Author. Title— LCai Class Book-jXJj^ Imprint «8Wi»-i &f»o -• 5 ^ PUOPEETT OF THE UBRiHY OF COiNGKESS EDUCATION AND GOVERNMENT. AN ADDRESS BEFORE THE i^etiliff w^m ATCHISON, KANSAS, JUNE 26, 1878. Gov. GEO. T. ANTHONY TOPEKA, KANSAS: (tEO. AV. martin, KANSAS PUBLISHING HOr!^E. 1 8 7 8. EDUCATION AND GOVERNMENT. AN ADDEESS ^ ' BEFORE THE Kansas State Teachers' Association, ATCHISON, KANSAS, JUNE 26, 18TS, BY Gov. GEO. T.*^ ANTHONY. TOPEKA, KANSAS: GEO. W. MARTiy, KANSAS PUBUSHES'G HOrSE. 187 8. ADDRESS. Mr. President, and Members of the Kansas State Teachers' Association : I do not come before you, assuming to be a teacher of teachers, an instructor of instructors. It is not my purpose to criticise, condemn or commend the means adopted and practiced by you. It is enough for me to know, in this connection, that you understand the powers of man to be indefinitely perfectable by training, and that, acting upon this knowledge, your profession is steadily rising in the scale of values, drawing to its ranks the best minds of our country — men and women, intent upon a mastery of the best means to the accom- plishment of a great and good end. It is my purpose to consume the valuable time you have so generously granted me, in discussing education in a broader than a technical sense, and in a higher and quite different relation than that which it holds to the individual. It is of education as a controlling force in the formation and maintenance of human governments that I desire to speak. I use the term "controlling force," in this connection, assuming and believing it a truth that education is the paramount power, dictating forms of government, and fixing their metes and bounds — the theory that governments control and shape edu- cation to their wishes and needs, being erroneous. A careful study of this subject must, as it seems to me, lead to the conclusion that all human governments reflect the intelligence and culture of the people com- posing them, and represent the measure of restraint made necessary by the educational condition of the populace. The two theories of government, the despotic and the democratic, spring from the logical necessities of the governed. If ignorant, the government must be despotic; if educated, it may be republican. Despotisms rest their claims upon an assumption that the people are without capacity for self-rule, and that the superior intelligence of kings rules by both divine right and human necessity. Under this theory of gov- ernment, knowledge is as worthless to the subject as wings to a caged eagle. Liberty of conscience and civil equality cannot exist, and accident of birth is above fact of merit. To obey is the supreme duty of the subject; to rule, the divine right of the sovereign. Citizenship implies obedience without responsibility, and men become parts of a machine, moved by a power they neither see nor understand. The limit of individual action is less than the natural bounds of uncultivated manhood; hence training for citizenship is a dwarfing process, by which ambition is crushed, will subdued, and self-respect subordinated to respect for the reigning power. The subject of a despotism need not understand the un- derlying principles of law, inasmuch as he has no voice in making or executing laws, and few rights under them. He need not study political economy, or trouble his mind about the rules of commerce or the laws of trade, his relations to these being little above that of the weaver's shuttle, the ship's hull, or the brick and mortar of the bank vault. And, too often he is relieved from the study of the Bible by an officious priesthood, which stands between him and his God, doling out the word of life under an assumed prerogative of omnipotence. To such governments popular education is but another name for revolution. A cultivated, self-asserting individ- uality, in the body of the people, will soon overthrow a despotism, no matter how strong it may be entrenched behind a throne, or rooted in the doctrine of "divine right.^^ The expanding power of a civilization, growing in the warm sunlight of a Christian fireside and the com- mon school, is irresistible to tyrants. They must finally yield to its force, giving place to public judgment and the popular will, in the form of government, the enact- ment of laws, and the administration of public justice. Over against, and antagonistic to the despotic, we find the theory of republican government. It is based upon the opposite assumption, that man is capable of self-gov- ernment, and that, therefore, all just powers of the gov- ernment are vested in the governed. This theory, it is true, involves a political paradox, and confers upon the citizen peculiar and anomalous duties. He becomes at once the sovereign and the subject, the ruler and the ruled, and must be qualified to perform the functions of each in turn. The tenure of life and the measure of liberty do not depend upon the will or caprice of kings, but upon the wisdom and integrity of the people. The sub- ject wears the crown, and wields the sceptre of power. He is invested with sovereignty in fact, as well as in name, and is charged with the duty of enacting and exe- cuting laws; of declaring war and concluding peace. His tongue is unfettered, his conscience unbound. He is