravagant and infamous doctrine, 
 Mr. Livingston replied with his usual pertinency and elo- 
 quence. Mr. Livingston offered to adduce proofs of the 
 situation in which Mr. Frothingham was placed in the office 
 of the Argus ; but this was overruled by the court. He then 
 went into an examination of the publication, and having dis- 
 sected it in a masterly manner, concluded his defence with a 
 few general observations. 
 
 The jury found a verdict of guilty, but recommended Mr. 
 Frothingham to the mercy of the court. The latter fined him 
 in one hundred dollars, and sentenced him to four months con- 
 finement in Bridewell. 
 
 CHAPTER XIL 
 
 Remarks upon an Mristocratical form of Government — The 
 Administration of Mr. Adams compared to an Aristo- 
 cracy — Quarrel at Trenton between Mr. Adams and his 
 ministers — Hamilton\f letter respecting their difference — 
 Appointment of an embassy to France — Characters of the 
 Envoys — Anecdotes of Adams and Franklin — Adamses 
 jealousy and dislike to Franklin — Adams endeavours to 
 calumniate Franklin — Vindicaiion of Franklin — Memoirs 
 of Alexander Hamilton. 
 
 Experience has proved, that, of the various forms of go- 
 vernment which have prevailed in the world, an aristocracy is 
 one of the weakest, and least favourable to the happiness of 
 mankind. The hereditary monarch may transmit through 
 several generations, an unlimited authority W'ith considerable 
 profit, both to art and science. The acknowledged right 
 which he enjoys by birth, extinguishes the spirit of faction, 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 223 
 
 and renders him less cruel and more attentive to the wants of 
 the subject than an host of tyrants, who, after having sported 
 with the liberties of the people, are under the necessity, in 
 order to retain tlie power they have unjustly seized, to tram- 
 ple to the ground every species of honesty and worth. This 
 was the case with our late President and his associates : after 
 having wrested from their fellow-citizens the liberty of speech, 
 they established, under the mask of freedom, an aristocracy 
 more powerful in its nature, than either the Senate of Berne, 
 the nobility of Venice, or the Directory of France. But 
 mutual jealousy, which, sooner or later, overthrows the fabrics 
 of the wicked, overturned their schemes and ended their in- 
 tentions. 
 
 In the town of Trenton, the capital of Jersey, the first 
 public schism in the Federal cabinet took place. 
 
 The particular expressions which passed on this occasion, 
 between the President and his ministers, never transpired ; 
 but from the printed letter addressed to Mr. Adams, by Gene- 
 ral Hamilton, we are informed of the principal cause of their 
 difference. 
 
 Mr. Hamilton asserts, that after the failure of the Pinckney 
 embassy to France, Mr. Adams arrived at Philadelphia, from 
 his seat at Quincy, and that " the tone of his mind seemed to 
 have been raised rather than depressed." That his counsel- 
 lors suggested to him, it might be expedient to insert in his 
 speech to Congress, a sentiment of this import : " That after 
 the repeatedly rejected advances of this country, its dignity 
 required that it should be left wuth France in future to make 
 the first overture ; that if desirous of reconciliation, she should 
 evince the disposition by sending a minister to this govern- 
 ment, he would be received wath the respect due to his cha- 
 racter, and treated with the frankness of a sincere desire of 
 accommodation." Mr. Adams received this suggestion in a 
 manner both indignant and intemperate, and declared, " That 
 if France should send a minister to-morroWy he would order 
 him back the day after.'' But in less (says Mr. Hamil- 
 ton) than forty-eight hours from this extraordinary sally, the 
 mind of Mr. Adams underwent a total revolution. " He re- 
 solved not only to insert in his speech the sentiment which had 
 been proposed to him, but to go farther, and to declare, that 
 if France would give explicit assurances of receiving a minis- 
 ter from this country with due respect, he would send one." 
 
224 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 In vain did Pinckney and M' Henry oppose this resolution. 
 Mr. Adams obstinately persisted, and the declaration was in- 
 troduced. 
 
 Mr. Adams appears afterwards to have nominated Mr. 
 Murray as envoy to the French republic, without previous 
 communication with any of bis ministers. Shortly after he 
 nominated two more, Judge Ellsworth and Mr. Davie. 
 
 Mr. Ellsw^orth's talents were no doubt great, but his opin- 
 ions respecting law were formed upon the Mansfield system. 
 His decision in the case of Captain Williams, was directly op- 
 posed to the law of nations, and to the former practice of the 
 American courts. His knowledge of European affairs was 
 also very limited in theory as well as practice. 
 
 George Davie was better calculated for the mission. This 
 gentleman was about forty years of age ; possessed of engag- 
 ing manners and an easy address; he had been educated at 
 Princeton college; served with reputation in the revolution- 
 ary war ; afterwards studied the profession of the law, and 
 previous to his appointment, was made a general in the pro- 
 visional army, and elected governor of North-Carolina. 
 
 When the news of the revolution in the Directory arrived, 
 Mr. Hamilton says, that Mr. Adams was then at his seat in 
 Massachusetts, and that his ministers addressed to him a joint 
 letter, communicating the intelligence, and submitting to his 
 consideration, whether that event ought not to suspend the 
 projected mission. Mr. Adams, in reply, directed the prepa- 
 ration of a draft of instructions for the envoys, and intimated 
 that their departure should be suspended for some time. 
 
 Mr. Adams arrived soon after at Trenton, about the 17th 
 of October, where he held a council with his ministers. Judge 
 Ellsworth and General Hamilton were also present, though 
 not at the desire of Mr. Adams. Mr. Hamilton says in his 
 letter, that he arrived at Trenton a short time before the Pre- 
 sident, and Chief Justice Ellsworth a short time after him; 
 that the object of his owm journey was to concert with the 
 Secretary of War, certain arrangements for the future disposi- 
 tion of the Western army, and that the cause of Judge Ells- 
 worth's arrival, was to meet his colleague, Governor Davie, 
 at the seat of government. " Yet these simple and accidental 
 occurrences," says Mr. Hamilton, " w^re to the jealous mind 
 of Mr. Adams, confirmations strong of some mischievous plot 
 against his independence." 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 225 
 
 Mr. Adams is said, at this memorable meeting, to have ob- 
 served a profound silence on the question, whether or not it 
 was expedient that the mission should proceed. His secre- 
 taries, Pickering and M'Henry, as also General Hamilton, 
 disapproved of the propriety of the embassy, and endeavoured 
 to bring the President over to their opinion ; but their arts 
 were of no avail. The morning after the instructions were 
 settled, he signified to Mr. Pickering, that the envoys were 
 ready to depart. 
 
 This resolution of the President was, by the Hamiltonian 
 party, regarded as bad policy, and incompatible with the 
 dignity of Americans. By the anti-federalists, it was, on the 
 contrary, esteemed a promising sentiment of repentance ; but 
 if we examine carefully the character and motives of Mr. 
 Adams, it will appear that he was induced to this conciliatory 
 measure, neither from a disrespect to his country, nor from 
 the commendable desire of promoting repubUcanism: but most 
 probably with the base design of rendering odious the mea- 
 sures of his secretaries, the power of whom his jealousy be- 
 gan to dread. 
 
 The vain and weak judgment of Mr. Adams easily figured, 
 that if Pinckney, Hamilton, and Pickering were removed from 
 the road to power, he might, by courting popular applause, 
 rise on the shoulders of the people to an imperial throne, from 
 whence he and his posterity might dictate to the inhabitants 
 of half the globe. 
 
 No man's vanity can reasonably be supposed to exceed that 
 of Mr. Adams. Weakness in intellect, which is generally 
 the attendant of pride, is the predominant mark in his charac- 
 ter. These causes render his temper unsufferable to his most 
 intimate friends. On many occasions, Mr. Hamilton says, 
 " he is liable to paroxysms of anger, which deprive him of 
 self-command, and produce very outrageous behj 
 those who approach him. But the eternal rancour 
 Adams alway evinced against the great and good Fj 
 the most convincing proof, both of his vanity and the weak- 
 ness of his understanding ; several well-attested anecdotes 
 confirm the truth of this assertion. 
 
 During the embassy of Franklin, Adams, and Lee at Paris, 
 a fete w^as given in honour of America, by a Mrs. Bertand, 
 the lady of a nobleman, who acted in capacity of Lord in 
 waiting to the King. Mrs. Bertand was one of those cele- 
 
 ive him of 
 
 [laviour to V 
 
 which Mr. ) 
 
 "ranklin, is y 
 
226 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 brated female politicians, who used to be in the enoploy of the 
 court, for the purpose of discovering, by her intrigues, the 
 secret springs and intentions of foreign cabinets. She was also 
 a lady of science, and the principal patroness of the arts in 
 Paris. Her veneration for Franklin was equal to her con- 
 tempt for Mr. Adams ; but Adams and Lee, with almost every 
 American of education then at Paris, were of course invited 
 to partake of the pleasures of an entertainment, intended as a 
 compliment to their country. During the performance of a 
 theatrical piece, the portrait of Franklin was introduced on 
 the stage : an universal burst of applause ensued, which 
 wounded the feelings of Adams to such a degree, that he 
 feigned sickness and left the performance.* 
 I Mr. Adams soon after, in a letter to a friend in this country, 
 icomplained, " w^e are all here mere satellites, revolving in the 
 Sorbit of the planet Franklin, borrowing all our light from 
 fhim, and unable to diffuse any of our own through his supe- 
 ^rior influence." 
 
 During his administration Mr. Adams gave countenance to 
 every calumny W'hich reflected upon the memory of that great 
 philosopher; he enjoyed with secret triumph, the abuse which 
 was darted by Porcupine, at Franklin's discoveries. He w^as 
 even fond, when occasion offered, to cast a shade over his po- 
 litical reputation ; but the most daring scheme in which it is 
 reported Mr. Adams assisted to blacken the character of that 
 illustrious man, and wound the feelings of his relations, was 
 an attempt to accuse him of public peculation. 
 
 In the early part of the American Revolution, a million of 
 livres was lent us by the French government. After Frank- 
 lin's death, the enemies of liberty spread abroad insinuations, 
 that Dr. Franklin had appropriated this money to himself; 
 they contrived also to possess themselves of all the public 
 papers by which his defendants could vindicate his reputation. 
 This was done in the most artful manner. The sura of 
 £15,000 sterling, was given to Mr. Charles Dilly, a book- 
 seller in London, (who had contracted to publish a history of 
 his life) to purchase all the documents which he had received 
 from the family of Dr. Franklin. The only remaining chan- 
 nel of truth were the papers in possession of administration. 
 
 * The late Dr. James Smith, of New York, was present, and seated near 
 Mr. Adams at the above fete. 
 
OP JOHN ADAMS. 227 
 
 These were applied for, but refused in the most contemptuous 
 manner. " Mr. Adams was not to be disturbed, or the offices 
 of the treasury ransacked, to please the whims of a few indi- 
 viduals," was the answer reported to be given. When, how- 
 ever, the recent change in the executive took place, and the 
 records of state were brought forth from the cells of federal 
 fraud, to blush at public inspection, the facts appeared to be, 
 viz. that the American government was charged with the sum 
 in question, and it had been allowed in the general liquidation 
 of the French debt, though it had been objected to, under 
 General Washington. When Gouverneur Morris was at Paris, 
 as our minister, he took advantage of the passions of the re- 
 volutionary period, and addressed a letter to the committee of 
 public safety, wherein he observed, " that it was time indeed 
 to throw off that secrecy which involved in obscurity the 
 transactions of cabinets, and the counsels of despots. The 
 American and French republics could have no secrets, their 
 acts w^ere to be regulated by principles, not actuated by sor- 
 did or personal interests." He, therefore, solicited an inquiry 
 into the mode by which the million in question had been be- 
 stowed, and to whom. The political fanaticism of the day, 
 was caught by the Jesuitical address of the wooden-legged 
 envoy, and an account was rendered as it appeared on the 
 public record of the royal department of foreign affairs. 
 
 The friends of Mr. x\dams had insinuated the money was 
 given to Dr. Franklin : Gouverneur Morris was, therefore, 
 instructed to carry the inquiry up to the source. After exa- 
 mination, he discovered that the sum had been appropriated 
 and lent to America before Dr. Franklin left this country. 
 The suspicion was, therefore, transferred to Silas Deane; and 
 it was conclu.'led, that Deane could not have the money with- 
 out Dr. Franklin partaking of the spoil or conniving at the 
 robbery. Upon farther investigation, it was found that the 
 money was given even before Deane arrived in France. This 
 was a dilemma which had not been foreseen; but having pro- 
 ceeded so far, it was necessary to go the whole length; and 
 upon application by Mr. Morris, an official copy of the receipt 
 was given, which is now on the records of government, which 
 shows that the money was procured from the Count of Ver- 
 gennes, by Caron B eaumarchais ; and a M. Chevalier, who 
 acted as agent for this banker, and lives in the city of Rich- 
 
228 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 mond, has been debited in his account "with the United States 
 for that million.* 
 
 All these facts must have been known to the late adminis- 
 tration ; but John Adams felt neither the generosit}^ nor the 
 justice due to the memory of Franklin, or the honour of his 
 country, to reveal the truth. 
 
 That Mr. Adams had a disposition both cruel and ungene- 
 rous, is evident from a letter he wrote when in Holland to the 
 governor of Massachusetts. This letter, which was inter- 
 cepted by the English and published in the annual register for 
 1781, contains the following paragraph : " It is true, I be- 
 lieve, what you suggest, that Lord North showed a disposi- 
 tion to give up the contest, but was diverted from it, not un- 
 likely, by the representation of the Americans in London, who, 
 in conjunction with their coadjutors in America, have been 
 thorns to us indeed on both sides of the w^ater ; but I think 
 their career might have been stopped on your side if the exe- 
 cutive officers had not been too timid in a point which I so 
 strenuously recommended at first, namely, to fine, imprison and 
 hang all inimical to the cause, loithout favour or affection. 
 I foresaw the evil that would arise from that quarter, and 
 wished to have timely stopt it. I would have hanged my own 
 brother if he had took a part with our enemy in this contest. ^^ 
 
 In the course of this history, the secret connexion which 
 existed between Mr. Adams and the British minister, Mr. 
 Liston, has been repeatedly mentioned. The truth of that 
 connexion, and the influence of Great Britain upon the exe- 
 cutive of America, cannot be better substantiated than by an 
 intercepted correspondence between Mr. Liston and President 
 Russel, at Toronto, in Upper Canada. The manner in which 
 the letters of this correspondence were detected, is truly sin- 
 gular; they were seized in the custody of a notorious horse- 
 stealer of the name of Sweezy, in Bucks county, in the state 
 of Pennsylvania. Sweezy had been one of a gang connected 
 with Dones and Sinclair, two robbers, who were hanged, the 
 one in Pennsylvania, and the other in New^ Jersey. Sweezy 
 himself was outlawed, and fled into Canada, by the govern- 
 ment of which he was esteemed a proper person to be en- 
 trusted with the despatches of British intrigue. He per- 
 
 * This circumstance I had from a near relative of Dr. Franklin, upon 
 whose veracity I can place the greatest reliance. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 229 
 
 formed dutifully the object of his mission ; but on his return, 
 his person being recognised, he was pursued under the former 
 outlawry. In the hurry of escape, he left behind a small 
 parcel, in which several documents of the greatest importance 
 to the interest of this country were found. They were im- 
 lu^uiately forwarded to the President of the United States ; 
 but the two following letters were the only ones made public. 
 They are, how^ever, sufficient proof of the secret schemes then 
 carrying on between the government of the United States and 
 that of Great Britain : 
 
 " Philadelphia, 6th May, 1799. 
 
 " Sir, — The government of the United States appears to 
 be nearly in the same situation with regard to the Shawe- 
 neese Indians, as that of Canada is with respect to the Mo- 
 hawks. The Shaweneese wish the United States to make 
 some alteration of their limits, as fixed by the treaty of 
 Grenville ; and at the same time to confirm the sales of lands 
 they have already made, and authorize future alterations. 
 The American ministers, on the other hand, are determined 
 not to grant this favour, and are embarrassed by the perse- 
 vering importunity of the Indians. Advices lately arrived 
 from Fort Wayne, inform the administration, that the Shawe- 
 neese intend this spring to call a general council of the nation, 
 (composed of representatives from several tribes) with a view- 
 to take such measures as may be thought best calculated to 
 obtain some modifications of the Grenville treaty — and the 
 information adds, that this idea was first suggested by the 
 late Colonel M'Kee, deputy-superintendant of Indian affairs. 
 
 ^' The gov^ernment consider this interference as unfriendlv, 
 and injurious to their interests ; and a complaint has been 
 made to me on the subject, by the Secretary of State, with a 
 request, that I would make such representation of the matter 
 to you, as might produce a defeat of the project at present, 
 and prevent all intervention of a similar nature in future. 
 
 " I informed the Secretary of State, that I could scarcely 
 bring myself to creilit the report respecting Colonel M'Kee; 
 that at all events I could not conceive that any thing unfavoura- 
 ble to the United States could have been contemplated by a 
 public officer in the service of Great Britain ; but that I 
 would of course make the representation requested ; that I 
 made no doubt of its having the desired effect, because I was 
 20 
 
230 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 confident that you were sincerely disposed to ward off every 
 incident that could give just cause of misunderstanding be- 
 tween the two nations. 
 
 " The situation of public affairs in this country continues 
 the same as at the date of my last letter, unless it be that the 
 goveriwient has given a new subject oVprovocation to France, 
 by encouraging (in conjunction with us) the negro chief Tous- 
 samt, in measures which appear ultimately to tend to a sepa- 
 ration of the island of St. Domingo from the mother country. 
 Whether this affront will be pocketed hy the Directory, I do 
 not pretend to decide ; but I cannot persuade myself that it is 
 probable. 
 
 " I have the honour to be, with great truth and respect, 
 Sir, your most obedient, humble servant, 
 
 " Robert Liston. 
 
 " The hohourable President Russel." 
 
 " Philadelphia, 2Sd May, 1799. 
 
 " Sir — My last letter being entrusted to a person who was 
 not going directly to Upper Canada, I am uncertain whether 
 it may yet have leached your hands, and therefore take an 
 opportunity of transmitting a duplicate. 
 
 " On public affairs I have scarcely any thing to add. One 
 step further on the road to a formal war between France and 
 the United States, has been taken by the governor of Guada- 
 loupe, who, in consequence of the capture of the Insurgente 
 frigate, has authorized French ships of war to capture all 
 American vessels, whether belonging to the government or to 
 individuals. But the resolution of the Directory in the great 
 question of peace or war is not yet known; perhaps the new 
 explosion on the continent of Europe, may give them a degree 
 of employment that may retard their decision. 
 
 " In tile interior of this country, the declamation of the 
 democratic faction, on the constitutionality and nullity of cer- 
 tain acts of the Legislature, have misled a number of poor 
 ignorant wretches into a resistance to the laws and a form; 1 
 insurrection. This frivolous rebellion has been quelled by a 
 spirited effort of certain volunteer corps lately embodied, wlio 
 deserve every degree of praise — but the conduct of these gen- 
 tlemen having been shamefully calumniated by some of the 
 popular newspapers, they have ventured to take the law into 
 their ovrn hands, and to punish one or two of the printers (by 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 231 
 
 a smart flogging;) a circumstance which has given rise to 
 much animosity, to threats, and to a commencement of armed 
 associations on the side of the democrats, (particularly the 
 United Irishmen,) and some apprehend that the affair may lead 
 to a partial civil war. The portion, however, of the Jacobinic 
 party who could carry matters to this extremity, is but small; 
 the government is on its guard, and is determined to act with 
 vigour: and I do not apprehend any serious danger. 
 
 " I have the honour to be, with great truth and respect, 
 Sir, your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 " Robert Liston." 
 
 There was a third letter from Mr. Liston, but our executive 
 would not permit a copy of it to go into the hands of the 
 public: it stated too circumstantially the nature of its policy. 
 Among other promises from America to Great Britain, it w^as 
 mentioned that if Canada were attacked by a foreign powder, 
 the government of the United States stood pledged to supply 
 a military force adequate to the exigency, to defend that 
 rolony, and to preserve it to the British government. Any 
 comment upon these letters is unnecessary ; they show in the 
 fullest manner the practices of Liston, the intention of his 
 country, and the corruptible heart of Mr. Adams, who, if he 
 had any regard for the honour of Americans, would have im- 
 mediately ordered the removal of that most execrable ambas- 
 sador.* 
 
 As General Hamilton acted a conspicuous part during the 
 late administration, in promoting the views of the federal in- 
 terest, in combating the enemies of the British treaty, and 
 opposing what was unjustly termed Jacobin influence, it is 
 proper that some account of the life of that able officer and 
 intelligent lawyer, should appear in this volume. 
 
 * Robert Liston, late Sir Robert Listen, is well known to have been a 
 native of Scotland. He received his education at the University of Edin- 
 burgh, and was principally under the care of Professor George Stuart, father 
 to the celebrated Gilbert Stuart. To the interest, advice, and recommen- 
 dation of George Stuart, Liston was indebted for his first success in life ; 
 but he repaid the friendship of his patron and benefactor, by the blackest 
 ingratitude. Dr. Gilbert Stuart, like many other men of talents, was im- 
 prudent and rather embarrassed in liis circumstances; he applied to Liston 
 as his college companion and friend in youth, for assistance— and suffered 
 not only the refusal of a few guineas, which was the humble request, but 
 was deprived, through Liston's interference, who represented him as a party 
 writer, of employment from an opulent bookseller in London. 
 
282 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 Alexander Hamilton was born about the year 1753, in the 
 island of St. Croix. His father was a merchant of some emi- 
 nence, and he himself was educated to the same profession. 
 He acted for several years as clerk to a counting-house in that 
 island and acquired hy an active diligence, the favour and 
 esteem of all with whom he had connexion. At the age of 
 eighteen he was sent in the same Ciipacity to New York, in 
 which sphere of life he continued until the commencement of 
 the revolutionary war. 
 
 This was the theatre for which nature had destined young 
 Hamilton ; he entered into the American army, and soon dis- 
 tinguished himself by uncommon enterprize and valour. His 
 reputation procured him the appointment of an aid-de-camp 
 to General Washington. In the year 1780, he was promoted 
 to the rank of colonel, and at the siege of Yorktown com- 
 manded the attack on one of the redoubts, the capture of 
 which decided the fate of Lord Cornwallis and his army. 
 The conduct of Mr. Hamilton on this occasion was truly 
 honourable ; and in the history of his life, ought to weigh 
 against several of those scars that have since stained his char- 
 acter. Previous to the assault, the Marquis de La Fayette 
 proposed to General Washington, to put to death all the Bri- 
 tish troops that should be found in the redoubts, as a retalia- 
 tion for several acts of barbarity committed by the royal army. 
 The steady and nervous mind of Washington, which was 
 never known to yield to the virtuous prejudice of compassion, 
 gave his assent to the bloody order. But Mr. Hamilton, (the 
 tenderness of whose feelings has led him into error) after the 
 redoubts were subdued, took the conquered under his protec- 
 tion, and proved to his enemies that Americans knew how to 
 fight but not to murder. 
 
 When the war was at an end, and the army disbanded, Mr. 
 Hamilton betook himself to the study of the law. For this 
 purpose he retired to Albany, where he secluded himself for 
 several months, at the end of which he appeared at the bar 
 of New York ; where, in a short time, he acquired the reputa- 
 tion of an able advocate in point of legal knowledge and rhe- 
 torical talents. At this period the political sentiments of Mr. 
 Hamilton were observed to change. From being a zealous 
 republican and the defender of the rights of America, he gra- 
 dually imibibed the tenets of aristocracy, until at length he 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 233 
 
 became the admirer and advocate of every measure allied with 
 monarchy. 
 
 This change in Mr. Hamilton's principles, which at first pro- 
 ceeded from conviction, and has since been strengthened by 
 views of interest, is easy to be accounted for. 
 
 Mr. Hamilton, unfortunately, was a native of that part of 
 the civilized world where tyranny and slavery prevail in a 
 manner even unknown to the despots of Europe ; it was ut- 
 terly impossible, that the habits and prejudices he contracted 
 in infancy, could ever have been eradicated. The desire of 
 ambition and power, which poisoned the first drop of blood 
 that flowed in his veins, could only have been suppressed by 
 a more powerful passion ; this was the passion of war. Mr. 
 Hamilton panted after fame and glory, and joined the repub- 
 lican standard as the most promising field for a display of 
 those powers he possessed. He fought for liberty with the 
 same zeal as a Briton would engage in the support of the 
 Grand Turk or Dey of Algiers. To acquire the applause of 
 his commander, and the respect of his fellow-soldiers, was his 
 pride and ambition. In this he was successful : and while li- 
 berty was the object of his struggle, he was a republican — but 
 when America procured her independence, and the horrors of 
 a civil war were at an end, Mr. Hamilton had no longer a 
 scope for his ambition in the theatre of arms. In his study of 
 law he perceived another path to power ; his copious imagi- 
 nation took a rapid survey of the civil code, the fascinating 
 structure upon which the feudal system is raised, and the com- 
 bined policy of English jurisprudence. In these fabrics of 
 human knowledge, the production of ages, Mr. Hamilton 
 perceived something more lofty and splendid, than those simple 
 forms which modern republicanism cultivates. The grandeur 
 attendant on hereditary titles pleased his mind and flattered 
 his vanity. The American tory against whom he had fought, 
 he now began to defend, his cause he espoused, and in every 
 suit where a loyalist was concerned, Mr. Hamilton was the 
 royal pleader. It is a certain fact that a great majority of 
 the loyalists in the state of New York owe the restoration of 
 their property solely to the exertions of this able orator. 
 
 Before the federal government was established, in the year 
 1788, Mr. Hamilton proposed a new constitution, to be com- 
 posed of the following articles : 
 
 *' 1. The supreme legislative power of the United States 
 
234 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 of America, to be vested in two different bodies of men; the 
 one to be called the Assembly, the other the Senate, who 
 together shall form the Legislature of the United States, wiih 
 power to pass all laws whatsoever; subject to the negative 
 hereafter mentioned. 2. The Assembly to consist of persons 
 elected by the people, to serve for three years. 3. The Senate 
 to consist of persons elected to serve during good behaviour. 
 Their election to be made by electors chosen for that purpose 
 by the people — in order to this, the States to be divided into 
 election districts. On the death, removal or resignation of 
 any Senator, his place to be filled out of the district from 
 which he came. 4. The supreme executive authority of the 
 United States to be vested in a governor, to be elected during 
 good behaviour; the election to be made by electors chosen 
 by the people, in the election districts aforesaid ; the authori- 
 ties and functions to be as follows : To have a negative upon 
 all laws about to be passed, and the execution of all laws 
 passed ; to have the direction of war, when authorized or be- 
 gun ; to have, with the advice and consent of the Senate, the 
 power of making all treaties ; to have the sole appointment of 
 the heads or chief officers of finance and foreign affairs ; to 
 have the nomination of all other ofinicers, ambassadors to 
 foreign nations included, subject to the approbation or rejec- 
 tion of the Senate ; to have power of pardoning all offences 
 except treason, which he shall not pardon without the appro- 
 bation of the Senate. 5. On the death, resignation or re- 
 moval of the governor, his authorities to be exercised by the 
 President of the Senate, till a successor be appointed. 6. The 
 Senate to have the sole power of declaring war, the power 
 of advising and approving all treaties, the power of approving 
 and rejecting all appointments of officers, except the heads or 
 chiefs of the department of finance, war and foreign affairs. 
 
 7. The supreme judicial authority of the United States, to 
 be vested in judges to hold their offices during good behaviour, 
 with adequate and permanent salaries; the court to have 
 original jurisdiction in all cases of capture, and an appellate 
 jurisdiction in all causes on which the revenues of the general 
 government or the citizens of foreign nations are concerned. 
 
 8. The legislature of the United States to have power to 
 institute courts in each State, for the determination of all mat- 
 ters of general concern. 9. The Governors, Senators, and 
 all officers of the United States, to be liable to impeachment 
 
01- JOHN ADAMS. 235 
 
 for male and corrupt conduct; and, upon conviction, to be re- 
 moved from office, and disqualified for holding any place of 
 trust and profit ; and all impeachments to be tried by a court, 
 to consist of the chief or ju(l2:e of the superior court 
 
 of law of each Stale, provided such judge hold his place 
 during good behaviour and have a permanent salary. 10. All 
 laws of the particular States, contrary to the constitution or 
 laws of the United States, to be utterly void ; and the better 
 to prevent such laws being passed, the Governor or President 
 of each State shall be appointed by the general government, 
 and shall have a negative upon the laws about to be passed 
 in the State of which he is Governor or President. 11. No 
 State to have any force, land or naval, and the militia to be 
 under the sole and exxlusive direction of the United States, 
 the officers of which to be appointed and commissioned by 
 them." 
 
 Such a constitution as this, sketched out by Mr. Hamilton, 
 ^vould have been a direct extirpation of the rights of Ameri- 
 cans. Experience has proved, that the number of Senators is 
 so small, that a President may always command the acquies- 
 cence of a majority in any measure he thinks proper. If, 
 therefore, the President and the Senate were to hold their 
 places for life, nothing could be expected but tyranny and 
 corruption. With the powers conferred by Mr. Hamilton, 
 the President of the United States would only require the title 
 of monarch to fit him for the company of the despots of Eu- 
 rope. 
 
 In the year 178S, Mr. Hamilton was appointed Secretary 
 of the Treasury; while in this department a circumstance oc- 
 curred, which will ever place his character in a suspicious 
 point of view. This is his celebrated avowed intrigue with 
 Mrs. Reynolds, the wife of a Mr. Reynolds, whose father 
 had been in the commissary department during the revolution- 
 ary war. Reynolds and one Jacob Clingham, a clerk in the 
 employ of Mr. Muhlenberg, were arrested towards the close 
 of 1792, at the instance of Mr. VVolcott, the comptroller of 
 the treasury, on a charge for subornation of perjury. Cling- 
 ham procured bail, but Reynolds did not. When the latter 
 was in custody, Clingham applied to Mr. Muhlenberg for his 
 aid in behalf of himself and Reynolds, and repeatedly dropped 
 hints, that Reynolds knew several very improper transactions 
 of Mr. Hamilton, signifying that he was deeply concerned in 
 
236 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 speculation, and that he had it in his power even to hang him. 
 This information created such uneasiness in the mind of Mr. 
 Muhlenberg, that he consulted with two of his friends, ]\!r. 
 Monroe and Mr. Venable, on the subject. They waited on 
 Reynolds, who appeared to confirm the report made by Ciing- 
 ham, and added he could not communicate the particulars, as 
 he was apprehensive it might prevent his discharge, but that 
 he would disclose the whole when liberated. He procured 
 his discharge through the interest of Hamilton, the morning 
 after the visit of Monroe and Venable, and immediately ab- 
 sconded. 
 
 The sudden enlargement and flight of Reynolds, were 
 additional proofs of the truth of what Clingham had sug- 
 gested. Messrs. Muhlenberg, Monroe and Venable, in order 
 to obtain some information respecting this singular story, 
 waited upon Mrs. Reynolds, the wife of the runaway. They 
 found her alone and in a state extremely agitated ; after some 
 difficulty they obtained the following particulars : That 
 Colonel Hamilton and her husband had been for some time in 
 the habit of correspondence, but at the request of the former 
 and in the absence of the latter, she had burned almost all the 
 letters ; that Colonel Hamilton offered her his assistance to go 
 to her friends ; and he also advised that her husband should 
 leave this country, not to be seen again, in which case he 
 would give her something clever. 
 
 Mrs. Reynolds also told Clingham that her husband re- 
 ceived of Colonel Hamilton, at one time, eleven hundred dol- 
 lars. Reynolds himself said that Colonel Hamilton had made 
 thirty thousand dollars by speculation, and had sup|>lied him 
 with money to speculate. 
 
 Clingham reported, that after Reynolds was discharged, 
 which was about eight or nine o'clock in the evening, he 
 (Reynolds) sent a letter about twelve o'clock at night to Colo- 
 nel Hamilton by a girl, whom Reynolds followed to the door. 
 When the girl returned, he informed Clingham that he need 
 not go out of town that night, but would call upon Colonel 
 Hamilton next morning. 
 
 These are the general particulars respecting this intricate 
 correspondence, contained in the reports of Messrs. Muhlen- 
 berg, Monroe and Venable, which were made public by Mr. 
 Callender in the year 1796. 
 
 Mr. Hamilton immediately came forward with his defence, 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 237 
 
 or rather a confession of a crime, even of a more heinous com- 
 plexion than a pecuniary speculation.* 
 
 The next important incident in the history of Mr. Hamil- 
 ton, is his defence of the British treaty. He appointed a day 
 to meet its opponents, and convince them by argument of the 
 benefits arising to the United States from the articles it con- 
 tained. 
 
 No pla'ce is more unfit for a display of logical reason than 
 the assembly of a tumultuous mob. The rhetoiic of Mr. Ha- 
 milton was soon overpowered by hisses and shouts of reproach. 
 When he was thus prevented from advocating its cause by 
 the force of oratory, he had recourse to the eloquence of his 
 pen, and published a series of letters under the signature of 
 Camillus, in defence of the British treaty. 
 
 These letters, though the sentiments they contain are ini- 
 mical to the interest of this country, ought, notwithstanding, 
 to be held in the highest veneration, by every lover of litera- 
 ture. The correct style of language which they exhibit will 
 be long a model of perfection to Americans ; and without lay- 
 ing claim to the gift of prophecy, I may safely assert, that the 
 pages of Camillus will be read when the British treaty and 
 the name of Governor Jay will be otherwise buried in oblivion. 
 
 Mr. Hamilton has been severely censured, and perhaps 
 with justice, as being the author of the funding system, the 
 promoter of the snuff excise law, that passed the 5th of June, 
 1794, and the cause of the war of 1790 with the North-wes- 
 tern Indians. 
 
 Mr. Hamilton was, in 179S, appointed inspector-general 
 and commander-in-chief next to Washington, of the army 
 of the United States. This promotion the merits of Mr. 
 Hamilton certainly deserved. His abilities in this respect dare 
 not be doubted — and if ever it should be the misfortune of 
 America to be involved in a war, while Mr. Hamilton lives, 
 it would be both imprudent and unjust, were he deprived of a 
 principal command. 
 
 The literary fame of G.eneral Washington is said to have 
 been raised on the talents of Alexander Hamilton ; and report 
 even whispers, that Hamilton himself claims the merit of 
 W^ashington's letters, and that he has boasted of receiving 
 
 * As the defence referred to has been published, it is not necessary at this 
 time to republish it in this volume. — Editor. 
 
238 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 letters from General Washington, with the word private 
 wrote on the back of thera, and a cross drawn over the seal. 
 After opening such a parcel, the contents were, "Dear Ha- 
 Tnilton, pat this into style for we," prefixed to some speech 
 or letter enclosed. The letters of Washington are, however, 
 much inferior to those of Hamilton, and iWii^v remarkably in 
 point of style. Most probably they no more received the 
 nice correction of Hamilton, than the lectures of Sir Joshua 
 Reynolds did the finishing strokes of Edmund Burke. 
 
 Such are the general outlines of the hfe and character of 
 Alexander Hamilton. As a soldier and scholar, he has ren- 
 dered most eminent services to the United States, but as a 
 political character, he has been the greatest misfortune. 
 
 NoT2. — On the public character and conduct of Mr. Adams, the Editor 
 will refur the reader to Mr. Hamilton's letter, published in 1800, prior to 
 the election of President and Vice-President which took place in December 
 of that year, in which Mr. Adams is deeply censured. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Meeting of the sixth Congress — Presideiifs Speech — Death 
 of General Washington — Proceedings of Congress — John 
 Randolph insulted at the Theatre of Philadelphia — Acts 
 passed hy Congress. 
 
 On Monday, the 2d of December, both houses of the sixth 
 Congress met in their first session. 
 
 Mr. Sedgwick was chosen speaker, and on the od of De- 
 cember the President delivered the following speech : 
 
 " Gentlemen of the Senate, and 
 
 '' Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, 
 
 " It is with peculiar satisfaction that I meet the sixth Con- 
 gress of the United States of America. Coming from all parts 
 of the union at this critical and interesting period, the mem- 
 bers must be fully possessed of the sentiments and wishes of 
 our constituents. 
 
 " The flattering prospects of abundance from the labours 
 of the people by land and by sea ; the prosperity of our ex- 
 tended commerce, notwithstanding interruptions occasioned by 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 239 
 
 the belligerent state of a great part of the world ; the return 
 of health, industry, and trade to those cities which have been 
 lately afflicted with disease, and the various and inestimable 
 advantages, civil and religious, which, secured under our 
 happy frame of government, are continued to us unimpaired, 
 c!ciiiand of the whole American people sincere thanks to a 
 benevolent Deity for the merciful dispensations of his Pro- 
 vidence, But while these numerous blessings are recollected, 
 it is a painful duty to advert to the ungrateful return which 
 has been made for them, by some of the people in certain 
 counties of Pennsylvania, who were seduced by the arts and 
 misrepresentations of designing men : they have openly re- 
 sisted the law directing the valuation of houses and lands. 
 Such defiance was given to the civil authority as rendered 
 hopeless all further attempts by judicial process to enforce 
 the execution of the law ; and it became necessary to direct a 
 military force to be employed consisting of some companies 
 of regular troops, volunteers, and militia, by whose zeal and 
 activity, in co-operation with the judicial power, order and 
 submission were restored, and many of the offenders arrested. 
 Of these, some have been convicted of misdemeanours, and 
 others, charged with various crimes, remain to be tried. 
 
 " To give due effect to the civil administration of govern- 
 ment, and to insure a just execution of the laws, a revision 
 and amendment of the judiciary system is indispensably ne- 
 cessary. In this extensive country, it cannot but happen that 
 numerous questions respecting the interpretation of the laws, 
 and the rights and duties of officers and citizens must arise. 
 On the one hand the laws should be executed ; on the other, 
 individuals should be guarded from oppression. Neither of 
 these objects is sufficiently assured under the present organ- 
 ization of the judicial department: I therefore earnestly re- 
 commend the subject to your serious consideration. 
 
 " Persevering in the pacific and humane policy which had 
 been invariably professed, and sincerely pursued by the execu- 
 tive authority of the United States, when indications wei-e 
 made on the part of the French Republic, of a disposition to 
 accommodate the existing differences between the two countries, 
 I felt it to be ray duty, to prepare for meeting their advances 
 by a nomination of ministers upon certain conditions which the 
 honour of our country dictated, and which its moderation had 
 given it a right to prescribe. The assurances which were 
 
240 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 required of the French government previous to the departure 
 of our envoys, have been given through their minister of fo- 
 reign relations; and 1 have directed tliem to proceed on tlieir 
 mission to Paris — they have full })OWTr to conclude a treaty, 
 subject to the constitutional advice and consent of the Senate. 
 The characters of these gentlemen are sure pledges to their 
 country, that nothing incompatible with its honour or interest, 
 nothing incompatible with our obligations of good faith or 
 fiiendship to any other nation, will be stipulated. 
 
 " It appearing probable, from the information I received, 
 that our conunercial intercourse with some ports in the island 
 of St. Domingo, might safely be renewed, 1 took such stej)S 
 as seemed to me exjiedient to ascertain that point : the result 
 being satisfactory, I then, in conformity to the act of Congress 
 on the subject, directed the restraints and ])roliibitions of that 
 intercourse to be discontinued, on terms which were made 
 known by proclamation. Since the renewal of this intercourse, 
 our citizens, trading in those ports with their property, have been 
 duly respected, and piivateering fiom those ports has ceased. 
 
 " In examining the c;laims of British subjects by the com- 
 missioners at Philadelphia, imder the sixth article of the treaty 
 of amity, commerce, and navigation with Great Uiitain, a 
 (lilference of opinion on points deemed essential in the inter- 
 })retation of that article, has arisen between the commissioners 
 appointed by the United States and the other members of that 
 board, from which tlie former have thought it their duty to 
 withdraw. It is sincerely to be regretted that the execution 
 of an article produced by a mutual spirit of amity and justice, 
 should have been thus unavoidably interrupted — it is, how- 
 ever, confidently expected, that the same spirit of amity, and 
 the same sense of justice in which it originated, will lead to 
 satisfactory explanations. In consequence of the obstacles to 
 the progress of the commission in Philadelphia, his Britannic 
 Majesty has directed the commissioners appointed by him, 
 under the seventh article of the treaty relating to British cap- 
 tures of American vessels, to withdraw from the board sittii g 
 in London, but with the ex})ress declaration of his determi:ia- 
 tion to fuHil with })unctuality and good faith, the engagcmenls 
 which his majesty has contracted by his treaty with the United 
 States, and that they will be instructed to resume tluir trans- 
 actions, whenever the obstacles whi(di impede the p;(\oress of 
 the commission at Philadelphia shall be removed. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 241 
 
 "It being in like manner, my sincere rletermination, so far 
 as the same depends on me, with that equal punctuality and 
 good faith, the engagement contracted by the United States 
 in their treaties with his Britannic Majesty, shall be fidfilled, 
 I shall immediately instruct our minister at f-iouilon, to endea- 
 vour to obtain the explanations necessary to a just j)erform- 
 ance of those engagements on the part of the United States — 
 with such dispositions on both sides I cannot entertain a doubt 
 that all difriculties will soon be removed, and that the two 
 boards will then proceed and bring the business committed to 
 them respectively to a satisfactory conclusion. 
 
 " The act of Congress relative to the seat of the govern- 
 ment of the United States, requiring that on the fust Monday 
 of December next, it should be transferred from Philadelphia 
 to the district chosen for its permanent seat; it is proper for 
 me to inform you, that the commissioners appointed to provide 
 suitable buildings for the accommodation of Congress and the 
 President, and for the public officets of the government, have 
 made a report of the state of the buildings designed for these 
 purposes in the city of Washington, from which tljey conclude, 
 that the removal of the seat of govt.'rnment to that place at 
 the time required will be practicable, and the accommodation 
 satisfactory. Their report will be laid before you. 
 
 " Gentlemen of the House of Representatives. 
 
 *' I shall direct the estimates of the appropriations neces- 
 sary for the service of the ensuing year, together with an 
 account of the revenue and expenditure to be laid before you. 
 During a period in which a great portion of the civilized 
 world has been involved in war, unusually calamitous and 
 destructive, it was not to be expected that the United States 
 could be exempted from extraordinary burdens. 
 
 " Although the period is not arrived when the measures 
 adopted to secure oiu' country against foreign attack, can be 
 renounced ; yet it is alike necessary to the honour of the go- 
 vernment, and the satisfaction of the community, that an exact 
 economy should be maintained. I invite you, gentlemen, to 
 investigate the different branches of the public expenditure — 
 the examination will lead to beneficial retrenchments, or pro- 
 duce a conviction of the wisdom of the measure to which the 
 expenditure relates. 
 
 21 
 
2-^2 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 " Gentlemen of the Senate, and 
 
 " Gentlemen of the House of Representatives. 
 
 " At a period like the present, when momentous changes 
 are occurring, and every hour is preparing new and great 
 events in the political world — when a spirit of war is preva- 
 lent in almost every nation with whose affairs the interests of 
 the United States have any connection ; unsafe and precarious 
 would be our situation, were we to neglect the means of main- 
 taining our just rights. The result of the mission to France 
 is uncertain ; but however it may terminate, a steady perse- 
 veiance in a system of national defence, commensurate with 
 our resources and the situation of our country, is an obvious 
 dictate of wisdom. For remotely as we are placed from the 
 belligerent nations, and desirous as we are by doing justice to 
 all to avoid offence to any, nothing short of the power of re- 
 pelling aggressions will secure our country a rational prospect 
 of escaping the calamities of war or national degradation. 
 As to myself, it is my anxious desire so to execute the trust 
 reposed in me, as to render the people of the United States 
 prosperous and happy. I rely with entire confidence on your 
 co-operation in objects equally your care, and that our mutual 
 labours will serve to increase and confirm union among our 
 fellow-citizens, and an unshaken attachment to our govern- 
 ment." 
 
 On the motion of Mr. Bayard, the President's speech was 
 referred to a committee of the whole house, on the state of 
 the union. On Monday the 9th of December, both houses 
 of Congress waited separately upon the President with their 
 respective addresses. 
 
 On Wednesday the 11th of December, Mr. Harper, by 
 the direction of the committee of ways and means, brought 
 in a bill to amend the act, entitled, " An act to provide for 
 the valuation of lands and dwelling houses, and the enumera- 
 tion of slaves within the United States," which was granted. 
 
 Monday, December 16, Mr. H. Lee moved, that a commit- 
 tee be appointed to report whether any, and if any, what 
 alterations were necessary to be made in the militia law^ of 
 the United States. 
 
