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THE AGITATION OF SLAVERY. 
 
 
 WHO COMMENCED 
 
 AND 
 
 ( WHO CAN END IT!! 
 
 BUCHANAN AND FILLMORE COMPAEEI) 
 
 PROM THE RECORD. 
 
 ' Notwithstanding all the wrong that has been done, not another slave State can come intt 
 the Union." — Hon. Wm. H. Seward. 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 
 PRINTED AT THE UNION OFFICE. 
 1836. 
 
^s 
 
 
STAKE OF THE SOUTH. 
 
 wl,^, m/ XV K •^°"J"'-ed the English people to resist the division of the British empire, and 
 when Mr Webster made a similar appeal for the preservation of the American Union, each 
 of these staesmen presented an exhii^it of the material values involved in the conflict, which 
 they respectively deplored This was an argument which addressed itself directly to every 
 class of interest and intelligence. Behold, then, fellow-citizens, the actual value at stal<^ 
 upon the integrity of slave title, add to them the moral consequences inseparable from its 
 overthrow and say wliether with the tremendous responsibility trembling ujon the issue of 
 the present 1 residential campaign, you dare pursue the abstractions of personal consistency, 
 indulge the animosities ot party prejudice, or hesitate to cast your vote for the man and the 
 party who can best protect your honor, your rights, and your interest. 
 
 STAKE OF THE SOUTH. 
 
 ?.^f^"rn^?f/'T'•v•n'^^•v••v, > $1,750,000,000 
 
 iistimated value of all other taxable property 1 230 000 000 
 
 Value of annual products of slave labor* ,'.*^ [ ] * 'Soo'oOo'oOO 
 
 Total 4,000 ,000,000 
 
 "We cannot reduce civil war, with all its terrible concomitants and consequences to a money 
 equivalent, but there can be no southern man who will not admit that the great interests of 
 the south are staked upon the continued agitation of the slavery question, nor deny that the 
 happiness and safety of more than seven millions of southern slaveholders and non-slave- 
 holders are involved in a common responsibility, and liable to a common ruin. 
 
 "We regret to believe that these dangers have been concealed from our fellow-citizens of 
 the south, that partial statements have been made to prejudice them against the fidelity of 
 the Democratic party to the great trust confided to them in the administration of the federal 
 government, to convince them that the present agitations have been the work of a few 
 ambitious men, and that the Whig and Know-Nothing parties, headed by a candidate noto- 
 riously non-committal upon the immediate issues of the day, affords the best protection for 
 the rights of the south and the duration of the Union. 
 
 Fellow-citizens! No man, however powerful in station or ability, could have excited this 
 national agitation. It has originated long since, in other days and other colinciis. It is a 
 radical, sponta' eous, and irrepressible strife between antagonist principles embodied in the 
 Constitution. They are now grappling in a conflict which will tolerate no compromise. 
 Upon the part of your antagonists it is an unconcealed effort at supremacy and domination, 
 and to obtain this they are willing to destroy your rights, property, and political influence 
 orever. Do you believe this.' Look at 
 
 THE BLACK REPUBLICAN ORGANIZATION. 
 
 Behold the army which abolition has armed and arrayed against you ! It is headed, like that 
 most formidable army of the Moslem invaders, by a renegade from his faith and a traitor to 
 his native associations. Tliose wiio direct its movements are wise, cool, and relentless men. 
 Its soldiers are impelled by insanity or alkired by gain. Its resources are inexhaustible, for 
 they are levied upon the accumulations of your own labor, or contributed upon the sanguine 
 anticipation of your conquest and confiscation. 
 
 It is our duty to notice the Black R,epublican organization somewhat in detail, that you 
 may reflect upon the dangerous material of which it is composed. Its components are: 
 
 1. THE FANATICS. 
 
 To this class belong not only those who are infidels in their contempt for every human 
 and divine institution, which you deem most sacred, but also those philanthropists whose 
 morbid sensibilities prefer sympathizing with ideal to relieving real misery. 
 
 It is very common to hear those who belong to the first of this class inveigh against the 
 
 * This is a very moderate estimate of the value of slave productions, since the staples exported last year were 
 as follows : 
 
 Cotton $88,143,844 
 
 Tobacco 14,712,648 
 
 Sugar and hemp 400, 000 
 
 Spirits from molasses 1,448,280 
 
 Rice 1,717,953 
 
 Spirits of turpentine 1, 137, 152 
 
 Tar, pitch,&c $1,849,456 
 
 Flour, wheat, *c., about 3, 000, 000 
 
 Corn and meal 5,500.000 
 
 Total 117,909,153 
 
wliole Christian system, and denounce the Constitution of their country as a " compact with 
 hell." It has not been long since that at one of their meetings a free negro reviled George 
 Washington as a " scoundrel!" Mr. Wendell Phillips apologized for the application of the 
 term to the dead wlien it was needed to reproach the living. He regarded it as a mere waste 
 of Billingsgate. Nothing more. The free negro was neither interrupted nor rebuked! 
 
 The second division of this class proclaim their hostility to slavery through the medium of 
 exaggerated facts and overwrought fiction. They educate and propagate slanders against 
 you from the school room and the pulpit, and spread them throughout the world in every 
 language. 
 
 2. THE MERCENARIES. 
 
 These consist of politicians whose only principle of action consists in the love of gain or the 
 rewards of ambition. Looking only for some lever by which to overthrow those who occupy 
 the government, to them all issues are alike which ])romise profit. It was this class that 
 employed a monster bank and its pernicious brood to enlist capital against numbers. It ad- 
 vocated protective legislation that it might bring numbers to bear against capital. It opposed 
 a foreign war in Mexico as criminal, and foments a civil war in Kansas as indispensable to 
 freedom. Evicted from power because of their flagrant corruption, they hope by exciting 
 the prejudices of one section and exasperating the natural apprehensions of another to regain 
 the power which an indignant people have compelled them to surrender. 
 
 THEIR ALLIES. 
 
 In virtual alliance witli the Black Republicans may be placed the despotic governments of 
 Europe, which, despairing to overthrow this Union by force, will contribute any aid of men or 
 means to foment dissensions which threaten its dissolution. 
 
 But we feel it a duty to warn you of a class of politicians who exist amongst yourselves, 
 and who are, in effect, the most powerful allies of abolition. It is tliose southern men who 
 will not admit the danger of a sectional war, but who persist in dividing the south without 
 the most forlorn expectation of success, and,'by producing doubts amongst the conservative 
 men of the north as to which candidate may be the most available for the defeat of abolition, 
 weaken, neutralize, and divide the common strength which could be best commanded and 
 conducted by the Democratic party. This class of politicians are actuated by tlie same 
 object with the Black Republicans. Conscious of their own weakness before the people, they 
 hope, though at the expense of a most dangerous agitation, to see the executive election 
 defeated in the electoral colleges, in order that their candidate, not being so obnoxious to the 
 abolitionists — becauseof his absence from the country and its councils for some years past, and 
 because of his ambiguous and neutral opinions — as the bold and defiant leader of the demo- 
 cratic party, may be chosen as an alternative more acceptable to each than their own avowed 
 antagonists. 
 
 Fellow-citizens of the south ! Such a class of politicians deserves your most signal con- 
 demnation, because they, like the agitators of the north, are unwilling to have a question 
 settled which strengthens their own chances of political domination. 
 
 We look upon such politicians with such dread and detestation, that we must describe 
 them with distinctness. 
 
 SOUTHERN DOUGHFACES. 
 
 There can be no doubt that politicians exist amongst us whose conduct is the counterpart 
 of those mercenary spoilsmen to whom we have adverted. They are not numerous or 
 formidable further than that any traitor in a fortress is more dangerous than an enemy 
 without. But in the influence of their position they are much to be dreaded. The miserable 
 miscreant who strews amongst you the slanders of abolition, is punisjied with a sudden and 
 a signal sentence. But the ambitious or perfidious politician niay ridicule your honest 
 anxieties, excite your party prejudices, abandon the barriers which defend your rights, 
 slander the motives of those patriots north and south who would protect you, or palliate the 
 motives of those who are your most deadly and dangerous enemies. The only penalty 
 imposed upon this domestic enemy is an exclusion from the political honors within your 
 immediate bestowal. What is the comparative mischief which these enemies can inflict 
 upon you .' 
 
 The wretched emissary of abolition may steal a slave, but a mercenary or ambitious 
 Doughface may concede some principle, or conceal some truth, that will destro}' the whole 
 institution of slavery at a blow. 
 
 In order that you may note and repudiate this small yet dangerous class, we will give a 
 few of the political flesh marks by which they may be known. 
 
 The southern Doughface ridicules the slavery question as a "humbug," and charges all 
 who manifest any solicitude upon the subject with being instigated by interest or ambition. 
 He invariably accompanies this censure of others with a protestation of his own undoubted 
 fidelity to the south. He laughs at all sentiments of devotion to a particular State, sneers 
 at the noble stand taken in defence of their rights in 1798-'99, considers the federal govern- 
 
tnent supreme in its authority. He has an intense, often an hereditary contempt for th© 
 people. The Doughface has been a Federahst, a Whig, and a Know-Nothing — never a 
 Democrat. 
 
 The Doughface has a high opinion of his own merits, and expects upon the success of his 
 northern allies at the very least to be called to the head of a department or a foreign mission. 
 He would, perhaps, compromise for an anonymous interest in a lucrative contract It is he 
 who prepares ambiguous declarations for northern candidates, which commit them to nothing 
 in favor of the south, and do not impair their strength at the nortli. He tells you that, as 
 some politicians never keep a pledge, it is wholly unnecessary to exact one from any. 
 He will tell you that his confidential assurance of the intentions of his candidate is more 
 worthy of credence than the recorded evidence of fidelity presented by his competitor. When 
 General Taylor refused to say that he would veto a bill prohibiting the establi.siiment of 
 slavery in the federal Territories, the Doughface defended him as perfectly sound, because 
 General Taylor owned several cotton plantations. When General f'cott declined to express 
 any opinion as to the power of Congress over the subject of slavery, the Dougliface said it was 
 peifectly satisfactor}', because that hero had been born in Virginia, and was therefore inca- 
 pable of taking an erroneous view of iier interests. The Doughface now advises Mr. Fillmore 
 to keep silence upon the great questions of the day. He assures you that Mr. Fillmore is 
 perfectly sound, but when asked whether he will, if elected President, maintain the Kansas 
 act, and resist tlie restoration of the Missouri restriction, he replies that he " signed the com- 
 promise and enforced the fugitive slave law." 
 
 Having been generally in a minority in the southern States, and expecting only to get into 
 power through tlie numbers of the north, the Doughface has always been unwilling that his 
 candidate for the Presidency should run the risk of injuring himself at the north by avowing 
 opinions v.'hich, however indispensable to the safety of the south, would, were it known in 
 that ssction, destroy all chance of his election. It is by such duplicity and deception, by 
 sacrificing the rights of his ov/n section, that such corrupt and desperate politicians seek for 
 success. The eiiemies of slavery once admitted into its citadel, his reward will consist in the 
 spoils v/rested from his countrymen to be divided amongst their foes. Fortunately the 
 Doughfaces are not numerous. 
 
 This union of Abolitionists, philanthropists, spoilsmen, with the virtual co-operation of 
 foreign despots and southern Doughfaces, constitutes a combination of force and treachery 
 so formidable that it will require the union of all honest and patriotic men of every section 
 to secure the country from their dangerous and unscrupulous conspirators. 
 
 THEIR MACHINATIONS IN CONGRESS. 
 
 The Black Republican party boldly claims for its candidate the whole of the northern 
 States. This is the merest and_,maddest bravado imaginable. But looking to the aid of those 
 virtual allies who oppose the Democratic party, they hope that the executive election may 
 be defeated before the people, that it may be carried for decision intothe House of Represen- 
 tatives. They are now using the most unscrupulous efforts to obtain the control of a major- 
 ity of that body. 
 
 It may startle you as a most significant sign of their power and success that they have, by 
 the congressional influence conferred upon them by our own dissensions, deprived a member 
 from Illinois of his seat, upon the most unfounded allegations, and referred the election back 
 to the people, when the result of the contest is doubtful. They may unseat the member 
 from Iowa upon a similar pretence. This may result in dividing the vote of thirty States 
 equally, and the vote of a single State— it may be Delaware with its single member— may 
 decide who shall be President of the United States ! Thus, while your dissensions are at their 
 height, your enemies have nearly succeeded in securing one half of the vote of the umpirage 
 appointed by the Constitution to decide upon your rights— the other half is divided between 
 yourselves and your enemies in disguise, or neutrals. Suppose the loss of any one State dele- 
 gation.by defection, would not the victory of your enemies be inevitable .' Do you wish an 
 illustration of the evils arising from a want of harmony amongst the conservntive interests of 
 the country ? We regret that it should be in our power to offer one so fraught with imme- 
 diate mischief The l^emocratic party, and the more conservative sections of the .\merican 
 or Know-Nothing party, had been engaged in a bitter contest upon the comparatively imma- 
 terial question of amending the law of alien naturahzation. Heated with the personalities of 
 this contest, they met to organize the House of Representatives. The conservative Americans, 
 with a highly creditable patriotism, refused to vote for Mr. Banks, the candidate of their 
 order for the Speakership, because he was branded with abolition, and had denounced the 
 Union. After a prolonged and exciting period of legislative anarchy, the most of them voted 
 for a Democratic candidate, without any fusion or concession of principle. But mark the im- 
 portance of harmony to the south ! Mark the importance of requiring, at the hands of any 
 party pretendino- to nationality, some avowal of principle upon the question of slavery. 
 
 Whilst the g°reat mass of the southern Americans voted for a Democratic Speaker, the 
 anti-abolition members of that party at the north, to a man, refused to vote in the election. 
 And will it be believed! the Hon. Henry W. Davis, of Baltimore— a member sent by the 
 voters of a city dependent for its connexion with the interior for a right of way through a slave 
 State; o-oing to sea through the channels of a slave State; itself the metropolis of a slave 
 State, and receiving from its position an enlarged and enlarging patronage from a slave Mate- 
 feeling his prejudices as a partisan too strong for his duties as a patriot, abandoned the inter- 
 
6 
 
 csts of his constituents and reruscd to vote for the Democratic conservative candidate ! Thai 
 vole, ftUow- citizens of the soulli, properly applied, irould have given you the administralion of the 
 House of Representatives ! Its loss gave it to your foes. That burst of partizan passion might, 
 in an event not impossible, cost you the Presidency. The failure of a few mombfrs of the 
 National American party to vote for a Democratic Speaker threw the power and patronage 
 of the House of Representatives into the liands of 3'our enemies, to be employed in the cause 
 of abolition. To misrepresent your position in regard to the Kansas Territory, and to secure, 
 by a flagrant abuse of its power, tiie control of that tribunal appointed by the Constitution to 
 decide a contested election of the federal executive. For as the House v,as organized, every 
 leading committee has an abolition chairman, and an aholition majority ! Out of thirty-five com- 
 mittees but one soulliern Democrat ivas appointed chairman! 
 
 Having thus cxhibiied the consequences at stake, and the formidable organization which 
 confronts you, we will proceed to explain the — 
 
 BLACK REPUBLICAN PLANS OF ABOLITION. 
 
 The chief purpose of this tract is to convince you of the vital importance of securing the 
 right of admission into the Union for future slave States. 
 
 In the event Mr. Fremont shall be elected, the government will pass into the hands of 
 men whose sole test and tenure of office will be hostility to you. Black republicanism will 
 be the established opinion and rule of office. The only competition amongst its members 
 will be, who can avow the most vindictive sentiments, or devise the most injurious measures 
 against you. They will bring to bear every aijcnt of excitement and mischief, they will 
 then hold the two most powertlil departments of the government, and we have already had 
 notice that they will so constitute the supreme judiciary that its action will be adverse to 
 you * 
 
 They v/ill concentrate, if possible, the whole opinion of the world against you. They 
 will seek to exasperate you into some constructive treason against their government, that 
 may deprive you of any share in its administration. 
 
 In defining the purposes of the Black Republicans, we care not to repeat the irresponsible 
 ravings or the deliberate slanders which a thirst for vengeance or an appetite for pecuniary 
 requital has ])ublished against you. 
 
 We will, therefore, take the scope and design of that movement from a source alike au- 
 thentic and important amongst Ihem. In October, 1855, the Hon. William H. Seward 
 avowed the purpose of overthrowing the "aristocracy of slaveholders." He explained the 
 manner in which this was to be effected in the following paragraphs : 
 
 " The [abolition] that has become at last so necessary is as easy to be made as it is necessary. The whole 
 number of slaveholders is only three hundred and fifty thousand, one-hundredth part of the entire population 
 of the country. If you add their parents, children, immediate relatives, and dependants, they are two mil- 
 lions— one-fifteenth part of the American people. Slavery is not and never can be perpetual. It will be over- 
 thrown either peacefully and lawfully under this Constitution, or it will work the subver.sion of the Constitution, 
 together with its own overthrow. Then the slaveholders would perish in the struggle. The change can now be 
 made without violence and by the agency of the ballot box. The temper of the nation is just, liberal, forbear- 
 ing. It will contribute any money and endure any sacrifices to effect this great and important change ; indeed, 
 it is half made already. The House of Representatives is already yours, as it always must be when you choose 
 to have it. The Senate of the United States is equally within your power, if j"ou only will persistently endeavor, 
 for two years, to have it. Notwithstanding all the wrong that has been done, not another slave State can now 
 come into the Union. Make only one year's constant, decisive effort, and you can determine what States shall 
 be admitted. 
 
 ************ 
 
 "I do not know, and personally I do not greatly care, that it [abolition] sliall work out its great ends this 
 year or the next, or in my lifetime ; because I know that those ends are ultimately sure, and that time and trial 
 are tlie elements which make all great reformations sure and lasting." 
 
 SENATOR WILSON'S PLANS OF ABOLITION. 
 
 " We shall overthrow the slave power of the republic ; we shall enthrone freedom ; shall abolish slavery in the 
 Territories; we shall sever tlie national government from all responsibility for slavery, and all connexion with 
 it; and then, gentlemen, then, when we have put the nation, in the words of Mr. Van Buren, openly, actually, 
 and perpetually, on the side of freedom, we shall have glorious allies in the south. We shall have men like 
 Cas>ius M. Clay. [Loud applause.] We shall have generous, brave, gallant men rise uj)on the south, [dough 
 faces,] who v/ill, in their own time, in their own way, for the interest of the master and bondsman, lay the 
 foundations of a policy of emancipation that shall give freedom to three and a half millions of men in America, 
 [Enthusiastic applause] I say, gentlemen, these are our objects, and these are our purposes." 
 
 * * * * ******** 
 
 " Let us remember that more than three millions of bondmen, groaning under nameless woes, demand that 
 we shall cease to reprove each other, and that we labor for their deliverance. * * * 
 
 '•I tell you here to-night, that the agitation of this question of human slavery will continue while the foot of 
 a slave presses the soil of the American republic." 
 
 But perhaps some dough face admirer, intent upon securing your vote for a non-committal 
 candidate, may tell you that the admission of new slave States is of little consequence to 
 the protection of your rights, because the Black Republicans disavow the power to abolish 
 slavery in the States. Does he demand to know tlie process by which that ruinous measure 
 
 * " We shall change the Supreme Court of the United States, and place men in that court who believe with ita 
 )nire and immaculate chief justice, .lohn Jay, that our prayer will be impious to Heaven, while we sustain and 
 support human slavery." — [Senator Wilson.] 
 
can be effected, as Mr. Seward has said, " lawfully, under this Constitution?" He shalJ 
 hear. 
 
 Suppose it the established policy of the government that there shall be "no more slave 
 States admitted into the Union." The republic cannot stand still. It has abundant terri- 
 tory. It has gift lands. Cheap and rapid access to the interior. The vacant territory be- 
 tween the Al^iutic and Pacific States will soon be traversed by railroads. Our people are 
 enterprising- ,.).d migratory in their habits. Millions are pouring in from foreign countries. 
 There must be new States from the west and nortlnvcst. Again : our population is pressing 
 upon the territory of Mexico. They are attracted by her gold, her climate, her lerlility, 
 and her abundance. Mexico is bankrupt and in anarchy. The acquisition of her cotermin- 
 ous territory by us is inevitable. There must then be more new States in the south and 
 southwest. But there can be no more slave States. The slave area is circumscribed by a 
 black line. Tt can never expand another acre. It can never send another additional mem- 
 ber into the council of States. Lot us refer the further probabilities to statistical facts. 
 
 There are now sixteen slave States. Under the proposed rule of exclusion there can never 
 be more. The number may even diminish. The whole area of the Uiiited States and its 
 Territories amounts to 2,691,339 square miles; of this, 851,508 is slave, the remainder — 
 1,839,831 — is free. But the free States — except California— -onlj^ occupj' an area of 450,417, 
 leaving 1,383,214, or more than tliree times the area of the free States east of tlie Rocky 
 Mountains, to be subdivided into new free States as tlie exigencies of political ambition may 
 require. 
 
 Thus, without tlie acquisition of any new territory, we h.ave only to look forward a {ew 
 years, and the ascendancy of tlie free States in the Union will be sufficiently established to 
 enter upon the great design of "lawful abolition under the Constitution." Ihe precise plan 
 for accomplishing this object has been long since indicated, both here and in Europe. The 
 federal government may be amended by assent of three-fourths of the State legislatures, and 
 we have shown tliat if the number of slave-holding States is stationary, and that of the free 
 States shall increase in a probable ratio, it cannot be long before the constitutional majority 
 may be commanded. Tlie power thus conferred will obviate tlie difficulty which almost al! 
 the abolitionists acknowledge. It is thus that the south may be entangled in the coils of a 
 perverted Constitution, and compelled to violate its solemn compact or seal its own destruction. 
 
 This, then, is the way by which your ruin may be effected " lawfully under the Constitu- 
 tion," unless you secure ttie right for the admission of new slave States, recognized by the 
 Kansas act. 
 
 And in this connexion allow us to remind you of the practical measures which abolition 
 has taken to pre-occupy and control new Territories opened to settlement. ^ 
 
 The legislature of INlassachusetts, immediately upon the passage of the Kansas act, incor- 
 porated " the Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Society," with a capital of five millions of dol- 
 lars. It was headed and managed by respectable and responsible men, and its objects were 
 set forth by authority. It proposea to contract for the removal of 20,000 persons from 
 Massachusetts to Kansas. It anticipated that "several thousand NewEnglanders," "and some 
 30 or 40,000 of the 400,Q0O foreign immigrants would take the same direction." With such 
 a system of eifort "the Territory would be filled up with free inhabitants." "Whenever 
 the Territory should be organized as a free State," tlie trustees are required "to dispose of 
 its interests there," "select a new field," and make similar arrangements for the settlement 
 and organization of another free State of this Union. This association, it is said, "will 
 determine, in the right way, the institutions of the unsettled Territories in less time than the 
 discussion of them has required in Congress." 
 