born heir to the ages, and charged with all powers, 6 all duties, and all responsibilities ordained of God for the exercise of man. What wonder is it, then, that in contemplating this sub- ject, wise men, good men, hopeful men, are bewildered and distrust the stability of popular judgment and pub- lic rectitude when raised to such an altitude of power? Is it strange that our own cherished government, the only representative of its kind which has withstood the test of a century of time, and successfully resisted a serious effort for its disruption, should be considered an experiment by those who have not made the secret springs of our civili- zation a special study, or become grounded in a faith which comes of a country's love? I am not here to group for your pleasure the flow- ers of rhetoric, but to feed you with the possibly unpal- atable fruits of reason. Let me then, state a vital truth, a truth which should be brought home to the understand- ing of every citizen. It is that an uneducated, undis- ciplined people, ignorant of the fundamental principles of a just government, and regardless of the private and public rights of individuals, cannot long exist as a nation under a republican government; that the permanency of our boasted government is not a demonstrated fact' nor can it be, with the variable element of popular intelligence as its vital force, until our entire people come to understand that its perpetuity is a question of education, not of statesmanship; that it is the mothers at home, and the teachers in the common school, not the halls of Congress and the wisdom of cabinets, to which faith must look for its pledges of the future; that it is to the training of our children for the du- ties of sovereign citizens, not to the experience of other peoples in free government, to which we must look for hope of perpetuity" in our own. We need not resort to the tedious process of reason to eliminate a truth already made patent by the expe- rience of centuries. If time has demonstrated one truth, in this connection, more clearly than another, it is that a republican government resting upon an illit- erate popular suffrage cannot succeed. There must be a preparatory training of elementary education, or free government will prove a failure. A government de- pendent upon the exercise of a popular franchise, when a majority of those exercising it cannot read and write, can secure to its people neither the blessings of peace nor the fruits of industry, and necessity will soon force them to seek shelter under a governing intelligence outside and above their own. Popular ignorance and illiteracy demand, and must have, a strong centralized government, invested with despotic and irresponsible power in the ratio of the density and universality of such ignorance and illit- eracy. It was in the light of this truth, that the late Emperor Napoleon, in his work entitled " Napoleonic Ideas," laid it down as a political axiom, that a de- mocracy based on universal suffrage necessarily and log- ically culminates in the choice of an Emperor or King, by the people, in order to gain the rest of public order and secure the fruits of peace. True, this is a Napoleonic, not an American, theory; yet, if qualified by the addition of the single word, "illiterate," no one could seriously question the Em- peror's conclusion; for surely a democracy based on an illiterate universal suffrage, must culminate as he assumes it will. I 8 The French Republic of 1793 was established upon an illiterate universal suffrage^ and for seven years waded through a sea of blood, to come out a military despotism on the other side. Again in 1848 the same nation set up a republic upon popular suffrage, with more than half of those exercising the right of franchise unable to read the ballots they cast into the electoral urns. At the end of four years these same brainless ballots re- manded the government back to a military despotism by an overwhelming majority. Spain, in the face of these examples, and unwarned by the failure of a half- score of Spanish colonial republics which had arisen and fallen on this continent within the past fifty years, has just passed through an experience not unlike that of France, her ignorant, untutored populace fleeing from the republic of Castellar to the more tolerable despotism of a Bourbon. Whatever demagogues may say or the unthinking do, all alike must at last gravitate to the fundamental prin- ciple, never lost sight of by the true statesman, that the governing power must be lodged in the hands of edu- cated, trained men, or liberty becomes license and law yields to anarchy. On this knowledge Lycurgus made education compulsory in Sparta more than twenty -seven centuries ago, adding a condition to such education, that children educated by the state should belong to the state instead of their parents. A few centuries later, Solon made the education of every citizen of Athens compul- sory. One of these countries was attempting a republic, the other a democracy — ; hence the recognition of uni- versal education as a chief political factor. The same principle found recognition in the eighth century, in the Roman empire, where all parents participating in the government were compelled to send their children to school, to the end