\ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS .1 il. ii ' I 012 609 256 8 .^ penmailTfe« pH83 WHAT CAN GEORGIA EXPECT UNDEK BLACK REPUBLICAN RGLE? Read and hand to your Neighbor. Was not the elt^ction of Abrnliam Lincoln snfTicicnt to arouse the South from lier {iincicd security ? Will she remain pasive while her anus arc being bouiul — her honor laughed at, and all she holds dear being forced from her? O! Georgians, read this ei)ll<'cted evidence and behold your situation. We are not fond of alarming topias, nor disposed to excite unnecessary anxiety, but the danger ahead of us must be faced and the conseqiu'nee considered. And what has brought this danger uj)on us? II.ivc we lepudiated the teachings of Jeffer- son, Madison, Adams, Hamilton or Washington, and violated the Constitution ? Has the South invaded any Nortluiru right ; prejudiced any Northern interest? No. What have we done? What doing? Let a Northern man — a Christian gentleman — and 7?o f)olitician answer for us. One, too, who spent some time at the South — Rev. Dr. Adams, But hear him : "What has the South ever done, cxce})t in self-defence in our long quarrel, which, upon reconciliation, would rankle in our memories, and make it hard for us to forget? Po- sitively not one thing. We have been the assailants — she the mark — we the prnsecnlors — she the defendent — she the self- justifying respondent. She only mahe^ an effort to defend her institutions of slavery under the Oonstitntion — to maintain the rights guaranteed hy onr social compact, hit assailed by 7is. Here is a noble Northern man, bearing evidence to the Tndh. But we make no effort to picture Republicanism, or state what is its object. We will not refer back twenty-five years ago .5 when a band of fanatics at the North began to make it their work, to war against slavery at the South; how they increased; liow they falsified history, perv^erted the principles of our fathers ; how they have misrepresented facts, and mistated the objects of the South, to build up their cause. Nor will we refer to the days of Robert Dale Owen, Ely Moon, or of Thomas Herttell, who, in the New York Legeslature, moved to stifle the public recognition of Providencee, by proposing to suspend daily prayers during the Session. Nor will we refer to them in 1843, when they held a National Convention at Buffalo, and published the following as their platform : " Whereas, The Constitution of these United States is a series of agreements, covenants, or contracts between the people of the United States, each with all, and all with each. Whereas, In the language of the Apostle that "we ought to obey God rather than man." Therefore Besolued, That we hereby give it to be distinctly understood by the world, that we owe it to the Ruler of the Universe, whether as private citizens, or as public functionaries, sworn to uipport the Constitution, to regard and to treat the third clause of the fourth article of that instrument, whenever applied to the case of a fugitive slave, as utterly null and void, and, conse- quently, as forming no part of the Constitution of the United States, whenever we are called upon to support it." Step by step they have progressed, until now they have a party — power — a " Higher law" — all of which should cause re- flecting men to tremble. They boldly proclaim hostility to Southern Institutions, desolation to our section of the country. But let tiiem speak for themselves. The Boston Liberator of July 20th, 1860, says: "Our object is the abolition of slavery throughout the land. We are for meddling with slavery everywhere attacking by night and by daij, in season and out of season^ Wendel Phillips is one of the most popular Republican Lecturers North. He has recently made a speech,. Here iiim : "Last year we stood looking sadly at Brown's gibbet against the Virginia sky. Turn the Kaleidoscope — the picture is Lin- coln in the balcolny of the Capitol, and a million hearts beat- ing welcome below. " They slew the martyr chief, on the banks of the Potomac — but the Republican party go into the Capitol in 1861. Lincoln .jfew ^ ; — . _ .-rfi. is elected. 