.C27 copy 2 '•ii^i;\i;v OK cox(iRKs,s. i ■ MTKIi STATKS oK A.MlCA. | - SOME THOUGHTS 7 CONCERNING DOMESTIC SLAVERY, IN A LETTER To , Esq.. of Baltimore. BALTIMORE : JOSEPH N. LEWIS, 258 MARKET ST. 1838. JOHN D. lOV, rKJMLR. * SOME THOUGHTS CONCERNING DOMESTIC SLAVERY, IN A LETTER To , Esq. of Baltimore. My Dear Sir: Concerning the subject of domestic slavery, which has often formed matter of con- versation between us, I have determined to write you my thoughts somewhat at length. For I have meditated much upon it since I saw you last ; and now that we can no longer meet at pleasure, as we were wont, to interchange discourse, my reflections have accumulated upon me to such a degree that no means of setting them forth would perhaps be so suitable as this: to say nothing of my own dis- position, which inclines me rather to writing than to talking. I have read Dr. Channing's book, which you were so kind as to send me. Shall I preface the 6 expressions of my disappointment by empty com- pliments to a skilful writer's abilities ? Alas ! there is little to commend in the greatest abilities if they appear to be employed in giving attractive forms to error. There are many noble maxims and well-expressed sentiments scattered through- out the book; if these were collected together and printed in the form of apothegms they would appear to good advantage ; but now they seem like jewels adorning a dead man's head, giving decoration to that, which, seen in its nakedness, would be revolting to the sight. This author, it appears to me, has fallen into the common error of those who give themselves up to the contemplation of abstract maxims, and take not into view the blended nature of our humanity, which being made of spirit and body is enabled to receive truths only in a correspond- ing manner ; that is to say, not nakedly spiritual, such as abstract truths are, but truths embodied in the elements of things, circumstances, conditions. Concerning i2jg7 so do civil laws vary according to the regions and governments where they are planted ; though they proceed from the same fountain,' In view of this truth how were it possible that two distinct nations, each possessing its idiomatic peculiarities, could live together under a political system which suits only one of them? How greatly is the absurdity of such a supposition heightened, when it is known that the one nation is composed of whites, the other of blacks; that the one is highly civilized, refined, and wealthy ; the other lately delivered from slavery, imbued with a servile spirit, igno- rant, coarse, and destitute of substance. This same truth is illustrated by the revolutions which sometimes take place in a nation. The government being established to suit the general 5 42 interest at on early period, becomes ill adapted to the same end, when after the lapse of some ages, a gradual change has passed upon the pursuits, manners and character of the state. Yet the con- stitution was established with a view to stability ; large interests, a whole aristocracy, for example, or the monarchy itself are opposed to a change ; the system suits their wants and wishes as well as it ever did; for at the lime of its establishment, these were the only prominent interests in the nation, the people being in a state of vassalage. But by the gradual weakening of the aristocratical or monarchical power; by the introduction of trade; by the more general distribution of landed property, the people have become powerful. The government having been framed without a view to their good, is unsuited to their w^ants; hence comes a struggle between the expansive and the conservative powers of the commonwealth. This may be seen exemplified in the history of England in all the gradual changes which were made in the constitution, from the time of Magna Charta up to the revolution of 'G8, and even since that period. Just before the civil wars of Cromwell's time, the royal prerogative had been carried to its greatest height by James I. whose favourite maxim was, that kings held by a divine right ; and that all liberty to the people must come to them as a gift from the throne of majesty. By this full 43 development of the crown's pretensions^ the peo- ple saw clearly that there was no security for their own rights and liberties ; that they had no part in the political fabric ; that there was no unison between their interests and the constitu- tion under which they lived. This perception being accompanied by a consciousness of strength, prompted to a speedy determination of a matter which could not be suffered to remain in doubt. Hence it is apparent that for every great interest in a community, th'cre must be a corresponding provision adapted thereunto in the laws of the land. The constitution must be in harmony with the people; it must be the natural offspring of their wants, their feelings, their habits. Thus the different members of the state are required also to be bound together by a general sympathy, subsist- ing mutually between each and all; so that the provisions which are made for the security and happiness of one part, may not be opposed to the wants and interests of another. In a homoge- neous community, this general harmony will be the test of the excellence of the government; for therein the interests of one part, so far from clash- ing, will altogether coincide with the interests of all, and will tend to promote the same. But how different the case when one-half of the community is directly antagonist to the other! When the laws and institutions which correspond 44 with the intelligence, the refinement, the wealth and industry of the one class, cannot so much as be understood by the inferior division, which is wanting in all that distinguishes the other ! When one class of a community is in subjection to the other, provided, that it be not a subjection brought about by mere brute force, but founded on the natural subordination of the weak and ignorant to the more powerful and civilized, there may then exist a state of perfect harmony. For the enslaved will then have no part in the administra- tion of affairs ; nor will they desire any, being conscious of their own incapability of even under- standing, much less of managing such great mat- ters. The benefits of good government will come to them through the medium of their superiors j and partaking of its blessings in such way, they will look no farther than to their own masters for the source of their enjoyments. When the seve- rity of rule is tempered with kindness, as I have witnessed in instances without number, there springs up between master and slave, a domestic sympathy, which is the kindly foster mother of many good affections. The children of the family arc nursed by faithful and affectionate slaves; their childish sports are with those of like age though of different colour; yet what does child- hood know or care of differences in complexion ? The feelings of deep attachment formed thus early 45 in life, if they be not afterwards broken by harsh treatment, with what intensity do they cleave to the heart of the negro 7 I have seen the manly character of the master reflected in the demeanour of the slave ; the same sort of self-respect which made a gentleman of the one, served also to mould the other into a faithful domestic. The negroes are proud of their master's w^orth ; they delight to bear his name, and scorn to disgrace it. To me it appears that a condition of servitude in which such feelings are nurtured may be the happiest of all means whereby a degraded people may be raised into a better state. There must be a tedious process undergone, and one full of trou- bles, before unenlightened man can be made fit to receive with safety, the dreadful yet precious responsibility of his own self-government. A bar- barous people, among whom a spirit of self-reno- vation is yet active, such for example as the English were at the period of the Norman con- quest, through what scenes of confusion, and strife, and violence, and bloodshed, must they pass in their painful progress towards this great fulfil- ment ! With what fearful, doubting hesitation are the first steps made! How timidly does the young germ unfold ! The spirit of liberty, which is but another name for the spirit of truth, moving amid the troubled chaos, impregnates the general soul, and transfuses itself into the embryo ele- 5* 46 rn'ents of human thought and feeling. How gra- dually the hidden conception wakens.into life? Willi what terrible struggles, with what partu- rient throes is it ushered into being ! Yet the vivacious chrysalis has scarcely burst the bands of one womb, ere it finds itself enclosed in another, yet possessed of new vigour to enlarge still farther the barriers of its prison. Let the history of any nation be traced, that has arrived at anything like freedom, and it will be seen how great a mat- ter it is to govern one's-self in liberty. How many have sunk in their efforts, after having attained just enough to give freedom to pride and self- conceit! The Israelitish nation, when they were deliver- ed from the bondage of the Egyptians, had doubt- less amid all the degradation of recent servitude, many elements of moral resuscitation. They could remember that Abraham was their ancestor j that Joseph, of their own family, had been ruler over Egypt. They had doubtless preserved in their usages and traditions the memory of many sub- lime truths, which their forefathers had received by communications with heavenly intelligence. Yet a pilgrimage of forty years, full of sufferings, was deemed proper to be undergone by them, before they were to be entrusted with their own destiny ; to say nothing of the wonderful revela- tions that were made to them, of truths from 47 heaven, and of the many evidences that were given them of the divine favour. With all these helps they Avere driven afterwards, by the con- sequences of misrule, to solicit a king ; nay, a second captivity in Babylon Vv^as found useful towards preparing them to govern themselves. If the relation of master and slave were done away in this country, all those kindly feelings which now soften its asperity, would perish along with it; those domestic lies, those house- hold sympathies Avhich twine the closest of all affections around the human heart; which when torn away by violence, each ruptured tendril, like the shoots that were plucked from the tomb of Polydorus, seems to give forth blood : Quae prima solo ruptis radicibus arbos Vellitur, huic atro liquuntur sanguine guttre. In place of these, what would grow up but feel- ings of aversion, of suspicion, of jealousy ? By what means is it supposed that the unfortunate class of emancipated captives, (emancipated only in name,) could work out their own reformation in a situation such as they would find themselves occupying? Are men to be made new crea- tures by act of legislature ? Can the moral and intellectual man, the only real man, emerge at once from the thraldom of hereditary and habhual vices, into the freedom of truth and of moral self- government ? Or can human wishes change the 48 established order of heaven's decree, and of man's constituiion, whereby his deliverance from the dominion of error and of evil is to be wrought only by means of suflerings which himself must undergo ? Can this be altered, and a different mode be devised, less painful and more speedy ? Is it likely indeed in the ordinary course of human actions, that a special scheme of legislation would or ought to be shaped for the particular purpose of elevating these people as a distinct class among us, when it is apparent that every step they make towards the possession of rights will be but the hastening of the period when mor- tal conflict must come to decide the question of supremacy between them and their former mas- ters ? For it must be remembered, that amalga- mation of colours is a thing not to be thought of as an actual event ; but that if the blacks are to be elevated, they must be elevated as a race, distinct and separate. Let any one, who is sincerely their friend, consider but for a time, the condition in which they would be placed by an act of general emancipation. I leave out of view all thoughts of ultimate danger to both races, and direct attention solely to their unfortunate lot — for such it would be. Who does not see that their freedom would be only nominal ? For my own part I doubt not but that many, having accepted of emancipation under the impulse of the desire 49 of change, after experiencing the evils which they must needs suffer if left to themselves, would come back voluntarily and beg the protection of servitude again. If I know any thing of human actions and their principles, I may take it upon myself to affirm, that no laws or enactments whatsoever could be