 In this we may see a deliberate plan of settlement and propagandism M'hich perpetuates 
 tself and grows stronger and more formidable with every " new field " of effort. 
 
 PROTECTIVE POLICY OF THE SOUTH. 
 
 The first duty of the South is to harmonize its domestic dissensions The Northern Stales 
 are forgetting the party differences wliich have heretofore divided them, and fusing upon a 
 common principle of opposition to you. 
 
 In the language of Mr. Foot, of New York, formerly an editorial supporter, and after- 
 wards, we believe, a diplomatic appointee of Mr. Fillmore — 
 
 " What, then, is there left of public duty, to which the old Whig party stands pledged? I see nothing, except 
 the principle for which we so earnestly contended in 1S44 — namely, the exclusion of slavery from free soil. 
 
 " Of all the national issues between the Whig and Democratic parties only one remains, and that is the exclu- 
 sion of slavery from free soil." 
 
 And so Mr. Foot, with thousands of other Whigs, joins the Black Republican party. Why, 
 then, should you keep alive distinctions which exist nowhere else? Suppose the Southern 
 Whigs should carry a few States, what would they do with them ? Employ them to jeopardize 
 the safety of the South and prolong the agitation "in Congress? They could hope to carry out 
 no principle with the organized majority of their own party against them. The belief that 
 the South is divided encourages the Black Republicans to hope that the election may be re- 
 ferred to that body, of which we have shown they have secured the control. The Sotith 
 should then consofidate its strength upon the party and the man who will best protect its in- 
 terests and combine the elements of conservativeism at the North. 
 
8 
 
 If we have been successful in convincing you of the dangers which menace you, let us ask 
 that you make it an invariable principle to bestow your votes upon no candidate for any office 
 V/ho will not bind himself to 
 
 MAINTAIN THE KANSAS ACT, 
 
 And especially the 14th and 19th sections thereof, without change or modification. 
 
 The sections referred to in this bill contain the obliteration ofthe Missouri restriction, and 
 the assertion of the right of new States to admission. 
 
 But not relying upon subordinate declaration.?, it will be your duty, as it is your right, to 
 demand from the Presidential candidates appealing to the South for its suffrages some as- 
 surance of their opinions upon tliis vital subject. Ask them, or either of them, Tf you are in 
 doubt about their positions, these (luestions : 
 
 1. Should you become President of the United States would you veto an act of Congress 
 which should prohibit slavery or involuntary servitude forever, e.xcept for crime, in all the 
 Territories of the United States where it does not now exist.'* 
 
 2. Will you veto any bill to restore the IMissouri restriction or to repeal the right of Kansas 
 to admission into the Union with or without slavery, as its constitution may determine at the 
 time of its admission ? 
 
 3. Will you maintain the right of all new slave States to be admitted into the Union upon 
 the same terms with free States.' 
 
 4. Will you use your influence to put down tlie agitation of slavery, and with that pur- 
 pose will you pledge yourself to bestow office upon no one who will not subscribe to the obli- 
 gations embodied in these questions.^ 
 
 Satisfy yourself as to the opinions of the candidates upon these questions. He who re- 
 fuses to respond to them must be unsound or doubtful, and therefore unworthy to receive your 
 suffrages. The Whig party of the Soutli have seen the importance of requiring some guar-- 
 antee upon this subject, and have in several of their State resolutions affirmed that the Kansas 
 act vmst be maintained. The consistent co-operation of all the South will place both the 
 candidates who aspire to command the conservative army upon the same platform in re- 
 spect to the great question. Whichever then shall succeed your interests will be protected .' 
 
 We will give a single and conclusive reason why this is necessary. The Americans of the 
 south had, at one time, the guarantee of a national resolution that" the Kansas act should be 
 maintained. They thought fit to cancel that guarantee. The northern sections of that party, 
 with its representatives in Congress, have been thus absolved from any specific obligation 
 upon the subject. The Presidential nominee of the South American party has been exon- 
 erated from any declaration, and his executive action has been left to executive discretion. 
 Now, if any ot these Fillmore representatives in Congress should be called to vote upon a 
 contested executive election, they might be found unwilling to support a candidate pledged 
 to maintain the Kansas act. They would claim the same discretion that had been allowed 
 to their Presidential nominee, and might exercise it by giving a sectional vote in favor of the 
 Black Republican candidate ; nor, under these circumstances, could their southern associates 
 reproach them. If, however, you require Mr. Fillmore to pledge himself to maintam the 
 Kansas act, those who support him during the canvass will be pledged to the same principle, 
 and you will thus have raised an impassable barrier between them and the Black Republicans 
 which they can never pass again. It may be that if you can in that way secure but a single 
 vote in Congress, it will be invaluable to your country ! We are aware that your Dough- 
 face advisers will tell you that the last national platform of the American party is equivalent 
 to that which it repealed. The first national platform adopted by that party pledged it to 
 maintain the existing legislation upon the subject of slavery. If this was the purpose of the 
 party why repeal \t> But the Doughflices v.'iil also tell you that this substitute is identical 
 with the Kansas act. To show the fallacy of such a statement we publish the competing 
 sections. 
 
 Sei^enth section of ^imerican platform adopted February, 1856. 
 
 "The recognition of the right of the native born and naturalized citizens of the United States, perraanently 
 residing in any territory thereof, to frame their constitution and laws, and to regulate their domestic and social 
 affairs in their own mode, subject only to the provisions of the Federal Constitution, with the privilege of admis- 
 sion into the Union whenever they have the requisite population for one representative in Congress : ProriOed, 
 alxoaiis. That none but those who are citizens of the United States, under the Constitution and laws thereof, and 
 •Hrho have a fixed residence in any such Territory, ought to participate in the formation of the constitution , 
 or in the enactment of laws for said Territory or State." 
 
 The 14th section of the Kansas act contains the following provisions : 
 
 " That the Constitution, and all the laws of the United States which are not locally inapplicalile, shall have 
 the same force and elTect within the said Territory of Nebraska as elsewhere within the United States, except 
 the eighth section of the act preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the Union, approved March 6, 1S20, 
 Which being inconsistent with the principle of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States and Ter- 
 ritories, as recognized by the legislation of 1S50, commonly called the compromise measure, is hereby declared 
 inoperative and void; it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Terri- 
 tory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate 
 their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States: PrnpUled, 
 That nothing herein contained shall be construed to revive or put in force any law or regulation which may 
 hare existed prior to act of 6th March, 1820, either protecting, establishing, prohibiting, or abolishing slavery." 
 
The I9tli section of the same act authorizes the admission of a State or States to be erected 
 In the Territory of Kansas, •' ivith or without slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at 
 the time of their admission." 
 
 The fallacy which the Doughface guardians of your rights will attempt to impose upon you 
 is this. The American platform authorizes the legal citizens of a Territory " to frame their 
 own constitution and laws, and to regulate their domestic and social affairs in their oion mode, 
 with the privilege of admission into the Union whenever they have the requisite population 
 for one representative in Congress." This, they sa}^, recognizes the right to establish the 
 "domestic institution" of slavery, and so guarantees the right of admission of new slave 
 States into the Union. It would have saved a good deal of discussion if the Know-Nothing 
 party had put the word " slavery" into their platform, for it has no synonyrne so simple, so 
 tjxpressive, or so little subject to doubt. The use of this word would have determined the 
 specific intent of the party without doubt, and would have secured the admission of new 
 slave State but for another and a radical difficulty. 
 
 The Kansas act guarantees tlie right of slave States to admission, and asserts that "the 
 ■Constitution and all the laws of the United States, which are not locally inapplicable, shall 
 have the same power and effect within the said Territory of Nebraska as elsewhere within 
 the United States," [except the Missouri restrictions.] In this act, then, the right of a slave 
 State to admission is affirmed by Congress to be consistent with the provisions of the federal 
 Constitution. 
 
 But, according to a construction repeatedly placed upon " the provisions of the federal 
 Constitution," they authorize the prohibition of slavery in the Territories forever. 
 
 "Whilst, then, the Kansas act guarantees the admission of a new slave State eo nomine, the 
 j-\ineri.can platform merely guarantees that the citizens of the Territory may be admitted into 
 the Union with such "domestic and social institutions" as Congress may permit. If the 
 Wilmot proviso be imposed upon the Territory, the institution of slavery cannot be embodied 
 in its constitution without forfeiting the right of admission. Kansas then has, under the law, 
 aright to enter the Union as a slave State ; under the American platform, she would have a 
 right to come in as a slave State if Congress would let her. The theory of the platform 
 differs as much from the solid assurance of the law as a specious and irresponsible promise 
 does from an actual performance. 
 
 No one, of course, doubts the power of Congress to repeal the Kansas act and its guaran- 
 tees — except so far as rights may have been vested under that act— but no one can doubt the 
 right of the State of Kansas to admission into the Union, " with or without slavery," until 
 th"e law shall be repealed. Take care then, fellow-citizens of the south, thatthe Doughfaces 
 do not delude you. Keep the Kansas act. " A bird in hand is worth two in the bush." 
 
 CAPTIOUS OBJECTIONS TO THE RULE OF SUFFRAGE ESTABLISHED BY 
 THE KANSAS ACT REFUTED. 
 
 There are some captious objections to the rule of voting in the new Territory, laid down 
 by the Kansas act ; and some Doughfaces do not scruple to assert that it gives an advantage 
 to the enemies of the south, by enabling them to pre-occupy the Territory. 
 
 We shall state the rule of suffrage adopted by the Kansas act, and show that there can be 
 no such coiisequence as is apprehended. 
 
 The fifth section of the act confines the right of voting at the first election in the Territory 
 to " citizens of the United States and those who may have declared their intention to become 
 such, and taken an oath to support the Constitution of the United States and tlie provisions 
 of this act." If there be a detect in this rule of suffrage, let it be modified by the provisions 
 of amendment adopted by the bill which recently passed the Senate. That rule of sufi'rage 
 is, tliat the constitutional constituency of Kansas shall be composed of white male citizens 
 of the United States, twenty-one years of age, resident within the Territory of Kansas three 
 months betijre tlie date of election. If the nervous apprehensions of the southern Dough- 
 faces have been awakened by the rule of suffrage laid down in the first act, let them take 
 that laid down in the second. If thev be not satisfied with that, let them propose some rule 
 that will protect them ; but, although'the Kansas act may contain many defective provisions, 
 it contains two that are invaluable ; let them be immutable. They are the repeal of the 
 Missouri restrictions, and the right of admission for new slave States. 
 
 Ti;e Kansas act ensures that all favorable to the adoption of slavery shall have a fair 
 access to tiie contested Territory, a fair protection in the exercise of their rights, a fair 
 chance to secure the adoption of a slavery constitution, and a guarantied right of admission 
 into the Union as a slave State, if they do. More than this the advocates of slavery could 
 not ask, and we greatly mistake the character of those whom we address if they would 
 accept any unfair advantage if it could be offered them. tt • j c. 
 
 But it may be objected that the enemies of the south, being citizens of the United btates 
 mav comply even with the rule of suftVage laid down by the Senate amendment referred to. 
 They may elect the territorial legislature and prohibit the slave-holder from coming with his 
 property into the Territory. The same constituency may adopt a constitution Slavery 
 then Will be excluded from the Territory by territorial statute, until the adoption of the State 
 constitution, and prohibited forever afterwards by the provisions of that instrument. 
 
 To guarantee the slave-holder a fair right of access to the Territory of Kansas with his 
 property, and a fait voice in the legislation of the Territory, two assurances may be relied 
 
10 
 
 on. The first consists in that provision of tlie Kansas act : " That the legislative power of 
 the Territory shall extend to all rightful subjects of legislation consistent with the ConstitU' 
 tion of the United States and the provisions of this act." Now, one of the provisions of 
 this act authorizes the admission of the State with or without slavery, as its constitution 
 may determine. But whilst Congress has done everything in the terms of the Kansas act 
 which can insure a fair decision upon the question of slavery or freedom in the State consti- 
 tution, it has gone one step further, and enacted tiiat: " Every bill which shall have passed 
 the council and house of representatives of the said Territor}^ shall, before it becomes a law, 
 be presented to the governor of the Territory, if be approve he shall sign it, but if not he 
 shall return it with his objections to the House in which it originated, who shall enter his 
 objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsidera- 
 tion, two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the 
 objeciions, to the other house, and, if approved by tv/o thirds of that house, it shall become 
 a law. But in all such cases the votes of both houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, 
 to be entered on the journal of each house respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by 
 the governor within three days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, 
 the same shall be a law in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the assembly by ad- 
 journment prevents its return, in which case it shall not be a law." 
 
 This provision — almost a literal transcript from tlic Federal Constitution — bestows upon the 
 territorial executive the veto power over all territorial legislation. The territorial executive is 
 appointed by and removable at the pleasure of the President of the United States. If, then, 
 the President of the United States be in favor of the principles of the Kansas act, he will so 
 exercise this power of appointment as to see that the Governor of the Territory shall not be 
 adverse to the principles of the act, but shall conscientiously and fairly — having in view the 
 angry and suspicious interests that watch the execution of that law — administer justice ex- 
 actly between the litigant interests. These, then, are tlie two principles which will protect 
 the South against any unjust and extreme territorial legislation. The revisory power of 
 Congress, and the impartial applicatioii of the veto by the territorial governor to all such 
 measures as prejudge the constitutional institutions of Kansas, or secure to one interest any 
 advantage over another. This explanation will show the importance to the South of com- 
 mitting the power of appointing the territorial governors to a man who — like James Bu- 
 chanan—is in favor of the principles of the Kansas act, and pledged to see them adminis- 
 tered fairly to the South ; and not to Millard Fillmore, who does not approve of the princi- 
 ples of that act, is virtually pledged to favor its repeal, and whose known rule of executive 
 action is to confirm "the will of the people as expressed through their representatives," by 
 affixing his executive signature to all legislative acts which are neither unconstitutional nor 
 informal. 
 
 Whilst upon this point we may as well publish Mr. Buchanan's letter to Mr. Sandford, 
 refuting the charge that ho favored squatter sovereignty. 
 
 'Washington, Jlvgmt 21, 1848. 
 
 " T. Sandford, ESQ. — Dear Sir: I have just received yours of tlie 12th instant, in wiiicli you submit to 
 me the (ollowiiis paragraph, and asic whetlier it contains an accurate version of the conversation between us, 
 conccrnin;; my Berks county letter, on the occasion to wliich you refer: 
 
 '" Happening to meet Mr. Buclianan at tJie President's levee on Friday evening, I called his attention to 
 this letter, and asked him if he intended to be understood as claiming that the population of a Territory, in an 
 unorganized capacity, had the right to control the question of slavery in such Territory. He declared that no 
 such idea had ever been maintained by him ; that the construction put upon his language by !Vir. Yancey was a 
 perversion of its plain and obvious meaning; that in his opinion the inhabitants of a Territory, as such,'had no 
 political right [altbouah they possessed all the private rights of American citizens]* that they had no povi'er 
 whatever over the subject of slavery ; and they could neither interdict nor establish it, except when assembled 
 in convention to form a State constitution. He further authorized and requested me to make any public use 
 of these declarations that I might think proper, to correct any impression which Mr. Yancey's constmction 
 of his language in the Berks letter might have made.' 
 
 " With the addition which I have inserled between brackets, this statement is substantially, almost literally, 
 correct, according to my recollection. 
 
 " In my letter to Berks county of 25th August, I had said, ' Under the Missouri compromise slaveiy Vi'as for- 
 ever prohibited north of the parallel of 36 deg. 30 min., and south of this |)arallel the question was left to be 
 decided by the people. What people.' Undoubtedly the people of the Territory assembled in convention to 
 form a State constitution, and ask admission into the Union, and not [first] adventurers or 'first comers' who 
 mighl happen to arrive in the Territory, assembled in [primary] mecung. If a doubt on this subject could 
 possibly exist, it is removed by the next succeeding sentence of my letter. I proceed to state, that ' Congress, 
 in the admission of Texas, adopted the same rule,' &c. And what was this rule? The joint resolution for 
 annexing Texas to ihe United !~tates, approved March 1, 1845, answers the question in the following words : 
 'And such States as may be formed out of that portion of said Territory lying south of 36 deg. 30 min. north 
 latitude, commonly known as the Missouri compromise line, shall be admitted into the Union with or without 
 slavery, as the people of each State asking admission may desire.' Such was the description of the people to 
 whom I referred in my Berks county letter."' 
 
 Two months after this, in a speech at Washington city, in October of that year, Mr. Bucha- 
 nan, v/hile referring to California, and demonstrating to the audience the absurdity of advoca- 
 ting the Wilmot provifo, used the following language : 
 
 " All .Tdmit that the perple of a Territory, assembled in convention to frame a Slate constitution, possess the 
 SOLE, THE EXCLUSIVE povvct to determine whether slavery shall or shall not exist within its limits'.'" 
 
11 
 
 SOUTHERN RECORD OF BUCHANAN AND FILLMORE COMPARED. 
 With this exposition of the necessity which exists for satisfactory assurances to tie South 
 upon the points tn-ated of in the foregoin- pages, we turn to examine- tl e.tooath 
 
 1. The recorded antece'lents of the two Presidential candidates seeking the suftVa-es of the 
 South upon the subject of slavery. ^ ^ 
 
 2. The present position of each of these candidates upon that subject 
 .nLJr/"^'"^ the comparison ar,d investigation proposed, we shall treat the distinguished 
 subjects With respectful freedom. We intend to throw no unworthy imputation upon eitheI^ 
 Wecot.cede that the personal integuty of each is unimpeachable, ard in no manner n,vol ed 
 in the present issue. 
 
 . BECORD OF MR. BUCHANAN. 
 
 _ Ihe enemies of Mr. Buchanan go back a period of forty years, and allepe that at a meet- 
 ing in the town of Lancaster, Pennsylvania, as chairman of a committee, he rtportfd ceitain 
 resolutions condemning the extension of slavery inioany more free terrilorv. This charoe has 
 been contradicted by tne Hon. J. Glancy Jones, of Pennsylvania, in his place in the Hou-e of 
 Kepreseniatives, in the following emphatic manner: 
 
 „,rA'?'i'' ^''"' ^ T\ ^■"''^'^'"^ .'° state, on unque.=;tionable authority, that the rieclaiatinn iliat Jaipos Buchanan 
 ZL^^ZT!- °' "V' '■O'"0!'»ee which framed tliose resolution., i. unf.mnded and untrue. ( u mler ta"ve l"ere 
 n my place, to say to the House and to tl,e country, that Mr. Buchanan did not report the re.^ohitions referred 
 u.;tiUhey'n,7ea?^^^^ inyin?'™'" "" -'nn.iuee by which they were reported ; Snd that he neveisawS 
 
 It has been even more effectually contradicted by a resolute advocacy of southern rights 
 during a punlic service extending through a period of more than forty years. "^ 
 
 . Btrt we pass from the imputations of anonymous malise to the indisputable records of Dub- 
 lic history. ^ 
 
 •Mr. Buchanan asserts the right qf property in Skaes : 
 
 On the 7th of January, 18.36, ^'W. Buchanan presented to the Senate a memorial from a So- 
 ciety ot F,iend.s in Pennsylvania, requesting Congress to abolish slavery anJ the slave trade in 
 the District of Columbia. He urged the necessity of adopting some mode of disposing of all 
 such petitions witnout debate ; expressing his decided conviction that the prayer of tlie peti- 
 tion should not be granted, and said : ' ' 
 
 « If any one principle of constitutional lav/ can at this day be considered as settled, it is that Con-re^s hsri 
 no right, no power, over ihe question of siavery in those States where it exists. The propertv of the Tm^teriTi 
 his slave e.xi ledin full loice before the federal constitution was adopted. It was a subject that then be'lona-eri 
 as It still belongs, to the exclusive jurisdiction of the soutliern States. These States, by the adontion of the 
 constitution, i^ver yielded to the general government any right to inteife.'e with the Question It rennins 
 where it was p^vious to the establishment of our confederacy. ' ''-'"''•"s 
 
 " The constitution lui-s in the clearest terms recognised the right of property in slaves. It prohibits anv Stafp 
 into whicii a slave niJly have fled from passing any law to discharge him troiu slavery, and declares that he 
 shall be delivered up by the authoriti'is of such State to his master; nay, more, it makes the existence of 
 slavery the foundation of political power, by giving to those States within which it exists representatives in 
 Congress, not only in proportion to the whole number of free persons, but also in proportion to three-fifths of 
 the number of slaves." ">"« 
 
 He shoivs the consequences of abolition : 
 
 After showing that Congress, on the 23d day of March, 1790, had so determined, and that 
 the Uriion would be dissolved at the moment an effort would be seriousjy made by the free 
 States in Congress to pass such laws, he says : 
 
 " What, then, are the circumstances under whic-hthese memorials are now presented ? A numb -r of fanatic* 
 led on by foreign incendiaries, have been scattering 'arrows, lire-brands, and death' throuahout the southern 
 States; the natural tendency of their publications is to produce dissatisfaction and revoIt°anioM" the slaves 
 and to incite their wild passions to vengeance. All history, as well as the present condition ot"ilie slaves' 
 proves that there can be no danger of a servile war, but in ilie meantime what dreadCiil scenes may be enacted' 
 before such an insurrection, which would spare neither age nor sex, could be suppressed • wiiat aeonv of 
 mind must be sutfered, especially by the gentler sfix, in consequence of these publications. 'Mativ a mother 
 clasps her infant to her bosom when she retires to rest, under dr-^adiul apprehensions that she may lie aroused 
 from her slumbers by the savage yells of the slaves by whom .she is surrounded. These are the works' of the 
 abolitionists. That their motives may be honest I do not doubt, but their zeal is without knowledge The 
 history of the human race presents numerous examples of ignorant enthusiasts, tie purity of whose intentions 
 cannot be doubted, who have spread devastation and blood-hed over the face of (he earth." * » * « * 
 " This being a true statement of the case as applied to the States where slavery exists, wiiat is now asked bv 
 these memorialists.' That in this District of ten miles square, a district carved out of two slaveholdin" States 
 and surrounded by them on all sides, slavery should be abolished. WJiat would be tlie effects of '>'ranfin<» 
 their request.' You would thus erect a citadel in the very heart of these States, upon a territory whTcli thev 
 have ceded to you for a far different purpose, from which abolitionists and inci-iidiaries could securely attack 
 the peace and safety of their citizens ; you e^tablish a spot within the slaveholriing States whi.^li would be a 
 city of refuge for runaway slaves ; you create, by law, a cevitral point from which trains of^junpowder mav be 
 securely laid, extending into the surrounding States, which may«-at any moment produce'a destructive and 
 fearful explosion. By passing such a law you introduce the enemy into the very bosom of tbe.se two Slates 
 and afford them every opportunity of producing a servile insurrection. Is there any reasonable man who cat! 
 •for one moment suppose that Virginia and Maryland would have ceded the District of Columbia to the United 
 States if they had entertained the slightest idea that Congress v/ould have used it for any such purpose ' They 
 ceded it for your use, for your convenience, and not for their own destruction. When slavery ceases to exist 
 under the laws of Virginia and Maryland, then, and not till then, ought it to ba abolj.shed in the District of 
 Onlumbia." — (See Congressional Globe, vol. 'J, pages 78-79.) 
 