 In prefacing his motion. General Lee said "he wished to 
 call the attention of the house to a subject highly interesting 
 to the citizens of the United States, and deserving the se- 
 rious attention of its legislature. He thought the system 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 243 
 
 heretofore pursued was radically wrong, and viewed every 
 measure which was not predicated on the wishes of the people, 
 as answering but little effect. He wished lo see that systeiu 
 of defence which, growing out of nature, should enable all 
 men to serve without injuring their families — the youth of 
 our country should alone be called upon, who would be found 
 sufficiently adequate for its defence. Seventeen and twenty- 
 six, were the ages of which the defenders of our country 
 should consist. When father and son are arrayed in the same 
 ranks, a wavering must take place, and present an opportunity 
 for an impression from the enemy." 
 
 During the same sitting, a report was made by the com- 
 missioners of the sinking fund, inclosing a report to them 
 from the secretary of the treasury, and sundry official state- 
 ments of the accounting officers of the treasury department, 
 relative to the measures which had been authorized by the 
 conQmissioners, for purchasing the public debt subsequent to 
 their report of the loth December, 1798. 
 
 By the secretary's report, it appeared that the sum of 
 1,034,938-2 dollars had been applied towards the discharge 
 of the principal debt of the United States. 
 
 On Wednesday, the 18th of December, Congress received 
 the afflicting intelligence of the death of General Washington. 
 
 General Marshall came into the House of Representatives, 
 after the journal was read, apparently much agitated, and ad- 
 dressed the speaker in the following words : 
 
 "Information, sir, has just been received, that our illustri- 
 ous fellow-citizen, the Commander-in-chief of the American 
 army, and the late President of the United States, is no 
 more." 
 
 The House of Representatives, as well as the Senate, in 
 consequence of a national calamity so heavy and distressing, 
 immediately adjourned. 
 
 Some account of this great and virtuous soldier may, per- 
 haps, be here expected ; but this is a task of too important a 
 nature to be discussed in the trifling com.pass of a few pages. 
 The life of Washington is a subject which ought not to be 
 polluted by a transient sketch, or connected with the vices of 
 corrupted administration. Whatever might be the errors 
 which the weakness of age induced Washington to commit in 
 the latter period of life, his former actions ought to screen them 
 from the virulence of calumny, and protect his memory from 
 
244 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 the reproach of party spirit. A certain republican writer has 
 indulged too freely in the abuse of this great patriot. Perhaps 
 even the compiler of this volume may be censured for the same 
 reason ; but whenever any unwarranted expressions are 
 dropped, they ought to be regarded as the etTect of a survey 
 of his politics abstracted from the man. When we separate 
 the latter from the former, we view only a monument of virtue 
 and wisdom ; but when we blend them together, we are forced 
 to regret the tarnish and incrustation of prejudice, which time 
 had inflicted. 
 
 The House of Representatives, at their next meeting, ex- 
 hibited a pleasing, though mournful evidence of the respect 
 which was felt for the character of General Washington. 
 The speaker's chair and table, and the tables on each side, 
 w^ere entirely shrouded in black ; the casement in the rear of 
 the speaker's chair, and the recess, were also elegantly orna- 
 mented with mourning ; the prints presented to the house by 
 Mr. Trumbull, the historical painter, were overhung with 
 curtains of black. Between these, and in the centre of the 
 house, a striking likeness of the illustrious Hero was added, 
 which acted as a feeling index of the weeping emblems that 
 surrounded it. 
 
 On January the 2d, a petition was presented to the House 
 of Representatives, by Mr. W^aln, from the free blacks of the 
 city and county of Philadelphia, praying for a revision of 
 the laws of the United States, relative to the slave trade; of 
 the act relative to fugitives from justice, and for the adoption 
 of such measures as should in due time emancipate the whole 
 of their brethren from their disagreeable situation. 
 
 Mr. Rutledge opposed the petition with the abusive inso- 
 lence so natural to this southern legislator. " The gentlemen 
 who formerly (said Rutledge) used to advocate liberty, have 
 retreated from their post and committed the important trust 
 to the care of black patriots ; they tell the house they are in 
 slavery — thank God they are. They say they are not repre- 
 sented — certainly they are not ; and I trust the day icill never 
 arrive when the Congress of the United States ivill display 
 a party-coloured assembly. Too much of this new-fangled 
 French philosophy of liberty and equality has found its way 
 among these gentlemen of our plantations, for which nothing 
 will do but liber ty.^^ 
 
 Harrison G. Otis brought forward his usual eloquence on 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 245 
 
 this occasion. He said that though he possessed no slaves he 
 saw no reason why others might not, and that the proprietors 
 of thera were the fittest persons, and not Congress, to regu- 
 late that species of property. 
 
 Air. Thatcher, to the surprise of many, differed from his 
 countryman ; and thought the petitions of black men deserved 
 equal consideration with those of whites. 
 
 Mr. Brown of Rhode Island, argued that the petition was 
 not the production of the negroes, but the contrivance of a 
 combination of jacobins, who had troubled Congress for many 
 years past, and he feared never would cease. He begged, 
 therefore, that the gentleman who put the petition on the 
 table, might be desired to take it back again. He was truly 
 sorry to see such a dangerous paper supported by such a 
 worthy member of the house and good federalist as Mr. 
 Thatcher. 
 
 Messrs. Gallatin, Smiiie, Dana, Bird, and Edmond, sup- 
 ported the motion ; but when the yeas and nays were agreed 
 to be taken, Mr. Wain withdrew his motion and substituted 
 another ; which went to say, that certain parts of the petition 
 should be reserved, so as to obviate the most particular objec- 
 tion urged against a reference. 
 
 A resolution by Mr. Nicholas, for reducing the army es- 
 tablishment, was taken into consideration upon the 10th of 
 January, but negatived, there being thirty-nine in favour of it, 
 and fifty-nine against it. 
 
 The debates uj)on this resolution gave rise to an affair 
 which reflected considerable disgrace both upon the President 
 and the military of the United States, viz: the unwarrantable 
 assault upon Mr. John Randolph, a representative from the 
 State of Virginia. 
 
 Mr. Randolph ha.d in the course of his speech on that occa- 
 sion, unfortunately used the term Ragg:amiiffins, in speaking 
 of the army. A phrase so degrading was certainly improper, 
 but Mr. Randolph had been warmed by debate, and the con- 
 duct of Truxtun, the panegyrist of Sterret, was fresh in his 
 memory. At any rate Mr. Randolph was protected by an 
 express clause of the constitution, however insulting his cen- 
 sures on the conduct of the army or navy officers might ap- 
 pear. 
 
 On the evening of the 10th of January, Air. Randolph 
 went to the theatre in Philadelphia. During the representation, 
 21* 
 
246 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 one Captain M'Knight and a Lieutenant Reynolds, of the 
 marines, took frequent opportunities of peeping into the box 
 where Mr. Randolph was, and of whispering to each other. 
 At length they entered into it, and repeated several times in 
 an elevated tone of voice, the word raggamuffins : with some 
 other expressions which could not be mistaken. Mr. Randolph 
 took not the smallest notice of their rudeness. Reynolds, in 
 order to provoke a quarrel, leaped upon the seat where he 
 was sitting ; and though the seat w^as crowded, squeezed him- 
 self into it close to Randolph's side. The latter made as 
 much room as possible for the marine bravado, who, perceiving 
 his attempts were in vain, rose and came aw^ay. Captain 
 M'Knight then came forward, and acted over the same scene 
 of disgusting rudeness ; another officer of the name of Tay- 
 lor, wiio also bore the rank of captain, performed the part of 
 prompter, but had not the effrontery to take part in the as- 
 sault himself. 
 
 At the close of the performance, w^hen Mr. Randolph was 
 coming down the stair-case, one of the officers came behind 
 and pulled him backwards by the neck of his coat, w'hile the 
 other two severely jostled him, but Mr. Randolph having 
 quickly extricated himself, all the three scampered off. No 
 farther disturbance took place. 
 
 Next day Mr. Randolph addressed the following letter to 
 the President: 
 
 " Sir, — Known to you only as holding, in common with 
 yourself, the honourable station of servant to the same sove- 
 reign people, and disclaiming all pretensions to make to you 
 any application which, in the general estimation of men, re- 
 quires the preface of apology, I shall without the circumlocu- 
 tion of compliment, proceed to state the cause which induces 
 this address. 
 
 " For words of a general nature uttered on the floor of the 
 house, and addressed in my official capacity to the chair- 
 man of the committee of the whole, and urged with a view- 
 to effect the reduction of a military establishment, I have 
 been grossly and publicly insulted by two officers of the army, 
 (or navy, I know not which,) with evident intention to pro- 
 voke me to a conduct which, in some sort, might justify the 
 hostile designs which they manifestly entertained towards me, 
 and from the execution of which I believe they were only 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 247 
 
 deterred by the presence of several of ray friends, (members 
 of this house), who felt themselves implicated in an insult 
 which, although more particularly offered to one, was certainly 
 levelled at all. 
 
 " I am acquainted with the name of one oidy of these un- 
 fortunate young men, who appear to have made so false an 
 estimate of true dignity of character ; who seem to have mis- 
 taken brutality for spirit, and an armed combination against 
 an individual, for an indication of courage. 
 
 ^•' He was called, I think, M'Knight — rank unknown, and, 
 to my best recollection, of the navy. Mr. Christie, a member 
 of this house, appeared to know him ; and that gentleman, 
 with Captain Campbell Smith, who, as I understood, endea- 
 voured to deter those rash youths from their scheme, and 
 whose conduct w^ould evince, if indeed there w^ere any need 
 of proof, that the character of the man and the citizen is not 
 incompatible with the profession of the soldier, can give an 
 account of the various instances of misconduct which were ex- 
 hibited by the same parties. Mr. Van Renssalaer, the Lieu- 
 tenant-Governor of New York, Mr. Nicholas, Mr. Glen, and 
 Mr. Macon, of the House of Representatives, were likewise 
 present at the transactions. 
 
 " Having stated the fact, it would be derogatory to your 
 character, sir, for me to point out the remedy which it is your 
 province to provide, nor shall I descend from the respect 
 which I owe myself to declare what are not the considera- 
 tions \vhich govern my conduct on this occasion ; so far as 
 they relate to this application addressed to you in a public 
 capacity, they can only be supposed by you to be of a public 
 nature ; and it is enough for me to state that the independence 
 of the legislature has been attacked, the majesty of the people, 
 of which you are the principal representative, insulted, and 
 your authority contemned. In their name I demand that a 
 provision commensurate with the evil be made, and which will 
 be calculated to deter others from any future attempt to intro- 
 duce the reign of terror into our country. In addressing you 
 in the plain language of man, I give you, sir, the best proof 
 that I can afford, of the estimation in which I hold your 
 office, and your understanding ; and I assure you with truth, 
 that I am, with respect, your fellow-citizen, 
 
 "JOH?^ RANDOLPH, JuN. 
 " To the President of the United States." 
 
248 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 Mr. Adams, upon receiving the above, enclosed it with the 
 following message to the House of Representatives : 
 
 '' Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, 
 
 " As the enclosed letter, from a member of your house, re- 
 ceived by me in the night of Saturday the 11th instant, re- 
 lates to the privileges of the house, which, in my opinion, 
 ought to be inquired into in the house itself, if anywhere, I 
 have thought proper to submit the whole letter, and its ten- 
 dencies, to your consideration, without any other comments on 
 its matter or style. 
 
 '' But as no gross impropriety of conduct, on the part of 
 persons holding commissions in the army or navy of the 
 United States, ought to pass without due animadversion, I 
 have directed the Secretary of War, and the Secretary of the 
 Navy, to investigate the conduct complained of, and to report 
 to me, without delay, such a statement of facts as will enable 
 me to decide on the course, which duty and justice shall ap- 
 pear to prescribe. JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 " United States, 4th Jan. 1800." 
 
 Mr. Kittera moved, when the message was received, that 
 it, and the letter accompanying it, be referred to a select com- 
 mittee. 
 
 Mr. Randolph hoped it would not. It was far from his 
 expectations, he said, when he addressed the letter now before 
 the house, to the President, that it would have been made the 
 subject of a communication. Had he thought the house could 
 have remedied the abuse complained of, he would have entered 
 his complaint here; but he did not conceive it within their 
 jurisdiction ; and he was opposed to it as being a bad prece- 
 dent, which might, at some future period, be prostituted to 
 purposes injurious to the country. The power of the com- 
 mander-in-chief of the army, in his opinion, was sufficient to 
 afford a remedy, and to restrain men under his command from 
 giving personal abuse and insult ; and he, therefore, disclaimed 
 any wish that the house should take measures for his protec- 
 tion. 
 
 The voice of the house appeared to be unanimous for the 
 commitment, and several members expressed an opinion, that 
 the President, in submitting the subject to the house, had 
 acted judiciously, it being a question on which he could not, 
 dare not decide — it was a constitutional prerogative vested ia 
 
or JOHN ADAMS. 249 
 
 that house alone, and that house, after having a statement of 
 facts, were to be the sole judges of them. The wish of the 
 complainant to suspend inquiry, ought not to have any weight ; 
 for if a member was to be insulted for language made use of 
 in debate, there was an end to all legislation, and they might 
 as well return to their homes at once. 
 
 The question for commitment w^as put and carried, and Mr. 
 C. Goodrich, Mr. Macon, Mr. Kittera, Mr. Sewall, Mr. Ro- 
 bert Williams, and Mr. Bayard were appointed. 
 
 This committee, upon a review of the evidence produced 
 before them, found that sufficient cause did not appear for the 
 interposition of the house, on the grounds of a breach of pri- 
 vilege. 
 
 Thus w-as a most unwarranted insult offered to a represen- 
 tative, passed over with impunity. The conduct of Mr. 
 Adams on this occasion w^as highly censurable. In him pro- 
 perly w^as vested the power of checking the arrogant insolence 
 of military puppies, who dare to assume, in a free country, 
 that authority w^hich is only suffered in the dominions of des- 
 potism. 
 
 No cause has tended more to reflect disgrace on the pro- 
 fession of arms, than the modern practice of investing with 
 command a beardless boy, without either education or expe- 
 rience, and whose only pursuits in life have been passed in 
 the bed-chamber of an indulgent mother. This practice is 
 more prevalent in Britain than in any country of Europe. 
 One-half of the officers who command the armies of George, 
 are drawn at the age of twelve and thirteen, from the moun- 
 tains of Caledonia, ignorant of every art in life, but that of 
 procuring the food which their barren valleys afford, and of 
 paying an imphcit obedience to a tyrant chieftain, equally 
 destitute of understanding as the soil which gave him birth. 
 
 Among many other absurd usages, this is one which America 
 has borrowed from her mother country ; for of all the classes of 
 citizens in the United States, the officers of the navy appear 
 in general to be most removed from the state of science and 
 literature. I make not this remark to detract from their 
 bravery. This qualification they certainly possess in an equal 
 degree wdth any nation of the world ; but it ought to be re- 
 membered, that courage, though an essential, constitutes but 
 a small part of the requisite education of a modern soldier. 
 In a republic, in particular, the study of military and naval 
 
250 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 tactics ought to be cultivated with the greatest zeal, and the 
 morals of the young soldier guarded with the strict eye of 
 virtue and religion. No man is to be so much respected as 
 the soldier who understands his profession, defends the rights 
 of his country, and adores his Creator ; while no miscreant 
 ought to be held in such contempt as the liveried bravado, 
 who knows neither the respect due to his country nor to his 
 God. 
 
 Both houses of Congress rose upon the 4th of May, after 
 passing the following acts: 
 
 1. An act for reviving and continuing suits and proceedings 
 in the circuit court for the district of Pennsylvania. 
 
 2. An act extending the privilege of franking to William 
 Henry Harrison, the delegate from the Territory of the United 
 States, north-west of the Ohio, and making provision for his 
 compensation. 
 
 3. An act supplementary to the act, entitled " An act to 
 provide for the valuation of lands and dwelling houses, and 
 the enumeration of slaves, within the United States." 
 
 4. An act for the relief of persons imprisoned for debt. 
 
 5. An act for the preservation of peace with the Indian 
 tribes. 
 
 6. An act to repeal part of an act, entitled, " An act to 
 provide for mitigating or remitting the forfeitures, penalties, 
 and disabilities, accruing in certain cases therein mentioned, 
 and to continue in force the residue of the same." 
 
 7. An act for the relief of John Vaughan. 
 
 8. An act giving further time to the holders of military 
 warrants, to register and locate the same. 
 
 9. An act to suspend in part an act, entitled, " An act to 
 augment the army of the United States, and for other pur- 
 poses." 
 
 10. An act further to suspend the commercial intercourse 
 between the United States and France, and the dependencies 
 thereof. 
 
 11. An act for the relief of James Yard. 
 
 12. An act providing for the second census, or enumeration 
 of the inhabitants of the United States. 
 
 13. An act in addition to the act, entitled, " An act regu- 
 lating the grants of land appropriated for military services, 
 and for the Society of the United Brethren, for propagating 
 the gospel among the heathen." 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 251 
 
 14. An act to provide for salvage in cases of recapture. 
 
 15. An act declaring the assent of Congress to certain acts 
 of the states of Maryland and Georgia. 
 
 16. An act to alter the times of holding the district court 
 in North Carolina. 
 
 17. An act for the relief of Campbell Smith. 
 
 18. An act to extend the privilege of franking letters and 
 packages to Martha Washington. 
 
 19. An act to establish an universal system of bankruptcy 
 throughout the United States. 
 
 20. An act to discharge Robert Sturgeon from his impri- 
 sonment. 
 
 21. An act to allow a drawback of duties on goods ex- 
 ported to New Orleans, and thereby to amend the act, enti- 
 tled, " An act to regulate the collection of duties on imposts 
 and tonnage." 
 
 22. An act to continue in force " An act concerning cer- 
 tain fisheries of the United States, and for the regulation and 
 government of the fishermen employed therein," and for other 
 purposes as therein mentioned. 
 
 23. An act to alter the form of certain oaths and affirma- 
 tions, directed to be taken by the act, entitled, "An act pro- 
 viding for the second census, or enumeration of the inhabitants 
 of the United States." 
 
 24. An act for the relief of the corporation of Rhode Island 
 College. 
 
 25. An act to extend the privilege of obtaining patents for 
 useful discoveries and inventions, to certain persons therein 
 mentioned, and to enlarge and define the penalties for violat- 
 ing the rights of patentees. 
 
 26. An act to fix the compensation of the paymaster-ge- 
 neral, and assistants to the adjutant-general. 
 
 27. An act to continue in force the act, entitled, " An act 
 to authorize the defence of the merchant vessels of the United 
 States, against French depredations." 
 
 28. An act to continue in force, for a limited time, an act, 
 entitled, " An act to prescribe the mode of taking evidence 
 in cases of contested elections for members of the House of 
 Representatives of the United States, and to compel the at- 
 tendance of w^itnesses." 
 
 29. An act fixing the rank and pay of the commanding 
 officer of the corps of marines. 
 
!J')J THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 30. An act supplementary to the act to regulate trade and 
 intercourse with the Indian tribes, and to preserve peace on 
 the tVontiers. 
 
 31. An act to estahhsh a general stamp-othce. 
 
 3t?. An act to alter and to establish sundry post roads. 
 
 33. An act for the better government of the navy of the 
 United States. 
 
 34. An act respecting the mint. 
 
 35. An act to continue in force the act, in addition to the 
 act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United 
 States. 
 
 30. An act to repeal the act laying duties on mills and im- 
 plements employed in the manufacture of snutf. 
 
 37. An act to make further provision for the removal and 
 accommodation of the government of the United States. 
 
 38. An act to authorize the President of the United States 
 to accept for the United States, a cession of jurisdiction of the 
 territory west of Pennsylvania, commonly called the Western 
 Reserve of Connecticut. 
 
 39. An act to provide tor rebuilding the light-house at New 
 London; for the support of a light-house at Clark's Point j 
 for the erection and support of a light-house at Wigwam 
 Point ; and for other purposes. 
 
 40. An act supplementary to the laws now in force, tixing 
 the compensation of the olhcers of the Senate and House of 
 Representatives. 
 
 41. An act to divide the territory of the United States 
 north-west of the Ohio, into two separate governments. 
 
 4*2. An act to enable the President of the United States to 
 borrow money for the })ublic service. 
 
 43. An act to continue in force an act laying an additional 
 duty on salt imported into the United States, and tbr other 
 purposes. 
 
 44. An act to authorize the allowance of a credit to Wil- 
 liam Tazewell. 
 
 4-3. An act to authorize the sale and conveyance of lands, 
 in certain cases, by the marshals o{ the I nited States, and to 
 confirm former sales. 
 
 46. An act for the regulation of the public arsenals and 
 magazines. 
 
 47. An act making appropriation for the support of govern- 
 ment, for the year one thousand eight hundred. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 2-'33 
 
 48. An act making appropriations for the military estaf>- 
 lisbment of xhc Uniteri .States, for the year one thousand eight 
 hurichefl. 
 
 49. An act to establish the rlistrict of Kennebunk, and to 
 annex Lyme to New London, to alter the rhstrict of BerinurJa 
 Hundred and City Point, and further to amend the act regu- 
 lating the collection of duties on imports and tonnnge. 
 
 oO. An act supplemental to the act, entitled, " An act for 
 an amicable settlement of limits with the state of Georgia, 
 and authorizing the establishment of a government in the Mis- 
 sissippi territory." 
 
 'Oi. An act in addition to the act, entitled, "An act to pro- 
 hibit the carrying on the slave trarle from the Lnited States 
 to any foreign place or country." 
 
 '02. An act for the relief of Ithamar Canfield. 
 
 '53. An act to provide for equalizing the valuation of un- 
 seated lands. 
 
 '5L An act supplementary to an act, entitled, "An act to 
 establish the compensation of the officers employed in the col- 
 lection of the duties on impost and tonnage." 
 
 •50. An act to amend an act, entitlerj, " An act for the sale 
 of the lands of the United States in the territory north-west 
 of the river Ohio, and above the mouth of Kentucky river." 
 
 '56. An act to make appropriations for the navy of the 
 United States during the year 1800. 
 
 •57. An act to ascertain the compensation of public mi- 
 nisters. 
 
 o8. An act supplementary to the act, entitled, " An act to 
 establish the treasury department." 
 
 •59. An act to authorize the issuing of certain patents. 
 
 60. An act directing the payment of a detachment of the 
 militia under the command of Major Thomas Johnson, in the 
 year 1794. 
 
 61. An act to retain a further sum on drawbacks for the 
 expenses incirlent to the allowances and payment thereof, and 
 in lieu of stamp duties on debentures. 
 
 62. An act to make provision relative to rations for Indians, 
 and frjr their visits to the seat of government. 
 
 63. An act to authorize certain expenditures, and to rr^ake 
 certain additional appropriations for the year 1800. 
 
 64. An act to lay additional duties on certain articles im- 
 ported. 
 
 22 
 
254 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 65. An act enlarging the powers of surveyors of the le- 
 venue. 
 
 66. An act to appropriate a certain sum of money to de- 
 fray the expenses of holding a treaty or treaties with the 
 Indians. 
 
 67. An act to make further provisions for the children of 
 Colonel John Harding and Major Alexander Trueman, de- 
 ceased. 
 
 68. An act supplementary to the act establishing the mint, 
 and regulating the coins of the United States. 
 
 69. An act supplementary to the act to suspend part of an 
 act, entitled, " An act to augment the army of the United 
 States," and for other purposes. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Remarks on the Constitution of Connecticut — Trials of Coop- 
 er, Fries, Cullender, and Holt — General Observations. 
 
 Of those states which w^ere the abettors of John Adams 
 and his party, and the opposers of the rights of American 
 citizens, none, not even Massachusetts, the cradle of aristo- 
 cracy, made such a conspicuous figure as the small state of 
 Connecticut. This naturally excites our wonder and astonish- 
 ment, fls the inhabitants of this state are principally employed 
 in the peaceful occupation of husbandry. But the surprise 
 of the reader will vanish when he is informed that in no part 
 of the world the bigotry of priesthood reigns so triumphant, 
 or that the dark shades of superstition no where cloud the 
 understanding of man in such a degree, as among the unhappy 
 natives of Connecticut. 
 
 This State has not formed any constitution since the revo- 
 lution, but ancient superstition and the prejudice of custom- 
 have established an hierarchy, which is directed by a sovereign 
 pontiff, twelve cardinals, a civil council of nine, and about 
 four hundred parochial bishops. 
 
 The present priest, who may be honoured with the appella- 
 tion of Pope, is Timothy Dwight, President of Yale college. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 255 
 
 The corporation of this college, which seems to be the main 
 spring and vital part of the State government, is composed of 
 the President, twelve clergymen, and seven senior members 
 of the first branch of the State Legislature. The clerical 
 part are all denominated Congregationalists, which is the pre- 
 vailing and principal rehgious order in Connecticut. 
 
 The Legislature sits twice each year. The representative 
 branch is chosen for^each session ; the other branch and chief 
 officers of government, are chosen annually. The people 
 qualified to vote in elections, assemble in their several districts 
 in the month of September, annually, and elect their repre- 
 sentatives ; they also vote for a certain number of persons 
 who are to be candidates, or to stand in nomination for elec- 
 tion into the first branch of the Legislature at the next annual 
 election. In April, the people qualified to vote, assemble 
 again, choose their representatives, vote for governor, lieu- 
 tenant governor, and some other officers of government for 
 the year ensuing ; and also from the list or nomination made 
 at the preceding meeting in September, they at that time elect 
 the persons who are to compose the first branch of the Legis- 
 lature. In May the Legislature convene, when the votes for 
 governor, &c. are canvassed, and the result of the election 
 proclaimed. This is called the general election. The repre- 
 sentatives in Congress are elected from a previous nomination, 
 made once in two years, in the form already mentioned. 
 
 The annual commencement at Yale college takes place in 
 September, a short time previous to the election of the Legis- 
 lature.- At this time the president is attended by his twelve 
 cardinal members of the corporation, the governor, lieutenant 
 governor, and seven other senior members of the first legisla- 
 tive house (which compose the lay part) and the greatest part 
 of the clergy. On this occasion, the governor and other 
 civilians are subordinate to the president, and they feel deeply 
 impressed with a sense of their subordination, knowing that 
 he can kill or make alive at the next annual election ; that he 
 emphatically holds the keys which command their political 
 damnation or salvation. 
 
 The Pope, being thus surrounded by his cardinals, his civil 
 councils and his parochial bishops, determines the order and 
 detail of the ensuing election. Each one returns home with 
 a perfect understanding of the part he is to act. The clergy 
 apply themselves to such persons in their respective parishes 
 
256 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 as can most effectually influence the representatives in Con- 
 gress ; and the members of the first legislative branch being 
 chosen from the State at large, and not from particular elec- 
 tion districts, the people can have but little personal know- 
 ledge of the candidates, and must necessarily act through in- 
 formation received from others. The parochial bishop claims 
 to know who are the fittest and best men to be entrusted 
 with the public concerns of the nation — all who are of a 
 different religious denomination from himself, or who deny or 
 doubt the Pope's supremacy, or infallibility, are denounced as 
 anti-christian, anti-federal, Jacobinical, disorganizing scoun- 
 drels. The Sunday previous to the day on which the people 
 meet to deliver in their suffrages, is devoted to political ha- 
 rangues from the political desk. On these occasions, in the 
 heat of political zeal, the preacher will name the individuals 
 who are to receive or be excluded from popular approbation, 
 and with a holy fervour, instruct the people of his charge how 
 they are to bestow their suffrages, threatening divine vengeance 
 on all who disregard his pious admonitions. 
 
 The influence which has been described does not stop at 
 this point. The newspapers which circulate in every parish, 
 village, or neighbourhood, are either patronized or discounte- 
 nanced by the clergyman, according as they promote or 
 oppose his designs — his efforts are seconded by all persons 
 seeking oflfices by clerical aid, or who hold any offices under 
 that species of influence. Hence the editors of newspapers 
 in Connecticut, are compelled to take the current, and the 
 press is employed to destroy or bring into contempt those re- 
 publican principles and sentiments, which led Americans 
 through the revolutionary war, and secured the independence 
 o? their country. 
 
 The characters of the governor, lieutenant-governor, and 
 most of the legislators in Connecticut, are highly federal.* 
 
 Mr. Trumbull, the governor, is possessed of principles that 
 even border upon monarchy — like Mr. Adams, he approves 
 of the British Constitution as the most rational and stable of 
 political governments. 
 
 Mr. John Treadwell, the lieutenant-governor, in his public 
 
 * For the characters of the Legislators of Connecticut, the reader is in- 
 debted to a writer in the Aurora of April last, upon whose information he 
 may place reliance. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 257 
 
 conduct, has never evinced talents of a superior order. As a 
 scholar, he has small claims to distinction. As a judge of a 
 country court, he does not understand even the terms which 
 the lawyers make use of in addressing him. As a politician, 
 he is famiUar with the intrigues and cabals which have existed 
 in Connecticut since he has had a share in her councils, but 
 his view^s extend no further. He is unacquainted with the 
 various systems of policy, which have been adopted by dif- 
 ferent nations at successive periods of time, and he knows 
 nothing of the great principles of legislation. 
 
 His conduct, since he came into office, has, on many occa- 
 sions, evinced a dark destitution of principle, and, though he 
 makes great professions of Christian piety, he has not scru- 
 pled to use his utmost exertion to injure the reputation of any 
 one whose station or talents impeded his elevation. His con- 
 duct towards Mr. Lawrence, formerly the treasurer of the 
 state, displays the real character of the man. Tread well, 
 anxious to remove that gentleman from office, to make place 
 for one whom it was his interest to promote, by artful insinu- 
 ations and false representations, induced the council to believe 
 that there had been misconduct in office, and caused the trea- 
 surer to be removed. But even this did not satisfy him, for 
 he commenced a prosecution at law, where, at a solemn trial 
 before the Supreme Court, it was proved, beyond the possibi- 
 lity of a doubt, that the treasurer had conducted himself with 
 singular fidelity and ability, and his reputation was vindicated 
 to the satisfaction of a court and jury. But this did not avail ; 
 for his office had been given to another, and he found at last 
 that there was no refuge from the persecution of his antago- 
 nist but in the grave. 
 
 Mr. Treadwell's elevation has been effected rather by 
 what w^as deemed an attachment to the Hopkintonian system 
 of divinity, than by any conformity to the principles of the 
 Christian. He is austere in his deportment; his opinions upon 
 any subject are cautiously reserved, until he is informed of 
 those of his companions ; the distresses of his fellow-mortals 
 excite no emotion of pity or compassion in his breast, and his 
 hand is not open for the relief of the poor and indigent. The 
 flames of his passion are never known to burst suddenly forth, 
 but remain stifled within, until the fit moment of revenge ar- 
 rives, and he obtains his antagonist within his power ; he then 
 works his mischief with composure. The arts of dissimula- 
 22* 
 
258 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 tlon have become so familiar to him, that they influence his 
 conduct in all the transactions of life ; he knows not how to 
 appreciate the virtues and talents of others, and is not heard 
 to acknowledge them when not exerted for the promotion of 
 his interest. He considers himself as the first and best of 
 God's creatures ; that he is above all, and that he was made 
 to direct and govern all. 
 
 Among the leading characters in the upper house, are Tho- 
 mas Grosvenor, Thomas Seymour, Aaron Austin, and David 
 Dagget. 
 
 Grosvenor was brought into place, hke many others in the 
 same house, no one knows why, and has been retained, be- 
 cause he has taken good care to have his name put on the no- 
 mination list. His talents and virtues have never been mani- 
 fested, except by his exertions to destroy the ecclesiastical 
 society in the town to which he belongs. But his views not 
 being answered, he commenced an action at law^ against the 
 society, which terminated in the defeat and disgrace of him- 
 self and his partisans. He is scarcely known except in his 
 own town, and there he is considered to be destitute of sound 
 principles, and can obtain no votes for any office. But his 
 name is always put on the list, by agreement, and he receives 
 the votes of hundreds, who never knew him, saw him, or even 
 heard of him. 
 
 Seymour was educated for the profession of the law, and 
 by the influence of great family connections, obtained a large 
 share of business, though he never enjoyed the reputation of 
 being a great lawyer. A few^ years since he was honoured 
 with a seat on the bench of a country court, and with a place 
 at the council board. From that moment his character has 
 languished and gradually declined. As to principles and sen- 
 timents, he has displayed none of his own, for he uniformly 
 agrees with every person he meets, however different their 
 0])inions. No system of measures is ever proposed, but it re- 
 ceives his support or opposition, according to its tendency to 
 increase or diminish his popularity. He has on some occa- 
 sions, as a magistrate, appeared very much disposed to a strict 
 execution of the laws ; but these instances were so different 
 from the general tenor of his conduct, that Ijis best friends 
 laughed, and attributed to a sportive sally, what from a con- 
 sistent man, would have appeared an act of serious duty. 
 
 Sometimes he has pretended to be a firm friend to the liber- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 259 
 
 ties of the people, and at other times he has avowed himself 
 the undaunted supporter of Hamilton's energetic government. 
 But he has been so long labouring and always unable to dis- 
 cover which party would ultimately obtain the ascendency, 
 and he has shifted his ground so frequently, that neither party 
 will own him ; therefore, whichever succeeds, as they can de- 
 rive no credit from his talents, will, it is presumed, dispense 
 with his services. 
 
 Aaron Austin is distinguished by the possession of much 
 common sense, and as the advantage of a liberal education was 
 not afforded him, he deserves much credit for the acquisitions 
 which he has made. His talents are not great, but his indus- 
 try and attention to business, render him a much better coun- 
 sellor than many of his associates. 
 
 Mr. David Dagget lays great claims to superiority of ta- 
 lents and virtue ; but a survey of his conduct, since he came 
 into public life, will show the grounds upon which these claims 
 are founded. 
 
 As soon as he had initiated himself into the favour of Pier- 
 pont Edwards, by an unwearied exertion of all the arts of 
 pleasing, he directly proceeded, with the utmost assiduity, to 
 improve that liking into an important confidence — he watched 
 his every action, word, and look, till he discovered the pecu- 
 liar train of his mind, to w^hich he accommodated his conduct 
 so implicitly, that the very faculties of his soul seemed only to 
 move by the other's will ; that self-love which is inseparable 
 from humanity, was imposed upon by such art. Mr. Ed- 
 wards liked himself in him, and insensibly came to think all 
 reserve unnecessary with one whose words and actions w^ere 
 wholly at his control. He used his utmost exertion to bring 
 his pupil into notice, gave him much business in his profession, 
 and by his influence and unceasing labour, raised him to the 
 station which he now holds; but his establishment in the busi- 
 ness of his profession being effected, and a seat at the council 
 board being obtained, he immediately manifested that self 
 w^as the centre of all his action ; and, because he cannot forget 
 the favours bestowed, he meanly seeks to destroy the patron, 
 abuse the friend, and laugh at the obligation. As soon as he 
 found himself so firmly established, that the exertions of his 
 patron could do him no further good, he immediately aban- 
 doned him, and with unwearied diligence, but in a dark and 
 covert manner, laboured for the downfall of his reputation. 
 
260 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 His progress in life, and his elevation to the office of chan- 
 cellor, has been marked by a series of numberless little arti- 
 fices to delude the people. When he became a candidate to 
 represent the town to which he belongs in the legislature, he 
 found it would be necessary to obtain the votes of the Episco- 
 palians, and for this purpose, though he belonged to a Presbyte- 
 rian meeting, purchased a pew and frequently read prayers in 
 the Episcopal Church. His object was answered ; but being 
 soon promoted to the council, he found this office would be 
 more secure by his being altogether a Presbyterian ; he there- 
 fore sold his pew, forgot the tenets and neglected the worship 
 of the Church of England. While a candidate for promotion 
 he never scrupled to visit the honest tradesman and mechanic ; 
 and, seated on the bench of the shoemaker, or the anvil of the 
 blacksmith, would flatter each one that he was the best of the 
 craft ; and more than that, could, by the ability of his dis- 
 course and the lying of his lips, convince them that he was the 
 people's friend, and should manage national affairs with sin- 
 gular skill and ability. When a representative in the legisla- 
 ture, he apparently manifested a strong regard for the inte- 
 rest of the lower classes of society. The abolition of slavery 
 was the favourite subject of his talk, and all the powers and 
 faculties of his mind were brought into operation to display 
 the tender sensibilities of his nature; and so anxious was he to 
 be distinguished for his nice feeling at the unfortunate situar 
 tion of the blacks, that he turned biographer to a negro that 
 was hung for a rape. Having now obtained his object, he 
 becomes desirous of concealing that submission which he here- 
 tofore practised, by the exercise of insolence and arrogance 
 to all whom fortune has placed in a subordinate station. 
 The praise of him whom public delusion idolized, flowed freely 
 from his lips, but always from the motive of increasing his 
 own popularity rather than from a conviction of the justice of 
 the praise. 
 
 As a public speaker, Mr. Dagget has been distinguished by 
 these qualities : invincible assurance, inflexible obstinacy, and 
 a talent for quibble. In a debate he mistakes pomposity for 
 learning, confidence for genius, buffoonery for wit, and sophis- 
 try for argument. The vulgarity of his language, his low at- 
 tempts at humour, and the abuse which he never fails to be- 
 stow upon w^itnesses, are sure indications of the meanness of 
 his early habits and connexions, which were formed in ol> 
 
i 
 
 OF JOHN ADAMS. 261 
 
 scure and menial employments. He has, however, a very 
 handsome share of business; and, by a quickness of thought 
 and fluency of speech, has acquired some reputation. Ey a 
 station for several years at the bar, and a tolerably retentive 
 memory, he has become well acquainted with the practice of 
 the courts of Connecticut, and is possessed of the most obvi- 
 ous principles of the common law; but his warmest admirers 
 have never imputed to him an accurate acquaintance with the 
 English system of jurisprudence. 
 
 As a writer, he possessed every advantage from the assist- 
 ance and communication of men of sense and learning, but he 
 has not, after all, made a figure in the fields of literature. His 
 Pindaric oration, in which his object was to cast contempt 
 upon many important discoveries and improvements of the 
 present age, launched him forth as one of the most daring 
 aristocratic adventurers on the ocean of political controversy: 
 but the boldness of the attempt is more to be admired than 
 the execution to he praised ; and whatever defects may appear 
 in the systems which he has attacked, he has clearly mani- 
 fested that the principles upon which they are founded, are 
 infinitely above his comprehension. It attracted the attention 
 of the public for a few days, rather from its scurrility than its 
 severity ; but it has- been since consigned to oblivion ; to the 
 same oblivion to which the three letters which he wrote some 
 time ago to Abraham Bishop, are rapidly hastening. 
 
 From the foregoing observations it would seem, that in the 
 early part of his public life, virtue and principle were sacri- 
 ficed to fame; yet it will be observed, that among good men 
 he still possesses an attachment to good things. The sincerity 
 of such professions, however, cannot be relied on, when it is 
 known, that being a magistrate, sworn to observe and enforce 
 the laws of his country, he not unfrequently spends whole 
 nights in a tavern, and at the gaming table. 
 
 Though from this view of the character of Mr. Dagget, it 
 might be concluded, that he is not endowed with great and 
 solid talents, yet his understanding would have rendered him 
 a useful man, if he had been a real Christian — but it must be 
 a miracle, if he, who is ambitious of power, and without the 
 restraint of principle, is not transformed from a man to a de- 
 mon. As he is, he will be remembered only to be execrated 
 by those whose admiration is praise. 
 
 Such w'ere the characters who swayed the political sceptre 
 
262 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 of Connecticut; a state which may be regarded, notwithstand- 
 ing its smallness, to be the most formidable in the federal 
 league. From thence issued the most laboured and best com- 
 posed defences of federalism ; thence the satire which lashed 
 republicanism and the rights of the people; and there the ex- 
 piring host of aristocracy still find an asylum for their venom 
 and malice. 
 
 On Saturday, the 19th of April, 1800, the cause of the 
 United States against Mr. Thomas Cooper, of Northumber- 
 land, came on before the Circuit Court of the United States, 
 sitting at Philadelphia. The attorney-general, Mr. Rawle, 
 opened the cause, by stating the nature of the offence for 
 which the defendant was indicted, and read the indictment, 
 w^iich charged the defendant, Thomas Cooper, with having 
 printed, uttered, and published a false, scandalous, and mali- 
 cious libel against the President of the United States, inten- 
 ding to injure the official character of the said President, and 
 to bring on him, the said President, the hatred and contempt 
 of the good people of the United States. The papers on 
 wLich the indictment was founded, was a handbill, an address 
 to the people of Northumberland county, stating, that under 
 the auspices of the President, a permanent navy, a standing 
 army, a loan of eight per cent, in time of peace, had been re^ 
 solved on ; that he, the President, by the violence of his offi- 
 cial expressions, might have provoked a just war against this 
 country; that he had projected embassies to Russia, Prussia,; 
 and the Sublime Porte ; that he had interfered with the judi- 
 ciary, contrary to all law, precedent, and mercy, and delivered! 
 up Jonathan Robbins, an American citizen, or native Ameri- 
 can, forcibly impressed by a British ship of war, to the mock- 
 trial of a British court-martial, a stretch of power which 
 the monarch of Great Britain would have shrunk from with 
 horror. 
 
 Mr. Cooper (protesting against the insinuations and con- 
 structions in the above indictment) pleaded Not Guilty, and 
 gave the following facts in evidence on the trial, in justifica- 
 tion of the supposed libel : 
 
 1st. Mr. Adams, either by himself, or officers of state acting 
 under his authority, has given the public to understand, that 
 he would bestow no office but on persons who conformed to 
 his political opinions. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 263 
 
 2d. Mr. Adams has declared, that a republican government 
 may mean anything. 
 
 3d. Mr. Adams did sanction the x'^lien law, and thereby 
 the abolition of the trial by jury, in the cases that fall under 
 that law. 
 
 4th. Mr. Adams did sanction the Sedition law, and thereby 
 entrenched his public character behind the legal provision of 
 that law. 
 
 5th. Under the auspices of Mr. Adams, the expense of a 
 permanent navy is saddled on the people. 
 
 6th. Under the auspices of Mr. Adams, we are threatened 
 with the existence of a standing army. 
 
 7th. The government of the United States has borrowed 
 money at eight per cent, in time of peace. 
 
 8th. The unnecessary violence of official expressions used 
 by Mr. Adams, and those in authority under him, and his ad- 
 herents, might justly have provoked a war. 
 
 9th. Political acrimony has been fostered by those who call 
 themselves his friendly adherents. 
 
 10th. Mr. Humphries, after being convicted of an assault 
 and battery on Benjamin Franklin Bache, the printer of the 
 Aurora, merely from political motives, was, before his sen- 
 tence was expired, promoted by Mr. Adams to a public office, 
 viz. to carry despatches to France. 
 
 11th. Mr. Adams did project and put in execution, embas- 
 sies to Prussia, Russia, and the Sublime Porte. 
 
 12th. Mr. Adams, in the case of Jonathan Bobbins, alias 
 Nash, did interfere to influence the decision of a court of 
 justice. 
 
 He then informed the court that he had applied to Mr. 
 Rawle, the attorney of the United States for the district, to 
 know whether he would admit the Gazette of the United States 
 to be read in evidence ; that Mr.' Rawle replied, he did consider 
 newspapers* as legal testimony; and that in consequence of 
 this reply, he had applied to Mr. Pickering, the secretary of 
 state, for copies of certain addresses and answers, from and to 
 the President of the United States ; and to this application, 
 Mr. Pickering replied, that these papers were not deposited 
 in his office. The defendant observed, that he considered lie 
 had a right to copies of those papers, from the officers of the 
 government, and read the case of Rex vs. Holt, in support of 
 his right — and upon this he applied to the President of the 
 
264 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 United States, for copies of the papers. He informed the 
 court that he had made appHcation to the President by a letter, 
 which he read. 
 
 This letter stated, that being indicted for a supposed libel, 
 he found it necessary to apply to the President for official 
 copies of certain addresses to him, (the President) and his 
 answers to them ; and requested the President to consider 
 his letter as a legal written application for copies of the 
 papers required by him. To this letter, the defendant 
 observed, he had received no answer ; in consequence of his 
 not receiving an answer, he purchased a volume, purporting 
 to be addresses to the President, and his answers, published 
 in Boston ; that he sent his son with the volume to Mr. Shaw, 
 the secretary of the President, with a note, requesting Mr. 
 Shaw to examine the publication in the volume with the origi- 
 nals, and inform him if they were correct ; to this Mr. Shaw 
 made the following answer ; " Mr. Shaw^ informs Mr. Cooper, 
 that he will not receive any information concerning answers 
 to addresses from this house." The defendant then observed, 
 that he regarded this as an official answer from the President 
 of the United States, and he did not see how^ he could proceed 
 when that testimony which was necessary to his defence was 
 withheld from him, " by the person who may be considered 
 as his accuser or prosecutor." 
 
