•V* ,V' ^o. / nD 'o , , * •7* e K o.N'-' '*' '^' '^ '.'H^je^ ■^< ^ 9^ '•"> ^^ -o/ v^ ..j.:^'* c^ •• t,"' ^0^9*^' '^o^ .^^ 'bV '^0^ ^ "^ -V^^ '^"^ ^IIK*" J'^^^ "^^S '^^^\ "'^^Z J'^^ "-V^^^^^Z ■» o ;* <.^^ * «? «^, o^ C" *' '^^ V'i- .■^^r ,^^ \ "yi^'^^' >'' "^ *°-n*v V THE SLAVE UUESTION. SPEECH HON. WM. H. BISSELL, OF ILLINOIS, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEBRUARY 21, 1850, '; ^T^ In Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, on the Resolution referring the President' s Message to the appropriate Standing Committees. Mr. BISSELL said: Mr. Chairman: Our discussions in this Coin- miltee have ah-eady produced a profound and pain- ful sensation throughout the Union. The public mind has become agitated and anxious, and op- pressed with apprehensions of impending calamity. This state of things, sir, ought not to continue; or, at any rate, that uncertainty which makes the future more terrible than would perhaps the real- ization of our worst fears, ought to be removed. If tliis Government of ours is really so near its end as gentlemen here declare it to be; or if its longer continuance depends upon contingencies so uncertain, it were well that we knew it now, that we might make timely preparation. If, on the other hand, the apprehensions I have spoken of are groundless, the people ought, in mercy, to be undeceived. They ought to be undeceived at once, sir, in order that they may have that repose and conscious security to which they are entitled under a government created and sustained by their own hands. Reluctant as I am to add to the public anxiety, I yet do not feel at liberty to withhold the expres- sion of my own opinion upon the absorbing topic of this discussion, and of the day. And I do not hesitate to declare, as my settled convic- tion, that, unless representatives who have as- sumed to speak for the slaveholding States have greatly mistaken the purposes and intentions of the iieople of those States, war and bloodshed, con- sequent upon an attempt to overthrow this Gov- ernment, are inevitable. This declaration 1 desire should go forth to the country; and with it the reasons upon which my opinion is based. These reasons are found in the extracts which I shall quote, first, from the speech of the honorable gentleman from Mississippi, [Mr. Brown.] Here are the extracts: " Whilst you have been heapin;,' outrage upon outrage, add- ing insult to insult, our people have been calmly calculaiing the value of Uie Union. The question has been considered in all its bearings, and our minds are made up." " We owe it to you, to ourselves, to our common country, to the friends of freedom throughout the world, to warn you that we intend to submit no longer." "Lang years of outrage upon our feelings and disregard of our rights have awakened in every southern heart a feeling of stern resistance. Think what you will, say what you will, perpetrate again and again ifyou will, these acts of law- less tyranny ; the day and the hour is at hand when every southern son will rise in rebellion, when every tongue will say, give us justice or give us death." " Go home and tell your peoiile the issue is made up ; ttiey must now choose between non-interference with south- ern rights on the oneside, and adissolution of the Union on the other." " Ifyou fancy tliat our devoUon to the Union will keep us in the Union, jou are mistaken. Our love for the Union ceases wilh the justice of the Union. We cannot love op- presb^ion, nor ling tyranny to our bosoms." " 1 tell you candiiily, we have calculated the value of the Union. Your injustice has driven us to it. Your oppres- sion juj^tifies nie to-day in discussing the value of the IJnion, and t do so freely and fearlessly. Your press, your people, and your pulpit, may denounce this as treason; be it so. Yon may sing hosannas to the Union — it is well. British lords called it tieason in our fathers when they resisted British tyranny. British orators were eloquent in their eu- logiuins on the British Crown. Our fathers lelt the oppres- sion, they saw the hand that aimed tlie blow, and resolved to resist, 'f'he result is before the world. We will resist, and trust to God and our own stout hearts for the conse- quences." " The South afraid of dissolving the Union I — why should we fear i What is there to alarm us or awaken our ap- prehensions •■ Are we not able to maintain ourselves? Shall eiglit millions of freemen, with more than one hun- dred millions of annual exports, fear to lake their position among the nations of the earth .' With our cotton, sugar, rice, and tobacco, products of a southern soil, yielding us annually more than a hundred millions of dollars, need we fear the frowns of the world ? ' " Have we any reason to fear a dissolution of the Union.' Look at the question dispassionately, and answer to your- selves the important inquiry. Can anything be expected from tlie fears of the southern people .' Do not deceive yourselves — lookatthin.'sasthey really are. For myself, I can say with a clear conscience, we do not fear it ; we are not appalled at the prospect before us ; we deprecate disunion, but we do not fear it ; we know our position too well lor that." " Have we anything to fear from you in the event of disso- lution .' A little gasconade, and sometimes a threat or two." " As to there being any conflict of arms growing out of a dissolution, 1 have not thought it at all probable. You complain of your association with slaves in the Union. We propose to take them out of the Union— to dissolve the un- pleasantassociation. Will you seek a battle-field to renew, amid blood and carnage, this loathsome association .' I take it for granted that you will not. But ifyou should, we point you to the record of the past, and warn yon, by its blood- stained pages, that we shall be ready to meet you." These extracts from the