that political power should remain in educated hands. Conservative England extends the ballot as the education of her people extends, not from love of popular government, but from the logic of necessity. Education cannot be stopped, and it forces the govern- ment forward with its own progress. All experiments in 'government, in disregard of educa- tion as the paramount element of success, have proved failures, or ended in public disaster. This is as true of despotisms as democracies. A free government cannot be maintained where illiteracy predominates, nor can a des- potism resist the force of popular education. An attempt to build republics upon a foundation of ignorant suffrage has entailed an experience upon our own country sadly demonstrative of the truth I am endeavor- ing to present. Let me recall a chapter of home history. The original States of our Union were united under a compact and a constitution guaranteeing liberty and equal- ity of citizenship. One portion of the original States adhered to the conditions of the compact, and provided a system of popular education commensurate to their ful- fillment. The others clung to an institution which con- verted them into despotic oligarchies, at once intolerant and brutal to the subjugated class. Chattelhood in man, and the relation of master and slave, incident thereto, were utterly incompatible with universal education, the prime condition of maintaining a republic. The slave could not be educated, because with knowledge comes power to defend the right. The non-slaveholding whites could not command the means of an honorable subsist- ence and an intelligent training for their children without industry; and manual labor being the lot. of slaves, en- forced by the lash instead of incited by rewards, work 10 was a degradation too revolting to be seriously contem- plated. This condition of antagonism between the gov- ernment ordained by the constitution and that enforced by the oligarchy, without education in the interest of the former, made rebellion in the interest of the latter inev- itable. The rebellion came — was unsuccessful, and was followed by a restoration of political and civil equality, without regard to the color or previous condition of their recipi- ents. This new condition of citizenship found a civil- ization unfitted and disqualified for its duties and respon- sibilities. Of a population of 6,887,487, a little more than half (3,896,320) were white, and 2,991,185 were colored. Of the whites, 820,022 could not read or write, and with the blacks illiteracy was a rule almost without exception. The ballot, as destructive as powerful in the control of human affairs, was put into the hands of a people without the least preparatory training for its use. Of adult whites, from which came a very large portion of the white votes, 317,281 were like the mass of colored voters — unable to read the names upon their ballots. They were not only illiterate, but untrained in the ethics of a common citizenship. The whites had been taught to hate the doctrine of human equality, and to look upon complexion as a patent of nobility, or an evidence of chattelhood, according to color. The blacks, born to bondr- age, had been instructed in no law but thai: of obedience, no rule but that of unconditional submission. The result was precisely such as the logic of facts and the lessons of history had foretold. Elections were either a fiirce or a tragedy, according to the in- tensity of race antagonism and the relative power of the contending forces. That they too often proved 11 tragedies is attested by three thousand political mur- ders, the bloody records of the Chisholtn massacre, and a multitude of kindred outrages, alike revolting to every theory of law, and every sentiment of humanity. I do not recall this painful chapter of our history to revive animosities, nor to inveigh against the ruling class — the whites of the South. They were what the dogma of caste and neglect of education made them, and precisely what the same conditions and training would have made of us. That they were in such condition and the victims of such training was a mat- ter of birthright, not of choice. It was more a mis- fortune than a crime, commending them to the sym- pathy of those educated in a school of freedom and trained in a higher code of political morality. I do not recall it as a political, but as an educational question, to show by . this eifort at reconstruction how impossible it is to secure good government, with its attendant blessings of public peace and personal safety, in a state or nation ruled by an illiterate suffrage. By all historic precedent these States would have been turned over to military control, but this was re- volting to our cherished traditions, and not to be es- timated as even a remote possibility. We might, however, have accomplished the end by remanding them to the condition of Territories, and holding them under the fostering care of the general government until the slow but sure processes of education had fitted them for self-government. Thus prepared, they would have assumed their normal relations of free States of a republican government much sooner than can now be made possible. But magnanimity and sympa- 12 thy were stronger than precedent and reason, and