effectual towards improving the condition of these people in this country, if their present relations were changed. Their con- dition of servitude may doubtless be improved ; for it will admit of the growth of many excellent feel- ings. This can be done only through the medium of the master; the sole medium through which ex- ternal influences should operate upon the slave. Let him learn the true nature of his responsibility and of the duties which grow out of it; remember- ing that he has human beings in charge, who are designed for something better than to be the mere instruments of other men's cupidity ; who have good affections in abundance, which may be drawn out towards himself especially, and towards their fellows in captivity ; whereby the burden of toil may be lightened and bondage well nigh lose its characteristic of servility. Shall we suffer impatience to carry us into hasty action, that we may make these people free before their time, as though our enactments could alter the established nature of things'? A tree may be stinted by human means, but its growth 50 cannot be accelerated beyond the order of nature. Much may indeed be done in co-operation with her genial influences ; such as choosing a proper situation, affording culture and nourishment. But when the plant is set in an unfriendly soil, under an unpropilious climate ; when in addition, it is so over-shadowed as to be deprived of warmth and lisht from the sun, how ineffectual must be all attempts to rear it up in health and vigour ! Can we hope to make an ignorant people enlight- ened by our knowledge, and wise by our expe- rience ? As well may you expect that a tender plant shall be brought at once to maturity by infusing into it the sap of a full-grown tree. The art of self-government is what every nation must learn for itself. The school wherein it is taught is no other than that of adversity and suffering ; for who will cleave to the good and the true before he has known the fatal tendency of the evil and the false? The negroes of this country are in their first rudiments ; let it not be expected that they should become authors before they can read. Nor let a mistaken philanthropy bewail their lot, and seek to take them loo hastily from their course of tuition. There may be modifications of dis- pensing the discipline ; but it is folly to expect that wisdom Avill come without the toil of learning. There can be no complete analogy drawn be- tween the slavery which exists in this country. 5i and slavery, as it has existed in any other coun- try that I can now call to mind. Among the Romans, the son of a freedman became a citizen. Here emancipation could go on without the dan- ger of creating a separate class, who otherwise must needs he of the lowest order. The enfran- chised were gradually incorporated with the great mass of the community, and became an integral part thereof, partaking in the general interests. But in this country the free blacks must remain a distinct class ; their colour is an effectual bar against their admittance into social equality, even if the idea of former servitude were not repulsive. Emancipation would therefore confer upon them little benefit ; it would take them from one who might be their friend and would throw them into a society where all must be their enemies ; it would deprive them of a protector without put- ting ihem into a condition of protecting them- selves. I speak of them as a people. If political rights were granted them, if means were taken for extending knowledge among them, the natural tendency of such policy would evidently be to build up and strengthen a power in the state, which would in time become the rival, if not the subverter of the constituted authorities. Emanci- pation without political rights would be no bless- ing to them ; with political rights it would be ruinous to ourselves. CHAPTER III. Let us now turn to history, and see how far examples will confirm what reason seems to ap- prove. We shall here find instances of nations over-run and possessed by other nations. We shall see that whenever the differences between the two sorts of people have been of such a kind as to produce strong antipathies, insomuch that amalgamation could not take place by means of intermarriages, then one of two consequences must follow. First : The conquered people are reduced to slavery ; or. Secondly : They are re- moved from the country by extirpation or expul- sion. It will also appear, that in all cases wherein a union is effected between two nations, who had been strangers to each other, such union has been 'i brought, about by means of amalgamation or inter- marriages. Or in other words, such intermar- riages are a necessary condition of a harmonious blending, which cannot take place in any other way. 53 I point you first to the history of the Israelites in Egypt. Here had been no bloody wars, or long-standing feuds to embitter feeHngs and give inveteracy to animosities. The Israelites had come into Egypt at the invitation of the king, at a time when one of their own family was his chief minister ; they were received with kindness, and the finest part of the territory was allotted them to inhabit. But the descendants of Jacob preserved themselves a peculiar people ; they ad- hered to their own customs; they mingled not with the surrounding people ; and although they were doubtless peaceable, attending to their own concerns, for there is no hint to the contrary, yet were they a foreign people in the land. They were not assimilated with the elements of the national body ; they had no feelings of sympathy in common with the Egyptians. The result is told in a few words : *Now there arose up another king over Egypt which knew not Joseph. And he said unto his people. Behold the people of the children of Israel are more and mightier than we : come on, let us deal wisely with them ; lest they multiply, and it come to pass, that when there falleth out any war, they join also unto our ene- mies, and fight against us, and so get them up out of the land. Therefore they did set over them task-masters, &c.'* The lapse of many centuries, * Exodus i. 8—11. 54 I presume, has made little alteration in the laws of human nature; the same course which the Egyptians here folloAved would he adopted now, except that political slavery might be substituted perhaps in place of personal, or entire extermi- nation in preference to either. For in the nature of things how could it be otherwise ? In the course of events the Israelites were to be delivered from this bondage. When they became free, do we see them settling down in Egypt? Do we, find them claiming an equal participation in the civil and political affairs of the nation ? Do they demand the country of Goshen to be restored to them, which was indeed their right, for their ancestors held it by virtue of an especial grant from the crown? Nothing of all these; on the contrary, the first day of their liberation from bon- dage was the first of their pilgrimage to Canaan. How were it possible that they should dwell hap- pily in the land of their servitude, with every thing around them to recall the memory of their degradation ? How could they sit down, side by side, with those who had been their oppressors ; with whom they could not harmonize in thoughts, feelings, or habits ? If the Egyptians had been willing to admit their former bondsmen into an equality of political privileges, and if the latter had desired it, is it 55 likely that this participation would have been a bond of union, a friendly harmonizer, a something in common wherein sympathy might arise, that should become a principle of coalescence and peace? Alas, it would have been but a ground of contest, an arena for strife, a means of giving subsistence and form and durability to their feel- ings of mutual hostiUty. For how could they exercise these powers in common who had no feelings in common, nor objects, nor hopes? We see even in the best regulated states, how ques- tions of political interest cause dissensions among people of kindred blood, of the same colour, who are bound together by a thousand ties, and consti- tute one community. How could harmony sub- sist between parties marked by national distinc- tions, arrayed compactly the one against the other, like armies upon a field of battle, a mutual repugnance already pre-existing which prevents the least approach towards union ; and most of all, when it is apparent that the prevalence of the one party must cause the ruin of the other. For their particular aims are so diverse, that both cannot succeed at once. In order that they might enjoy their newly acquired freedom in peace, it was therefore neces- sary that the children of Israel should seek some other country. When they were about to take possession of the land of Canaan, which was 66 already occupied by a rude and barbarous people, we do not see them entering upon negotiations or making treaties with those tribes. Nor when the invaders had gained some victories by force of arms, and had made good a lodgment in the coun- try, do we find them making use of these advan- tages to procure for themselves favourable condi- tions, and thereupon establishing themselves con- jointly with the native inhabitants. It often hap- pens, as will be shown hereafter, that a victorious nation after overrunning a country, settle down quietly with the conquered, and both soon come to form one people. But here nothing less than utter extermination could give security and permanence to the new government which was about to set up its institutions in a strange land. May not the reason be seen in this, that the two nations were too far asunder ever to be united? The chief cause of this repugnance was religious faith. The institutions of the Israelitish government were imbued throughout with the spirit of their own theology, which would admit of no compromise with the idolatry of the native pagans. Hence there could be no intermarriages : and of conse- quence no peaceful communion of political powers. Will it be said to all these illustrations which are drawn from the history of the Jewish nation, that they were a people under the direct guidance of heaven; that the events of their fortune were 57 all directed to a particular end by special Divine interference ; that miracles were wrought at almost every step of their progress ; that they were indeed mere involuntary subjects of a superior will, which ordered and conducted their affairs; and that, from these considerations, their example is not appli- cable to human transactions in general ; that no principles of universal policy are to be deduced from their history 1 For myself, I prefer to con- sider all true principles as being in harmony with that Supreme nature from whence comes all truth of whatsoever kind, and that His direct interfe- rence, so far from invalidating, will but give ad- ditional confirmation to those rational deductions which are drawn from the experience of things. I cannot allow myself to believe that violence was done to the freedom of human action, in any par- ticular of the Divine administration over the con- cerns of that people ; but rather that all his dispen- sations were accommodated to the nature of man, to the capacity of the subjects, and to the conditions of their situation. There is doubtless a spiritual meaning contained in the history of every event that is recorded by Moses, and it is generally ac- knowledged that the whole progress of the Israel- ites, from first to last, is intended as an emblem of spiritual things. Especially is it a type or picture of man's progress in moral reformation. But in the language of Paul : ''the word of God is not 6^* 58 bound.'* It is capable of unlimited application in the harmony of truth ; and all principles genuine- ly derived, that bear upon the nature of man, whether in a political aspect, or in his individual relations, may find confirmation therein. Why then should we not derive from the inspired his- tory of these remarkable people all the instruction which we can find in the same, both for our own personal improvement, and also for political wis- dom, with an humble seeking after truth, that we may understand aright ? I have already alluded to the history of the Moors and Spaniards, wherein the same principle is illustrated, viz : That two distinct races, so far unlike that amalgamation is impossible, cannot dwell harmoniously together in the same com- munit}', unless the one be in a state of servi- tude to the other. Here, also, difference in reli- gious faith was the chief cause of mutual disso- ciation. It would seem, at first view, that this would be the last cause of variance between peo- ple, for religion teaches mutual forbearance and sincere good will. In the Mahometan doctrines, and among enlightened pagans, these principles are found. Yet it will appear that in proportion to the value we set upon any thing is the jealousy with which we watch over it. Hence religion * 2 rim. ii. 9. 