 Mr. Rawle opened the case by animadverting on the select ^ 
 passages in the indictment, and called Mr. Buyers, a justice ', 
 of the peace of the country, to prove Mr. Cooper the author; 2 
 who said, that Mr. Cooper had called at his house with the *^ 
 paper; said that it was his name, pointing to it in the paper, 
 and that he was the author of the piece. ' 
 
 Mr. Cooper then addressed the jury in a speech of about 
 three hours and a half, in which he attempted to justify the 
 publication, by endeavouring to show that it was true in all 
 its parts, and the conduct of the President of the United 
 States merited the censures which w^ere passed upon it. Mr. 
 Cooper continued his speech until exhausted with fatigue ; and 
 the indulgence of the court, which manifested itself through 
 the whole trial, was here conspicuous. Judge Chase declared 
 he would patiently wait until the defendant refreshed himself, 
 and was able to resume his defence. This very liberal propo- 
 sition of the judge, the defendant declined. Mr. Rawle ad- 
 dressed the jury, after which Judge Chase summed up the 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 265 
 
 evidence, and the jury in about twenty minutes returned their 
 verdict, guilty. 
 
 Judge Chase then addressed Mr. Cooper in the following 
 \vords: " As the jury have found you guilty, we wish to hear 
 any circumstances you have to offer in point of the mitigation 
 (;i' the fine the court may think proper to impose on you, and 
 also in extenuation of your punishment. We should, there- 
 fore, wish to know your situation in life in regard to your cir- 
 cumstances. It will be proper for you to consider of this. 
 As you are under recognizance, you will attend the court 
 some time the latter end of the week." 
 
 The court met again on Wednesday, for the purpose of 
 passing sentence, when Mr. Cooper addressed them as follows: 
 " The court having desired me to offer any thing relating to 
 my circumstances in mitigation of the fine, or any observations 
 that occur to me in extenuation of the offence, I have thought 
 it my duty, (not for the purpose of deprecating any punish- 
 ment which the court may deem it proper to inflict, but) to 
 prevent any accidental or apparent harshness of punishment 
 on part of the court, for want of that information which it is 
 in my power to give. For this reason, therefore, and that the 
 court may not be misled, I think it right to say that my pro- 
 perty in this country is moderate. That some resources I had 
 in England, commercial failures there have lately cut off: that 
 I depend principally on my practice : that practice imprison- 
 ment will annihilate. Be it so. 1 have been accustomed to 
 make sacrifices to opinion, and I can make this. As to cir- 
 stances in extenuation, not being conscious that I have set 
 down aught in malice, I have nothing to extenuate." 
 
 Judge Chase. I have heard what you have to say. I am 
 sorry you did not think proper to make an affidavit in regard 
 to your circumstances ; you are a perfect stranger to the court, 
 to me at least. I do not know you personally — I know no- 
 thing of you more, than having lately heard your name men-' 
 tioned in some publication. Every person knows the politi- 
 cal disputes which have existed amongst us. It is notorious, 
 that there are two parties in the country — you have stated 
 this yourself — you have taken one side ; we do not pretend to 
 say that you have not a right to express your sentiments, only 
 taking care not to injure the characters of those to whom }ou 
 are opposed. 
 
 Your circumstances ousht to have been disclosed on afHda- 
 9:] 
 
266 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 vit, that the court might have judged as to the amount of the 
 offence ; nor did we want to hurt you by this open disclosure. 
 
 Mr. Cooper. I have nothing to disclose that I am ashamed 
 of. 
 
 Judge Chase. If we were to indulge our own ideas, there 
 is room to suspect that in cases of this kind, where one party 
 is against the government, gentlemen who write for that party 
 would be indemnified against any pecuniary loss; and that the 
 party would pay any fine which might be imposed on the per- 
 son convicted. You must know, I suppose, before you make 
 any publication of this kind, whether you were to be supported 
 by a party or not, and w^hether you would not be indemnified 
 against any pecuniary loss : if the fine were only to fall on 
 yourself, I would consider your circumstances, but if I could 
 believe you were supported by a party inimical to the govern- 
 ment, and that they were to pay the fine, not you, I would go 
 to the utmost extent of the power of the court. I under- 
 stand you have a family, but you have not thought proper to 
 state that to the court. From what I can gather from you, 
 it appears, that you depend on your profession for support — 
 we do not wish to impose so rigorous a fine as to be beyond a 
 person's abilities to support, but the government must be se- 
 cured against these malicious attacks. You say that you are 
 not conscious of having acted from malicious motives. It may 
 be so; saying so, we must believe you: but the jury have 
 found otherwise. You are a gentleman of the profession, of 
 such capacity and knowledge as to have it more in your power 
 to mislead the ignorant. I do not want to oppress, but I will 
 restrain, as far as I can, all such licentious attacks on the 
 government of the country. 
 
 Mr. Cooper. I have been asked by the court whether, in 
 case of fine being imposed on me, I should be supported by a 
 party. Sir, I solemnly aver, that throughout my life, here 
 and elsewhere, among all the political questions in which I 
 have been concerned, I have never so far demeaned myself as 
 to be a party waiter. I never was in the pay, or under fho 
 support, of any party — there is no party in this or any other 
 country, that can offer me a temptation to prostitute my pen. 
 If there are any persons here who are acquainted with whnt 
 I have published, they must feel and be satisfied that I have 
 had higher and better motives, than a party could suggest. I 
 have written to the best of my ability, what I have seriously 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 267 
 
 thought would conduce to the general good of mankind. The 
 exertions of my talents, such as they are, have been unbought, 
 and so they shall continue — they have indeed been paid for, 
 but they have been paid for by myself, and by myself only, 
 and sometimes dearly. The public is my debtor, and what I 
 have paid or suffered for them, if my duty should again call 
 upon me to write or to act, I shall again most readily submit 
 to. I do not pretend to have no party opinions, to have no 
 predilection for particular descriptions of men or of measures; 
 but I do not act upon minor considerations: I belong here, as 
 in my former countr}-, to the great party of mankind. 
 
 With regard to any offers which may have been made to 
 me to enable me to discharge the fine which may be imposed, 
 I will state candidly to the court what has passed, for I wish 
 not to conceal the truth. I have had no previous communi- 
 cation or promise whatever ; I have since had no specific 
 promises of money or any thing else. I wrote from my own 
 suggestions. But many of my friends have in the expectation 
 of a verdict against me, come forward with generous offers of 
 pecuniary assistance. These offers I have hitherto neither 
 accepted or rejected. If the court should impose a fine be- 
 yond my ability to pay, I shall accept them without hesita- 
 tion; but if the fine be wuthin my circumstances to discharge, 
 I shall pay it myself. But the insinuations of the court are 
 ill founded, and if you, sir, from misapprehension or misinfor- 
 mation have been tempted to make them, your mistake should 
 be corrected. 
 
 Judge Peters. I think we have nothing to do with parties ; 
 we are only to consider the subject before us. I wish you 
 had thought proper to make an affidavit of your property — I 
 have nothing to do, sitting here, to inquire whether a party 
 in whose favour you may be, or you, are to pay the fine. I 
 shall only consider your circumstances, and impose a fine which 
 I think adequate ; we ought to avoid any oppression. It ap- 
 pears that you depend chiefly upon your profession for support. 
 Imprisonment for any time would tend to increase the fine, 
 as your family would be deprived of your professional abilities 
 to maintain them. 
 
 Judge Chase. We will take time to consider this. Mr. 
 Cooper, you may attend here again. 
 
 Thursday. Mr. Cooper attended, and the court sentenced 
 him to pay a fine of four hundred dollars ; to be imprisoned 
 
2(38 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 for six raonths, and at the end of that period to find surety 
 for his good behaviour, himself in a thousand, and two sureties 
 in five hundred doHars each. 
 
 The second trial of John Fries was brought on at Phila- 
 de][)hia on the 30th of April ; the former witnesses were ex- 
 amined, and a verdict was returned by the jury as before, 
 finding the prisoner guilty of high treason. Judge Chase 
 then addressed Fries in the following w^ords : 
 
 "John Fries, — You have already been informed that you 
 stood convicted of the treason, charged upon you by the in- 
 dictment on which you have been arraigned, of levying war 
 against the United States. You had a legal, fair, and impartial 
 trial, with every indulgence that the law would permit. Of 
 the whole pannel, you peremptorily challenged thirty-four, 
 and, with truth I may say, that the jury who tried you were 
 of your own selection and choice. Not one of them before 
 had ever formed and delivered any opinion respecting your 
 guilt or innocence. The verdict of the jury against you was 
 founded on the testimony of many creditable and unexception- 
 able witnesses. It was apparent from the conduct of the jury, 
 when they delivered their verdict, that if innocent they would 
 have acquitted you with pleasure, and that they pronounced 
 their verdict against you with great concern and reluctance, 
 from a sense of duty to their country, and a full conviction of 
 your guilt. 
 
 " The crime of which you have been found guilty is trea- 
 son ; a crime, considered in the most civilized and the most 
 free countries in the world, as the greatest that any man can 
 commit. Ft is a crime of so great a dye. and attended with 
 such a train of fatal consequences, that it can receive no 
 aggravation; yet the duty of my station requires that I should 
 explain to you the nature of the crime of which you are con- 
 victed ; to show the necessity of that justice, which is this 
 day to be administered; and to awaken your mind to proper 
 reflections and a due sense of your own condition, which I 
 imagine you must have reflected upon during your long con- 
 finement. 
 
 "You are a native of this country. You live under a 
 constitution or form of government framed by the people 
 themselves; and under laws made by your representatives, 
 faithfully executed by independent and impartial judges. 
 Your government secures to every member of the community, 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 269 
 
 equal liberty, and equal rights ; by which equality of liberty 
 and rights, I mean that every person, without regard to 
 w^ealth, rank or station, may enjoy an equal share of civil 
 liberty, an equal protection of law, and an equal security for 
 his person and property. You enjoyed, in common with your 
 fellow-citizens, all these rights. 
 
 " If experience should prove that the Constitution is de- 
 fective, it provides a mode to changO'Or amend it, without any 
 danger to public order, or any injury to social rights. 
 
 " If Congress, from inattention, error in judgment, or want 
 of information, should pass any law in violation of the con- 
 stitution, or burthensome, or oppressive to the people, a 
 peaceable, safe, and ample remedy is provided by the consti- 
 tution. The people themselves have established the mode by 
 which such grievances are to be redressed ; and no other mode 
 can be adopted without a violation of the constitution, and of 
 the laws. If Congress should pass a law contrary to the t 
 constitution, such a law would be void, and the courts of the | 
 United States possess complete authority, and are the only | 
 tribunal to decide, whether any law is contrary to the con- I 
 stitution. If Congress should pass burthensome or oppres- 
 sive laws, the remedy is with their constituents, from whom 
 they derive their existence and authority. If any law is 
 made, repugnant to the voice of a majority of their con- 
 stituents, it is in their power to make choice of persons to re- 
 peal it; but until it is repealed, it is the duty of every citizen 
 to submit to it, and to give up his private sentiments to the 
 public will. If a law, burthensome, or even oppressive in its 
 nature or execution, is to be opposed by force, and obedience 
 cannot be compelled, there must soon be an end to all govern- 
 ment in this country. It cannot be credited by dispassionate 
 men of any information, that Congress will intentionally 
 make laws in violation of the constitution, contrary to their 
 sacred trust and solemn obligation to support it. None can 
 believe that Congress will wilfully or intentionally impose 
 unreasonable and unjust burthens on their constituents, in 
 which they must participate. The most ignorant man must 
 know, that Congress can make no law, that w^ill not affect 
 thera equally, in every respect, with their constituents. Every 
 law that is detrimental to their constituents, must prove hurt- 
 ful to themselves. From these considerations, every one may 
 23* 
 
270 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 see, that Congress can have no interest in oppressing their 
 fellow-citizens. 
 
 " It is almost incredible, that a people living under the best 
 and mildest government in the whole world, should not only 
 be dissatisfied and discontented, but should break out in open 
 resistance and opposition to its laws. 
 
 " The insurrection in 1794, in the four western counties of 
 this state, particularly in -Washington, to oppose the execution 
 of the laws of the United States, which laid duties on stills 
 and spirits distilled within the United States, is still fresh in me- 
 mory. It originated from prejudices and misrepresentations, 
 industriously disseminated and diffused against those laws. 
 Persons either disatfected to our government, or wishing to 
 aggrandize themselves, deceived and misled the ignorant and 
 uninformed class of the people. The opposition commenced in 
 meetings of the people, with threats against the officers, which 
 ripened into acts of outrage against them, and were extended to 
 private citizens. Committees were formed to systematize and 
 inOame the spirit of opposition. Violence succeeded to violence, 
 and the collector of Fayette county \vas compelled to surrender 
 his commission and official books ; the dwelling-house of the 
 inspector (in the vicinity of Pittsburg) was attacked and burnt ; 
 and the marshal was seized, and obtained his liberty on a 
 promise to serve no process on the west side of the Alleghany 
 mountain. To compel submission to the laws, the government 
 were obliged to march an array against the insurgents, and 
 the expense was above one million one hundred thousand 
 dollars. Of the whole number of insurgents (many hundreds) 
 only a few were brought to trial, and of them only two were 
 sentenced to die, (Vigol and Mitchell) and they were pardoned 
 by the late President. Although the insurgents made no re- 
 sistance to the army sent against them, yet not a few of our 
 troops lost their lives in consequence of their great fatigue and 
 exposure to the severity of the season. 
 
 " This great and remarkable clemency of the government 
 had no eifect upon you, and the deluded people in yoar 
 neighbourhood. The rise, progress, and termination of the 
 late insurrection, bear a strong and striking analogy to the 
 former; and it may be remembered, that it has cost the United 
 States eighty thousand dollars. It cannot escape observation, 
 that the ignorant and uninformed are taught to complain of 
 taxes which are necessary for the support of government, and 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 271 
 
 yet they permit themselves to be seduced into insurrections, 
 which have so enormously increased the public burthens, to 
 which their contribution can scarcely be calculated. 
 
 " When citizens combine and assemble with intent to pre- 
 vent, by threats, intimidation, and violence, the execution of 
 the laws, and they actually carry such traitorous designs into 
 execution, they reduce the government to the alternative of 
 prostrating the laws before the insurgents, or of taking neces- 
 sary measures to compel submission. No government can 
 hesitate. The expense, and all the consequences, therefore, 
 are not imputable to the government, but to the insurgents — 
 the mildness and lenity of our government are as striking on 
 the late as on the former insurrection : of nearly one hundred 
 and thirty persons, who might have been put on their trial for 
 treason, only five have been prosecuted and tried for that 
 crime. 
 
 " In the late insurrection, you, John Fries, bore a con- 
 spicuous and leading part. If you had reflected, you would 
 have seen that your attempt was as weak as it was wicked. 
 It was the height of folly in you to suppose that the great 
 body of our citizens, blest in the enjoyment of a free repub- 
 lican government of their own choice, and of all rights, 
 civil and religious, secure in their persons and property, and 
 conscious that the laws are the only security for their preser- 
 vation from violence, would not rise up as one man to oppose 
 and crush so ill-founded, so unprovoked an attempt to disturb 
 the public peace and tranquillity. If you could see in a proper 
 light your own folly and wickedness, you ought now to bless 
 God that your insurrection w^as so happily and speedily quelled 
 by the vigilance and energy of our government, aided by the 
 patriotism and activity of your fellow-citizens, who left their 
 homes and business, and embodied themselves in the support 
 of its laws. 
 
 "The annual necessary expenditures for the support of an 
 extensive government like ours must be great, and the sum 
 required can only be obtained by taxes or loans. In all 
 countries the levying taxes is unpopular, and a subject of com- 
 plaint. It appears to me that there was not the least pretence 
 of complaint against, much less of opposition and violence to 
 the law for levying taxes on dwelling-houses, and it becomes 
 you to recollect, that the time you chose to rise up in arms to 
 oppose the laws of our country, was when it stood in a very 
 
272 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 critical situation with regard to France, and on the eve of a 
 rupture ^^ ith that country. 
 
 " I cannot omit to remind you of another matter worthy of 
 your consideration. If the marshal, or any of the posse, or 
 any of the few friends of government who were with him, 
 had been killed by you, or any of your deluded follow'ers, the 
 crime of murder would have been added to the crime of treason. 
 
 "In your seriouF. hours of reflection, you ought to consider 
 the consequences that would have flowed from the insurrec- 
 tion, which you excited, encouraged, and promoted in the 
 character of a captain of militia, whose incumbent duty 
 it is to stand ready, whenever required, to assist and defend 
 the government and its laws, if it had not been immediately 
 quelled. Violence, oppression and rapine, destruction, waste 
 and murder always attend the progress of insurrection and 
 rebellion; the arm of the father would have been raised against 
 the son; that of the son against the father ; a brother's hand 
 would have been stained with brother's blood ; the sacred 
 bands of friendship would have been broken, and the ties of 
 natural affection would have been dissolved. 
 
 " The end of all punishment is example ; and the enormity 
 of your crime requires that a severe example should be made 
 to deter others from the commission of like crimes in future. 
 You have Ibrfeited your life to justice. Let me therefore 
 earnestly recommend to you, most seriously to consider your 
 situation; to take a review of your past life, and to employ 
 the very little tim.e you are to continue in this world in en- 
 deavours to make your peace with that God, whose mercy is 
 equal to his justice. I expect that you are a Christian, and 
 as such I address you. Be assured, my guilty and unhappy 
 fellow-citizen, that without serious repentance of all your sins, 
 you cannot expect happiness in the world to come ; and to 
 your repentance you must add faith and hope in the merits 
 and mediation of Jesus Christ. These are the only terms 
 upon which pardon and forgiveness are promised to those who 
 profess the Christian religion. Let me, therefore, again en- 
 treat you to apply every moment you have left, in contrition, 
 sorrow, and repentance. Your day of life is almost spent, and 
 the night of death fast approaches. Look up to the Father 
 of mercies, and God of comfort. You have a great and an 
 immense work to perform, and but little time in which you 
 must finish it. There is no repentance in the grave ; for after 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 273 
 
 death comes judgment ; and as you die, so you must be judged. 
 By repentance and faith, you are the object of God's mercy ; but 
 if you will not repent, and have faith and dependance upon the 
 merits of the death of Christ, but die a hardened and impeni- 
 tent sinner, you will be the object of God's justice and ven- 
 geance. If you will sincerely repent and believe, God hath 
 pronounced his forgiveness, and there is no crime too great for 
 his mercy and pardon. 
 
 "Although you must be strictly confined for the very short 
 remainder of your life, yet the mild government and laws 
 ^vhich you have endeavoured to destroy, permit you, if yoit 
 please, to converse and commune with ministers of the gospel; 
 to whose pious care and consolation, in fervent prayers and 
 devotion, I most cordially recommend you. 
 
 " What remains for me is a very painful but a very necessary 
 part of my duty. It is to pronounce that judgment which the 
 law has appointed for crimes of this magnitude. The judgment 
 of the law^ is, and this court doth award, ' that you be hanged 
 by the neck until dead ;' and I pray God Almighty to be 
 merciful to your soul." 
 
 On the 28th of May, the trial of James Thomson Callender, 
 for a libel against the President of the United States, came be- 
 fore the circuit court, at Richmond, in Virginia, in which Judge 
 Chase presided. Mr. Hay, as counsel for Mr. Callender, 
 moved the court to postpone the trial till the next term. 
 
 Judge Chase observed that it would be first proper to read 
 the indictment. 
 
 Mr. Hay said it could not be necessary to read the indict- 
 ment. In prosecutions for misdemeanours in the state courts, 
 the defendant was not arraigned. The party accused was in 
 court, and both he and his counsel were willing to admit, that 
 they had been furnished with a copy of the indictment, and 
 that they were prepared to put in their plea. 
 
 The judge, however, instantly ordered the indictment to be 
 read, declaring if this was not done, it would be said that the 
 traverser had not been made acquainted with the nature of 
 his offence, and consequently could not be prepared to answer 
 to the various charges alleged against him. 
 
 Some observations were then made by the attorney-general 
 and Mr. Hay, respecting the mode of practice oliserved in the 
 courts of this commonwealth, when by the direction of the 
 
274 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 court, the clerk proceeded to read the indictment, to the 
 different charges of which Mr. Callender pleaded, not guihy. 
 
 xMr. Hay then renewed his motion for a continuance, and 
 oifcred to the court two affidavits sworn to by Mr. Callender. 
 One of the affidavits was in the usual form of those for similar 
 purposes in the courts of Virginia ; that is, stating generally 
 the names of persons wliose testimony was essential to a fair 
 trial. The other not only contained a similar statement, but 
 also went to explain the ditTerent facts which it was believed 
 each witness could substantiate. 
 
 Mr. Hay observed, that he had procured the last affidavit, 
 because he had been informed, that such an one would be re- 
 quired by the court; but that he presum.ed he might first oflfer 
 the general affidavit ; and if that was insufficient, he should 
 consider himself at liberty to offer the special affidavit. 
 
 The judge said that he might act as he thought proper, but 
 that a material difference would be made, where the traverser 
 was provided with counsel, and when he defended himself ; in 
 the latter case, if an affidavit was offered, the substance of 
 which was insufficient to procure a continuance, an amendment 
 would be consented to, because it might be presumed that the 
 party was ignorant of the law ; but in the last instance, it 
 could only be done wdth the consent of the attorney of the 
 United States. 
 
 Mr. Hay applied then to the attorney for the United States, 
 who observed that the traverser had better take his strongest 
 ground — upon which, the special affidavit was immediately 
 read, of which the following is a copy ; 
 
 " City of Richmond, ss. 
 
 " This day, James Thomson Callender made oath before 
 me, a magistrate of the said city, that William Gardner, Tench 
 Coxe, Judge Bee, Timothy Pickering, William B. Giles, 
 Stevens Thomson Mason, and General Blackburn, he believes 
 to be material witnesses in the defence against an indictment 
 found against him during the present term of the circuit court 
 of the United States, for the middle circuit, Virginia district 
 — that William Gardner aforesaid, resides, he believes, in 
 Portsmouth, in the state of New Hampshire — that Tench 
 Coxe aforesaid, resides in Philadelphia, in the state of Penn- 
 sylvania — that Judge Bee resides, the deponent hath under- 
 stood, in South Carolina, but in what part of the state he 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 275 
 
 knows not — that Timothy Pickering aforesaid, resided of late 
 in Philadelphia, in the state of Pennsylvania, but where he 
 1 esides at this time, the deponent doth not know — that William 
 B. Giles aforesaid, he hath understood, since he hath been 
 furnished with a copy of the indictment, and since the said 
 Giles hath left townj resides in the county of Amelia — and 
 that General Blackburn resides in the county of Bath. 
 
 " The said James Thomson Callender, further declareth, 
 that he expects to prove by the said William Gardner, and 
 that he verily believes that he shall prove by the said William 
 Gardner, that the said William Gardner was commissioner of 
 loans for the state of New Hampshire, under the government 
 of the United States, and that he was turned out of the said 
 office of commissioner of loans, because he, the said Gardner, 
 refused to subscribe an address, circulated in the town of 
 Portsmouth, in New Hampshire, and presented to the Presi- 
 dent of the United States in the year 1798, at the instance 
 of several inhabitants of the said town, in which address, un- 
 equivocal approbation of the conduct of the said President, 
 in the administration of the affairs of the United States, is 
 expressed. 
 
 " The said James Thomson Callender, also declares on 
 oath, that he verily beheves that he shall prove by the evidence 
 of Tench Coxe aforesaid, that he, the said Tench Coxe, held, 
 in the year 1798, an important office under the government of 
 the United States, to wit, a commissioner of the revenue, from 
 which office, the said Coxe was ejected by the President of 
 the United States, because he did not approve the measures 
 of the said President's administration, or the principles on 
 which it was conducted. 
 
 '' That he verily believes that he shall be able to prove by 
 the evidence of Judge Bee, that he did receive from the Pre- 
 sident of the United States, in the year 1799, a letter in which 
 he, the said President, did advise and request the said Judge 
 Bee, then acting in his judicial character, to deliver to the 
 consul of the British nation in Charleston, Jonathan Bobbins, 
 ahas Thomas Nash, who had been apprehended and carried 
 before the said judge, on a charge of murder committed on 
 the high seas, on board the British frigate Hermione. 
 
 " He further deposes on oath, that he verily believes, that 
 he shall be able to prove by the evidence of Timothy Picker- 
 ing, that the President of the United States was in possession 
 
276 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 of despatches from Mr. Vans Murray, American minister of 
 Holland, containing assurances on the part of the French Re- 
 public, that ambassadors from the United States would be re- 
 ceived in a way satisfactory to the people and government of 
 the United States, many weeks, while Congress w^as in ses- 
 sion, before he communicated the same to Congress. 
 
 "The deponent further saith, he verily believeth, that he 
 shall be able to prove, by the evidence of Stevens Thomson 
 Mason, and William B. Giles, that John Adams, President of 
 the United States, has unequivocally avow^ed, in conversation 
 with them, principles utterly incompatible with the principles 
 of the present constitution of the United States ; principles 
 whicli could not be carried into operation under any political 
 institution, without the establishment of a direct, powerful, and 
 dangerous aristocracy ; that he declared in express terms to 
 the said Stevens T. Mason, that he had no more idea the pre- 
 sent federal constitution could, for any length of time, control 
 the people of the United States, than that it could control the 
 motion of the planets ; that he also declared to the said Ste- 
 vens T. Mason, that he had no more idea that a political so- 
 ciety could exist without a distinction of ranks, than that an 
 army could exist without officers: and also, that he can prove 
 by the said William B. Giles, that the President of the United 
 States has avowed in conversation with him, a sentiment to 
 this effect — That he thought that the Executive Department 
 of the United States ought to be vested with power to direct 
 and control the public will. 
 
 " That this deponent verily believes that he shall be able to 
 prove by General Blackburn, that he did, on the 
 day of in the year 179S, receive an address from 
 
 John Adams, President of the United States, in answer to the 
 field-officers of Bath county, in which the said President does 
 avow, that there was a party in Virginia which deserved to 
 be humbled in dust and ashes, before the indignant frowns of 
 their injured, insulted, and offended country. 
 
 " And this deponent further saith, that he is advised, iwd 
 believes that it is material to his defence against the indictment 
 aforesaid, that he should procure authentic copies of sundry 
 answers made by the President of the United States, in vaiious 
 parts thereof; which authentic copies he cannot procure so as 
 to be in readiness for trial during the present term. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 277 
 
 "He also saith, that he is advised, and that he doth believe 
 that a certain book, entitled, '* An Essay on Canon and Feu- 
 dal Law," or, entitled in words to that purport, ascribed to 
 the present President of the United States, and of which he 
 believes the President is the author, is material to his defence, 
 and that he cannot procure a copy of the same, and evidence 
 to prove that the said President is the author thereof, without 
 being allowed several weeks, or perhaps months, for the pur- 
 pose. 
 
 " He further saith, that he is told by the counsel who mean 
 to appear for him, that they cannot possibly be prepared to 
 investigate the evidence relating to the several charges in the 
 indictment, even if all the persons and documents wanted 
 were on the spot." 
 
 The jury being called, Mr. Nicholas stated to the court, 
 that he conceived there was legal ground of challenge to the 
 array. In support of this, he read the passage from trials per 
 pais. Mr. Nicholas then added, that he believed there was 
 testimony in court to show that the sheriff had returned a juror 
 who avowed his sentiments extremely hostile to the traverser. 
 
 Judge Chase. Why, sir, how is this business done in your 
 country ? I have always seen triers sworn to decide these 
 questions — I suppose there must be triers sworn. 
 
 Mr. J\lcholas. I believe the books lay down this distinc- 
 tion: Challenges to the array are either principal challenges, 
 or challenges for favour. Causes of principal challenge are 
 always tried by the court. Challenges for favour are always 
 decided by triers. 
 
 Judge Chase. Well, sir, your challenge is for favour. 
 
 Mr. JYlcholas. The book in my hand states it a cause of 
 principal challenge. 
 
 Judge Chase. Let me see that book ; it is not the best au- 
 thority — if I had Coke upon Lyttleton we should see the whole 
 doctrine at once. I am persuaded that the oath of triers is 
 laid down there. 
 
 Coke upon Lyttleton was brought, and the judge having 
 run over the passage which is copied into the trial per pais, 
 observed that the case was clear, that principal challenges to 
 the array were for partiality in the sheriff, not in the juror. 
 
 Mr. Nicholas admitted it, but inquired whether the law 
 might not consider the return of a partial juror as a sufficient 
 24 
 
278 
 
 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 proof of partiality on the part of the sheriff to ground a chal- 
 lenge to the array. 
 
 Judge Chase. No, sir, no: you must proceed regularly. 
 I'll tell you what you may do. You may bring in proof if 
 you can, that any juror has delivered his opinion upon the case 
 hitherto, or you may examine the juror himself on oath to this 
 effect — you may do either, but not both ; and you are to con- 
 sider this as a favour and not a right. The counsel having 
 chosen to rely on the jurors themselves, a juror was sworn to 
 answer questions, and the judge put the following question 
 to him: 
 
 "Have you ever formed and delivered an opinion upon 
 the charges in the indictment ?" The juror answered that 
 he had never seen the indictment or heard it read. 
 
 Judge Chase. Very well — swear him in chief. 
 
 Mr. Hay. Will the court permit me to put a question to 
 the juror before he is sworn in chief? 
 
 Judge Chase. What sort of a question do you want to 
 put? I must hear the question; and then if I choose, you 
 may put it. Come, what is your question ? 
 
 Mr. Hay. The question which, with the permission of 
 the court, I meant to have asked is this: "Have you ever 
 formed an opinion on the book entitled ' The Prospect before 
 Us,' from which the charges in the indictment are extracted ?" 
 
 Judge Chase. You shall ask no such question. I'll tell 
 you w^hat the only proper question is : " Have you ever 
 formed and delivered an opinion upon this particular charge?" 
 I say formed and delivered, for he must have delivered the 
 opinion as well as formed it — he has answered that he never 
 saw the indictment or heard it read. 
 
 Mr. Hay. Will the court suffer him to hear the indict- 
 ment read now; because, perhaps, when he understands what 
 the charge is, he \\\\\ answer that he has formed and delivered 
 an opinion upon it. 
 
 Judge Chase. No, sir, no. The court cannot indulge 
 you so far; they have gone as far as they can, and you ought 
 to be satisfied. 
 
 The jury was then sworn, and the prosecutor proceeded to 
 prove the fact of publication. The evidence introduced on 
 the part of the United States was unquestionably sufficient to 
 prove that the traverser was the author of the " Prospect." 
 This point was ascertained by the testimony of W. A. Rind, 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 279 
 
 the editor of the " Federahst," who had printed the book by 
 contract, and had retained a part of the original manuscript. 
 This he produced in court, and swore to the hand-writing of 
 Callender. In this stage of the proceeding, the judge put 
 frequent and pointed questions to the witness, and was at the 
 trouble of comparing the manuscript with the corresponding 
 passages in the book, which it required some time to fiiui. 
 Before Mr. Rind was sworn, the counsel for the traverser, 
 Mr. Hay, observed, that he understood the witness then about 
 to be introduced to prove the guilt of the accused, was him- 
 self, in the estimation of the law, equally guilty ; because he 
 had printed, though he had not written the libel in question ; 
 and he w^ould therefore take leave to make known to the wit- 
 nesses, who were in any degree implicated in the transactions, 
 that they w'ere not bound to accuse themselves, and might, if 
 they pleased, withhold every part of their testimony which 
 has a tendency to their own crimination. The judge re- 
 marked, with his usual pj'omptitude, that though the principle 
 advanced by the counsel for the traverser was true, it was of 
 no consequence, because the witnesses, whose evidence was 
 called for by the United States, might rest assured that they 
 were not to be molested. Mr. Rind, between whom and 
 Callender great animosity had subsisted, did not choose to 
 avail himself of the right to withdraw^, thus acknowledged by 
 the court, as some men, perhaps, from erroneous sentiments 
 of delicacy and honour, w^ould have done; nor had the weak- 
 ness even to hesitate in making his choice. He went to the 
 book w^ith a promptitude at least equal to that wuth which 
 the judge had told him he might do it with safety. 
 
 The evidence on the part of the prosecution being finished, the 
 counsel for the traverser desired that Colonel Taylor, of Caro- 
 line, might be sworn. He was sworn. At the moment when the 
 oath w^as administered, the judge called on the counsel for the 
 traverser, and desired to know what they intended to prove by 
 the witness. He was told that they intended to examine Co- 
 lonel Taylor, to prove that Mr. Adams had avowed in his 
 presence, principles in hostility with a republican government; 
 that he had voted against the sequestration law, and the reso- 
 lution concerning commercial intercourse with Great Britain. 
 The judge demanded a statement in writing of the questions 
 he meant to be put to the witness. Mr. Nicholas remarked, 
 that this requisition was not conformable to the usages of 
 
280 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 the state, and had not been made when the attorney for the 
 United States introduced witnesses on the part of the prosecu-. 
 tion.— The truth is, that I do not know what the witness can 
 prove. I wish him to state all that he knows which can apply 
 to the defence of the traverser on this charge. My interroga- 
 tories will be suggested by the facts which he may state. But 
 if the court insist upon it, I will furnish a statement of the 
 questions which I shall propound in the first instance; re- 
 questing, at the same time, that I may not be considered as 
 being confined in the examination of the witnesses to the 
 questions so stated. 
 
 The judge said in reply, that the demand which he had 
 made was legal and proper, and that the attorney for the Uni- 
 ted States, in opening the cause, had stated the purpose for 
 which he introduced the witnesses ; but, continued he, though 
 this was done, we were not bound to do so. 
 
 The judge having received a statement of the questions,* 
 declared Colonel Taylor's evidence to be inadmissible. No 
 evidence can be received, said he, that does not go to justify 
 the whole charge. The charge is, that the traverser has said 
 thfil "the President is a professed aristocrat. He had proved 
 faithful and serviceable to the British interest.'' Now you 
 must prove both of these points or you prove nothing ; and 
 as your evidence relates to one only, it cannot be received. 
 This is the law ; and I pronounce it to be so. You have all 
 along mistaken this business, and you keep pressing your mis- 
 takes upon the court. I tell you that you cannot prove part 
 of a charge — you must prove the whole or none. 
 
 Mr. Nicholas said, can we not prove one part of the charge 
 by one witness, and another part by another; and by that 
 means make out the proof of the whole charge? 
 
 Understand me, sir, said the judge. If your witness can 
 prove the whole of any one charge, let him do it. If he can- 
 not, you must not examine him. 
 
 The counsel for the traverser again desired to be heard on 
 
 * Questions alluded to, which were propounded by Mr. Nicholas: 
 
 Q. 1. Did you ever hear Mr. Adams express any opinions favourable to 
 monarchy and aristocracy, and what were they ? 
 
 Q. 2. Did you ever hear Mr. Adams, whilst Vice President, express his 
 disapprobation of the funding system? 
 
 Q. 3. Do you know whether Mr. Adams did not, in the year 1798, vote 
 against the sequestration law, and the bill for stopping all intercourse with 
 England ? 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 281 
 
 this subject. Mr. Hay said they meant to justify the whole 
 charge; that they meant to prove by Colonel Taylor, that the 
 President of the United States had in conversation avowed 
 anti-republican principles, and that he had proved faithful and 
 serviceable to the British interest, at least in the sense in which 
 the assertion was made by the traverser, by giving the votes 
 before mentioned. 
 
 The judge instantly repeated his decision. My country, 
 said he, has made me a judge, and it is my business to pro- 
 nounce the law. The evidence offered is inadmissible. The 
 counsel for the traverser knows it to be so ; but they want to 
 deceive and mislead the populace. I take upon myself the 
 responsibility of this decision, and I say, that the testimony 
 of this witness cannot be received. 
 
 When it was thus finally decided, that the trial should pro- 
 gress without any evidence in support of the defence, though 
 the traverser had sworn, and truly sworn, that much could be 
 adduced ; the attorney for the United States rose, for the pur- 
 pose of pointing out to the jury the passages in the " Pros- 
 pect," corresponding with those in the indictment. He was 
 interrupted by Mr. Hay, who informed him that he meant to 
 object to the introduction of the book which he held in his 
 hand, as evidence in support of the indictment. 
 
 What? vociferated the judge. — Mr. Hay repeated what he 
 had said. — Upon what ground ? said the judge. — I will state 
 it, said Mr. H., if the court will hear me. — Let us have it 
 then, said the judge. 
 
 Mr. Hay began by saying, that he addressed the court with 
 great diffidence on the point which he was about to mention. 
 It was a subject which he did not thoroughly understand, and 
 which circumstances had not allowed him leisure to investi- 
 gate. It had been the pleasure of the court to observe that 
 the defence had begun and continued in error. W^hat he was 
 about to say, would not, perhaps, induce the court to change 
 that opinion ; but if he was mistaken in the position which he 
 meant to advance, the severity of the censure which the court 
 might pronounce, ought to be mitigated, when it was remem- 
 bered that the trial was brought on with a rapi(hty which 
 precluded the possibility of a full examination of the case. 
 
 Mr. H. proceeded to observe that the specific proposition 
 for which he contended, was, that the book in the hands of 
 the attorney for the United States, which was intitled, " The 
 24* 
 
282 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 Prospect before Us," was not evidence in support of the in- 
 dictment. 
 
 In prosecutions for libels, said Mr. H.,in the English courts, 
 great strictness is observed ; if there be a difference of a 
 single letter, between the libellous words charged in the in- 
 dictment, and the printed or written paper adduced in evi- 
 dence, the variance is fatal. It is the duty of the prosecutor 
 to give " the tenor" of the libel, and it has been frequently 
 determined that this word imposes on him the necessity of 
 giving an exact and literal copy. The omission or addition of 
 a letter, or the substitution of one letter for another, where a 
 ditferent word was produced, was an incurable defect. Mr. 
 Hay, in support of this opinion, quoted Salkeld's Reports, 
 page 417, and Hawkins's Pleas of the Crown. — Here Judge 
 Chase interrupted Mr. H. to tell him that he was mistaken in 
 the law. That the words " tenor and effect," which were 
 used in the indictment, justified the prosecutor in giving only 
 the substance of the libel if he thought proper. It is con- 
 tended, said he, that the original must be copied in the indict- 
 ment, verhatim ct literatim. I wonder they do not conform 
 pu^ictuafim too. The law is not so. 
 
 Mr. H. observed that he did not know what the decisions 
 in the courts of the United States had been ; but the English 
 authorities supported the doctrine which he advanced. 
 
 The principle, continued Mr. H., which renders this strict- 
 ness necessary and proper, applies with full force to the case 
 before the court. The traverser is charged with a libellous 
 writing of the following tenor : " The reign of Mr. Adams, 
 &c." In support of this charge a book is introduced, which 
 is not named in the indictment, which begins with different 
 words, and which contains not the precise words recited in 
 the indictment, but many passages and pages besides. Mr. 
 H. conceived that the " Prospect" could not therefore be 
 offered in evidence, unless the indictment had charged the 
 traverser with a false, scandalous, and malicious writing, in- 
 titled, " The Prospect before Us," containing among other 
 things, the passages which occasioned the prosecution. 
 
 Mr. H. said that he had examined many adjudged cases, 
 and in every instance the title of the writing charged to be 
 libellous, was recited, and called on the attorney of the United 
 States to produce a single instance to the contrary. If then 
 the invariable practice was as he stated it to be ; if the ablest 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 283 
 
 lawyers had uniformly adhered to it, the observation of Coke, 
 (Co. Lyt. 115, b.) that the forms of pleading are the best 
 evidence of law, seemed to be conclusive, that the title of the 
 libel ought to have been stated in the indictment. 
 
 Mr. H. said, that from about twenty cases which he had 
 examined, he would select three, which seemed best calculated 
 to show that the description of the libellous writing, by the 
 title given to it by the author, was essentially necessary. 
 The first case was, w'here the title was very long ; the second 
 was, where the paper containing the Hbel had a number as 
 well as a title, in which case the number as well as the title 
 was recited ; and the third was, where the libel was pub- 
 lished in the French language, in which case the title, though 
 very lengthy, was recited in French, and then in English. 
 
 Here Judge Chase interrupted Mr. Hay, to tell him that he 
 was mistaken. I pronounce the law to be otherwise, said he. 
 I know that cases can be produced where the title of a libel 
 is recited in the indictment. I remember, continued he, with 
 an increased elevation of voice, one case particularly. A man 
 was indicted for publishing a libel called '' Nun in her smock," 
 but it was not necessary to mention the title of the libel in 
 that case, nor is it necessary in any case. 
 
 Mr. H. observed that if he could be permitted to proceed, 
 he would go on to state to the court the reasons which im- 
 pressed his mind with a belief that the omission was fatal, and 
 precluded the prosecutor from the right to introduce as evi- 
 dence " The Prospect before Us." 
 
 The practice was, he said, as he had stated it to be. It 
 appeared to him, that the reasons which might be urged in 
 vindication of the practice, could not readily be answered. 
 
 It is a principle of universal law^, said Mr. H., as well as of 
 common sense and justice, that if a man's words, spoken or 
 written, are made the foundation of a charge against him, 
 they are all to be taken together. If the title of the " Pros- 
 pect" had been inserted, and the whole book thus brought be- 
 fore the jury, the traverser might resort to any part of it for 
 an explanation of the passages charged to be libellous. But 
 if passages of this description are taken from a book or wri- 
 ting without naming or describing it, and charged in the in- 
 dictment as constituting a libel, the only questions before the 
 jury would be. First, Did the traverser write, print, or pub- 
 lish the words charged : and, Second, Are these words false, 
 
284 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 scandalous and malicious. If this reasoning were correct, 
 the traverser would be excluded from the benefit held out to 
 him by the principle which has been just stated, and which 
 was deemed incontrovertible. 
 
 Here the judge again interrupted Mr. H. There is no 
 doubt, said he, but that the traverser, under the present in- 
 dictment, will have the benefit from which you seem to fear 
 he is excluded. I say he will have that benefit — you know 
 that he will. 
 
 Mr. H. said, that he did not know it before ; but as the 
 court meant to allow the traverser the privilege which he 
 conceived belonged to him, he would say no more on that 
 point. 
 
 But, continued Mr. H., another reason presents itself in 
 vindication of the practice so uniformly maintained in England, 
 which perhaps may merit a more serious consideration from 
 the court. 
 
 It is doctrine hitherto unquestioned, that in all criminal pro- 
 secutions, the offence shall be described with all possible cer- 
 tainty. 
 
 In larceny, it is necessary to mention not only the specific 
 articles alleged to be stolen, but the name of the person to 
 whom they belonged. The same principle was extended to 
 every description of criminal prosecutions, and had a very 
 considerable operation even in questions of a private nature. 
 If an action of debt were brought upon a bond, the declara- 
 tion must describe precisely such a bond as that adduced in 
 evidence. 
 
 Two reasons were furnished by the books why this precision 
 was deemed necessary: the first was, that the party accused 
 might know exactly how to defend himself; the second, that 
 he might plead his conviction or acquittal in bar of a subse- 
 quent prosecution for the same offence. Hawk. 322. 
 
 The first reason seemed to be as consonant to humanity as 
 to law: and if it was a good reason, it operated with fatal 
 force against the attempt of the attorney of the United States 
 to produce the " Prospect" as evidence. If the title of the 
 book had been mentioned in the indictment, Mr. Callender 
 would have been fully apprised, by the copy with which he 
 has been furnished, of the crime with which he was charged. 
 But as it was not mentioned, he could not ascertain from the 
 indictment itself, against which, and against which only, he 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 285 
 
 was to make his defence, whether the recited passages were 
 taken from the *' Prospect," or from some gazette in which 
 they had been republished, but in the publication of which he 
 had no concern. In support of the charges contained in this 
 indictment;, facts of a very different nature might be stated, 
 with a view to be proved : and the traverser therefore could 
 not know with that certainty with which accusations ought 
 always to be made, whether he was to be at the trouble of 
 justifying what he had said, or whether he coukl safely rest 
 his defence on the insufficiency of the evidence brought against 
 him to prove the act of publication only. 
 
 The second reason appeared to Mr. H. to be conclusive. 
 He contended, that one writing against the President, contain- 
 ing fifty hbellous passages, if published at the same time, was 
 only one act for which one prosecution only could be main- 
 tained. 
 