'First the blade, then the ear, and then the full corn J-4n the ear.' " ^ But hear him again. "You know geologists tell us, th.it "" way back there, before Moses, the earth liuug a lurid mass of '"./. graiiit hot, floating in thick j)oisoi), but by a process the air ^vas purified — enough to breathe — then came man. Our ,;-]Government hung a lurid, boating mass in the j)oisonous . >.atmosphereof New York Observers, Tract Societies, Missonaries, pro Slavery pulpits. Union meetings, Calhouns, Everetts, Web- ^ster.s. Slave huuters. The chemical process began — we had free soil factions, the change went on, Now, we have a party that dares say slavery is a sin — we can breathe." Hon. William Seward — the great architect of the Kepubliean party — in a speech atOleaveland in 18-18, said : "We, of New York, are guilty of slavery, by not allowing the negroes we have emancipated, to vote. It is written in the Constitution of the United States, in violation of Diuine law, that we shall surrender the fugitive slave who takes refuge at our firesides i'rom his pursuers." In the Senate, 1850, Mr. Seward said : "The law of nature, written in the hearts of freemen, re- pudiates the fugitive slave cause. We cannot be true Christi- ans if we impose on another the chain." At Chicago, since the nomination of Mr. Lincoln, Seward said: "Ail men shall have the ballot or none, all men shall have the bullet or v\o{\q, every 7?/07i shall own the soil he tills, and the head, and hands he works." Salmon P. Chase, twice Governor of Ohio, was presented by the negroes of Cincinnatti with a silver pitcher, on the 6th May, 1845, he said : "Slavery and oppression must cease, or American liberty must perish. I disapjn-ove of that clause of the Constitution wl'.ich denies to a portion of the colored people the right of suffrage." Hon. Henry Wilson in the Senate, 1858, said : "A negro in the State, I represent, is not only a citizen of the State — he not only has the right to vote, but if the people choose to do it, they may elect him to any offi.ce in their (jift. Mr. Fessenden, a Senator from Maine, said: " By the laws of Maine, negroes are citizens, as much so as white men. It has been so decided by the highest tribunal of our State since the decision of i/ie Dred Scott case. The newspaper report is, thai Cassias M. Clay will be Secre- tary of War, uaderLincola. Let us read what Clay says: "Our country should give to negroes full political rights to liold office — to vote, and to make no distinction between them and (cs. Deliver me from such an instrument, as the partial, and unjust Constitution." Horace Greeley, whose efforts had Lincoln nominated, hear bim, 1851 : " We loath, and detest all laws which give political rights on account of color. To exclude any one from the polls, jury box, or anything else on account of color, is unjust, and infamous.'''' In 1855, he insisted that Fred Douglas should be nominated for Congress — " His proper place," he said, " is as a member of Congress at Washington." Gov. Chase in a speech at Pontiac, Michigan, said : " I ask you to take sides and decide where you will be. ' If the Lord be God, then serve hiin.' If you believe that freedom is the right of man, then join the party that is for freedom." Joshua Giddings, in a speech in the House, 1854, said : "Freedom and slavery cannot flourish under the same government. They can never he reconciled, virtue and crime will not commingle, Heaven and Hell cannot be at peace." Senator Sumner, in a speech, said : " The solemnity of the occasion comes on, the muster has begun. The strife is no longer local, but national, the land yawns with the mutterings of civil war, a strife is coming, un- less averted by the triumph of freedom, will become war Fratrici- dal, Parricidal war, sabres, rifles, and cannon." Mr. Seward says to the South: You can have Union, and the gradual emancipation of slaves — or you shall have disunion, (iivil war, and immediate emancipation. Hon, George Jullien, of Indiana, said, in 1856 : " Yes, ours is a sectional party, a fight between the North and the South, between freedom and slavery, between God and the devil, between Heaven and hell." Kev. Henry Ward Beecher — a pet of the party — on the sub- ject of separation, said : " Two great powers cannot live together in our Tnidst, and lugging lit each others throats. Let the dispute he settled now. Let them /jut their lances in reM for the charge. Sound the trumpet, and God save the right." Hon. Charles Sumner, in the Senate, 1860, said : "Senators announce that they resist slavery on political grounds. This is wrong. Resist it, too, on all otlicr grounds, social, economical, and moral. Our battle is between right and wrong, between good and evil." Again hear him : "With a Republican President in power, State after Stati quitting the condition of a territory, and sj)urning slavery, will be welcomed into our plural unit, and joining hands will kill out slavery, it ivill die, as a poisoned rut dies in its lioley This sentiment was uttered by the most pepular man of his party in Massachusetts, in the great city of New York. And the papers state, was received with " immense apj^lause," 1\isU. should have intimated contempt for this whipped spaniel. Hon. John Wentworth, editor of a paper of great influence, says: "The year of jubilee has come. Universal emancipation is near at hand. The battle has to be fought — let us tight it now. Let the South secede if they dare tcJien Lincoln is iiumgurated. They would have a nice time — John Brown held all ofVirginin at bay." Mr. Sumner, in a speech in Boston, 1850, said : "The good citizen, as he reads the requirements of the Fugitive Slave Law, is filled with horror. The path of duty is clear. / am hound to disobey this act.'''' Mr. Seward in the Senate, said : You say the Constitution recognizes property in slaves. 