59 which involves the highest considerations of human happiness, has in all ages been the occa- sion of the most obstinate contentions. These strifes have doubtless been aggravated, if not exci- ted, by the apprehensions which were felt, lest the predominance of a foreign sect should endanger the acknowledged doctrines of the national faith. When the benign spirit of true religion shall pre- vail over the earth, we may with reason believe that such contests will cease; for they derive their chief aliment from the human passions, which being mingled with truths, pervert the same. Yet in the pure state of human society the distinct- ness of different nations will doubtless be pre- served. For each community, following instinc- tively the natural laws of sympathy, which unite like with hke, will fall peaceably, each into its own sphere, and there will be no violent attempts made, either by ambition or by fanaticism, to force unions where the voice of nature has pro- nounced the decree of mutual divorcement. But it is manifest that other causes of diffe- rence, besides those that spring from dissimilarity of religious doctrines, may occasion reciprocal repugnance betv/een nations of different origin and habits, if an attempt is made to blend them into one. For it is in this particular, as it is in physics. There is in all substances an essential quality which philosophers call impenetrability; 60 whereby the space which is occupied by one body cannot be held at the same time by another. The occupancy of one excludes all others. So, when a nation is homogeneously and compactly formed, insomuch that it becomes an iiidividual, the law of its own being, perpetually repels all foreign bodies from invading its integrity. It may indeed assimilate foreign elements to itself, as I have already illustrated by the analogy of grafting a strange shoot upon a mature stock. But all accretions from external sources must become blended into one nature, by the transfusion of the essential spirit. When a blending of this sort cannot take place, by reason of repulsion, then union is impossible. Let me direct you to another illustration, with which religion has nothing to do. When the Saxons invaded Britain, and finding the country to be better than their own, wished to take pos- session of it, they saw in the original inhabitants of the island a people not differing greatly from themselves, so far as civilization or religion was concerned. It would seem to us, that it had not been a difficult matter for the two nations to settle down together ; the land was thinly peopled ; the government undefined, except by traditional usages 5 each tribe was in a measure independent; society seemed indeed to be nearly in its original elements, before arts, laws^ and national interests 61 bad given unity, firmness and individuality, along with that rigidity of parts which belongs to old established nations. In all probability this union would have followed, if the supremacy of the Saxons had been achieved in the usual manner of such conquests. But we are told that they were invited over at first as friends; that they came in such guise, and no doubt with friendly intentions, expecting no other compensation for their services than such plunder as might fall to their share in case of success, or such remuneration as their allies should make them, according to stipulations either formally agreed upon, or mutually under- stood. The first step however, in the acquisition of Britain by the Saxons was marked by a breach of faith. Having driven oflT the Picts and Scots, for which purpose they had been summoned, they now became more formidable enemies than the barbarians of the north had ever been. For having helped their allies, they next turned to help them- selves, and seized upon the land which they had undertaken to protect. This flagrant injustice roused the indignation of the deceived victims -, and gave life and animosity to all th-e usual feelings of national repugnance. Henceforth there could be no confidence between the parties, and as a conse- quence, no friendly amalgamation. The conquest, carried on by fire, and sword, and horrible barbari- ties, was finally consummated by utter extermina- tion; none of the native Britons escaped, except 62 such as found refuge in the mountainous region of Wales, whither the invaders cared not to pursue. Upon this foundation was erected the Saxon government in Britain ; to such a beginning there could be no other end, that might combine secu- rity with possession. Will it be said that this reciprocal hostility was caused and kept alive by continued acts of aggres- sion ; that a state of open war existed j and that the Britons only manifested the natural resolution of a people who were determined to maintain their independence ? And from this will it be urged, that the example affords no illustration of the condition which a southern state would be in, if her slaves were made citizens? You will understand, I am sure, my dear sir, that I refer to this illustration to show the truth of the principle, that when two nations are so dissimilar, or feel the one towards the other such mutual aversion, that a friendly amalgamation cannot take place by means of intermarriages, these two nations cannot dwell harmoniously together in the same com- munity. If this reciprocal hostility exist, it mat- ters not much from what particular causes it sprung; whether from dissimilarity of national manners and habits, so great as to create aversion on both sides, heightened by difference of lan- guage, such as would repel two christian nations, English and Spanish, for example : or from diffe-r 63 rence of religion combined with the other, in which case the repulsion would be stronger, as between English, for example, and Turks ; or from difference of colour, along with differences in degrees of civilization, the one people being refin- ed, the other barbarous ; and this the more, when one race had lately been in servitude to the other; as would be the case, for example, between our own citizens and the blacks of this country. Or the fixed aversion may be caused by outrageous violations of faith, showing a settled purpose of oppression, and giving evidence of little safety under such domination ; as was the case in the instance of the Saxons and Britons, just referred to. Or it may follow from traditionary enmities and feelings of national rivalship, transmitted from age to age, until they have become woven into the national character ; as was the case between England and Scotland in the reign of Edward I. when that prince attempted the conquest of the Scots, after having duped them, in pretending to interpose as a friend to setttle their differences. The country was over-run at least three times ; all opposition was put down and the conquest seemed to be finished. But it could not have been effect- ed except by the destruction of the great body of the Scottish people. In short, this repugnance may arise from any causes that destroy confi-^ 64 dencej or that prevent the flow of sympathy upon something like terms of equality. When Edward III. had gained possession of Calais, and wished to affix that town permanently to his kingdom, he removed all the French inha- bitants and peopled it anew with English. Mr. Hume speaks of this measure, as one that evinces the wisdom of that able monarch ; and it may serve to show the reason why Calais remained for two hundred years in possession of England, while her other acquisitions in France, consisting of many provinces and of towns almost innumera- ble, fell one by one from her grasp. I go on to another illustration which is nov\r before our own eyes. When English colonists arrived on these shores, they found the country occupied by an aboriginal race, peculiar in their customs and but little advanced in the arts of civilized life. In most of the New England settle- ments, continual wars were carried on between the colonists and the Indians; in Penn's colony of Pennsylvania, the two races dwelt side by side peaceably for many years. In neither case was there any approach towards coalescence, either civil or social ; in both, the entire removal of the one people was a necessary condition to the growth of the other. I presume, the distinction is not more strongly marked between the two races of Anglo- Saxon and aboriginal Americans, than between the 65 first named, and the African negroes. If between either two there be found the fewer obstacles in the way of a peaceful blending, the distinction would seem to be in favour of the native Indians. We could approach them upon terms nearer equa- lity ; there are no degrading associations of servi- tude connected with them, for they have ever been an independent race. The example which was set by Mr. Rolfe, in Virginia, was not indeed generally followed by the colonists of Jamestown ; but, so far from incurring odium, that gentleman was thought to be rather honoured than other- wise, by an alliance with an Indian princess ; and the descendants of Pocahontas are to this day, reckoned among the most respectable people of Virginia. Nor would it occasion revulsion in the general feelings of the community if a similar marriage should take place now. I need not ask^, would disgust and universal abhorrence be with- held at the consummation of an intermarriage between a respectable gentleman on the one part and a negro woman on the other? What is the inference from all this ? The white men and the red men could not unite peaceably in friendly coalescence. They differed too widely ; they could not assimilate together. But do the whites and blacks differ less ? Nay, does it not appear that the repelling power is greater, which must ever keep them apart from a union of common and 7 66 equal citizenship ? The Indians, it may be said, could not be made citizens, by reason of their wandering habits and fondness for a wild kind of life. Is the restless activity of the Indian a greater disqualification than the torpid indolence of the negro ? With a disposition on our part to receive the native tribes into our political society (for how many efforts have been made to reclaim them !) it has been found to be impossible. What like- lihood is there that a purpose of a similar kind could be effected between the whites and blacks, when feelings of disgust are excited at the bare mention of it? It is common with some to consider these anti- pathies as the effect of prejudice from which the benevolent spirit of Christianity ought to deliver us. Let us not be deceived. Let us not expect from Christianity, what it was never intended to effect. The truths of that sublime faith conjoined with its pure spirit, when they are received into the understanding and heart, do indeed change the will, and expel the evil affections of our selfish nature. But the constitution of the mind remains much the same. The character of a man, or his internal being, is made up of the ele- ments of social life, knowledge, feelings, preju- dices in the midst of which he is reared. These he imbibes, and they are fashioned within him according to his disposition or temperament. They 67 become blended with his nature; they are his con- stitution. By these all the manifestations of his active powers will be modified. A Mahometan if converted to Christianity, although imbued with its genuine spirit, would yet be a different character in species, from one who was born and reared in a christian community, and penetrated in an equal degree with the christian spirit. Why is it that the Laplander or an inhabitant of Greenland loves his native hills of snow and ice, and prefers his smoky hut before the beauties of warmer climates and the refinements of luxury in civilized coun- tries? Why is it that the Indian of the woods pines amid the splendour of cities, and turns with a longing heart towards the dark forest and hunting grounds? If we judge according to our ideas of the convenient and the beautiful, such men would seem to be almost insane. We could not understand them : we should doubt their sin- cerity. Yet the love of the beautiful, of the convenient, is in them as well as in us ; but it manifests itself according to the nature of those elements with which it is embodied in their own minds. How unjust should we be to call upon them to put away their prejudices, as we might call them ! They could not admire in outward objects what we admire ; our green fields, our fer- tile valleys, our limped streams, and shady groves ; for there would be no associations in their minds 68 wherewith to blend them with delight. Their childhood was passed amid different objects ; and many of their most pleasing recollections are mingled with the ideas of snows, and ice, and wild forests, and the like, which we regard with feelings not of pleasure. They might complain of our antipathies, with as much justice as we would have in contemning theirs. The southern man has been reared in a society of which slavery formed a distinguished feature ; he grows up with all the associations that are natural to such a state. With these his earliest feelings and thoughts are tinctured If by the ex- ercise of an enlightened understanding he comes, in after life, to perceive, what he has not before thought of, that slavery is an evil, he may be will- ing, nay anxious to assist in putting it away. To see those unfortunate people free and happy, in a condition where such blessings might be perma- nent, would be to him a source of purest joy. To this end, he would be willing to make sacrifices ; he would labour zealously and in good faith. But to be willing to receive them into political equa- lity, or into social communion, to join in personal alliances, would, in my judgment, instead of showing a just spirit of benevolence, manifest a total disorganization of the elements of a health- ful character. So far from rising in good esteem. 