speech of the gentle- man from Mississippi [Mr. Brown] are sufficient for our present purpose. The gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. Clingman,] tells us " what is the vieio presented in prospect to many of the highest intellects of the South;" and it is substantially this: that as a separate Con- federacy the slaveholding States " might expend as much as the United States ever did in time of peace up to the beginning of Gen. Jackson's ad- ministration, and still have on hand twenty-five millions of dollars to devote to the making rail- roads, openicg harbors and rivers, and for other domestic purposes." The same gentleman has thus disposed, in advance, of some little matters pertaining to the interior regulations of the " south- ern confederacy" to be: "The nothern tier of counties in Kentucky," says he, " would perhaps be obliged to remove their slaves to the South. But there would be to her advantages in the change simil ir to those of Maryhuid. Kentucky supplies l)ie Souili with hve slock to n great extent; but she lias lo encounter the eompeiition of Ohio and other nortluvestern Stales. If the production of these Stales n-cre suhject to a duty, she niiijhl for a time have a monopoly in the trade." I doubt not, 1 sir, that it will astonish the fieople of the :reat West and Norihwtsl to find iliai the fathers of the " S0H//uni confederacy" have disposed of the navi- [ gation of ihe Mississippi with such celerity, as } much as it will the people of Kentucky to learn I that their slaves are henceforih to be removed j South — insletid of J^'ortli. The same gentleman, [Mr. Clikhmak,] has divulged his plan for remov- ing — iliough not quite so gently — ail those in Ken- tucky and the oilier slaveholding Slates who hesi- tate about swearing allegiance to this "southern confederacy." He intimates that it will not take as long to hang them as it did ihe " Tories in the Revolution." I I think, Mr. Chairman, that I have now given extracts enough to justify the opinion 1 expressed at the outset of my remarks. We cannot fail to see that if the feelings, purposes, and intentions of llie people of the slave holding states are correctly represented in these speeches, our countrymen may well apprehend the most fearful calamities. The subject has been calmly considered in ail its aspects by the highest intellects of the South. It has been ascertained by calculation that if the southern States were separated from the north- ern, not only would they escape from " northern aggression" in future, but they would also derive a direct pecuniary advantage of $25,000,000 per annum. And though it does not appear that the amount of duty to be paid by I he people of the West and Northwest to the "southern confeder- acy," for the privilege of navigating the Missis- sippi river has yet been fixed, it nevertheless does appear that such a duty is to be exacted. I allude to these things, sir, to show the minute calculations that have been entered into in reference to the altered condition of things consequent upon the meditated dissolution of the Union. They show an advanced stage in the progress of this move- ment which, in my judgment, will astound the country. Now, sir, let us see if we can glean from these geDtlemcn's .speeches the shadowing forth of any plan by whifli this movement is to be commenced and rarri'd out. I first quote from the speech of the gentleman from Alabama, [Mr. Inge :] " Will lliP Uj of the North atlunipt, by the po-.v.riiriiuiiil.i!rM,tiioiiira;;ethcC(iii,slitutioiiaiid(le!.'r;id(nhe .South hy Ihc udiiiiH.-inn ol' this 'IVrritory [C.ililbrnia] as a 8laH!. wilhoiit the oH'it of komic iMiiiivalint .' 1 suggest lo thciii l" rciiiKiiihcr that wc are ;k you to give us our rights by non-intervention; if you refuse,! am tor taluiigthem by armed occcpation." Resist the passage of a law admitting California first by votes, and lastly by ^' other means!'" Mr. Chairman, does the Constitution which we are sworn to support, or the rules of this House, point out to us any " other means" of resisting the enactment of a law, except by means of votes.' We can adjourn. But how adjourn without voting an adjournment.' " Force an adjournment," says the gentleman. And that force is the " other means" by which the admission of California is to be resisted, "nnrf resisted sncccssfuUy." And what next.' Why, the Mishville Convention is to meet. Then what.' '' Carry slaves into all of ' southern California, as the property of sovereign ' States, and there hold them, as we have a right ' to do; and if molested, defend them, as is both 'our right and duty." And thus is California to be ^^ taken" by " armed occupation." Alas for the 100,000 men already there, or on their way thither, from whom California is to be taken by force, and held by armed occupation, that slavery may be introduced there against their will ! I doubt not, Mr. Chairman, that by this time you and this committee are satisfied, as I am, that unless the intentions of the people of the slave- holding States have been mistaken by some of their Representatives here, a conflict of arms be- tween the Government of the United States and a portion of the citizens thereof is inevitable. But, sir, I have never permitted myself to doubt the patriotism of the American people. And I shall be slov/, especially, to distrust that quality in the people of the generous South. Left to their own unprejudiced judgment and their own sound reflections, I shall have no fear. I dare hardly answer, however, for the effect which the speeches, especially that of the gentleman from Mississippi, [Mr. Brown,] may have upon the minds of a gallant people, naturally ardent and impulsive. Indeed, sir, I shudder at the thought of the effect which passages like that which I shall now quote, may, I had almost said must, produce on the feel- ings of our