'Tis sufficient to reply that this Constitutional obligation must be void, because his rejnignantto the law of nature, and nations." Ilear how the Drcd Scott decision is assailed. How Republi- canism proposes to work. Mr. Seward in the Senate, 1858, said : "The people of the United States never can, atid they neve/ will, accept principles so abhorrent. Let the court recede. If not, we shall re-organize the court, and reform its sentiments.'''' An influential member of hia party. Senator Wilson, in : speech said : " We shall change the Supreme Court of the United States, and place men in that court, icho believe that our prayers luill h- ivqrious to Heaven while ive sustain and support human slavery.''^ Joshua Giddings, in a letter to the people of Palmyra, Ohl.., speaking of the Fugitive Slave Law, said : " From my inmost soul, I abhor, detest, and repudiate Tnl^ law. I despise the man who would obey it." Hon. C. B. Sedgewick, of New York, says: ' Men who would obey the Fugitive Slave Law would sell ihMr children^ or send their mothers into the cotton Jield." The Hon. Josiah Quiney, of Boston, said : "The Fugitive Slave Law must be obliterated from the Con- stitution at every hazard," Senator Seward, in a speech in Boston, said : "The people have for their standard-bearer Abraham Lin- coln, confessing the obligations of the Higher Law, and contending for weal, or woe^ for f life or death, in the irrepressible conflict, between fe.e'iioin and slaver g — we are in the last stage of the condm. ' The Hon. Owen Lovejoy, of Illinois, in a speech in the House, said : "The future glory, and usefulness ot this nation cannot be sacrificed to this system of crime — slavery must die." Horace Greeley, in 1854, said : " We contend that the abolition of slavery in the States is the real object of the Republican parti/." Again, he wrote to ex-Gov. Hunt, July 80th, 1860: "Believing slavery to be a burning reproach to our country, f mean to labor for its eradication from our country.'''' Ex-Gov. Ford, of Ohio, made a speech before the Black Republican State Convention of Indiana. He said : " Slavery is the sin of this nation ; it must be got rid af — it sJi.aU be blockaded and crushed out." John A. Andrews has just been elected the Lincoln Repub- lican Governor of Massachusetts. Listen to him, Southern men : " Slavery will die out ; the day will come when there will be one whole t'amily of men. But I do not intend to wait for the pravidence of God to work it oat.'" Go to Melodian Hall, Cleveland, 2nd Dec, 1S59. Albert Riddle, .a member of Congress, rises. Hear him : '■ The charge was made against the Saviour, that he was a traitor. He ' was crucified. So of John Brown. Yet the pearly gates opened, and the pure soul of Brown entered Heaven." At the same meeting was Judge Spaulding, who aided to nominate Lincoln. He introduced the following: " Whertas the death penalty has just been inflicted on John Brown for a consciencious observance of the law of brotherhood, as iiH'ulcated by Jesus, and taught bj Jefferson. Resolved, That slavery shall be subdued by "war to the knife, with the knife to the hilt." John A. Andrews, the recently elected Governor of Massa- chusetts, presided at a sympathy Brown meeting, 19fh Nov., 1859. He said: "John Brown was right ; I sym})athize with the man — with the idea. We are in the presence of a great sorrow ; yel we hope." These men, O Southerners ! are they who are to preside over us — who with all their fanaticism, and hatred of us, deifv the cut-throat who, in the dead of night, steals upon a peaceful town, and would incite slaves to imbae their hands in bloijd In the House, 1859, Owen Lovejoy said : " Slavery has perverted the Government — violated national faith — debauched the Church — corru])ted Christianity ; I s/tould he ashamed of a God thai recognized it. " Joshua Giddings, in the House, said: "When the thunders shall roll, and the lightning flash, and the master turn pale, ah I we will strike