69 a man of such disposition would be regarded with distrust j with something very near akin to loath- ing ; as one who had no stability, no consistency, no self-subsistence, no fixed principles. CHAPTER IV Let us now turn to some examples of history, wherein different nations are shown to have coa- lesced. It will be found, I think, in every case to which reference may be made, in any history, either ancient or modern, that amalgamation by intermarriages has been an indispensable condi- tion of such harmonious union. Whenever the national aversion on each side was so strong as to prevent intermarriages, no matter by what means this feeling of aversion was thus heightened beyond mere antipathy, which is natural against a close approximation with foreigners — whenever it existed, I say, to such degree as to prevent intermarriages, no union has taken place j the two races have lived in mortal strife, if brought close to each other ; and no peace could subsist between them. On the other hand it will be found, that Avhen national prejudices have been carefully softened by the prudent management of some wise ruler, insomuch that intermarriages 71 Went on between the different races ; it has hap- pened in gradual process of time, that the several peculiarities of each have been lost in the common interfusion. So universally has this characteristic marked all conjunctions of different communities, that it might save time to ask, not what are the examples in which this mark is to be found, but where is there one that has it not? In all records, annals, traditions; among all nations, tongues, tribes, clans, or communities, of any sort whatso- ever; in all climates, whether torrid, temperate, or frigid ; in all diversities of local situation, wheiher upon rivers, or in islands of the sea, in plains, or upon mountains; in all degrees of human refinement, or of human barbarity, from the cannibal hordes of New Zealand to the polish- ed community of Athens in the days of Pericles; under any circumstances, whether of commotion, or tranquillity, of poverty or wealth, or in any other condition, wherein freedom of action was at all to be found, I demand that one instance be shown, wherein two different races of men, in any degree approximating tOAvards numerical equality, have united peaceably together in one community of citizenship, without having become cemented at the same time by means of mutual intermarriages. The Romans received the Sabines into their <:ity; one hundred new senators, pafres conscry?^?*. 72 were chosen from among the strangers to sit in the common councils of the state, along with the original palres ; the citizens of the two nations enjoyed ail political privileges in common. But the Romans had taken Sabine wives before this union was brought about. So complete and har- monious was the amalgamation, that the name of Sabine was, in time, no more heard of; they became one people, having one language, one constitution, one country. When Alexander had overthrown the empire of Darius, and wished to unite his vast territories into one body, his first step was to take to wife Roxana, of the imperial family of Persia; he adopted the Persian dress, and caused his grandees to do the same; he received into his body guard many of the Persian youth, and studied to do away all distinctions between the nations. Here however, the conquered country was not required to receive strangers into its bosom ; the different communities were not brought into near contact : the several provinces Avere allowed to retain their own laws, and in many cases, their former rulers. If then, it was found to be proper to bind even this loose connection by the bonds of intermarriages, how indispensable must the same provision be, when two nations are to dwell together within the limits of the same territory ? The Romans held most of their conquered pro- 73 vinces by force of arms. They made no attempt to occupy their extensive territories by settlements of native Romans among the original inhabitants; nor did they seek to subvert the laws and institu- tions of the nations which they subdued. Such was the overawing influence of the Roman name, that foreign states sought shelter by owning alle- giance, and found protection to be an equivalent for the loss of independence. But when this great empire began to fall asunder, and to sink under the inundation which rolled in successive torrents from the north, there is seen a different system of conquest. The barbarians who now swarmed over the south of Europe, were disposed to occupy the countries they subdued ; and here we may find fit illustrations of our principle. Do we find it happen in any one instance, that the Gothic con- querors and the subdued people remain, each dis- tinct, retaining their respective languages, manners and customs, yet participating in the same politi- cal government? Did they not speedily become one people, each race mutually giving and receiv- ing of their several peculiarities? Are not the languages of European nations at this day perfect specimens of such blending? It is, perhaps, use- less to dwell upon so plain a thing, yet specific examples are not wanting. When Alaric, king of one of the invading nations, had gained posses- sion of large territories on the border of Italy, and 74 formed a treaty with Ilonorius, emperor of the West, he received in marriage the sister of that monarch. When Clovis over-ran Gaul, his first act was to unite himself in marriage with Clotilda, daughter of the native Burgundian prince j by which means he acquired possession of that pro- vince j and what was a still more important con- sequence, he was converted to the christian faith by the influence of his queen, who had embraced that religion. In pursuance of the same wise policy, Clovis took care to have the bishops of the new church, selected from among the native Gauls, which was a great step towards removing national differences. William, duke of Normandy, effected the con- quest of England. He treated the Saxons as a conquered people, in consequence whereof his government was nothing other than a rule of force. Under his son, William Rufus, the same policy was pursued, and much bitterness existed between the different classes of his Norman and Saxon subjects. When Henry I. usurped the throne, he married Matilda, daughter of Edgar Atheling, of the royal Saxon line, and by means of this politic act, together with no mean abilities of his own, he was enabled to maintain his seat in despite of Robert, his elder brother, who was the rightful heir to the crown. The dissensions between Normans and Saxons in England su]i- 75 sided in proportion as this example was followed throughout the kingdom. I know not that there is any need of dwelling longer on this topic. There is however one other illustration, which might have been brought forth in the list of those examples of nations that were too far dissociated ever to unite, and who of con- sequence could not participate together in political matters. It may how^ever be none the worse for coming in here, inasmuch as it is especially appli- cable, more than any other example in history, to our particular concerns : the parties being similar to those that now occupy the southern portion of this country, viz : whites and blacks. An advo- cate of the abolition doctrines thus speaks in refer- ring to the disturbahces of St. Domingo, 'The apologists of slavery are constantly reminding abo- litionists of the 'scenes of St. Domingo.' Were the public familiar with the origin and history of those scenes, none but abolitionists would dare to refer to them.' * I give the 'origin and history' in the words of this writer. 'In 1790 the population of the French part of St. Domingo was estimated at 686,000. Of this number 42,000 were whites, 44,000 free people of colour, and 600,000 slaves. At the commence- ment of the French revolution the free coloured * Jay's Inquiry, p. 171-2. 76 people petitioned the National Assembly to be admitted to political rights, and sent a deputation to Paris to attend to their interests. On the 8th of March, 1790, a law was passed granting to the colonies the right of holding representative as- semblies, and of exercising to a certain extent legislative authority. On the 2Sih of the same month, another law was passed, declaring that all free persons in the colonies, who were proprietors and residents of two years standing, and who con- tributed to the exigencies of the state should exer- cise the right of voting. *The planters insisted that this law did not apply to free coloured persons. They proceeded to elect a General Assembly, and in this election the free blacks were, with but few exceptions, prevented from voting. The newly elected assembly issued a manifesto, declaring they would rather die than divide their political rights with 'a bastard and degenerated race.' A portion of the free coloured people resolved to maintain the rights given them by the mother country, and assembled in arms under one of their number, named Oge.' It is not my purpose to speculate concerning the merits of this question, nor attempt an inter- pretation of the act of the French National As- sembly. It is enough to know that not any act of that Assembly, or of any other legislative body, could have brought about a harmonious participa- 77 tion of political privileges between these parties. I believe it would not be easy to find a more com- plete illustration, than may be found here, of the proposition which I have been endeavouring to set forth. Here are two distinct races nearly equal in numbers, the whites amounting to 42,000, the free blacks to 44,000 ; they are disjoined by differ- ences of colour, of blood, of condition ; they are animated, the one toAvards the other, by all those feelings of antipathy which are natural to such dissimilitude. What makes it more adapted to our purpose, one class had been in a state of ser- vitude to the other. Could a more exact picture be drawn of what would in all likelihood be our condition, if the mad attempt should be made of introducing negroes to an equality of political rights in some one of the cotton-growing states ? Who does not see that the French population of St. Domingo were only following the natural instinct of self-preservation in thus resisting all demands of the other race in the way of admit- tance to citizenship ? Could they have harmo- nized together in the public councils 1 Would their objects have been the same or in any way pa- rallel ? From the vast body of six hundred thous- and slaves would there have been no accessions to the free coloured party, which was already superior in number by two thousand "? Or would not the first act of legislation have been a decree of univer- 78 sal emancipation, when by such measure ihe ques- tion of predominance would have been settled at once ? And what would have followed this, but the utter extermination of all who were of Euro- pean origin? What does Mr. Jay mean, when he says 'if the public were familiar with the history and origin of those scenes, none but abolitionists would dare to refer to them V Does he mean to applaud the efforts of the blacks in thus seizing upon what they deemed their rights? Does he regard the subsequent horrors and butcheries that closed the dreadful catastrophe, in the banishment or murder of a whole race, in the plunder of pro- perty, in the wildest rage of licentious and bloody passions, does he regard all these as the fit awards of retributive justice ? And are we to believe that he would behold with equal satisfaction a similar scene in this country ? Why none but aboli- tionists dare refer to them ? Is it from this pic- ture of horrors that the abolitionists draw their elements of the sublime and beautiful in political morality ? Can none but abolitionists dare refer to them, lest they be struck with terror at the apprehension of a like calamity at home ? What means he ? Or what means he not ? I wish he had not used such words. The negro slaves of the British West Indies have been emancipated, some on condition of serving out an appreniiceship ; others^, I believe. 