southern brethren. Receiving it in good faith, as we are bound to suppose they will, as a faithful statement of the cruelties and enormi- ties about to be visited upon them by the hands of their northern brethren, it would be strange, in- deed, if they failed to be wrought up to the most in- tense degree of excitement and exasperation: "Our country is to he made desolate. We are to be driven from our homes— the homes hallowed by all the sacred as- sociations of family and friends. We are to be sent, like a people accursed of God, to wander through the land, home- less, houseless, and friendless ; or, what is ten thousand timKS worse than these, than all, remain in a country now prosperous and happy and see ourselves, our wives and children, degraded to asocial position with the black race. These, these are the frightful, terrible consequences you would entail upon us. Picture to yourselves Hungary, re- sisting the powers of Austria and Russia; and if Hungary, which had never tasted liberty, could make such stout re- sistance, what may you not anticipate from eight millions of southrons made desperate by your aggression." Do you know, Mr. Chairman, of any acts com- mitted or meditated by the North against the people of the slaveholding States, that can by any possibility justify such declarations as those I have quoted? I know of none, and I am sure the gen- tleman from Mississippi will find it very difficult to point them out to his constituents. It is easy, indeed, to deal in general charges against the North; and when requested to specify those charges, to say, as the honorable gentleman from Mississippi does, " I will not recount the story of our wrongs." But will such a course satisfy a people, patriotic, intelligent and inquiring .■• Future developments will show. And what, sir, are the causes assigned to justi- fy the act of dissolving this Union .' They are alleged aggressions by the non-slaveholding States upon the rights of the slaveholding, in respect to slavery. All the charges [lUt forth against the non-slaveholdin^ Slates have reference to that question solely; and they are all comprised and compendiously set forth in a single brief sentence which I here quote from the speech before refer- red to of the gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. Clingman.] After referring at some length to the benefits and advantages of slavery, he says : " In spite, however, of these great facts, which ouaht to strike all imijarlial minds, the course of the North has been constantly aggressive on this question." Now, sir, on behalf of the North, I repel the charge. And I aflirm that, for anything the North has done to justify the overthrow of this Government, any attempt to do so, is naked trea- son. What, sir, the course of the free States been " constantly aggressive'' upon the South on the slavery question ? Let us see. Since the adoption of the Constitution seventeen States have been admitted into the Union. Of this num- ber, ri/?ie are slaveholding States, and eight non- slaveholding. Now, sir, it ha- so happened that at every time when anv of these slaveliolding States have applied fi>i admission, the North has had complete ascendancy in both branches of Congress, consequently the power to exclude any or all of them. They were all admitted, slave- h -Iding as they were, with just such constitutions as they had chosen to adopt for themselves. Is this a part of that " aggressive course" on the slavery question which the North has " constant- ly" pursued r " Again: Of the territory embraced within the seventeen States thus admitted, the free States comprise 33.3,259 square miles ; and the slave States 730,376 square miles. Thus we see that the extent of slave territory admitted into the Union since the adoption of the Constitution is considerably more than twice as great as that of the free territory. Does this look like a disposi- tion on the part of the free States to pursue a course of "constant aggression" towards the South on the subject of slavery .' Again: The annexation of Texas was a pecu- liarly southern measure. The necessity of its acquisition was distinctly placed by Mr. Calhoun — himself the embodiment of ultra southern prin- ciples, and the master-spirit of the then Adminis- tration — upon the wants of slavery. To the North the measure was distasteful. The North never desired, for its own sake, the acquisition of Texas; nevertheless, the South earnestly desiring it, and Mr. Calhoun's great influence being brought to bear in its favor, for the reason, chiefly, just given, the North generously acquiesced in the measure, though possessed of ample power to defeat it. Texas was acquired— and , at the cost of a sanguinary and expensive war, we took into the Union, at one swoop, an amount of slave territory equal in extent to theentire original thirteen States. Allthisthe non-slaveholdingStates might have pre- vented, but did not. Is this northern "aggression" upon the rights of the South on the slavery ques- tion t Is this one of the acts of "aggression" on that subject wnich is to justify gentlemen of the South in dissolving the Union? The power of Conaress to abolish the slave- trade and slavery at the arsenals, fotts and navy yards, and in this District, will hardly be ques- tioned by any of our southern friends. And yet, neither the one nor the other has been abolished to this day in any of those places. Even slave- dealers now drive their occupation in this District at pleasure. Could not the North, had she chosen so to do, have put an end to slavery and the slave- trade in all these places, long ere this.' She has forborne to do so. Is that forbearance any part of the "asgression" upon slavery which now justi- fies rplifllion nsra'i'^t 'he Union ? Now, sir, let us consider those minor charges, 8» perlinrtciously urged against the free