 On the 11th of January, 1836, Mr. Buchanan again urged the same obje-.tion to a similar 
 memorial, and asked for a reference by which all such petitions could be dispo.?ed of ithout 
 ■debate, " so as to put the exciting question at rest."— Cow^. Globe, vol, 3, p. 85. 
 
12 
 
 He votes to prohibit the circulation of abolition papers through the mail — 1836 : 
 
 On the 2il day of March, 183(), Mr. Buchanan made an elaborate speech, discussing Jhs 
 whole qu< stion involved in the aboliticin petitions, contending that the " rit;ht of petition re- 
 quired lluir reception, but that they ought to be laid on the table wiihout debate. The dis- 
 cussion embittered the feelings of the parties ; no report could be fiamed so as to meet the 
 views of the different senators, and while he thought that the South was entitled to the 
 strongest vote upon the strongest proposition which gentlemen can give, without violating 
 their riincif'lfs, he believed that continued discussion would prove injurious and dangerous." — ■ 
 See ^flppendix to vol. 3d of Cong. Globe, pp. 184-5. 
 
 He opposes the agitation of the slavery question in Congress : 
 
 On the 6th of February, Mr. Buchanan again moved that seven petitions presented for the 
 abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia be laid upon the table v/ithout debate, aa a re- 
 newed discussion would keep up the excitement between the North and the South, which he 
 wished to discourage. — Cong. Globe, vol. 3, p. 158. 
 
 He advocates the admission of ^rka^isas into the Union as a slave State ; 
 
 On the 4ih of April, 18.S6, Mr. Buchanan urged the passage of the bill admitting Arkansas 
 into tlie Union as a State with a con.stitution establishing slavery. — Cong. Globe, vol 3, p. 279. 
 
 On the S.'Sth of April, 1836, Mr. Buchanan, on the presentation of a memorial of a Society 
 of Friends of the city of Philadelphia, remonstrating against the admission of Arkansas into 
 the U)uon with her pro-slavery constitution, stated that he had informed them that he was op- 
 posed to the memorial ; that he had been requested by the delegate from Arkansas to take 
 charge of that Territory, to be admitted into the Union, and that he had cheerfully taken upon 
 himself the performance of that duty. He moved that the memorial be laid upon the table; 
 which wa.'^ done. — Cong Globe, vol. 3, p. 328- 
 
 He advocates the independence of Texas, -and her annexation : 
 
 On the 23d of May, J836, Mr. Buchanan made an able and eloquent defence of Texas in 
 her struggle with Mexico, predicting that the time was not far distant when she would assume 
 her proper po.sition as a patt of this great confederacy. — Cong, Globe, vol 3, p. 3S5. 
 
 Oi) the 8th June, 1844, he n.ade his great .speech in favor of the armexation of Texas. It 
 would be impossible, by extracts, to do him justice. It was, perhaps, the most elaborate 
 speech made on that question during that session, and a perusal of it would thoroughly refute 
 the slanders that have been circulated in regard to his views on the slavery question. — S'.e 
 Appndix to Cong. Globe, vol. 13. p. 720. 
 
 Wlien the H' use resolutions for the admission of Texas were before the Senate. Mr. Bu- 
 chanan, i^n Tuesday, the 4th of February, 1845, announced that he was in a minority of one 
 on the Committee of Foreign Relations, but that he should advocate their adoption notwith- 
 standing. — Sef Covg. Globe, vol. 14, 30. 24. 
 
 On t!ie 13ih February, he mad- a powerful argument, showing the constitutionality and ex- 
 pediency of admitting Texas, by joint resolution, into the Union of the S'ates, — See Cong. 
 Globe, rd 14, p 287. 
 
 On the final passage of the resolutions, Mr. Buchanan said " this was the greatest public 
 act in Vv-hich he had ever had the honor of taking an humb'e part; he shobld do it cheerfully, 
 gladly, gloriously, because he believed his vote would confer blessings innumerable upon hia 
 fellow-Hitn, now, henceforv;ard, and forever." 
 
 He voles for all Mr. Callwun's resolutions of January, 1838 ; 
 
 In January, 1838, Mr. Calhoun introduced into the Senate a series of rfsolution.s, which, af- 
 ter several amendments by Mr. Clay and others, were finally passed as follows ; 
 
 "1st. Kcsoiued, Tliat in the adoption of tlie federal constitution, the States adopting the same acted sev- 
 erally as free and independent Stales, and that each for itself, by its own voluntary assent, entered the Union 
 Willi tlie view to its increased security against all dangers, domestic as well as foreign, and the more perfect 
 and secure enjoyment of its advantages, natural, political, and social. 
 
 "2(1. Resolved, That in delegating a portion of their powers to be exercised by the general government, the 
 Stales retained severally the exclusive and sole right over their own domestic institutions and police, £0 the 
 lull extent to which those powers wen^ not thus delegated, and are alone responsible for them, and that any 
 inteniietlillin'; of any one or more States, or a combination of their citizens v/ith the domestic institations and 
 police of Ihc others, on any ground political, moral, or religious, or under any pretext whatever, with a v\e\v 
 10 their alteration or subversion, is not warranted by the consiitution, tending to endanger the domestic peace 
 and tranquillity of the States intertered with, subversive of ihe obiects for whicli the constitution was formed, 
 and, by necessary consequence, tending to weaken and destroy the Union itself. 
 
 "3d. Resolved, That this government was instituted and adopted by the several States of this Union as a 
 common agent, in order to carry into effect the powers which they had delegated by the constitution for their 
 mutual security and prosperity, and ihatin the fulfilment of this high and sacred trust, this government is 
 bound so to exercise its powers as not to'nterfere with the stability and security of the di-mestic institotions 
 of the ■states that compose the Union, and that it is the solemn duty of the government to resist to Che extent 
 of iis eoiisiitutional power, all attempts by one poition of the Union to use it as an instrument to attack the 
 donii >lie iii-tinitions of another, or 10 weaken or destroy such institutions. 
 
 " ill. };i::jlved. That domestic slavery as it exists in the soulliern and western States of this Union, com- 
 poses iiii iinfiortaiit part of their domestic institutions, inherited from their ancestors, and existing at the adop- 
 tion of th<; constitation, by which it is recognized as constituting an iiii])c.rlant element in the appointment of 
 powers among the States, and that no change of opinion or feeling, on the part of the other States of the Union 
 in relation to it, can justify them or their citizens in open or systematic attack thereon, with a view to its 
 overthrow, and tlvat all such attacks a»e «o manifest violatioi^of the inutwal and solenin pledges to protect and 
 
13 
 
 defend each other, given by the States respectively on entering into the constitutional compact wliich formed 
 the Union, and as such are a manifest breach of faith and a violation of the most solemn oblisaiion?. 
 
 "5th. Resolved, That the -nterference by the citizens of any of the States, with a view to tlie abolition of 
 slavery in this District, is endangering the rights and security of the people of the District, and tliat any act or 
 measure of Congress designed to abolish slavery in this District, would be a violation of the faith implied in 
 the cession by the States of Virginia and Maryland, a just cause of alarm to the people of tlie slaveholding 
 States, and have a direct and inevitable tendency to distract and endanger the Union. 
 
 "6th. Resolved, That any attempt of Congress to abolish slavery in any Territorv of the United States in 
 which it exists, would create serious alarm and just apprehension in the Stales sustaining that domestic insti- 
 tution, would be a violation of good faith towards the inhabitants of any such Territory, who have been per- 
 mitted to settle with and hold slaves therein, because tlie people of any such Territory have not asked for abo- 
 lition of slavery therein, and because when any such Territory shall be admitted into the Union as a State, the 
 people thereof will be entitled to decide that question exclusively for themselves." — See Congressional Globe, 
 vol. 6, page 98. 
 
 Note. — For a more extended view of Mr. Buchanan's opinion on the Calhoun Resolutions, above referred 
 tOj see Appendix to Congressional Globe, valume 6th, pages 30, 31, 63, and 73, 
 
 He advocated a division of California and J^ew Mexico between the Jforth and South: 
 During the administration of Mr. Polk. Mr. Buchanan being; Secretary of State, the slavery 
 agitation was continued in a new and far more dan2:erous, because more plausible, form. The 
 Wianot Proviso was sought to be applied to all the Territories thereafter to be organized; 
 and as large regions of country acquired by the Mexican war, and defined by the treaty with 
 England, relative to the Northwestern territories, were expected soon to be organized as Ter- 
 ritories, preparatory to their admission into the Union as States, the question of slavery was 
 again discussed with more bitterness than ever. The conservative statesmen of the North, 
 Mr. Buchanan among them, together with the entire Southern delegation in Congress in ]84?:f, 
 proposed to the Freesoilers to extend the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific, and thus 
 forever close the agitation upon that subject. The proposition was rejected. Nothing was 
 left but for the conservative men of the North and the South to withdraw all offers of com- 
 promise, and throw themselves upon their cotistitutional rights as equal members of the con- 
 federacy, and entitled to the common territories, regardless of latitude or imaginary lines. 
 The battle was fought; the Compromise acts of 1850 were the lesult, and every Territory 
 organized under or since those acts, will come into the Union with or without slavery, as the 
 people thereof determine. 
 
 He expresses the opinion, in JsToveinber, 1850, tliat the Missouri restrictions had passed away: 
 
 Mr. Buchanan, as early as November, 1850, in a letter to the people of Philadelphia, de- 
 clared that the Compromise measure of 1850 had superseded the Missomi line, or, to use his 
 own language, that that line had " passed away," which construction led inevitably to the 
 adoption of the principles embraced in the Kansas- Nebraska bill. That bill was passed upon 
 that construction, and the repeal of the Missouri Compromise line is set forth in the bill itself 
 as having been set aside by the act of 1850. 
 
 He ren onstrates against an act of the Pennsylvania legislature obstructing the arrest and return 
 cf fugitive slaves: 
 
 This enactment was afterwards repealed by a Democratic legislature, but the bill was vetoed 
 by Gov. Johnston, the joint candidate of the Abolitionists and Know-nothings for the Vice 
 Presidency. 
 
 His diplomatic services to the South: 
 
 But the South needs not only friends in the councils of the Union. She is assailed by for- 
 eign foes, instigated by hostility to the Republic, and a malignant hatred of that section upon 
 which foreigners are alone dependent for an indispensable material of industrial employment 
 and social comfort. 
 
 In 1855, Mr. Buchanan, as Minister to England, was charged with the duty of guarding 
 against the machinations of those malevolent enemies, and securing for the South, if it could 
 be effected by honest purchase, an acquisition which would insure her almost a monopoly of 
 two chief staples of social consumption, and enable her to protect her domestic commerce 
 from ''nvasion or interruption. 
 
 The conferences held at Ostend between our Ministers at the Courts of Spain, France, and 
 England, show a zealous and enlightened sense of the importance of acquiring Cuba, and are- 
 solute determination to resist the interven'ion of any foreign power who might compel Spain 
 to employ her position to the injury of those important national interests represented by the 
 Southern States. 
 
 There is very little doubt but that the detetermined — nay, the ultra — ground taken at the 
 O-stend Conference, deterred England and France from intermeddling further in our affairs, and 
 taught them that, however we may be divided at home, the patriotic statesmen of the Norih 
 will never permit a foreign power to profit by their dissensions, and inflict upon us a national 
 injury. 
 
 The services of Mr. Buchanan in relation to our affairs in Central America are of the most 
 invaluable character. 
 
 It is very well known that the Clayton-Bulwer treaty wus an imprudent concession to our 
 most formidable rival. It has been the source of serious and prolonged controversy. In the 
 complicated negotiations upon the proper interpretations of that treaty, Mr. Buchanan has 
 kept steadily in view the interests of the South and the commercial rights of the country. 
 
14 
 
 Such is the record of James Buchanan upon the subject of slavery. A citizen of a free 
 State, he has j^iveii a candid, consistent, and patriotic protection to the consiitutional rights of 
 the South. During a period of twenty years in a representative and diplomatic capacity, as 
 well as at the head of an executive department, he has never failed to piomote the material 
 advancement of the South by territorial acquisition, as well as by national protection from the 
 intrigues or encroachment of foreign powers. 
 
 The Democratic State Convention of Pennsylvania endorse the Kansas act, and nominate James 
 Buchnana unanimously , in May, 1656 : 
 
 " Resolved, That claiiiiinn; fellowship with, and desiring tlie co npperation of all who regard the preservation 
 cf the Union, vuiclir the con>titution, as the paramount issne, and repudiating all sectional parties and plat- 
 I'ornis conceiiiinj.' domestic slavery, which seek to embroil the States, and invite to treason and armed resist- 
 ance to law in the Territories, and whose avowed purposes, if consummated, must end in civil war and dis- 
 union, the American democracy recognise and adopt the principles contained in the organic laws establishing 
 the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska as embodying the only sound and safe solution ofthe ' slavery question' 
 upon which the great national idea of the people of this whole country can repose in its determiiied conser- 
 vatism of the Union — Non-interferenck by Congress with slavery in State and Territory, or in the 
 District of Columbia. 
 
 " 2. That this was the basis of the compromises of 1850— confirmed by both the democratic and whig par- 
 tie? in national conventions — ratified by the people in the election of 1852, and rightly applied to the organiza- 
 tion of Territories in 1854. 
 
 "3. That by the uniform application of this democratic principle to the organization ofTerritorries, and to the 
 admission of new States, with or without domestic slavery as ihey may elect, tlie equal rights of all the States 
 will be preserved intact, the original compacts of the constitution maintained inviolate, and the perpetuity 
 and expatision of this Union insured to its utmost capacity of embracing, in peace and harmony, every future 
 American State that may be constituted or annexed, with a republican form of government." 
 
 Extracts from Mr. Euchanan''s letter of acceptance, having relation to the subject of slavery and 
 
 slavery agitation. 
 He accepts the nomination of the convention, and endorses its resoluions : 
 
 " In accepting the nomination, 1 need scarcely say that I accept, in the same spirit, the resolutions consti- 
 uling the platform of principles erected by the convention. To this platform I intend to confine myself 
 liroujhout the canvass." 
 
 Origin and progress of agitation : 
 
 " The agitation on the question of domestic slavery has too long distracted and divided the people of the 
 Union, and alienated their affections from each other. This agitation has assumed many forms since its com- 
 mencement, but it now seems to be directed chiefly to the Territories ; and, judging from its present character, 
 acter, I think we may sately anticipate that it is rapidly approaching a 'finality.' ***** Mosthappy 
 would it be for the couiwry if this long agitation were at an end. During its whole progress it has produced 
 no practical good to any human being, whilst it has been the source of great and dangerous evils. It has 
 alienated and estrang ?d one portion of the Union from the other, and has even seriously threatened its very 
 existence. To iny own personal knowledge, it has produc( d the impression among foreign nations that our 
 great and glorious confedei-acy is in constant danger of dissolution. This does us serious injury, because 
 acknowledged power and stability always command respect among nations, and are among the best securities 
 Against unjust aggression, and in favor of the maintenance of honorable peace." 
 
 He approves the recent legislation of Congress, and thinks it will terminate this agitation : 
 
 "The recent legislation of Congress respecting dnmestic slavery, derived, as it has been, from the original 
 and pure fountain of legitimate political power, the will of the majority, promises ere long to alhiy the danger 
 ous excitement. This legi^lation is founded upon principles as ancient as free government itself; and, in 
 accordance with them, has simply declared that the peopi ; of a Territory, like those of a State, shall decide 
 for themselves whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits." 
 
 Endorses the J^ebraska- Kansas act : 
 
 "The Nel)raska-Kansas act does not more than give the force of law to this elementary principle of self- 
 ffovernment, declaring it to be the true ' intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Terri- 
 tory or .State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate 
 their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States.' This prin- 
 ciple will surely not be controverted by any individual of any party professing devotion to popular government. 
 Besides, how vain and illusory would any other principle prove in practice in regard to the Territories. This 
 is apparent from the lact admitted by all, that after a Territory shall have entered the Union and become a 
 State, no constitutional power would then exist which could prevent it from either abolishing or establishing 
 slavery, as the case may be, according to its sovereign will and pleasure." 
 
 He considers it the tnission of the Democratic party to quiet this agitation : 
 
 " May we not hope that it is the mission ofthe Democratic party, now the only surviving conservative party 
 Itlie country, ere long to overthrow all sectional parties, and restore the peace, friendship, and mutual con- 
 fidence, which prevailed in the good old time, among the different members of the confederacy.' Its ehar- 
 aet'^r is strictly national, and it therefore asserts no principle for the guidance ofthe federal government which 
 is not adopted and sustained by its members in each and every State. For this reason it is everywhere the 
 same determined foe of all geographical parties, so much and so justly dreaded by the Father of his Country. 
 From its very nature it must continue to exist so long as there is a constitution and a Union to preserve. A 
 conviction of these truths has induced many of the purest, the ablest, and most independent of our former 
 opponents, who have differed from us in times gone by upon old anil extinct party issues, to come into our 
 ranks and devote themsi.lves with us to the cause of the constitution and the Union. 
 
 Pledges himself to restore and maintain harmony amongst the States : 
 
 " Under these circumstances I most cheerfully pledge myself, should the nomination of the convention be 
 ratified by the people, that all the power and influence constitutionally possessed by the executive shall be 
 exerted in a finn i>nt conciliatory spirit, during the single term I shall remain in office, to restore the same har- 
 mony among 1 e sister States which prevailed before this apple of discord, in the form of slavery agitation, had 
 been cast into their m list. Let the members ofthe family abstain from intermeddling with the exclusive 
 domestic conci ni- oi each other, and cordially unite, on the basis of perfect equality among themselves, in 
 promoting the great national objects of common interest to all, and the good work will be instantly accoinplished/* 
 
u 
 
 His position as defined by himself: 
 
 In summing up his position on the slavery question, in a speech delivered in 1840 he 
 3aid : ' 
 
 "Duiiiizthn session of 1835-6, when an alarming excitement prevailed on this subject tliroimliout a lares 
 aortion ot the country, [took a decided stand against the abolitionists. * » » * Now said Mr B in con 
 sequence of my conduct here throughout that session, I have borne the brunt of the abolitioni'^t at ii'ome I 
 agree w'lth the Senator from Kentucky that the danger has passed away, the crisis is now over and the fa- 
 naticism which threatened to invade the constitutional rights of the South and dissolve the Union has been 
 nearly extinguished. * * * * It is impossible, after all that is past, that they can doubt our devotion to 
 thw constitutional rights of the South, Let me assure them, then, that our greatest dan^ftr is from agitation 
 here; excitement is the element in which abolition lives and moves and has its being; a flame kindled in 
 the Capital would soon invade the Union. 
 
 " When did fanaticism ever yield to the voice of reason ? Let it alone and it will soon burn out for want of 
 the fuel upon which it feeds." [Mr. B. moved that the question on the reception be laid on the table.!— Con<'. 
 Globe, vjl. 8, page 188. Jo 
 
 Such is an outline of the record of James Buchanan— full, clear, conservative and consistent. 
 He has stood in the breach, and fought in defence of the constitutional rights of the South against 
 fanaticism in all its forms. We invite all fair and unprejudiced men to its investigation. 
 
 Let us now see hov/ the record of his competitor for the votes of the South will compare 
 wilh his own. 
 
 RECORD OP MR. FILLMORE UPOlNr THE SLAVERY dUESTION. 
 
 The earliest authentic avowal of Mr. Fillmore''s opinion upon the subject of slavery, is to 
 be found in the following answer to a letter of inquiry addressed to him by ' The Anti-Slavery 
 Association of the County of Erie." These opinions, we shall subsequently show, have never 
 been disavowed or recanted. 
 
 " Buffalo, October 17, 1838. 
 
 "Sir: Yonr communication of the 13tli instant, as chairman of the committee .ippointed by 'The Anti- 
 Slavery S-iciety of the County of Erie,' has just come to hand. You solicit my answer to the following inter- 
 rogatories : 
 
 " 1st. Do you believe that petitions to Congress on the subject of slavery and the slave-trade ought to be 
 receiv.'d, read, and respectfully considered by the representsiiives of the people ? 
 
 "2d. Are you opposed to the annexation of Texas to this Union, under any circumstances, so long as 
 slaves are lield therein? 
 
 "3d. Are you in favor of Congress exercisiag all the constitutional powers it possesses to abolish the inter- 
 nal slave trade between the States? 
 
 "4th. Are you in favor of immediate legislation for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia? 
 
 "Answer.— I am much engaged, and have no time to enter into argument, or explain at length my reasons for 
 my opinion. I shall therefore content myself, for the present, by answering ALL your interrogatories in the 
 AFFIRMATIVE, and leave for some lutuie occasion a more extended discnssion on the subject. 
 
 "I would, however, take this occasion to say, that in tlius frankly giving my opinion, I would not desire 
 to have it understood in the nature of a pledge. At the same time that I seek no disguises, but freely give my 
 sentiments on any subject of interest to those for whose sufl'rages I am a candidate, I am opposed to give any 
 pU'dge that shall deprive me hereafter of all discretionary power. My own character must be the guaranty 
 tor the general correctness of my legislative deportment. On every important subject t am bound to delibe- 
 rate bbl'ore [ act, and especi illy as a legislator — to po?sess myself of all the iiil'ormition, and listen to every 
 argument that can be adduced by my associates, before I give a tinal vote. If I stand pledged to a particular 
 course of action, I cease to be a responsible agent, but I become a mere machine. Should subsequent events 
 show, beyond all doubt, that the course I had become pledged to pursue was ruinous to my constituents and 
 disgraceful to myself, I have no alternative, no opportunity for repentance, and there is no power to absolve 
 Bie from my obligation. Hence the impropriety, not to say absurdity, in ray view, of giving a pledge. 
 
 " I am aware that yon have not .asked any pledge, and I believe I know your sound judgment and good 
 sense too well to think you desire any such thing. It was, however, to prevent any misrepresentation on the 
 partof others, that I have felt it my duty to say thus much on this subject. 
 