79 without such coiitlition. Iq neither case have dis- turbances followed. It is usual to point to this example as a fact which overturns all theories concerning the ultimate fatal effects of emancipa- tion in this country. There is nothing surprising in this, that a race naturally indolent, having few inducements to exertion, should sit down in repose after being released from extorted toil. They are not a peo- ple who can appreciate freedom, except as it affords exemption from labour : they have little of that inward ardour which springs from a con- sciousness of intellectual or moral power j which prompts to enterprise ; which delights in activity 3 which pants after independence. The casting off of their fetters has not made them freemen ; al- though it may be a step towards it. But in pro- cess of time, when the pleasures of indolence have been enjoyed to satiety, a spirit of activitv may come into play. Gradually there will arise a bet- ter class among the blacks, who will possess pro- perty ; and along with it a sense of seif-respect, and a eonseiousness of new rights. They will claim to have a part in the public affairs -5 they will demand an equal participation in the rights oi" suffrage and of legislation. Then the contest will begin. Who may not see the issue of it ? It requires not any great amount of prophetic vision to discern that at some period, how distant we 80 know not, the scenes of St. Domingo will be re-acted on the plains of Jamaica. I look by the light of reason and experience. There may be, however, secondary causes at work of which I am ignorant, that shall produce a different result. For example, amalgamation of colours may go on to such a degree that the individuality of the European stock may be diffused throughout a hundred different complexions and shades, in such a manner as to be well nigh lost. In such case the ascendency of the blacks may be peaceable. But every indication at present points to the final predominance of that colour. Whether it be effected by violence, or by gradual course of amal- gamation, must depend upon many circumstances. Or this result of things in their natural course may be anticipated. It would require not many of our modern philanthropists to bring about a speedier consummation. Let the ignorant negroes be indoctrinated with notions of the rights of man ; let them be taught that all men are equal ; that those who once held them in bondage, and who now reside among them in splendour, are their oppressors, proud aristocrats, who live upon other men's earnings ; above all, let them be instructed to know, that by union and a concentration of their strength, they may enjoy the plunder of the whole land ; that this will be nothing more than the reclaiming of their rightful property, and the 81 restoring of things to their proper eqiinlity ; let these doctrines be infused into depraved minds, to the arousing of dormant passions, giving stability, pretext, aim -, the issue will be a thing not to be spoken of prophetically, but to be gazed upon with horror. I do not presume that any violent commotions would immediately follow an act of general eman- cipation in this country ; that is, if foreign influ- ences could be kept away. But the results of things are not less sure by being more distant. When the tendency is apparent, who need be in doubt concerning the end ? That I may not in any manner misrepresent the meaning of abolitionists, let me here quote again from Mr. Jay. After denying the charge of pro- posing to bring about an amalgamation by means of intermarriages, he says : 'But, most true it is, that the Anti-slavery society avows its intentions to labour for the civil and religious equality of the blacks. It has been found expedient to accuse it of aiming also at their socia? equality.' This charge he rejects, and proceeds to illustrate his meaning in this manner: ''We all know white men whose characters and habits render them repulsive to us, and whom no consideration would induce us to admit into our social circles j and can it be be- lieved, that abolitionists are willing to extend to negroes, merely on account of their colour, cour- 52 tesics and indulgences which in innumerable in- stances, they withhold and properly withhold from their white fellow-citizens ? But who pretends that because a man is so disagreeable in his man- ners and person, that we refuse to associate with him, that therefore, he ought to be denied the right of suffrage, the privilege of choosing his trade and profession, the opportunities of acquir- ing knowledge, and the liberty of pursuing his own happiness V I need hardly remind you, my dear sir, of what I am sure you IcnoAv well enough, that touching the subject of this discourse, I am not considering the blacks as individuals, but as a race. If they were but a handful scattered throughout the wide expanse of a white population, a few here and a few there, what reasonable man would wish to debar them from the rights of citizenship ? For they could then have no -separate purposes of their own apart from the general interest ; they could not act as a distinct body; their influence would be as nothing. But how different is the question w^hich we are now considering ! A large population equal in number to the whites, and in some states perhaps superior; prolific of increase ; of a different blood and complexion ; bound by no sympathy, but rather disposed (as they would be most certainly when raised to political equality,) to look with hatred and jealousy upon those who had once held them in bondage — a population like this to be introduced into an organized community for the purpose of taking part in its government — is this a small matter ? How absurd is the distinction which this writer attempts to draw between political equality and social equality, granting the one and withholding the other ! What is the end of political power except to secure social advantages ? The first use of political predominance, will it not be to estab- lish predominance in every thing? There are indeed in the bosom of every com- munity, 'men whose characters and habits render them repulsive to us, and whom no consideration would induce us to admit into our social circles.' Let us suppose that this class becomes the most numerous in a state ; that they are bound together by a common interest, by some sympathetic bond which excludes all minor differences, causing them to move together as one man ; that they are inflamed with bitter animosity against the indus- trious, the intelligent, the wealthy, whom they stigmatize as aristocrats, monopolists, the oppres- sive class that grind the faces of the poor, or by any other opprobious name. Will no dissensions arise in a state of society like this ? Will these men, not admitted to social equality, but possessed of full political privileges, remain quiet and peace- able ? Will they submit to that social superiority 84 and rest contonted with tlieir political rights? What would their political rights bo, in their esti- mation, but a mere name, unless they were used to gain their favourite purposes? And what would those purposes be, but a complete over- throw of existing institutions, the subversion of all order, the violation of all rights? Let any one look at the manner in which revo- lutions in governments are brought about, if he would see an illustration of this principle. In France, for example, the lower orders had taken little or no part in the public affairs. The nobility and the monarchy were the prominent powers in the constitution ; and seeking their own aggran- dizement, they had oppressed the people greatly, insomuch that all community of interests or feel- ings had been in a measure destroyed. A sense of common injury had united together the great mass of the nation 3 had concentrated their aims -, had caused ihem to discover in the higher classes a common enemy. When political privileges were extended to the people by Louis XVL and they were empowered to exercise the right of suf- frage in choosing a National Assembly, did they remain contented with this participation in the general affairs of the kingdom ? Did they recog- nize the distinction which this writer has drawn between political and social equality ? They did indeed make many new discoveries in politics and 85 in morals, but this appears to have escaped them in the wildest frenzy of their madness. There are in this country different sects and religious denominations. They seem to move along harmoniously enough ; they exercise politi- cal rights in common ; and social communion is not interrupted. The reason is very obvious, inasmuch as no one sect has cause of dread from the interference of another. No one party claims to direct ; all are parts of a whole ; each in its sphere finds no obstacle from a neighbour. But if the whole country were divided into two great sects, whereof one was predominant, and exer- cised its influence in controlling the affairs of government, as would certainly be the case, how different then would be the state of things? One has need only to look into Burnet's history of his own times, to see such a condition fully set forth, in the accounts of what followed king Charles' attempt to introduce Episcopal church govern- ment in Scotland. What dissensions, what vio- lence, what bitter animosity, what persecutions, what bloodshed ! Let us not lose sight of the principle. If the black population, I repeat, were few in numbers, and hence little disposed to aspire after the direct- ing power, no harm would be likely to follow from their admission to political rights. They would then conform themselves to existing laws, and 8G would desire notliing more. But when they as- sume the station of an equal power in the com- munity, and of consequence, a rival power — for their aims and interests as a body could in no manner blend consistently with those of the con- stituted authorities — who does not see that the whole question is changed ? The foregoing considerations, I am persuaded, are such as would come naturally into the minds of most persons who would give themselves to reflect upon this subject. It would seem, there- fore, to be of little use thus to set them forth ; and to insist upon propositions which sensible men would generally admit. But there is no presump- tion in saying that much delusion prevails con- cerning these things. I have already alluded to one class of well-meaning persons, v»^ho, believ- ing that much injustice has been done towards the coloured people by holding them in slavery, are now in a hurry to recompense them ; this one idea seems to have taken possession of their minds; they stop not to examine, to consider, to provide. They view one part of the subject, and believe that to bo the whole. They do not remem- ber that the blacks who were brought to this coun- try were slaves before — slaves to barbarous savages of their own colour ; that so far from suffering loss, they were indeed gainers by the exchange; and were perhaps saved from death by their trans- portation hither. 