the substantial work of reconstruction is yet to be done. The real problem of reconstruction must be worked out in the school-room, not in the halls of Congress. It is the work of the schoolmaster, not the states- man — a question of learning, not of law. Until the people of those States, and of the General Government, come to understand that universal education can alone restore order, neutralize race antagonism, and make pos- sible an honest, intelligent administration of public affairs, and provide this natural and only remedy for the polit- ical ills of the South, the true work of reconstruction will not have been begun. One fact should be patent to every one by this time, here or there, and that is, that these States can never secure order at home, and regain their rightful relations and just influence in the Union, so long as fifty- one per cent, of their voting population remain too illiterate to read and write. If the orators of our country will allow the grand old eagle a rest on the coming national anniversary, and substitute for buncombe a plain, dispassionate presenta- tion of illiteracy as a factor in American politics, they will deserve well of their country, even though they fail in illuminating the heavens with their forensic fire- works. Let them tell thoughtful people, on that day of days for review and retrospect, that there dwell within our national limits one million six hundred and twelve thousand two hundred and thirteen Ameeican SOVEREIGNS who are unable to read their ballots or their Bibles. To aid them in this patriotic work — and there are doubtless some of them present — I cheerfully furnish the details of illiteracy by States, grouped in three 13 classes : the Southern States, the Northern States, and the Territories — showing such illiteracy by race as well as by States : ILLITERACY ABOVE THE AGE OF TWENTY-ONE IN NORTHERN STATES. STATES. WHITE. col'd. TOTAL. STATES. WHITE. col'd. TOTAL. California 12,362 2, o05 8, 990 40,801 36, 331 14, 782 5,994 6,516 30,920 17,543 8,041 956 468 63 627 3,969 3,182 635 2,772 69 822 1,015 44 93 12, 830 2,368 9,617 44,770 39,513 15.417 8,766 6,585 31,742 18,558 8,085 1,049 474 3,361 14,515 73, 208 41,439 1,085 61,350 5,922 6,867 17, 637 15 38 2,881 3,912 7,531 48 5, 758 291 45 185 489 New Hampshire, New Jersey 3 399 Connecticut 17,396 77 120 Ohio Oregon Pennsylvania Rhode Island 48, 970 1 133 67 108 6 213 Massachusetts .. 6 912 17, 822 Total 411,399 34,463 445, 862 ILLITERACY ABOVE THE AGE OF TWENTY-ONE IN SOUTHERN STATES. STATES. WHITE. col'd. total. STATES. WHITE. COL'D. TOTAL. 17,429 13,610 3,466 3,876 21,899 43,826 12, 048 13,344 9,357 91,017 108,446 23,681 37.291 34,780 33,111 12,490 37,713 17,505 27,646 15,181 18,002 68,669 70,8.30 55,938 47,235 97,908 3,186 52,780 101,780 N. Carolina S. Carolina 3,765 16,806 100,551 37, 889 76,612 27,123 80,810 7,231 20,682 122, 450 81,715 86,660 40,467 90,167 83 320 93 651 Texas 64,740 125 554 W. Virginia ; Total 18,367 Mississippi 317 281 820,022 1 137 303 ILLITERACY ABOVE THE AGE OF TWENTY-ONE IN THE TERRITORIES. TERRITORIES. WHITE. col'd. TOTAL. TERRITORIES. WHITE. col'd. TOTAL. 1,167 403 1,214 315 399 14,892 1 6 7,599 4 34 58 1,168 409 • 8,813 319 433 14, 950 Utah 1,137 437 326 8 15 33 1,145 Washington 452 Dist. of Columbia, 359 Total 20, 290 7,758 28,048 • In order to a more complete understanding of the true relation of illiteracy to the governing power of our country and the several States composing it, I have prepared a statement showing the whole number of adult citizens, the number of adult illiterate citizens, and the rate per cent, of such illiterates. This being limited to the legally qualified voters in the seyeral States, grouped, as before, in two classes — Northern and South- 14 ern — is at once explicit and comprehensive in its show- ing: NUMBER OF ADULT MALE CITIZENS, WITH NUMBER AND PER CENT. OF ILLITERATE VOTERS, IN THE NORTHERN STATES. Slates. California Connecticut.. Illinois Indiana Iowa Kansas Maine Massachu'tts Michigan Minnesota ... Nebraska Nevada Adult male citizens. 145, 802 127, 499 542,833 376,780 255,802 99, 069 153, 160 312,790 274,459 75, 274 36,169 18,652 Adult male illiterate 12, 830 9,617 44,770 39, 513 15,417 8,766 6, 585 31, 742 18, 558 8,085 1,049 489 8.6 7.5 8.2 10.4 6.0 8.8 4.2 10.1 6.7 10.7 2.9 2.6 States. New Hampsh'e, New Jersey New York Ohio Oregon Pennsylvania... Rhode Island... Vermont Wisconsin Av. per cent, of illiterates. Adult male, citizens. 83,361 194,109 981,587 592,350 24,608 776, 845 43, 996 74,867 203,077 Adult male illiterate 3,399 17,396 77,120 48,970 1,133 67, 108 6,213 6,912 17,822 4.0 8.9 7.8 8.2 4.6 8.6 14.1 9.2 8.7 7.6 NUMBER OF ADULT MALE CITIZENS, WITH NUMBER AND PER CENT. OF ILLITERATE VOTERS, IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. Slates. Adult male citizens. Adult male illiterate. >T3 : E States. Adult male citizens. Adult male illiterate ft 1 2 3 Alabama Arkansas Delaware 202,046 100,403 28,207 38,854 234,919 282,305 159,001 169,845 169,737 108,446 37,291 7,231 20, 682 122,450 81,715 88, 660 40, 467 90, 167 53.6 36.1 25.6 50.6 52.1 28.5 55.7 23.8 53.1 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 Missouri N. Carolina... S. Carolina ... Tennessee Texas 380, 235 214,224 146,614 259,016 169,258 266,680 93,435 52, 