 " I am, respectfully, your most obedient servant, 
 
 '•MILLARD FILLMORE. 
 
 " W. Mills, Esq., Chainnan." 
 
 It is proper to state that Mr. Fillmore, when pressed at the South, in the canvass of 1848, 
 upon the monstrous doctrines of this letter, wrote to Governor Gayle, of Alabama, the follow- 
 ing explanatioa of his position upon thy questions involved in his reply. We publish the 
 Gayle letter in full. 
 
 "Albany, Jm/i/ 31, 1848. 
 
 "Dear Sir: I have your letter of the 5th instant, but my official duties have been .so pressing that I have been 
 compelled to neglect my private correspondence. I had also determined to write no letters for publication 
 bearing upon the contest in the approaching canvass. But, as you desire some information for your own sat- 
 isfaction in regard to the charges brought against me fioin the South, on the slave question, I have concluded 
 to state briefly my position. 
 
 |S4." While I was in Congress, there was much agitation on the right of petition. My votes will doubtless be 
 found recorded uniformly in favor of it. The rule upon which I acted was, that every citizen presenting a 
 respectful petition to the body that by the constitution had the power to grant or refuse the prayer of it, was 
 entitled to be heard ; and therefore the petition ought to be received and considered. If right and reasonable, 
 the prayer of it should be granted ; but if wrong or unreasonable, it should be denied. I think all my votes, 
 whether on the reception of petitions or the consideration of resolutions, will be found consistent with this rule. 
 £Our italics.] 
 
 " I have none of my congressional documents here, they being at my former residence in Buffalo, nor have 
 I access to any papers or memoranda to refresh my recollection ; but [ think at some time while in Congress 
 1 look occasion to state, in substance, my views on the subject of slavery in the States. Whether the re- 
 marks were reported or not, I am unable to say ; but the substance was, that I regarded slavery as an evil, 
 &jut one with which the national government had nothing to do— that by the constitution of the United States, 
 
i6 
 
 the whole jiower over that question was vested in the several States where the institution was tolerated. If 
 they regarded it as a blessing, they had a constitutional right to enjoy it ; and if they regarded it as an evil, 
 they had the power, and knew best how to apply the remedy. I did not conceive tliat Coiigies-s had anv 
 power over it, or was in anyway responsihie /'or its continuance in the several States wheie it existed, l 
 have entertained no other sentiments on this subject since I examined it snffiejently to form an opinion ; and 
 I doubt not that all my acts, public and private, will be found in accordance with this view. 
 " I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, 
 
 « MILLASD FILLMORE. 
 "Hon. John Gayle." 
 
 In this response (here are some errors of fact, or of mem'^ry, and an entire fiiilure to deny 
 the power nf Congress over the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia and the Terri- 
 tories. This consiituted the very gist of objection to the Erie letter. The Gayle letier denies 
 the power of Congress over slavery "in the States where it existed;" nothing more. But 
 upon a review of this letter, of his votes, and subsequent conduct whilst a member of Con- 
 gress, we are compelled to assert that Mr. Fil'more stands recorded and proven, by contempo- 
 raneous testimony, to have been one of the fathers and founders of that abolition agitation 
 which he now so much condemns. The following votes will show th it Mr. Fillmore was 
 mistaken when he said, in 1848, "the rule upon which I acted was, that every citizen 
 presenting a respectful petition to the body that by the constitution had the power to giant or 
 refuse the prayer of it, was entitled to be heard." " i think," he adds, "all my votes, whether 
 upon the reception of petitions or the consideration ofresoluli/.ns, [our italics], will be found 
 consistent with this rule." 
 
 He votes to receive and refer abolition petitions : 
 
 "December 12, 1837, Mr. Adams presented a petition praying the abolition of the slave 
 trade in the District of Columbia, and moved that it and others be referred to the committee 
 on the District of Columbia, with instructions to consider arid report thereon. Mr. Wise 
 moved to lay that motion on the table — yeas and pays ordered on that question — yeos 1.35, 
 nays 70. Adams, Fillmore, Slade, Giddings, & Co. in the negative." — Cong. Globe, vol. 6, 
 ]). 19. 
 
 "Mr. Adams then presented a petition for the abolition of slavery in the Territories of the 
 United States, and moved its reference to the Committee on Territories. Mr. Wu^e moved to 
 lay the motion on the table — yeas and nays ordered — yeas 127, nays 73 Adams, FiJmore, 
 Giddings, Slade & Co. in the negative." — Cong. Globe, vol. (j, p. 20. 
 
 In this case the right of petition is confounded with the proposition to report for legislative 
 consideration. It is impossible to assert with what motive Mr. Fillmore advocated the recep- 
 tion ; but 
 
 His vote against receiving the Jlther ton resolutions is more explicit upon that point : 
 
 On the 11th December, 1838, (Cong. Globe, vol. 7, p. 93,) Mr. Atherton asked leave to sub- 
 mit the following resolutions : 
 
 "Resolved, That tlii.s government is a government of limited powers, and that by the constitution of the 
 United States Congress has no jurisdiction whatever over the institution of slavery in the several States of the 
 confederacy. 
 
 " Resolved, That petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and the Territories of the 
 United States, and against the removal of slaves from one State to another, are a part of a plan of operations 
 set on foot to effect the institution of slavery in the several States, and thus indirectly to destroy that institu- 
 tion within theirliniits. 
 
 " Resolved, That Coniress has no right to do that indirectly, which it cannot do directly ; and that the agi- 
 tation of the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia or the Territories as a means, and with the view of 
 disturbing or overthrowing that institution in the several States, is against the true spirit and meaning of the 
 constitution, an infringement of the right of the States affected, and a breach of the public faith upon which 
 they entered into the confederacy. 
 
 " Resolved, That the constitution rests on the broad principle of equality among the members of this confed- 
 eracy, and that Congress, in the exercise of its acknowledged powers, has no right to discruninate between the 
 institutions of one portion of the States and another, with a view of abolishuig the one and promoting the 
 other. 
 
 " Resolved, there/ore. That all attempts on the part of Congress to abolish slaveryin the District of Columbia 
 or the Territories, or to pioliibit the removal of slaves from State to State, or to discriminate between the insti- 
 tutions of one portion ofthe confederacy and another with the views aforesaid, are in violation of the constitution, 
 destructive of the fundamental principle on which the union of these States rests, and beyond the jurisdiction 
 of Congress; and that every petition, memorial, resolution, proposition, or paper, touching or relating in any 
 way or to any extent whatever to slavery as aforesaid, or the abolition tliereof, shall, on the presentation 
 thereof, without any further action thereon, be laid upon tlie table without being debated, printed, or referred." 
 
 Mr. Atherton moved a suspension of the rules — yeas and nays ordered — yeas 137, nays 66. 
 Adams, Fillmore, & Co., in the negative. 
 
 This vote, against the " leave to submit," is inconsistent with tlie principle avowed in the 
 Gayle letter ; for even if he had determined to vote against the resolution upon its merits, he 
 was bound to have voted for the reception, because every citizen " presenting a petition [or 
 resolution] to the body that by the constitution had the power to grant or refuse the prayer of 
 it, U'as entitled to be heard. " 
 
 But there is another evidence of inaccurate recollection, combined with an endorsement of 
 the most dangerous and abominable doctrines, presented by — 
 
 His votes upon the case of the Creole slave mutiny and murder : 
 
 This case was presented to Congress March 21, 1842. — See Cong. Globe, vol. 11, p. 342. 
 
 ' The brig Creole, bound from Richmond, Va., to New Orleans, was freighted, among other things, with a 
 
17 
 
 . where theiiegroes were taken care of and set free by tlie authorities of the island. This case was the subject 
 of Congressional action in bn,h houses of Congress, and of negotiation with Great Britain. The most intense 
 Seehiig was manifested all over the Union, and particularly in the South. micuse 
 
 "^"^."^^^.^..^^".If "*^^ °{ '''^ excitement, the notorious abolitionist, J. R. Giddings, offered a set of reso- 
 
 We annex them, omitting tlie first three: 
 
 « Resolved, That slavery being an abridgment of t"ne nahiral rights of man, can exist oniy by force of positive 
 iniinR-ipnl law, and is necessarily confined to the territorial jurisdiction of the power creating it. 
 
 "5. That when a ship betonging to the citizens of any State of this Qnion leaves the waters and territory of 
 such State and enters upon the high seas, the persons (slaves) on board cease to he subject to the laws of such 
 bt.ate ai!d thenceforth are governed in their relations to each other by, and are amenable to, the laws of the 
 United btates. 
 
 "6. That when the brig Creole, on her late passage to New Orleans, left the territorial jurisdiction of Vir- 
 ginia, the slave laws of that Slate ceased to have jurisdiction over the persons (slaves) on board said bri" and 
 such^ persons became amcnahle only to the laws of the United States. °' 
 
 *'7. Thatthe persons (slaves) on board said brig, in resuming their natural rights of personal liberty, vio- 
 lated no law of the United States, incurred no legal penalty, and are justly liable to no punishment. 
 
 " 8. That all attempts to regain possession of, or to re-enslave said persons, are unauthorized by the consti- 
 Ttition and laws of the United States, and are incompatible with our national honor. 
 
 "9. That all attempts to exert our national influence in favor of the coastwise slave-trade, or to place this 
 nation in the attitude of maintaining a commerce in human beings, are subversive of the rights and injurious 
 to the (eelings and the interests of 'he free States, are unauthorized by the constitution, and prejudicial to our 
 national character." 
 
 A mnrion was made that the resolutions do lie on the table — yeas 52, nays 125— Mr. Fill- 
 more & Co. votino; ih the negative. This could not be considered a test vote ; many members 
 who were Opposed to the resolutions voted against the motion, in order to kill them by a direct 
 vote. Mr. Fillmore's views, however, will appear by what followed. 
 
 Mr. .Tohn Minor Botts, on the &a.me day, offered the following preamble and resolution : 
 
 " Whereas the Hon. Jo>hua R. Giddings has this day presented to this House a series of resolutions touch- 
 ing the most important interests connected with a large portion of the Union, now a subject of negotiation be- 
 tween the United States and Great Britain, of the most delicate nature, the result of which may eventually 
 involve those nations in war; and whereas it is the duty of ev.;ry good citizen to dicountenance all efforts to 
 create excitement, dissatisfaction, and division among the people of the United Slates at such a time, under 
 such circumstances; and whereas niuiiny and murder are therein justified and approved, in terms shocking 
 to all sense of law, order, and humanity; therefore, 
 
 "Resolved, That this House holds the conduct of the said member as altogether unwarranted and unwar- 
 rantable, aucS deserving the severe condemnation of tlie people of this country^ and of this body in particular." 
 
 On these resolutions a motion was made to suspend the rules — yeas 128, nays 68. Fillmore 
 voted my, with Adams, Giddings, and Slade. Two-thirds not voting in the affirmative, the 
 rules were not suspended. 
 
 The call for resolutions still resting with the State of Ohio, Mr. Weller offered Mr. Botts's 
 resolutions as his own. In the discussion which then took place, Mr. Fillmore appeared as the 
 special apologist and defender of his confrere, Giddings, who seems to have been as closely 
 allied to him in feelings as we have shown him to have been in votes. 
 
 Mr. Adams then moved to lay the whole subject on the table — yeas 70, nays 125 — Adams, 
 Fillmore, & Co. in the affirmative. The direct vote was then taken on the resolution censuring 
 Giddings — yeas 125, n^iys 69 — Fillrnore and Co. in the negative. The vote was next taken 
 on the preamble — yeas 119, nays 66 — Fillmore &Co. again in the negative. — Cong. Globe, vol. 
 U, pp. 3i5-'46. 
 
 On the 13th December, Mr. Wise asked leave to submit the following resolutions, as propo- 
 sitions containing his sentiments, and what he believed to be the real sentiments of the whole 
 South : 
 
 " 1. Resolved, That Congress has no power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, or in the Terri- 
 tories of the U-nited Slates ; whetheT such power in the said District be exercised ' as a means or with the view 
 of disturbing and overthrowing slavery in the States ' or not. 
 
 "2. Resolved, That Coirgrcss has no power to abolish the slave- trade or prohibit the removal of slaves be- 
 f.veen the States and the District of Columbia or Territories of the United States. 
 
 "3. Resolved, That Congress cannot receive or consider petitions for the exercise of any power whatever 
 over the subject of slavery which Congress does not possess. 
 
 " 4. Resolved, That the laws of Congress aJone govern in prescribing and regulating the mode and manner in 
 which fugitive slaves shall be apprehended, and their rights to freedom held in the non-slaveholding States, 
 District of Columbia, and Territories ; and the niftde and manner in vv'hich they shall be restored or delivered 
 to their owners in the slave States. 
 
 '■ 5. Resolved, That Congress has no power to impose upon any State the abolition of slavery in its limits, 
 as a condition of admission into this Union. 
 
 "6. Resolved, That the citizens of the slaveholding States of this Union have the constitutional right volun- 
 tarily to take their siaTcs to or through a non-slaveholding State, and to sojourn or remain temporarily with 
 such slaves in the same, and the slaves are not thereby ipso facto emancipated; and the general government 
 is constitutionally bound to protect the rights of slaveholding States; and the laws of non-slaveholding States 
 in conflict with the laws of Congress providing such protection are null and void." 
 
 Several members said, " Object to them." 
 
 Mr. Rives did so ; and Mr. Wise moved a suspension of the rules calling for the yeas and 
 2 
 
18 
 
 nays ; which being ordered, were — yeas 118, nays 96 — Fillmore in the negative. — See Cong. 
 Globe, p. 33 ; House Jour., p. 74. 
 
 So the motion to suspend was decided in the negative. 
 
 On the 13th December, 1838, Mr. Slade asked leave to submit the following resolutions : 
 
 "Whereas there exists, and is carried on between the ports in the District of Columbia and other ports of 
 the United States, and under the sanction of the laws thereof, a trade in human beings, whereby thousands of 
 them are annually sold and transported from said District to distant parts of the country, in vessels beloneing 
 to citizens of the United t?laies ; and, whereas such trade involves an outrageous violation of human rights, 
 is a disgrace to the country by whose laws it is sanctioned, and calls for the immediate interpretation of legis- 
 lative authority for its suppression ; therefore, to the end that all obstacles to the consideration of this subject 
 may be removed, and a remedy for the evil speedily provided, 
 
 " Resolved, That so much oi^the fifth of the resolutions on the subject of slavery, passed by this House on 
 the 11th and 12th of the present month, as relates to the ' removal of slaves from State to State,' and prohibits 
 the action of the House on ' every petition, memojial, resolution, proposition, or paper touching' the same, 
 be, and hereby is, rescinced." 
 
 Objection being made, Mr. S. moved a suspension of the rules, and demanded the yeas and 
 nays ; which being ordered, were — yeas 55, nays 157 — Mr. Fillmore voting in the affirmative. 
 
 So the House refused to suspend the rules. — See Cong. Globe, p. 99 ; House Jour., p 75. 
 
 On the Slst December, 1839, 1st session 96th Congress, Mr. Coles moved a suspension of 
 the rules, for the purpose of offering the following resolution : 
 
 '^Resolved, That every petition, memorial, resolution, proposition, or paper, touching or relating in any 
 way, or to any extent whatever, to the abolition of slavery in the States of this Union, or either of tliem, or in 
 the District of Columbia, or in the Territories of the United States, or either of them, or the removal of slavea 
 from one State to another, shall, on the presentation thereof, without any further action thereon, be laid upon 
 the table without being debated, printed, or referred." 
 
 Upon which the yeas and nays were called, and were — yeas 87, nays 84 — Mr. Fillmore in 
 the negative. — See Cong. Globe, p. 93 ; House Jour., p. 153. 
 
 On the 13th January, 1840, Mr. Lincoln, of Massachusetts, presented petitions praying for 
 the abolition of slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and in the Territories 
 of the United States. 
 
 Mr. Cave Johnson moved to lay the question of reception on'ihe table; which was decided 
 in the affirmative — yeas 131, rays 88 — Mr. Fillmore voting in the negative. — See Cong. Globe, 
 p. 119 ; House Jour., p. 204. 
 
 To show the excitement prevailing upon the discussion of these questions, a certain Mr. 
 Peck (an abolitionist) thus taunted those northern men who voted for sectional harmony, when 
 the vote was about being taken on laying Mr. Cole's resolution on the table : " Now come up, 
 you southern slaves, and show yourselves " 
 
 On all occasions, upon this subject, we find Mr. Fillmore voting with Mr. Peck. 
 
 On the 28th, the famous 21st rule was adopted, as follows : 
 
 "That no petition, memorial, resolution, or other paper praying the abolition of slavery in the District of 
 Columbia, or any State or Territory, or the slave-trade between the States or Territories of the United States 
 in which it now exists, shall be received by this House, or entertained in any way whatever." 
 
 The question was taken on its adoption, and decided in the affirmative — yeas 114, nays 108 — 
 Fillmore in the negative. — See Cong. Globe, p. 151 ; House Jour., p. 241. 
 
 HE VOTES TO RECEIVE ABOLITION PETITIONS. 
 
 On the 30th of December, 1830, a resolution was offered by Mr. Wise, declaring that all 
 petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, in the Territories, or of the 
 slave trade between the States, should be objected to without debate. 
 
 Mr. Wise said, if he thought there would be any objection to the passage of the resolution, 
 he would call for the yeas and nays. 
 
 Mr. Fillmore rose and said, he objected. 
 
 The vote on motion to suspend the rules stood — ^yeas 109, nays 77. Adams, Fillmore 
 &.Co. in the negative. — Cong. Globe, vol. 8, p. 897. 
 
 On the 23d of December, 1840, Mr. James, of Pennsylvania, asked leave to present a 
 petition from an anti-slavery society of his State. He also moved a suspension of the rules 
 to enable him to present it. Mr. Johnson moved to lay the motion to suspend on the table 
 — yeas 99, nays 53. Adams, Giddings, Fillmore &. Co. voting in the negative. — Cong. 
 Globe, vol. 9, p. 51. 
 
 On the same day Mr. Rice submitted a series of resolutions, denying the right of Congress 
 to interfere with slavery in the District of Columbia, in the Territories, or^with the slave 
 trade between the States, and resolving not to consider any petition, &,c., for that purpose ; 
 motion to suspend the vote stood — yeas 106, nays 82. Adams, Fillmore & Co. in the 
 negative. 
 
 On the 14th, Mr. Thompson, of South Carolina, moved a suspension of the rules to 
 enable him to ofler the following resolution : 
 
 Hesolved, That upon the presentation of any memorial or petition praying for the abolition of slavery or the 
 slave trade in any District, Territory, or State of the Union, and upon the presentation of any resolution or 
 paper, shall be considered as objected to, and the qu^iion of Us reception shall be laid upon the table, without 
 deJbate or further action thereon. 
 
The question was taken on the motion to suspend the rules, and decided in the negative • 
 yeas 123, nays 77 ; there not being two-thirds voting in the affirmative. Fillmore in the 
 negative.— (See Congressional Globe, page 12] ; House Journal, page 206.) 
 
 March 30, 1840, Mr. Marvin, of New York presented a petition to rescind the rule 
 rejeetmg abolition petitions. Motion to lay it on the table— yeas 84, nays 49. Fillmore 
 Adams & Co. in the negative. — Cong. Globe, vol. 8, p. 295. ' 
 
 There is yet a further evidence that Mr. Fillmore's impartiality consisted rather in his 
 recollections than in his votes. 
 
 On December, 9, 1840, Mr. Adams offered the following resolution : 
 
 Resolved, That the standing rule of this House, No. 21, adopted on the 28th of January last, be, and the same 
 13 hereby rescinded. ^ i i 
 
 Mr. Jenifer, of Maryland, moved to lay the resolution on the table. 
 
 After some conversation on the subject, the yeas and nays on the motion to lay on the table 
 were then ordered, and being taken, resulted as follows : yeas 82, nays 58. Amongst the 
 nays are— Adams, Fillmore, Slade, Peck, and 54 others. 
 
 So the resolution was laid on the table. (See Cong. Globe, page 12; House Journal, page 8.) 
 
 On the 2Ist January, 1841, Mr. Adams presented and moved the reference of a petition, 
 asking the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the Territories ; also, that 
 no neio Territory tolerating slavery may be admitted into the Union. 
 
 Mr. Conner moved to lay that portion of the petition which came under the standintr rule 
 on the table. ° 
 
 Mr. Adams asked how that was to be done, for the petition must then necessarily be cut in 
 two. 
 
 Mr. Warren, of Georgia, observed that, if the petitioners thought proper to attach objec- 
 tionable matter, not receivable by the House, to their petition, they ought not to complain 
 if the whole was rejected. He therefore moved the rejection of the whole. 
 
 That portion of the petition coming under the rule having been laid on the table sub silentio, 
 
 Mr. Black, of Georgia, moved to reconsider the vote, for the purpose, in case it should be 
 reconsidered, of moving the rejection of the wiiole, as he contended that no part of it ouo'ht 
 to have been received. " 
 
 On that motion Mr. Adams demanded the yeas and nays, which were ordered, and decided 
 by yeas and nays as follows : yeas 103, nays 51. Fillmore in the negative. (See Congres- 
 simial Globe, page 116 ; House Journal, page 21)2.) 
 
 So the vote was reconsidered. After some further conversation, the hour having expired, 
 the House proceeded to the orders of the day. 
 
 Oil the 7th January, 1842, 2d session 27th Congress, Mr. Giddings, of Ohio, presented a 
 memorial from certain legal voters of Lenox, in the county of Ashtabula, and State of Ohio, 
 praying Congress to repeal the laws regulating or sanctioning the holding or transportation of 
 persons as slaves in vessels of the United States sailing coastwise from one State to another ; 
 and to pass laws protecting the rights of all persons claimed or held as slaves who may be 
 constitutionally entitled to their freedom by going to sea, with the consent of their masters, 
 beyond the jurisdiction of the State in which they are legally held to be slaves. 
 
 Mr. W. Cost Johnson objected to tlie reception of the petition, as prohibited by a rule of 
 the House in relation to petitions for the abolition of slavery. 
 
 Mr. Wise supported the objection, strenuously insisting that the memorial amounted to a 
 prayer for the abolition of slavery on board any American vessel, whether public or private, 
 in which a slave was carried three leagues out to sea — a new shape of the abolition question, 
 and one that went beyond anything heretofore attempted. He held that the deck of an 
 American ship was a portion of the Territory of the United States, let her be in what part of 
 the world she might. 
 
 Mr. Campbell, of South Carolina, moved to lay the question of reception, raised by Mr. 
 Johnson, on the table, which also carries tiie petition with it. 
 