 If the present indictment had mentioned the title of the 
 book now introduced, the decision about to be pronounced, 
 whatever it might be, might be pleaded in bar of a subsequent 
 prosecution for the same, or for any other passages in the 
 same book. In support of this plea, the traverser w-ould have 
 nothing to do but to produce the record. This alone would 
 protect him. But if the title of the book is not to be recited, 
 the production of the record would not be sufficient to support 
 his plea of " formally acquitted or formally convicted." In 
 addition to the record, he must bring forward witnesses to 
 prove that the '' Prospect" had been given in evidence against 
 him at the former trial. Such witnesses, perhaps, might be 
 procured, but it was not certain ; and when procured, their 
 evidence might not be sufficiently exphcit to establish the 
 point relied on by the traverser. He did not stand therefore 
 in the state of security in which a man ought to be placed who 
 once answered a charge made against him by his country, and 
 in which he would be placed if the doctrine contended for by 
 his counsel were correct. 
 
 Here the judge observed to Mr. Hay, in his way, that it 
 was certain that the traverser might plead the present prose- 
 cution in bar of any other. It w^as clear law, and Mr. H. 
 must know it to be so. Mr. Hay said that he was not com- 
 pletely understood. The present prosecution might be pleaded 
 in bar of another prosecution for the same offence, and would, 
 according to his doctrine, appear on the record ; but according 
 
286 
 
 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 to the doctrine to which the court seemed to incline, the evi- 
 dence of this fact, resting on memory only, might perish for- 
 ever. 
 
 Here the attorney for the United States was about to rise ; 
 but the judge stopped him. Really, Mr. Attorney, said he, 
 it is not worth your while to take up the time of the court in 
 making a reply. There can be no good reason for excluding 
 the book as evidence. The traverser is charged with having 
 written, printed or published, a certain libellous writing ; all 
 that is to be done on the part of the United States, is to prove 
 this charge to be true, and the book called the " Prospect," 
 is good evidence to support it. 
 
 This point being disposed of, the attorney for the United 
 States rose and commented at great length on every charge 
 contained in the indictment. 
 
 The jury then retired and returned a verdict of guilty. 
 
 The sentence of the court was, that James Thomson Cal- 
 lender be fined two hundred dollars, and be imprisoned nine 
 months ; and find security for his good behaviour during the 
 same period from the date of his sentence. 
 
 The trials of Cooper and Callender furnish the strongest 
 proofs of the partiality which prevailed in the American courts 
 during the administration of Mr. Adams. The conduct of 
 Judge Chase to Mr. Cooper must be reprobated by every 
 lover of justice and liberty. In Callender's trial, after the 
 jury delivered their verdict. Chase observed that it was pleas- 
 ing to him, because it showed that the laws of the United 
 States could be enforced in Virginia, the principal object of 
 Callender's prosecution. In charging the jury, he spoke of 
 Mr. Callender in the most contemptuous manner : he called 
 upon their honest indignation : he declared that he did not 
 think there w^as so bad a man in the United States. This 
 language might have been tolerated from the prosecutor, but 
 coming from a judge, it is censurable in the highest degree. 
 
 Before we proceed with an account of the elections for 
 President in the different states, it is proper to give an account 
 of the lives and characters of the different candidates. This 
 will constitute the subject of the next chapter. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 287 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Lives and Characters of Thomas Jefferson, Aaron Burr, 
 and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson was born in the year 1743, at Monti- 
 cello, in the county of Albemarle, in Virginia. He was the 
 eldest son of his father, who was a respectable landholder, 
 and joint-commissioner appointed with Colonel Fry for settling 
 and extending the boundary line between Virginia and North 
 Carolina, in 1749. 
 
 About the age of fourteen he was sent to the University of 
 William and Mary, in the city of Williarasburgh, a seminary, 
 though not equal to the European schools, has yet produced 
 several characters that, in classical knowledge and legal abili- 
 ties, would do honour either to Cambridge or Oxford. 
 
 The progress which young Jefferson made in the different 
 departments of science and literature was rapid ; and he ob- 
 tained the degrees of the college with honour to himself and 
 credit to his instructors. At the desire and advice of his rela- 
 tions, he commenced a course of law under the direction of 
 George Wythe, now the venerable judge and sole chancellor 
 of Virginia. Being naturally fond of philosophic pursuits, 
 and accustomed to acute discrimination and loorical discussion 
 with his fellow students, he greatly facilitated the acquirement 
 of legal knowledge, which he now studied as a profession. 
 
 In 1766 he came to the bar of the Supreme Court of his 
 native State, and on his first appearance gave indication of 
 talents that would rise to high eminence. Here he continued 
 to practise with success and reputation until the commence- 
 ment of the American Revolution, in 1775, when he was 
 called forward to support the rights of his country, and for 
 those important ends which have been so conspicuously re- 
 alised in the various capacities in which he has acted. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson is in his person tail and slender, of a fresh 
 complexion, clear, penetrating eyes, his hair inclining to red, 
 and of a deportment modest, affable, and engaging. In early 
 youth, the only period which fortune seems to have allotted 
 him for a social intercourse with the world, he was in every 
 
288 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 circle its ornament, instructor, and pride. A close application, 
 aided by an uncommon strength of mind, supplied the want 
 of many European advantages. Without neglecting the par- 
 ticular study which was tlie primary object of his employment, 
 Mr. Jefferson found sufficient time to attend to the polite ac- 
 quirements. He relieved the tedious fatigue of law by im- 
 proving the knowledge of Geometry, Astronomy, and Natural 
 Philosophy which he had acquired at the University ; and the 
 research of science he occasionally blended with the lighter 
 and perhaps more agreeable amusements of drawing and 
 music. In the latter art he not only arrived at that degree 
 of mediocrity which serves to soften the passions and refine 
 the tender feelings, but was considered among amateurs as a 
 considerable proficient. 
 
 In 1774, when the inhabitants of America were roused into 
 action by the tyranny and accumulated wrongs of the British 
 government, Mr. Jefferson published his celebrated pamphlet, 
 " Summary View of the Rights of British America," addressed 
 to the king, which brought forward against the author threats 
 of prosecution from the Earl of Dunmore, then Governor of 
 Virginia. Mr. Jefferson was obnoxious to this nobleman on 
 another account. Dunmore was, in his own country, con- 
 sidered as one of the most intemperate and dissolute young 
 men of his age. The climate of Virginia, with the unlimited 
 authority of a British Governor, served to inflame his pas- 
 sions, and heighten his licentious habits. His hours, in place 
 of being spent in redressing the wrongs and listening to the 
 grievances of the Virginia planters, were devoted to the 
 gambling table, and the indulging of the sensual appetites. 
 When the arts of seduction proved ineffectual, the brutal peer 
 even had recourse to violence. A young lady of the name 
 of Campbell, the daughter of a respectable merchant in Rich- 
 mond, became the victim of his unbounded amours. Her 
 brother, an officer in the king's service, called Dunmore to 
 account for his injured sister. The haughty Governor, in 
 place of giving the satisfaction which justice required, had 
 him arrested and sent to England, where, by the sentence of 
 a court-martial, he was deprived of his commission. A well 
 wrote and accurate statement of this unwarrantable outrage 
 appeared soon after in the public papers of Virginia ; the 
 author, I am informed, was a lawyer of the name of Foster; 
 but the Earl of Dunmore supposed it, from the ability it dis- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 289 
 
 played, to have been the production of Mr. Jefferson. His 
 threats, however, produced no other effect than to cause Mr. 
 Jefferson publicly to avow himself the author of the Rights 
 of British America. 
 
 About this time he married an amiable woman, the dauohter 
 of Mr. Wayles, an eminent counsellor in Virginia. That af- 
 fectionate partner, unfortunately no longer exists. The death 
 of this lady, in 17S0, devolved on him a more weighty care, 
 the education of two lovely daughters, their surviving issue. 
 These have been reared under his immediate inspection, and 
 have accompanied his diplomatic functions whithersoever they 
 have been directed. 
 
 It was not to be expected that a man of such conspicuous 
 qualifications could be suffered long to remain in the shade of 
 philosophic retirement. In the year 1775, he was elected a 
 member of the Virginia convention, and on the 4th of August, 
 in the same year, one of the members to represent that state, 
 then colony of Virginia, in Congress. In this Legislature, 
 he became a distinguished and useful member, and has left 
 many traces of sufficient importance to display his know-ledge 
 of legal jurisprudence. 
 
 In the memorable year of 1776, which separated the United 
 States from their mother country, and gave the example of 
 freedom to the monarchies of Europe, we find Mr. Jefferson 
 advancing to a still mare dignified station. He was chosen, 
 along with Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, Roger Sherman, 
 and R. R. Livingston, to draw up the Declaration of our 
 independence, an instrument which will ever be considered as 
 the magna charta of American liberty. It was from the ele- 
 gant pen and enlightened mind of Mr. Jefferson, who was 
 first named on the committee, that this instrument proceeded; 
 which, so long as the recorrls of time shall endure, will per- 
 petuate the fame of its author. He was also honoured with 
 the public confidence, by being appointed a n.ember of the 
 first Congress, where he sat two years, supporting a character 
 highly respectable, and which will stand digrdfied in the 
 ju Igment of our remotest posterity. 
 
 In the year 1778, Mr. Jefferson, being then a member of 
 the Virginia Legislature, presented lo that body the act " to 
 prevent the importation of slaves," which was enacted into a 
 law in the month of October of the same yeai-; and was 
 shortly followed by another act, " to authorise manumissions,'* 
 2o 
 
290 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 being the commencement of a system of general emancipation, 
 also proposed by him. 
 
 The first critical period in Mr. Jefferson's civil administra- 
 tion was when he received the appointment of Governor of 
 Virginia, in the year 1779, in the room of Patrick Henry, 
 who was the first governor under the renovated constitution, 
 and the successor of the Earl of Dunmore. Mr. Jeflferson 
 continued in this oflfice until June, 1781. 
 
 During these years Mr. Jefferson had much to contend 
 with. The state experienced three invasions, and he had not 
 only to combat an open enemy in the field, but to encounter 
 the insidious snares of a secret taction, who assailed his repu- 
 tation and stabbed him in the dark. They insinuated that he 
 had abandoned the government of Virginia to its enemies, and 
 sought personal safety by flight to the mountains, and that he 
 likewise had refused to pay military claims in preference to 
 those of the civil list. 
 
 Against these slanderous falsehoods, I shall transcribe the 
 arguments of Mr. Jefferson's biographer, in an English pub- 
 lication entitled, "Public Characters of 1801." 
 
 " If the first of these loose insinuations (says this writer) be 
 supposed to apply to the evacuation of the Virginia metropo- 
 lis, an American officer, now present, was with him on the 
 occasion, and contradicts the fact : if to the second visit which 
 General Tarleton did himself the honour of paying to the 
 deliberating councils of that country, the whole legislature 
 must be implicated: Bum armes, silent leges I The propriety 
 of his pecuniary appropriations are, perhaps, easily to be jus- 
 tified. 
 
 " In regard to the first point of view, facts authorize the 
 bold assertion, that the government deserted Mr. Jefferson, 
 not that Mr. Jefferson deserted the government, on this occa- 
 sion of unparalleled risk and diflBculty. The gentleman pre- 
 sent, and now ready to testify, was at that period an oflBcer, 
 in the confidence of the commanding general in that part of 
 the country, and was, on this particular occasion, sent to Mr. 
 Jeilerson with di'spatches of an important nature, (being clioice- 
 ly mounted, bv the general's particular order, on the most 
 noted running* horse which the whole country afforded ;) he 
 found Mr. Jefferson in the town of Manchester, opposite to 
 Richmond, which is the njetropolis spoken of, and then about 
 fourteen miles from the rear of General Arnold, who was re- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 291 
 
 tiring from his predatory incursion. He learnt from the few 
 confidential friends who surrounded the governor, that his ex- 
 cellency had been busily engaged, even in personal labour, to 
 secure those very arms in a place of safety \vhich were aban- 
 doned by his citizens to the mercy of the enemy ; Avhile some 
 infleed, were as industriously employed in circulating false- 
 hoods to his prejudice. 
 
 " In the respect of his pecuniary appropriations, before al- 
 luded to, gentlemen of the army seem to have been a little 
 premature in imbibing a prejudice against a public character 
 whose office demanded of him an independent exercise of his 
 judgment. This might in part, perhaps, proceed from the im- 
 perfect knowledge to which military life in general attains in the 
 affairs of civil government, and partly from those false sugges- 
 tions which are wont to arise from the malice of faction. It 
 is true that a part of the army were discontented with Mr. 
 Jefferson, and it is equally so, that their jealousy of pecuniary 
 partialities was the chief cause; but it remains to be deter- 
 mined, whether this was a reasonable dissatisfaction. It was 
 a prevalent complaint, that the civil list was paid while the 
 claims of the military were unattended to. In canvassing this 
 murmur, let us take a view of the premises: Every one knows 
 the situation of Virginia at that time; her credit was sunk, 
 her strength exhausted by the marching and countermarching 
 of her troops, invaded by a powerful enemy, and her contin- 
 gent fund at a very low ebb — certainly the propriety of sup- 
 porting her civil government through such disasters, will be 
 viewed as a primary object by all sound politicians. Without 
 that supreme head, the very cause which called for a defence 
 would have been annihilated, and the dissatisfied military 
 would have been disorganized, and no longer necessary. With 
 regard to the component individuals who were included in the 
 civil list, it was necessary to support them; for to do this was 
 essential to the existence of jurisprudence, and indispensably 
 necessary for the support of good order in the community. 
 The people of the metropolis (Richmond) were neither willr 
 ing nor able to take the whole burden of government upon 
 their own shoulders; nor were they, on any account, bound 
 to submit to it; yet the departments of administration must 
 necessarily reside there, and the inhabitants must as neces- 
 sarily be paid for accommodating men who have sacrificed the 
 convenience of life to the duties of public service, and were 
 
292 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 unavoidably dependent on the national fund. Had the trea- 
 sury of the state been adequate to the whole demand, it is 
 presumed no man would have felt greater pleasure than Mr. 
 Jefferson in the accommodation of all their wants, for benevo- 
 lence is a trait in his constitution which has more than once 
 placed his private credulity in the hands of the swindler. It 
 is moreover to be considered, that the civil list contained but 
 a small number of indivi(hjals; the military roll comprised a 
 very large one. Of two evils it was certainly proper to choose 
 the least ; besides the military had one resource which was be- 
 yond the immediate power of the civil authority : their arms and 
 the laws of w^ar, empowered and justified them in taking needful 
 supplies, (otherwise than in waste) from those to whom Pro- 
 vidence had been most bountiful ; for such had been made the 
 common lot of the war, the whole property of the people 
 being voluntarily pledged for its defence at the period of its 
 commencement. Some of the military, however, had a differ- 
 ent sense of these matters, and preferred to quarter upon the 
 chief magistrate those whom rank and military pride should 
 have better instructed in the rules of decorum and common 
 civility." 
 
 In the year 1781, under the pressure of public business and 
 family affliction, Mr. Jefferson prepared his celebrated w^ork, 
 afterwards published in Europe, entitled, " Notes on Virginia." 
 
 In the year 1783, Mr. Jefferson was appointed to a seat in 
 Congress, from whence he was nominated as ambassador to 
 the court of Spain, but the approach of peace, it is presumed, 
 rendered his voyage unnecessary. In the following year, on 
 the 7th of May, he was nominated by that honourable body 
 minister plenipotentiary of the United States to the court of 
 France, as the successor of the venerable Franklin. From 
 thence he communicated his negotiations concerning the free- 
 dom of the tobacco trade, and the powerfu' opposition of the 
 farmers general, &c. to Mr. Jay, then our minister of foreign 
 affairs, in a letter dated 27th of May, 1786. In this letter 
 iie evinces considerable diplomatic t;i!ents and success, having 
 gained the approbation of Mr. de Vergennes and the acquies- 
 cence of Mr. de Calonne. He has also recommended to the 
 people of Carolina, an improvement in preparing their staple 
 commodity, rice, in order to lead the Mediterranean market. 
 In another letter to Dr. Stiles, President of Yale college, 
 dated Paris, September 1st, 1786, he displays a fund of senti- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 293 
 
 men t, and information sufficient to entitle him to the confi- 
 dence of his country and the admiration of society. 
 
 On the 22d of October, 1786, Mr. de Calonne announced 
 to Mr. Jefferson, by letter from Fontainbleau, the intention 
 of the king of France to favour the commerce of the United 
 States as much as possible ; to double the number of their free 
 ports ; to reduce the duties which were prejudicial to the com- 
 merce with America ; that after the expiration of a contract 
 made by the farmer-general with Mr. Morris, (concerning 
 tobacco) no similar one should be permitted ; and that during 
 the existence of the term of Mr. Morris's contract, the far- 
 mers-general should be compelled to purchase annually about 
 fifteen thousand hogsheads of American tobacco. This regu- 
 lation of the tobacco trade, (though not wholly in conformity 
 to the principles proposed by Mr. Jefferson in his letter to the 
 Count de Vergennes) appears to have been the result of Mr. 
 Jefferson's negotiation, which had first in view to eradicate 
 that monopoly entirely. 
 
 In the arguments used by Mr. Jefferson for the abolishing 
 of French duties upon the oil trade, he appears to have 
 carried equal conviction; for although France could not con- 
 sent to a total abolition, she puts the United States on a foot- 
 ing with the Hanse towns, and Mr. de Calonne assigns the 
 pre-existing treaties with other powers as a reason for her 
 doing no mote ; His Most Christian Majesty, moreover, thought 
 fit to abolish the duties of fabrication upon this article. 
 
 About the same period, Mr. Jefferson, in conjunction with 
 Franklin, negotiated with a minister from the court of Prus- 
 sia, then at the Hague, the treaty known by the name of the 
 *• Prussian Treaty," in which an astonished world has, for 
 the first time, seen a public avowal, and positive provision by 
 treaty between two sovereign and independent nations, for 
 the establishment of those tv^'o great and glorious principles, 
 promotive of universal peace and happiness, to wit ; First, 
 That free ships shall make free goods ; and Second, That 
 ■privateering in time of war he abolished ; principles which it 
 were to be wished could be rendered universal. Mr. Adams 
 was one of the commissioners for negotiating this treaty, and 
 on its completion it was sent over to London, where Mr. 
 Adams then resided as minister of the United States, for his 
 signature. It is greatly to be regretted that Mr. Adams 
 could not be content to retain to himself a share of the glory 
 26* 
 
294 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 which reflects on the authors of this celebrated treaty; but, 
 unhappily for our country, while he was President of the 
 United States, we have seen him nominate his son, John 
 Quincy Adams, as minister to the court of Prussia, for the 
 express purpose, as declared, of renewing the treaty with that 
 nation, which having been limited to continue in force for ten 
 years only, had expired. Accordingly, another treaty has 
 been made by his son with Prussia, which has been approved 
 by a majority of the Senate, and ratified by Mr. Adams ; but 
 which, instead of renewing and continuing the old treaty, is 
 in itself a new one, expressly abandoning and renouncing the 
 two inestimable principles ; First, That free ships shall make 
 free goods ; and Second, That privateering in time of' war 
 be abolished; principles which, it appears from the corres- 
 pondence accompanying the negotiation, laid before the Sen- 
 ate of the United States by ihe late President, the wise and 
 enlightened ministers of the Prussian monarch were brought, 
 with great difficulty and reluctance, to abandon on the earnest 
 solicitation and reiterated demand of the American negotiator, 
 under the suggestion that the maritime ipowers, particularly 
 Great Britain, would never sanction or permit them. 
 . In the year 1789, Mr. Jefferson being returned to the 
 United States, and appointed by President Washington Secre- 
 tary to the department of State, immediately entered on the 
 arduous duties of that important station, having previously 
 stipulated with the President, that in consideration of the 
 many years absence from his family and estate, he might be 
 jieriTjitted, at the expiration of the constitutional term for 
 which the President was elected, to retire from the public 
 service. 
 
 The first result of the labouis of Mr. Jefferson in the de- 
 pr.rtment of State, were exhibited to Congress in the follow- 
 reports, to wit : 
 
 Jst. A report on the fisheries of the United States. 
 
 2d. A report on coins, weights, and measures. 
 
 3d. A report on the waste and unappropriated lands of the 
 United States. 
 
 4th. A report on the privileges and restrictions on the com- 
 merce of the United States in foreign countries. 
 
 Each of these reports displayed the usual accuracy, infor- 
 mation, and intelligence of the writer. 
 
 But it was reserved for a more critical and delicate period 
 
OF JOHN AD.^IS. 295 
 
 in the affairs of the United States, that the pre-eminent talents 
 of the American secretary should become most conspicuous, 
 and interestingly useful to his country. The non-execution 
 of the treaty of peace with the United States, on the part of 
 Great Britain ; her detention of our Avestern posts, and the 
 attendant spoliations on our commerce, both by Great Britain 
 and France, then at war with each other, added to the in- 
 trigues of the minister of the latter, Genet, all conduced to a 
 situation difficult and nerplexing. Besides which, Spain con- 
 tinued to withhold from us the free navigation of the Missis- 
 sippi, so essential to all western America. In this state of 
 things, the just confidence which the discriminating mind of 
 Washington had reposed in Mr. Jefferson, was amply repaid 
 bv that promptness, zeal, and ability, with which the Ameri- 
 can secretary contributed by his labours to reHeye the execu- 
 tive from embarrassment. 
 
 Through a series of masterly and unequalled diplomatic 
 correspondence, which he maintained at the same time with 
 the respective ministers of Great Britain and France, namely, 
 Hammond and Genet, he traversed and rebutted their respec- 
 tive causes of charge and complaint against the United States, 
 and having fully proved the various aggressions and infractions 
 of treaty on the part of their respective governments, pointed 
 10 the means for preserving the honour and maintaining the 
 rights of his own country : whilst alike superior to the intrigues 
 of Great Britain or of France, he fully manifested that he held 
 no particular attachment to any foreign nation, but was equally 
 prepared, with the decision, firmness and intelligence of a true 
 American, to oppose and resist the aggressions of all. The 
 recall of Genet, and appointment of his successor, with the 
 subsequent proceedings between the United States and France; 
 the appointment of Mr. Jay, his treaty with Great Britain, 
 and the recall of Mr. Flanrmond, appointment of Mr. Liston, 
 and subsequent proceedings with Great Britain, are all well 
 known. In respect to Spain, the labours of Mr. Jefferson 
 were more immediately effective and complete. 
 
 Havinor possessed the commissioners of the United States, 
 then at Marlrid, negotiating a treaty with the court of Spain, 
 with the most ample and pointed instructions, and also of the 
 form and provisions of a treaty predicated on the basis of the 
 free, navigation of the Mississippi, it remained only for Mr. 
 Thomas Pinckney, then minister from the United States at 
 
296 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 London, under special instruction from the President, and ap- 
 pointed envoy for that purpose, to repair to Madrid, and, see- 
 ing the favourable moment for elfecting it, to accomplish this 
 desirable work. 
 
 This was accordingly done with equal promptness and de- 
 cision on his part, and jointly to that, and the labours of the 
 Am.erican secretary in the cabinet, are the United States in- 
 debted for the most liberal, honourable, and beneficial treaty 
 they ever yet entered into with a foreign nation. 
 
 It in the fate of every man whom virtue and talents have 
 elevated, to excite the envy and hatred of many. Previous 
 to Mr. Jefferson's election, a great clamour w'as raised through 
 the United States respecting debts due from him to British 
 merchants. This subject, however, when examined, in place 
 of detracting, will add considerably to the lustre of his cha- 
 racter. 
 
 In the year 1774, before a shilling of paper money had been 
 issued, Mr. Jeiferson sold about five thousand acres of land in 
 Cumberland and Bedford counties, to pay his proportion of a 
 debt due from the estate of Mr. Wayles to Farrel and Jones. 
 He offered the bonds to their agent immediately, who refused 
 to take them. The money w^as paid to Mr. Jefferson in 1779 
 and 1780, and he carried it to the treasury of Virginia, as the 
 laws pressed on all to do who owed money to British subjects, 
 declaring that the public would pay dollar for dollar. This 
 delusion soon passed away, and it became evident that the 
 public neither could, nor ought to pay according to the nomi- 
 nal value. The reader will perceive the loss which Mr. Jef- 
 ferson sustained, and that if he had been disposed to quibble, 
 no event could have afforded him a more plausible pretext. 
 But it appears that Mr. Jefferson considered himself still an- 
 swerable to Farrel and Jones, and therefore settled with their 
 ao-ent otherwise. 
 
 The next debt m succession was one due to Kippen and 
 company, for whom Mr. Lyle, of Manchester, was agent. 
 Mr. Jefferson's conduct in the settlement of this clauu was 
 strictly honourable. As soon as he returned fiom his mission 
 to France, he waited upon Mr. Lyle, and made immediate 
 arrangements for payment, deducting the eight years' war in- 
 terest. 
 
 Respecting the w-ar mterest, the following letter from Mr. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 297 
 
 Jefferson is quite satisfactory. It was produced in court by 
 Jones's agent, and afterwards published in the Aurora: 
 
 " Paris, January 5, 1787. 
 
 " Sir, — When I had the pleasure of seeing you in London, 
 I mentioned to you that the ah^airs of Mr. Wayles's estate 
 were left to be ultimately settled by Mr. Eppis, the only act- 
 ing executor; that I have left in his hands also, and in those 
 of a Mr. Lewis, the part of Mr. Wayles's estate which came 
 to me together with my own ; that they w^ere first to clear 
 off some debts which had been necessarily contracted during 
 the war, and would after that apply the whole profits to the 
 payment of my part of Mr. Wayles's debt to you, and to a 
 debt of mine to Kippen and company, of Glasgow. Being- 
 anxious to begin the payment of these two debts, and finding 
 that it would be too long postponed if the residuary ones, 
 were to be paid merely from the annual profits of the estate, 
 a number of slaves have been sold, and I have lately received 
 information from Messrs. Eppis and Lewis, that the proceeds 
 of that sale, with the profits of the estate to the end of 1781, 
 would pay off the whole of the residuary debts. As we are 
 now, therefore, clear of embarrassment to pursue our princi- 
 pal object, I am desirous of arranging with you such just and 
 practicable conditions, as will ascertain to you the terms at 
 which you will receive my part of your debt, and give me 
 the satisfaction of knowing that you are contented. What 
 the laws of Virginia are or may be, will in no wise influence 
 my conduct; substantial justice is my object, as decided by 
 reason, not by authority or compulsion. 
 
 " The first question which arises, is as to the article of in- 
 terest ; for all the time preceding the war, and all subsequent 
 to it, I think it reasonable that interest should be paid, but 
 equally unreasonable during the w^ar. Interest is a compen- 
 sation for the use of money ; your money in my hands is in 
 the form of lands and negroes ; from these, during the war, 
 no use, no profits could be derived. Tobacco is the article 
 they produce ; that only can be turned into money at a foreign 
 market ; but the moment it went out of our ports for that 
 purpose, it w^as captured either by the king's ships, or by 
 those of individuals. The consequence was, that tobacco 
 worth from twenty to thirty shillings the hundred, sold gene- 
 rally in Virginia, during the war, for five shillings : this 
 
298 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 price, it is known, will not maintain the labourer, and pay his 
 taxes; there was no surplus of profit then to pay an interest: 
 in the mean while we stood insurers of the lives of the labour- 
 ers, and of the ultimate issue of the war. He who attempted 
 during the war, to remit either the principal or interest, must 
 have expected to remit three times to make one payment, 
 because it is supposed that two out of three parts of the ship- 
 ments were taken. It was not possible then for the debtor 
 to derive any profit from the money which might enable liim 
 to pay an interest, nor yet to get rid of the principal by re- 
 mitting it to his creditors. 
 
 " With respect to creditors in Great Britain, they turned 
 their attention to privateering, and arming the vessels they 
 had before employed in trading with us; they captured on 
 the seas not only the produce of the farms of their debtors, 
 but of those of the whole state. They thus paid themselves 
 by capture more than their annual interest, and we lost more; 
 some merchants, indeed, did not engage in privateering ; these 
 lost their interest ; but we did not gain it ; it fell into the 
 hands of their countrymen — it cannot, therefore, be demanded 
 of us. As between these merchants and their debtors, it is 
 the case where a loss being incurred, each party may justifia- 
 bly endeavour to shift it from himself; each has an equal right 
 to avoid it; one party can never expect the other to yield a 
 thing to which he has as good a right as the demander. We 
 even think he has a better right than the demander in the 
 present instance ; this loss has been occasioned by the fault of 
 the nation which was creditor ; our right to avoid it, then, 
 stands on less exceptionable grounds than theirs. But it will 
 be said that each party thought the other the aggressor ; in 
 these disputes there is but one umpire, and that has decided 
 the question where the world in general thought the right lay. 
 
 " Besides these reasons in favour of the general mass of 
 debtors, I have some peculiar to my own case. In the year 
 1776, before a shilling of paper-money was issued, I sold 
 lands to the amount of £4,200 in order to pay these two 
 debts. I offered the bonds of the purchasers to your agent, 
 Mr. Evans, if he would acquit me and accept of the purcha- 
 sers as debtors in my place. They were as sure as myself; 
 had he done it, these debts being turned over to you, would 
 have been saved to you by the treaty of peace ; but he de- 
 clined it. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 299 
 
 " Great sums of paper money was afterwards issued : this 
 depreciated, and payment was made me in this money, when 
 it was but a shadow. Our laws do not entitle their fellow- 
 citizens to require repayment in these cases, though the treaty 
 authorizes the British creditor to do it. Here then I lost the 
 principal and interest once. Again, Lord Cornwallis en- 
 camped ten days on an estate of mine at Elk Island, having 
 his head-quarters in my house ; he burned all the tobacco 
 houses and barns on the farm ; he burned all the enclosures, 
 and wasted the fields in which the crop of that year was 
 growing, (it was in the month of June ;) he killed or carried 
 'off every living animal, cutting the throats of those which 
 were too young for service ; of the slaves, he carried away 
 thirty. The useless and barbarous injury he did me in that 
 instance, was more than would have paid your debt, principal, 
 and interest ; thus I lost it a second time. Still I will lay my 
 shoulders to the payment of it a third time ; in doing this, 
 however, I thirds yourself will be of opinion, I am authorized 
 in justice to clear it of every article not demandable in strict 
 right : of this nature I conceive interest during the war. 
 
 " Another question is, as to the paper money I deposited 
 in the treasury of Virginia, towards the discharge of this 
 debt. I before observed, that I had sold lands to the amount 
 of £ 4,200 sterling, before a shilling of paper money was re- 
 mitted, with a view to pay this debt — I received this money 
 in depreciated paper. The state was then calling on those 
 who owed money to British subjects, to bring it into the trea- 
 sury, engaging to pay a like sum to the creditor at the end 
 of the war. I carried the identical money, therefore, to the 
 treasury, where it was applied, as all the money of the same 
 description was, to the support of the war. Subsequent 
 events have been such, that the state cannot, and ought not 
 to pay the same nominril sum in gold or silver, which they re- 
 ceiver! in paper, nor is it certain what they will do. 
 
 " My intention being, and having always been, that when- 
 ever the state decides, you shall receive my part of the debt 
 fully. I am ready to remove all difficulty arising from this 
 deposit ; to take back to myself the demand against the state, 
 and to consider the deposit as originally made for myself, and 
 not for you. 
 
 " These two articles of interest and paper money being 
 thus settled, I would propose to divide the clear proceeds of 
 
300 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 the estate (in which there are from eighty to a hundred la- 
 bouring slaves) between yourself and Kippen and Co. two 
 thirds to you and one third to them ; and that a crop of this 
 year, 17S7, shall constitute the first payment. That crop, 
 you know, cannot be got to the warehouse completely till 
 May next year ; and I suppose three months more will be 
 little enough to send it to Europe, or to sell it in Virginia and 
 remit the money ; so that it could not safely answer for 
 placing the proceeds in your hands till the month of August, 
 and annually every August till the debt shall be paid — it will 
 always be both my interest and my wish, to get it to you as 
 much sooner as possible, and probably a part of it may always 
 be paid some months sooner. 
 
 " If the assigning the profits in general terms may seem to 
 you too vague, I am w^illing to fix the annual payment at a 
 certain sum — but that I may not fall short of my engagement, 
 I shall name it somewhat less than I suppose may be counted 
 on ; I shall fix your part at four hundred pounds sterling an- 
 nually ; and as you know our crops of tobacco to be uncer- 
 tain, I should reserve a right, if they fall short one year, to 
 make it up the ensuing one, without being supposed to have 
 failed in my engagement ; but every other year at least, all 
 arrearages shall be paid up. 
 
 " My part of this debt of Mr. Wayle's estate being one 
 third, I should require that in proportion as 1 pay my third I 
 shall stand discharged as to the other two thirds, so that the 
 payment of every one hundred pounds shall discharge me as 
 to three hundred of the undivided debt. The other gentlemen 
 having equal means of paying, equal desires, and more skill in 
 affairs, their parts of the debt, therefore, are at least as sure 
 as mine ; and my great object is, in case of any accident to 
 myself, not to leave my family involved with any matters 
 whatever. 
 
 *' I do not know^ what the balance of this debt is ; the last 
 account current I saw was before the war, making the whole 
 balance, principal, and interest, somewhat about nine thousand 
 pounds, and after this there were upwards of four hundred 
 hogsheads of tobacco, and some payments in money to be cre- 
 dited. However, this settlement can admit of no difficulty, 
 and in the mean time payments may proceed without affecting 
 the right of either party to have a just settlement. 
 
 '^ Upon the whole, then, I propose on your part, you relin- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 301 
 
 quish the claim to interest during the war, say from the com- 
 mencement of hostilities, April 19, 1775, to their cessation, 
 April 19, 17t<4, being exactly eight years, and that in pro- 
 portion as I pay my third I shall be acquitted as to the other 
 t\Vo thirds. On my part, I take on myself the loss of the pa- 
 per money, deposited in the treasury ; I agree to pay interest 
 previous and subsequent to the war, and oblige myself to 
 remit to you for that and the principal, four hundred pounds 
 sterling, annually, until the third of the whole debt shall be 
 fully paid, and I will begin their payments in August in next 
 year. If you think proper to accede to these propositions, 
 be so good as to say so at the foot of a copy of this letter ; 
 on the receipt of that, I will send an acknowledgement of it, 
 which shall render this present letter obligatory on me ; in 
 which case you may count on my faithful execution of this 
 undertaking. — I have the honour to be, with great respect, 
 sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant, 
 
 (Signed) " Thomas Jefferson." 
 
 The following letter to Mr. Mazzei, a resident in Tuscany, 
 attributed to Mr. Jefferson, has been handed about, and at- 
 tempts made to question its veracity ; but as it has never been 
 denied, it may be considered as the production of our Presi- 
 dent, and it reflects considerable credit on his love of truth 
 and principles, as well as a writer. 
 
 '^ Our political situation is prodigiously changed since you 
 left us — instead of that noble love of liberty, and that republi- 
 can government which carried us triumphantly through the 
 dangers of the war, an anglo-monarchico aristocratic party 
 has arisen. Their avowed object is to impose on us the sub- 
 stance, as they have already given us the form of the British 
 government ; nevertheless, the principal body of our citizens 
 remain faithful to republican principles. All our proprietors 
 of lands are friendly to those principles, as alsoJ:he mass of 
 men of talents — we have against us the executive power, all 
 the officers of government, all who are seeking offices, and all 
 timid men who prefer the calm of despotism, to the tempestu- 
 ous sea of liberty ; the British merchants, and Americans who 
 trade on British capitals, the speculators, persons interested in 
 the bank and public funds. 
 
 '' I should give you a fever if I should name the apostates 
 26 
 
S02 
 
 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 \vho have embraced those heresies — men who were Solomons 
 in council, and Sampsons in combat, but whose hair has been 
 cut off by the whore, England. 
 
 "They would wrest from us that Hberty which we have 
 obtained by so much labour and peril, but we shall pre^tne it. 
 Our mass of weight and riches is so powerful, that we have 
 nothing to fear from any attempt against us by force — it is 
 sufficient that we guard ourselves, and that we break the Lil- 
 liputian ties by which they have bound us, in the first slum- 
 bers which succeeded our labours ; it suffices that we arrest 
 the progress of that system of ingratitude and injustice towards 
 France, from whom they would alienate us to bring us under 
 British intiuence." 
 
 This article I shall conclude with the following extract 
 from a character given of Mr. Jefferson, by a celebrated coun- 
 sellor in the state of New York : — 
 
 *' There was no character perhaps in America, more emi- 
 nently calculated to fill the department of state, than Mr. Jef- 
 ferson. Few men who have travelled at all, have travelled 
 with more advantage; and had a greater capacity of receiving 
 improvement from this mode of it, than him. The genius of 
 each nation, its particular customs and manners, and the great 
 relative interest which regulated the policy of courts, were 
 subjects with which he was acquainted; and eminently fitted 
 him to fill a department, the peculiar organ of their communi- 
 cations. Controversy, which so frequently betrays the falli- 
 bility of the understanding, because it begets intemperance, 
 never makes him a victim to the designs of his opponent. He 
 listens to his arguments with scrupulous attention ; draws new 
 sources of information from conflicting principles ; and if he 
 is animated at all, it is with the discovery of a new truth. 
 There are, perhaps, few men better calculated always to 
 triumph, and alw-ays to leave upon the mind, at least the most 
 favourable, impressions, if not the most decisive conviction. 
 This is not difficult to account for, when applied to Mr. Jef- 
 ferson ; because few men, like him, deserve the apj)lication. 
 He never hazards an opinion without the authority of expe- 
 rience, and the conviction of reason. Travel and observation 
 have matured the one, and extensive application and reflection 
 have invigorated the other. His principles, therefore, convey 
 the strongest impressions ; which he enforces by logical de- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 303 
 
 duction, and mathematical precision, drawn from an expanded 
 intellect, that separates with infinite facility, the purity of 
 truth from the grossest materials of error. 
 
 " When citizen Genet, the ex-minister of Robesperian fa- 
 naticism, appeared in America, he attempted to impose his 
 new philosophy of light and Hberty upon the government. 
 He had nothing to boast of, on the score of superior diplomatic 
 skill. His communications to the secretary of state were evi- 
 dently of the tampering kind. They were imi)ressed with 
 all the marks of that enthusiastic insanity, which regulated 
 the councils of the faction ; and which were calculated to 
 mistake their object, by disgusting their intended victims. 
 The mind of Mr. Jetferson discovered itself in an early period 
 of his correspondence with the French minister. The commu- 
 nications of Genet were decorated with all the flowers of 
 eloquence, without the force and conviction of rhetorical 
 energy. Accustomed to diplomatic calculation, and intimately 
 combining cause with effect, Mr. Jefferson apprehended the 
 subject with strength and precision — considered it, developed 
 it, viewed it on all sides, listened to every appeal, and attended 
 to every charge ; and in every communication burst forth with 
 a strength of refutation that at once detected and embarrassed 
 the disappointed minister of a wily and fanatic nation. 
 
 " It is, in most instances, useless to oppose enthusiasm with 
 the deliberate coolness of reason and argument. They are 
 the antipodes of each other ; and of that imperious nature 
 which mutually solicits triumph, and disdains reconciliation. 
 The tyranny of the Robesperian principles were calculated to 
 inveigle within the vortex of European politics, the American 
 government and people. The coolness and sagacity of the 
 secretary of state composed their defence and protection. 
 The appeal was mutually made to the government ; and it is 
 a fortunate circumstance, that there existed this tribunal to 
 approbate the measures of the secretary, and to silence for- 
 ever the declamatory oracle of an insidious faction. Checked 
 and defeated on all sides, his doctrine stripped of its visionary 
 principles, and himself betrayed into the labyrinth of diplo- 
 matic mystery, the ex-divinity shrunk into the silence of con- 
 tempt ; declaring with his last breath, that Mr. Jefferson was 
 the only man in America w^hose talents he highly respected. 
 
 " The diplomatic contest with Genet was not the only one 
 which drew forth into action the splendid abilities of Mr. 
 
304 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 Jefferson. The American world was, for some time, amused 
 with the communications of the English minister, Hammond. 
 Their object is too well known to require delineation. It was 
 a contest between the antiquated principles of a ictten mon- 
 archy, deluded by the fallacious idea of effecting a triumiph, 
 and Ihe newly acquired maxims of the republican philosophy. 
 The communications of Hammond were stamped with the 
 original dullness and stupidity of their author. Incapable of 
 convicting by the energy of argument, the importance of the 
 minister was maintained by the length and number of his 
 letters, and by that rigid perseverance, which was calculated 
 to irritate and disgust. Tired with the correspondence, the 
 Secretary of State appears to have collected together the 
 united energies of his mind in a single letter of considerable 
 length, wherein he combines with infinite skill, the erudition 
 of the counsellor, the wisdom of the politician, and the sa- 
 gacity of diplomatic ingenuity. No longer deluded by the 
 dreams of triumph, Ham.mond in a short time went home, to 
 kiss the aristocratical hand that made him a slave; and Mr. 
 Jefferson to see that repose in retirement, which his laborious 
 attention to the duties of his office seemed to demand. 
 
 " Mr. Jefferson appears, f)om the incomparable felicity of 
 his temper, to have arrived at the most elevated height of 
 philosophy. He has not escaped the misfortune, if it is one, 
 of having enemies to depreciate his virtues and calumniate his 
 principles. These virtues have frequently furnished pre- 
 tences for the bitterest calumny. The equaninjity of his 
 temper, however, never fell a victim to the unmanly provoca- 
 tives, which so often disturb little minds. His contempt for 
 unjust censure, his dignified reserve beneath the insolence of 
 ministerial loquacity, and his unshaken serenity, whilst the 
 whole political world is moving around him, make a soul ca- 
 pable of holding calamity in defiance. Viewing mankind as 
 they really are, biassed by passion, swayed by prejudice, and 
 with ears continually open to the invocations of individual in- 
 terest, it stands aloof in the sentiments of his own exalted 
 mind, and like Jupiter from Olympus, surveys with serenity 
 and silence the fate of empires. It is well known, however, 
 that his enemies are of that obsequious tribe of court para- 
 sites, who move in the inferior circles of respectability, and feel 
 the influence of talents, which they seek to decry by the arts 
 of petulance aiul loquacity. He has sutficient knowledge of 
 
I 
 
 OF JOHN ADAMS. 305 
 
 human nature to know that this is the involuntary tribute of 
 envy ; and is consoled that it is the medium of the inculcation 
 of truth, and is satisfied that he is not conscious of deserving 
 repioach, and is silent. Surely the man who can preserve 
 such an equanimity of temper, who can maintain the compo- 
 sure of his mind, and listen to unmerited reproach, without 
 deserving it; surely such a man is entitletl to the first place in 
 our esteem. They are attributes which few men possess, are 
 the productions of the most difficult of all attainments, the 
 knowledge and esteem of ourselves, and flow from an elevated 
 philosophy, that seeks tranquillity in conscious rectitude ; 
 which teaches forbearance whilst it refines our knowledge of 
 human nature, and views the conflicting passions of mankind, 
 as connected with the destiny of social life. To descend from 
 this dignified sphere of human reason, like the Pagan gods 
 from Olympus, to participate in the conflicts of an inferior 
 order of beings, would be doing violence to the sanctuary of 
 philosophy. His enemies may desire it ; and seek an occasion 
 for that triumph which pertinacious mediocrity sometimes 
 acquires over the sublimity of genius. He feels the most 
 complete security in the celestial sanctuary of self-applause; 
 in the steady discharge of the duties committed to his care ; 
 in an inflexibility to ill, and in the obstinacy to do justice. 
 The arts of mahce, and the rude voice of faction assail him 
 in vain. The senseless clamours of his enemies make no im- 
 pression on him. He appears invulnerable to the shafts of 
 malignity which fall every where around him, blunted by the 
 invincible dignity of his character, and the respectability of 
 his talents. '^ 
 
 Aaron Burr, the Vice-President of the United States, was 
 the only son of president Burr, of New Jersey College. Pre- 
 sident Burr was born in the year 1714, at Fairfield, in Con- 
 necticut, in which colony his forefathers, who were persons of 
 great respectability, had been settled for several preceding 
 generations. The late Governor Livingston, in speaking of 
 this gentleman, has the following words: "whether we con- 
 sider him in a ptivate or public view, he is still equally striking, 
 equally distinguished, and without exaggerated expression, 
 something surpassing the ordinary bounds of human nature." 
 He married Miss Edwards, the daughter of Dr. Jonathan 
 Edwards, who was afterwards his successor in New Jersey 
 26* 
 
306 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 College: by this lady he had ^aron Burr, and a daughter, who 
 married Judge Tappen Reeve, of Connecticut. 
 