87 Others there are, who indulge in a course of rea- soning which is exceedingly dangerous, being the basis of all fanaticism, whereby general truths and abstract maxims are made to afford counte- nance to the wildest and most fatal schemes. General terms are made to comprehend all parti- culars ; and conclusions are drawn from words which are widely at variance from things. Thus, much discourse is had concerning the rights of man ; as though the term man embraced univer- sal humanity in all varieties, whether of barbarism or improvement ; in all conditions of society ; all forms of government ; all habits, manners, reli- gions. The word man does indeed denote a large species ; the highest in the scale of animal nature; and so far as animal nature is concerned, the term is definite enough. For in degrees of bodily strength, in appetites, in outward form and pro- portion, men differ not greatly. In all reasonings concerning physical nature, there need be little misapplication of the name. But how vague does this word become when we speak of men in regard to their moral and intellectual attributes j when we treat of their rights as intelligent beings, and of their several relations; social, civil and religious ! The inward nature of man is capable of indefinite expansion ; for it is capable of communion with a Divine nature, from whose inexhaustible fullness it may draw without end. In so far as by the legitimate culture of the nobler affections and faculties it makes improvements^, it holds possession of the same by inherent right, to say nothing of the right of occupancy. The elements of human know- ledge, and greatness, and power, are of unbounded diffusion throughout the universal sphere of this world's circuit; these when appropriated by the active power of man's intelligence become his own by virtue of such appropriation, for they thus become parts of himself. In proportion as knowledge and power are used for purposes of good, in such proportion do rights increase, and those only have just claims to rights who are competent to use them. There is no good thing which a man has not a right to, if he will make himself fit to enjoy it properly j and on the other hand, there is no good thing which may not prove an evil to him who rashly aspires after it in a spirit of presumption or enthusiastic self-exal- tation. It may be affirmed as an axiom in this country that political freedom is a right. How would the Turks flourish, think you, under the blessings of a free constitution 1 In all probability after having wearied themselves with slaughtering one another they would be willing to render back the privilege of cutting ofl' heads into the hands of the grand seignor and his viziers, to be exercised at their 89 good pleasure. How long would a republic be likely to endure among the serfs of the autocrat? What benefit might be dispensed by free institu- tions throughout the regions of Thibet, among the worshippers of the Grand Lama, or among the Hottentots at the cape of Good Hope ? I put these interrogatories, not that I esteem free insti- tutions of little value, but to show how absurd will be our reasonings concerning human things, if we blindly follow out abstract propositions with- out regard to the various particulars, wherein men and communities differ so greatly. It is the characteristic of fanaticism to be con- centrated upon its end, and to see no other means except such as promise to be the most speedy. Hence wisdom and reflection are banished from its councils. Observe the mode of argument which prevails among abolitionists: "^that slavery being sinful, it ought immediately to cease. Admit- ting the premises, the conclusion seems irresistible. Sin is opposition to the will of our Creator and Supreme Lawgiver. His wisdom and goodness are alike infinite, and if slavery be inconsistent with his will, it must necessarily be inconsistent with the welfare of his creatures. Reason and revela- tion moreover assure us that God will punish sin, and therefore to contend that it is necessary or expedient to continue in sin is to impeach every attribute of the Deity, and to brave the vengeance 9 90 of Omnipotence.'* On the outer cover of the book from which this is taken, there is a gilt picture of a negro in chains, holding up his hands in view of a liberty-cap on a pole, which is supported by a female figure, intended, I presume, to represent the Goddess of freedom. The argument and the picture seem to be suitable accompaniments, the one for the other, and are alike adapted to make the same sort of impression upon minds that can receive either. Sin is opposilion to the will of our Creator and Supreme Lawgiver — Slavery is sin ; therefore to continue slavery is to hrave the ven- geance of Omnipotence. Who made Mr. Jay and his coadjutors first judges of the divine will; secondly, of their fellow men ; and lastly, the champions of the divine vengeance 7 This summary mode of reasoning and acting, this appropriating to one's-self the special favour of heaven for the purpose of judging of sins and vindicating the divine righteousness, has not ap- peared now for the first time in the world. When the Spaniards took possession of Mexico and Peru they found the country occupied by an idolatrous people. Now idolatry is sin, and sin is opposition to the will of the Creator ; and to continue in it is to brave the vengeance of Omnipotence. Or taking the first proposition, for the sake of brevity, * Jay's Inquiry, p. 141. 91 as tliey were not given to tedious deductions in those days, idolatry being' sinful it ought imme- diately to cease — they appointed themselves forth- with to be the ministers and executioners of the heavenly will. They tore the idols from their shrines ; they dragged the worshippers to the stake. But such has ever been the nature of fanaticism, claiming to be immaculate itself, it has ever as- sumed the functions of judge and instrument of tJie divine justice towards men. But inasmuch as fanaticism, in these modern times, can no longer employ the arm of force to drive and torture recusants into a desirable confor- mity, it has fallen upon a course less obnoxious and more flattering to its own self-righteousness. It invokes public opinion, it arrays itself in the garments of holiness, and having taken the name and title of Heaven's champion, it denounces all who join not with it as reprobate, men who fight against God. It would embattle one portion of the community against the other, it would over-awe whom it cannot destroy and make those hypocrites whom it is unable to reform. It presents in its displays a second exhibition of the crusading ma- nia of the middle ages, except that it wants the gallant spirit and open magnanimity of those mis- taken champions, who sought to advance the cause of religion by exterminating infidels, I confess, my dear sir, there is something that 92 vehemently moves my indignation in these at- tempts, so common at this day, to fulminate pub- lic opinion against particular abuses, in such a manner as that its influence comes in the shape of intimidation and force. What legitimate power has public opinion, or any other kind of opinion, except in so far as it is the embodied form of truth and virtue ? The passions of men, inflamed to ungovernable violence, do they lose any thing of their evil nature by being transfused among thou- sands ? Do the specious names of philanthropy and liberty avail any thing tow^ards lessening the mischiefs that follow from their perversion? Is it the first characteristic of a superior light and benevolence to thrust their possessors forward be- fore the public eye, and to hurry them into out- rages against the rights and feelings of others ? Those indeed who hold true principles in right- eousness will readily know, that one constituent principle of such a spirit is to keep one in his own place. Is the truth impotent unless it be con- joined with human passions ? Must the wrath of man he invoked to work out the righteousness of God ? Is there nothing terrible in the words 'vengeance is mine, saith the Lord, I Avill repay it?' Who knows not that there are evils in every community? What then? Are we immaculate, that we can assume without impiety the office of 93 the Supreme^ and constitute ourselves the agents of his justice? Let 1dm iclio is icilhout sin cast the Jirst stone It was the characteristic of an ancient man, that he was ready to pardon all faults except his own. We have lived to see the maxim reversed. We grow wise to see the faults of others ; we become eloquent to inveigh against them ; we are full of zeal to suppress them. We learn noLle truths, that we may appropriate them to our own purposes of pride ; we are ever ready to invoke the heavenly powers, but it is only to make them allies in our strife. Is there not a belter course established by the all- wise Ruler, and adapted, like all the principles of his moral government, to the constitution of the human mind? We all indulge in evils; every man is addicted to many which he has not him- self perceived. It is not in our animal and selfish nature to discover these evils, for they are of a piece with that nature and consonant with it. To the indulgence of our evils there belongs also a delight, which diffuses a self-complacency over the mind, little disposing it to question, much less to remove the cause of so much pleasure. But to every evil there is a sting, which sooner or later the man will feel; reflection will come; truth will shine upon the understanding; it will be seen that the end of these things is death. It is then that the better feelings and principles Avithin 9* 94 us strive for ascendency over the evil, what ever it may be. As this is the course of an indi- vidual's experience in reformation, so is it also the process which a nation undergoes, when the evil is national. That the continuance of slavery is an evil, appears to many of us a thing self- apparent. We wonder that all do not see it as readily; we are apt to impute wilful obstinacy to those who are not as well convinced of it as we are. Shall we therefore adopt the course of those over-zealous persons, who pour forth abuse and vituperation against slaveholders, applying to them all manner of odious names? Shall we charge them with horrible crimes and cruelties, with a view of enabling them to see their errors, and to convince them of our superior righteous- ness ? Nay — but if we wished to rivet them in what we consider their obstinacy, there could not be found a more effectual course. If I believe ray neighbour is in error, and reprove him in a spirit that is not of love, tempered with discretion, the light which I convey into his mind will enable him to discover, not his own fault, so much as mine. My arrogance excites his indignation; and the strife that may follow will be but the warring of evil passions, how much soever I may assume the character of a benevolent adviser, and affect to lament the perverseness of the other. Blended in the inmost nature of the soul of man, deep 95 within his heart of hearts, dwells the inborn feel- ing of moral freedom, which is ever alive to the slightest impress of external force, and jealous to repel it. So keenly sensitive is this life within him, that he will not move in the course which he believes to be right, if he finds that he is to be driven to it. For high and holy purposes was this spirit given ; for when once it is deadened, man sinks degraded from the dignity of his spe- cies. It is the concomitant of his moral responsi- bility which would be an absurdity without it. It indicates with unerring sensibilty, that in matters which concern himself and for which he alone is answerable, no foreign influence has a right to intermeddle. In unison with this, upon the basis of his own individuality rests the structure of every man's character. He ought to consider himself as occupying a place in the world which no other man could fill, whether the same be humble or exalted, as a being capable, and there- fore intended, to set forth some peculiar manifes- tation of wisdom and goodness, out of the infinite variety of aspects which those heavenly emana- tions may present. All elements therefore which he imbibes, whether of thought or of feeling ; no matter how derived whether from science, from social life, from observation, or from experience, all will receive, if he be true to himself, a hue and complexion analogous to the peculiar constitution 96 of his being. IIow clearly does nature illustrate this great truth throughout all her several species of beasts, of birds, of plants, and of minerals, whereof each being directed by no will save that of Providence, grows up in its own order, each after its kind. The cowslip and the lily spring up side by side in the same meadow ; the like elements of moisture, of warmth, of air, and of soil, supply nourishment to both; yeteach absorbs and assimi- lates according to its own nature, and no art of man can make the one assume the complexion of the other. How plainly is the same thing indi- cated in the endless variety of the human counte- nance ! Our several features are in general simi- lar, yet of the myriads of human creatures that now live, or that have ever lived, where might you find two faces precisely alike? or two voices? What does this denote but that every man has a special individuality, whereby he is constituted one integer; one unit, that amid the community of interests and feelings that bring us together as social beings, there is yet in the moral and intel- lectual universe of this vast creation, one portion at least whereof he is king — a king subject to law, but possessed of an awful prerogative, being noth- ing less than of misery and of happiness, of life and of death. With the internal concerns of this kingdom no foreign power has a right to interfere; still less has the legitimate ruler a right to abdi- 97 