off' the shackles from the slave — and that time is coming." Ansom Burlingame, in a speech in Boston, said : " The times demand, and we must have, an anti-slavery Constitution, an anti-slavery Bible, and an anti-slaveiy God." Senator Wade, in a mass meeting in Maine, said: "There is no Union between the North and the South. I go for a Union when all are equal ; let us sweep away this remnant which we call a Union," The great Lincoln campaign document is Helper's book. — This book has been endorsed by sixty-nine members of Con- gress. By endorsing it, we judge they, too, endorse its doctrines. Read — "We are not only in favor of keeping slavery out of the Territories, but we are in favor of its immediate and uncon- ditional abolition in every State." "Slaveholders are a nuisance. They are robbers, ruffians, thieves, and murderers. We are wedded to one purpose ; from it nothing can divorce us. We are determined to abolish slavery at all hazards, in defiance of all opposition, of whatever nature." General Webb, a leading Republican, was a delegate to the convention that nominated Lincoln. Listen to him : " If we fail at the ballot box, we will drive hack, stcord irt 8 hand, and so help me God, believinrj it to be right, I am with them." Erastus Hopkins was in the convention that nominated Lin- coln. Hear him : "If peaceful means fail us, and we are driven to the last ex- tremity, when ballots are useless, then we loill make bullets ef- fective." Mr. Hale, in the Senate, said : " If necessary for blood to come, Puritan blood has not al- ways shrank from those encounters; the steel has glistened in their hands, and when the battle was over they were not always second best." Carl Shurz, a delegate to the convention, from Wisconsin, said : " May the God in human nature be aroused, and pierce the very soul of our nation with an energy that shall sweep this abomination of slavery from the land." The political parson of Boston, Dr. Kirk, says : "The doctrine that a negro is not a man, and the doctrine that a negro is a man, have now come to the death struggle, and the nation will heave with every convulsive struggle of the contest. Neither will yield, ur^til a continent has been swept ith the deluge of civil war." Mr. Seward says : " The battle is fought, the victory won ; one administration will settle this question finally, and forever." We have as yet, said nothing of Mr. Lincoln. The question arises "Who is he?" From the party that nominated him — from his own words — inform yourselves : On the 18th October, 1854, Mr. Lincoln made a speech at Peoria, Illinois, in which he said : " What I do say is, that no man is good enough to govern another man, without the others consent. I say this is the leading principle the sheet anchor of American Republicanism. The relation of master and slave is a total violation of the spirit of the Constitu- tion. The master not only governs the slave, without his con- sent but he governs him by a set of rules diiferent from those which he prescribes for himself. Allow all the governed an equal voice in the government, and that, and that only is self- government." In a speech at Chicago, 1856, Mr. Lincoln said : _ . _ " That central idea, in our political opinion, at the beginning was and until recently continued to be, the equality of men. And although it was always submitted patiently to whatever inequality there seemed to be as a matter ot actual necessity, its constant working has been a steady progress toward the Practi cal Equality of all men. " Let past diflerences as nothing be ; and, with steady eye on the real issue, let us re-inaugurate the good old central ideas -of the Eepublic. We can do it. The human heart is with us; God is with us. We shall again be able not to declare that all the States, as States, are equal, nor yet that all citizens, as citi- zens, are equal, but renew that broader, better declaration, in- cluding both these and much more^ that all meii are created equal." In a few words he supports the hideous " doctrine of Negro Equality." Again in a speech at Chicago, 1858, Mr. Lincoln said : "I should like to know if, taking the old Declaration of In- dependance, which declares that all men are equal upon principle and making exceptions to it, where will it stop? If one man says it does not mean a negro, why not another say it does not mean some other man ? If that Declaration is not the truth, let us get the statute book in which we find it and tear it out. Who is so bold as to do it ? If it is not true, let us tear it out. [Cries of No, No.] Ij€t us stick to it then, let us stand firmly by it then. "Let us discard all this quibbling