 President Burr died in the year 1757, when his son Aaron 
 "vvas about three years of age; the care of Aaron's education 
 consequently devolved on Mrs. Burr, and none could have 
 been more fit for that purpose than this lady. She was, in 
 every respect, an ornament to her sex, being equally distin- 
 guished for suavity of manners, purity of religion, and bril- 
 liancy in literature and science. 
 
 At the age of fourteen, Aaron Burr was sent to the college 
 of Cambridge, where he soon displayed that quickness of com- 
 prehension, blended with an ease in expression and gentleness 
 of manners, though clothed with a prudent reserve, which 
 have composed the leading features of his character through 
 life. In the beginning of 1774, when the standard of liberty 
 was erected in the Eastern states. Burr, then a youth of 
 eighteen, left his academic pursuits to share in those laurels 
 which were afterwards to constitute a new era in the history 
 of the world, to teach kings that they had not derived the 
 prerogative of power from the throne of Heaven, and to dis- 
 close to mankind the pleasing doctrine that they had only one 
 sovereign to obey, the Creator of the universe. 
 
 Aaron Burr, though of a person slender and delicate, was 
 not deterred from encountering the hardships of a winter cam- 
 paign. Disdaining the advice and entreaties of his relations when 
 the interest of his country was at stake, he joined the ranks 
 under the brave Montgomery, and continued for several months 
 unknown in the humble but honourable capacity of a private 
 soldier. His merit soon raised him to the active station of 
 aid-de-camp to that general, with whom he continued until 
 the unfortunate attack on Quebec, the 31st of December, 1775, 
 deprived America of the services of that illustrious officer. 
 
 After the death of General Montgomery, we find Aaron 
 Burr in the army of General Putnam, with the rank of lieu- 
 tenant-colonel. In the campaign of 1777, and autumn of that 
 year. Colonel Burr signalized himself by the capture of a 
 British piquet without the loss of a single man, although his 
 party was inferior in number. 
 
 As this circumstance is not narrated in any of the histories 
 of the revolutionary war, the particulars of it cannot be unac- 
 ceptable to the American patriot. General Clinton lay across 
 the bridge of Hackensack with about four thousand British 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 307 
 
 troops; the American army was stationed above. One evening 
 about dark, Colonel Burr marched down with a company of 
 twenty-four men to reconnoitre the enemy. At a little dis- 
 taijce/rom the new bridge, he perceived the glimmering of a 
 light, which proceeded from the enemy's piquet. He imme- 
 diately halted, and having ordered a profound silence, he 
 crossed the road to the opposite side of the way, and took his 
 quarters under a chesnut tree: leaving his party, he went 
 alone to observe the situation of the enemy, and got so near 
 them as to obtain their watch-word. He returned a little be- 
 fore the break of day, and led his men directly between the 
 piquet and the main body of the British troops ; then dividing 
 his small company into four divisions of six men each, he gave 
 orders for two of them to attack on the front, one on the right 
 and the other on the left, with a strict injunction not to dis- 
 charge a musket. Having advanced within twenty-five or 
 thirty paces, he was hailed by the sentinel, whom he imme- 
 diately shot dead, then charged his enemy with fixed bayonets, 
 and obliged the whole to surrender, consisting of one officer, 
 a Serjeant, a corporal, and twenty-seven men. 
 
 A circumstance occurred on this occasion, which will mark 
 the strong enthusiastic zeal that British soldiers possess for 
 the cause of their sovereign ; and \v\\\ even compel a tear of 
 compassion to drop from the republican patriot. 
 
 One of the British soldiers alone attempted to resist ; in 
 the brave effort he received three bayonet thrusts, two before, 
 and one behind ; the wounds, however, were not so mortal as 
 to prevent his endeavouring to accompany his fellow-prisoners, 
 but he had not proceeded more than a quarter of a mile, when 
 he was obliged to stop. Colonel Burr, with his usual human- 
 ity, went up to him, and thus addressed him ; " My good 
 fellow proceed a little farther and we will procure a surg^eon 
 to your relief." The veteran replied, (his last words) " Dear 
 sir, all the doctors in America can do me no service, for I am 
 a dying man ; but it grieves me sore to the heart, to think I 
 have served my king upwards of twenty years, and at length 
 must die with a charged musket in my hand ; had I discharged 
 my piece I should not have regarded my life, but would have 
 died with satisfaction." 
 
 Colonel Burr, soon after this affair, was appointed to a 
 command at West Point, where he continued until the begin- 
 ning of 1778, when indisposition interrupted, for a few months, 
 
808 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 his military career. The first engagement in which he acted 
 a part after his recovery, was at the battle of Monmouth ; 
 but by an unlucky arrangement of General Washington, he 
 was placed in a situation where he w^as exposed to the British 
 artillery, without the capacity either of saving the men' under 
 his command, or of injuring the enemy. 
 
 Towards the fall of this year, he accomplished, by a dex- 
 terous manoeuvre, the destruction of a block-house in New 
 Jersey, with a party of only sixty men, although the same 
 was defended by fifty British soldiers. This act ought to be 
 regarded as an exploit of the first magnitude, when it is re- 
 membered that General Wayne, with an army of two thou- 
 sand men, nearly about the same time, made an unsuccessful 
 attack upon another block-house, even inferior in strength. 
 
 Soon after this period, Colonel Burr, partly from the bad 
 state of his health, and other reasons of an urgent nature, 
 was under the necessity of retiring from the army, to the in- 
 finite regret of all who had witnessed his bravery, and knew 
 the extent of his military talents. 
 
 Colonel Burr, after his retirement, gave his mind entirely 
 to literary pursuits; and in the year 17S9, was appointed at- 
 torney-general for the state of New York, which office he 
 discharged with the greatest zeal and impartiality. In 1791, 
 he was sent to the senate of Congress. That the reader may 
 form some idea of the sentiments which Colonel Burr espoused, 
 while a member of that honourable body, we have subjoined 
 several of the most important bills for which he voted: 
 
 "That the conducting of the legislative and judicial powers 
 of the Senate in public, and suffering an account of iheir mea- 
 sures and deliberations to be published in the newspapers, is 
 the best means of diffusing general information concerning the 
 principles, motives, and conduct of individual members; and 
 that by w^ithholding this information, responsibility becomes 
 unavailing, the influence of their constituents over one branch 
 of the legislature, in a great measure, annihilated, and the best 
 security w^hich experience has devised against the abuse of 
 power and a mal-administration, abandoned." 
 
 " That it be a standing rule, that the doors of the senate- 
 chamber remain open whilst the Senate shall be sitting in a 
 legislative and judicial capacity, except on such occasions as 
 in their judgment may require secrecy; and that this rule shall 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 309 
 
 commence and be in force on the first day of the next session 
 of Congress." 
 
 " The judicial power of the United States shall not be con- 
 strued to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or 
 prosecuted against one of the United States, by citizens of an- 
 other state, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign state." 
 
 " That the President of the United States be requested to 
 lay before the Senate, the correspondence which had passed 
 between the minister of the United States at the Republic of 
 France, and said Republic, and between said minister and the 
 office of the secretary of state." 
 
 " That after the end of the then session of Congress, and 
 as soon as suitable galleries shall be provided for the senate 
 chamber, the said galleries shall be permitted to be opened 
 every morning, so long as the Senate shall be engaged in their 
 legislative capacity, unless in such cases as may, in the opinion 
 of the Senate, require secrecy ; after which the said galleries 
 shall be closed." 
 
 " That every printer of new^spapers may send one paper to 
 each and every other printer of newspapers within the United 
 States, free of postage, under such regulations as the post- 
 master-general shall provide." 
 
 " That from and after the thirtieth day of September, 1794, 
 there be levied, collected, and paid upon all sugars which shall be 
 refined within the United States, a duty of two cents per pound." 
 
 It is impossible to draw a character of Colonel Burr in more 
 applicable and expressive terms than Governor Livingston has 
 done of his father : " Though a person of a slender and 
 delicate make, to encounter fatigue he has a heart of steel ; 
 and for the despatch of business, the most amazing talents 
 joined to a constancy of mind that insures success in spite of 
 every obstacle. As long as an enterprise appears not abso- 
 lutely impossible, he knows no discouragem.ent, but, in pro- 
 portion to its difficulty, augments his diligence ; and by an in- 
 superable fortitude, frequently accomplishes what his' friends 
 and acquaintances conceive utterly impracticable." 
 
 The ancestors of Charles Cotes worth Pinckney were for 
 three generations natives of South Carolina. His father was 
 chief-justice of the colony of Carolina, and a member of the 
 king's council. Charles Cotesworth was born in the year 
 1746 ; he was educated at the University of Oxford, in Eng- 
 
310 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 land, where he gave early proofs of conspicuous talents. After 
 finishing his classical education, he commenced and prosecuted 
 the study of the law at the temple. He then passed a year at 
 the University of Angers, in France, and made the tour of 
 Europe before his return to his native state. The great length 
 of time he had spent in accomplishing himself as a scholar and 
 lawyer, at the first seminaries, enabled him to cotnmence the 
 practice of law at the bar of South Carolina with considerable 
 eclat. 
 
 At the breaking out of hostilities between America and 
 Great Britain, he commanded the first volunteer corps that 
 was raised in Charleston, and encouraged the embodying of 
 independent companies throughout the state : soon after, he 
 was appointed a major in the first state regiment, of which 
 General Gadsden was colonel commandant. He was after- 
 wards promoted to the command of the first regiment. After 
 the defeat, at Fort Moultrie, in 1776, of the British fleet un- 
 der Sir Peter Parker, and of the army commanded by Sir 
 Henry Clinton, the project of making an efiective impression 
 in the south, seemed to have been abandoned, and Colonel 
 Pinckney believing that quarter would not very shortly be the 
 theatre of active war, solicited General Washington's per- 
 mission to leave his regiment, and repair wherever there should 
 be most service to be seen and performed. Hew-as desired to 
 join the General's family, and acted for some time as his aid- 
 de-camp. 
 
 As soon as it was knowm that the British had contemplated 
 a second invasion of the southern states, Colonel Pinckney re- 
 paired to his command ; headed his regiment in the assault on 
 Savannah, and was present at most actions which were fought 
 in Carolina previous to the fall of Charleston. When 
 Charleston was a second time besieged. General Lincoln, the 
 commanding officer, selected Colonel Pinckney as a fit officer 
 to defend the important pass of Fort Moultrie. The surrender 
 of Charleston gave him a prisoner to the British, in whose 
 hands he continued until the peace. 
 
 In 1794, Colonel Pinckney was appointed commander-in- 
 chief of the militia of South Carolina, which station be held 
 until his memorable embassy to France. Tl:re particulars of 
 that diplomatic expedition have been already narrated. As a 
 soldier, General Pinckney deserves every encomium of ap- 
 plause; but as a political character, although he does not 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 811 
 
 possess SO much integrity as Hamilton, yet it would be great 
 injustice to place him on the same scale with Mr. Adams, or 
 even the most virtuous of his adherents. General Pinckney 
 possesses at least some principles of honour, and a share of 
 judgment that will always prevent him from covering his 
 country with infamy and disgrace. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Meeting of Congress — President's Speech — French Treaty 
 — Proceedings of the House of Representatives — Anec- 
 dotes of Mr. Adams — Election of the President and 
 Vice-President — Observations on the Dismission of Pick- 
 ering and M^ Henry — Conclusion. 
 
 On Monday, November the 22d, Mr. Adams met both 
 Houses of Congress in the Senate chamber, at the capitol in 
 Washington ; when he delivered the following speech : 
 
 " Gentlemen of the Senate, and 
 
 " Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, 
 
 "Immediately after the adjournment of Congress at their 
 last session in Philadelphia, I gave directions, in compliance 
 with the laws, for the removal of the public offices, records 
 and property — these directions have been executed, and the 
 public officers have since resided and conducted the ordinary 
 business of the government in this place. 
 
 " I congratulate the people of the United States on the 
 assembling of Congress at the permanent seat of their govern- 
 ment ; and I congratulate you, gentlemen, on the prospect of 
 a residence not to be changed. Although there is cause to 
 apprehend that accommodations are not so complete as might 
 be wished, yet there is good reason to believe that this incon- 
 venience will cease with the present session. 
 
 " It would be unbecoming the representatives of this na- 
 tion, to assemble for the first time in this solemn temple, with- 
 out looking up to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe, and 
 imploring his blessing. 
 
812 
 
 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 " May this territory be the residence of virtue and hnppi- 
 nessl In this city may that piety and virtue, that wisdom, 
 and magnanimity, that constancy and self-government, which 
 adorned the great character whose name it bears, be forever 
 held in veneration ! Here, and throughout our counti y, may 
 simple manners, pure morals, and true religion flourish forever. 
 
 " It is with you, gentlemen, to consider whether the local 
 powers over the district of Columbia, vested by the consti- 
 tution in the Congress of the United States, shall be im- 
 mediately exercised. If in your opinion, this important trust 
 ought now to be exercised, you cannot fail, while performing 
 it, to take into view the future probable situation of the 
 territory for the happiness of which you are about to provide. 
 
 '' You will consider it as the capital of a great nation, ad- 
 vancing, with unexampled rapidity, in arts, in commerce, in 
 wealth, and in population ; and possessing w^ithin itself those 
 energies' and resources which, if not thrown away, or lamenta- 
 bly misdirected, secure to it a long course of prosperity and 
 self-government. 
 
 ''In compliance with a law of the last session of Congress, 
 the officers and soldiers of the temporary army have been 
 discharged. It affords real pleasure to recollect the honour- 
 able testimony they gave of the patriotic motives which 
 brought them into the service of their country by the readi- 
 ness and regularity with which they returned to the station 
 of private citizens. 
 
 " It is, in every point of view, of such primary importance 
 to carry the laws into prompt and faithful execution, and to 
 render that part of the administration of justice, which the 
 constitution and laws devolve on the Federal courts, as con- 
 venient to the people as may consist with their present cir- 
 cumstances, that I cannot omit, once more, to recommend to 
 your serious consideration, the judiciary system of the United 
 States. No subject is more interesting than this to the pullic 
 happiness, and to none can those improvements, which may 
 have been suggested by experience, be more beneficially ap- 
 plied. 
 
 " A treaty of amity and commerce with the king of Prus- 
 sia has been concluded and ratified. The ratification has been 
 exchanged, and I have directed the treaty to be promulgated 
 by proclamntion. 
 
 " The difficulties wliich suspended the execution of the 6th 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 313 
 
 article of our treaty of amity, Commerce, and Navigation 
 with Great Britain, have not yet been removed. The ne- 
 gotiation on this subject is still depending. As it must be for 
 the interest and honour of both nations, to adjust this dif- 
 ference with good faith, I indulge confidently the expectation 
 that the sincere endeavours of the government of the United 
 States to bring it to an amicable termination, will not be dis- 
 appointed. 
 
 '* The Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary 
 from the United States to France, were received by the First 
 Consul with the respect due to their characters; and three 
 persons, with equal powers, were appointed to treat with them. 
 Although at the date of the last olficial intelligence the ne- 
 gotiation had not terminated, yet it is to be hoped that our 
 efforts to effect an accommodation will, at length, meet with 
 a success proportioned to the sincerity with which they have 
 been so often repeated. 
 
 " While our best endeavours for the preservation of har- 
 mony with all nations will continue to be used, the experience 
 of the world, and our own experience, admonish us of the in- 
 security of trusting too confidently to their success. We 
 cannot, without committing a dangerous imprudence, abandon 
 those measures of self-protection, which are adapted to our 
 situation, and to which, notwithstanding our pacific policy, 
 the violence and injustice of others may compel us to resort. 
 While our vast extent of sea-coast, the commercial and agri- 
 cultural habits of our people, the great capital they will con- 
 tinue to trust on the ocean, suggest the system of defence 
 which will be most beneficial to ourselves, our distance from 
 Europe, and our resources for maritime strength, will enable 
 us to employ it with effect. Seasonable and systematic ar- 
 rangements, so far as our resources will justify, for a navy 
 adapted to defensive war, and which may in case of necessity, 
 be quickly brought into use, seem to be as much recommended 
 by a wise and true economy, as by a just regard for our fu- 
 ture tranquillity — for the safety of our shores, and for the 
 protection of our property committed to the ocean. 
 
 " The present navy of the United States, called suddenly 
 into existence by a great national exigency, has raised us in 
 our own esteem, and by the protection afforded to our com- 
 merce, has effected, to the extent of our expectations, the ob- 
 ject for which it was created. 
 27 
 
314 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 " In connexion with a navy ought to be contemplated the 
 fortification of some of our principal sea-ports and harbours. 
 A variety of considerations, which will readily suggest tbem- 
 selves, urged an attention to this measure of precaution. To 
 give security to our principal ports, considerable sums have 
 already been expended, but the works remain incomplete. It 
 is for Congress to determine whether additional appropria- 
 tions shall be made, in order to render competent to the in- 
 tended purposes the fortifications which have been commenced. 
 
 " The manufiicture of arms within the United States, still 
 invites the attention of the national Legislature. At a con- 
 siderable expense to the public, this manufactury has been 
 brought to such a state of maturity as, with continued encour- 
 agement, will supersede the necessity of future importations 
 from foreign countries. 
 
 " Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, 
 
 " I shall direct the estimates of the appropriations necessary 
 for the ensuing year, together with an account of the public 
 revenue and expenditure to a like period, to be laid before you. 
 
 '' I observe with much satisfaction, that the product of the 
 revenue, during the present year, has been more considerable 
 than during any former equal period. This result affords 
 conclusive evidence of the great resources of this country, and 
 of the wisdom and efficiency of the measures which have been 
 adopted by Congress for the protection of commerce, and pre- 
 servation of public credit. 
 
 *' Gentle7nen of the Senate, and 
 
 " Gentlemen of the House of Representatives : 
 
 " As one of the grand community of nations, our attention 
 is irresistibly drawn to the important scenes which surround 
 us. If they have exhibited an uncommon portion of calamity, 
 it is the province of humanity to deplore, and wisflom to avoid, 
 the causes which may have produced it. If, turning our eyes 
 homeward, we find reason to rejoice at the prospect which 
 presents itself; if we perceive the interior of our country 
 prosperous, free, and happy ; if we all enjoy in safety, under 
 the protection of laws emanating only from the general will, 
 the fruits of our own labour, we ought to fortify and cling to 
 those institutions w^hich have been the source of much real 
 felicity, and resist, with unabating perseverance, the progress 
 of those dangerous innovations which may diminish their in- 
 fluence. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 315 
 
 " To your patriotism, gentlemen, has been confided the 
 honourable duty of guarding the public interests; and, while 
 the past is to your country a sure pledge that it will be faith- 
 fully discharged, permit me to assure you, that your labours 
 to promote the general happiness will receive from me the 
 most zealous co-operation. 
 
 " John Adams. 
 
 "United States, November 22, 1800." 
 
 The business which principally occupied the attention of 
 Congress this session, w^as the French treaty, which was signed 
 at Paris the 3d of September, 1800. As this treaty, next to 
 the British, is the most important which the United States 
 ever contracted, we have thought proper to subjoin a copy 
 of it. 
 
 *• The First Consul of the French Republic, in the name of 
 the French people, and the President of the United States of 
 America, equally animated with a desire to put an end to the 
 differences which have arisen between the two states, have 
 respectively nominated their plenipotentiaries, and invested 
 them with full powers to negotiate upon these differences, and 
 terminate them: that is to say, the First Consul of the French 
 Republic, in the name of the French people, has nominated 
 for plenipotentiaries of the said Republic, the citizens Joseph 
 Buonaparte, ex-ambassador of the French Republic at Rome, 
 and counsellor of state; Charles-Pierre Claret-Fleurieu, mem- 
 ber of the National Institute, and of the office of longitude of 
 France, counsellor of state, and president of the section of 
 marine; and Pierre-Louis Roederer, member of the National 
 Institute, counsellor of state, and president of the interior; 
 and the President of the United States of America, by and 
 with the consent of the Senate of said states, has appointed 
 for their plenipotentiaries, Oliver Ellsworth, chief justice of the 
 United States; William Richardson Davie, late governor of 
 North Carolina; and William Vans Murray, resident minister 
 of the United States at the Hague. 
 
 *' Who, after having exchanged their full powers, and 
 patiently and carefully discussed their respective interests, have 
 agreed to the following articles : 
 
 "1. There shall be a firm, inviolable, and universal peace, 
 and true and sincere friendship between the French Republic 
 and the United States of America, as well between their 
 
316 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 countries, territories, cities, and places, as between their 
 citizens and inhabitants, without exception of persons or 
 places. 
 
 "2. The ministers plenipotentiary of the two parties not 
 being empowered at present to agree relative to the treaty of 
 alliance of the 6th of February, 1778, to the treaty of friend- 
 ship and commerce of the same date, and to the convention 
 of the 14th of November, nor to the indemnities mutually due 
 and claimed, the parties shall further negotiate upon these 
 points at a convenient time ; and until they shall be agreed 
 upon these points, the said treaties and convention shall have 
 no effect, and the relations of the two nations shall be regu- 
 lated as follows : 
 
 " 3. The ships belonging to the state, taken on either side, 
 or which may be taken before the exchange of ratifications, 
 shall be given up. 
 
 " 4. The properties captured and not yet definitely con- 
 demned, or which may be captured before the exchange of 
 ratifications, except contraband merchandise destined for an 
 enemy's port, shall be mutually restored upon the following 
 proofs of property, viz. 
 
 " On the one part and on the other, the proofs of property 
 relative to merchant vessels, armed or unarmed, shall be a 
 passport in the following form : 
 
 " To all those to whom these presents shall come, be it 
 
 known, that power and permission has been given to , 
 
 master or commander of the vessel called the , of the 
 
 city of , of the burthen of tons, or thereabouts, 
 
 now lying in the port or harbour of , and destined for 
 
 , laden with , that after his ship has been visited, 
 
 and before his departure, he shall make oath before officers 
 authorized for that purpose, that the said ship belongs to one 
 
 or more citizens of ; the execution of which form shall 
 
 be annexed to these presents, in order that he may observe 
 and cause to be observed by his crew the maritime ordinances 
 and regulations, and give in a list, signed and attested, con- 
 taining the names and surnames, places of birth and abode, of 
 the persons composing the crew of his ship, and of all on 
 board her, whom he shall not receive on board without the 
 knowledge and permission of the officers authorized for that 
 purpose ; anrl in every port and harbour where he shall enter 
 with his ship, he shall show the present permission to the pro- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 317 
 
 per officers, and make to them a faithful report of all that has 
 passed during his said voyage, and carry the colours, arnris, 
 and flags of the French Republic, or the United States, during 
 his said voyage. In testimony of which we have signed these 
 presents, caused them to be countersigned by , and there- 
 unto put the seal of our arms. 
 
 " Given at , in the year of our Lord, ." 
 
 " And this passport shall be sufficient without any other docu- 
 ment, notwithstanding any other regulation to the contrary. 
 
 "It shall not be necessary to renew or revoke this passport, 
 whatever number of voyages the said ship shall have made, 
 unless they shall not have returned home within the space of 
 a year. 
 
 "With respect to the cargo, the proofs shall be certificates 
 containing an account of what place the ship has left, and 
 where it is going to, so that prohibited and contraband mer- 
 chandise may be distinguished by certificates, w^hich certificates 
 shall have been made by the officers of the place from whence 
 the ship shall have set out, agreeable to the accustomed forms 
 of the country. And if these passports or certificates, or 
 both, shall have been destroyed by accident, or taken away 
 by force, the want of them shall be supplied by every other 
 proof of property, admissible according to the general usage 
 of nations. 
 
 " For other ships besides merchant ships, the proof shall be 
 the commissions they bear. This article shall take effect from 
 the date of the signature of the present convention ; and if by 
 the date of the said signature, property shall have been con- 
 demned contrary to the spirit of the said convention, and 
 previous to the knowledge of this stipulation, the property so 
 condemned shall be restored or paid for. 
 
 " 5. The debts contracted by either of the two nations to- 
 wards the individuals of each, shall be acquitted, or the pay- 
 ment shall be in course, as if there had been no misunderstand- 
 ing between the two states — but this clause shall not extend 
 to indemnities claimed for captures or condemnations. 
 
 " 6. The trade between the two parties shall be free — the 
 ships of the tw^o nations, and the privateers as well as their 
 prizes, shall be treated in their respective ports as the most 
 favoured nation; and in general, the two parties shall enjoy in 
 each other's, with respect to commerce and navigation, the 
 same privileges as the most favoured nations. 
 27* 
 
318 
 
 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 " 7. The citizens and inhabitants of the United States may 
 dispose by will, donations, or otherwise, of their goods, move- 
 able or immoveable property, possessed in the European terri- 
 tory of the French Republic — and the citizens of the French 
 Republic shall have the same power with regard to the goods, 
 moveable and immoveable property, possessed in the territory 
 of the United States, in favour of such persons as they shall 
 think proper. The citizens and inhabitants of one of the two 
 states, who shall be heirs of the goods, moveable and immove- 
 able property, situate in the other, may succeed ab wlestat^ 
 without there being any necessity for letters of neutrality, 
 and 'without the effect of this stipulation being contested or 
 impeached, under any pretence whatever — and the said heirs, 
 whether by private right or ah intestat, shall be exempt from 
 all right whatever of any one, in either of the two nations. 
 It is agreed, that this article shall not derogate in any manner 
 from the laws which are now in force in either of the two 
 nations, or which may be promulgated hereafler against emi- 
 gration. And also, that in case the laws of the two states 
 shall limit to foreigners the exercise of the right of immove- 
 able property, such immoveable property may be sold, or 
 otherwise disposed in favour of the inhabitants or citizens of 
 the country where they shall be situate ; and it shall be open 
 to the other nation to establish similar laws. 
 
 "8. To favour the commerce of both nations, it is agreed, 
 that if war (which God forbid) should break out between the 
 two nations, the merchants and other citizens, or respective 
 inhabitants, shall be allowed on both sides six months after 
 the declaration of war, during which period they shall have 
 time to retire with their effects and moveables, which they 
 may carry aw^ay or sell, as they think proper, without the 
 least impeachment ; their effects, and still less their per- 
 sons, shall not, during the period of six months, be seized. 
 On the contrary, they shall have passports which shall be 
 valid for the time necessary to enable them to return home, 
 and those passports shall be given for themselves, as well as for 
 their ships and eff"ects which they shall desire to take or send 
 away. These passports shall serve as a protection against all 
 insults and all captures on the part of privateers, as well 
 with regard to themselves as their effects; and if within the 
 term above mentioned, there shall have laeen committed by 
 one of the parties, its citizens or inhabitants, any wrong 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 319 
 
 towards their person or their property, they shall have com- 
 plete satisfaction. 
 
 " 9. The debts due by individuals of one of the two na- 
 tions, to the individuals of the other, shall not, in case of war 
 or national dispute, be sequestered or confiscated, no more 
 than the claims or funds which shall be found in the public 
 funds, or in the public or private banks. 
 
 " 10. The two contracting parties may nominate for the 
 protection of trade, commercial agents, who shall reside in 
 France and in the United States. Each of the parties may 
 except such place as he shall judge proper, where the resi- 
 dence shall be fixed. Before any agent can exercise his 
 functions, he must be accepted according to the received forms 
 of the party to which he is sent, and when he shall be re- 
 ceived and provided with his exequator, he shall enjoy the 
 rights and prerogatives which are enjoyed by similar agents of 
 the most favoured nations. 
 
 " 11. The citizens of the French Republic shall not pay, in 
 any ports, harbours, roads, countries, islands, cities, and places 
 of the United States, other or greater duties, or imposts, of 
 whatever nature soever they may be, and whatever names 
 they may have, than those which the most favoured nations 
 are or shall be bound to pay ; and they shall enjoy all liber- 
 ties, rights, privileges, immunities and exemptions, relating to 
 trade, navigation, and commerce, whether in passing from one 
 port of the said states to another, or whether in going there 
 or returning from some part to another part of the world, 
 that the said nations enjoy, or shall enjoy, and reciprocally 
 the citizens of the United States shall enjoy in the territory 
 of the French Republic, in Europe, the same privileges and 
 immunities, as well for their goods as their persons, as for 
 what concerns trade, navigation and commerce. 
 
 " 12. The citizens of the two nations may conduct their 
 vessels and their merchandises, (always excepting such as are 
 contraband) from any port to another belonging to the enemy 
 of the other nation. They may navigate, with full liberty and 
 security, with their ships and merchandises, in the countries, 
 ports, and places of the enemies of the two parties, or of the 
 one or the other party, without obstacles or interruption ; and 
 not only pass directly from the places and ports of the enemy 
 above mentioned to neutral ports and places, but from every 
 place belonging to an enemy, whether it be or be not subject 
 
320 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 to the same jurisdiction, unless those places or ports shall be 
 really blockaded, besieged, or invested. 
 
 " And in case, as it often hajipens, when vessels shall be 
 sailing for places or ports belonging to an enemy, ignorant 
 that they are blockaded, besieged, or invested, it is agreed 
 that every ship which shall be found under such a predicament, 
 shall be turned from that place or port without any part of 
 his cargo being retained or confiscated, (unless it shall be con- 
 traband, or it shall be proved that the said ship, after having 
 been informed of the blockade or investiture, attempted to enter 
 the same port) but it shall be allowed to go to any other port or 
 place it shall think proper. No ship of either nation, entered 
 into a port or place before it shall have been really blockaded, 
 besieged, or invested by the other, shall be prevented from 
 going out with its cargo ; if it shall be there when the said 
 place shall surrender, ^he ship shall not be confiscated, but 
 sent away to the proprietors. 
 
 '' 13. To regulate what shall be miderstood by contraband 
 warlike stores, under this denomination shall be comprised 
 powder, saltpetre, petards, matches, balls, bullets, bombs, 
 grenades, carcasses, pikes, halberts, swords, bells, pistols, 
 scabbards, saddles, cannons, mortars with their carriages, and, 
 generally, all arms and ammunition of war, and utensils for 
 the use of troops. All the above articles, whenever they shall 
 be destined for an enemy's port, are declared contraband, and 
 justly subject to confiscation ; but the ship in which they shall 
 be laden, as well as the rest of the cargo, shall be considered 
 as free, and shall in no manner be vitiated by the contraband 
 merchandise, whether they belong to the same or different 
 proprietors. 
 
 " 14. It is stipulated by the present treaty, that the free 
 ships shall equally insure the liberty of merchandise, and that 
 all things shall be deemed free which are found on board ships 
 belonging to the citizens of one of the contracting parties, 
 even though the same, or part of it, shall belong to the enemies 
 of one of the two ; provided, nevertheless, that contraband 
 goods are always excepted. It is likewise agreed, that this 
 same liberty shall extend to persons wh.o may be on board the 
 free ships, though they should be enemies of the two contract- 
 ing parties, and they shall not be taken from the said free 
 ships unless they are in a military capacity, and actually in 
 the service of the enemy. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 321 
 
 " 15. It is on the contrary agreed, that all property which 
 shall be put, by the respective citizens, on board ships belong- 
 ing to an enemy of either party, or their subjects, shall be 
 confiscated without distinction of merchandise, prohibited or 
 not prohibited, so and in like manner as if it belonged to an 
 enemy, with the exception always of property and effects 
 which shall have been put on board the said ships before the 
 declaration of war, or even after the said declaration, if at the 
 time of lading the party were ignorant of it ; so that the mer- 
 chandises of citizens of the two parties, whether they be in 
 the number of contraband or not, which, as has been already 
 said, shall have been put on board a ship belonging to an 
 enemy before the war, or even after the said declaration of 
 war, in ignorance of it, shall not be in any manner subject to 
 confiscation, but shall be faithfully and truly given up without 
 delay, to the owners claiming them: provided, nevertheless, 
 that they shall not be permitted to carry into the enemy's 
 ports, merchandise which shall be contraband. The two 
 contracting powers agree, that after a term of two months 
 has passed from Ihe declaration, their respective citizens, in 
 whatever part of the world they may be, shall be at liberty 
 to plead the ignorance mentioned in this article. 
 
 " 16. Merchant vessels belonging to citizens of either of 
 the two contracting powers, when they shall have a mind to 
 pass to the port of an enemy of the one or the other, and 
 that their voyage as well as the nature of their cargo shall 
 afford just cause of suspicion, the said ship shall be obliged to 
 exhibit at high sea, as well as in ports and roads, not only 
 their passports, but further their certificates, proving that these 
 goods are not of the class of contraband specified in the 13th 
 article of the present convention. 
 
 " 17. And in order to prevent captures on frivolous suspi- 
 cions, and the damage thence resulting, it is agreed that when 
 one of the two powers shall be at war, and the other neutral, 
 the vessels of the neutral party shall be provided with pass- 
 ports similar to those specified in the 14th article, so that it 
 may thence appear that the parties belong to a neutral power. 
 These passports shall be valid for any number of voyages 
 whatever ; but they shall be renewed every year, if the ship 
 returns home within the space of a year. If these ships are 
 laden, they shall be provided not only wnth the passports 
 abovementioned, but also with certificates of the description 
 
322 THE ADMINISTEATION 
 
 of those mentioned in the same article, that it may be known 
 whether they have on board any contraband goods. Iso other 
 papers shall be required, all usage and regulations to the con- 
 trary notwithstanding; and if it should a[)pear from these cer- 
 tificates, that there is not contraband merchandise on board, 
 the said ships shall be left to pursue their destination. If, on 
 the contrary, it should appear from these certificates, that the 
 said ships have contraband merchandise on board and the 
 commander offers to deliver them up, the offer shall be ac- 
 cepted, and the ship left at liberty to prosecute her voyage, 
 unless the quantity of contraband goods should be too great 
 to admit of being taken on board the ship of war or cruisers ; 
 in this case, the ships shall be carried into port for the pur- 
 pose of delivering the said goods. 
 
 " Should a ship be found with the passports or the certifi- 
 cates above required, the business shall be examined by com- 
 petent judges or tribunals ; and if it should appear from other 
 documents or proofs admissible by the laws of nations, that 
 the ship belongs to citizens of the neutral power, it shall not 
 be condemned, and it shall be set at liberty with its cargo, 
 (contraband goods excepted) and shall have leave to prosecute 
 its voyage. 
 
 " Should the captain named in the passport happen to die 
 or be removed, and another shall have been appointed in his 
 place, the ship and cargo shall be nevertheless secure and the 
 passport shall remain in full force. 
 
 " 18. If the vessels belonging to citizens of the one nation 
 or the other shall be met along the coast, or on the high seas, 
 by any ship of war or cruiser belonging to the other, to pre- 
 vent all disorder, the said ships or cruisers shall keep beyond 
 the reach of cannon shot, and shall send their boat on board 
 the merchant vessel so met with. They shall not be allowed 
 to send on board more than two or three men to demand from 
 the master or captain of the ship the exhibition of his passport 
 concerning the property of said ship, executed agreeably to 
 the form prescribed in the 14th article, as also the certificates 
 above mentioned, relative to the cargo. It is expressly agreed, 
 that the neutral captain shall not be obliged to go on board 
 the visiting ship for the purpose of there showing the papers 
 demanded, or for any other information whatever. 
 
 " 19. It is expressly agreed by the parties, that the above 
 stipulations relative to the conduct to be observed at sea, by 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 323 
 
 the cruisers of the belligerent party towards the verscls of the 
 neutral party, shall apply only to shi[)S sniling without convoy 
 — and in cases when the said ships shall be convoyed, the in- 
 tention of the parties being to observe all the respect due to 
 the protection of the flag hoisted on board the ships of the 
 state, no visit shall be made. But the verbal declaration of 
 the commander of the escort, that the ships under his convoy 
 belong to the nation whose tlag he carries, and they have not 
 any thing contraband on board, shall be taken by the respec- 
 tive cruisers as amply sufficient. The two parties bind them- 
 selves reciprocally, not to admit under protection of their con- 
 voys, any vessels carrying contraband merchandise destined 
 for an enemy. 
 
 " *20. In cases when the ships shall be taken or stopped, 
 under alleged grounds of their cairying any contraband arti- 
 cles to the enemy, the captors shall give a receipt of the shii)'s 
 papers which he shall detain, which receipt shall be subjoined 
 to a declaratory list of the said papers. He shall not be per- 
 mitted to force open the hatches, costers, chests, drawers, 
 bales, &c. found on board ships, nor to carry off the smallest 
 article of the effects, before the cargo has been disembarked, 
 in presence of the officers competent to make an inventory of 
 the said effects. They cannot in any manner be sold, ex- 
 changed, or alienated, unless, after a legal process, the compe- 
 tent judge or judges have passed upon the said effects, a sen- 
 tence of confiscation, (excepting always the ship and the other 
 objects that it contains.) 
 
 " 21. In order that the vessel and the cargo may be watched 
 with care, and in order to prevent mistakes, it is decreed, the 
 master, captain, or supercargo of the captured ship cannot be 
 taken from on board, either while the ship is at sea after being 
 taken, during the proceedings against it, its cargo, or any 
 thing relative to it. 
 
 " In case of the ship belonging to either party being taken, 
 seized, and retained for judgment, its officers, passengers, and 
 crew shall be treated with humanity — they cannot be impri- 
 soned, nor deprived of their clothes nor pocket money, not 
 exceeding for the captain, supercargo, and second, five hun- 
 dred dollars each, and for the sailors and passengeis, one 
 hundred dollars each. 
 
 *' 22. It is moreover agreed on, that in every case the tri- 
 bunals appointed in prize causes in the countries whither the 
 
324 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 prizes shall be taken, shall alone be competent to try them ; 
 and every judgment which the tribunal of either party pro- 
 nounces against a ship, or merchandise, or property reclaimed 
 by the citizens of the other party, the sentence or decree shall 
 make mention of the reasons or motives which have deter- 
 mined this judgment, of which an authentic copy, as ^vell as 
 of all the proceedings relative to it, shall, on their requisition, 
 be delivered without delay to the captain or agent of the said 
 ship, after paying the expenses. 
 
 *' 23. And finally, in order more effectually to provide for 
 the respective security of the citizens of the two contracting 
 parties, and to prevent the injuries to be feared from ships of 
 war, or privateers of either party, all the commanders of ships 
 of war or privateers, and all the citizens of both parties, shall 
 refrain from all violence against one another, and from every 
 personal insult. If they act in a contrary mariner, they shall 
 be punished, and bound over in their persons and properties to 
 give satisfaction and reparation for the damage, with interest, 
 of whatever kind the said damage may be. 
 
 " To this effect all the captains of privateers, before 
 receiving their commissions, shall become bound before a 
 competent judge, to give security by two responsible citizens 
 at least, who shall have no interest in the said privateer, and 
 whom each, as well as the captain, shall engage individually 
 for the sum of 7000 dollars, or 36,820 francs ; if the said 
 vessels carry more than 150 sailors or soldiers, for the suiti of 
 15,000 dollars, (73,670)francs, which shall serve to repair the 
 damage that the said privateers, their officers or crews, or any 
 of thena, shall have committed during their ci'uise contrary to 
 the disposition of the present convention, or to the laws and 
 instructions which ought to be the rule of their conduct ; be- 
 sides this, the said commission shall be revoked and annulled 
 in every case where an aggression has been committed. 
 
 " 24. When the ships of war of the two contracting parties, 
 or those which their citizens shall have armed, shall be ad- 
 mitted with their prizes into the ports of either of the two 
 parties, the said public or private vessels, as well as their pri- 
 zes, shall not, be obliged to pay any duties, either to the 
 officers of the place, or to the judges, or to any others. The 
 said prizes entering the harbours or ports of one of the 
 two parties, shall not be arrested or seized, and the officer of 
 the place shall not take cognizance of the validity of the said 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 325 
 
 prizes, which are to be suffered to go out, and be conducted 
 with full freedom and hberty to their ports, by the commissions 
 which the captains of the said vessels shall be obliged to 
 show. It is always understood, that the stipulations of this 
 article shall not extend beyond the privilege of the most 
 favoured nation. 
 
 " 25. All foreign privateers having commissions from a 
 State or Prince at war with the one or the other nation, can- 
 not arm their vessels in the ports of either nation, or dispose 
 of the prizes there, or in any manner exchange them. They 
 shall not be allowed to buy provisions further than the neces- 
 sary quantity to gain the nearest port of the State or Prince 
 from whom they shall have received their commissions. 
 
 " 26. It is further agreed, that neither of the two contract- 
 ing parties shall receive pirates in its ports, roads, or cities, 
 and shall not permit any of its inhabitants to receive, protect, 
 support, or conceal them in any manner, but shall deliver up 
 to due punishment such of its inhabitants as shall be guilty of 
 the like acts or crimes ; the ships of those pirates, as well as 
 their eifects and merchandise, shall be seized, wherever they 
 shall be discovered, and restored to their proprietors, agents 
 or factors, duly authorized by them, after having proved their 
 right before judges competent to decide respecting the property. 
 
 " If the said effects have passed by sale into other hands, 
 and the purchasers were or might be informed, or have sus- 
 pected that the said effects were carried away by pirates, they 
 shall be equally restored. 
 
 ^^ 27. Neither of the two nations shall interfere in the fish- 
 eries of the other upon its coasts, or disturb it in the exercise 
 of the rights which it now has or may acquire on the coasts 
 of Newfoundland, in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, or elsewhere 
 on the coast of America, or in the north of the United States ; 
 but the whale and seal fishery shall be free for the two na- 
 tions in all parts of the world. 
 
 " The convention shall be ratified on both sides in due 
 form, and the ratification exchanged in the space of six 
 months, or sooner if it be possible. In faith whereof, the re- 
 spective plenipotentiaries have signed the above articles, as 
 well in the French as in the English language, and have 
 placed their seals, declaring, nevertheless, that the signature 
 in two languages shall not be cited as an example, and shall 
 not prejudice either of the two parties. 
 28 
 
826 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 " Done at Paris, the 8th day of Vendemaire, the 9th year 
 of the French Republic, and the 3d day of September, 1800. 
 
 "Joseph Buonaparte, 
 C. P. Flurieu, 
 (Signed) Rcederer, 
 
 Oliver Elsworth, 
 W. R. Davie, 
 W. V. Murray. 
 
 An exact copy. 
 
 C. M. Talleyrand." 
 
 The above treaty was canvassed in the senate on the 8th 
 of January, and agreed to, excepting the 2d and 3d articles, 
 which were rejected. The rejection of these articles on the 
 part of i^merica, was both imprudent and impolitic; for by 
 the rejection of the 2d article, the very intention and design 
 upon which negotiation was commenced, was both opposed 
 and defeated. Indemnities were not only virtually relin- 
 quished, but the proposal for appointing a convenient time to 
 negotiate upon them, was rejected. The rejection of the 3d 
 article necessarily followed that of the former, and this article 
 seems to have been the true pretext for rejecting the preced- 
 ing — but the obvious intention, in rejecting these articles, can 
 only be traced to one source: the motives which actuated the 
 desire for a war, actuated also the opposition to negotiation ; 
 for the same men who opposed the mission to France, op- 
 posed also the adjustment of differences upon principles of 
 equity. 
 
 Mr. Bingham pro})Osed the 19th article to be struck out, 
 but his motion was negatived by a majority of fifteen. 
 
 The mode of proceeding in the election of President, in the 
 event of the President and Vice-President's votes being equal, 
 was brought before the House of Representatives, on the 9th 
 of February. Messrs. Rutledge, Nicholas, Griswold, Ma- 
 con, Bayard, Taliaferro, Foster, Claiborne, Otis, Davis, Mor- 
 ris, Champlin, Baer, Cooper, Linn and Woods, who were ap- 
 pointefl the committee to arrange this business, presented the 
 following resolutions, wliich were accepted of: 
 
 1. In the event of its appearing, upon the counting and 
 ascertaininn- of the votes given for the President and Vice- 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 327 
 
 President, according to the mode prescribed by the constitu- 
 tion, that no person has a constitutional majority, and the 
 same shall have been duly declared and entered on the journals 
 of this house, the speaker, accompanied by the members of the 
 house, shall return to their chamber. 
 
 " 2d. Seats shall be provided in this house for the President 
 and members of the Senate ; and notification of the same shall 
 be made to the Senate. 
 
 '' 3d. The house on their return from the Senate chamber, it 
 being ascertained that the constitutional number of states are 
 present, shall immediately proceed to choose one of the per- 
 sons, from whom the choice is to be made, for President ; and 
 in case upon the first ballot there shall not appear to be a 
 majority of the states in favour of one of them, the house shall 
 continue to ballot for a President, without interruption by 
 other business, until it shall appear that a President is duly 
 chosen. 
 
 " 4th. After commencing the balloting for President, the 
 house shall not adjourn until a choice be made. 
 