cate his sovereignty. Is not this same principle set forth continually in the Divine administration towards man, wherein force has no part; wherein the attribute of Omnipotence interposes not, and truth itself, *the sword of the spirit,' exerts no power except as it is received voluntarily into the human mind. In the business of our own refor- mation each must act for himself and not for another ; the truth which is to enlighten will come in its own most proper way, adapted to the cir- cumstances and condition of him who is to profit by it ; and the same spirit which imparts truth to discover to us our errors, will not be wanting to aid us in our efforts to put them away. It is therefore no small matter to know how far our interference in another's concerns may go hand in hand with duty, and to mark the line where friendly solicitude ends, and where persecution begins. It is impossible for words to define it; the heart that is alive with love to God and man, alone can know it. What then? Have we not a right to speak our sentiments? Indubitably. But shall we make a vaunt of it in a spirit of bravado? Shall we declare our opinions on delicate matters to all the world, when such utterance does no good, merely to show that we possess the right, and are not afraid to use it? But is it not our duty to pro- claim what we believe to be the truth ? It is. 98 indeed, to proclaim it at proper times, to such as are willing to receive it, and who are in a condi- tion to profit by it. But shall we organize socie- ties, raise money, establish newspapers, fill the whole country with excitement, by means of inflammatory harangues and publications in order to convince our neighbours of the truth, when ia charity we might suppose them to be as capable as we, to discover it for themselves ; to say noth- ing of their sacred right to manage their own affairs in the way that shall suit them best. Per- haps, if we would examine the nature of this zeal which is consuming us, we should find that other passions were concerned, besides a love of truth, and a sincere desire for others' welfare. But if this impulse to declare the truth be, indeed, of such holy imperativeness within us, it is surely not inconsistent with its harmony to seek a situation, wherein we may obey it legitimately. Let him then, who is called to be an apostle of freedom in this matter, introduce himself into a community where slavery exists; let him acquire citizenship; then will he be authorized to take part in the public affairs, both by voting and by declaring his sentiments on all public measures. He may recommend whatever he thinks may be for the good of the state ; he will be on a footing with the citizens around him, having something at stake. How happens it, that the most zealous 99 advocates of the immediate emancipation of slaves are to be found in states where there are no slaves to be emancipated ? I take it upon myself to say, that the people of the south have manifested no backwardness in relation to the question of domestic slavery. The time was not long ago, when this subject was dis- cussed with freedom throughout the southern states. It was becoming a matter of anxious solicitude j for it concerned them dearly. The process of effectual reformation was going on in its legiii- mate way; truth was coming to the minds of the reflecting in the light of their own experience, and was operating upon the unforced will. The evil of slavery was generally acknowledged; for I am persuaded that the sentiments which were declar- ed some time ago, by Gov. McDuffie, of South Carolina, were not held then by the intelligent portion of the southern people. Most of the prominent men in the board of the Colonization Society were gentlemen of influence from southern states. Were they not sincere 1 Who shall impeach the integrity of those high-minded and honourable men ? A full avowal of the sentiment was made by Mr. Clay, at a meeting of the Ken- tucky Colonization Society, not long ago. Let the life of this great man— a life full of noble and consistent actions— speak for the purity of his motives. It was not longer ago, than 1831 or '32 100 when ihe legislature of Virginia, deliberated on the subject in no superficial manner; and there were not wanting many votes to carry out a per- manent system for the amelioration, if not the final removal of slavery within that state. It is true these symptoms have now disappear- ed. Where shall we look for the cause? I can find it no where, but in the violence and misguided zeal of those persons, who having wandered out of their sphere, have carried confusion whereso- ever the influence of their aberrations has extend- ed. They declaim in a vague manner concerning' the rights of man; they utter abstract truths^ which, general and indefinite, may by a rash application produce the most dangerous results ; they assume to themselves the name of philan- thropists, under which, any passions may be indulged, which a corrupt heart may choose to cherish. They reiterate the principle, that slavery is wrong; that it should be immediately abolished; that to do right is our duty, whatever may be the sacrifice ; that consequences must be left to take care of themselves. Those maxims mislead by the semblance of truth which they carry with them ; for there is not one of them which is not proper in its place. But with regard to general truths, it must be observed, that however immuta- ble they may be in their own nature, it is in the power of human passions to give them almost 101 any hue, by blending therewith the subtle essence of a hidden affection, good or evil. When a spirit of enthusiastic self-exaltation has taken possession of a man's mind, there is no end to the perversion of the holiest truths. The light of the sun is in essence always the same ; yet how infinite the hues and aspects it assumes according to the quality of its recipient! It sparkles in the dia- mond, shines translucent in the pearl, and appears of a dull colour in the common stone. The genial warmth of the same sun quickens life throughout universal nature ; imparts vigour to the growing plant 5 fragrance to the flower, and sweetness to fruits; but in some substances it breeds only cor- ruption, giving birth to worms and creeping things. How admirably may the first emblem illustrate the nature of truth ! How well does the latter set forth the quality of love! In the harmonious blending of both, as nature displays it in the beams of the sun, which give forth the mingled blessings of light and heat, how beautifully may we see pourtrayed the union, which the order of Heaven has established between benevolence and know- ledge. TVJiat God hath joined together, let not man jmt asunder. When human things are purged of all evil; when the social institutions are purified from every taint ; then may abstract truths find perfect reception and absolute confirmation in the world. 10 102 But the progress towards this consunimatioa must be gradual. Truths are to be tempered in their application, not altered in their nature ; according to the maxim : Quicquid recipitur, recipitur ad modum recipient is. It was a wise saying of Solon, Avho upon being asked, if he had given the best laws to the Athenians, replied, 'No; but the best that they were fitted to receive.' Ill health is in physical nature, what evil is in moral nature. A man who is diseased, has in some way departed from the laws of his bodily system; or has receiv- ed his malady by hereditary transmission ; in either of which cases, the analogy with moral evil is perfect. Who does not know that the remedies, which are to restore him to health, must be adapted, modified, tempered, according to all the symptoms, circumstances and conditions of the disease? When the distemper is of a chronic nature, who does not know that the return to health must be gradual in proportion as the jrrowth of the disease has been slow? Concerning the doing of right at whatever sacri- fice I have also to say, that when the sacrifices which are involved by the doing of what one be- lieves to be right, are entirely a man's own, there is no doubt but he acts well, in obeying this great truth to any extent that his conscience may direct. He alone has the control of his own self-govern- ment, and with him dwells the rcsponsibihty of 103 his doings. But, unfortunately, men are most disposed to involve sacrifices by following out ab- stract maxims of right, when those sacrifices fall upon others. It is easy to gain credit for great devotion to principle at the expense of our neigh- bours ; especially when, in reality, we have little real love for their welfare. But I have already alluded to a mode by which the sincerity of these philanthropists may be evinced, who are so anx- ious to do right at all sacrifices. Let them propose their plans in a slave-holding state, having first become citizens thereof; then will they at least deserve praise for the purity of their motives, whatever may be thought of the wisdom of their policy. I have said that the indisposition of the southern people towards taking any measures in regard to domestic slavery, is owing to the imprudence and over-zealous interference of abolitionists, in mat- ters which little concerned them. I wish not to misrepresent these persons in any particular. But what has been their course ? Let it be told in the words of Dr. Channing. 'They have fallen,' says he, *inlo the common error of enthusiasts, that of exaggerating their object, of feeling as if no evil existed but that which they opposed, and as if no guilt could be compared with that of countenanc- ing or upholding it. The tone of their newspa- pers, as far as I have seen them, has often been 104 fierce, bitter, abusive. Their imaginations have fed too much on pictures of the cruelty to which the slave is exposed, till not a few have probably- conceived of his abode as perpetually resounding with the lash and ringing with shrieks of agony.'* Again : 'The abolitionists sent forth their orators, some of them transported with a fiery zeal, to sound the alarm against slavery through the land, to gather together young, old, pupils from schools, females hardly arrived at years of discretion, the ignorant, the excitable, the impetuous, and orga- nize these into associations for the battle against oppression. They preached their doctrines to the coloured people, and collected these into their societies. To this mixed and excitable multitude, appeals Avere made in the piercing tones of pas- sion ; and slaveholders were held up as monsters of cruelty and erime.'t Hear the result; speaking of this course, he says: 'From the beginning it created alarm in the considerate, and strengthened the sympathies of the free states with the slaveholder. It made converts of a few individuals, but alienated multi- tudes. It has stirred up bitter passions and a fierce fanaticism, which have shut every ear and every heart against its arguments and persuasions. These effects are the more to be deplored, because the hope of freedom to the slave lies chiefly in the * Charming on Slavery, p. 153. f lb. p. 155, 105 dispositions of his master. The abolitionist pro- posed indeed to convert the slaveholders ; and for this purpose he approached them with vitupera- tion, and exhausted on them the vocabulary of abuse! And he has reaped as he sowed. His vehement pleadings for the slave have been an- swered by wilder ones from the master ; and what is worse, deliberate defences ot slavery have been sent forth in the spirit of the dark ages, and in defiance of the moral convictions and feelings of the christian and civilized world.' Such has been the course of these men who proclaim themselves the champions of human freedom ; who insist upon principles with a child- ish intemperance of passion, which shows that they do not understand principles; who advocate the cause of humanity with a spirit of vindictive- ness which belies their professions ; who pretend to uphold the rights of man, yet trample without scruple upon the rights of their fellow-citizens. These are the persons who would interfere in the affairs of wiser men than themselves; who would direct the course of. legislation to sovereign states, having not yet learned the first principles of self- government over their own conduct; who in the arrogance of self-exaltation, conceiving them- selves to be possessed of all wisdom and all purity, are kindly disposed with congenial charity to bring ruin upon men ia order to befriend them. 10* 106 I wish these sayings to be applied, not to the moderate and well-meaning, who have imfortu- nately adopted the creed of abolitionists, in the belief that no other course was practicable for the removal of a great evil. There are a few zealots who have been the busy agents of strife j these are