^763 Class U f ^ J Book-.OX^ Principles and Policies Democrat or Republican What's the Difference? Copyright 1920 Jeannette O. Campbell M The fiee use of this copyright is hereby given by the author to any publisher printing the same prior to Nov. 2. 1920. — .leanette O. Campbell, 34 St. James Paik. Los Angeles, Cal. &S3 Several of our leading newspapers have pub- lished articles and editorials in apswer to the questions ot new voters, "What is the difference between the political beliefs of a Democrat and a Republican?" None ol these articles 1 have read have seemed to me enlightening to anyone, not already conversant with the facts. It is a ques- tion that has been in my own mind for years and,. having leisure and the opportunity to investigate I have given much time and labor to seeking this truth. What I have found ought to be of value to other inquiring minds. I believe I have reached a fair, I may almost say a sympathetic under- standing of both the party of Jefferson, Monroe, Jackson, Cleveland, Wilson and Cox; and the party of Hamilton, Jay, Lincoln, McKinley, Roosevelt, and Harding. To begin at the beginning: As colonists the Injustice of England drove us to think of Justice. Oppression founded the great University of Free- dom. In that University there grew up two schools of political thought. One thought deeply, the other forcefully. There were those students of governmental thought who analyzed every problem of statecraft to find the basic truth; and very gradually they formulated a few very funda- mental principles of Liberty and Justice. That "taxation without representation is un- just"; that "all power to govern is derived from the consent of the governed"; "that all men art- endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable- rights." Some of these rights enumerated were: "freedom of religion," "freedom of speech," "free- dom of the press," "the right of assembly," and the "right to petition the government for redress L of grievance," "freedom from arrest or search without proper warrant," that no person should ;■ iicpri\id of life, liberty, or property without ■ n-j process of law," nor should private properly • ■ ■ for public use without just compensa- ■ right of those "accused of crime tol d public trial" and "to be confronted by[ .ii; \M'i ses against them." Nearly all of these; lu^.uaoiis will be recognized as the words of Thomas Jefferson and taken, by me, from either the Declaration of Independence or from the first I en Amendments to 'the Constitution of the United States. All these and many other similar things were held to be "unalienable rights of man- kind." This same school of political thought worked out the idea that in organized society every indi- vidual should be protected in the utmost degree of personal liberty — that could be made possible — without conflicting with an equal degree of per- sonal liberty for all other persons. To accomplish any guarantee of this breadth of personal liberty, under the many and varying conditions and sur- roundings in which we live, it was evident, some laws must be made and applied locally while others must be made and applied by the larger units of government for the collective good. Thus there would be Township, County, State, and Na- tional authority. As they held firmly to the doctrine that "all power to govern should be derived from the con- sent of the governed," it was logical that the peo- ple should retain (and the smaller units of gov- ernment should retain as nearer the people) ever\ OCT 23l%ciA599778 / .power not dctinilcly detenniiiecl upon and spc- ,j.cifically surrendered to the larger unit of govern- ^nient. Thus, to their way of thinking, the cen- i;jlral government could only have such powers as ^the people might give them in the Constitution; ■'^and the people should give ihc central govern- ■^rment only such power as necessary to the com- -^mon good, in the maximum of strength and effi- !Xciency for the protection of the Union in all its ^parts. That all governments of every kind must be supported by taxes is a necessity; and that the l)olicies of levying, collecting and expending such taxes must be planned upon the best business methods and by the ablest minds among us; Jef- ferson held that a Republic was the right kind of government for us to establish. A government in which the law-making authority is given to elected representatives. A representative form of government was a necessity for efficiency as well as for fairness to those sections oi the nation most remote from tlie capital. Through elections the people could certainly choose more able and earnest minds for the work than could be selected through any other system, but above all the people had the right to choose their law-makers. In handling the business affairs of the nation, tliis school of political thought demanded that whatever the problem and whoever the legisla- tors, still the rights of mankind must be observed and any policy, however efficient from a business point of view, that infringed upon the principles of Freedom, the advocates of this school of poli- tics have always opposed. Grover Cleveland as Mayor of Buffalo said: "I cannot rid myself of the idea that this city government in its relation to the taxpayer is a business establishment, and that it is put in our hands to be conducted on business principles." And again as President of the United States he said: "Public officers are servants and agents of the people to execute laws which the people have made, and within the lim- its of the Constitution which they have estab- lished." These, I find, are the Principles of Democracy The other school of political thought as devel- oped in the earliest days of our problems of Freedom, and as followed down to the present time, has been of a more materialistic and force- ful turn of mind. They represent a different sort of mind. They have not paused to seek for basic truths or fundamental principles but have evolved policies of action. In nearly all the writings about Democratic ideals, whether from the pens of Republicans or Democrats, the word "prin- ciples" is constantly used; while in the same way the thoughtful of both parties in speaking of Re- publican theories hibatually use the word "poli- cies." Whether these writers have used these words in this way consciously or unconsciously, they have shown this discrimination in their Eng- lish. When our government is regarded as a purely business proposition, we arc dealing with material things and the word "policy" not "prin- ciple" is the accurate one to use. I do not mean for a moment to say that policy excludes prin- ciple any more than you or I or any one else could say that principles are impractical things. But \\hat I do mean to say is, that, to the mate- rialistic, forceful mind of the Hamiltonian tj'pe it seems natural to substitute Vigor for Vision — not from any lack of honest purpose, but from impatience for action. The Jcffersonian ideals of Freedom necessitate some restraints in the way of deeper thought and study of each matter in hand before an efficient way can be found to exe- cute the business in hand with fairness to all. Of these restraints this materialistic school of thought is intolerant. They do not have the pa- tience even in the interest of ideals to go deeply into the analysis of things, so are incapacitated from seeing their most glaring infringements upon the standards of a free people. James Parton, in his Life of Thomas Jefferson, in speaking of Alexander Hamilton, says: "In American politics it was impossible that he ever should have been at home, because he never could believe the truths, nor share the hopes,] upon which the American system is based." Their ideals of government have never gonel further than that in problems of law and order! and protection from foreign foe our government] must be strong, and in problems of public busi- ness the government must be efficient. Henry! Cabot Lodge in his Life of Alexander Hamilton, page 90, says: "The cardinal doctrines of Hamil- ton in questions of politics and government were strength and order." On page 91 of the same \ volume. Senator Lodge continues: "Hamilton's scheme went further, seeking to crate a strong, and, so far as was possible and judicious ,a per- manent class all over the country, without regard to existing political affiliations, but bound to the government as a govrrnnicnt by the strongest of all ties, immediate 'A^d persona^ pecuniary inter- ests." "That the full inl'^nt of the policy was to array property on the side of the ":overnnient." "He had been unable to intri^diic° cla'^s inffnence ^ into the Constitution by limitins" t'^e sulifrage for the President and Senate wi'^h n nropertv qualification, but by his financial po'icv he con'' bind the existing class of wealthy men, romrri'-* ing at that day the aristocracy bequeathed bv provincial times to the new system, and thus, if at all, assure to the property of the country the control of the government." On page 68 in speaking of Hamilton's publica- tion of "The Federalist," Senator Lodge says: "As a treatise on principles of federal govern- ment it still stands at the head ,and has been turned to as an authority bv the leading minds of Germany intent upon the formation of the Ger- manic Empire." Senator Lodge on page 61 says again: "The republic of Hamilton was to be an aristocrati cas distinguished from a democratic republic." Alexander Hamilton himself wrote in one of his published "Caesar" letters: "I am not much attached to the majesty of the masses." To Hamilton's way of thinking the masses need no voice in the government and would in many ways l)rove a weighty impediment to efficient politics. Now to digress a little bv way of illustrations of the applications of Haniiltonian policies. In framing the Constitution of the United States, Hamilton had found it impossible to re- strict the suffrage, but in framing the first Consti- tution of the State of New York Hamilton and Jay succeeded in inserting property qualifications for voting. This was particularly and peculiarly unjust in New York Citv. Because early in the Revolution the Citv of New York was captured 1>y the British and held through most of the war, —3— / tlie rich Tories there were protected and thus en- abled to hold and increase iheir wealth in safety; while the Patriots of New York had given up their homes, business and all their possessions to join the Continental Army. Thus it was that when the war was over, the Tories were living in luxury and ease, while the Patriots from the Con- tinental Army had to return home in rags to be- gin life anew. Because their ragged pockets were empty these heroes were met with a state Constitution debar- ring them from any of the civic rights they had fought to gain, while the rich Tories regulated all the affairs of the state and echoed Hamilton in his admiration and praise of the British and Helvetic governments and all the policies and customs of feudalistic monarchies. It was at this critical period in the history of the State of New York that Tammany became a factor in the po- litical life of the state. Tammany was organized and fought against this gross injustice for over thirty years before in 1821 they succeeded and a new state constitution gave the residents of the state manhood suffrage. It was this struggle that gave Tammany its first great strength and this victory that made it so famous as to attract every lioor emigrant who landed from the other side with his soul athirst for Liberty — the name of Tammany was to him the symbol of the Liberty lie had come to seek. In this way during the fol- lowing fifty years Tammany acquired through im- migration a large and in many cases undesirable mcnibersliip. In time the irresponsible element completely swayed its ranks and by, 1873 Tam- many was using its powers in the way of the most lawless and debased of politics. The gross evils of that day so soiled the reputation of the organization as ever since to give the name of Tammanv bar odor. Samuel Tilden led a mem- oral:)le fight against their corrupt practices, that forever tamed the "Tiger" into ways of civiliza- tion. In the same way Hamilton formulated policies to provide for financing and defending the coun- try upon what he considered strong and business- like methods. But as the good of the masses did not enter into his considerations, each and every one of his pet policies have had to be repealed each time they have been put into practic. They seem