 On this motion the yeas and nays were taken, and resulted as follows : yeas 104, nays 86. 
 Fillmore in the negative. (See Congressional Globe, page 105; House Journal, 134.) 
 
 And upon the same day a petition to repeal the rale excluding abolition petitions was 
 offered. Upon a motion to lay it upon the table, the vote stood — yeas 99, nays 89. Messrs. 
 Adams, Giddivgs, Fillmore &. Co., voting in the negative. {Congressional Globe, vol. 11, 
 page 105.) 
 
 January 18, 1842, Mr. Henry offered a petition to repeal the rule excluding abolition peti- 
 tions. Mr. Campbell moved to lay the petition on the table — yeas 93, nays 75. Messrs. 
 Adams, Giddings, Fillmore & Co., voting in the negative. {Congressional Globe, vol. 11, 
 page 143.) 
 
 On the 14th of June, 1841, the vote was taken upon the motion to reconsider the vote, 
 striking the rule excluding abolition petitions from the rules of the House — ^yeas 106, nays 104. 
 Messrs. Adams, Giddings, Fillmore & Co., voting in the negative. {Congressional Globe, 
 vol. 10, page 51.) 
 
 On the 5th June, 1841, the main question was put upon Mr. Adams' resolution, to repeal 
 the rule excluding abolition petitions — yeas 106, nays 110. Messrs. Adams, Giddings, Fill- 
 more & Co., voting in the affirmative. {Congressional Globe, vol. 10, page 56. 
 
 January 4t 1842, a motion wa,s made to lay Mr. Adams' abolition petition on the table — 
 
20 
 
 \ 
 
 yeas 115, nays 84. Messrs. Adams, Giddings, Fillmore & Co , voting no. The speaker 
 then announced that there were many other similar petitions not disposed of. Mr. Gamble 
 jsoved that they all lie on the table — yeas 103, nays 87. Messrs. Adams, Giddings, Fill- 
 more & Co., voting in the negative. {Coi}gressional Globe, vol. 11, pages 90, 91.) 
 
 On the 21st January, Mr Adams presented a petition from a number of citizens of Massa- 
 chusetts, stiting that by law no foreigner of color can now become a citizen of the United 
 States, and hold real estate therein ; and praying that the naturalization law.s may be so 
 amended as to permit free colored foreigners to become citizens of the United States, and to 
 hold real estate 
 
 Mr. Wise raised the question of reception on the above petition, and moved to lay that 
 question on the tible. 
 
 Mr. Calhoun, of Massachusetts, asked the yeas and nays, which were ordered, and being 
 taken, resulted as follows; yeas 115, nays 68. Fillmore in the negative. (See Congres- 
 sional Globe, page 158; House Journal, 251).) 
 
 On the ]2Ui December, 1842, 2d session 27th Congress, Mr. Adams called up his resolu- 
 tion, rescinding the 21st rule. 
 
 Mr. Wm. Cost Jolmson saiid, if the resolution of the gentleman from Massachusetts was 
 thus to obstruct the public business, he would move that it be laid upon the table. 
 
 The yeas and nays being ordered, resulted as follows: yeas 106, nays 102. Fillmore in 
 the negative. (See Congressional Globe, page 42; House Journal, page 38.) 
 
 He votes to receive the resolutions of Mr. Slado, pronouncing the sale of slaves in the 
 District of Columbia piracy. On the 3d day of January, 1843, Mr. Slade moved the fol- 
 lowing preamble and resolutions : 
 
 '•Whereas, by a law of the United States, framed on the 15th May. 1S27, the foreign slave trade is declared to 
 be piracy, and is made punishable by death ; and whereas there is, and has long been, carried on in the District 
 of Columbia, within sight of tht) halls of the two houses of Congress, and the residence of the Chief Executive 
 Magistrate of the nation, a trade in men, involving all the principles of outrage on human rights which charac- 
 terize the foreign slave trade, and which have drawn upon it the raalsdictions of the civilized world, and stig- 
 matized those engaged in it as the enemies of the race ; and whereas the trade thus existing in this District is 
 aggravated in enormity by reason of its being carried on in the heart of a nation whose institutions are based 
 upon the principle that all men are created equal, and whose laws have in effect proclaimed its great and 
 superlative iniquity ; aggravated, moreover, by its outrage on the sensibilities of a Christian community, by 
 sundering the ties of Christian brotherhood, and by the anguish of its remorseless violation of all the domestic 
 relations, rendered the more deep and enduring by the hallowing influence of the Cln-istian religion upon those 
 relations and by the increase of strength which it gives to the domestic affections ; and wliereas this trade in 
 human beings is carried on under the authority of laws enacted by the Congress of the United States, thereby 
 involving the people of all the States in its guilt and disgrace— a guilt and disgrace enhanced by the considera- 
 tion that those laws are a virtual usurpation of power, the Constitution of the United States having conferred 
 upon Congress no right to establish the relation of slavery, or to sanction and protect tub slave trade, m 
 ANT portion of THIS CONFEDERACY : therefore, resolved," &c., &c. 
 
 On motion to suspend the rules so as to receive the preamble and resolution, the vote stood 
 yeas 73, nays 109 ; Messrs. Adains, Fillmore, Giddings, Slade, &c , votino; in the affirma- 
 tive. — Congressional Globe, vol. 12, p. 106. 
 
 Ho votes to receive a resolution repealino- the territorial law of Florida prohibitino- the im- 
 migration of free negroes into that Territory. 
 
 Again : on the 3d January, 1843, IV! r. Morgan presented a resolution instructing the Com- 
 mittee on Territories to inquire into the expediency of repealing an act passed by the terri- 
 torial legislature of Florida, entitled " An act to prevent the future migration or emioration 
 of free negroes and mulattoes into said Territory," or to so much thereof as imposed a capi- 
 tation tax on such of them as may enter said Territory, and authorizes their sale for ninety 
 years for the non-payment of said ta.x. 
 
 Black moved to lay the resolution on the table — yeas 113, noes 80. Fillmore voted in the 
 negative. 
 
 On the 22d of February, Briggs, of Massachusetts, asked leave to submit the following 
 resolution : 
 
 Whereas, all laws passed by the governor and legislative council of Florida are in full force until disapproved 
 of by Congress, therefore — 
 Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instructed forthwith to report the followin" bill : 
 
 this ' 
 force. 
 
 Brigg.s asked a suspension of the rules— yeas 66, nays 105. Fillmore yea, in favor of Briggs— Cb??^. Globe vol. 
 12, p. 837. " ' 
 
 On the 3d January, 1843, Mr. Morgan presented a resolution instructing the Committee 
 on the Territories to inquire into the expediency of repealing an act passed by the territorial 
 legislature of Florida entitled " An act to prevent the future migration or emin-ration of free 
 negroes and mulattoes into said Territory," or so much thereof as imposes a capitation tax on 
 such of them as may enter said Tefritory, and authorizes their sale for ninety-nine years for 
 non-payment of said tax. 
 
 Mr. Black moved to lay the resolution on the table. 
 
 Mr. James called for the yeas and nays, which were ordered, and being taken, resulted in 
 yeas 113, nays 80. Fillmore in the negative. (See Congressional Globe, p. 107; House 
 Journal, p. 131. 
 
21 
 
 m^ltlulif ^''™"^' '^'- ^''''''' °' Massachusetts, asked leave to sub.it the follow- 
 
 by'^X'"ss?thir:fr-l"' '' *' ^°^^--°°"- ^"'^ •^^"'^^'•^''- ---' °f F>°"aa are in full force until disapproved 
 Jlesoli'cd, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instrnrtprl rnrti,^;*), ♦ . ., , 
 
 Be it enacted h„ the. Senate and House of Rep/e,entMZT.^f]C^^^ '^' following bill : 
 
 That an act passed by the governor and legislative council of the Terdtrov % pioTm'" '" ^""^'''''■^ a.sanhUd, 
 governor on the 5th of March, 1842, entitled " An act to prevent the fn.-l mi/ P'°'"J^' •''PP'-oved by the said 
 toes to this Territory, and for other purposes," be, and the slme is here^w h;?^ ^"°°,°^ ^'"^ "^^''''^s ">' «""•»'- 
 of no force. ^ ' ' "^ ^'^'^^ '^ '^"^'^y, disapproved, and shaU henceforth be 
 
 Mr Merriwether of Georgia, objected to the reception of the resolution 
 Mr. Brings moved a suspension of the rules. 't-^oiiiuon. 
 
 Mr. Fillmore believed that the subject had been referrpd in tl,« P,.^„,-«t ., x , 
 
 ciary, and he wished to know whethei they had reported on it? ^'^'^^'"''^ ^^ tke Judi- 
 
 The Speaker said they had not This resolution was to direct them to report forthwith 
 The yeas and nays were ordered on the suspension of the rules ^ torthwitli. 
 
 <l^^^i:T^SJ^ZJ;^^ ;it°" °^ ^^- ""'^^^^ ^° -P-d the rules, and it was 
 Ho^r/A^'JS^IfgT' '''"""'' '''''' "^' '' ^""■■^- ^'^^ Congressional GMe.,. 337; 
 Mr^^Fillm'^rv'f T*'°" °^ *''" ^"'°"' ^°*"^ ^'•^'^'^ ^« have presented, it will be found that 
 or purpose was adverse to abolition: And tiiis was the Sa.e so far \s wp kil . "^^^^^^ 
 
 He voted for considering the resolutions of Mr. Giddings approving the conduct nf ih. 
 
 c larfno-'u e C?;:ri' T'"' '"'^^'i "''''''' ''" '"'^''^'"^^ °^ the^'resolufion of Mr."g.tts de- 
 clarmg the Creole slaves guilty of mutiny and murder, and Mr. Giddin<rs, their advocitP 
 
 t icIZ ''"^H ?T'r ^°"demnation of the people of the country and of Conc^ress in p2' 
 ticular. He voted for the consideration of a resolution to reoenl n Inw^^^i,?^ ^ 
 negroes from the Territory of Florida. He voted to consider an aStiLprtiiofoff^fedb: 
 Mr. Mann of New York but he voted against a resolution to suspend the rules to allow M? 
 Rice to introduce a resolution denying the power of Congress on the subTect o? sla°4rf^ 
 the District of Columbia, or in the Territories, or with the slave trade be vveen the Stiles 
 
 ^qsS;rj&e;;?sS^^^ 
 
 unexplained by him, and should be held as a just exposition of hi^ present opinfons upon the 
 questions involved in that correspondence. We may, however, refer our readerSto an ab e 
 
 timber JSs I Ts^n 'T"" °' ''''I ''''^''' "^"^^^ ^^P'^"^'' '" ^'^ Union newsjap r of Se^! 
 tember 1848. It is only necessary to do so to come to the same conclusion with the writer 
 of that article, that the reply of Mr. Fillmore " leaves all his past professions, hpa^^oes 
 
 R, f \I!-""f- r' °^ ''? ^'^^'^''^'^ ''"'''^'' P'^''^°''" altogether nnrecanted and unMed'' 
 
 Rut Mr. Fillmore voted in company with a batch of the most notorious abohtionists Lainst 
 all the resolutions offered by Mr. Atherton, and these votes show far more conelus vely Tan 
 any professions can do the true principles held by him on this important subject. ^ 
 
 The resolutions of Mr. Atherton, it will be remembered, were the counterpart of those in- 
 troduced a few weeks later in the Senate by Mr. Calhoun, voted for by Mr.^BucHAKAN and 
 were deemed, at that day, a fair exposition and compromise of principle between the tuo sec- 
 tions upon the controverted powers of Congres.s. vvueu ulelwosec- 
 i^,J^•^^/'f "^^*'Tf''^°'''^T^'''''^ adopted almost unanimously, few claimed for Congress 
 the right to legislate upon slavery in the States. On the resolution (that the petitione.S for 
 the abolition of slavery m the District of Columbia and against the removal of slaves from 
 one slave State to another were intended to destroy the institution of slavery) the vote stood— 
 yeas 136, nays 65. Adams, Fillmore, Slade, GiDDmcs & Co., m the negative. 
 
 On the first branch of the 3d resolution (that Congress had no right to do that indirectlr 
 which It cannot do directly) the vote stood-yeas.173, nays 65. Adams, Fillmore, sIade^ 
 
 ^JlDDINGS k. Co., IN- THE NEGATIVE. 
 
 On the second branch (that the agitation of the question in the District of Columbia ag a 
 means of ovenhrowmg the institution of slavery in the several States is contrary to the spirit 
 ot the Constitution, an infringement of the riglits of the States, and a breach of the confed- 
 erate south) the vote stood-yeas 164, nays 40. Adams, Fillmore, Slade, Giddings & Co., 
 
 IN THE NEGATIVE. ' 
 
 On the first branch of the 4th resolution (that the Constitution rests upon the broad prin- 
 ciple ot equality among the members of the confederacy) the vote stood— yeas 180, nays 26 
 
 riLLMORE AND GiDDlNGS IN THE AFFIRMATIVE. 
 
 On the second branch of the 4th resolution, to wit : " That Congress, iu the exercise 
 
22f 
 
 OP ITS ACKNOWLEDGED POWER, HAS NO RIGHT TO DISCRUHNATE BETWEEN THE INSTITUTIONS 
 OF ONE PORTION OF THE StATES AND ANOTHER WITH A VIEW OF ABOLISHING THE ONE AND 
 
 PROMOTING THE OTHER," the vote stood — yeas 174, nays 24. Adams, Fillmore, GiddingS, 
 Slade, Truman Smith & Co., voting in the negative. 
 
 On the first branch of tlic 5th resolution the vote stood — yeas 146, nays 52. Adams, Fill- 
 
 HORE, GiDDINGS, SlADE & Co., IN THE NEGATIVE. 
 
 On the second branch of the 5tli resolution (tabling abolition petitions and resolutions 
 without other notice) the vote stood — yeas 126, nays 28. Adams, Fillmore, Slade, Gid- 
 dings & Co., IN THE NEGATIVE. — See Cong. Globe, vol. 7, pp. 27, 28. 
 
 But, upon a question of so much importance, it is our duty, at the expense of time and 
 patience, to demonstrate completely the charge that Mr. Fillmore icas one of the first and 
 most formidable aitlliors nf the slavery agitation ! 
 
 The session of l&36-'7 seems to have been the commencement of an effort, on the part of 
 the abolitionists, to connect their nefarious schemes with the political operations of the coun- 
 try. A powerful endeavor was made by Adams, Giddings, Slade, and others, to create an 
 excitement against the southern States, by charging them with a violation of the right of 
 petition. The struggle was fierce and exciting, but it was decisive against the agitators. 
 Congress determined to exclude all reference to a question so dangerous and exciting in its 
 character. But the fire then kindled has never gone out, it has burned more or less fiercely 
 as any casual collision between the sectional interests has furnished fuel. 
 
 We shall therefore recur to the events of the 26th December, 1837, a day which Mr. Wise 
 has called "the darkest in a congressional service of eleven years." Our narrative will be 
 compiled from the pages of that observant and caustic historian, Thomas H. Benton, who 
 will not let the dust of oblivion cover the sins of contemporaneous inconsistency. Our ob- 
 ject in recalling this important historical era is to show that Mr. Fillmore was responsible 
 for his share of the original mischief wrought by the agitators to whom we have adverted. 
 
 A DARK DAY FOR THE SOUTH. SOUTHERN MEMBERS RETIRE FROM 
 THE HALL. MR. FILLMORE VOTES THROUGHOUT WITH THE ABOLI- 
 TIONISTS!! 
 
 The immediate occasion of this contest was the pertinacious effort of Mr. Slade, of Ver- 
 mont, to make the presentation of abolition petitions the ground of agitation and action 
 against the institution of slavery in the southern States. Mr. Slade had moved to refer the 
 resolutions presented by him to a select committee, with instructions to report upon them. 
 Upon making this motion, he commenced a violent assault upon the institution of slavery. 
 Mr. Rhett, of South Carolina, interposed, to warn him of the consequences of such an in- 
 flammatory harangue. Mr. Slade refused to desist, and was interrupted by a motion, made 
 by Mr. Dawson, of Georgia, for an adjournment. The Speaker [an upright and impartial 
 southern man] ruled this motion out of order. 
 
 Mr. Slade was proceeding to discuss the question, " What was slavery.'" Mr. Dawson 
 again asked him to give way for an adjournment, which was refused. "A visible commotion 
 began to pervade the house — members rising, clustering together, and talking with anima- 
 tion." Mr. Slade continued, and was about reading a judicial opinion of one of the southern 
 States, defining a slave to be a chattel, when Mr. Wise called him to order for irrelevancy. 
 "The question being upon the abolition of slavery in the District, and the argument upon 
 the legality of slave title in a State." The speaker decided that it was not in order to discuss 
 the subject of slavery in the States. Mr. Slade contended that he reai the decisionas he 
 might have done that of an English court. Mr. Robinson, of Virginia, moved an adjourn- 
 ment. The speaker decided the motion out of order, and Mr. Slade refused to yield the 
 floor, and continued his speech. Mr. Slade proceeded at great length, when Mr. Petrikin, 
 of Pennsylvania, called him to order. The chair did not sustain the call. Mr. Slade went 
 on quoting from the Declaration of Independence and the constitutions of the several States, 
 and had got to that of Virginia, when Mr. Wise called him to order for reading papers 
 without the leave of the house. The speaker then said that no paper objected to could be 
 read without the leave of the house. 
 
 "Mr. Wise then saM that the gentleman had wantonly discussed the abstract question of slavery, going back 
 to the very first day of its creation, instead of slavery as it now existed in the District, and the powers and 
 duties of Congi-ess in relation to it. He was now reading the State constitutions to show that as it existed in 
 the States it was against them, and against the laws of God and man. This was out of order." 
 
 Mr. Slade explained, and argued in vindication of his course; he was about to read a me- 
 morial of Dr. Franklin and an opinion of Mr. Madison upon the question of slavery, when 
 Mr. Griffin, of South Carolina, objected to the reading. Mr. Slade, without asking the per- 
 mission of the House, which he knew would not be granted, proposed that the clerk should 
 read the document. To this the Speaker objected, that it was equally out of order for the 
 clerk to read. Mr. Griffin withdrew the objection, and Mr. Slade proceeded to read the 
 papers and comment upon them. He was about to return to the state of opinion in Virginia 
 upon the subject of slavery before Dr. Franklin's memorial. Mr. Rhett inquired, "What 
 the opinions of Virginia fifty years since had to do with the case ?" The Speaker was about 
 to reply, when Mr. Wise rose, and, with much warmth, said : " He has discussed the whole 
 
23 
 
 abstract subject of slavery— of slavery in Virginia— of slavery in my own district, and I now 
 ask all of my colleagues to retire with me from this hall." Mr. Slade reminded the Speaker 
 that he had not yielded the floor, but his progress was interrupted by the condition of the 
 House, and the exclamations of members. Amongst them Mr. Halsey, of Georo-ia, was 
 heard calling on the delegates from that State to withdraw with him ; whilst Mr. Rhet't was 
 heard proclaiming that the members from South Carolina had already consulted together 
 and appointed a meeting at three o'clock, in the committee room of the District of Colum- 
 bia. Here the Speaker succeeded in getting the floor, and stating the question to be on 
 granting leave to the member from Vermont to read certain papers, the reading of which had 
 been objected to. Many members rose, all addressing the chair at the same time, and the 
 general scene of noise and confusion continued. 
 
 "Mr. Rhett succeeded in raising his voice above the roar of the tempest which waged In the House, and In" 
 vited the entire delegation from all the slave States to retire from the hall forthwith, and meet in the committee 
 room of the District of Columbia." 
 
 The Speaker rose to a personal explanation, and succeeded in recapitulating his decisions 
 and vindicated their correctness. "Had it been in his power," he said, " to restrain the 
 discussion, he should have done so. But it was not." 
 
 Mr. Slade continuing, said the paper he was about to read was one of the Continental Con- 
 gress of 1774. The Speaker was about to put the question of leave, when Mr. Cost Johnson 
 inquired if it "would be in order to force the member from Vermont to stop?" The im- 
 partial chair said, in despair, that it could not be done. The indomitable Slade proceeded in 
 triumph. " Then Mr. McKay, of North Carolina, a clear, cool-headed, sagacious man, in- 
 terposed the objection that headed Mr. Slade." The rule of the House required that when 
 a member was called to order, he should take his seat ; and, if decided to be out of order, he 
 should not be allowed to speak again without the leav& of the House. Mr. McKay stated 
 the pomt of order, and said that he now objected to Mr. Slade 's proceeding. "Redoubled 
 noise and confusion ensued — a crowd of members rising and speaking at once, they at last 
 yielded to the noise of the Speaker's hammer, and his apparent desire to read something from 
 a book — recognized to be the Manual — which he held in his hand, he at last succeeded in re- 
 porting the rule referred to by Mr. McKay, and sustaining his motion. Mr. Slade en- 
 deavored to proceed. The Speaker directed him to take his seat until the question of leave 
 should be put. Then Mr. Slade — still keeping on his feet — asked leave to proceed in order. 
 On that question Mr. Allen, of Vermont, asked the ayes and nays Mr. Rencher, of North 
 Carohna, moved an adjournment. Mr. Adams and others demanded the ayes and noes upon 
 this motion. They were called, and resulted 106 ayes, 63 noes — some fifty or sixty members 
 having withdrawn. 
 
 "This opposition to adjournment," says the historian, '-was one of the worst features in this unhappy day's 
 work— tlie only effect of keeping the House together being to increase irritation, and multiply the chances of 
 an outbreak. From the beginning southern members had voted to adjourn, butvvere prevented from succeed- 
 ing by the tenacity with which Mr. Slade kept possession of the floor ; and now, at last, when it was time to 
 adjourn, any way — when the House was in a condition in which no good could be expected, and great harm 
 might be apprehended— there were sixty-tliree members willing to continue it in session. When the adjourn- 
 ment passed, Mr. Campbell stood up in a cliair, and, calling for the atteniion of members, invited all of the 
 southern delegations to attend the meeting then being held in the committee-room of the District of Columbia. 
 
 "Members from the slaveholding States liad repaired to the appointment, agitated by various passions. We 
 give a report of the propositions, presented from a letter written by Mr. Rhett: 
 
 " ' In a private and friendly letter to the editor of the Charleston Mercury, amongst other events accompa- 
 nying the memorable secession of the southern members from the hall of the House of Representatives, [stated 
 to him that I had prepared two resolutions, drawn as amendments to the motion of the member from Vermont, 
 whilst lie was discussing the institution of slavery in the South 'declaring, that the constitution having failed 
 to protect the South in the peaceable possession and enjoyment of then- rights and peculiar institutions, it was 
 expedient that the Union should be dissolved ; and the otiier, appointing a committee of tvi'O members from 
 each State, to report upon the best means of peaceably dissolving it.' They were intended as amendments to 
 a motion, to refer with instructions to report a bill, abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia. I expected 
 them to share the fate which inevitably awaited the original motion so soon as the floor could have been ob- 
 tained, viz : to be laid upon the table. My design in presenting them was, to place before Congress and the 
 people what, in my opinion, was the true issue upon this great and vital question ; and to point out the course 
 of poHcy by which it should be met by the southern States.' 
 