 ^' 5th. The doors of the house shall be closed during the 
 balloting, except against the officers of the house. 
 
 " 6th. In balloting, the following mode shall be observed, 
 to wit: The representatives of the respective states shall be so 
 seated, that the delegation of each state shall be together. 
 The representatives of each state shall, in the first instance, 
 ballot among themselves, in order to ascertain the vote of that 
 state ; and it shall be allowed, where deemed necessary by the 
 delegation, to name one or more persons of the representation 
 to be tellers of the ballots. After the vote of each state is 
 ascertained, duplicates thereof shall be made ; and in case the 
 vote of the state be for one person, then the name of that 
 person shall be written on each of the duplicates ; and in case 
 the ballots of the state be equally divided, then the word 
 ^divided' shall be written on each duplicate, and the said 
 duplicates shall be deposited in manner hereafter prescribed, in 
 boxes to be provided. That for the conveniently taking the 
 ballots of the several representatives of the respective states, 
 there be sixteen ballot boxes provided for the purpose of re- 
 ceiving the votes of the states — after the delegation of each 
 state shall have ascertained the vote of the state, the serjeant 
 at arms shall carry to the respective delegations the two ballot 
 
328 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 boxes, and the delegation of each state, in the presence and 
 subject to the examination of all the members of the delegation, 
 shall then deposit a duplicate of the vote of the state in each 
 ballot box ; and where there is more than one representative 
 of a state, the duplicates shall not both be deposited by the 
 same person. When the votes of the states are all thus taken 
 in, the serjeant at arms shall carry one of the general ballot 
 boxes to one table, and the others to a second and separate 
 table. Sixteen members shall be appointed as tellers of the bal- 
 lots; one of whom shall be taken from each state, and be nomi- 
 nated by the delegation of the state from which he was taken. 
 The said tellers shall be divided into two equal sets according 
 to such agreement as shall be made among themselves ; and 
 one of the said sets of tellers shall proceed to count the votes 
 in one of the said boxes, and the other set the votes in the 
 other box — and in the event of no appointment of tellers by 
 any delegation, the speaker shall in such case appoint. When 
 the votes of the states are counted by the respective sets of 
 tellers, the result shall be reported to the House, and if the 
 reports agree, the same shall be accepted as the true votes of 
 the states ; but if the reports disagree, the states shall imme- 
 diately proceed to a new ballot in manner aforesaid. 
 
 " 7th. If either of the persons voted for shall have a ma- 
 jority of the votes of all the states, the Speaker shall declare 
 the same ; and official notice thereof shall be immediately 
 given to the President of the United States, and to the Senate. 
 
 " 8th. All questions which shall arise after the balloting 
 commences, and which shall require the decision of the house, 
 shall be decided without debate." 
 
 On Wednesday the 11th of February, according to the 
 rules of proceeding established by the house, they proceeded 
 to the senate chamber, where (Mr. Nicholas and Mr. Rut- 
 ledge, the tellers on the part of the house, and Mr. Wells on 
 the part of the Senate) the votes w^ere counted and the result 
 declared by the Vice President to be. 
 
 For Thomas Jefferson, 73 John Adams, 65 
 
 Aaron Burr, 73 C. C. Pinckney, 64 
 
 John Jay, 1. 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 329 
 
 The following table represents the return of votes from the 
 different states : 
 
 Return of votes for President and Vice President of the United States. 
 
 . 
 
 Tefferson. 
 
 Burr. 
 
 Adams. 
 
 Pinckney. 
 
 iVo. Votes, 
 
 New Hampshire, 
 Vermont, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 4 
 
 6 
 4 
 
 6 
 4 
 
 I^tlassachusetts, 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 16 
 
 16 
 
 Rhode Island, 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 Connecticut, 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 New^ York, 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 New Jersey, 
 
 Pennsylvania, 
 
 Delaware, 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 7 
 7 
 3 
 
 7 
 7 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 15 
 
 3 
 
 Maryland, 
 Virginia, 
 
 5 
 21 
 
 5 
 21 
 
 5 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 10 
 21 
 
 North Carolina, 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 12 
 
 South Carolina, 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Georgia, 
 Tennessee, 
 
 4 
 3 
 
 4 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 3 
 
 Kentucky, 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Total, 73 73 65 64 138 
 
 Rhode Island was the state which gave the single vote for 
 Mr. Jay. 
 
 The tellers declared there was some informality in the votes 
 of Georgia, but believing them to be true votes, reported them 
 as such. 
 
 The Vice-President then, in pursuance of the duty enjoined 
 upon him, declared, that Thomas Jefferson, and Aaron Burr, 
 being equal in the number of votes, it remained for the House 
 of Representatives to determine the choice. 
 
 The two houses then separated, and the House of Repre- 
 sentatives returned to their chamber, where seats had been 
 previously prepared for the members of the Senate — a call of 
 the members of the house, arranged according to States, w^as 
 then made ; upon which it appeared that every member was 
 present, except General Sumpter, who was unwell and unable 
 to attend. Mr. Nicholson, of Maryland, was also unwell, 
 but attended, and had a bed prepared for him in one of the 
 28* 
 
330 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 committee rooms, to which place the ballot box was carried 
 to him, by the tellers appointed on the part of the state. 
 
 The first ballot was eight states for Mr. Jefferson, six for 
 Mr. Burr, and two divided; which result continued to be the 
 same after balloting thirty-five times. The thirty-sixth ballot 
 determined the question ; and rescued America from the hands 
 of an administration, whose crimes will be long felt and ever 
 remembered. 
 
 This important decision took place at twelve o'clock on the 
 17th of February. There appeared for Mr. Jefferson ten 
 States, for Mr. Burr, four States, and the remaining two 
 were blank ballots. 
 
 The states which voted for Mr. Jefferson, were, Georgia, 
 North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Virginia, Maryland, 
 Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, and Vermont. The 
 states for Mr. Burr, were, New Ham.pshire, Massachusetts, 
 Connecticut, and Rhode Island. The blank states were 
 Delaware, and South Carolina. 
 
 Such was the result of the most important election which 
 America had yet witnessed. The conduct of the federalists 
 on this occasion, must be considered by impartial men of every 
 party, to have been the most disgraceful that could have been 
 adopted ; for when disappointed by the voice of the people 
 of having Mr. Adams returned as President, they used every 
 possible means to throw their country into confusion — to 
 effect which, they voted for Mr. Burr, in hopes that by this 
 measure neither he or Mr. Jefferson would be elected, and 
 that consequently the constitution would be dissolved. 
 
 That Mr. Burr had neither any intention or desire to be 
 elected President, is evident from the following extract of a 
 letter to General Smith — the sentiments of which do Mr. Burr 
 the greatest credit. 
 
 " It is highly improbable that I shall have an equal num- 
 ber of votes with Mr. Jefferson. But if such should be the 
 result, every man who knows me, ought to know, that I 
 would utterly disclaim all competition. Be assured that the 
 federal party can entertain no wish for such an exchange. 
 
 " As to my friends, they would dishonour my views and 
 insult my feelings by a suspicion that I would submit to be 
 instrumental in counteracting the wishes and expectations of 
 the United Sates. And I now constitute you my proxy to 
 declare these sentiments if the occasion shall require." 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 331 
 
 In approaching towards the close of federahsra, the number 
 of facts which display the profligacy of the late administra- 
 tion, are so many, that I have felt at a loss how to select or 
 how to conclude the few remaining pages of this volume, in 
 which I intended to have comprised the principal transactions 
 that characterized the reign of Mr. Adams. Had they been 
 of a favourable nature either to virtue or humanity, I certainly 
 would have deemed it incumbent upon me rather to have 
 sported with the patience of the reader, by extending the 
 limits of the w^ork, than to have omitted them ; but viewing 
 only an ocean of folly and vice, or, if I may be allowed the 
 expression, a pandemonium of political intrigue, the sooner I 
 withdraw^ from the painful scene, I trust will be more accept- 
 able both to the liberal patriot and the less candid monarchist. 
 
 Committing the fires at Washington to the charge of some 
 future historian, who may have it more in his power to expose 
 to the public eye those Cataline conflagrations, I shall only 
 glance at such circumstances as appear most important in the 
 public and private history of Mr. Adams. 
 
 The dismissal of Timothy Pickering and James M^ Henry, 
 the former from the office of secretary of state, and the latter 
 from that of secretary of w^ar, with the appointment of Gene- 
 ral Marshall and Samuel Dexter to their places, have been 
 generally supposed, and not without reason, to have proceeded 
 from the political schism which took place at Trenton ; but 
 the original quarrel between Mr. Adams and Mr. Pickering, I 
 have been lately informed, from the best authority, was of a 
 longer standing. It arose upon the nomination of Mr. John- 
 son to the stamp office. Mr. Johnson was a tory, and adhered 
 to or fled with the British after our revolution, and resided in 
 England until within the last three years, where John Quincy 
 Adams married a daughter of Mr. Johnson. Upon the nomi- 
 nation of this gentleman, Mr. Pickering had the honesty to 
 offer his opinion against him. {See Jlppendix.) 
 
 Mr. Adams has had the credit of proposing to make the 
 president's office hereditary in the family of Lund Washing- 
 ton, the General having no heirs. This fact, however, is not 
 ascertained as to period or place, and it appears either contra- 
 dictory or a mark of additional instability of character, when 
 considered with another fact satisfactorily authenticated. At 
 the manufactory of Seve, near Paris, there is made the finest 
 porcelain in the world. — The directors of that work, soon 
 
332 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 after the peace of 1783, had executed a miniature of General 
 Washington, and another of Dr. FrankHn, executed in porce- 
 lain, and beautifully ornamented. Over the bust of General 
 Washington the courtly fancy of the artist had placed a regal 
 crown, over that of the doctor, a cap of liberty. These 
 miniatures were exhibited for some time in the chamber of 
 Congress, and there Mr. Adams, with a pen-knife, mutilated 
 the crown placed over the General's head. The doctor's 
 miniature escaped the hand of the Goth, by the accidental in- 
 terposition of a member of Congress. The porcelain minia- 
 ture of the General exists still in its mutilated state, and it is 
 believed is in the possession of Mrs. Washington. 
 
 The enmity which Mr. Adams exhibited against the me- 
 mory of Dr. Franklin is also strongly marked by the persecu- 
 tions of Mr. Bache, the grandson of Dr. Franklin. Upon the 
 appointment of John Quincy Adams to the several embassies 
 in Europe, there appeared in the newspapers, published by 
 Mr. Eache, some strictures on the nepotism which Mr. Adams 
 pursued in creating offices for his relations. A. letter was ad- 
 dressed to Mr. Bache, calling on him, as the school-fellow of 
 young John, to refrain from such strictures. The letter was 
 in a female hand, and a gentleman who was acquainted with 
 the hand-writing of Mrs. Adams, asserted it to be from her 
 pen. Mr. Bache not choosing to comply w-ith the request of 
 a woman, when the interest of his country was at stake, suf- 
 fered afterwards the most rigorous treatment from the whole 
 family of our late President. 
 
 Parental affection may, in the breast of some, excuse Mr. 
 Adams for employing his son in a sphere where he might ac- 
 quire political knowledge; but it ought not to be forgotten, 
 that it w^as at the public expense. 
 
 Some idea of the unnecessary expenses that were incurred 
 during the administration of Mr. Adams may be formed from 
 the following account of contingencies during the year 1800. 
 
 " Gentlemen of the Senate^ and 
 
 " Gentlemen of the House of Representatives. 
 
 " I now transmit to both houses of Congress, in conformity 
 to law, my annual account of the application of grants for the 
 contingent charges of government for the year one thousand 
 eight hundred. 
 
 " John Adams. 
 
 " United States, January 16, 1801." 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 333 
 
 " January 21, 1800.— To warrant No. 497, in fa- 
 vour of William Smith Shaw, for his expenses 
 on a mission from Philadelphia to Mount Vernon, 
 on public business, _ _ - _ _ ^ 50 
 
 "December 31. — To balance unexpended on this 
 day, and subject to the orders of the President 
 of the United States, - - _ . 19,9r)0 
 
 S 20,000 
 
 " December 31, 1799. — By grant of twenty thousand 
 dollars, made by ^ An act making appropriations for 
 the support of government, for the year 1799,' 
 passed on the 2d March, 1799, and which remained 
 subject to the orders of the President of the United 
 States, at the close of that year, according to a 
 statement rendered under date of January 17, 1800, $ 20,000 
 
 Treasury Department, Register's Office, January 14, 1791. 
 
 " Joseph Nourse, Register." 
 
 " TREASURY DEPARTMENT. 
 
 " December 30, 1800. 
 "I hereby certify, that I have examined and adjusted an 
 account between the United States and Oliver Wolcott, sec- 
 retary of the treasury, and find the sura of five hundred and 
 ten dollars and eighty-four cents is due from the United States 
 unto Edward Jones, his assignee ; being the amount of expen- 
 ses incurred by him on his removal from Philadelphia to the 
 City of Washington, as appears from the statement and 
 vouchers herewith transmitted for the decision of the comp- 
 troller of the Treasury thereon. — $-510 84. 
 
 " R. Harrison, Auditor. 
 " To John Steele, Esq. Comptroller." 
 
 '' COMPTROLLER'S OFFICE. 
 
 " I admit and certify the above balance this thirtieth day 
 of December, 1800. 
 
 " John Steele, Comptroller. 
 " To Joseph Nourse, Esq. Register." 
 
334 THE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 " Account of expenses incurred by Oliver Wolcott, in con- 
 sequence of the removal of the government, from Philadelphia 
 to the City of Washington : 
 
 Dolls. Cts. 
 " For chests and cases, and expenses of packing 
 
 furniture, 
 " Porterage and other small expenses, 
 " Mouse-rent in Philadelphia, 
 a Freight of baggage and furniture, 
 " Loss on the sale of sundry articles of furniture, (at 
 
 least) 
 " Extra expenses at Philadelphia, and in travelling, 
 
 and at the City of Washington, 
 
 510 84 
 
 December 29, 1800. 
 " I authorise Edward Jones, Esq. to receive payment of 
 the above account (of this statement) for my use. 
 
 Oliver Wolcott. 
 
 " N. B. Part of my furniture remains at Philadelphia, the 
 storage and removal of which will occasion further expense, 
 which in my opinion, ought to be borne by the United States, 
 and will accordingly be claimed by me when the amount of 
 said expense is ascertained. 
 
 " Oliver Wolcott." 
 
 152 
 
 45 
 
 31 
 
 97 
 
 66 
 
 66 
 
 43 92 
 
 50 
 
 00 
 
 165 84 
 
 The credulity with which Mr. Adams is possessed, cannot 
 be better exemphfied than by the following story : 
 
 In the summer of 1799, a person w-aited on Mr. Boudinot, 
 director of the mint, and after soliciting a private interview, 
 produced several ingots of metal of a dusky white colour, and 
 left them with Mr. Boudinot, desiring that they might be as- 
 sayed, and he w^ould call again to learn the result, and make 
 a very important discovery. The ingots were found to be one- 
 half pure tin, the remaining half pure silver. The person on 
 calling, informed Mr. Boudinot, that he had been so fortunate 
 as to discover a chemical process, by which tin was converted 
 into silver, and that the silver ingots which he had left were 
 so produced. He suggested to Mr. Boudinot the advantages 
 which the country would derive by having all its silver bullion 
 
OF JOHN ADAMS. 335 
 
 created at home, and that by a proper use of the secret, the mint 
 might command the universe — that it was a dangerous thing for 
 him to possess it, but that he was willing to engage with the 
 mint to produce a given quantity exclusively for the mint. Mr. 
 Boudinot was in raptures, and solicited the chemist to call upon 
 him the next day. The director of the American mint waited 
 directly on the President Adams, and to him communicated 
 the secret. The whole of the conversation on this momentous 
 discovery we cannot detail; but it appears that Mr. Adams 
 was equally impressed with the importance and value of the 
 secret, and expressed very serious apprehensions, that if the 
 secret were not confined to himself, the director of the mint, 
 and the alchemist, the power w^hich it might give would not 
 only endanger the government, but by the capacity which it 
 gave of increasing the quantity of bullion, produce the same 
 consequences as the discovery of the American mines had on the 
 Spanish monarchy. The importance of preserving the secret 
 inviolate and exclusively to themselves, w^as forcibly impressed, 
 and the negotiation for securing it intrusted to the sagacity 
 and discretion of the director. 
 
 On the next day the alchemist produced some more ingots, 
 but alarms of the yellow fever w^ere then general, and he 
 pointed out the necessity of removing the furnaces, and erect- 
 ing them at some safe distance from the city. A situation on 
 the Delaw^are, in New Jersey, was named, and after some pre- 
 liminaries as to the necessity of secrecy, of which the chemist 
 appeared to be equally earnest with the director, there re- 
 mained nothing more to be done than to rem.ove the apparatus 
 and procure the requisite quantity of the raw material. For 
 these purposes, several hundred hard dollars of the vulgar 
 silver of South America were advanced ; and the chemist, to 
 prevent any suspicions in the minds of those who might chance 
 to see the ingots, took the tin ingots with a view^ to convert 
 them into silver, and the silver ingots to pack up with the 
 quantity that was to form the first delivery for public use. 
 
 The director left town along with others who were appre- 
 hensive of the contagion, and the chemist departed likewise. 
 Upon the return of Mr. Boudinot to Philadelphia, he made 
 inquiries for his friend the chemist, but unhappily without suc- 
 cess ; upon communicating this information to the President, 
 he drily observed, the man must have died of the yellow fever, 
 and perhaps fortunately for the world. But it appears that 
 
336 THE ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 Mr. Boudinot discovered that the man did escape the disease, 
 but by some cause he had lost the secret so completely as not 
 to be able to return the money advanced to carry on the pro- 
 cess which was to have given Mr. Adams the command of the 
 universe. 
 
 Extravagance characterized the measures of Mr. Adams. 
 The benches of justice w^ere filled wath men who fought against 
 American Independence, and those who have been since most 
 active to destroy it. Mr. Adams determined and declared that 
 he would nominate to the last hour of his presidential existence, 
 and w^as not sparing of a species of insult to his successor which 
 no man of civility could be guilty of. 
 
 There were several Senators nominated for judges under a 
 law created by themselves, though the sixth section of the 
 constitution declared, that " No senator or representative shall, 
 during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any 
 civil office, uuder the authority of the United States, which 
 shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have 
 been increased during such time." Yet Jacob Reed of South 
 Carolina, Paine of Vermont, Green of Rhode Island, were 
 nominated by Mr. Adams to the offices for the creation of 
 which they voted. 
 
 The manner in which Mr. Adams departed from Washing- 
 ton after his power had ceased, has even received the censure 
 of his w^armest friends : in place of remaining to witness the 
 inauguration of Mr. Jefferson like his illustrious predecessor, 
 he ordered his carriage ready the moment the hour of twelve 
 at night struck, and took his departure before sunrise, and bid 
 a final adieu to the seat of American government. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 Oidrage on Mr. Schneider, of Reading, Penn'a, on the 20th 
 of April lim. 
 
 [Taken from the Reading Eagle, April 16, 1844.] 
 
 The inclination of President Adams seemed determined to 
 establish a strong government tending to monarchical powers, 
 and by means of severe enactments to prostrate the free ex- 
 pression of popular opinion, at least as to his own official 
 conduct. 
 
 In Northampton County, Pennsylvania, symptoms of tu- 
 mult arose regarding a federal tax-collector, who immediately 
 preferred a suit in the premises against sundry persons that 
 had resisted his rude and unbecoming assaults; whereupon 
 the officer of the law was sent from the United States Court 
 to brmg before them, at Philadelphia, the so-called offenders. 
 
 Resistance being made by the people to this groundless and 
 unnecessary judicial interference. President Adams declared 
 the counties of Northampton, Bucks, and Montgomery as in 
 a state of rebellion, and at the same time ordered an army o^ 
 twelve hundred regulars and volunteers, to march into those 
 counties, in order to suppress the imputed outrage. 
 
 The spirit and temper of that army may be gleaned from 
 an incident which occurred on the way, and from which a 
 salutary warning was inculcated against'the danger of a mili- 
 tary power under the arbitrary will of a phrenzied leader. 
 
 On their way to Northampton a troop of cavalry passed 
 through the town of Reading, and deeming themselves clothed 
 ^ylth authority to suppress any meeting of the people, they 
 signalized themselves by searching out the places of assein- 
 bhige and destroyi-g the liberty poles, which, as an evidence 
 of independence, were universally planted. 
 
 The people in the vicinity of \hese harmless but patriotic 
 
 (33:^ 
 
338 APPENDIX. 
 
 symbols of freedom, taken by a guard of troopers, and amid 
 threats of violence too often positively inflicted, were obliged 
 to level to the earth the gallant hickories they had elevated. 
 
 These transactions were noticed by Jacob Schneider, a 
 ])rinter of a German paper in Reading, in his edition of ilv VJth 
 of April, 1799, in the most truthful and fearless manner. 
 
 Upon their return from Northampton, the whole army 
 passed through Reading on Saturday the 20th of April, 1799. 
 
 On that very day, whilst Schneider w'as engaged working 
 at his press, a squad of arm.ed troopers entered his printery, 
 and in a commanding and insolent tone gave him notice to 
 appear at the captain's quarters. Schneider, who had fought 
 bravely in the revolution, felt as a citizen should who knew 
 his hard-earned rights, and replied indignantly to the com- 
 mand, that " if the captain had anything to say, it was as near 
 to come to the office, as it was for Schneider to go to him." 
 They declared that he must go with them, and drawing their 
 swords took him by force to the captain's quarters. The cap- 
 tain immediately ordered him to receive twenty-five lashes on 
 his back in the public market-place, which was about being 
 executed, when a portion of Captain Leiper's troop from 
 Philadelphia interfered, and saved the gallant veteran from 
 further contumely and violence. 
 
 Another among the numerous evidences of the disposition 
 to good order and regular government which was often wit- 
 nessed during the administration of Mr. Adams, deserves a 
 passing notice. 
 
 On the 5lh of October, 1799, at Pottsgrove, Montgomery 
 county, Pennsylvania, a young man while in a public store, 
 having expressed sentiments favourable to the election of 
 Judge M'Kean, was most violently beaten and followed into 
 the street by a certain General! who not only knocked the 
 young man down, but otherwise used him inhumanly. The 
 injured man went to a magistrate in that place; but he being 
 the friend of Mr. Ross, the protection of the law could not 
 be obtained; on the contrary, the young man was taken into 
 custody and knocked down twice with a loaded whip, then 
 carried along by an officer of the federal government, brother 
 to the assailant, and tied with a rope, remaining in that cruel 
 situation until next day, when the humanity of a guard 
 I)laced over him induced them to untie the sufferer. On the 
 
APPENDIX. 3g9 
 
 evening he was carried before the magistrate to whom he had 
 apphed for justice in the first instance, when this doubly in- 
 jured young man was bound over to stand a trial for being 
 beaten, falsely imprisoned, tied with a rope, and twice knocked 
 down on his way to the magistrate's office. 
 
 Anecdote of President Adams and the Essex Junto. 
 
 ^ Curing the prevalence of the yellow fever in Philadelphia, 
 m 179S, the government w^as located at Trenton. During 
 that summer, President John Adams made a visit to his home 
 m Qumcy (Mass.), and whilst there, Harrison G. Otis one 
 morning meetmg his friend William Lee, in State street, Bos- 
 ton, (late second Auditor of the Treasury at Washington, 
 and a warm opponent of President Adams,) proposed to him 
 to ride out and pay their respects to Mr. Adams. Lee ob- 
 jected on account of the political stand he had taken against 
 the federal administration, and presuming he would not be a 
 welcome \-isiter to his Excellency just at that time. Otis re- 
 plied, that himself being a strong advocate to the President's 
 principles, was a sutficient passport not only to the President, 
 but_ to the whole Essex Junto. This decided Lee to o-o to 
 Quincy with his friend. On arriving, they found Mr. Cabot 
 with a committee of the old Essex Junto who had come out 
 to remonstrate against the appointment of Mr. Gerry's mis- 
 sion abroad. Otis, with his friend Lee, entered the room in 
 the midst of the President's reply to the committee. He most 
 cordially received them ; and after inviting them to be seated, 
 turned to the committee and continued in warm terms his 
 positive and fixed determination in fiivour of Mr. Gerry, &c. 
 Otis seeing the committee wince at the strong expressions 
 from the President, and thinking himself an intruder in the 
 eyes of the discomfited committee, all of whom were his po- 
 hhcal friends, gave a wink to Lee that it was high time to be 
 off ; and taking a hasty leave of the President and his speech 
 to the federal committee, returned to Boston highly elated ; 
 and from that day Lee became a convert to the Adams dynasty 
 for the independent and determined course which the Presi- 
 dent pursued toward the Essex Junto Committee. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 LETTERS 
 
 NOTE BY THE EDITOR. 
 
 The following important and highly interesting letters 
 from Mr. Adams to 'his friend and relative William Cunning- 
 ham, Esq., late of Fitchburg, are inserted in an appendix to 
 this volume by the editor, for the purpose of showing to the 
 present and future generations, the trying situation and pecii- 
 har difficulties which at times surrounded Mr. Adams during 
 his presidential term from 1798 to 1801, an early period of 
 our now extended and growing Republic, ivhen, as now, 
 political aspirants panted for power and fame, seeming as if 
 willing at one single throw to jeopardize its liberties for their 
 own individual aggrandizement. 
 
 Mr. Adams by these letters, like a master-spirit, drags 
 back upon the political stage, those who played so conspicuous 
 a part during his administration, fearlessly drawing up the 
 curtain, exhibiting to a wondering pubhc the actors unveiled, 
 caUing each by his proper name, to be handed down to pos- 
 terity in vindication of his own inabiUty to perform, while 
 unsupported and tampered with, in the four act political 
 drama. In a word, showing that if an individual who has 
 distinguished himself in Hterature, in science, in the arts, in 
 the affairs of state, or in arms, does not exhibit all the vir- 
 tues of which human nature in its varieties is capable, he is 
 pronounced defective, and condemned accordingly. On the 
 other hand, where the partiality of admiration would make a 
 character, and the materials are inadequate to the structure, 
 the individual is raised beyond his level by praises for frivo- 
 lous qualifications, which, as they relate to human actions, 
 are utterly insignificant. 
 
APPENDIX. 341 
 
 In these letters Mr. Adams not only denounces unsparingly 
 certain political characters who figured during his administra- 
 tion, but holds up the political heacon in such a position, that 
 all may see and avoid ambition's fatal precipice, down which 
 he was dragged by a people stigmatized as " vulgar Demo- 
 crats,^'' and doomed by them to a life of retirement. 
 
 29 
 
342 APPENDIX. 
 
 From Mr. Adams to William Cmininghara, Esq. 
 
 Quincy, Fehruary 24, 1804. 
 
 Dear Sir, — I have received your favour of the 15th, 
 with its enclosures. I thank you for the outline as well as 
 the eulogy. I am sorry you had the trouble of transcribing 
 the former, which, I see, was written, as the Italians speak, 
 con amore. Speaking of the classification of scholars in our 
 college before the Revolution, you consider 7^ank and wealth 
 as anti-republican principles of precedence. Is this correct? 
 About five and forty years ago, I was in company with the 
 oldest colonel, John Chandler, of Worcester, when a news- 
 paper was brought in containing an account of the last elec- 
 tions in Rhode Island. All the principal magistrates were 
 of ancient families. The old gentleman's comment upon it 
 was this : " I have always been of opinion, that in popular 
 governments the people will always choose their officers from 
 the most ancient and respectable families." This has been the 
 case generally in Connecticut as well as Rhode Island, and in 
 every republican government, in Greece and Rome, and mo- 
 dern Italy, in Switzerland and Geneva. 
 
 The more dcmocratical the government, the more uni- 
 versal has been the practice. If a family, ivhich has been 
 high in office, and splendid in to ealth, falls into decay from 
 profligacy, folly, vice, or misfortune, they generally turn 
 democrats, and court the lowest of the people loith an ardour, 
 an art, a skill, and consequently, with a success luhich no vul- 
 gar democrat can attain. If such families are numerous, 
 they commonly divide. Some adhere to one party, some to 
 another ; so that, whichever prevails, the country still finds 
 itself governed by them. Consider the conduct of the V/i7i- 
 throps in this state, the Livingstons in New York, the Ma- 
 disons in Virginia, &c. The whole power and popularity 
 of Virginia, I am tokl, is now in the family connexions of Mr. 
 Madison. You are young, and have much time to observe 
 and to reflect. In theory, all governments profess to regard 
 merit alone, but in practice, democratical governments cer- 
 tainly regard it as little as any. You see I have reason to re- 
 peat my intimations of confidence. It certainly was never 
 any " humiliation" to me to see thirteen of my classmates pre- 
 ceding me. I never thought much upon that subject. 
 
APPENDIX. 343 
 
 Have you seen Mr. 's manifesto, proposing Mr. Sul- 
 livan for governor, and Mr. Heath for lieutenant-governor ? 
 — with what inimitable power of face it is written ! These 
 people talk with as much gravity and solemnity as if they 
 thought they spoke truth. Do you know the character of 
 
 Mr. ? I have had some experience of his intrigues. 
 
 Talents he has ; but candour and sincerity belong to other 
 people. Cool, dispassionate, and dehberate insidiousness never 
 arrived at greater perfection. 
 
 From Mr. Adams to William Cunningham, Esq. 
 
 Quincy, March 15, 1804. 
 
 Dear Sir, — Your favour of the 9th is received. I beg 
 you would not say a word about me in relation to the subject 
 which you say now engages the public attention. I am no 
 match for these times, nor for the actors who now tread the 
 stage. You say, the awful spirit of democracy is in great 
 progress. I believe it, and I know something of the nature 
 of it. The federalists appear to me to be very inattentive 
 to public events as well as characters. Mr. Sullivan's wri- 
 tings in the newspapers during the whole of the last year, 
 under feigned signatures, his biographical sketch of Mr. Sam- 
 uel Adams, and especially his pamphlet on the constitutional 
 freedom of the press, have never been regarded, nor, that I 
 know of, seen or read. The pamphlet ought to be read. 
 There are good things in it, as well as notable traits of the 
 character of the author. In all these writings his ambitious 
 views are written w-ith sunbeams. It will be a great thing 
 if Brother John Langdon* should be governor of New Hamp- 
 shire, and Sullivan,-\ the second Governor Sullivan in New^ 
 England. I don't w^onder he was not wilHng that the nohle 
 family of Sullivan should be shut up in a hole. His ambi- 
 tion, if it was of a right character ought not be censured. 
 There is an honourable, laudable, and virtuous ambition, but 
 it is always attended \vith candour, sincerity, and veracity. 
 With an abundance of laborious application, with an ardent 
 imagination, and a tenacious, though inaccurate memory, with 
 a volubility of eloquence, and a great deal of art, which, how- 
 
 * An uncle of the editor. t Connexion of the editor. 
 
344 APPENDIX. 
 
 ever, never could conceal his art: there are faults in him, 
 which, unless the people are more degenerated than I believe 
 they are, will forever prevent him from being a successful rival 
 to Mr. Strong. If he lives, I believe he will tease the na- 
 tional or state government into some appointment of him to 
 something or other ; for his modesty is but a very little re- 
 straint upon his solicitations. 
 
 From Mr. Adams to William Cunningham, Esq. 
 
 Quincy, Septeinhei^ 27, 1808. 
 
 Dear Sir, — The papers, to number six, which you men- 
 tion in your kind letter of the 19th, I have never seen nor 
 heard. In what paper or pamphlet were they published ? 
 
 The federalists, I think, might suffer my old lamp to go 
 out without administering their nauseous oil, merely to excite 
 a momentary flash before it expires. 
 
 Do you think the federalists believe themselves when they 
 say that I am on the side of the executive, through the whole 
 of his administration? Do they believe that I approve of 
 the repeal of the Judiciary Laiv, w^hich I recommended to 
 Congress — which I beheve to be one of the best of laws — 
 which was made by the advice and repeated solicitations of 
 the judges, for several years — which I took infinite pains to 
 organize wdth a selection of the ablest men and fairest charac- 
 ters in the nation — a repeal which I always believe to be a 
 violation of the Constitution 7 Do they believe that I ap- 
 prove of the neglect and mismanagement of the Navy — the 
 omission to build more ships — the neglect to fortify our 
 most important cities and exposed places ? Do they believe 
 that I approve of the repeal of the taxes, which would have 
 enabled us not only to make the necessary preparations against 
 the formidable dangers that surrounded us, but gradually to 
 diminish the national debt ? Do they believe that I approve 
 of the removal of so many of the hest men, or the appoint- 
 m,ent of so many of the luorst ? Do they believe that I ap- 
 prove of twenty other things, too many to be enumerated ? 
 Oh no I they believe no such things. But they are conscious 
 they have injured me and mine, and are only forging false 
 and awkward excuses for it. It is true, I have not joined in 
 
APPENDIX, 345 
 
 the clamours against the purchase of Louisiana, because I 
 know, that if the union of the Northern, Southern, and 
 Western States was to continue, the free navigation of the 
 Mississippi was essential to its preservation. I have not 
 joined in the clamours against gun-boats, though I despise 
 them, because I thought gun-boats better than nothing, and 
 because I thought the government ought not to be opposed in 
 any measures of defence, merely because they would not 
 adopt such as / thought the best. I have not clamoured 
 against the emhargo. because I thought it a necessary tem.po- 
 rary measure, well knowing that it could not be of long du- 
 ration. I agree with you, that it ought to have been limited 
 to some period. Any long continuance of it is not comforta- 
 ble to my feelings or judgment. I had much rather hear a 
 cry in Congress, like that which has so often sounded in the 
 British Parliament, " Who shall dare to set limits to the com- 
 merce and naval power of this country ?^^ In refusing to 
 acknowledge a right in Great Britain to impress seamen from 
 our ships — in opposing and resisting the decrees and orders of 
 France and England — in resisting the outrages and hostilities 
 committed upon us, the administration have my hearty wishes 
 for their success. 
 
 Mingled fear and rage are now the predominant passions of 
 our nation, and such is the noise and fury that the still small 
 voice of reason cannot be heard. If I icere only forty years 
 old, I might have enthusiasm enough to hope that I could ride 
 in the whirlwind. But at seventy-three it would be delirium. 
 As I am not consulted by any party or any individual, I take 
 no share, and very Uttle interest in the approaching election. 
 Hamilton''s ambition, intrigues, and caucuses have ruined 
 the cause of federalism by encumbering and entangling it 
 with men and measures that ought never to have been brought 
 forward. I have no objection to Pinckney, but a full persua- 
 sion that he can never rise to the chair, and, a more complete 
 conviction still, that he ought never to have been nominated 
 for it. 
 
 As you have mentioned my son (John Quincy Adams), I 
 shall take the liberty to say, that his conduct, as far as I 
 know it, has been able, upright, candid, impartial, and inde- 
 pendent. His letter to Mr. Otis I applaud and admire. His 
 resignation I approve. He would have been more politic if 
 he had declined his invitation to the caucus, though the ques- 
 
346 APPENDIX. 
 
 tion was only between Mr. Madison and Mr. Monroe, and 
 knowing both, I should certainly, as he did, prefer the former 
 to the latter. 
 
 The policy of a limitation to the Embargo, is, in a national 
 view, and on a large scale, a nice question. T should, proba- 
 bly, have been for it; but there is so much to be said on the 
 other side, that I cannot censure my son for agreeing to it, 
 without limitation, believing, as he did, and had reason to 
 believe, that it would soon be repealed. The federalists, 
 by their intolerance, have gone far towards justifying, or at 
 least excusing Jefferson for his ; and for the future, it seems 
 to be established as a principle, that our government is forever 
 to be, not a national but a party government. How long 
 such a maxim can be maintained consistently with any civil 
 government at all, time will determine. While it lasts, all 
 we can hope is, that in the game at leap frog, once in eight 
 or twelve years the party of the outs will leap over the head 
 and shoulders of the ins. For, 1 own to you, I have so little 
 confidence in the wisdom, prudence, or virtue, of either party, 
 that I should be nearly as willing that one should be absolute 
 and unchecked as the other. 
 
 From Mr. Adams to William Cunningham, Esq. 
 
 Quincy, Oct. 15, 1808. 
 
 Dear Sir, — The information in your last letter, to look 
 in the Palladium for certain speculations, is very agreeable. 
 As I have never subscribed for that paper, I have never read 
 them. Indeed I seldom see it. 
 
 Your friendship for John Q. Adams, encourages me to say, 
 that Washington was indeed under obligations to him, for 
 turning the tide of sentiment against Genet, and he was sensi- 
 ble of it, and grateful for it. The enthusiasm of Genet, and 
 France, and the French Revolution, was at that time, almost 
 universal throughout the United States ; but, in Pennsylvania, 
 and especially in Philadelphia, the rage was irresistible. 
 Mifflin, M'Kean, and all the principal popular men in that 
 state, were openly for war against England in alliance with 
 France. Marat, Robespierre, Brissot, and the Mountain, 
 were the constant themes of panegyric, and the daily toasts 
 
APPENDIX. 347 
 
 at table. Governor Mifflin invited me to dine with him ; 
 Genet and his suite were there, with many others of the prin- 
 cipal men of Philadelphia. The governor gave for a toast, 
 *' The ruling powers in France — may the United States of 
 America in alliance with them, declare war against England." 
 
 Mifflin perceived that I did not drink his toast ; and as I 
 sat next to him, he whispered to me in a friendly way, " I 
 know I shall be too high for you, and therefore no offence 
 will be taken if you withdraw from the company." I accord- 
 ingly took French leave. Jonathan Dickenson Sargeant, and 
 Dr. Hutchinson, two old revolutionary Americans, extremely 
 popular, put themselves at the head of the mob. Washing- 
 toil's house was surrounded by an innumerable raidtitude, from 
 (lay to day, huzzaing, demanding war against England, cursing 
 "Washington, and crying success to the French patriots and 
 virtuous republicans. Frederick A. Muhlenberg, the Speaker 
 of the House of Representatives, toasted publicly, " The 
 Mountain — may it be a pyramid that shall reach the skies." 
 J. Q. Adams's writings first turned this tide, and the yellow 
 fever completed the salvation of Washington. Sargeant and 
 Hutchinson died of it. I was assured soon after by some of 
 the most sensible, substantial, and intelligent of the Quakers, 
 that nothing but the yellow fever saved Washington from 
 being dragged out of his house, or being compelled to declare 
 war against England. Not all Washington's ministers, Ha- 
 milton and Pickering included, could have written those papers 
 which were so fatal to Genet. Washington saw it, and felt 
 his obligations. He took great pains to find out the author. 
 The first notice I had of his design to appoint my son (J; Q. 
 Adams) to a mission abroad, was from his secretary of state, 
 Randolph, who told me he had been ordered to inquire of the 
 members of congress, and others, concerning the life and 
 character of J. Q. Adams, and he was that day to report in 
 favour of his appointment. His correspondence with govern- 
 ment, and with his private friends, was so universally ad- 
 mired, and especially by Pickering and Washington, that the 
 latter not only felt his present obligations, but remembered 
 the past. 
 
 Mr. Pickering\s conscience, if it was faithful to its trust, 
 must have suggested to him very sufficient reasons for his re- 
 moval. If his memory is not decayed, he may easily now 
 recollect them. Ctesar's wife must not be susnerted, was all 
 
34S APPENDIX. 
 
 the reason he gave for repudiating her. Reasons of state are 
 not always to be submitted to newsj)aj)er discussion. It is 
 sufficient for me to say, that I had reasons enough, not only 
 to satisfy me, but to make it my indispensable duty. Reasons 
 which, upon the coolest deliberation, I still approve, i was 
 not so ignorant of Mr. Pickering, his family relations, his 
 political, military, and local connexions, as not to be w^ell aware 
 of the consequences to myself. I said at the time to a few con- 
 fidential friends, that I signed my own dismission when I signed 
 his, and that he would rise again, but I should fall forever. 
 The reason you heard in Philadelphia was quite sufficient, if 
 there had been no other ; but there w-ere many others, and 
 much stronger reasons. His removal was one of the most 
 deliberate, virtuous, and disinterested actions of my life. If 
 any future historian should have access to the letter-books of 
 the secretaries of state, and compare Mr. Pickering's negotia- 
 tions with England, with those of his successor, Mr. Marshall, 
 he will see reasons enough for the exchange of ministers. In 
 consequence of Mr. Pickering's removal, I was enabled to 
 negotiate and complete a peace with France, and an amicable 
 settlement with England. This is reason enough. Mr. 
 Pickering would have made a good collector of customs; but 
 he was not so well qualified for a secretary of state. He w'as 
 so devoted an idolater of Hamilton, that he could not judge 
 impartially of the sentiments and opinions of the President of 
 the United States. Look into Hamilton's pamphlet. Ob- 
 serve the pretended information of things which could have 
 only passed between me and my cabinet. False and abusive 
 as they were, where could he pretend to have derived them ? 
 But I am not yet to reveal the whole mystery. 
 
 From Mr. Adams to William Cunning-ham, Esq. 
 
 Quincy, JYovember 7, 1808. 
 
 Dear Sir, — The letter of General Washington would have 
 remained in obscurity forever as far as I know, as it has done 
 for twelve years past, had not a mean vengeance been hurled 
 on the subject of it, for no other offence than his sterling in- 
 tegrity. 
 
 You are the first person, except one, who ever asked me a 
 question concerning the reasons for releasing a certain gentle- 
 
APPENDIX. H49 
 
 man from the burthen of public office. That one was 
 Barnabas Bid well, in the violence of the tempest occasioned 
 by the Presidential election in 1800. Believing his curiosity 
 to be invidious, I gave him a civil but short answer, that he 
 was a man of too much information not to perceive the im- 
 propriety of my complying with his request. ***:=** 
 What is it you require of me ? Nothing less than a volume 
 which I have neither eyes, nor hand, nor time, nor inclination 
 to write ; because it must contain the portraits of all my five 
 ministers: of a Daytoji, a HillhGuse, a Good/me, in the senate; 
 of an Otis, a Sitgreaves, a Bayard, and a Harper, and several 
 others in the house, with a Hamilton behind the scene ; of a 
 McDonald, a William Moore Smith, agent for the British 
 creditors, a John Ward Fenno, and a Porcupine Cobbett, and 
 many others out of doors. I have not mentioned a Liston, 
 nor a Bond; because whatever their secret influence might be, 
 they were at least discreet. The subterranean intrigues, as 
 well as the overt acts, must be developed and described. 
 
 The gentleman has wreaked his revenge on my son, in 
 letters which show the character of the man — bitter and malig- 
 nant, ignorant and Jesuitical. His revenge has been sweet, 
 and he has rolled it as a sweet morsel under his tongue. 
 
 Suppose I should tell you, that the studies of his early 
 youth, and of his riper years, had not been competent to the 
 profound investigation which his office required. We had 
 discussions of great importance with France, England, and 
 Spain, especially the two former, involving questions respect- 
 ing neutral rights, respecting British and Tory claims of 
 anti-revolutionary debts — I could get .nothing done as I would 
 have it. My new minister, Marshall, did all to my entire 
 satisfaction. Suppose I should say he was very superficially 
 read in the law of nations. Suppose I should say he was 
 very far from any familiar and extensive acquaintance with 
 the laws of England; and, indeed, of his own land. Who 
 would believe me ? The gentleman himself, would believe 
 me, because he is conscious of it, but he would not be likely 
 to confess it in public. Perhaps half a dozen, or a dozen 
 men in the union know it ; but they would be very unwilling 
 to testify to it. Would it be decent, would it be possible, for 
 a President to publish such reasons, and enter into endless 
 disputes in the newspapers to support them ? 
 
 His intrigues with senators in opposition to me, and to 
 30 
 
850 APPENDIX. 
 
 measures I had adopted, aftd nominations I had made, led 
 the Senate into violations of the constitution, particularly in 
 the nominations of Mr. Murray, Mr. Gerry, and Col. Smith. 
 His encharnament against Mr. Gerry, whose negotiations 
 were more useful and successful, than those of either of his 
 colleagues, was so furious, that he urged upon me a report 
 containing a philipic against Gerry as violent and outrageous 
 as it was false and groundless. I blotted it out, but he was 
 so angry at it, that he scarcely treated me with decency. I 
 finally, however, admitted some expressions to pass which I 
 am now ver}' sorry for. 
 
 In every step of the progress of the negotiations with 
 France, he opposed, obstructed, and embarrassed me to the 
 utmost of his power, and in some instances, with the secret 
 aid of Hamilton, as I suppose, had the art to get all the other 
 four of my ministers to join him. 
 