Stales, that make upihesum total of those "aggressions" whicii jusiil^y these gentlemen in dissolving the Union. What are these charges? Why, it is charged, first, that among the people of the free Stales there is a prevalent and increasing feeling adverse lo slavery. This statement, or charge if it be one, I cannot deny. But i am at a loss to conceive how that can he regarded as an " aggres- •ion" upon the South, or a jus:ification for the net of overthrowing this Government. Is it required of the free Slates that they, in aggregate, shall keep n supervision over the views and opinions of their individual citizens on political, moral or any other suhjects? Is not this a country of freedom of opinion ? And do not our southern friends, even, recognize the principle that " error of opinion may be safely tolerated where reason is left free to com- bat it.'" But are the people of the free Slates pe- culiar in their views on this subject.' Does not the " aggression'' come also from another quar- ter, and with ten-fold force .' How is the feeling in Kentucky where, at a recent election, more than ten thousand votes (as I am informed) were cast in favor of complete emancipation .' How is it in other northern slave Stales where Van Buren, even, at the last Presidential election, found warm supporters, and not a few votes? Now, gentlemen of the South, you cannot prevent these tilings — this feeling, or sentiment, or whatever else you may call it — even among the people of your own slave- holding Slates, can you ? Are you not asking loo much, then, when you require us of the North and West to suppress it among our people? We could not do so, if we would. And, if we had the power, our refusal to exercise it would by no means tend to justify the destruction of this Re- public. Again: It is made an accusation against the free States, that their ministers of the Gospel make slavery a sul ject of pulpit disquisition, thus in- creasing the hostility already existing against that institution. To some extent this may be the fact, Mr. Chairman; though I confess that, so far as my own knowledge extends, such instances are ex- ceedins^lv rare. But what then? Can we prevent that? Ought we to try? Why, on this point we have the authority of the gentleman from Mis- sissippi [.Mr. Brown-] himself, in favor of the praciice. You will recollect, sir, that after treating us to an argument of considerable length designed to show that the moral and ndigious condition of the negro is improved by his i)eing held in bond- age — ^^und after declaring that, in his opinion sla- very is "a great moral, social, political, and reli- ' eiouH blc-ising — a blessing to the slave, and a ' nlessing to the master;" he drops the sulqect by saying: " It is no part of my purpn.se to 'discu.'^s ' this proposition. The subject, in this view of it, ' belongs niiher lo the pulpit than to the halls of le- 'gislaiion." Surely, sir, he will now complain no more of sermons on the subject of slavery: — and, when he comes to draft llie " declaration " for the "southern confederacy" — (! trust that has not already been done)— he will certainly not include this as one of the " causes which impel us to the scparntion. " But again : 1 1 is charged also against the free States, that we tolerate anti-slavery societies. Yes, sir, we tolerate anti-slavery societies, native American societies, temperance societies, moral reform socie- ties, missionary societies, sewing societies, and possibly — though I am not certain — other societies. Indeed, sir, we are tolerant towards all sorts of societies. We are so, because, first, we have no right to be intolerant in reference to such matters; and, secondly, because there is no necessity for meddling with them. We must hunt for other causes than this, sir, to justify a dissolution of this Union. Another charge against us is, that we permit men to perambulate the country, lecturing on abo- litionism; thus increasing the prejudice already existing against the institution of slavery. There j are such men, no doubt. My mind recurs to one just now — one who, in that way, has probably [ exercised more influence in the North than all the I other anti-slavery lecturers put together. This man I is Cassius M. Clay, a citizen of the slaveholding' State of Kentucky. When our southern friends I will agree to seal his mouth on that subject, or confine his efforts to abolish slavery, to the south- ern States where he belongs, it will be time enough for us of the North to set about devising some modeof confining itinerant lecturers, or prescribing subjects for the exercise of their eloquence. I might mention other lecturers of the same sort for whom the North is indebted to the slave States. But it is unnecessary. It is also made a matter of accusation against the free States, that anti-slavery presses are kept up there, and that the papers supplied by them are circulated throughout the northern States, and even into the southern; and this is one of the principal causes which render it necessary to es- tablish a " southern confederacy," which shall em- brace just exactly the fifteen slaveholding States and no more. We cannot deny, Mi"- Chairman, that such papers do circulate quite extensively in some portions of the free States, and some of them, probably, may be found even south of INlason and Dixon's line. I have a paper of that charac- ter on my desk now. Here it is, sir. [Holding it up.] It is a fair-looking paper, Mr. Chairman; and I observe that its articles are written with great power. But, I assure you, sir, it is fearfully se- vere on slavery. And it circulates extensively in the North, too; the number not being less, 1 am told, than fourteen thousand weekly; besides some thousands which find their way into the slavehold- ing Slates. Novv', I can imagine that you suppose this paper to be published in