 " But extreme counsels did not prevail. I'liere were members present who well considered that, although 
 the provocation was great and the number votmg for such a fire-brand motion was deplorably large, yet it was 
 but little more than the one-fourth of the House, and decidedly less than one-half of the members from the free 
 States : so that, even if left to the free-State vote alone, the motion would have been rejected. But the motion 
 itself, and the manner in which it was supported, was most reprehensible — necessarily leading to disorder in 
 the House, the destruction of its harmony and capacity for useful legislation, tending to a sectional segregation 
 of the members, the alienation of feeling between the North and the South, and alarm to all the slaveholding 
 States. The evil required a remedy, but not the remedy of breaking up the Union ; but one which might pre- 
 vent the like in future, while administering a rebuke upon the past. That remedy was found in adopting a 
 proposition to be offered to the House, which, if agreed to, would close, the door against any discussion upon 
 abolition petitions in future, and assimilate the proceedings of the House, in that particular, to those of the 
 Senate. This proposition was put into the hands of Mr. Patton, of Virginia, to be offered as an amendment to 
 \the rules at the opening of the House the next morning. It was in these words: 
 
 "' Resolved, That all petitions, memorials, and papers touching the abolition of slavery, or the buying, selling, 
 or transferring of slaves, in any State, District, or Territory of the United States, be laid on the table without 
 being debated, printed, read, or referred, and that no further action whatever shall be had thereon.' 
 
 " Accordingly, at the opening of the House Mr. Patton asked leave to submit the resolution— which was 
 read for information. Mr. Adams dbjected to the grant of leave. Mr. Patton then moved a suspension of the 
 rules, which motion required two-thirds to sustain it ; and, unless obtained, this salutary remedy for an alarm- 
 ing evil (which was already in force in the Senate) could not be offered. It was a test motion, and on which 
 
24 
 
 the opponents of abolition agitation in the House required alJ their strength or, unless two to one tiiey wers" 
 defeated. Happily tlie two to one were ready, and on taking the yeas and nays, demanded by an abohiion 
 member, (to licep liis friends to the traclt, and to hold the free-State anti abolitionists to their responsibility at 
 home,) the result stood 135 yeas to 60 nays — the full two-thirds, and flileen over. 
 
 "This was one of the most important votes ever delivered in ihe House. Upon its issue depended the quiet 
 of the House on one hand, or on the other the renewal and perpetuation of the scenes of tlie day helore — end- 
 ing in breaking up all dehberation and all national legislation. It was successful, and that critical step being 
 safely over, the passage of the resolution was secured — the free-State friendly vote being itself sufficient to 
 carry it; but, although the passage of the resolution was secured, yet resistance to it continued. Mr. Patton 
 rose to recommend his resolution as a peace oflering, and to prevent further ag;itation by demanding the pre- 
 vious question. 
 
 "Then followed a scene of disorder, which thus appears hi the Register of Debates : 
 
 "' Mr. Adams rose and said: Mr. Speaker, the gentleman precedes his resolution— [Loud cries of ' Order ! 
 order!' from all parts of the hall.] Mr. A. He preceded it with remarks — ['Order! order!-] 
 
 " ' The Chair reminded the gentleman that it was out of order to address the House alter the demand for the 
 previous question. 
 
 " ' Mr. Adams. I ask the House — [Continued cries of ' Order !' which completely drowned the honorable 
 member's voice.'] 
 
 " Order having been restored, the next question was, ' Is the demand for the previons question seconded ^■' 
 which seconding would consist of a majority of the whole Bouse ; which, on a division, quickly showed itself. 
 Then came the further question, 'Shall the main question be now put.'' on which the yeas and nays were 
 demanded and taken ; and ended in a repetition of the vote of the same 63 against it. The main question was 
 then put and carried ; but again, on yeas and nays, to hold frie-State members to their responsibility ; show- 
 ing the same 63 in the negative. 
 
 " Thus was stifled, and in future prevented in the Hoase, the inflammatory debates on these disturbing 
 petitions. It was the great session ot their presentation, being oflrred by hundreds, and signed by liundreds 
 ofthousands of persons — many ot them women, who forgot their sex and their duties tomliigle in sn<h inflam- 
 matory work ; some of them clergymen, who forget their mission of peace to stir upstrife among those who should 
 be brethren. Of the pertinacious 63, who backed MrSlade.throughout, the most notable were Mr. Adams, who 
 had been President of the United Slates; Mr. Fillmore, who became so; and Mr. C***'**, who eventually 
 became as ready to abolish all impediments to the gcneralditi'usiuii of slavery as he then was to aboh h slavery 
 itself in the District of Columbia. It was a portentous contest. The motion of Mr. Slade was, not for an 
 nquiry into the expediency of abolishing slavery in the District of Colnmhia, (a motion in itself sufficiently 
 inflammatory,) but to get the command of the House to bring in a bill for that purjwse — which v;ould be a 
 decision of the question. His motion failed." 
 
 "Amongst the pertinacious sixly- three,' says Mr. Benton, " who backed Mr Slade through- 
 ovit, the most notable were Mr. Adams, who had been Presidert of the United Slates, Mr. 
 Fillmore, who became- so," and^others. 
 
 " It was a portentous contest. The motion of Mr. Slade was not for an inquiry into the expediency of 
 abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, (a motion in itself sufficiently intiammatory,) but to get com- 
 mand of the House to bring in a bill for that purpose, which would be a decisioa of the question. — Benton's 
 Thirty Years' View, chap. 26, voL 2. 
 
 Such is a description of a scei e which has no parallel for prolorged and nr.gry excitement, 
 and for turbulence, since the iivuption of the poissardes into ihe convention of Paris. We have 
 given the details from the knowledge and observation of the narrator. This was the beginning 
 of excitement upon this subject. It originated in the effort of a faction to make the rules of de- 
 liberation the vehicles of injustice and insult. It was called " the most angry and portentous 
 debate which had yet taken place in Congress ;'' and now, Millard Fillmore, one of the 
 chief actors in these disgraceful scenes, claims high exemption from the frailties and responsi- 
 bilities of faction and fanaticism ! Reads homilies upon decorum to those who are at this day 
 reaping the tares and thorns of a controversy sown by his ov/n hand ; and with an air of pious 
 astonishment, exclaims : 
 
 " Where are we now.' Alas! threatened at home with civil war, and from abroad with a rupture of our 
 peaceful relations. If the present Executive and his supporters have, with good intentions and honest hearts, 
 made a mistake, (in the repeal of the Missouri compromise,) I hope God may forgive thejn as I do. 
 
 " It is for you to say whether the present agitation which distracts the country and threatens us with civil 
 war, has not been recklessly and wantonly produced by the adoption of a measure to aid in personal advancement 
 rather than in any public good." 
 
 "He deplored the sectional policy thai had been adopted by important political parties at the present time, 
 and could only place his trust in the sterling patriotism and sound sense of the people, to avert the calamities 
 which sectional agitation must always entail upon a country. * » * * r^^^ blame, therefore, 
 it appears to me, with all due deference, is chiefly chargeable to those who originated this measure." 
 
 Then he adds : 
 
 "I am unwilling to believe tlmt those who are engaged in this strife can foresee the consequences of ihcir own 
 acts. Why should not the golden rule which our Saviour has prescribed for our intercourse with each other, 
 be applied to the intercourse between these fraternal States? Let us do unto them as we would that they 
 should do unto us in like circumstances." 
 
 He pities his successors : 
 
 " He regretted extremely that those vvho succeeded him in the administration had tliought proper, by dis- 
 turbing existing compromises, to re-open the wounds so recently healed, and again to shake the country from 
 the centre to the circumference with the same deplorable agitation. (Loud applause.) The disturbance of a 
 compromise that had existed for more than thirty years, he deeply deplored. (Continued applause.) The 
 evils it had entailed upon the country were known to all, and he could only hope that the authors of those 
 evils had not foreseen the consequences of their policy." 
 
 Have the annals of political hypocrisy anything to compare with this inconsistency between 
 the recorded legislative actions of Mr. Fillmore, and this severe reproach upon others who are 
 now suffering the consequences of his own example.' 
 
 Messrs. Fillmore, Adams, Slade, Giddings, & Co., had organized an attempt to force the 
 
25 
 
 discussion of slavery upon Congress. They would suffer no adjournment. They opposed 
 every attempt to stop the streams of abuse directed upon the peaceful and astonished members 
 from the North. They pressed the offensive subject until they caused the first act of repre- 
 sentative secession which had ever taken place in this country. Well might Mr. Wise, him- 
 self a prominent actor in those scenes, receive with indignation the very swift testimony of Mr. 
 Stewart — afterwards one of Mr. Fillmore's cabinet — who volunteered to prove that Mr Fill- 
 more was one of the soundest and best friends of the South. 
 
 In a letter written by Mr. Wise to Mr. Alfred, of Augusta, Va., dated July 29, 1848, he 
 
 " I, ton, served with Mr. Fillmore, much loager than Mr. Ptuart did, in Congress, and 1 was intimately ac- 
 quainted with his speeches and votes in the House of Representatives on the subject of slavery, and of its ab- 
 olition, in all its forms ; and I do not hesitate on my own personal knowledge and responsibility, to pronounce , 
 the charge of abolitionism against Mr. Fillmore true. I appeal to the journals of the House, for the whole 
 period of Mr. Fillmore's service in Congress, to prove that, if he is not an abolitionist, John ftuincy Adams 
 was not; Giddings was not. He voted with them, and against the South, on every question of slavery or is 
 abolition, without an exception within my knowledge or recollection. The darkest day I ever saw, during 
 eleven years' experience, from 1833 to 1844, in the Houi?e, was on the 20th of December, 1837, which v/e have 
 already e.xplained, on the occasion on which Mr. Slade discussed the question of slavery in the States." 
 
 Mr. Fillmore''s Executive record upon the subject of slavery : 
 
 ' Whilst in the executive chair, Mr. Fillmore sought no opportunity to extend our Territorial 
 possessions or commercial relations towards the South. He had been oppo.<ed to the annex- 
 ation of Texas. He occupied himself very vigilantly in maintaining the laws against fiUibus- 
 ters — laws in themselves salutary and proper to be enforced. 
 
 Opposition to Texas annexation : 
 
 In 1.844 he was an ardent opposer of Texas annexation. 
 
 At a mats meeting in the State of New York in 1844, Mr. Fillmore made a speech from a 
 booth reared under a banner on which were puiiited, in ridicule, Oieneral Jackson and James 
 K. Polk, the latter mounted by a negro ! who carried a small flag bearing the name of Texeis. 
 
 His course in 1847 : 
 
 In 1847 he headed the ticket of his party in New York, the basis of whose organization con- 
 sisted of the following resolution : 
 
 ^'Resolved, 'I'hat while the Whig freemen of New York, represented in this convention, wilt faithfully ad- 
 here to all the compromises of the constitution, and jealously maintain all ihe reserved rights of the States, 
 they declare — since the crisis has arrived when the question must be met — their uncompromising Imstility to 
 the extension of slavery into any territory now free which may be hereafter acquired by any action of the 
 government of our Union." 
 
 A Fillmore paper, speaking afterwards of this resolution and the result, said : 
 
 "On the strength mainly of that resolve— of its rejection by the Democracy, and its hearty adoption by the 
 Whigs— the State went Whig in the election tiiat followed by some thirty thousand majority. MILLARD 
 FlLLlMORE headed the Whig ticket." 
 
 The address, issued in support of the resolution and of Mr. Fillmore, was furious in its de- 
 nunciation of slave extension, saying that: 
 
 "The flag of our victorious legions is to be desecrated from its holy character of liberty and emancipation 
 into an errand of bondage and slaven/." 
 
 " We protest, in the name of tlio rights of man and of liberty, against the further extension of slavery in 
 North America." 
 
 During the canvassof 1847, at Rochester, in the State of New York, Mr. Fillmore made a 
 speech in Minerva Hall against " the aggression of the slave power." The greater part of 
 the speech was upon the encroachments of slavery ; upon the monopoly which the southern 
 oligarchy, a nest of 250,000 slaveholders, had enjoyed in all the offices of trust in the Union ; 
 how many Presidents from the South, how few from the North. He commented on the same 
 disproportion of judges, foreign ministers, Speakers of the House, membeis of the cabinet, &c , 
 with ungracious flings at what he alleged to be southern arrogance and injustice 
 
 In 1851 he negotiated the Central American treaty with Great Britain. Under this we 
 guarantied that power in all her possessions and pretensions, renounced any possibility of 
 acquiring territory ourselves in that quarter, bound ourselves to divide with her any rights of 
 transit we might acquire, engaged to maintain the peace of the isthmus, and by this 
 " entangling alliance," placed a barrier to southern progress, more effectual than all the 
 fleets and armies of Europe. This unfortunate convention was founded in a false admiration 
 of British power, and was either a covert attempt to injure the South, or a weak ebullition 
 of magnanimous vanity. England already held the monopoly of the isthmus l)etween the 
 Mediterranean and the Red Sea. She ofiered us no reciprocity in its use. We were just 
 acquiring territory on the Pacitic ; we were on the eve of opening commercial communica- 
 tions which must give our mariners and merchants infinite advantages over their competitors. 
 - The treaty of Mr. Fillmore has entangled us in a co-partnership and a co-protectorate, 
 * which has been a fruitful source of dispute between the contracting powers. The obscurity 
 of its language has occasioned questions of personal veracity amongst our own statesmen, 
 and with the ministers of England. A convention intended to keep the peace of tlie isthmus 
 has nearly involved in war two peaceful continents. But it has stopped the progress of the 
 republic in that direction, and we shall never be relieved from its embarrassments until notice 
 shall be given of our purpose to abrogate it. 
 
26 
 
 MR. FILLMORE'S APPOINTMENT OF FREESOILERS TO OFFICE. 
 
 The proclivities of Mr. Fillmore are perhaps as obvious from his nominations to office, 
 whilst in tlie executive chair, as from his votes in Congress, or his known opinions publicly 
 expressed elsewhere. 
 
 The Hon. S. A. Smith, of Tennessee, having been asked by Hon. S. M. Shaw for some 
 information about tlic character of Mr. Fillmore's appointments, replies in a letter, from 
 which we make the following extracts : 
 
 He says that he has been led — 
 
 " To examine carefully tlie political, or rather sectional, views of the appointees of Mr. Fillmore during his 
 Presidential term. 
 
 This has been a work of no Httle labor, and required some time, which accounts for the delay in answering 
 your letter. 
 
 Upon this investigation I find the following facts : 
 
 1. Every man appointed to any important office by Mr. Fillmore while President, whose residence was north 
 of Mason & Dixon's line, including three members of the cabinet, was a Freesoiler, and in favor of the " Wilmot 
 Proviso." 
 
 2. One of the leading members of his cabinet, the Hon. Thomas Corwin, of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury, 
 was a prominent Aln/litionist. 
 
 8. Every one of the appointees before referred to, who had taken any public position on the slavery question, 
 was known at the time lif his ujqjointmmt, to be in favor of the prohibition of slavery in the Territories. 
 
 4. Most of those from the same section retained in office by Mr. Fillmore, who had previously been appointed 
 by President Taylor, were Freesoilers or Wilmot Provisoists." 
 
 From this report it would seem, that, to have been an advocate of the Wilmot proviso, 
 constituted no valid objection in the mind of Mr. Fillmore to appointment to office. 
 
 Pardon by Mr. Fillmore of Daniel Drayton and Edward Sayres, parties convicted in the crimi- 
 nal court of the District of Columbia, of enticing away and transporting seventy-three slaves 
 from said District. 
 
 As a practical illustration of the views of Mr. Fillmore m relation to slavery in the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia, and the rights of slave-holders generally, we submit the following facts : 
 In the year 1848 the city of Washington was startled by the announcement that a very large 
 number of its slave population had absconded upon the same night. Suspicion was directed 
 against a particular vessel which had left the port of Washington ; it was pursued and over- 
 taken, and concealed under hatches were found seventy-three slaves belonging to citize7is of the 
 District of Columbia and of the States of Maryland and Virginia. The vessel was in charge of 
 three white men from the north. The slaves and tli£ kidnappers were brought back to the 
 city and placed in prison. 
 
 The following record shows the action of the criminal court in the case : 
 
 Criminal court of the District of Columbia, for the county of Washington. 
 March term, 1849. 
 United States 'i May 8. Convicted of transporting slaves in 73 cases, and sentenced by 
 ■VS. > the court in each case to pay a fine of p40 and costs, one half of the fine 
 
 Daniel Drayton. ) to the owner of the slaves, according to the act of Md., of 179(j, ch. 67. 
 
 Ordered to be committed to the jail of Washington county till fines and costs are paid.. 
 
 Same number of cases vs. Edward Sayers, and fined s^lOO and cost in each, and committed 
 as above. 
 
 Test : JOHN A. SMITH, Clerk. 
 
 Under this law of Maryland, in force in the District of Columbia, the penalty is a fine not 
 exceeding two hundred dollars, with imprisonment in the county jail as the alternative of 
 non-payment. This act was passed in 1796, and was then deemed sufficient to prevent such 
 offences, but we feel assured there is not a slave State in which the commission of such a 
 crime does not now subject the offender to imprisonment in the penitentiary at Jiard labor 
 for many years. It will be seen that the court did not impose the maximum fine in either 
 case, one half of which, under the express terms of the law, enured to tlie owners of the 
 slaves, and the other to the " commissioners of the county." Tlie costs belonged to the 
 United States, by ivhom all the expenses of the prosecution had been paid. Before we exhibit the 
 record, to show under whose authority these men were discharged, we ask our readers to 
 consider their offence and its consequences. It was not the transportation of a single or a 
 few slaves, the number was seventy-three. From the confessions of one of tlie parties, it 
 was proven tliat money was the motive on their part, and that the whole scheme was under 
 the management of northern abolitionists, and doubtless was one of those " underground 
 railways " now so boastfully spoken of. 
 
 Joshua S. Giddings, of Ohio, immediately upon the imprisonment of the offenders, vi.sited 
 them at the jail, and sliowed by his conduct that he rejoiced in their act. Horace B. Mann, 
 member of Congress from Massachusetts, and of equal notoriety as an abolitionist, was one 
 of their counsel, and during the trial actually denied the legality of slavery in the District 
 of Columbia. What were the consequences? let us enumerate them : the invasion of private 
 rights and the violation of public law, accompanied with very considerable expense to the 
 individual owners, and much more to the United States ; the disturbance of the peace of the 
 seat of government whilst Congress was in session ; for the indignation of the citizens of 
 
27 
 
 Washington, exasperated by previous losses, and now by this wholesale robbery broke out 
 into an angry mob. This danger proved so threatening, that special meetings of the 
 municipal authorities were held, and the President of the United States, Mr. Polk, Jield con- 
 sultation with them as to the best means of preserving tlie peace of the Capital. The 
 excitement, however, did not end here, but was introduced into tlie halls of Congress ; by 
 Mr. Hale, of New Hampshire, into the Senate, and by Mr. Palfrey, of Massachusetts, into 
 the House of Representatives, the result of which was an angry debate, with an increase of 
 Bectional strife and hostility. In proof of these statements see the National Intelligencer 
 and Union from April 18, 1848, etseq. 
 
 The offence was not only an outrageous invasion of the laws of the land, but tended to 
 disturb the peace and integrity of the Union, and yet these were the men, and such the 
 crime, that Mr. Fillmore pardoned. 
 
 RECORD OF PARDON. 
 
 Criminal Court of the District of Columbia for the county of Washington. 
 United States vs. Daniel Drayton. 
 August 12, 1852.— Discharged from jail by the President of the United States, Millard 
 Fillmore. 
 
 Same vs. Edward Sayres. 
 
 Also discharged, at the same time, by the President. 
 
 Test : JOHN A. SMITH, Clerk. 
 
 This pardon discriminated between the release from imprisonment, and the payment of 
 the fine and costs, leaving them to be recovered by civil process. This discrimination was a' 
 mere evasion and mockery of justice. How idle it would have been for southern slaveholders 
 to have followed these parties north for any such purpose ; the United States has never 
 recovered, or attempted to recover, one dollar of costs, in reimbursement of the expenses of 
 prosecution paid out of the common treasury, and the owners of the slaves (a portion only 
 having released their interest in the funds) have never received the expenses of their 
 
 recapture. i /> • 
 
 Upon these points we quote the following extracts from the opinion of John J. Crittenden, 
 given in April, 1852, and then Attorney General, to whom the President, Mr. Fillmore, 
 submitted tlie question of his constitutional power to pardon Drayton and Sears. The re- 
 port will be found in volume 5, Opinions of Attorneys General, published by R. Farnham, 
 page 536. Mr. Crittenden says: "To convert the power of mercy and grace by 
 
 PARDON into a POWER RELEASING AND ACQUITTING OR ABROGATING PRIVATE VESTED RIGHTS 
 WOULD BE A DISTORTION OF THE POWER FROM ITS TRUE MEANING, SPIRIT, AND PUR- 
 POSE." Again he says, page 542: "I cannot advise that your power of pardon as 
 President of the LFnited States extends to any portion of the several fines im- 
 posed BY the judgments AGAINST DrAYTON AND SeARS. ThE IMPRISONMENT IS TO COM- 
 PEL payment of the fines, and is NOT TO BE RELEASED BY THE POWER OF GRANTING' 
 
 PARDONS ANY MORE THAN THE FINES THEMSELVES. They were released from imprisonment 
 without the payment of a single dollar of the fines or costs. 
 