 Before I left Philadelphia, I had called together all the five 
 heads of departments, to cor.sult upon instructions to Mr. 
 Ellsworth, Mr. Davie, and Mr. Murray, in their negotiations 
 with France. We had met several days and discussed every 
 point in controversy. We had reasoned, and examined, and 
 convinced one another, until we had agreed unanimously upon 
 every article, and reduced the whole to writing. I gave it to 
 the secretary of state, to reduce it into form, correct the 
 language where it wanted any alteration, make a fair copy, 
 and send it as soon as possible to me at Quincy for revision 
 and correction, that I might sign the instructions to be de- 
 livered to the envoys. 
 
 Arrived at Quincy, I expected them by every post. Week 
 after week passed away, and no instructions arrived. I was 
 uneasy, because our envoys ought to be upon their passage. 
 After a long time, instead of iristructions, came a letter to 
 me signed by all five of the heads of departments, advising 
 and most earnestly intreating me to suspend the emharkation 
 of the ministers. This trifling, this negligence of duty, this 
 downright disobedience of my orders, most seriously alarmed 
 mei / was responsible alone, to my country for measures 
 which I knew to be indispensable to avoid a w^ar abroad with 
 France, and a civil war at home, while we were involved and 
 embroiled with England in very difficult controversies, and I 
 could get notJiincr done. I very coolly, however, preserved 
 my temper, and set off immediately for Trenton to meet my 
 
APPENDIX. 351 
 
 gentlemen, face to face. At Trenton I found the gentlemen 
 had wrought themselves up to a perfect enthusiasm and de- 
 lusion. They appeared to be fully convinced that the first 
 ship would bring intelligence of the restoration of Louis 
 XVIII. Suwarrow, at the head of a Russian army, on one 
 side, and P7'ince Charles, at the head of an Austrian army, on 
 the other, were to conduct Louis XVIII. to Paris and 
 Versailles, in splendour and triumph. I preserved my temper 
 very happily — called my ministers together, heard all their 
 reasons with the utmost coolness and candour, gave my reasons 
 and opinions in answer to theirs, and decided that the instruc- 
 tions should he finished and the embassadors embarked as 
 soon as possible — which luas done ; and they brought back 
 peace abroad and at home. I found Hamilton at Trenton. 
 He came to visit me. I said nothing to him upon politics. 
 He began to give his advice unasked. I heard him with per- 
 fect good humour, though, never in my life, did I hear a maji 
 talk more like a fool. " The English nation had the most 
 perfect confidence in Mr. Pitt, and Mr. Pitt was determined 
 to restore the house of Bourbon ; the two Impeiial Courts 
 were also deter7nined to restore the Bowbons ; their armies 
 w^ere triumphant, Louis XVIII. would be in glory at Versailles 
 before my ministers could arrive there; offence would be 
 taken at my sending a mission to the Directory," and twenty 
 other w^ild extravagancies, in the same style of dogmatical 
 confidence. I answered every one of his topics with candour 
 and temper, in too long a detail to be re; eated here. Time 
 has shown that / was right, and he wrong in every pai'ticular. 
 They had even wrought upon Mr. Ellsworth to believe that 
 the Bourbons would be restored before winter. He and Mr. 
 Davie, at dinner alone with me, conversing upon the subject, 
 Ellsworth let fall an expression to that purpose, when I 
 turned to him and said, " Mr. Ellsworth, do you seriously be- 
 lieve that the Bourbons will be restored so soon ? He an- 
 swered, " Why, it looks a great deal so." Upon that, I said 
 to them both, " Gentlemen, you may depend upon it, the 
 Bourbons will not be restored these seven years, if they ever 
 are. I request you, seven years hence, to recollect what I now 
 say to yoxi^'' and I supported my opinion by a long argument 
 drawn from the nature and history of all coalition, from the 
 waste of northern armies by sickness and desertion in France, 
 from that forest of fortifications with which France is every- 
 
352 APPENDIX. 
 
 where defended, from the property now possessed by revo- 
 kitionary men, and especially from the enthusiasm and revo- 
 kitionary fury tliat still possessed the people of France. Mr. 
 Ellsworth, however, behaved throughout with perfect pro- 
 priety, and Mr. Davie was of my opinion in all points. 
 
 You shall now give me your opinion, whether I was in 
 the wrong in giving Mr. Pinckney his conge. He is, for 
 anything I know, a good son, husband, father, grandfather, 
 brother, uncle, and cousin; but he is a man in a mask, some- 
 times of silk, sometimes of iron, and "sometimes of brass; 
 and he can charge them very suddenly, and with some dex- 
 terity, as I could show you in many instances, though I have 
 said little or nothing about him, till noiv, for nine or ten years. 
 
 From Mr. Adams to William Cumiingham, Esq. 
 
 Quincy, JYovember 25, 1808. 
 
 Dear Sir, — I have your favours of the 12th and 16th of 
 the month. The letter of President Washington, concerning 
 John Quincy Adams, is at your discretion to m.ake what use 
 of it you please. All the communications concerning the 
 other gentlemen, made, or to be made, I confide to your sacred 
 
 confidence. 
 
 ******* 
 
 As, against all the vile slanders, which have been published, 
 I have never said or written a word in 7ny oivn vindication, I 
 am not about to begin by a justification of myself for one of 
 the most virtuous actions of my life. If my actions have not 
 been sufficient to support my fame, let it perish. No higher 
 ambition remains with me than to build a tomb upon the sum- 
 mit of the hill before my door, covered with a six-foot cube 
 of Quincy granite, with an inscription like this : 
 
 Siste Viator ! 
 With much delight these pleasing hills you view, 
 Where Adams from an envious world withdrew, 
 Where, sick of glory, faction, power, and pride, 
 Sure judge hov/ empty all, who all had tried, 
 Beneath his shades the weary chief repos'd, 
 And life's great scene in quiet virtue clos'd. 
 
 To return to the famous gentleman. He is extremely sus- 
 ceptible of violent and inveterate prejudices; and yet, such 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 353 
 
 are the contradictions to be found in human characters, he is 
 capable of very sudden and violent transitions from one ex- 
 treme to an opposite extreme. Under the simple appearance 
 of a hald head and straight hair, and under professions of pro- 
 found republicanism, he conceals an ardent ambition, envious 
 of every superior, and impatient of obscurity. I always 
 think of a coal-pit, covered over Avith red earth, glowing 
 within, but unable to conceal its internal heat for the inter- 
 stices which let out the smoke, and now and then a flash of 
 flame. He has been several years in senate, but so totally 
 obscure and insignificent, as to keep him in agony. Almost 
 always in a minority of two, three, four or five, in thirty- 
 four, rarely saying anything that has been worth reporting, 
 he broke out at last in a rage, and threw a fire-brand into our 
 Massachusetts legislature, against his colleague. The stub- 
 ble was dry, and the flame easily took hold. He has a heredi- 
 tary right to this distinction : I mean a strong desire of cele- 
 brity, with feeble means of obtaining it. If ever you should 
 see the Salem newspapers, published forty or fifty years ago, 
 you will find them abounding with the writings of the good 
 deacon, his father, in vindication of the rights and preroga- 
 tives of the first church in Salera. He became so emboldened 
 by the noise he made, that he wrote and published several 
 letters to the king, subscribed with his name. One part of 
 the public was amused, another diverted, and a third fatigued 
 with his ostentatious vanity for some years. 
 
 Some thirty-five or thirty-six years ago, I was engaged in 
 a cause at Salem court, in which the deacon was a witness. 
 While he w^as under examination, though I treated him with 
 the utmost respect and civility, he broke out without the 
 smallest provocation into a rude personal attack upon me. I 
 was then, as a son of liberty, obnoxious to the judges, to the 
 government, to the British ministry, and to the king. Though 
 I was astonished at the deacon's manners, I took no notice of 
 them, till I came to examine his testimony in my argument to 
 the jury. I then said I could not account for his unprovoked 
 animosity to me, an entire stranger to him, unless he meant to 
 recommend himself to somebody to whom I was obnoxious, 
 and I should not be surprised, if in his next letter to the king, 
 he should do me the honour to denounce me to his majesty. 
 This little sally raised a general laugh at the deacon's expense, 
 30* 
 
354 APPENDIX. 
 
 and, as I suppose the son was present, he has never forgiven 
 me. 
 
 The concatenation of little and great events in this world is 
 often very whimsical and very ridiculous. Have you never 
 seen the sari's speech to the Indians in 1794, or thereabouts ? 
 If you have not, I may send you a copy of it. Great lioht 
 may be thrown upon his character by this document. No 
 man I ever knew had so deep a contempt for Washington. I 
 have had numerous proofs of it from his own lips ; yet he ap- 
 pears to the world a devout adorer of him. No man was a 
 more animated advocate for the French ; yet now he is as 
 zealous for the English. But enough of this unpleasant sub- 
 ject. I thank you for the two numbers of Chatham; which 
 discover a good deal of reading and reflection. 
 
 From Mr. Adams to William Cunningham, Esq. 
 
 Quincy, Becemher 13, 1808. 
 
 Dear Sir, — Your favour of the 3d and 10th were received. 
 The 2d and 3d volumes of the Defence are at your service, 
 provided I had any means of conveyance for them. Eut the 
 first volume is not in my power, having none that I can spare. 
 An edition of the first was printed in Boston, perhaps some 
 copies of it remain there : but I know nothing of it — I 
 laughed when I read your expectation that what you had 
 written on John Quincy Adams, would be printed. I found 
 that you was not acquainted with the world as it exists in 
 Boston. The four federal papers are under the imprimatur 
 of an ohgarchy of purse-proud speculators as despotic as the 
 thirty tyrants of Athens. Trials enough have been made, 
 as I have been informed, to insert many things on the same 
 subject, and refused. You will destroy all your credit if you 
 persevere in such attempt. Banks and other vile pranks, have 
 thrown the majority into the hand of those, who were shapen 
 in toryism, and in British idolatry, did their mothers conceive 
 them. — Beware then how you offend this inimitable race of 
 refugees. Whatever friendship you may have retained for 
 John Quincy Adams, or his father, I advise you to conceal 
 it close within your own breast. If it takes air it will ruin 
 your prospects. 
 
APPENDIX. 355 
 
 I have been too much occupied with other things to think 
 of the wise man of Salem. Time enough — be patient. — Your 
 designation of Mr. John Quincy Adams, to the office Mr. 
 Madison now holds, wall be as erroneous, as the other to that 
 of Vice President. Mr. Giles, Mr. Monroe, Mr. Pope, Mr. 
 Mitchell, Mr. twenty others w^ill be more likely. No ! Mr. 
 Adams must be left where he is. He is now at his ease and 
 is happy, and useful — more useful perhaps than he could be in 
 any other public station in these times of anarchy, violence, 
 and fury. No ! The old whigs and their posterity must all 
 go into obscurity, and all the public offices must be monopo- 
 lized by the blood of the old refugees — Mr. Gore, the son of 
 one refugee,m\\si be governor. Mr. Pickman, a son of an- 
 other refugee, must be a member of congress from the old 
 tory county of Salem. Mr. Edward Hutchinson Bobbins, a 
 nephew of the sovereign pontiff of toryism, must be a counsellor 
 and member of congress. Mr. Lloyd, the son of another tory 
 as orthodox as any of the refugees,*miust be a senator, &c. 
 &c. &c. The old whigs, dead or living, will soon be in suf- 
 ficient obscurity, and the revolution in sufficient disgrace. 
 The whigs had been reduced to the necessity of choosing 
 Mr. Sullivan. He is now departed and probably will be the 
 last of the zvhigs. The to?'ies I suppose are sanguine that 
 they shall have Mr. Gore in the spring. There seems to be 
 among them, however, some suspicions that they are not se- 
 cure in this hope — I conclude so, because I hear, that among 
 them other persons are contemplated — Mr. Gray of Salem 
 has been mentioned, and Mr. Parker, the Judge of the Su- 
 preme Court. This gentleman is said to be in high esteem 
 and admiration in the District of Maine, where the election 
 has been sometimes decided. In Worcester, Hampshire, and 
 Berkshire, I expect to hear that Mr. Sedgwick w'ill be nomi- 
 nated, unless they should return to my old friend. Governor 
 Strong. The republicans will no doubt adhere to Mr. 
 Lincoln. Both parties, however, will be directed by their 
 caucuses, which are established by custom as part of the con- 
 stitution, as much as party principles are, or party intolerance. 
 / may mention to you in confidence, that considerable pains 
 have been take?! to pnrsuade your friend John Quincy Jidgms 
 to consent to be run by the republicans. But he is utterly 
 averse to it, and so am I, for many reasons, among which are, 
 1st. The office, though a precious stone, is but a carbuncle 
 
356 APPENDIX. 
 
 shining in the dark. 2d. It is a state of perfect slavery. 
 The drudgery of it is extremely oppressive. 8d. The com- 
 pensation is not a living for a coinmon gentleman. 4th. 
 He must resign his professorship. 5th. He must renounce his 
 practice at the bar. 6th. He must stand in competition with 
 Mr. Lincoln, which would divide the republican interest and 
 certainly prevent the election of either. 7th. It would pro- 
 duce AN ETERNAL SEPARATION BETWEEN HIM AND THE 
 
 FEDERALISTS, at Icast that part of them who now^ constitute 
 the absolute oligarchy. This T own, however, I should not 
 much regret ; for this nation has more to fear from them than 
 any other source. 8th. Finally, and above all, there is as 
 little prospect of doing any good as acquiring any honour or 
 receiving any comfort. For these reasons, I am decidedly 
 against the project, and so is he. Private station, in my 
 opinion, has no equal for liim. Be so good as to tell me who 
 are in nomination in your neighbourhood. 
 
 From Mr. Adams to William Cumiingham, Esq. 
 
 Quincy, January 3, 1809. 
 
 Dear Sir, — I have your favours of December 17th and 
 21st. I hope you will not insinuate a comparison between 
 John Quincy Adams and Coriolanus. Whatever injustice or 
 ingratitude may be done him, he has none of the Roman's re- 
 venge, much less his treachery. Of Mrs. Warren's History 
 I have nothing to say. The Count De Vergennes was an 
 accomplished gentleman and scholar, and a statesman of great 
 experience in various diplomatic and other ministerial stations. 
 In treating with other nations, he considered the interest of 
 his own country, and left others to take care of theirs. His 
 refinements were not invisible. His negotiations were very 
 like those of the British cabinet with us at this day. All I 
 have to say is, that all European cabinets and ministers are 
 very much alike : and our only security against them is in our 
 ow^n fortitude, and the sense and integrity of our own minis- 
 ters. Have yon seen any wondrous skill in our foreign am- 
 bassadors for some years past ? 
 
 I have sent to the Indian Queen the 2d and Sd volumes of a 
 work which the English editor of the 2d edition calls a " His- 
 
APPENDIX. 357 
 
 lory of Republics." It may be called The American Boudoir. 
 What is a boudoir'] It is a j)outi'ng-roo7n. And what is a 
 pouting-rooml In many gentlemen's houses in France, there 
 is an apartment, of an octagonal form, twelve or fifteen feet 
 across, or thirty-six or forty-five feet round ; and all the eight 
 sides, as well as the ceiling overhead, are all of the most pol- 
 ished glass mirrors : so that, when a man stands in the centre 
 of the room he sees himself in every direction multiplied into 
 a row of selves, as far as the eye can reach. The humour of 
 it is, that when the lady of the house is out of temper, when 
 she is angry, or when she weeps without a cause, she may be 
 locked up in this chamber to j)out, and to see in every di- 
 rection how beautiful she is. There are settees and chairs 
 round the sides, and commonly a hath in the centre, which 
 may be made hot or cold. So that persons may see them- 
 selves in every posture. Such a boudoir is the " Defence." Our 
 states may see themselves in it, in every possible light, atti- 
 tude, and movement. They may see all their beauties, and 
 all their deformities. Happy they who are made cautious 
 by others' dangers ! 
 
 I return the editor's letter, which, with a thousand other 
 things, concur to show^ that certain presses are under the con- 
 trol of an aristocracy of bankers, led by the nose by an oli- 
 garchy of Shylocks, all sycophants to Britain. A happy 
 new year. 
 
 From Mr. Adams to William Cunningham, Esq. 
 
 Quincy, February 11, 1809. 
 
 Dear Sir, — I have your favour of the 14th ult. The Mir- 
 ror was never read, and if it even should be, it will be wilfull}* 
 misunderstood. Seventeen wheels within one wheel ; seven- 
 teen empires within one empire ; seventeen sovereignties within 
 one sovereignty ; seventeen imperia in one imperio, will tell 
 in time. We have had a Shay's disturbance; a Gallatin's 
 disturbance; and w^hy may we not have a Pickering's disturb- 
 ance ? Such, I think, is the spirit of the reasoning of the 
 present times. Whether the Republicans have offered the 
 chair to Mr. Bowdoin or not, I knov/ not. They talk of 
 this, that, and the other gentleman, but all will depend upon 
 
358 APPENDIX. 
 
 the caucus in the legislature, and that, I presume, will deter- 
 mine on Mr. Lincoln. The Federalists too, talk of many 
 candidates ; as. Governor Strong, Judge Parker, and many 
 others; but their caucus is pledged \o Mr . Gore, and they 
 cannot abandon him. The question will be between Lincoln 
 and Gore. 
 
 Your rejected paragraph concerning Great Britain was 
 high treason against the present domineering party ; but it is 
 sound sense and true policy. It is not wonderful that sortie 
 persons among us are so eager to rush into the arms of Great 
 Britain; but it is unaccountable that there should be so many. 
 Common understanding one would think sufficient, when en- 
 lightened with an ordinary knowledge of mankind and the 
 general history of England and America, to convince any man 
 that Great Britain is the natural enemy of the United 
 States. She has looked at us from our first settlement to 
 this moment, with eyes o^ jealousy, envy, hatred, and con- 
 tempt. At this time she knows not how to do without us ; 
 she makes a great profit of us. Yet she sees that we make a 
 profit too, and that loe grow faster than she does. Our 
 population, wealth, power, and importance with all nations, 
 increases incomparably more rapid than hers. This prospect 
 she cannot bear ; she sees, too, that this is the only rising 
 country of the world, and that the Ainerican people are the 
 most active portion of the human race — especially the JVeio 
 England States. For us then to quarrel with all other 
 nations for the sake of counting the protection of Great 
 Britain, is as if the lamb should fly from its friendly flock 
 and faithful shepherd, and seek the friendship and protection 
 of the ivolf. All the nations of Europe, to my knowledge, 
 are friendly to us. If the French are now an exception, it is 
 owing to the war with England, and the singular character 
 of their present ruler. 
 
 Buonaparte I think, at least I hope, will not find so easy a 
 conquest of the Spaniard. The English will make sure of 
 the Spanish navy, and secure their own retreat on board their 
 ships. I hope, however, they will come in contact with the 
 French; if they should, though they may be overpowered 
 by numbers, they will give the French something to remem- 
 ber. Bona will not have to s?iy veni, vidi, vici. Britons are 
 at least as brave and more patient than the French. 
 
 Regard nothing that you see in the papers concerning me ; 
 
APPENDIX. 359 
 
 it is impossible that newspapers can say the truth — they would 
 be out of their element. I regard them no more than the 
 gossamer that idles in the wanton summer air. 
 
 From Mr. Adams to William Cunningham, Esq. 
 
 Quinty, Feb. 22, 1S09. 
 
 Dear Sir, — Inclosed you will find a philippic of our 
 angry, peevish, fretful Prophet Jonah. His anger is his 
 talent. When he gives a loose to that passion, as he always 
 does in everything, he produces something smart, pert, and ma- 
 lignant which pleases the malignity of the vulgar. But phi- 
 lippics are not the highest style of politics. I cannot think 
 Demosthenes and Cicero in the highest grade of statesmen, 
 though they certainly were of orators. 
 
 You will see how ardently he was attached to the French, 
 even to the highest strain of Jacobinism, and king-killing. 
 Compare this with his present ardent attachment to the 
 English, and see how the same temper can swing the ex- 
 tremest vibrations of the pendulum. 
 
 From Jonah let me return to Harlequin. Have you read 
 Matthew Lyon's letter to his friend in Vermont ? The mix- 
 ture of monk and monkey in this fellow-creature of ours 
 always diverts me, like a medicine for the spleen, or a cordial 
 for low spirits. I shall not examine his system. I suspect 
 he is one of the little merchants he mentions, and not one of 
 the big, by any means ; and, that his little paquotilles are 
 somewhat deranged and in danger. The sum of what he 
 says in one place is, that the vulgar among the federalists 
 adored John Adams, and the vulgar among the republicans 
 adore Tom Jefferson. " When John Adams said that the 
 finger of Heaven pointed to war, you and I laughed at him." 
 This may be true ; but it w^as the grinning of idiots at each 
 other, the laughter oi fools, the "crackling of /Aom^ under a 
 T^o/." He is so great a worshipper and idolater of Tom Paine, 
 that he and his correspondent might believe that there is no 
 Heaven, or, that Heaven has no finger. If he believed in a 
 God, and a Providence, and had eyes in his head, or brains in 
 his skull, he might have seen, and would have seriously con- 
 
360 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 sidered that the course of events had rendered a war, or Indel- 
 ible disgrace and national degradation, unavoidable. 
 
 A glorious and tiiumphant war it was. Instead of hearing 
 of vessels taken in our rivers, and burnt in our harbours, as 
 we had done for a long time, not a hostile sail dared to spread 
 itself on any part of our vast sea-coast. Instead of our mer- 
 chant-ships being taken by scores, and our property captured 
 by millions in the West Indies, we cleared the whole seas, 
 and not a privateer, or picaroon, or even a frigate, dared show 
 its head. The proud pavilion of France was, in many gla- 
 ring instances, humiliated under the eagle and stripes of the 
 United States. But the greatest triumph of all was, that the 
 haughty Directory, who had demanded tribute, refused to 
 receive our ambassadors, and formally and publicly, by 
 an act of government, declared that they would not re- 
 ceive any more ministers from the United States till I had 
 made excuses and apologies for some of my speeches, were 
 obliged to humble themselves, retread all their declarations, 
 and transmit to me the most positive assurances, in several va- 
 rious ways, both official and unofficial, that they would receive 
 my ministers, and make peace on my own terms. 
 
 Let the jackasses, Lyon and his correspondents, and his in- 
 timate friends i)wG?ze, Callender, and To77i Paine, haw or laugh 
 at all this, as they did at the finger of God. If ever a histo- 
 rian should arise fit for the investigation, this transaction must 
 be transmitted to posterity as the miost glorious period in 
 American history, and as the most disinterested, prudent, and 
 successful conduct in my whole life. For I was obliged to 
 give peace and unexampled prosperity to my country for eight 
 years, (and if it is not for a longer duration, it is not my fault,) 
 against the advice, entreaties, and intrigues of all my miius- 
 ters, and all the leading federalists in both houses of Con- 
 gress. 
 
 The two factions have conspired hitherto to smother all my 
 glory ; yet, they cannot avoid letting out, now and then, a 
 glimpse, and this letter of Lyon's is one instance of it. The 
 caitiff Sciys I repented. This is false — I had nothing to repent 
 of — I departed from no principle, system, or profession — the 
 French government repented and reformed. Their humilia- 
 tion and my triumph were complete. Both struck the British 
 ambassador so forcibly that he said to me, " To what degree 
 of abasement will not the French submit to YOU? I was 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 361 
 
 in hopes they would have persevered, and gone to war with 
 
 My system was, from the beginning, to make peace with 
 them the moment I could do it consistently with the honour 
 and interest of the nation. But this disappointed the Anglo- 
 maniac Federalists as well as Mr. Liston, and they have hated 
 me for it ever since. 
 
 From Mr. Adams to William Cunningham, Esq. 
 
 Quincy, March 20, 1S09. 
 
 Dear Sir, — I have received your favours of March ] 1th 
 and 14th. In answer to the first, I wish to know whether 
 you remember General Washington's answer to Adet, the 
 successor of Genet. It was written by the gentleman in ques- 
 tion, and by the spirit of it, represented the president almost 
 as ardent a Jacobin as himself. He had not yet been con- 
 verted from his Gallicisjn and Jacobinism. You remember 
 the thing, " Born and educated in a free country," &c., &c. ; 
 " wonderful people." 
 
 You speak of the fortunate issue of my negotiation with 
 France to my fame! I ! I cannot express my astonishment. 
 No thanks for that action — the most disinterested, the most 
 determined, and the most successful of my whole life. No 
 acknowledgment of it ever appeared among the republicans ; 
 and the federalists have pursued me with the most unrelenting 
 hatred, and my children too, from that time to this — covered, 
 however, with the thickest veils of their hypocrisy, because 
 there was some danger in being too open. My fame ! ! ! It 
 has been the systematical policy of both parties, from that 
 period especially, and indeed for twelve years before, to con- 
 ceal from the 'people all the services of my hfe. And they 
 have succeeded to a degree that I should scarcely have be- 
 lieved it possible for a union of both parties to effect. 
 
 I know too well that it was alleged, and Pickering^s cor- 
 respondents, Higginson and Cabot, alleged, in their cowardly 
 anonymous way, and they even corrupted Ben Russell, 
 against his oi^'ti judgment, to print their calumnies in the Cen- 
 tinel, '' That I had nothing but informal intimations." But 
 the fact is, that I had the most direct, formal, and official in- 
 31 
 
862 APPENDIX. 
 
 formation and assurances, in two different ways, and through 
 two different diplomatic organs. 
 
 The first was a resolve of the Directory, signified by their 
 secretary, Talleyrand, and conveyed to M. Pichon, Secre- 
 tary of Legation and Charge des Affaires of France, in the 
 absence of their ambassador at the Hague, by M. Pichon to 
 Mr. Murray, the American Minister at the Hague, and by 
 him officially to me. This w^as a legal communication, ac- 
 cording to the most scrupulous usage and practice of the 
 courts of the world — the most delicate in all matters of eti- 
 quette. In w^hat other manner could the cabinet of France 
 have communicated with me. They had no minister in Ame- 
 rica. They were at war with England and had no minister 
 there. They could not, therefore, convey anything to me 
 through Mr. King. Through Spain, Portugal, or Prussia 
 would have been more round about — have taken moie time, 
 and been infinitely less certain of a safe conveyance. The 
 Directory then took the best possible course in their power, 
 and the assurance was as complete as words could express. 
 The second assurance was more positive, more explicit, and 
 decisive still, and through the most authentic channel that ex- 
 isted. It was Mr. Gerry, one of my own ambassadors, and 
 by way of excellence, my own ambassador ; for I had ap- 
 pointed him against the advice of all my ministers, to the furi- 
 ous provocation of Mr. Pickering, and against the advice of 
 all the senators whom he could influence. Mr. Gerry, in an 
 official public letter, conveyed to me, at the request of the 
 directory, and their secretary, Talleyrand, the most positive 
 and express assurances that I had demanded. This letter of 
 Mr. Gerry threw Pickering into so furious a rage against 
 Gerry, that in a report to me, which I requested him to draw 
 for me to communicate to Congress, he inserted a most viru- 
 lent, false, and calumnious philippic against Gerry. I read 
 it with amazement. I scarcely thought that prejudice and 
 party rage could go so far. I told him it would not do; it 
 was very injurious, and totally unfounded. I took my pen 
 and obliterated the whole passage, as I thought ; but, after 
 all, I inadvertently let some expressions pass which ought to 
 have been erased. Pickering reddened with rage, or grief, 
 as if he had been bereaved of a darling child. He even went 
 so far as to beg that I would spare it, and let it go to Con- 
 
APPENDIX. 863 
 
 gress. But / was inexorable; and his hatreil of me has been 
 unrelenting from that time to this. 
 
 But these were not all the official assurances I received. I 
 had personal conversations with Mr. Gerry, and in detail. He 
 declared to me, that he had the most decisive assurances both 
 from the Directory and Talleyrand, that they would not only 
 receive ray minister upon my own terms, but make peace with 
 m& on my own terms. And I am convinced, had that consti- 
 tution been continued, and the negotiation conducted with the 
 Directory, / should have had my own terms. But Napoleon 
 came in and altered the case a little. The convention, how- 
 ever, as finally ratified, is a monument of the dignity my 
 country once had and of the respect paid to its policy and 
 power. Unofficial assurances I had, moreover. I will men- 
 tion two instances. Mr. Logan, of Philadelphia, however 
 scorned and run down by the Enghsh party, is a gentleman 
 of fortune, education, good breeding, and not despicable abili- 
 ties. After his return from France, he made me a visit, and 
 politely informed me, that he waited on me at the request of 
 Talleyrand, to assure me in the most solemn manner, that the 
 Directory wished for peace with the United States, and desired 
 me to send a minister, or authorize one already in Europe to 
 treat ; and that I might depend upon his cordial and honourable 
 reception ; and that a treaty should be made to my satisfaction. 
 I should, however, have paid no attention to this, if I had not 
 received other similar assurances through Mr. Murray and Mr. 
 Gerry. 
 
 Another instance was through General Washington. Mr. 
 Joel Barlow wrote a long, elaborate, elegant, and ingenious 
 letter to General Washington, in which he urged negotiation 
 and peace, with a variety of arguments ; and insisted upon it, 
 that every thing might easily be arranged to mutual satisfaction. 
 Washington was so impressed by it, that he sent it to me, with 
 a letter of his own, in which he said to me, that he had reason 
 to believe that Barlow's letter was written with the knowledge 
 and consent of the French government. And Washington 
 added, that " it appeared to him that the people of America 
 were very desirous of peace." What could I understand by 
 this hint but an expression of his opinion, that I ought to en- 
 deavour to make peace if I could ? However, Barlow's letter 
 would have had no more weight with me than Logan's mes- 
 sage, nor would Washington's opinion have been regarded 
 
864 APPENDIX. 
 
 iBore than either, if they had not been preceded or followed 
 by the regular communications through Murray and Gerry. 
 With this diplomatic evidence, every court in Europe, and the 
 French nation themselves, as well as our American people, 
 would have cried " shame upon the French government," and 
 justified a subsequent war. 
 
 This conduct should not have brought upon me disgrace. 
 But the British faction was determined to have a war with 
 France, and Alexander Hamilton at the head of the army 
 and then President of the United States. Peace with France 
 was therefore treaso7i against their fundamental maxims and 
 reasons of state. 
 
 But if I had been too hasty in declaring, that I would not 
 send a minister, but upon certain conditions, or too easy in 
 receiving the conditions, why should the federalists endeavour 
 to render me unpopular for this ? It could answer no end but 
 to turn me out ; and they ought to have known, that they 
 could carry no other man in the union — or to force me to re- 
 tract my nomination of ambassadors, or suspend their voy- 
 age and supersede the negotiation altogether. 
 
 These were their motives, and they exhausted all their wit 
 in studies and labours to defeat the whole design. A war 
 with France, an alliance with England, and Alexander Ham- 
 ilton, the father of their speculating systems, at the head of 
 our army and the state, were their hohhy-horse, their vision 
 of sovereign felicity. No wonder they hate the author of 
 their defeat. 
 
 From Mr. Adams to William Cunningham, Esq. 
 
 Quincy, June 7, 1809. 
 
 Dear Sir, — Yours of May 6th, I have not acknowledged, 
 and cannot particularly consider the abundance of matter in it 
 at present. If you see the Patriot, you will see that I am 
 scribbling twice a week — I am hammering out a brass farthing 
 into an acre of leaf brass. But I was determined that pos- 
 terity should know the fads, relative to my peace with 
 France in 1800. I expect "angry surges" enough. Let them 
 come — they cannot sink me lower than the bottom, and I have 
 been safely landed there these eight years. 
 
 I rodomontaded with Lyman and Wright. They called me 
 
APPENDIX. 365 
 
 father of J^ew England. — I resented that, because if I was a 
 father at all, I vf'dsfathe?' of all the states. I am, in earnest, 
 a friend to the whole union, comprehending East, West, 
 North, and South, and I will 7iot countenance a project of 
 division. 
 
 John Quincy Adams exposed Eaton's usurped title of " Ge- 
 neral," which is directly against the constitution, and opposed 
 the grant of fifty thousand dollars to him, for which he had 
 no just claim. That is enough for Eaton to revenge — it is 
 true, that Pickering, at the instigation of Hamilton, as I sup- 
 pose, who was jealous of Smith as a favourite of Washington, 
 and a better officer than himself, excited a faction in the 
 senate against him ; and to my knowledge propagated many 
 scandalous falsehoods concerning him, and got him negatived, 
 though Washington had recommended him to me. But no 
 personal or family consideration would have induced me to dis- 
 miss Pickering. My motives were public altogether ; but I 
 have not yet told you half of them. 
 
 A most profound silence is observed relative to my scrib- 
 bles-^I say not a word about them to any one ; and nobody 
 says a word to me. The newspapers are as still as midnight. 
 I suppose the sulphurous combustibles are preparing under 
 ground, and the electrical fire collecting in the clouds. The 
 storm of thunder and lightning, hail and rain, I expect will 
 burst upon me all at once; and the volcanoes burst out at the 
 same time. If I nm neither drowned in the rain, nor pierced 
 with the bolts, nor blow7i into the atmosphere by the erup- 
 tions, I must be invulnerable. Hie murus ahenus esto. 
 This heart be my wall of b7'ass. 
 
 I will not die for nothing. My pen shall go as long as my 
 fingers can hold it. 
 
 I should be glad to know if you read the Patriot, and 
 what is thought of it — whether, and wherein, I have exposed 
 myself. 
 
 From Mr. Adams to William Cunningham, Esq. 
 
 Quincy, July 31, 1809. 
 
 Dear Sir, — I received in season your favour of the 30th 
 June, as well as that of July 24th, and thank you for both. 
 The first is full of the candour and frankness of true friend- 
 31 * 
 
366 APPENDIX. 
 
 ship, and deserves my mature consideration. I have not been 
 able to answer it, for I have been very busy, and my son's 
 destination (J. Q. Adams), and preparations for departure, 
 have claimed all my attention. It is a heart-rending stroke 
 to me ; I may see him no more. I hope his absence will not 
 be long. Aristides is banished because he is too just — He 
 
 WILL NOT LEAVE AN HONESTER OR ABLER MAN BEHIND HIM. 
 
 I am in a fair way to give my critics and enemies food 
 enough to glut their appetites. They spit their venom, and 
 hiss like serpents. But no facts are derived, no arguments 
 confuted. I take no notice of their Billingsgate — let it boil 
 and broil. I have had their secret hatred for ten years — for 
 twenty years — for all my life indeed ; and I had rather have 
 their open hostility than their secret — I never hoped for mercy 
 from British bears and tory tigers. Their system would 
 lead this country to misery, and I will not follow it. 
 
 From Mr. Adams to William Cunningham, Esq. 
 
 Quincy, September 27, 1809. 
 
 Dear Sir, — Yesterday I received your favour of the 23d, 
 and had before in its season received that of the 9th, in good 
 order, its enclosure unviolated. My boyish letter to Dr. Nathan 
 Webb appeared with more propriety in a Worcester paper 
 than any where else. It is demonstrative evidence, that 
 John Adams's Declaration of Independence w^as one-and- 
 TWENTY YEARS OLDER THAN Thomas Jefferson's. To Un- 
 derstand my letter it is necessary to have lived at the time 
 when it w^as written — when we were so angry w-ith Great 
 Britain for misconducting American affairs, and for leaving us 
 exposed to the murders and depredations of French and Indians, 
 that from my heart I wished we were independent of her, and 
 left to ourselves, to take care of our enemies, or perish in the 
 struggle. 
 
 I presume the Latin word should be " died," the " dreadful 
 things," " the horrors of war," I remember the word " dire" 
 and direful and dide were very fashionable among the boys in 
 college, out of which I had just before migrated. But enough 
 of this childish business. The thing is an oddity, that's all. 
 You have made enough, and more than enough of it, in your 
 introduction. 
 
APPENDIX. 367 
 
 Mr. Shaw's Athenseum is an honor to Boston, to Massachu- 
 setts, and to North America, and I hope no Tory Junto will 
 be able to deprive him of the honor of it. Yet he and his 
 Athenseum are too much under their thumbs. Poor Democrats, 
 Republicans, and still 'poorer Americans, are at the feet of 
 John Bull and his Calves. Matters cannot he much longer 
 minced. The truth must out. 
 
 From Mr. Adams to William Cunningham, Esq. 
 
 Quincy, Oct. 23, 1809. 
 
 Dear Sir, — I thank you for your favour of the 17th. I 
 know the integrity, talents, and intelligence of great numbers 
 of the federalists, and have no doubt of the good intentions 
 of the great body of that party ; but of a great number of 
 their leaders, and the most active of them especially, I have 
 no better opinion than I have of some of the leaders of the 
 republicans. By their writings they have deceived the people 
 into an affection and confidence in England, and an abhorrence 
 of France; neither of which is well founded. The funding 
 system, and banking system, which are the work of the 
 federalists, have introduced more corruption and injustice, 
 for what I know, than any other cause.* 
 
 My confidence in Mr. Dana during the whole time we 
 lived and acted together in Europe, ought not to have been 
 concealed. I know that if he transmits to posterity any re- 
 lation of the controversy between the Count De Vergennes 
 and me, it must be founded on the letters that passed between 
 us, which I possess as well as he. I can transmit it myself, 
 if I should live ; but as I care little about it, and it is not 
 likely I shall live long enough to go through the place I have 
 in view, I shall probably leave it among a number of manu- 
 script volumes, to be concealed forever from the public eye, 
 or scattered and lost, like the papers of Mr. Hancock and 
 Mr. Samuel Adams. 
 
 So many federal lies have been published concerning the 
 
 * President Jackson was of the same opinion in 1836, which caused that 
 master spirit in financial operations, the Hon. Levi Woodbury, then Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury, to issue " The Treasury Circular" which stopped 
 Banking monopoly, and restored confidence throughout the country. 
 
 The Editor. 
 
368 APPENDIX. 
 
 peace of 1783, that I was determined that all the papers 
 relative to that transaction, should not be left for chance or 
 cunning to mutilate or mangle. 
 
 Extract of a letter from Timothy Pickering (late Secretary of State under 
 John Adams) to his friend Governor Sullivan, of Boston, as regards 
 charges and insinuations made by Mr. Adams in his letters to William 
 Cunningham, Esq., dated at Quincy, November 7th and 25th, 1808, to- 
 gether with other interesting remarks of Mr. Pickering, on the adminis- 
 tration of Mr. Adams, «Scc. 
 
 "I am now, sir, far advanced in life. I have children and 
 grandchildren, who, when I am gone, may hear these slanders 
 repeated, and not have the means of repelling them. I have, 
 too, some invaluable friends in most of the states, and many 
 in that which gave me birth ; men who are the ornaments of 
 society and of their country. All these, if not my country 
 itself, interested as it is in the public concerns, on which I 
 first addressed you (the embargo), have claims which I ought 
 not to leave unsatisfied. Thus called upon to vindicate my 
 character, I am constrained to give a concise narrative of my 
 public life." 
 
 " My * bald head and straight hair^ are what nature has 
 given me ; and I have been content with her arrangement : 
 they are not a fit subject for reproach. Mr. Adams's friend 
 Cunningham reminds him, that it w^as rather unfortunate for 
 him to attempt to degrade Hamilton by calling him * the little 
 man ;' seeing, though with less flesh, he surpassed in stature 
 both him and his son. Of all men living, those who best 
 know me will say, that I am one of the last to whom a dis- 
 position in any manner to disguise his sentiments, should he 
 imputed. ^^ 
 
 As regards the statement made by Mr. Adams in his letter 
 to William Cunningham, dated Quincy, November 25, 1808, 
 in relation to a scene in a court-room, in Salem (Mass.), Mr. 
 Pickering observes : " Having seen, throughout the ^ corres- 
 pondence,' a series of misrepresentations of comparatively re- 
 cent events, it cannot surprise one that Mr. Adams should 
 misstate an occurrence fifty or sixty years old. He says, that 
 he was engaged in a cause in which my father was a witness : 
 
APPENDIX. 369 
 
 that 'while under examination, though treated with the ut- 
 most respect and civility, he broke out, without the smallest 
 provocation, into a rude personal attack upon him,' Mr. 
 Adams. I know my father's character too well to give any 
 credit to the latter part of this tale. He was a farmer; yet, 
 bred in the town, his manners were not coarse and rude. It 
 is true that he thought all men were born free and equal ; 
 and though indisposed to any act of humiliation to a proud 
 barrister, he would treat his poor neighbour with kindness 
 and civiUty. The story admits of an easy solution. It was, 
 I presume, a cross-examination ; and that my father's testi- 
 mony bore hard upon the cause of Mr. Adams's client. Then, 
 as it not unfrequently happens (and I have often thought with 
 too much indulgence from the court), the lawyer brow-beat 
 the witness, with the hope to confound him, in order, amidst 
 his confusion, to produce some change in his language that 
 might lessen or destroy the weight of his testimony. Such, 
 probably, was Mr. Adams's conduct toward my father, who 
 had discernment enough to perceive the insult, and spirit 
 enough not to let it pass unnoticed. In commenting upon the 
 testimony, in his argument to the jury, Mr. Adams says he 
 raised a general laugh at my father's expense. He supposes 
 that I was present, and says, * I have never forgiven him.' 
 Now, whether this miserable tale be true in whole, or in part, 
 or wholly destitute of truth, it is, as to the conclusion, alto- 
 gether immaterial ; for I never heard of it before, nor do I 
 remember a single instance in which my father was examined 
 as a witness in any court. There was, consequently, no ob- 
 ject on account of which, in regard to Mr. Adams, I could 
 impart or withhold forgiveness. My father, at the age of 
 seventy-five, died almost six-and-forty years ago." 
 
 Mr. Pickering, in his reply to Mr. Adams's letter to Mr. 
 Cunningham, dated Quincy, Nov. 7, 1808, wherein he is 
 charged with the worst of capacity, says, " Mr. Adams was 
 a lawyer, a statesman, a diplomatist, of great experience ; and 
 from his abundant resources ready at his call, it would not be 
 unnatural, or unreasonable, to expect, that, having endured 
 his lame secretary so long, he might be willing to lend him 
 some aid — to suggest, at least, some leading ideas on the sub- 
 jects in question ; but of these he was certainly very sparing, 
 if he offered any at all. As soon as a session of congress 
 ended, he hurried away to Quincy, to indulge himself in repose, 
 
370 APPENDIX. 
 
 almost free from the cares of government, and enjoying his 
 office, with its emoluments, nearly as a smecure. At the close 
 of the very important session in July 1798, he posted off with- 
 out informing any head of department that he was going to 
 leave the seat of government ! His son-in-law, Col. Smith, 
 nominated for adjutant general, had recently been negatived 
 by the senate ; and I supposed he departed in a pet. Much 
 in this manner he left the city of Washington, early on the 
 morning of the 4th of March, 1801, the day of the inauguration 
 of his successful rival, Thomas Jefferson, vexed and mortified 
 that it was not himself elected to the presidency a second time. 
 Washington s\d.yeA\n Philadelphia, and with dignified courtesy, 
 attended the inauguration of Mr. Adams ; and afterwards 
 made him a visit at his lodgings, before he departed for Mount 
 Vernon. 
 
 "So much on the score of incapacity, with which I am 
 roundly charged by Mr. Adams. With this, however, great 
 as it may have been, it w^as somewhat cruel to upbraid me, 
 after what had passed between President Washington and me, 
 when he tendered me the office of secretary of state, as recited 
 in my letter to Governor Sullivan, which Mr. Adams had read, 
 and which as already mentioned, caused the outpouring of his 
 wrath ; and after I had held the office a year and a half under 
 Washington, and three years and two months under Adams 
 himself. 
 
 " I am as ready as any man to acknowledge — I have, not 
 long since, before a very numerous assembly, acknowledged 
 Mr. Adams's merit in contributing largely to the vindication 
 of the rights of the colonies, and in effecting the independence 
 of the United States ; it was an act of justice which I feel no 
 disposition to retract. But * great men are not always wise;' 
 and some, after many good deeds, commit inexcusable faults; 
 and, w^hether these injuriously affect one's country, or individ- 
 ual citizens, they ought to be exposed. 
 
 " Mr. Adams's virulent reproaches of federalists, of Hamil- 
 ton, and of me in particular, seem to have been wTitten w-hen 
 he was tortured w^ith the keen feelings of disappointed ambition; 
 an ambition which could bear no opposition, or even lukewarm- 
 ness, in regard to the means of gratifying it. He has himself 
 described this passion in language that would not have occurred 
 to any man who had not felt it in its utmost violence. * The 
 desire of the esteem of others,' says he, * is as real a want of 
 
APPENDIX. 371 
 
 nature, as hunger — a7id the neglect and contempt of the ivorld, 
 as severe a pain as the gout or the stone. A mere detail of 
 events may engage curiosity ; but it is the characters of the 
 actors which especially interest the reader ; and the exhibition 
 of their actions, whether these be good or had, which furnishes 
 useful lessons of instruction.' 
 