Vermont. You are mistaken, sir. It is not published there, nor in Ma.s'sachusetts, nor even north of Mason and Dixon's line. It is published on slave territory, sir; right here in sight of this Capitol, and almost within sound of my voice Right here, sir, upon the very spot from which the gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. Clingman,] is not iroing to be driven, because it is Ins " slave territory." Yes, gentlemen of the South, from your own midst; from the very doors of your houses, surrounded by your slave population, do you send forth unti- slavery papers, in number more than fourteen thousand |iprweek, to deluge the North, and manu- facture public sentiment there. Then you make the circulation of these papers, and the prevalence of a sentiment which they cannot but engender, a pretext for overthrowing this Government. Si- lence your own Abolition presses; keep for your own use the fourteen thousand abolition papers which you weekly distribute among; the people of the North , and then claim , if you will, that the exist- ence of abolition presses in the free States, is jus- tification to you for dissolving the Union I remember, also, that there was another anti- slavery press in vigorous and very efleclive oper- ation for some time in Kentucky Mr. BROWN. We destroyed it. Mr. BISSELL. So you did, by violence. But, by your own laws and the decisions of your own courts, you were punished for it. You were com- pelled to make compensation in damages for your lawless act. Now, I ask our southern friends, in all good feeling, if they can justly urge as a reason for dissolving the Union annoyances consequent upon a state of things in the free States which they cannot prevent at their own doois? We are met by the gentleman from North Car- olina with another difficulty, for which he holds the North responsible. He suggests that the in- creasing anti-slavery sentiment in the North will prevent the President from appointing slavehold- ! ers to office. For the present let a single fact allay the gentleman's fears. The Presidency has been given to the slaveholding States during forty- eight of the last sixty years. And this, too, though the white population of the slaveholding j States has rarely, if at any time, exceeded one- | half that of the free States. Of the foreign mis- sions of all grades, more than a majority have been given to the South. Of the Cabinet appointments very nearly, if not quite half, have been given to the South. Of the officers in the army and navy ' it will be found that, considering the relative pop | ulation of the free and slaveholding States, at least ] three out of five have been given to the South, i How is it at this very moment, sir, while these very ! complaints of outrage, insults, tyranny, and loss' of office are being made.' Why, sir, the Pres- ident — a majority of the Cabinet — a majority of j our foreign ministers — a majority of the members of the Siupreme Court, and the presiding officer I and clerk of this House — are southern men and ^ slaveholders. Does not this satisfy the gentle- i man from North Carolina.' Surely he might, on i this subject, rest quite easy. Another difficulty [ gravely set forth in that gentleman \s speech I ought, perhaps, to notice with becoming serious- ness. 1 allude to the refusal of the New England spinster to take the southern gentleman's arm ! That was wrong, unquestionably. But then, these Yankee girls are very independent, and will do just as they please — as some of us have learned from very painful personal experience. But I do not think that a dissolution of the Union need to follow as a necessary consequence. It is a proper subject for negotiation. And, as the lady cannot fail to perceive by this time that she is in danger of becomms; a second Helen, she will doubtless be more yielding. Another charge against the free States is that of aiding fugitive slaves to make their escape. That we have vicious people as well as deluded people among us, we do not deny ; and that they have aided slaves to elude the pursuit of their owners, is, 1 regret to say, more than probuble. Such acts are not in consonance with the spirit of our Con- stitution, and they tend directly to destroy that good neighborhood among the people and the States of this Union, which every true-hearted American desires to cultivate. They are acts, against the commission and for the punishment of which the General Government ought to provide. I hope such provision will be made before the close of this session. It need not be expected, however, that any human laws, however rigidly enforced, will wholly remedy this evil. There are bad men in all communities — in the North as well as the South — and one unprincipled man, by enticing away or aiding the escape of a slave, may bring reproaches upon a whole State. I am confident, however, that the numberof such men in thefreeStates is very greatly overestimated by gen- tlemen from theSouth. They should rememlierthat it takes but very few men to occasion all the an- noyance they have suffered in this respect. They should remember, too, that these things are done secretly, and are by no means countenanced by the mass of the people. For my own part, I am ready to go any reasonable length to secure such legislation as will henceforth prevent, as far as possible, this grievance. I desire to see a law en- acted this present session, which shall secure to you, as far as practicable, your rights in this re- spect. The slaves are your own property; recog- nized as such by that Constitution, every line and every intendment of which I hold sacred. But let me ask gentlemen if they have not negro-steal- ers in their own States — if they have not every variety of unprincipled characters among them .' Neither they nor we can free our respective States from such men; and they should consider wheth- er, if