 Admitting, however, the power of the President, let us consider the act of Mr. Fillmore 
 in its relation to tliose communities whose rights had been outraged, and especially the in- 
 terests and sensibilities of the south generally. It is the rule of tiie President of the United 
 States, as doubtless of the State executives, when invoked to exercise the pardoning power, 
 to learn the views of those officially connected with the case under advisement, and also ot 
 the community ao-ainst whom the offence had been committed. In this case, Mr. Fillmore, 
 contrary to liis own custom, and although the application for pardon had been before him for 
 several months, neither sought nor received any statement of the facts, or any opinion from, 
 Philip Barton Key, esq., who, as district attorney, conducted the prosecution, and was there- 
 fore the most suitable person to advise him, or from Phihp R. Fendall, esq., who, at the 
 time of the pardon held that office. There was no recommendation from Judge Crawford or 
 the iury whotried the cases. There was no consultation with either of the two gentlemen, 
 Messrs. Walter Lenox and John W. Maury, esqs., who held the office of mayor of tlie city 
 of Washino-ton during the pendency of the application, or even notification of it to them. It 
 such notification had been given, earnest remonstrances would have been laid before the Pre- 
 sident from the mayor of the city and the municipal authorities, and from the citizens 
 
 GENERALLY, WHO WERE EVEN MORE ASTONISHED AT THE ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE PARDON 
 THAN THEY HAD BEEN WHEN THE SLAVES WERE FIRST CARRIED OFF ! So unexpected Wa8_ 
 
 this pardon, and so hurried the departure of these offijnders, that not only had the citizens ot 
 Washington no chance to remonstate, but the State of Virginia had no opportunity to inter- 
 pose her executive requisition for them, a portion of the stolen slaves having belonged to her 
 citizens. Since the occurrence of this outrage, and the free escape of the criminals, the 
 State of Virginia has felt herself called upon to prohibit the hiring of slaves in the District ot 
 Columbia. Under such circumstances, the exercise of the pardoning power, in the forcible 
 language of Mr. Crittenden, becomes " a distortion of the power from its true meanmg, 
 spirit, and purpose." 
 
28 
 
 The only apology offered for Mr. Fillmore is that he yielded to his sentiments of humanity; 
 but was it a case which justly appealed to his pity? These men had been in prison between 
 three and four years, but this confinement was in the county jail without labor, in pleasant 
 apartments, with wholesome food and tlie privilege of books and papers. Average the dura- 
 tion of the imprisonment and the number of slaves, it is much less than a month in each case. 
 Under the laws of this District tlie larceny of any article under the value of five dollars is 
 punishable, and often punished, with imprisonment in the county jail for twelve months, and 
 the larceny of articles of the value of five dollars and upwards subjects the ofienders to im- 
 prisonment in the penitentiary at hard labor for one to three years. Regarded, then, as a 
 mere question of property, it is manifest from this contrast that tiie punisliment was wholly 
 inadequate and a mockery of equal justice. Again : how many far more meritorious cases 
 were then languishing in the District penitentiary, the victims of ignorance and poverty. It 
 is said, were these men to remain in jail for their lifetime.' We answer no, but tor such time 
 as was reasonably proportionable to their offence. Can it be presumed that Mr. Fillmore's 
 successor would be less humane 't 
 
 The pardoning power is not t© be exercised from feelings of pity at the expense of dnty 
 and great public considerations. If so, our prisons will soon be emptied and convictions but 
 idle forms. We regret to believe that it was not sympathy for any sufterings of these men, 
 but with the act they had committed, as subsequent circumstances will show. 
 
 What renders the conduct of Mr. Fillmore more inexplicable is the fact that it was during 
 his own presidential term, and before the granting of this pardon, that a similar offence was 
 committed in the city of Washington. In the year 1850 one William S. Chaplin, a notorious 
 abolitionist, enticed several slaves to abscond from the city. Three of them belonged to 
 Messrs. Toombs and Stephens, then sojourning at the seat of government in the discharge 
 of their duties as representatives from the State of Georgia. Chaplin provided a carriage for 
 the purpose, armed himself and slaves. When intercepted he made a desperate resistance, 
 as also the slaves at his instigation, firing repeatedly upon the officers. Chaplin gave bail in 
 the sum of §6,000, forfeited it, and upon his return home was applauded as a hero. It was his 
 boast that the slaves w«re the property of southern members of Congress. This aggravated 
 attack upon the rights of slaveholders was staring Mr. Fillmore in the face when he pardoned 
 Drayton and Sayres. 
 
 We give the record : 
 
 Criminal Conrt of the District of Columbia for Washington county. 
 March term, 1851. 
 
 United States, ") Indicted for the larceny of slaves in two cases. Recognizance in the 
 
 vs. > sum of $3,000 in each case. Recognizance forfeited and cases still 
 
 Wm. L. Chaplin. ) pending and undecided. 
 
 Test: JNO. A. SMITH, Clerk. 
 
 You will then ask, fellow-citizens of the south, at whose especial instance was this pardon 
 granted? We answer from the record, Charles Sumner, senator from Massachusetts. On 
 file in the State Department will be found a long and elaborate petition and argument by 
 him in favor of this pardon. He received it himself, and bore it triumphantly, in company 
 with the marshal, to the jail. It is now paraded as one of his brightest achievements, 
 as will be seen by reference to page 48 of a work published by Ticknor & Fields, Boston, 
 entitled " Recent Speeches and Addresses, by Charles Sumner." It is there stated "that 
 this case (that of Dayton and Sears) excited particular interest. 0)1 invitation of Mr. Fill- 
 more, Mr. Sumner laid before him the following paper. Shortly aftericard the pardon was 
 granted." 
 
 We cannot forbear to mention the singular and painful fact, that whilst the pardon was 
 refused before the meeting of the Whig convention of 1852, yet that it was granted at the 
 instance of Charles Sumner, subsequent to the action of that convention. We ask the 
 question, ought Mr. Sumner's interposition have weighed a feather; but, on the contrary, 
 should not his interference have admonished Mr. Fillmore of the necessity of caution. Yet 
 the President fails to consult with those who had been aggrieved, and grants the pard6n 
 "shortly after Mr. Sumner's argument." It seemi to us that Mr. Fillmore having ao- 
 quainted himself with all tlie facts of the case, with the views of the people whose rights 
 had been invaded, and weighed well the enormity of the offence in all its consequences, 
 should have answered Mr. Sumner in this wise : " I cannot grant this pardon ; it should only 
 be granted with the knowledge and approval of the authorities, legal and municipal, of tlie 
 city of Washington, and of some considerable portion of the community whose rights have 
 been invaded and peace disturbed. There are numberless cases in the penitentiary and jail 
 of this District more deserving of Executive clemency; if these men have committed this 
 wholesale robbery of their own motion for gain, they must expiate it by suitable punishment. 
 My successors can interpose at a proper time to release them. If they were the agents and 
 dupes of abolition societies, let their employers, from their abundance, pay the fines and costs, 
 or some portion thereof, as a just restitution to the United States and the owners. If their 
 employers will not save them harmless, let their dupes expose the plotters of this nefarious 
 scheme, and they shall be discharged. Again, this is a national matter. Congress and the 
 country are convulsed by this sectional strife. Since the commission of this offence, the 
 
29 
 
 servants of representatives in Congress have been stolen away and the rio-hts of sovereign 
 States thereby violated. Until this spirit of fanaticism which so flagrantly tramples upon 
 private rights and the pubhc peace is allayed, I cannot, by any act of mine, o-ive it the 
 slightest countenance ; but, on the contrary, must rebuke it. Such crimiuals.'^with such 
 abettors, must be held as hostages for the public peace." Such, however, was not his lan- 
 guage or his action; but a few months before the expiration of his term, and with the retirement 
 of private life before him, Mr. Fillmore co-operates with Mr. Sumner, and, in fact, gratifies 
 this bitter enemy and wholesale reviler of the south by the consummation of this 'outrage 
 How opposite Mr. Fillmore's course to the south, to the cordial and consistent friendship 
 of Mr. Buchanan alike in sunshine and storm ! 
 
 FILLMORE'S RECORD RECAPITULATED. 
 
 We will now briefly recapitulate the acts of these two competing statesmen, that our 
 southern readers may determine at a glance upon which of them the south can best rely for 
 safety and justice. 
 
 Mr. Fillmore was willing that Congress should receive petitions to abolish slavery in the 
 District of Columbia, and in the Territories, and praying that no other slave State might 
 ever be admitted into the Union. 
 
 He was not willing that resolutions condemnatory of those principles should be offered. 
 
 He has expressed the opinions that Congress has power to abolish slavery in the District of 
 Columbia, and that it may prohibit the removal of slaves from one slave State to another. 
 
 He voted that the agitation of slavery, with the purpose of abolition in the States, is not 
 against the Constitution ; not an infringement of the right of the States ; and not a breach of 
 confederate faith. 
 
 He voted tliat Congress may discriminate between the institutions of the different States, 
 with a view to abolish those of some States, and to promote those of others. 
 
 To declare slaves free, who had gone to sea with the consent of their masters, and to 
 protect them in their freedom. 
 
 To repeal all laws and constitutional provisions by which the federal government is 
 bound to protect the institution of slavery. 
 
 Against the admission of any new State into the Union whose constitution tolerates 
 slaver}^ 
 
 Against the annexation of Texas, solely on the ground that slavery existed in that 
 country. 
 
 To abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, though the whole people of the Dis- 
 trict cherished the institution, and never petitioned for its abolition. 
 
 To prohibit the buying and selling of slaves in the District and other Territories of the 
 Union. 
 
 He supported by his vote petitions to Congress to repeal the act of the Territory of 
 Florida, to prevent migration of free negroes to the Territory. 
 
 He voted in favor of petitions to naturalize and make American citizens of negroes from 
 every quarter of the earth ! 
 
 He voted in favor of petitions to receive negro ambassadors from the black republic of 
 Hay ti . 
 
 Such was the course of Millard Fillmoee ia Congress. 
 
 He negotiated a treaty by which the Republic renounces any right to acquire any exclu- 
 sive rights of transit across the Isthmus of Central America, or any Territory in that quarter. 
 
 He signed the compromise measures of 1850, without approving them all. 
 
 He enforced the fugitive slave law. 
 
 He remitted the fines and discharged the recognizance of certain abolitionists who had kid- 
 napped seventy-three slaves at one time from the District of Columbia. 
 
 This exercise of the pardoning power was not upon the petition of the people of the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia, whose rights had been violated, but upon the arguments and personal 
 solicitations of that most notorious enemy of the south — Senator Charles Sumner, of Mas- 
 sachusetts ! on behalf of petitioners, none of whom resided in the District of Columbia. 
 
 He has expressed the opinion that the Missouri restrictions should never have been repealed. 
 His friends in Congress have voted for the restoration of those restrictions. He is bound by 
 his antecedent declarations of principle to approve any constitutional and formal legislation. 
 Thereupon, it is asserted as a demonstration, that Millard Fillmore will, if elected Presi- 
 dent, approve the repeal of the Kansas act, the chief object of the Black Republicans. 
 
 RECAPITULATION OF MR. BUCHANAN'S RECORD. 
 
 1. In 1836 Mr. Buchanan supported a bill to prohibit the circulation of abolition papers 
 through the mail. 
 
 2. In the same year he proposed and voted for the admission of Arkansas. 
 
 3. In 1836-'7 he denounced and voted to reject petitions for the abolition of slavery in the 
 District of Columbia. 
 
 4. In 1837, he voted for Mr. Calhoun's famous resolution, defining the rights of the State, 
 and the limits of Federal authority, and affirming it to be the duty of the government to 
 protect and uphold the institutions of the south. 
 
30 
 
 5. In 1838-'9 and '40, he invariably voted with southern senators against the consideration 
 of anti-slavery petitions. 
 
 6. In 1844- '5, he advocated and voted for the annexation of Texas. 
 
 7. In 1847, he sustained the Clayton compromise. 
 
 8. He conducted the Department of State during the Mexican 'war, and negotiated the 
 acquisition of California and New Mexico. 
 
 9. In 1850, he proposed and urged the extension of the Missouri compromise to the Pacific 
 ocean. 
 
 10. But he promptly acquiesced in the compromise of 1850, and employed all his influence 
 in favor of the faithful execution of the fugitive slave law. 
 
 11. In 1854, he remonstrated against an enactment of the Pennsylvania legislature for 
 obstructing the fiithful execution of the fugitive slave law. 
 
 12. In 1854, he negotiated for the acquisition of Cuba. 
 
 13. In 1856, lie approves the repeal of the Missouri restriction, and supports the principles 
 of the Kansas-Nebraska act. 
 
 14. He is in favor of the admission of new slave States on equal terms with free States. 
 
 15. He labored to adjust our difficulties with England, growing out of the improvident 
 treaties of Mr. Fillmore. 
 
 Having completed tlie review of the record of the two competing candidates, we find that 
 of Mr. Buchanan clear, direct, and adequate to the protection of the south, pledged to as- 
 sure it a fair participation in the progress of the country. That of Mr. Fillmore is dangerous 
 in its antecedents and deceptive in its present position. We are aware his southern friends 
 contend that he is so sound that they refuse to exact of him any specific response upon the 
 great questions which agitate the country. This concealment on the part of one branch of 
 his supporters is not, perliaps, surprising. But that whigs — southern whigs who bearded 
 Jackson himself, should intrust their country entirely to " executive direction," is a political 
 anomaly not to be explained upon any principle except a partizan hostility deplorable in the 
 present excited condition of the country. 
 
 But in the refusal of Mr. Fillmore to declare his position, and the opposition of his friends 
 to permit him to speak, we are left to infer his future action from the past. 
 
 We will therefore consider the general argument made by his friends to prove that he will, 
 if elected, veto any bill to restore the Missouri restrictions, or repealing the guarantees of 
 the Kansas act. These arguments are : 
 
 1. Tliat he is a national and patriotic statesman. 
 
 2. That he signed the Compromise bill. 
 
 3. That he enforced the fugitive slave law. 
 
 We have conceded to Mr. Fillmore integrity of ch:iracter. We hear his recent speeches 
 applauded for their high souled patriotism. Alas ! general professions of devotion to the 
 Union, of impartial regard for the rights of the States whicli compose it, are even in the 
 mouths of the most dangerous enemies of both. " Even devils believe and tremble." Can 
 any professions be more orthodox than that of the abolition candidate for the Presidency ^ 
 Compare them even with those of Mr. Fillmore : 
 
 DEVOTION TO THE CONSTITUTION AND UNION. 
 
 Fremont. Fillmore. 
 
 I accept the nomination of your [Abolition] conven- It [the Know-Nothing party] has a claim, in my judg- 
 tion in the hope that I may be enabled to serve use- ment, upon every earnest friend of the integrity of the 
 fully its cause, which I consider the cause of the con- Union, 
 stitutional freedom. 
 
 RESTORATION OF THE PURER DAYS OF THE REPUBLIC. 
 
 Fremont. FiLLifORE. 
 
 The people of the United States are uniting in a com- A large portion of ray fellow- citizens in every part of 
 mon effort to bring back the action of the federal gov- the Union who are, like myself, sincerely desirous to see 
 ernment to the principles of Washington and Jefferson, the administration of our government restored to that 
 
 original simplicity and purity which marked the first 
 years of its existence. 
 
 SECTIONAL ALIENATION DEPLORED— PLANS TO REMOVE IT. 
 
 Fremont. Fillmore. 
 
 ^"To terminate the sectional controversies engen- It [the Know-Nothing party] alone of .all the political 
 
 dered by pohtical animosities" " a practical remedy is organizations now existing is possessed of the power to 
 
 the admission of Kansas into the Union as a free State." silence this violent and disastrous agitation and to re- 
 
 The South should, in my judgment, earnestly desire its store harmony by its example of moderation and for- 
 
 repeal. " The measure is perfectly consistent with the bearance. 
 honor of the South and vital to its interests." 
 
 Such general phraseology, then, proves nothing. It is in the mouth of the decorous neu 
 tral, who hopes pfeace from " the example of moderation and forbearance " set by a party, 
 tlie majority of which have repudiated his nomination and hia counsels and gone over to the 
 
31 
 
 open enemies of peace and order ! It is in the mouth of him who has been chosen by the 
 acclamation of these fanatics to lead the assault against the Union and against the south. 
 
 The crisis requires men who "show forth their works, not only upon their lips but in their 
 lives." 
 
 We have shown that the whole legislative action of Mr. Fillmore, whilst in Congress as 
 well as his diplomatic measures afterwards, were hostile to the institution of slavery and to 
 the territorial expaasion of the south. But, compelled by the want of any authentic decla- 
 ration of his intentions in respect to the existing regulation on the subject of slavery, groping 
 in the dark for the means of ascertaining the chances of escape from a position of na- 
 tional danger, we are compelled to the only rule acknowledged by himself and friends, and 
 infer his future course from his past, although we have just seen that t!!is rule would make 
 him the most dangerous nominee now before the people. But his friends insist that he shall 
 not be judged by his earlier record, but by the more recent acts of his executive administra- 
 tion. Let us, then, suspend the rule, and examine the subject with the impartiality its im- 
 portance demands. 
 
 MR. FILLMORE'S SIGNATURE OF THE COMPROMISE OF 1850. 
 
 From a deliberate examination of the text and spirit of the several measures which com- 
 posed the compromise, from the circumstances which surrounded and succeedsd it, and from 
 the principles upon which Mr. Fillmore administered the government, we are obliged to in- 
 fer— 
 
 1. That those who supported the compromise do not acknowledge an obligation to sustain 
 the Kansas act. 
 
 2. That, according to his avowed principles of Executive action, Mr. Fillmore is under 
 positive obligations to approve the repeal of the right of Kansas to admission as a slave 
 State, the restoration of the Missouri compromise, and even tlie repeal of so much of the 
 compromise of 1850 as may be still within the reach of legislation. 
 
 We presume it will not be denied that Mr. Fillmore, when elected Vice President, stood 
 on the platform and was bound by the public pledges of General Taylor. 
 
 Amongst the questions most distinctively in issue in the election of 1848, was the proper 
 nature, limitation, and application of the Executive veto. Many questions were put to 
 General Taylor which he declined to answer, upon the ground that he did not choose to re- 
 spond to any special inquiry, or to prejudge important questions. But upon the powers of 
 the veto, he responded frankly and unequivocally. In his letter of February, 1848, to Cap- 
 tain Allison, he said : 
 
 " Seoond. The veto power. The power given by the constitution to the executive to interpose his veto, is 
 a high conservative power, but, in my opinion, should never be exercised except in cases ot' clear violation 
 of the constitution, or manifest haste and want of consideration by Congress. Indeed, I have thought that, 
 for many years past, r.lie known opinion? and wishes of the executive have exercised undue and injurious 
 influence upon the legislative department of the government; and for this cause I have thought our system 
 was in danger of undergoing a great change from its true theory. The pergonal opinions of the individual 
 who may happen to occupy the executive chair ought not to control the action of Congress upon questions of 
 domestic policy ; nor ought his objections to be interposed where questions of constitutional power have been 
 settled by the various departments of government, and acquiesced in by the people." 
 
 To explain his application of this doctrine, he adds : 
 
 " Third. Upon the subject of the tariff, the currency, the improvement of our great highways, rivers, lakes 
 and harbors, the will of the people, as expressed through their representatives in Congress, ought to be 
 respected and carried out by the executive." 
 
 It is a strong indication of the severe disclaimer of power made by this gallant veteran, 
 that though he avowed himself in favor of the increase enumerated in the third section of 
 his letter, he does not propose to bestow upon them his executive approval because they accord 
 with his own principles, but because their enactment by Congress will enforce " the will of 
 the people" as expressed " througii their representatives ;" we repeat, it must have fol- 
 lowed from this principle, that if similar measures had been repealed, he must with equal 
 facility have approved the legislation. 
 
 But some persons at that day, as at this, felt an anxiety to know what course General 
 Taylor would take in the event Congress should, by the adoption of the Wilmot proviso, 
 exclude any new slave States. 
 
 In February, 1848, Mr. B. M. McConkey addressed the following question : 
 
 "Should you become President of the United States, would you veto an act of Congress which should pro- 
 hibit slavery or involuntary servitude forever, except for crime, in all tlie Territories of the United States 
 Where it does not now exist?" 
 
 To this General Taylor made the following reply : 
 
 " In reply to your inquiries, I have to inform you that I have laid it down as a principle, not to give my 
 
 opinions upon, or prejudge in any way the various questions of policy now at issue between the political par- 
 
 • ties of the country, nor to promise what I would or would not do, were I elected to the presidency of the 
 
 United States ; and that, in the cases presented in your letter, I regret to add, 1 see no reason for departing 
 
 from this principle." 
 
 In his inaugural address General Taylor faithfully complies with his assurance to Captain Al- 
 ison. He says : 
 
32 
 
 '' It shall be my study to recommend such constitutional measures to Congress as may be necessary and 
 proper to secure encouragement and protection to the great interests of agriculture, commerce, and manufac- 
 ture, to improve our rivers and liarbors, to provide for the speedy extinguishment of the public debt, to enforce 
 a strict accountability on the part of all ofiicers of the government, and the utmost economy in all public ex- 
 penditures. But it is for tiie wisdom of Congress itself, in which all legislative powers are vested by the con- 
 stitution, to regulate these and other matters of domestic policy. I shall look with confidence to the en- 
 lightened patriotism of thai body to adopt such measures of conciliation as may harmonize conflicting interests 
 and tend to perpetuate that Union, which should be the paramount object of our hopes and aflections. In 
 any action calculated to promote an object so near the heart of every one who truly loves his country, I will 
 zealously unite with the co ordinate brandies of the government." 
 
 In his only annual message he renews the same declaration : 
 
 " Our government is one of limited powers, and its successful administration eminently depends on the 
 confinement of each of its co-ordinate branches within its own appropriate sphere. The first section of the 
 constitution ordains that ' all legislative powers therein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United 
 States, which shall consist of a senate and house of representatives.-' The Extcutive has authority to re- 
 commend (not to dictate) measures to Congress. Having performed that duty, the executive department of 
 the government cannot rightfully control the decision of Congress on any subject of legislation, until that de- 
 cision shall have been officially submitted to the President for approval. The check provided by the consti- 
 tution in the clause conferring the qualified veto will never be exercised by me, except in the cases contem- 
 plated by the fathers of tlie republic. I view it as an extreme measure, to be resorted to only in extraordinary 
 cases — as where it may become necessary to defend the Executive against the encroachments of the legisla- 
 tive power, or to prevent hasty and inconsiderate or unconstitutional legislation. By cautiously confining 
 this remedy within the sphere presciihed to it in the contemporaneous expositions of the fiainers of the consti- 
 tution, the will of the people, legitimately expressed on all subjects of legislation, through their constitutional 
 organs, the senators and representatives of the United States, will have its full effect. As indispensable to 
 the preservation of our system of self-government, ihe independence of the representatives of the States and 
 the people is guarantiid by tiie constitution ; and they owe no responsibility to any human power but their 
 constituents. By holding the representative responsible only to the people, and exempting him from all other 
 influences, wo elevate the character of the constituent, and quicken his sense of responsibility to his country. 
 It is under these circumstances only' that the elector can feel that, in the choice of a law-maker, he is himself 
 truly a component part of the sovweign power of the nation. With equal care we should study to defend the 
 rights of the executive and judicial departments. Our government can only be preserved in its purity by the 
 suppression and entire elimination of every claim or tendency of one co-ordinate branch to encrc)achnient 
 upon another. With the strict observance of this rule, and the other injunctions of the constitution ; with a 
 sedulous inculcation of that respect and love for the Union of the States which our fathers cherished and 
 enjoined upon their children ; and with the aid of that overruling Providence which has so long and so kindly 
 guarded our liberties and institutions, we may reasonably expect to transmit them, with their innumerable 
 blessings, to the remotest posterity." 
 