the men who should be marked as unworthy of trust, and dangerous; men who pervert truths, and who seek to lend the countenance of right to measures which will be found to spring from their own passions. The evil one is never so much to be dreaded as when he makes his appearance in the form of an angel of light. It is the part of all considerate persons to trij the spirits ; keeping in view at the same time, that the more comprehen- sive the principle, the more dangerous may be a rash application of it. After an attentive perusal of Dr. Channing's book, I am not certain whether he intends to encourage an amalgamation of the two races, as a means of elevating the blacks to that equality which he thinks them entitled to. He must either mean to recommend this course; or his notions are of a like nature with those of Mr. Jay, who insists upon political equality, but not social. In view of either of these suppositions, I am per- suaded, that Dr. Channing. has been lending the sanction of his name and the use of his great abilities to the propagation of doctrines which are 107 both absurd aad dangerous. The first condition is not to be thought of; the second is impossible. There is allusion made by Dr. Channing to a spurious sort of amalgamation that is now going on between the two races. This is one of the evils of slavery, and not the least to be lamented. It is one of the miserable consequences of that enervation of character, of that looseness of morals, of that licentiousness, which ever creeps in where slavery, long continued in a society, invites to indolence and unnerves the firmness of the man- lier virtues. But let no hasty conclusions be drawn from this, to indicate a ready disposition towards amalgamation between whites and an emancipated community of blacks. This kind of intercourse springs not from affection, such as would draw equals together into conjugal union. It is the mere gratification of sensuality, of the lowest kind of lust, and takes place only when the unhappy subject is the instrument and the property of another. It will continue as long as slavery continues, and will increase in proportion to the corruption of manners. But when once a decree of general emancipa- tion has gone forth, the blacks being now thrown upon self-action, the two races will stand apart. There can be no union of affection ; there will cease to be any of lust. Because, it is evident, that this mongrel intercourse is now founded upon 108 one sort of relations ; unlike ordinary concubinage between parties of the same race, it would cease with the existence of those relations. For alihough it may continue while one party may entertain contempt for the other, as it is indeed founded thereupon, it cannot remain when hatred becomes an ingredient of the feeling between them. It would be well if the southern people kept this truth in mind : that so long as slavery continues among them in its present aspect, so long are they the promoters of that very amalgamation from the idea of which they revolt with disgust. When Mr. Curke, impressed with horror at the fearful excesses to which the French revolu- tionists were hurried by a blind adherence to ab- stract doctrines, had in the strength of firm prin- ciple voluntarily sacrificed the friendship of a great man, he exclaimed with heart-felt indigna- tion : *There is something in this cursed French revolution that envenoms every thing!' One would suppose, that the eloquent expostulations of this far-seeing statesman might have rendered men cautious in giving way to dazzling specula- tions, engendered by fancy out of the elements of truths commingled with evil passions; especially, when such expostulations were given, not as mere generalized maxims, vented in the heat of passion, or moulded in the coldness of speculation ; but as 109 sound iruths, which received confirmation almost at the moment of their utterance. The horrible convulsions of the French nation; have hardly yet subsided into a state of tremulous quiescence ; yet as though we were to be made wise by no experience except our own, we are hearing even now the same kind of haranguing, the same enthusiastic proclaiming of general max- ims, which are to be enforced in all their naked- ness without regard to conditions or particulars; nay, without regard to the inevitable ruin which must follow therefrom. All considerations of prudence are to be silenced by some such brief method as this : slavery is sin : all sin ought im- mediately to cease ; he that would uphold sin, Jights against God, and is braving the vengeance of Omnipotence. Does the instinctive impulse of humanity and common sense revolt at the thought of what consequences must issue from this rash application? The answer is ready: ive are re- quired to do our duty : it is not for us to look after consequences. What awful mockery ! What hor- rible trifling! What abominable prostitution of holy truths, to subserve the foul purposes of self- exalted, self-righteous fanaticism ! If any thing less than the highest interests of life and property were involved, how ridiculous would be this solemn assumption of judicial authority over a whole people; lamenting the cruel necessity which 110 thus enforces them to be severe; making lachry- mose faces of pity and tender sympathy, while they are about to assume the heroic magnanimity of Brutus, pronouncing sentence upon his own blood ; all going to show the noble sacrifice which they are making at the call of duty! Oh, shade of Polonius, what methodical madness ! What a magnanimous sacrifice is this which is to be made at the expense of others ! How pure, how disinterested, how holy are these efforts to emancipate the captive, when the ruin, the havoc and horror that must follow such attempts, made in such a spirit, are to be spread throughout the cities, and towns, and hamlets, and domestic hearths of our countrymen at some distance re- moved, but in which the philanthropic agents are to suffer no part ? What think you 'twas set up The Greek and Roman name in such a lustre, But doing right in stern despite to nature. Shutting their ears to all her little cries, When great, august, and godlike justice called ! The only difference between the Roman great- ness, and that which these modern heroes are ambitious to attain, lies in this; that the noble spirits of antiquity barkened to the call of godlike justice, when themselves were to be the sacrifices, 'as he of Carthage, an immortal name,' whereas. Ill our aspirants are most heroic when others are to be the victims. I reiterate what was before asserted that the people of the south have shown no extraordinary- backwardness in considering the matter of domes- tic slavery, which being an institution of their own, they alone were chiefly interested in consi- dering. They were beginning to perceive the evil of slavery precisely in the manner in which any evil is perceived, by its consequences upon themselves. For the analogy is perfect in this particular, between a nation and an individual. We are not disposed to see evil in that which ministers to our delight or to our interest, until by its effects we are made to perceive, that it is not in harmony with our happiness ; that its ultimate issue will be ruinous. Upon this discovery tlie moral principles are not slow in asserting their supremacy ; and in a man, or in a community, if the evil be national, where any redeeming power yet remains in its integrity, reformation will begin, and it will continue to advance precisely in pro- portion as the mind receives light, and as the cir- cumstances of the case will admit the application of truths. But the great truth cannot be too often remembered, that this is the work of the indivi- dual ; whether the individual be a man or a nation. Whatever influence may come from abroad, it should come in such ifhapc of candour or aflec- 112 donate sympathy, as that the reception of it shall be voluntary. But let no arrogant self-superiority, no assumed solicitude of mawkish compassion, no denunciations of zeal, claiming to be holy, dare intrude upon the sacred province of human free agency, to violate those high prerogatives which omnipotence will not infringe even to shield re- sponsible agents from destruction. For in the awful dignity of moral existence the touch of vio- lence to this spirit of being is little less than death. But how entirely is all this overbearing anxiety a work of supererogation? Are there not men of good hearts and intelligent minds among the peo- ple of the slave-holding states 1 Who doubts that the south contains within itself all the elements that are necessary to self-redemption from any evils into which the inadvertence of former gene- rations have brought if? Not only has a proper disposition been manifested by the wise and good of the southern people towards considering the subject of domestic slavery ; but, unlike the blind agitations which are often the premonitory tokens of a coming reformation, their efforts seem to have been fortunate in an uncommon degree, as it respects the direction which their plans have taken. They have hit upon the principle, which I make bold to affirm, is the only principle, upon which any safe and effectual system can be de- vised of ultimately delivering this country from 113 the evil of slavery, with security at once to both races, and with any prospect of final good to the blacks. I do not say that the first organization of the Colonization society was adapted to this end. I believe it was not. It must be the work of each state separately, after the manner of Maryland — a state which has the honour of taking the second step in the gradual progress of this great work. I am willing, my dear sir, to believe that in the conception of this scheme, there is to be seen the germ of a future growth of blended wisdom and benevolence, which shall be the glory of this country and of the age. Is it objected that no provision is made for the emancipation of slaves ? Let not impatience outrun the order of things. Every work must have a beginning, whether the design be great or small, and perfection is not usually the characteristic of beginnings. I had designed to dwell at large upon the plan and pros- pects of African colonization, but, to tell the truth, I am wearied with writing, as I fear you will be with reading, so long a letter; although I have broken the epistle into chapters for the con- venience of resting places. If my intention hold, and your patience be not exhausted, I will treat of those topics in a future letter. I shall then briefly notice colonization ; that it is no new or untried system, but that it has been practised continually in all ages of the world, since the days of Noah : 11 114 that colonies have generally outstripped the pa- rent country, as may be illustrated by numerous examples in history, both ancient and modern. It would be worth while for some competent man to write a book on this particular view; showing how transplantation operates to change the cha- racter, by placing men in situations, wherein the personal responsibility of each is directly felt, and every one is brought to rely upon his own exer- tions. I shall consider African colonization, par- ticularly; how it differs from all other examples of colonization in many particulars, all of which are to its advantage; how the special direction of providence seems manifest in making the capti- vity of the negroes in tliis country the means of introducing knowledge and civilization into Afri- ca, whicli in tlie ordinary course of human things, would linrdly gain admittance in any other man- ner. I am sure it is not a vain imagination that fdls my mind, when I view in prospect the future glory of this great undertaking. I found my prog- nostications upon the nobleness of the principles which are at its basis. There have been colonies planted for purposes of trade, as those of the i^utch in the East Indies, and of the English at the Cape of Good Hope; there have been settle- ments made in foreign parts by reason of violence and persecution at home; or in avaricious pur- 115 suits of gold ; or to 55erve as receptacles for the emptying of domestic jails; but never before in the history of human kind has benevolence thus sought to propagate itself by the deliverance of captives ; by the raising up of the oppressed ; by the nurture and protection of the unfriended. I sincerely hope, that the excellent spirit which has quickened this great system into birth, may brood over its infancy; may continue to direct its un- folding energies; may never depart from it; but may remain henceforth to insure a consummation which shall be worthy of such a beginning. With much esteem, I remain. Dear sir, yours, &c. P. T. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 011 899 021 3 ^.