things were reversed — they occupying our position and we theirs — they would be likely to keep themselves freer from just reproach than we have done. I am not so unmindful of truth as to deny that, in respect to the subject now under consideration, some of our southern friends have good cause to complain. But it must have been remarked by all of us that the Representatives from those States which have really been aggrieved in this respect are not those who have threatened us with disunion. These threats have come from the Representatives of States from which, I ven- ture to say, on an average not one slave escapes in five years. Who ever heard of a slave escaping from Mississippi or Alabama.' Where does he go to? Who helps him away? Certainly not the people of the North. Kentucky, Virginia, Maryland, and Missouri, the only States that are really sufferers by the escape of slaves, do not seem to have dreamed of dissolution as a remedy; while the Representatives from a few of the ex- treme southern States, whence slaves could no more escape than from the island of Cuba, see ample cause and imperious necessity for dissolving the Union and establishing a " southern confeder- acy," in the alleged fact that their slaves are en- ticed away by the citizens of the North. I believe there remains now but a single other " charge against the North" for me to examine; and that brings me to the subject more imme- diately under consideration in this committee — the California question. The proceeding which has resulted in bringing California to the door of the Union — is cha'^racterized by the honorable gentleman from Mississippi, " as unwise, unpatri- •^otic, sectional in its tendencies, insulting to the ' South, and in the last degree despicable." "It ' is," says that gentleman, " in derogation of the 6 ' Constitution of the United States, and intended • to roll the Sovllifrn States of their just and right- ' fill jidsscssions. " It IS- also objected tlint these proceedings are likely to introduce into the other House of Con- gress two " Free Soil Senators" which will destroy the ecjuilibrium now existing there between the North and the South, by giving to the Free States the majority- Well now, sir, what are the pro- ceedint;s complained of, and for which the Union is to be dissolved and the North held responsible ? The President, himself a southern man and a slave- holder, with a Cabinet, a majority of whom are southern men and slave-holders, send Thomas Butler Kin?, a soutliern man and a slaveholder, to ''aid and comfort," encourage and advise the gold diggeis in tlieii efforts to join the sister- hood of Slates. Mr. King returns, bringing as trophies two southern men — one a Mississippian and the other a South Carolinian — (and both slaveholders, I believe) whom our southern Pres- ident dtsires to introduce into the Senate of the United States as members of that body. And, thereupon, our southern friends declare that if this infamous measure of "northern asgression" is carried out the Union shall be dissolved and the North held responsible! But what, I pray, has the North had to do with all this? Where can you discover the slightest traces of a northern man's finger in the whole matter? Nay, sir, who are they in Congress who are understood to have dis- tinctly (hclared tliemselves in favor of the admis- sion of California since the reception of the mes- sage on that subject? Who but Clay, Houston, Benton of the Senate, and Bay, of this House — all slaveholders? And this California proceeding fills the measure of northern " aggression," and makes it impera- tive upon " every southern son to rise in rebel- lion," and excKiim to the North " give us liljerty or give us death!" Mr. Chairman, how is it that this matter is expected never to be understood by the people of the South ? Surely their Repre- sentatives do not intend to deceive them — they could not hope to do so on a subject so plain and palpable. Now, sir, having disposed of the charges of "northern aggression," of which we have heard 80 much since the meeting of Congress, 1 appeal to gentlemen to say whether there is anything in them, taken separately or in the aggregate, which i in the slightest degree justifies their threats against | the Union ? I appeal to them also, to say, whether the overthrow of this Government and the estab- lishment of a "soulhern confederacy" would miti'.'aie in any degree the evils they complain of. Would ami-slavery societies go down; would anti- slavery presses cease their issues; would lecturers give up their occupation; would Mrs. Partington withhold her su^e opinions on the morality of slavery; and would slaves escape no more from the norihern slaveholding States? No, gentle- men, every real grievance thai now exists would then be n^jgravated in a tenfold degree. 1 am at a lofiH to conceive how on this point there can be any diversity of opitiion. SecinL', llien, that all these complaints are either wholly trroundles.s, or exceedingly trivial when conHidcnil in the li^ht of causes justifying a dis- Boliition of the Union, I am constrained to believe, and 1 80 declare us the firm conviction of my own ! mind, that if this slavery question were settled to- , day upon terms entirely unobjectionable to the [South, the scheme of dismembering the Union i would still be prosecuted as now. Sir, I feel no little remorse for the wrong I did j to an eminent citizen last summer. The distin- t guished Senator from Missouri, Col. Benton, dis- tinctly and boldly declared to the people of that State, that there was a small but active party in the extreme South — at the head of wliich was an emi- ; nent statesman, alike distinguished for his great genius and his restless ambition — who were seek- [ ing a dismemberment of the Union in order to the establishment of a separate "southern confeder- acy." For