 That Mr. Fillmore adopted the doctrine announced by General Taylor, is to be seen by the 
 following extracts from his message : 
 
 "Upon you, fellow-citizens, as the representatives of the States and the peopJe. is wisely devolved the 
 legislative power. I shall comply with my duty, in laying before you, from time to Time, any inlbrniation cal- 
 culated to enable you to discharge your high and responsible trust, fertile benefit of our common constituents. 
 
 "My opinions will be frankly expressed upon the leading subjects of legislation ; and if, which I do not 
 anticipate, any act should pass the two houses of Congress which should appear to me uncoiistiiutional, or an 
 encroachment on the just powers of other depaitments, or with provisions hastily adopted, and likely to pro- 
 duce consequences injurious ami unforeseen, I should not shrink from the duty of returning it to you, with 
 my reasons, for your further consideration Beyond the due performance of these constitutional obligations 
 both my respect for the legislature and my sense of propriety will restrain me from any attempt to control or 
 influence your proceedings. With you is the power, the honor, and the responsibility of the legislation of the 
 country. 
 
 "The government of the United States is a limited government. It is confined to the exercise of powers 
 expressly granted, and such others as may be necessary for carrying those powers into eflect ; and it is at all 
 times an especial duty to guard against any infringement on the just rights of the States. Over the objects 
 and subjects intrusted to Congress, its legislative authority is supreme."' 
 
 The principle laid down by these Statesmen was well considered by them, and was much 
 looked to by the country. Both were Whigg. The radical difference between the Democratic 
 and Whig parlies upon the proper exercise of the veto power was this : The first regarded the 
 executive as a substantive department, representing the people, and under obligations to ad- 
 minister the government according to certain principles of constitutionality and expediency re- 
 quired by the people to be embodied in the laws and public policy. The second only inquired 
 into the constitutional capacity of Congress to exercise a given power — saw that the method 
 of exerci.'je Wdf) fornnal and free from irregularity, and then left the expediency of all constitu- 
 tional legislation to be judged of, and the responsibilities to be borne by Congress 
 
 General Taylor defined this principle as restricting the exercise of the veto power to causes 
 which present "a clear violation of the constitution, or show manifest haste or want of con- 
 sideration by Congress." 
 
 Mr. Fillmore, in his inaugural, says : 
 
 " If any act should pass the two houses of Congress which should appear to me unconstitutional, or an 
 encroachment on the just powers of other departments, or with provisions hastily adopted, and likely to pro- 
 duce consequences injurious and unforeseen, I should not shrink from the duty of returning it to you with my 
 reasons for your further consideration. Beyond the due performance of these constitutional obligations, both 
 my respect for the legislature and my sense of propriety will restrain me from any attempt to control or influ- 
 ence your proceedings. With you is the power, the honor, and the respoiuibility of legislation." 
 
 Mr. Fillmore's approval of the Compromise of 1850 was per- 
 fectly consistent with their principles. It is true, that with a lapse of memory only equal 
 to that which forgot his discrimination in favor of abolition petitions, he had virtually claimed 
 the Compromise of 1850 as the act of his administration. But there was no such belief at 
 
33 
 
 the date of the passage of these measures. He did not even recommend their passage. The 
 conservative statesmen of the Union did not " rally around his administration." They had 
 passed the measures after months of weary and exciting strife. " The power, the honor, 
 the responsibility" of " this legislation" was theirs, not his. 
 
 WJiy he signed the fugitive-slave laio: 
 
 But we will let him explain for himself, and then the reader can decide whether he is entitled 
 to credit for the act. 
 
 We will quote from a speech delivered by him in Louisville, Kentucky, on his southern 
 tour, in 1B54. The Louisville Journal is our authority. He said : 
 
 "The fugitive slave law had some prnvisions in it to which I (Fillmore) had some objections. I regretted 
 the necessity of Us beim; passed at all. When the bill came to nie from the two Houses, I examined it in the 
 midst of hurry, confusion, and difficulties, and a doubt came up in my nUnd whether it was not micojisCiYutiona? 
 as demnnf; the right of habeas corpus to the fugitive slave, which doubt I submitted to the Attorney General, 
 (iVIr. Crittenden,) and on being assured by him that the law was not a violation of the constitution, I therefore 
 gave my sanction to the bill." 
 
 Hence, according to Mr. Fillmore's own candid declaration before an audience of his own 
 southern friends, he doubted tlie constitutionality of the measure. He was opposed to it be- 
 cause it did not proviJe a jury trial (as proposed by Giddin^s & Co.) to the absconding slave ; 
 and only signed it when assured by Mr. Crittenden that " it was not a violation of the consti- 
 tution." John J. Crittenden, then, and not Millard Fillmore, is entitled to the credit of the as- 
 sent of the Executive for signing the fugitive-slave law. 
 
 Testimony of .Andrew J. Donelson: 
 
 To prove what we here assert, we will introduce as a witness Mr. Fillmore's associate on 
 the Know-nothing ticket — no less a personage than Andrew J. Donelson. 
 In 1851, Donelson, through the columns of the Washington Union, said: 
 
 " As to the assertion that the administration (of Fillmore) is entitled to the credit of standing up to the 
 measures of the compromise in "ood faith, it is too ridiculous to require a denial, and too preposterous to demand 
 refutation. Every free white citizen, who is not an inlant, idiot, or lunatic, or wofully foigett'ul, knows that 
 it is utterly and entirely without foundation. All the measures of the compromise, except llie fugitive slave 
 law, were self enacting. As to that law, Mr. Fillmore was unwilling to permit it to becom". a iaw before he con- 
 sulted Mr. Crittenden on the subject — a tact which the Republic (his organ) mentioned at the time in order to 
 justify Mr. Fillmore before his northern higher-law friends for not returningtlie bill with his objections." 
 
 Judge ConJdin's testimony: 
 
 Judge Conklin, of New York, a friend of Millard Fillmore, and his minister to Mexico, in 
 a late speech made the following apology for him for signing the fugitive-slave law : 
 
 " Of this gentleman [ have to sav a few words that are due alike to him and to myself. The friendly rela- 
 tions that hHve long subsisted between us ; the high opinion I entertain of his patriotism, integrity, and talents ; 
 the confidence he saw fit to repose in me, and the great personal kindness I received at his hands while he 
 filled the Presidential office, all conspire to render it painful to me to withhold my support from him ; and had 
 he been brought forward under other auspices, as [ cherished a vague hope he might be, it would have afforded 
 me a corresponding (legree of satisfaction to yield him that support. 
 
 " I am aware of" the persistent, and I doubt not, to some extent, successful industry with which for years he 
 has been exhibited by those who had formed a different estimate of his character, in an attitude that, if 1 had 
 believed it to be just, would have rendered it inconsistent in me, holding the principles I do relative to slavery, 
 to favor his elevation to the Presidency under any circumstances. But in imputing to him a willingness to 
 extend and fortify slavery, I am persuaded his assailanti have done him injustice. 
 
 " I believe, on the coiurarv, that he stiU holds slavery in the abstract, as he is known formerly to have done, 
 in as great abhorrence as theV lio. The evidence constantly cited to justify this charge is the lact ol Ins having 
 affixed his signature to the fugitive slave bill. The alternative was to interpose his veto. But no one had a 
 right to expect him to do this, for he had no right himself to do it. Either from JouM about it.^ constitutionality, 
 or from deterence to the opinion of those who questioned it, he did appoint the usual precaution ot subinitting 
 the bill to the examination of the Attorney General, and asking his opinion of its consntutionaliry. To have 
 vetoed it under the very extraordinary circumstances of the case, would have been, to say the least, a pal- 
 pable violation of the constitution. No enlightened man who understands the subject can doubt this, and 
 no such man can have been sincere in casting censure upon Mr. Fillmore for adopting the opposite alterna- 
 tive." 
 
 Testimony of another friend: 
 
 Ths New Albany Tribune, the leading Fillmore organ in Indiana, says: 
 
 " Mr. Fillmore gave his ofiicial sanction to the fugitive slave bill, because we (the Frce-soilers) c ^uld not 
 have got other laws on which our hearts were set, that we have got had not that law been passed also, and 
 because in doing so he was but carrving out one of the great principles of the party which elected him-that 
 the personal opinions of the executive on mere questions of policy ougbt never to be brought into conflict with 
 he will of the people's representatives by an arbitrary exercise of the veto power." 
 
 In his recent speech at Albany, he says: 
 "You all know that when I was called to the executive chair by a bereavement which shrouded the na- 
 
34 
 
 more llian was done by many abler and bettar men than myself. T was by no means the sole ins^trunient, 
 under Providence, in harmonizing tlisse difficulties. (Applause.) There were at tliat time noble, independ- 
 ent, liigh-.^ouled men in both houses of Congress, belunaing to both the great political parties of the country, 
 Whigs and Democrats, who .spurned the dictation of selfish party If aders, and rallied around my administra- 
 tion, in support of the great measures which restored peace to an agitated and distracted country.'' (Cheers.) 
 
 In his .speech at Rochester, he modifies hi.s claim to the merit of having carried the compro- 
 mise of 1850 as a measure of his administration, admits that they were not all he could iiave 
 de.sired, and condemns the repeal of the Missouri re.striction : 
 
 " But the truth was, that many noble patriot:?, Whigs and Democrats, in both houses of Congress, rallied 
 around and sustained the administration in that trying time, and to thein was chiefly due the merit of settling 
 that exciting controversy. Those measures, usually called the Compromise Measures of 1850, were not in all 
 respects what I could have desired, but they were the best that could be obtained, after a protracted discus- 
 sion, that shook the republic to its very foundation, and I felt bound to give them my oflicial approval. Not 
 only this, but perceiving there was a disposition to renew the agitation at the next session, I took tiie respon- 
 sibility of declaring, in substance, intny annual message, that I regarded these measures as a ' tinal settle- 
 ment of this question, and that the laws thus passed ought to be maintained until time and experience should 
 demonstrate the necessity of modification or repeal.' 
 
 " I then thought that tliis e.veiting subject was at rest, and that there would be no further occasion to intro- 
 duce it into thelegislation of Ciuigress. Territorial governments had been provided for all the territory except 
 that covered by the Missouri Compromise, and I had no suspicion that that v/as to b(! disturbed. 1 have no 
 hesitation in saying, what most of you know already, that I was decidedly opposed to the repeal of that Compro- 
 mise. Good faith, as well as the peace of the country, seemed to require, that a Compromise which had stood 
 for more than thirty years should not be v/antonly disturbed. These were my sentiments then fully and freely 
 expressed, verbally and in writing, to all iny friends, north and south, who solicited my opinion. This repeal 
 seems to have been a Pandora's box, out of which have issued all the political evils that now afflict the coun- 
 try, scarcely leaving a hope behind." 
 
 But, we ask our readers to appljr this principle of exccu'ive action to the state of circum- 
 .stances that surround us. " The will of the people has been expres.?ed, through their represent- 
 atives," in the Kansas-Nebraska act. Suppose the will of the peoide shall be expressed through 
 the same medium in favor of its repeal : can iVIr. Fillmore hesitate to approve that repeal .' He 
 must do so, or repudiate the most prominent principle of his administration .' Representing a 
 Dtate of executive neutrality, he is bound to apply the signature of the State as if it were but 
 its seal to authenticate the constitutional and formal perfection of its laws. 
 
 We have shov/n that, even if it be assumed that the Kansas act was a legitimate conse- 
 quence and corollary of the compromise of 1850, as it obviously is, and as is contended by 
 those who introduced that act, and by the whole Democratic party, Mr. Fillmore would be 
 compelled, on principle, to sign a bill for its repeal. 
 
 But, unhappily, there is no such universal admission of the legitimate consistency of the 
 Kansas act with the compromise. If there was, there could be no dispute, for the same ap- 
 proval which sustained the compromise would extend to the Kansas act. 
 
 The question on trial before the American people is, Vv^hether the Kansas act is a legitimate 
 consequence growing out of and perfecting the compromise of 1850, or whether it is a tlagrant 
 disturbance or violation of that measure.' Tried by the test of contemporaneous construction, 
 we find that a large portion of those who advocated the compromise no^v oppose the Kansas 
 act. Mr. Fillmore himself has condemned the " disturbance of the Miss6uri compromise." 
 He, therefore, does not consider the Kansas act consistent with the compromise of 1850, and 
 v/ould sanction its repeal. Here are his v/ords upon the subject : 
 
 " Territorial governments had been provided for all the territory except that covered by the Missouri Com- 
 promise, and I had no suspicion that that was to be disturbed. [ have no hesitation in saying, what most of 
 you know already, that I was decidedly opposed to the disturbance of that Compromise. This repeal seems 
 to have been the Pandora's box out of which have issued all the political evils that now atSict the country, 
 scarcely leaving a hope behind." 
 
 There can be, then, no logical doubt that Mr. Fillmore disapproves the repeal of the Mis- 
 souri restrictions, and would restore them ; nor that, if the Kansas act be repealed in whole or 
 in part, he would oppose it. To elect hir* President, is to concede all that the Black Republi- 
 cans desire. They would carry out their nefarious legislation without obstacle, and all the 
 fruits obtained by an intense struggle of nearly two years would be lost to you, for even your 
 enemies would triumph ; the first and greatest step in their plan would have been achieved, 
 and the decree would be registered in indeUble letters, "No more slave States in the Union." 
 
 The Fillmore leaders openly advocate the restoration of the J\Iissouri restrictions ! 
 
 The rigid refusal on the part of Mr. Fillmore to make an avowal of his intentions in relation 
 to the present questions pending before the country, compels us to add other evidences daily 
 presenting themselves that Mr. Fillmore will, if elected, sign a bill to restore the Missouri re- 
 strictions, and thus virtually repeal that section of the Kansas act which gives that State the 
 right of admission into the Union as a slave State. 
 
 This position ia identical with that occupied by Black Kepublican party, and will compel 
 Mr. Fillmore, if elected to carry out so much of their platform as relates to .slavery. 
 
 But to the collateral evidences of Mr. Fillmose's purposes: 
 
 For some time indications had been given that Mr. Fillmore favored a restoration of antece- 
 dent legislation upon the .^.ubject of slavery. 
 
 Thelioii. Bayard Clark, of Ntw York, a warm friend of Mr. Fillmore, on the 24th July 
 openly avowed his opposition to popery and sUvcry a.s ■■' twin demons," and pledged himselt 
 
35 
 
 before God to an equal and uncompromising war against both. He denounced the enactment 
 of the Kansas act, and declared himself in favor of a restoration of the Missouri restriction. 
 About the same date, Hon. Mr. Dunn, of Indiana, appointed State elector by the Fillmore 
 convention, announced a similar opinion in favor of the restoration. Speaking of the Missouri 
 restriction, Mr. Dunn said : 
 
 "He was now persuaded that there would be no effort made to effect its restoration. He helieved tliat 
 there would be no peace in the country until it should be restored, either in substance or in fact. The pro- 
 hibition of slavery within the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, was a tiling to be done, or there would 
 never be peace. He spoke this, not in a spirit ol' taunt or of threat, but as a sober truth. Alluding to ICansas, 
 he declared that until that question was settled, the appropriation bills should never pass by his vole. He 
 would never give a dollar lor any purpose until the great question of individual safety connected with Kansas 
 affairs was settled. [Cries of ' Good, good.'] That was the only way in which to insure compliance— stop 
 the wheels of government." 
 
 On the 29th July the suggestion of Mr. Dunn " to stop the wheels of government" wag 
 adopted by an amendment to the army appropriation bill, depriving the army of all pay, unless 
 the acts of the Kansas legislature should be repealed by Congress. Here is the amendment : 
 
 " Jlnd provided, nevertheless, That no part of the military force of the United States herein provided for shall 
 be employed in aid of the euforceinefit of the enactments by the alleged legislative assembly of the Territory 
 of Kansas, recently assembled at Shawnee Mission, until Congress shall have enacted either that it was or 
 was not a valid legislative asssembly, chosen, in conformity with the organic law, by the people of the said 
 Territory : Jlnd provided, That, until Congress shall have passed upon the validity of said legislative assembly 
 of Kansas, it shall be the duty of the President to use the military force in said Territory to preserve the p(^ace, 
 suppress insurrection, repel invasion, and protect persons and property therein and upon the national higli- 
 ways, in the State of Missouri or elsewhere, from unlawful seizure and searches. 
 
 ^' kS-iuI be it further 2>rovided, That the President is required to disarm the present organized militia of the 
 Territory of Kansas, to recall all the United States arms therein distributed, and to prevent armed men from 
 going into said Territory to disturb the public peace or aid in the enforcement or resistance of real or pretended 
 laws."' 
 
 Upon the adoption of this amendment the vote was yeas 91, nays 86^ Amongst those who 
 voted for the amendment were Messrs Dunn, Harrison, and Moore. The vote of these friends 
 of Mr. Fillmore, if cast against the amendment, would have defeated it. 
 
 On the same day, however, all doubt of the position of the northern friends of Mr. Fillmore 
 was put at rest by the adoption by the House of Representatives of a substitute for the Kansas 
 act, offered by Mr. Dunn, of Indiana, repealing the right of Kansas to admission as a slave 
 State, an'J restoring the MissotH'i restriction. Upon the passage of this bill, Messrs. Dunn, 
 Edwards, Haven, Harrison, and i^^oore, northern members, and friends of Mr. Fillmore, voted 
 in the affirmative. Messrs. Valk, (a South Carolinian by birth,) and Mr. Broom, of Pennsyl- 
 vania, northern friends of Mr. 'Fillmore, voted in the negative. This determines, then, the 
 position of that section of the party, and establishes the probability that Mr. Fillmore will sign 
 a bill repealing the Kansas act. 
 
 Mr. Buchanan the only man ivko can quiet the agitation : 
 
 With respect to the opinions of Mr. Buchanan there is no doubt. He is bound by his prin- 
 ciples, by his past acts and present pledges, to maintain the equality of the southern States and 
 the admission of future slaves States into the Union. He will veto any bill to restore the odious 
 Missouri restriction. He will veto any bill to repeal the right of Kansas to admission into the 
 Union as a slave State. He will acquire more territory, if necessary, to accommodate peace- 
 fully the great conflicting interests. He will separate these angry foes, not by ideal lines and 
 unequal privileges, but by giving the right to each to enter upon and occupy ample and abund- 
 ant territory. This will secure the development of each in a. direction and in a region sepa- 
 rate, distant, and where they can never again come in collision. 
 
 Mr. Buchanan has many advantages over any competitor in effecting this great object. He 
 has the confidence of the people as a man of moderation and integrity. He has, like the earlier 
 fathers of the republic, a matured fame ; his only object is to preserve it from stain or dimi- 
 nution. He will only serve a single term. Like Washington, Madison, and Jackson, Mr. 
 Buchanon is childless. God has denied these benefactors children, " that a nation might call 
 them father." Content, therefore, with the exalted honors conferred upon them by a grateful 
 country, they have never had the ordinary motive to perpetuate in their own posterity the in- 
 fluence and consideration which have been bestowed upon them. 
 
 With all these motives, then, to be contented, we may expect that, at the end of his official 
 term, Mr. Buchanan, having quieted the sectional strife which threatened to destroy the Union; 
 having established and consolidated a policy which shall secure us respect abroad and peace at 
 home; having completed the circle of his country's honor and filled the measure of his own 
 renown, this faithful servant of the people and guardian of the constitution will fold around him 
 the robes of self-approval, and, retiring forever from the service of the republic, will say, with 
 the best of the Roman rulers, " My countrymen ! if 1 have acted well my part, give me your 
 applause." 
 
 4< 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Stake of the South 3 
 
 Black Republicans 3 
 
 Fanatics, mercenaries, foreign despotism, dough-faces 3-4 
 
 Their machinations in Congress 5 
 
 Plans of Abolition G 
 
 Plans of Senator Seward, &c , 6 
 
 Abolition by constitutional amendment 7 
 
 Proper policy of the South 7 
 
 Kansas act to bo maintained H 
 
 Questions to candidates 8 
 
 Captious objections to answer 9 
 
 Southern record of Buchanan and Fillmore compared 11 
 
 Mr. Buchanan's slavery record 1] 
 
 His opinions about slavery 11 
 
 Advocates independence and annexation of Texas 12 
 
 Votes for Mr. Calhoun's resolutions 12 
 
 Advocates division of Mexican territory between North and South 13 
 
 Opinion that Missouri restrictions have passed away 13 
 
 Definition of his position on the slavery question, by himself 15 
 
 Nomination by State convention of Pennsylvania 15 
 
 Accepts and endorses Kansas act ,1 15 
 
 Nominated by national convention 15 
 
 Accepts and endorses the Cincinnati platform, and pledges himself to maintain Kan- 
 sas act and secure harmony 15 
 
 Pledges Democratic party to quiet agitation 15 
 
 Slavery record of Mr. Fillmore 15 
 
 Erie letter 15 
 
 Gayle letter 15-16 
 
 One of the founders and fathers of abolition agitation 1 6-24 
 
 Votes to receive abolitioH petitions 17 
 
 Against Atherton's resolutions 21 
 
 Analysis of his vote for abolition and against peace 21 
 
 Dark day for the South 22 
 
 The Creole case 16 
 
 Votes for the reception of Giddings' resolutions 16 
 
 Votes against censure of Giddings 16 
 
 Wise's letter to Mr. Alfred 25 
 
 Executive record of Mr. Fillmore... 25 
 
 Appointment of Free-soilers to office 26 
 
 Surrenders the right of territorial acquisition to any part of Central or Isthmian 
 
 America 25 
 
 Pardons abolitionists for aiding the escape of 73 slaves from the District of Columbia, 
 upon advocacy of Senator Sumner, and against the wishes of the people of the 
 
 District of Columbia .' 26-29 
 
 Fillmore's record recapitulated 29 
 
 Buchanan's record recapitulated 29-30 
 
 Fremont and Fillmore 30 
 
 Mr Fillmore's signature of the Compromise of 1850 31 
 
 He is bound hj his principles to repeal the Kansas act 31 
 
 His veto doctrines , 31-32 
 
 His opinions upon the Kansas act 33 
 
 Testimony of his friends 33 
 
 His Iriends in Congress stop the wheels of government as,-- a-M^—- Jlk ^^ 
 
 Mr. Buchanan the only man who can quiet the agitatiorj, , .4....bH,^.u.. '' 35 
 
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