782 101,780 83,320 93,651 64, 740 125,554 18,367 13.8 47.5 56.8 36.1 38 2 6 7 8 9 •Kentucky Louisiana Maryland Mississippi... Virginia W. Virginia... Av. per ct. of illiterates, 47.0 19.6 33.6 In this array ' of data, gathered from the last United States census, will be found abundant food for a healthy Fourth - of- July reflection, if not oration. It presents a power of ignorance at the ballot-box sufficient to carry closely - contested elections in the nation and in the sev- eral States. It suggests that the State of New York would find it both better and cheaper to educate and fit for self-support and honorable industry her 77,120 illit- erates, than to support them as tramps on the road, cul- prits in prison and paupers in the almshouse, as fully eight -tenths of them are now supported. It reminds us that Pennsylvania, with her 67,108 illiterates, would do well to have more common schools and less labbr strikes, 15 and that all of us should find in it a forcible reminder that knowledge is not less a power than is ignorance a peril to our government. Let no one misunderstand me. This is not an argu- ment for restricted suffrage, but a plea for universal, com- pulsory education. The ballot once given cannot be taken away; and if the thought of strengthening our gov- ernment by the disfranchisement of men, black or white, rich or poor, lettered or unlettered — in the North or in the South — has been entertained, it had better be aban- doned at once. The right of suffrage may be extended, but never restricted; and the majority will be the monarch in this country so long as the union of States exists. There may be many steps from a Despotism to a Democ- racy, but there can be but one from a Democracy to a Despotism. The subject of education, considered in its influence upon the individual, is one of profound concern to us all, the possibilities of manhood being fixed to a very great degree by the training of youth. The race has been grand in power or groveling in weakness, honored in wisdom or despised in foolishness, more according to the prevailing system and shaping influence of education than from any or every other cause. But how im- measurably above personal gains and values do the results of education become to the State, if the thoughts 1 am presenting are founded in reason and represent the truth. Popular education is made an inalienable right of the citizen, and the only sure foundation of the State; school privileges arise to the dignity of a birthright, and a system of education ordained by law and sustained by popular tax, finds a complete vindication ; compulsory education, as applied to a forced attendance upon common schools, 16 becomes a misnomer, as much as would the calling of life or liberty compulsory, because they are blessings given to us without the right of abridgment by others, or alienation by ourselves. If our government embraced a harmonious civilization, crystalized by time into a horaogenity of habit, tradition and religion, the work of education would be com- paratively a simple one. But this is not the case. We are a people with no distinguishing quality in common ; no identicalness of race, language or habit. We came together from all quarters of the globe, speak- ing every tongue, creatures of all habits, believers in every religion, and bearing the impress of every mental and physical peculiarity incident to the race. One-seventh are foreign-born, and nearly one-fourth children of for- eign-born parents. It is idle to attempt a denial of antagonism in thought, habit, hope, ambition and religion, amid such incongruous elements. It is true that we are apparently a united and harmonious people, but such union and harmony are more apparent than real. Until the inevitable laws of population, and the equal- izing effects of a common education, have done their work in converting them into a homogeneous type of civiliza- tion, there will be, there must be, a conflict for supremacy, each struggling to impress its own individuality upon the others. The shaping and control of this work of assimilation, and the creation of a new and distinctive nationality for our country, is the crucial test which is to determine our experiment of popular government; and it is to the wisdom of the educator, not to the skill of the law- maker, we must look for a successful issue. This is the mission, this the work of the pub- 17 lie school. The chief and only justifiable end of a system of education ordained of law and supported by public tax, is the training of youth for the duties and responsibilities of citizenship. To this end all systems and methods of instruction, and all courses of study must bend. Education must become something more than intellectual development. The discipline of the mind as the chief end of education must become repug- nant to public judgment. Mere mental culture must not command its old-time respect as a distinguishing mark of greatnes,s, and pretense of such attainments be allowed to pass for learning. The scholar who revels in the higher mathematics, but who cannot read the figures on a carpenter's square, or crucifies his mother tongue in boasting of his classical attainments, must be rated as a charlatan. It is not learning's semblance, but learning's self, our country needs