 '' Of all the persons vilified and slandered by Mr. Adams," 
 says Mr. Pickering, " Mr. Jefferson is the only one to whom 
 he appears to have been solicitous to make reparation. But 
 was he the only one entitled to do it ? Do his eulogists think 
 nothing due to the memories of Hamilton and Ames, and 
 other departed federalists, and to their surviving compatriots, 
 who have been calumniated by the Adams family ? Are their 
 names to be blotted from history, or remembered only to be 
 associated with infamy? Truth is the soul of history. 
 
 " Once I was hung in effigy in the Northern Liberties of 
 Philadelphia, on a gallows fifty feet high ; and a printed no- 
 tice of the time was sent to me, then in congress at Wash- 
 ington. This was during the existence of President Jefferson's 
 glorious, indefinite embargo — of which I had taken the liberty 
 to say, that I did not like it. On receiving the notice, the 
 first thought that occurred to me was, that the effigy of one 
 of the greatest and best men the United States ever knew, 
 John Jay, had been exhibited, a public spectacle, in the same 
 manner, and I believe in the same place. And so associated, 
 I felt myself honoured by the elevation. 
 
 *'And once for all," continues Mr. Pickering, "I affirm 
 that in my various interviews with Mr. Adams, there was 
 never a single instance of passion on my part ; and, what is 
 a little remarkable, but one on his ; and this on an occasion 
 which would not have produced in any other man the smallest 
 emotion. 
 
 " It was this. In 1794, John Quincy Adams was ap- 
 pointed minister resident of the United States at the Hague. 
 Just before General Washington's last presidency expired, he 
 raised John Quincy iVdams to the higher grade of Minister 
 Plenipotentiary to Portugal. But his father soon succeeding 
 to the office of president, he changed the son's destination 
 from Portugal to Prussia. In making out a new commission, 
 I called him Late Minister resident of the United States at the 
 Hague; doubting whether it would be correct to call him 
 late Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at the Court 
 
372 APPENDIX. 
 
 of Lisbon, seeing that not having gone thither, of course he 
 had not been received in that character. I concluded, how- 
 ever, to submit the draught to his father, to be approved or 
 altered, as he pleased. He read on till he came to " Late 
 Minister resident of the United States, at the Hague," when 
 he burst into a passion, and with a loud and rapid voice ex- 
 claimed, " Not late Minister resident at the Hague, but Late 
 Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States to the Court of 
 Lisbon, to which office he was appointed by General Wash- 
 ington — not by me — and so he shall be called." Then low- 
 ering his tone, but speaking with earnestness, he added, " I 
 am sorry that my son ever went abroad as a minister; I wish 
 he had staid at home : for there was not a jjen in the United 
 States of which the Jacobins w^ere so much afraid as of my 
 son's !" Where and what is now this wonderful son ? * 
 Among the men whom his father called Jacobins — himself, of 
 course, a Jacobin. And where, I may also ask, is the father ? 
 When the son tacked, the father loore ship, and followed in his 
 wake, Jefferson leading the van ; Jefferson, whom, not long 
 before, the father pronounced " the deepest dissembler, and 
 most artful hypocrite he ever knew." 
 
 " As it has been his steady aim," continues Mr. Pickering, 
 "in Mr. Adams's letter to Cunningham, to vilify me, so, in 
 order to counteract his design, Mr. Adams is here exhibited 
 against himself. Not that I consider approbation or praise 
 from a man so notoriously governed by his passions, by his 
 ambition, vanity, and family interest, of any intrinsic value, 
 but his eulogies and censures, when brought together, like two 
 different substances in chemical operations, may neutrahze 
 each other." 
 
 [Private.] Quincy, Oct. 15, 1798. 
 
 Dear Sir, — I received your answer to the address from 
 Virginia, concinnate and coiisummati. My secretary gave a 
 hint of it to Mrs. Adams and she insisted upon his bringing it 
 to her bedside and reading it to her. She desires me to tell 
 you, that weak and low as she is, she has spirit enough left to 
 be delighted with it. She says it is the best answer to an 
 address that ever was written, and \vorth all that ever were 
 
 * " Ephraim is joined to idols lot him alone." 
 
APPENDIX. 373 
 
 written. You may well suppose that I, who am so severely 
 retlected on by these compliments, am disposed enough to 
 think them extravagant. I, however, think the answer ex- 
 cellent, and wish you had to answer all the saucy addresses I 
 have received. I don't intend to answer any more of the dis- 
 respectful ones. — I am, with great esteem, 
 
 Mr. Pickering. John Adams. 
 
 Mr. Pickering, in defending his friend, Col. Hamilton, against 
 the many insinuations thrown out by Mr. Adams, prejudicial 
 to his political and military character, observes — 
 
 " A scrutiny of Mr. Adams's several communications to con- 
 gress produced in the mind of Hamilton, the follow^ing result. 
 He (Col. Hamilton) says : 'I then adopted an opinion, which 
 all my subsequent experience has confirmed, that he is of an 
 imagination sublimated and eccentric ; propitious neither to the 
 regular display of sound judgment, nor to steady perseverance 
 in a systematic plan of conduct; and I began to perceive, 
 what has been since too manifest, that to this defect are added 
 the unfortunate foibles of a vanity without bounds, and a 
 jealousy capable of discolouring every object.' " 
 
 " It was in the year 1777," olDserves Mr. Pickering" that I 
 first saw Hamilton, and perceived his importance in the 
 military family of General Washington. The subsequent acts 
 of his public life, and the eminent and disinterested services 
 he rendered to the United States, inspired me with the highest 
 ideas of his talents and worth. As an aid-de-camp to the 
 commander-in-chief, he saw the principal operations of the 
 main army during four years; but had no command of troops, 
 except of a detachment at the siege of Yorktown, with which 
 he stormed and took a redoubt. A man of genius, however, 
 w^ill promptly grasp any subject, while a common mind is 
 learning the rudiments w^hich, by slow degrees, are to con- 
 duct him to the knowledge of it. When, therefore, a small 
 army, in 1798, was to be raised, in addition to our peace 
 establishment, I had no hesitation as to the person best quali- 
 fied to command it. Of the citizens of the United States loho 
 had seen service, I knew not one to place in competition with 
 hima. It was while I was in this state of mind, that the fol- 
 lowing dialogue took place between Mr. Adams and me: 
 
 " Mr. A. — Whom shall we appoint commander-in-chief? 
 32 
 
374 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 " Colonel Hamilton. 
 
 " Mr. Adams made no reply. On another day, he repeated 
 the same question, and I gave him the same answer. He did 
 not reply. On another day he, for the third time, asked me, 
 * Whom shall we appoint commander-in-chief?' and the 
 third time I answered ' Colonel Hamilton.' * O no !' re- 
 plied Mr. Adams, * it is not his turn by a great deal : I would 
 sooner appoint Gates, or Lincoln, or Morgan.' Instantly I 
 rejoined to this effect : ' General Morgan is here a member 
 of congress, now very sick, apparently w^ith one foot in the 
 grave ; certainly a very brave and meritorious officer in our 
 revolutionary war ; and perhaps his present sickness may be 
 the consequence of the hardships and sufferings to which he 
 was then subjected ; but, if he were in full health, the com- 
 mand of a brigade would be deemed commensurate with his 
 talents. As for Gates, he is now an old woman, and Lincoln is 
 always asleep.' Mr. Adams made no reply. 
 
 " Washington being on this occasion appointed commander- 
 in-chief, the secretary of war (Mr. M' Henry) was directed to 
 carry his commission to Mount Vernon. Knowing Mr. 
 Adams's aversion to Hamilton, and apprehensive that he would 
 either not be called into service, or if nominated to any office, 
 that it would be in a rank so much below his merit that he 
 would not and ought not to accept it, I took the hberty of 
 writing to General Washington the following letter :" — 
 
 Philadelphia, July 6, 1798. 
 
 [11 o'clock at night.] 
 
 Sir, — My attachment to my country, and my desire to pro- 
 mote its best interests, I trust have never been equivocal ; and 
 at this time I feel extreme anxiety that our army should be 
 organized in the most efficient manner. The enemy whom we 
 are preparing to encounter — veterans in arms, led by able and 
 active officers, and accustomed to victory — must be met by the 
 best blood, talents, energy, and experience that our country 
 can produce. Great military abilities are the portion of but 
 few men in any nation, even the most populous and warlike. 
 How very few, then, may we expect to find in the United 
 States I In them the arrangements should be so made that 
 not one might be lost. 
 
 There is one man who will gladly be your second, but who 
 will not, I presume, because I think he ought not to be the 
 
APPENDIX. 875 
 
 second to any other military commander in the United States. 
 You too well know Col. Hamilton's distinguished ability, 
 energy, and fidelity to apply my remark to any other man. 
 But to insure his appointment, I apprehend the weight of 
 your opinion may be necessary. From the conversation that 
 I and others have had wdth the President, there appears to he 
 a disinclination to place Col. Hamilton in what we think is his 
 proper station, and that alone in which we suppose he will 
 serve — the second to you, and the chief in your absence. In 
 any war, and especially in such a war as now impends, a 
 commander-in-chief ought to know, and have a confidence in 
 the officers most essential to insure success to his measures. 
 In a late conversation with the President, I took the liberty 
 to observe, that the army in question not being yet raised, the 
 only material object to be contemplated in the early appoint- 
 ment of the commander-in-chief would be, that he might be 
 consulted ; because he ought to be satisfied in the choice of 
 the principal officers who should serve under him. 
 
 If any considerations should prevent your taking the com- 
 mand of the army, I deceive myself extremely if you will not 
 think that it should be conferred on Col. Hamilton — and in this 
 case it may be equally necessary, as in the former, that you 
 should intimate your opinion to the president. Even Col. 
 Hamilton's pohtical enemies I believe, would repose more con- 
 fidence in him than in any other military character that can 
 be placed in competition with him. This letter is in its nature 
 confidential, and therefore can procure me the displeasure of 
 no one ; but the appointment of Col. Hamilton, in the manner 
 suggested, appears to me of such vast importance to the wel- 
 fare of the country, that I am willing to risk any consequences 
 of my frank and honest endeavours to secure it. On this 
 ground I assure myself you will pardon the freedom of this 
 address. — I am, with perfect respect sir, your most obedient 
 servant, Timothy Pickering. 
 
 P. S. — Mr. M'Henry is to set off to-morrow, or on Mon- 
 day, bearing your commission. 
 
 To General Washington. 
 
 [Mount Vernon.] 
 
 When Mr. Pickering wTote this letter, he says, " I had no 
 sort of communication with Hamilton on this subject : it was a 
 spontaneous act on my part to secure his services to the 
 country." 
 
376 APPENDIX. 
 
 To this letter I was favoured with a long and confidential 
 answer, dated July 11th, of which the following is an extract: 
 
 " Of the abilities and fitness of the gentleman you have 
 named for a high command in the provisional army, I think 
 as you do, and that his services ought to be secured at almost 
 any price. What the difficulties are that present themselves 
 to the mind of the president in opposition to this measure, I 
 am entirely ignorant ; but in confidence, and with the frank- 
 ness you have disclosed your own sentiments on this occasion, 
 I will unfold mine, under the view I have taken of the pros- 
 pect before us ; and shall do it concisely." 
 
 The Secretary of War, when charged with Washington's 
 commission, was instructed by the President to consult the 
 general as to the principal officers to be appointed to the 
 army ; and he transmitted from Mount Vernon, by the mail, 
 the general's list, containing the names of gentlemen who had 
 served in the Revolutionary army, and designated the stations 
 in which they should be placed. At the head of this list, and 
 in the following order, were the names of 
 
 Alexander Hamilton, Inspector-General and Major-General. 
 Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Major-General. 
 Henry Knox, Major-General. 
 
 And in this order they w^ere nominated to the senate. 
 
 The Secretary of War made out the commissions for Hamil- 
 ton first, Pinckney second, and Knox third major-general, 
 and sent them to Quincy, for the President's signature. He 
 wTote to the secretary that, in his opinion, Knox was entitled 
 to rank as first major-general, Pinckney as the second, and 
 Hamilton as the third ; and directed, that if General Wash- 
 ington should concur in that opinion, he should conform the 
 commissions to that order. 
 
 Before the Secretary of War could have written to and re- 
 ceived an answer from General Washington, respecting the 
 order in which the three major-generals should take rank, an- 
 other letter was received from the president, peremptorily re- 
 quiring him to make out their commissions in the order of 
 Knox, Pinckney, Hamilton. 
 
 Several motives, (continues Mr. Pickering,) to this incor- 
 rect conduct of President Adams may be assigned. Prima- 
 rily, his unrelenting hatred of Hamilton, whom, utterly re- 
 gardless of the public interest in his services, he would have 
 
APPENDIX. 377 
 
 driven from the army, by degrading him from the rank to 
 which his merit and actual appointment entitled him. Mr. 
 Adams has been unwearried (continues Mr. l^ickering) in his 
 attempts to degrade Hamilton in the eyes of his fellow-citi- 
 zens; he has been so indiscreet as to deny him, what all the 
 world beside allow him, very eminent talents. 
 
 In his thirteenth letter, dated May 29, 1809, published in 
 the Boston Patriot, Mr. Ada'ms, speaking of his favourite, 
 Gerry, as one of the ministers to negotiate with the French 
 republic, against whom he supposes prejudices had been enter- 
 tained, says, " No man had a greater share in propagating 
 and diffusing these prejudices against Mr. Gerry than Hamil- 
 ton ; whether he had formerly conceived jealousies against 
 him as a rival candidate for the secretaryship of the treasury ; 
 for Mr. Gerry was a financier, and had been employed for 
 years on the treasury in the old Congress, and a most indefa- 
 tigable member too:" "that committee had laid the founda- 
 tion for the present system of the treasury, and had organized 
 it almost as well." " I know that the officers of the treasury, 
 in Hamilton's time, dreaded to see him rise in the house upon 
 any question of finance, because they said he was a man of 
 so much influence that they always feared he would discover 
 some error, or carry some point against them : or whether he 
 (Hamilton) feared that Mr. Gerry would be President of the 
 tJnited States before him, I know not ! ! !" 
 
 Mr. Adams in a letter to William Cunningham, Esq., dated 
 Quincy, September 27, 1809, (Appendix), says " It is demon- 
 strative evidence that John Adams's Declaration of In- 
 de-pendence, was one and twenty years older than 
 Thomas Jefferson's." 
 
 In a letter from Mr. Pickering to Mr. Adams, on this sub- 
 ject, he observes, the Declaration of Independence contained 
 few new ideas. Mr. Adams, in his answer, says, not one ; but 
 he thinks the best parts were struck out. 
 
 The following from Mr. Pickering to Mr. Adams as regards 
 the Declaration of Independence, will probably give the reader 
 some new ideas on the introduction and passage through Con- 
 gress of that sacred instrument which made us spring into 
 32* 
 
378 APPENDIX. 
 
 existence as a nation, to the astonishment of the European world, 
 unfettered, free, and independent — which has caused thou- 
 sands, and tens of thousands from the old world to make this 
 land of freedom their adopted home, w^here, under their own 
 vine and fig-tree, they sink the subject, and hail as free, inde- 
 pendent citizens. 
 
 Extracts from a letter, dated August 2, 1822, from Timothy Pickering to 
 John Adams, formerly President of the United States. 
 
 " As no act of the Congress of the Thirteen United Ameri- 
 can Colonies was so distinguished as that by which their 
 independence of Great Britain was declared, the most particu- 
 lar history of that transaction will probably be sought for, not 
 merely as an interesting curiosity, but to do substantial justice 
 to the abilities and energy of the leaders in that great measure." 
 
 " By the public journals, it appears, that on the 7th of June, 
 1776, * certain resolutions respecting independency were moved 
 and seconded ;' and that on the 10th, the first resolution, ' that 
 the United Colonies are, and of right ought to be. Free and 
 Independent States,' was adopted ; and the next day, the 
 committee for preparing the declaration to that effect was 
 chosen, consisting of Mr. Jefferson, Mr. J. Adams, Mr. Frank- 
 lin, Mr. Sherman, and Mr. R. R. Livingston. Mr. Jefferson, 
 being first on the list, became chairman." 
 
 *' It was in the natural order of proceeding, for the com- 
 mittee to meet and discuss the subject; and, after mature 
 deliberation, to decide on the principles or propositions which 
 should constitute the basis of the declaration ; and to refer the 
 making of the draught to the chairman, or to a sub-committee." 
 
 " Some years ago, a copy of the declaration, as reported to 
 Congress, w^as put into my hands, by some one of the Lee 
 family. It was in Mr. Jefferson's hand-writing, and enclosed 
 in a short letter from him to R. H. Lee, together with a copy 
 of the declaration as amended in Congress. The amendments 
 consisted chiefly in striking out ; and about one fourth part of 
 the whole was struck out." — " To me, the alterations made 
 in Congress, seemed important and substantial amendments." 
 
 " After all, the declaration does not contain many new ideas. 
 It is rather a compilation of facts and sentiments stated and 
 expressed, during the ]:)reccding eleven years, by those who 
 
APPENDIX. 379 
 
 wrote and vindicated the rights of the colonies, including the 
 proceedings of the Congress of 1774 ; that is, from the year 
 of the stamp act to the commencement of the war. The great 
 merit of any compilation consists in the lucid and forcihle ar- 
 rangement of the matter. The reported declaration was 
 evidently enfeebled by its redundancies." — " I have thought it 
 desirable, that the facts in this case should be ascertained. 
 You alone can give a full statement of them, to be communi- 
 cated to w'hom you think proper. To arrive at trutJi, and to 
 assure to every one his just portion of applause, are the sole 
 objects of these remarks." 
 
 " On the 6th of August, Mr. Adams favoured me wath an 
 answer ; and was pleased to communicate to me this short 
 history of the Declaration of Independence, as it appears in 
 the following extract from his letter of that date : — 
 
 " Mr. Jefferson came into Congress in June 1775, and brought 
 with him a reputation for literature, science, and a happy talent 
 at composition. Writings of his were handed about, remark- 
 able for their peculiar felicity of expression. Though a silent 
 member in Congress, he was so prompt, frank, explicit, and 
 decisive upon committees, (not even Samuel Adams was more 
 so,) that he soon seized upon my heart ; and upon this occasion, 
 I gave him my vote, and did all in my power to procure the 
 votes of others. I think he had one more vote than any other, 
 and that placed him at the head of the committee. I had the 
 next highest number, and that placed me the second. 
 
 " The committee met, discussed the subject, and then ap- 
 pointed Mr. Jefferson and me to make the draught ; I suppose, 
 because we were the two highest on the list. The sub-com- 
 mittee met. Jefferson proposed to me to make the draught. 
 I said, ' I will not, you shall do it.' (Then follows an ami- 
 cable altercation on this point ; but Mr. Adams persisting in 
 his refusal to make the draught) — 'Well,' said Jefferson, 
 * if you are decided, I will do as well as I can.' * Very well ; 
 when you have drawn it up we will have a meeting.' A 
 meeting we accordingly had, and conned the paper over. I 
 ^vas delighted with its high tone, and the flights of oratory 
 with which it abounded, especially that concerning Negro sla- 
 very, which, though I knew his Southern brethren would never 
 suffer to pass in Congress, I certainly never would oppose. 
 There were other expressions which I would not have in- 
 
380 APPENDIX. 
 
 serted if I had drawn it up ; particularly that which called the 
 king a tyrant. I thought this too personal ; for I never 
 believed George to be a tyrant in disposition and in nature : 
 I always believed him to be deceived by his courtiers on both 
 sides the Atlantic, and in his official capacity only cruel. 
 
 " I thought the expression too passionate, and too much 
 like scolding for so grave and solemn a document ; but as 
 Franklin and Sherman were to inspect it afterwards, I thought 
 it would not become me to strike it out. I consented to re- 
 port it ; and do not now remember that I made or suggested 
 a single alteration. We reported it to the committee of five. 
 It was read ; and I do not remember that Franklin or Sher- 
 man criticised anything. We were all in haste : Congress 
 was impatient ; and the instrument was reported, as I believe, 
 in Jefferson's hand-writing, as he first drew it. Congress cut 
 off about a quarter part of it, as I expected they would ; but 
 they obliterated some of the best of it, and left all that was 
 exceptionable, if anything in it was. I have long wondered 
 that the original draught has not been published. I suppose 
 the reason is, the vehement philippic against Negro slavery. 
 As you justly observe, there is not an idea in it but what had 
 been hackneyed in Congress for two years before. The sub- 
 stance of it is contained in the Declaration of Rights, and the 
 violation of those rights, in the journals of Congress in 1774. 
 Indeed the essence of it is contained in a pamphlet voted and 
 printed by the town of Boston before the first congress met ; 
 composed by James Otis, as I suppose, in one of his lucid 
 intervals, and pruned and polished by Samuel Adams." 
 
 " Mr. Jefferson," continues Mr. Pickering, " was manifestly 
 displeased with the alterations made in Congress, in his draught 
 of the declaration. In his letter of July 8, 1776, to Richard 
 Henry Lee, he says ' I enclose you a copy of the Declaration 
 of Independence as agreed to by the house, and also as origi- 
 nally framed. You will judge whether it is the better or 
 worse for the ' critics.' — " Far from being worse," says Mr. 
 Pickering, I think unprejudiced readers will pronounce the al- 
 terations and amendments, made by the ' critics' in Congress, 
 substantial improvements ; and that to those * critics' Mr. 
 Jefferson is indebted for much of the applause which has been 
 bestowed upon him as the author of the declaration." 
 
 The reader can now form his own opinion as to the assertion 
 
APPENDIX. 381 
 
 made by Mr. Adams when he says, " It is demonstrative evi- 
 de7ice, That John Adams's Declaration of Independence, 
 
 WAS ONE and twenty YEARS OLDER THAN ThOMAS JeF- 
 
 The following are extracts of two letters from William 
 Cunningham to John Adams, which will give the reader some 
 little knowledge of the tirade and abuse of the leading 
 federalists, in 1804, toward the Jeffersonian democracy. Mr. 
 Cunningham, it would appear, after two years of industry in 
 pouring out his vials of wrath upon President Jefferson, and 
 the democratic party generally, calls on Mr. Adams for a 
 further supply in order to annihilate Mr. Jefferson at the then 
 approaching Presidential canvass. 
 
 " I wish" says Mr. Cunningham " to discover every arca- 
 num that would be of use to develope the true character of 
 the Salt Mountain Philosopher.* This mountain has in- 
 creased the wonders of the world to eight ; and, if Mr. Jeffer- 
 son would sink a tomb in a part of it for himself, it might, 
 better than being a Mummy, preserve his body and memory 
 through succeeding ages." 
 
 " But to return. No man living has so thorough a knowledge 
 of Mr. Jefferson's transactions as yourself. It is necessary 
 therefore, to the perfection of my plan, that I should assume 
 the confidence to apply to you for some particulars. If, sir, 
 to promote my patriotic purposes, you would refer me to in- 
 teresting incidents in Mr. Jefferson's career, I promise most 
 seriously that no indiscretion or unfaithfulness in me shall ex- 
 pose or abuse your goodness." 
 
 " Accept, too, dear sir, my grateful acknowledgments for 
 describing the causes and the course which produce and guide 
 the leading democrats. I read with avidity, and treasure up 
 with care, the counsels of wisdom and experience. The 
 awful spirit of democracy was never so prevalent, nor in so 
 great progress in our country, as at the present day." 
 
 " Judge Sullivayi is as great a trimmer and timeserver as 
 perhaps can be found. He has long angled in the dirty 
 water of democracy, but has never filled his net, though he 
 
 * Mr. Jefferson 
 
382 APPENDIX. 
 
 has several times broken it." — " His eye has been, and is 
 steadily fixed on the chair of state. At first he courted assist- 
 ance from the clergy ; but now, 1 expecl, he means to make a 
 push upon pure jacoUnic principles. I have never seen any 
 thing from his hand that contained so much designing meanness 
 as his * Sketch of the Life of Samuel Adams.' His present 
 nomination unfolds his designs, and we see that the halts 
 thrown out are swallowed. He may blame his friend for a 
 most unfortunate designation of an associate." — " The pon- 
 derosity of the ' Marquis of Granby' would keep any one 
 from rising who is attached to him. The ^ sweat, ^ which 
 * our General' says has profusely fallen from his face, has 
 •watered many a plant of renown ; but the fruits of them all, 
 are not worth a mess of green peas, and, he is so strongly 
 tainted with the cow-yard, that he must, I think, be offensive 
 in the council chamber." — " There may be more severity than 
 good sense, or prudence, in these remarks, but I really con- 
 sider such clod'pated politicians as fit subjects for the most 
 cutting strokes." 
 
 It must appear to the reader after the perusal of the above 
 extracts, that the leaders of the federal aristocracy in the early 
 period of our republic, were as wholesale in their gross epi- 
 thets towards the hard-fisted mechanic and yeomen of the 
 land, as the leaders of the same party are in the present en- 
 lightened age on the eve of a presidential election ; and then 
 as now, look upon the bone and sinew of the nation, as mere 
 hewers of wood and drawers of water; slaves, as were the 
 Israelites of old, under Pharaoh, compelled to make brick 
 without straw, or suffer the consequences. But the protecting 
 hand of an all-wise Providence was spread abroad, and the 
 people marched in triumph from bondage to the promised land. 
 That protecting hand continued to spread until it waved over 
 the Land of Proinise, the Western world, when it was or- 
 dained all should be free and equal, and tyranny and aristo- 
 cracy known only by name. The people, the democracy — were 
 made acquainted with their rights — their power — and knowing 
 them, determined to assert them ; they did so, and under a 
 
APPENDIX. 383 
 
 free democratic government have they nobly sustained them- 
 selves, and become a mighty people ; and while the same pro- 
 tecting hand is suspended peacefully over the land, so long 
 will they continue to advance until Monarchs, Tyrants, and 
 Aristocrats shall tremble at the name of a Democratic Repub- 
 lic, and the people with one united voice cry, Amen. 
 
 Extracts of Letters from William Cunningham to John Adams, dated in 
 
 1808, 'D. 
 
 " I hope, dear sir, that when the great acts of your life 
 shall be told in marble, your countrymen will recover that just 
 estimation of your worth which shall consecrate in their hearts, 
 through every convulsive scene, the spot of your interment. 
 I have a voucher in the majesty of virtue, and in opposite 
 examples, for asserting that it will be so." — " T will get if I 
 can, the Salem Gazette, containing the anathemas of Deacon 
 P. In the old block I may see the nature of the chip. Of 
 the speech of the * straight haired' minister plenipotentiary to 
 the Indians, I have only some indistinct recollections. I would 
 be much obliged to you for a copy of it — I shall strictly 
 analyze its bearings on the orator's character. His contempt 
 for Washington, and advocacy of French fanaticism are facts 
 which unfortunately are unknown to the public. I wish my 
 suspicions were obviated or confirmed, that his far famed re- 
 port to Congress, on our foreign relations, was not his own 
 unassisted performance. It is due to the deservedly laurelled 
 head, that the baldness concealed under a cardinal's hat should 
 be exposed," 
 
 "I hope that this evening will relieve my impatience to see 
 the speculations you have written in opposition to the opinions 
 of an officer whose duty it was to facilitate, but whose con- 
 tumacy embarrassed your administration. I had seen Lyon's 
 letter, and had waded through it. When I turn to the 
 journals of '98, and compare the treatment of him. then, with 
 the estimation of him now, I think of a lelle, who, in the 
 pride of accomplishments, casts her eye fastidiously upon a 
 worthless fellow, but who, when past her prime, * oversteps 
 the modesty of nature, in her forwardness to encourage his 
 advances. 'Tis a mortifying meanness ! Lyon has been called 
 
384 APPENDIX. 
 
 a heast, but the most I could ever make of hiin was a chatter- 
 ing 'paroquet. JVosciter ex sociis.'^ 
 
 " Your view of our situation in 1798 isTully substantiated 
 by public documents. So glorious a result of the measures 
 then pursued, ought to have settled them forever in the cabine^, 
 and in the bosom of every American, as the only measures, 
 designated by Heaven, and consecrated by experience, for the 
 maintainance of our maritime right. The fortunate issue, sir, 
 of these measures to your own fame, is a subject with which 
 I am too full not to fear to speak to you, and confine myself 
 within allowable Hmits. The reduction of Directorial hauteur 
 to a compliance with your own conditions, was a conquest 
 which no other cabinet can boast. Your declaration in your 
 Message to Congress, of June 21, '98, that you " would not 
 send another minister to France, without assurances that he 
 would be received, respected, and honoured as the representa- 
 tive of a great, free, powerful, and independent nation,'^ com- 
 mitted you, as to the terms upon which a new mission would be 
 instituted. I derive the highest satisfaction from the direct 
 information, that the Directory transmitted to you the most 
 positive assurances in various ways, both official and unofficial, 
 that they would receive your ministers, and make peace on 
 your own terms." 
 
 "I know not when my sensibilities have been more ex- 
 quisitely touched, than they were by the perusal of your fa- 
 vour ojf the 20th inst., and by the concluding sentence of 
 your letter to Messrs. Wright and Lyman, which I read at 
 the same time. Thoroughly sensible as I am of the wrong 
 which has been done you, I am yet persuaded, that the natu- 
 ral effect of your own reflections upon it, is to its aggrava- 
 tion, and to a misconception of its object — I mean with 
 the federal party at large. The vehement opposition of the 
 leading federalists to a third mission to France, and the cold- 
 ness with which they requited your regard to your high re- 
 sponsibility, were the most unadvised steps; their effect was 
 to cast you, and overthrow the federal cause together. Party 
 spirit is uncounselable, and mischance is generally the con- 
 sequence of its rashness. So nearly equipoised as were the 
 parties, equanimity was the virtue on which the federalists 
 could alone rely to preserve their preponderance. That you 
 was the only candidate in the nation which, with all the pru- 
 dence they could exerciwse, they could carry into the presidency, 
 
APPENDIX. 080 
 
 was a fact well understood by them, and their conduct 
 towards you, quadrated at last with that impression. At the 
 election of 1800, their endeavours in your favour were una- 
 bated by their disapprobation of the third diplomatic attempt 
 to adjust our differences with France. From the advice, ver-y 
 'particularly urged, by Hamilton upon the electors, to give an 
 equal vote to General Pinckney, it may be suspected that in 
 case of the success of the federal ticket, and of a choice 
 eventually by the House of Representatives, he intended to 
 throw his influence into that body in favour of the Carolinian, 
 But the great body of the people would have spurned this 
 Machiavelian stratagem. It was you and you only, whom 
 they designated for the first office in their gift." 
 
 " Excepting the devices, of a transient duration, which were 
 employed to hoodwink' the public respecting the reasons you 
 had to resort again to negotiation with France I, cannot 
 think that, even with the rankest Essex-Junto men, there has 
 ever been a disposition to your detraction ; an estimation of 
 your worth and talents* bordering on devotion, has been a 
 common sentiment. Should you object to my opinion the 
 splenetic ebullitions of the ' libeller' Hamilton, I should not 
 be disposed to retract it. I have no disposition to depreciate 
 the talents of Hamilton — had they been greater, the invec- 
 tives in his * letter' could not have been sharpened by them." 
 
 " In the dialogue with Count Diodati, you could not have 
 avoided the consolation of the reflection, that, if in the strange 
 contrariety of human conduct, you should, like Aristides, be 
 banished by the ostracism, confined like Miltiades, forced, like 
 Phocion, to the poisonous draught, or be slain like Scipio, 
 truth would soon triumph over delusion, and perpetuate in 
 sculpture its irreversible decisions. Among the comforts of 
 this world, I hope, dear sir, that you will yet find mingled the 
 ecstatic one of knowing, that you live contemporaneously with 
 your own glory, and may you leave the world. Vita cedat 
 uti convivasatur.^' 
 
 " Confirmed, by your coincidence, in the correctness of my 
 sentiments concerning the federahsts in general, I feel my con- 
 fidence strengthened in the soundness of my knowledge of 
 some of their late leaders. Alexander Hamilton was their 
 head and hope. He was the Messiah under whose reign a 
 political millennium was to be enjoyed. Extravagant enco- 
 miums on his talents had lifted my estimation of him to a lofty 
 
386 APPENDIX. 
 
 height ; and I readily confess, that in some interviews I had 
 with him in New York, the prop of his fame of a capacious 
 understanding was perspiciously displayed. It is the pride of 
 his friends that he was ambitious : but that this passion was 
 in him kept down to virtuous emulation, upon which alone 
 they can exult, is not so evident. — The testimony of General 
 Washington, in his favour, if not extorted, is yet not unex- 
 ceptionable. Washington, like yourself, had come under the 
 displeasure of this paragon of propriety, and a threatening of 
 a public exposure of his mistakes, was suspended over the 
 head of Washington like the sword of Damocles, with this 
 difference, that it should fall, not on falsehood, but on indo- 
 cility. This is a fact unknown to the public. It is unknown, 
 except to a very few in the nation. You, sir, know what 
 authority I have for the declaration — General Washington 
 was overawed wdth a menace, which gave you but the more 
 resolution." 
 
 " Amidst the heaviest outpouring which may be supposed 
 to be congregating in the elements of human vengeance, I 
 know you will stand like a conductor of electric fluid, which 
 the lightning can only seize, envelope, and rysh down its sides, 
 but which it leaves uninjured to cool, and to stand again with 
 its daring points amid the storm. That you are a friend to 
 an undivisible union of the states, is most clearly evinced ; and 
 you may derive from your concern for the common welfare, 
 as indisputable a right as was possessed by Augustus to the 
 honourable and endearing title of the Father of your Country, 
 It was then because Mr. John Quincy Adams had given the 
 upstart scribbler, and pedantic mystagogue Eaton, his deserts, 
 that he spat at him the toady poison with which he was so 
 much distended." 
 
 " You say, / knoio not the history of Hamilton. I cer- 
 tainly do not, if your portrait shows his lineaments. Of the 
 prostitution of power to the brutal purposes of sensual gratifi- 
 tion, we know, to the dis^'race of our nature, of too many 
 instances. Such gross declension is more shocking among an 
 infant people than among nations gray in crime ; as vice is 
 more odious in a youth than in a hardened sinner. In this 
 view, I think it most lamentable, that in your opinion ^the 
 panegyrical orations of Ames and Otis — and the * Funeral 
 made by the hankers in Boston^ for Hamilton, exceeded in 
 
APPENDIX. 387 
 
 atrocity and impiety, the king's brothel of Belvieii, and the 
 Adonian temple of Madame Du Barry." 
 
 " The ^ infidelity of the worst kind, propagated by him in our 
 army, when in the family of Washington,' I am unacquainted 
 with." 
 
 " You say, * I have never read Hamilton's pamphlet,' &c. It 
 was circulated, at first, among his confidential friends, one 
 of whom, Judge Bowne, lent it to me the day he received it. 
 You have, indeed, been the target for the poisoned arrows, 
 and chewed balls of malice, envy, and revenge. It is the un- 
 failing lot of all greatness to be so." 
 
 " In answering your letter, I have reserved to the last the 
 concupiscence of Hamilton. Knowing the impetus yoa felt 
 when speaking of Hamilton, I have been fearful whether 
 you would not get into too hot a temper, and thus disease your 
 rebukes with the fever of animosity. I have thought that 
 you would have been safer to have followed Plato, and to 
 have said, * Speusippus, do you beat that fellow, for I am 
 angry.' But, sir, you set him before me in new and horrid 
 odiousness. Of * his debaucheries in J\^ew York and Phila- 
 delphia,'' of ' his audacious and unblushing attempt upon ladies 
 of the highest rank and purest virtue' — of ' the indignation 
 icith ivhich he has been spurned' — and of 'the inquietude he 
 has given to the first families,' I never before heard a word. 
 If he was all this he was abandoned beyond reclamation. 
 Candor and charity must be dumb in his excuse. Avouch, 
 sir, all this to be true, and I shall consider myself bound by 
 all my duties to my family, to virtue, to my country, and to 
 heaven, to dress him in a suit from the devil's wardrobe, and 
 hold him up to the execration of mankind. In his ' Remarks, 
 explanatory of his conduct, motives and views' in meeting 
 Burr, written the day before the interview — and in his will, 
 he speaks with the most moving tenderness of his * wife and 
 children.' In his last hour, according to Dr. Moore, he was 
 collected, tranquil, and resigned as Addison — if there hajj 
 ever been a , I should be confounded." 
 
 " You propose to give me an account of * his talents and 
 services in another letter.' I wish to see a connected chain of 
 these services, and their magnitude ; since it has been an- 
 nounced by Coleman that years are to be occupied by some 
 best qjifted genius in penning his life." 
 
 " You have fully and forcibly described the impulse by 
 
388 APPENDIX. 
 
 "which the heads of a faction are hurried on, in your exami- 
 nation of Needham's Right Constitution of a Commonwealth, 
 as I find in the third volume of your Defence of the Consti- 
 tutions of the United States, page 278, London edition — 
 
 " Constitution of poiver,^^ you observe, " in the same persons 
 and families, will as certainly take place in a simple democra- 
 cy, or a democracy by representation, as in an hereditary 
 aristocracy or monarchy. The continuation 7inll be certain, but 
 it will be accomplished by corruption, which is worse than a 
 continuation by birth ; and if corruption cannot effect the con- 
 tinuation, sedition and rebellion will be resorted to. For a de- 
 graded, DISAPPOINTED, RICH, AND ILLUSTRIOUS FAMILY WOULD AT 
 ANY TIME ANNIHILATE HEAVEN AND EARTH, IF IT COULD, RATHER 
 THAN FAIL OF CARRYING ITS POINT." 
 
 " In your letter to the printers of the Patriot of June 10th, 
 '09, in the enumeration of the opposition and embarrassments 
 you had to overcome, you inserted ^ from that large body 
 of Americans who revere the English.'' In the review of 
 the works of Fisher Ames, by my friend John Q. Adams, 1 
 saw that Ames was considered as one of ihe principals of such 
 a body — and in the answer of Mr. Jefferson of the 3d ult. 
 (May) to the address of the republican citizens of the city 
 and county of New York, I noticed a very plain insinuation 
 that the opposition to the Embargo and its supplementary 
 measures, was induced entirely by a predilection in the opposers 
 for another country than their own. Laying these and many 
 things of the same complexion together, I could not but re- 
 gard the sentence I quoted from your last letter as coming, 
 * point from point to the full arming of the verity,' that our 
 country, the land of proud freemen, w^as become in great ex- 
 tent, but pasturage for the progeny of foreign kine.'' 
 
 " A subject of great delicacy I have thought I would take 
 the liberty to mention. It is no less than to offer you some 
 advice respecting your treatment of Hamilton, when you shall 
 again resume the consideration of his conduct. It is a trans- 
 gression of a rule, to give counsel unasked, but I am stimu- 
 lated beyond subjection to rules by what was suggested to me 
 by your son, when I was at Quincy. He said that when you 
 entered again on that topic * the little' (using some harsh epi- 
 thet) * would have it,' meaning, undoubtedly, that he would 
 be lashed with severity. But, my dear sir, if you mean to 
 
APPENDIX. 389 
 
 give weight to your animadversions, should they not be stated 
 with calmness and candour ? Let it be admitted that he de- 
 served to be treated as a stigmatic — let it be admitted that he 
 took the example of Semiramis for proof that sensuality was 
 connected with talents for governing, but recollected from the 
 same example, that it may be the associate of injustice and 
 inhumanity — Jet it be admitted, that the marble mausoleum 
 erected to his memory in New York, should wear nothing but 
 the indecent figures that Sesostris ordered to be sculptured on 
 certain pyramids — let it be admitted that he was officious, 
 assuming, ambitious, and a libeller, yet, injured as you feel 
 yourself, what point can you possibly give your pen beyond a 
 very candid and unruffled statement of such facts as will con- 
 duct the public mind to a just determination ? Such a de- 
 termination cannot eventally be avoided. This truth should 
 be your consolation ; it is the consolation of integrity, and the 
 affliction of vice, that ' the final impartiality of the public' 
 will appear through every art that can be employed to blacken 
 or to hrighten.''^ 
 
 " Pardon, great sir, this freedom — if you judge me rude, 
 judge me friendly. ' There is a silence of such magnitude, 
 energy, decision, as to be singly worth a whole life of some 
 men.' I did regret that you broke this silence with regard to 
 the person in view ; but as I have no right to judge until I 
 shall see the finale^ I shall suspend my conclusion, and I hope 
 to be satisfied that in breaking it, you imparted to your 
 countrymen the coup d'oeil, enabling them distinctly to discern, 
 even through the mists of party, the abode of truth." 
 
 " I agree with Burke, * that no government ever yet 
 perished from any other direct cause than its own weakness ;' 
 and I agree with you where you say, in your Defence of the 
 Constitutions of the United States, * It has been the common 
 people, and 7iof the gentlemen, who have established simple 
 monarchies, all over the world. The common people, against 
 the gentlemen, established a simple monarchy in Csesar at Rome, 
 in the iMedici at Florence, and are now in danger of doing the 
 same thing in Holland.' They have done it — and are they 
 not in danger of doing the same thing in America ?" 
 
 " When I consult the claims of affection, I think on those 
 who have sacrificed their children for their country. Are we 
 more under the calves of John Bull than when George Washing- 
 ton was President, John Adams Vice President, and John Jay 
 
390 APPENDIX. 
 
 Chief Justice ? Are we, suffer me with all plainness to ask, 
 are we nearly so much under that calfish infiuence as when 
 you yourself was President ? I build this inquiry on the ar- 
 guments which you repeatedly and publicly employed, not 
 only to overthrow the prejudice existing against Great Britain, 
 but to show that she would not receive our voluntary submis- 
 sion. Who, yourself excepted, ever went so far as this? 
 There are, in your letters, many things of a jocose, of a 
 serious f and of a very delicate nature, which I have no wish, 
 nor any warrantable cause to let loose from confinement." 
 
 From the foregoing extracts of letters from William Cun- 
 ningham, Esq., to his friend and relative the late President 
 John Adams, will be seen by the reader, the deep rooted 
 hatred of the latter toward the late Colonel Alexander Hamil- 
 ton, whom he always suspected (and it will be observed not 
 without cause) as being the instrument of a cabal of pohtical 
 aspirants in preventing his re-election to the Presidential 
 chair in 1801. It will be seen also, that Mr. Adams charges 
 Col. Hamilton with wire-pulling ''behind the scene,'' and 
 secret intriguing influence among the members of his cabinet, 
 endeavouring to thwart him in carrying out highly important 
 measures connected with foreign powers, in order to lower him 
 in the estimation of the people on the eve of an important 
 election, thereby sending him into retirement ; doubtless hoping 
 amid the conflicting political elements that then agitated the 
 country, he would gain the envied prize for which he had so 
 long laboured in the political vineyard, and for which he had 
 made so many sacrifices of honour and fortune. 
 
 Among the political knights contending for the crow7i, was 
 Colonel Aaron Burr, an antagonist of no small prowess ; who, 
 on first entering the lists resolved on the death or downfall of 
 his opponent Hamilton, more for revenge of a long standing 
 in a delicate affair, ih^n for the envied and much desired 
 crown. His antagonist fell, New York and the federal party 
 mourned for their leading champion— their Goliah was no 
 
APPENDIX. 391 
 
 more. Mr. Adams on receiving the news of the death of his 
 enemy, seized his pen as it appears, to write an epitaph on 
 his departed foe, to be blazoned and heralded abroad through 
 the land ; but his friend and correspondent Cunningham, ad- 
 vises and cautions him to pause and reflect — to lay aside his 
 pen already nibbed and dipped in the gall of malignancy, &c. 
 as the reader will perceive in the above extracts, which have 
 been selected by the editor as an appendix to this volume, for 
 reasons before assigned ; also, believing the present enlightened 
 generation will be interested in the perusal of writings and 
 political sentiments of distinguished politicians now no more, 
 w4io figured so conspicuously in the early period of our 
 republic. 
 
 In conclusion, the editor will further observe, that in pre- 
 senting this volume to his fellow citizens he considers it 
 the only important link wanting to complete the great political, 
 historical Presidential chain ; and he is influenced by no other 
 motive, than a deep solicitude for the welfare of our rising, 
 mighty republic, and an anxious wish, that its institutions and 
 liberties may be transmitted to an interminable futurity. And, 
 lastly, he deems it an imperative obligation upon every citizen 
 of this great and free nation to contribute, according to his 
 means, to the preservation and glory of this invaluable in- 
 heritance. 
 
 THE END. 
 

 A-a-