that I denounced Col. Benton in my State, and to my constituents. May God forgive me for the wrong I did him. / was wrong — he was right. Yes, sir ; with that party, small but active and influential, this .slavery agitation is but a mode of effecting the destruction of this Union. ; It furnishes a convenient pretext and a powerful '< lever. But, be assured, sir, had they not in the slavery question a plausible pretext for carrying forward their designs, they would hunt for such a pretext elsewhere — or invent one. The people. howevei, alike patriotic and vigilant, will defeat their designs ; and in due time they will visit with just retribution those who have sought to mislead them. But do these gentlemen see no difficulties in the way? I know that, so far as the free States are concerned, they have only to fear " a little gascon- ade aad a few threats" — for they have told us so. But is there nothing to be apprehended from the patriotism and firmness of the people of the slave States themselves? How about all those who may choose to hesitate in the States of Maryland, Del- aware, North Carolina, Virginia, Kentucky, Mis- souri, Texas, and Tennessee? Tliey are to be hanged — hanged at once, as we learn from the gen- tleman from North Carolina, [Mr. Clivgman.] Now, sir, when the gentleman ]iroceeds to that operation in Kentucky, the hemp-growers of that State will have no occasion to desire a contract for furnishing the Navy with hemp — for they will not be able to supply the demand for home consump- tion. Truly, that day on which all the people of the slave States who are opposed to disunion shall be hanged in the air, and among them Ci.ay, Un- DicRwooD, Benton, Houston, Badger, and others of equal distinction — that day, sir, will be one to be remembered ! Gentlemen tell us again and again, that they are not afipalled at all this — that nothing need be expected from the fears of "south- rons." And the gentleman from North Carolina, especially, seems exceedingly anxious to impress us with a proper appreciation of the prowes.s of hinuself and liis friends. This is all unnecessary. We have never impugned their bravery, and wever doubted it. We do not doubt it now. They un- questionably possess that quality to an equal extent with other men. But their constant disparage- ment of the personal courage of the people of the free Slates, can certainly not be expected to height- en our opinion of their own. VVe may come to think, bye and bye, that they have fallen into two errors — the one the error of underrating the cour- age of others; and the other I need not particu- larize. The gentleman from North Carolina, speaking for himself and his friends, says: "1 tell gentle- * men that this is our slaveholding territory. We ' do not intend to leave it. If they thinlc they can ' remove us, it is a proper case for trial;" and he delights in the prospect that such a contest would not leave a quorum of live members on this floor. The gentleman must excuse us for declining the in- vitation to so delightful an entertainment. We have no doubt that he and his friends would de- fend with great resolution this " slaveholding ter- ritory." I wish this particular spot of " slave- holding territory" had been always thus defended. 1 think the Capitol stands now where it did in 1814, does it not, Mr. Chairman .' Yes sir; in the same place. Do you not remember to have read that, in August of that year the British, after spending something like a month on the waters of the Chesapeake, quietly landed a handful (4,500) of sailors and soldiers — enervated by the effects of a long sea voyage — some forty miles from this place? And do you not remember that, dragging by hand three pieces of artillery, two of them three pounders, they made their way over this very "slaveholding territory" to this very Cap- itol; and, having destroyed our lilirary and pub- lic archives, and reduced the Capitol to a heap of smouldering ruins: spending nine days the while on this " slaveholding territory," leisurely reem- barked for other scenes of operation .' Now I do not charge, sir, that our friends then were want- ing in bravery. Not at all. I think, indeed, they were as brave then as now. But somehow or other I could never help but think that on that oc- casion they were — rather bashful. The gentleman from Mississippi, [Mr. Brown,] who thinks that the resistance of the free States to the overthrow of our Government, would be con- fined to " a little gasconade and a few threats," is nevertheless kind and considerate enough to give us some advice to be acted upon in the event of our not choosing to confine our resistance to a dis- solution of the Union within so small a compass. Hearken, Mr. Chairman, to this voice of wisdom: " When you leave your liomes in New England, or in the great West, nii iliis uiifsion of love — this crusade against the South ; when you eonie to take slavery to your bosoms, and to subdue eight millions of southiTn people, I warn you to make all things ready. Kiss your wives, hid your chil- dren a long farewell, make peace with your God ; fori warn you that you may never return." The profound-emotion with which this sage ad- monition was received by the bachelors in this part of the Hall, must have satisfied the gentle- man, I think, that due heed will be given it. He also admonishes us more than twice, or thrice of the enormous population now comprised within the slaveholding States. He sets itdosvii at eight mil- lions of freemen. Now the last census, if I am not mistaken, shows the number to have been four millions and six or seven hundred thousand; and by none of the ordinary modes of calculation can that number now exceed six millions. If the in- crease has really been so great as the gentleman would have us believe, it may be set down as a circumstance, the like of which has never been