to forget that of each and every principle of Right we can sav, as of honesty, it "is the Ix'st policv." No policy of government ever was stronger than Right and Justice; and no business method ever was made more efficient by careless- ness of the reputation of the organization. As our first Secretary of the Treasury under President Washington, Hamilton had the oppor- tunity to try them all. He instituted the tariff plong the "protection" lines, established a United States Bank and had enacted Internal Revenue laws. All three were obnoxious to the American peoole in principle and failed in their practical apolications to produce satisfactory business re- ■^nlts. The Whiskey Insurrection being one of the evidences of dissatisfaction. After twelve struggling years of Hamiltonian policies in the business of the Nation, Thomas Jefferson became President and Albert Gallatin became his Secretary of the Treasury and con- t'nned throiiprh twelve years of great prosperity an'l satisfaction to the country. All the financial policies of the Nation being revised and adjusted —4— to conform lo Jcft'ersoniau principles. Then the second war with Great Britain came and the attempt was made to finance the war by reverting to Hamiltonian theories. President Madison having been associated with Hamilton and Jay in the pulViication of "The Federalist," this was perhaps natural; but the result was most disastrous and Jcfifcrsonian principles were again invoked with benefit. Then Monroe became President and his administration comes down to us in history famous as "the Era of Good Feel- ing." After that John Quincy Adams influenced i)y Henry Clay again turned the Nation to poli- cies of "Protection" only to create another finan- cial crisis. But their day was short and under Andrew Jackson the Nation again enjoyed great prosperity and general satisfaction. In the election of a Whig, President William Henry Harrison, we again had Hamiltonian poli- cies snd again disastrous results financially. In 1846 the Democrats were again in power and the free trade tariflf of that period re-established prosperity. Also in 1846 under a Democratic ad- ministrat'on the Treasury System was established which has proven successful ever since. Under President Wilson the Federal Reserve System ''.-'s been added to this and is so fair and so •"ound as a busines policy as to prove successful past the brightest dreams of its advocates. It i' even rumored that its success as a source of reve- nue to the government has been so great as to ratch the jealous eves of various banking inter- e t^s ^vho plan with the assistance of Senator HaT1!?^f4t^ to revise it to their private profit. Tlie Income Tax as a part of the Internal Reve- nue Svstem has been enacted several times and eacli time repealed. It was on President Taft's recommendation that the Constitutional Amend- ment making such an act lawful was passed. The Drc^ent 'aw has proven in some of its clauses so H'-'fair that President Wilson has urged its re- vision, but the present Congress has been too busy with politics to give time to attending to these public needs. Governor Cox in his speech of accepance promises, "Federal taxation must be heavily reduced, and it will be done at once if a Democratic administration be chosen." Throughout our history and on down to the present time as Hamiltonian or lefifersontan methods of business have been used in our gov- ernment affairs, so the prosperity of our Nation has ebbed and lloM^ed. In the present Jeffer- sonian era, after nearly eight years of other great achievements, Wilson Wages stand out as the best ever known in this or any other country, and millions of our people are able to put by savings who never before had such opportunity. Now to turn briefly from the Hamiltonian financial policies to his ideas of national defense. As we have seen in the quotation from Senator Lodge, Alexander Hamilton's ideals were in'^or- porated in the founding of the Germanic Em- pire — with what results we have observed. In onr own Nation these policies have given us the Philippines and other serious problems to sol-'-e. If those policies were again at the head of the government. Senator Harding promises a vigor- ous hand in Mexico, and we would again be ealled UDon to see our youn? men put on the khaki and tell us good-bve — al' in order that we vriv protect the speculations of cnrh .-\merlca"<= who not satisfied with fair profits at home (know- ing the risks), have chosen to cross the border in hopes of fabulous profits over there. A policy of military strength has always been the sentiment natural to a party believing in Im- perialistic power and force. The mind that be- lieves in this Imperial power, in military force, n financial favors to special interests, in the strength of the central government first, and only such rights given to the individual as the central government may choose to confer; such a mind naturally, as Parton said of Hamilton, "can never believe the truths nor share the hopes upon which the American System is based." Senator Lodge, as an admirer and follower of Alexander Hamilton, naturally can never grasp the ideals of our freedom. To Senator Lodge, "a government of the peo- ple, by the people, and for the people" is a fine form of fair words, not an inspired truth. The mind of Senator Lodge lives in the atmosphere of Senatorial dignity, not down among the people of the Nation. According to his way of think- ing the United States Senate should hold and do'es hold vast powers in spite of the wishes of the people of America. He is a real Federalist and according to the Federalist ideals the largest unit of government holds all the power to dole out only as it sees fit to those beneath. Naturally to -uch a mind the League of Nations is a night- mare indeed. If Senator Lodge had gone to Par, and had written such a document as the Covena '; of the League of Nations and had incorporate*, his own standards and ideals, we might well fe; r its power. But the man who went was one wf c had spent his life studying Constitutional ar-i International Laws and applying to every one ni them the principles and standards of Jeffersonis Democracy and all the "unalienable rights < mankind."" and when he had convinced the oth(