about this man, and the other man — this race and that race, or the other race being in- ferior, and, therefore, they must be placed in an inferior position — discarding the standard that we have left us. Let us discard all these things, and unite as one 2^eoi)le throughout this land until we shall once more stand up declaring that all meu are created equal. "I leave you, hoping that the lamp of liberty will burn in your bosoms U7itil there shall no longer be a doubt that all men are created free andequaiy Mr. Lincoln is for creating strife — stirring up discord and arraying father against son. He favors the " irrepressible con- flict." At Springfield on the 17th June, 1858, Mr. Lincoln said : "We are now far into the fifth ycixr since a policy was initi- ated with the avowed object, and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. In my opinion, it will noi cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. '■A house di- vided against itself can not stand.' / believe this government cannot endure, permanently, half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union tobe disolvcd ; 1 do not expect the house to fall; but I do ex- pect it loill cease to be divided. It zvill become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery ivill arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the p)uhlic mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the coarse of ultimate extinci.iun, or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alik<' lawful in all the Siatea )ld as well as new — North as well as South." 10 Mr. Lincoln not only refuses to yield obedience to the decision of the Supreme Court, but says he will disregard it. In his Chicago speech, July 10, 1858, he says : "If I were in Congress, and a vote should come upon a questiou whether slavery should be prohibited in a new Terri- tory, in spite of the Dred Scott decision^ I would vote that itshould.^^ Again. In reply to some strictures on his Springfield speech, Mr. Lincoln said : " I do not even say that I desired that slavery should be put incourse of ultimate extinction. 1 do say so now^ however. So there need be no longer any difficulty about that. " I have always hated slavery — / think as much as any Abolition- isi. I always believed that evergbody vjas against it^ and that it teas in course of idtiraate extinction.'''' Mr. Lincoln was a member of the Illinois Legislature in 1837. On the 12th January of that year, the Special Committee of the Legislature, to whom had been referred the "Memorials of the General Assemblies of the States of Virginia, Alabama, Missis- sippi, New York and Connecticut, relative to the existence of domestic slavery," and the works of the Abolitionists, &c., re- ported the following Resolutions : " Resolved, By the Greneral Assembly of the State of Illinois That we highly disapprove of the formation of Abolition Socie- ties, and of the doctrines promulgated by them. " Resolved, That the right of property in slaves is sacred to the slaveholding States by the Federal Constitution, and that they cannot be deprived of that right without their consent. ^^ Resolved, That the General Government cannot abolish slav- ery in the District of Columbia, against the consent of the citi- zens of said District, without a manifest breach of good faith." On the 20th January, 1837, a vote was taken on these Reso- lutions. Mr. Lincoln voted against each and everyone of the Reso- lutions, thus committing himself to the doctrine thq,t the South can be deprived of their slave property without their consent, and thus endorsing the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia." How do the Republicans speak since the election ? Hear the Courier & Enquirer: "The lesson has been very fairly inculcated; and the South now understand that if any portion of the great confederacy, whether it be the East or the West, the North or the South, at- tempts to withdraw from the Union, it will be promptly whipped aye whipped into subjection. It is all idle to mince the matter. 