known in any age or country: and the gentleman may justly claim that his constituents are as emi- nently distinguished for another quality as for prowess. But this is a small matter, sir; and I merely refer to it as an illustration of the prone- ness of our southern friends to exaggerate all their capabilities. This proneness, however, is not always harm- less; and I must now refer to a subject which I would gladly have avoided. I allude to the claim put forth for a southern regiment, by the gentle- man from Virgmia, [Mr. Seddon,j of having met and repulsed the enemy on the field of Buena Vista, at that most critical moment when the sec- ond Indiana regiment, through an unfortunate order of their colonel, gave way. Justice to the living, as well as to those who fell on that occa- sion, demand of me a prompt correction of this most erroneous statement. And I affirm distinctly, sir, and such is the fact, that at the time the second Indiana regiment gave way, the Mississippi regi- ment, for whom this claim is thus gratuitously set up, was not within a mile and a half of the scene of action; nor had it as yet fired a gun, or drawn a trigger. I affirm further, sir, that the troops which at that time met and resisted the enemy, and thus, to use the gentleman's own language, "snatched victory from the jaws of defeat," were the second Kentucky, the second Illinois, and a portion of the first Illinois regiments. It gives me no pleasure, sir, to be compelled to allude to this subject, nor can I perceive the necessity or pro- priety of its introduction into this debate. It hav- ing been introduced, however, I could not sit in siience and witness the infliction of such cruel in- justice upon men, living and dead, whose well- earned fame I were a monster not to protect. The true and brave hearts of too many of them, alas, have already mingled with the soil of a foreign country; but their claims upon the justice of their countrymen can never cease, nor can my obliga- tions to them be ever forgotten or disregarded. No, sir. The voice of Hardin — that voice which has so often been heard in this hall as mine now is, though far more eloquently — the voice of Hardin, aye, and of McKee, and the accomplished Clay — each wrapped now in his bloody shroud — their voices would reproach me from the grave, had I failed in this act of justice to them and the others who fought and fell by my side. You will suspect me, Mr. Chairman, of having warm feelings on this subject. So I have; and I have given them utterance, as a matter of duty. In all this, however, I by no meansdetractfrom thegal- lant conduct and bearing of the Mississippi regiment. At other times and places on that bloody field, they did all that their warmest admirers could have de- sired. But let me ask again, why was this sub- ject introduced into this debate.' Why does the gentleman say, "the troops of the North" gave way, when he means only a single regiment.' Why is all this but for the purpose of disparaging the North for the benefit of the South? Why, but for the purpose of furnishing materials for that ceaseless, never-ending, eternal theme of "south- ern chivalry?" Mr. Chairman, the people of the free States have as strong an attachment for their brethren of the South at this very moment as they had during the days of the Revolution, or at any subsequent period; and they will not suffer that attachment to be destroyed by disunionists or designing men in the North or in the South. We have our dis- unionists in the North, sir, and they annoy us not a little. Were your troublesome men in the North, they would be the Garrisons, the Tappans, and the Gerritt Smiths; and were our Garrisons, and Tappans, and Gerritt Smiths in the South, 8 they would be the disuiiionisls aKninst wliom the moderate men of nil parties would Imve to Kuard. I tell yoii, sir, that we, the representatives of the North, will aid you to preserve your constitutional rigiits, as we have ever done. VVe are not alien- ated from you; nor have your ultra men yet driven us entirely " to the wall." We are ready to meet you now on any (air grounds and fiijlit with you side by side t'or your rights and for ours; and de- fend those rights under the Constitution froiri en- croachment in any quarter. But, sir, we want to hear no more aijoul disunion. We are attached to the Union — aye, devotedly are we attaciied to it. We regaid it as the ark of safety for the American f)eople. We know that the realization of the lope.s for Imman freedom throughout the world depends upon its perpetuity. And shall we ruth- lessly crush these hopes forever? Shall that bea- conlight which our fathers raised to cheer and guide the friends of freedom be extinguished by ua ? Extinguish it if you will, but know that when you do it the world is enshrouded in dark- ness more frightful than Egyptian night. 1 know the people of my Stale. 1 know the peo- pleof the Great West and Northwest; and I know their devotion to the American Union. And I feel warranted in saying in my jilace here, that when you talk to them of destroying this Union, there is not a man throughout that vast region wiio will not raise his hand and swear by the Eternal God, as I now do, it shall never be done, if our arms can save it. Illinois proffered to the country nine regiments to aid in the vindication of her rights in the war with Mexico. And should danger threaten the Union from any source, or in any quarter, in the North or in the South, she will be ready to furnish twice, thrice, yes, four times that number, to march where that danger may be, to return when it is passed, or return no more. Printed at the Congressional Globe Office. '^'^ %."^o' <^' ">"> ^^ . <^^ . V • ^ ^^ '^'^ OHO. -^^ , fj^ . • • "^ * > -*s .^-^ .*>^^ A^^^ ^ ^ -- / .v^'. %/ /' ^ Ijl .0' .^-^ °- .mW" '*-;.^^'* -^0> f'' ■* 'bV ■■"■ «5 °^ - -^ ^ - « <^-10* xo-n.