to make it peaceful and prosperous at home and a recognized power abroad. It must provide for the development of all the faculties — moral, intellectual, and physical — in a learning which is a power in the hands of its possessor for daily use; a learning which blossoms and fruits in practical works ; a learning which has the attributes of character as well as knowledge, making it a contribution to the sum of public wisdom, and an element of strength and dignity to the State. It must embrace ethics as well as letters, teaching exact and rigid rules of right, and inculcating temperance, chastity and patience, to earn a mastery of the true conditions of an honorable existence, as the distinguishing characteristics of a true manhood and an exalted civilization. In the presence of this distinguished assembly of teachers, representing all portions of our own and a 18 large number of sister States, and in view of the thoughts already presented, I cannot resist an impulse to speak of the teacher's vocation, and its rightful re- lation to the other professions. It has been a matter of surprise, and a source of regret to me, that the business of teaching has failed to command recognition as first in the list of learned professions, instead of being held subordinate and often an incident, a help in the pursuit of the others. Measured by the stand- ard of individual necessity and public value, it is im- measurably above the profession of theology, medicine or law. I speaic now of these professions in relation to their resultant influence in forming and preserving society and government. The educator is the pioneer who goes before the min- ister and fits the soil to receive the seed of life. The most devoted religious teacher cannot successfully cultivate the Christian graces upon the sterile soil of ignorance and superstition. Indeed, Faith, Hope and Charity are the legitimate fruits of a correct education — fruits sweetest to the taste and most nourishing to the body of a culti- vated understanding. All missionaries to heathen coun- tries recognize this, and make the spelling-book the gateway for the Bible, teaching first and then preach- ing. Physicians cannot protect man from ills incident to ignorance and disregard of himself. When it shall come to pass that man is educated up to a knowledge and respect for the laws of life and health, the medical pro- fession, like that of surgery, will be reduced to the duty of providing for the hidden contingencies of accident, in- stead of watchfulness in protecting the race from the results of ignorance and stupidity. 19 The lawyer cannot so write or administer law as to make available to man rights of which he is ignorant, nor can he secure a faithful performance of duties and obligations not understood. A wise and considerate education would bring man in so close accord with law as to make it a code understood and respected, without the intervention of the learned in law, or the rigor of force, save in extreme and exceptional circum- stances. Instead, then, of finding students engaged in teach- ing as a means of mastering the art of preaching, bleeding and pleading, we should find them diligent students of theology, medicine and law, as essential qualifications for the paramount profession of teaching. I mean no disrespect in this comparison, but intend to assert what I believe to be true — that in a just scale of values and measure of results, the profession of the educator should stand first in the list, and command culture and compensation commensurate to its rank. Then education would embrace the formation of char- acter as well as the culture of mind, and it would cease to be the chief work of the other professions to deal with and modify the effects of a neglected or defective education ; a task which, with all the aids of religion and law, they now find it so difficult to perform. I appeal to you, then, as teachers and patriots, to give careful heed to your work, that its results be such as to force even a broader recognition of liberty and equality than that declared by the Fathers. Give us the substance, not the shadow, of popular education. Devise means whereby the development of memory may give place to expansion of thought, will and action, remembering that the development of man, not memory 20 — the citizen, not the scholar — is the prime object of schooling. Educate the faculties required to originate enterprises, to form and adhere to just purposes, and to prudently use the largest liberties, to the end that we become the best governed, because the least governed^ people upon the earth. In this yoo have a work of unmeasured magnitude and responsibility. You must originate, not copy, in educational arts, holding the demands of the hour .above theory and precedent. You must give us edu- cation for use; the mind disciplined, the understanding enlightened, generous impulses quickened, temper equal- ized, manners correct and the body vigorous — the fullness of manhood perfected. Then shall the crown jewels of human liberty become safe in the keeping of a people made by education, wise as counselors and safe as rulers in peace, efficient as - commanders and obedient as soldiers in war. ^»pllpipPllSlpi|? LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 030 218 731 9