11 The fiat has £;one forth and will he enforced. Let Washington, Oregon and California at the Northwest, or Maine, Now Hamp- shire and Arassachusetts at the Northenst, or the agricultural States of the North and Centre, or the Slave States of the South and Southwest — let any one of them or combination of them raise the banner of rebellion against the American Union — we care not what their pretence for treason — as certainly as there is a God above, so certain is it that the offending States will be whipped into obedience, and the traitors who encouraged rebel- lion, terminate ti)eir career upon the gallows." Hear their High Priest and Martyr — Charles Sumner: [From the Boston Journal, Nov. P.] EXTRACT FKOM THE SPEECH OF CHARLES SUM- NER ON THE ELECTION OF LINCOLN. ********* I join with you in gladness at what has occurred, at the vic- tory which we are now to celebrate. Victories are sometimes won by the cartridge box, sometimes by the ballot box, but I doubt whether any victory won by the cartridge box involves higher princijiles or more important results than that which has now been won by the ballot box. A poet has said that the shot fired here was heard round the world, and I doubt not but this victory which we have achieved in our country will cause a reverberation that will be heard throughout the civilized globe. Persons everywhere who are struggling for rights, who are vin- dicating liberal ideas, who are seeking human improvement, will be encouraged when they hear of yesterday. It will be good news to Garibaldi in Italy ; it will be good news to the French, who are now sutTcring under Hespotic power; and will be, my friends, good news to all of us, for it tells a great change has occurred. Every four years we choose a new President, bnt it very rarely happens that we choose a new government. But yesterday jue not only chose a vevj President, hut a new Oov- ernment. A new order of things was inaugurated by the vote of yesterday, which will put our country under a new direc- tion, and lift it up to the platform of principles on which it was originally placed by the fathers. Several things may be considered to be fairly established by the vote of yesterday, if we look at it in a practical light. First, the American people have decl.ircd, according to the very words of Madi.son, that it is wrong to admit into the Constitution the idea that there can be property in man. They have declared that slavery, if it ex- ists anywhere, is .sectional, and must derive all such life as it has from local laws, not from the Con.stitution ; in other words, that slavery is sectional and freedoui national ; in opposition to the idea which has been put forward so often, that freedom was 13 sectional and slavery national. In the second place, the Amer- ican people have declared by this vote that all the outlying Territories of the Government, so enormous in extent, and de- stined to be inhabited by an immense population, shall be con- secrated to freedom ; that the soil shall never be pressed by the footsteps of the slave. **♦***« Listen again: "THE FIRST STEP." If anybody wants to know what some people are insisting upon, as The first step of Republicanism — if it only gets the Government into its hands — they must read the New York Tribune^ whose editor is said to have done more than any other man to procure the nomination of Mr. Lincoln. In that jour- nal, we find a report of a meeting of the Friends of Human Progress, at the Junius Meeting House, on the 1st inst., at which one of the orators, a Mr. Putnam, expressed his senti- ments as follows : From the Tribune Report. " There can be no law for Slavery ; no law for robbery, for murder, for piracy. * * * * * * * What can we say ? Why, we can say, "School is out ; boys must be men ; the lessons are learned; it is time for ac^w?i/ — He advised an appeal to arms ; that every man should buy weapons and become familiar with their use. Hoiv little power, said he, would it take to wring the necks of slaveholders. The slaves all understand what has been done in the John Brown matter. I saw a fugitive from Florida; He said they understood all about it ; it only needs the help of whites to back up the slaves in their efforts, and they would strike for freedom. "What can be done? Call the 250,000 slaveholders the devils they are ; seek their destruction. Call your meetings and conventions; say to them, "Give liberty to the slave; buy weapons and learn to use them, and be ready to help them to freedom." Mr. Prine arose and said he had advocated this po- sition for the last ten years. Mr. Putnam said, let there be 20,000 ready to join the negroes, and the slave-power will soon come to an end." Another gentleman thought it best to proceed cautiously, in order to do their work all the more effectively. Here we quote again : From the Tribune Report. " THERE MUST BE A FIRST STEP, x\ND THE RE- PUBLICAN "^A^TY AliE TRYING TO TAKE THAT 18 STEP. THAT WILL BE SOMETHING, AND IN THE RIGHT DIRECTION. Comment is unnecessary. These extracts could be multiplied to any extent. Thus we show from Republican leaders, yea ! from Lincoln himself, that the object of that party is — " To introduce the doctrine of negro equality into American politics." " To exclude the slave property of the South from all future acquired Territory, as well as that in the Union." " To repeal the Fugitive Slave Law." " To abolish slavery in the District of Columbia." " To limit, harass, and frown upon the institution in every way. " And, finally, by the Executive, by Congress, by the Postal Service, to agitate without ceasing, until the Southern States shall be compelled to emancipate their slaves." But some say the Republicans are alarmed — they will give up ' '^r Personal Liberty bill — they will back down. Ah! he ows but little of the history of fanaticism, who judges it goes ackwards. The Post is a leading organ. Read : " The Republican party is not so silly as to think that any repeal of personal liberty bills will restore peace and harmony. The mad-caps of the South mean to make a trial of their wild theories, and will not desist until time and events have con- vinced them of the tremendous folly in which they are engaged. Do not be deceived, for the Republicans intend to carry out their platform. The I3oston Atlas says: " But should there be appeal to arms, which we devoutly hope may occur if the lyiania cannot he cured withouthlood-letting, would he a short one. We should know very soon whether we have a government or not, and Southern treason would soon banish forever." Some say that Lincoln wil! issue an address to the South, and that he will be conservative. Ah ! read the Hartford Press, a Republican paper. It says: " Should Lincoln condescend to issue any manifesto to quiet alarm, he would strike the very foundation upon which our government is based, violate the confidence of his supporters, and convert our victory into defeat." Read from the Chicago Democrat, a Republican paper : " We see the day of Jubilee coming, when millions of en- franchised slaves will rend the heavens with their shouts, and all this under the forms of the Constitution^ and the Union kepi compacted together.''^ Read, Southern man, from one of Lincoln's papers, and Bee if you are not in danger. The New York Evening Post : V 14. *' By the election of Lincoln, the Wilmot Proviso is conse- crated as a part of the national public polic}'. "Lincoln is elected. One of the two res^dis is certain, either secession on the part of the South, or else its suhjugation to the do- minion of the prevailing anti -slavery sentiment of the Norths Do not suppose, Southern man, that by staying in the Union, that you are safe, or your property uninterrupted. Read from the Indianapolis Sentinel : '' We shall know whether the citizens of the slaveholding States will acquiesce in the overwhelming decision of their Northern brethren that slavery must be extinguished.'''' There is no longer any room for dodging. The question has been fairly put to the people of the free States, and as far as pub- lic sentiment has reached us, they have by large majorities decided ^Hhat negro slavery is not authorizedby the Constitution of the Uni- ted States, and that it must he extijtguished. The edict has gone forth, and the SouOurn States musi either snhrnit, or array them- selves against the Union. The time for compromise is past, there can be no moreP ^ Read the above over again, and remember that if we subn the Republicans claim that we are willing to have slavery e. tinguished. Read this, not from any Southern man, not from any dis- unionist; but a Northern voice, from distant Maine. The Bangor Union says : "The Southern people may as well anticipate a storm that must sooner or later burst upon their heads. If Lincoln were disposed to protect the reserved rights of the South, he can do nothing to restrain the fanatic horde, that have placed him in power. The hour has come, when the truth should be told. Long years of unremitted Abolition preaching has educated in almost every county of the North, a more or less mumerous body of Abolition Crusaders, who are only waiting for the inauguration of a Black Republican President to enter the Southern States, arm- ed tvith torches, pikes, and bayonets, to complete the work of havoc and ruin, begun by John UrownP Not satisfied with having elected Lincoln, they tell us we shall give up our slaves, if wc stay in the Union — and we shall be forced into the Union if we attempt to go out. In addition to this, we are taunted with cowardice, and d<(red to try to go out. We quote from Greeley's paper, the Tribune. We may be told he is a fanatic — so are all Republicans — but it may be said ' we h," e no respect for Greeley — neither have we. This does not alter the fact, that the Tril3une is the great representative paper of the North ; it has built up the Republican party. Read the issue of the 22nd inst :