>PK Luke Gridley's Diary •* ^ of 1757 tn &wbxt? in t\p 3xmt\\ attfc . . . itt&tatt EDITED FOR THE ACORN CLUB ] CID ID CCCC VI Luke Gridlevs Diary. Gr rid ley j Luke. Luke Gridley's Diary •* s> of 1757 ttt &?tb\tt in X\\t 3te wt\\ and . . * SttftUm Blar . . . EDITED FOR THE ACORN CLUB CID 13 CCCC VI LIBRARY of CONGRESS f wi -Joule* I toeivwl OCT 21 1907 Cuoyriifiit fcntr* CLASS A AXc fee COPY rt« Em ^Tenth Publication ONE HUNDRED AND TWO COPIES PRINTED (*Co LQlSl CoFYRIGHT BY THE AcoRN CLUB 1007 Hartford Prett The Case, Lockwood & Brainard Company ACORN CLUB *r* Donald Grant Mitchell, Honorary, New Haven Williston Walker, Honorary, . New Haven William Newnham Chattin Carlton, Hartford John Murphy, . . . New Haven Albert Carlos Bates, . . Hartford Charles Lewis Nichols Camp, . New Haven Charles Thomas Wells, . . Hartford George Seymour Godard, . Hartford Frederic Clarence Bissell, . . Willimantic Joline Butler Smith, . . New Haven William Fowler Hopson, . New Haven Frank Addison Corbin, . . New Haven Henry Russell Hovey, . . Hartford Frank Butler Gay, . . Hartford Walter Havens Clark, . . Hartford William John James, . . Middletown Lucius Albert Barbour, . . Hartford Martin Leonard Roberts, . . New Haven Charles Yale Beach, . . Bridgeport Addison Van Name, . . New Haven Henry Roberts, . . . Hartford Henry Ferguson, . . . Hartford Morgan Bulkeley Brainard, . Hartford Deceased Charles Jeremy Hoadly Mahlon Newcomb Clark PREFACE. THE year 1757 was the nadir of the English cause during the Seven Years' War in America. Not only had it thus far dis- tinctly the worse, — having lost the control of the West at Fort Duquesne in 1755, and that of Lake Ontario at Oswego in 1756, and gained only a desert frontier on the east by depopulating one of its own provinces, — but the disasters had seemingly taught the government nothing. They had not even loosed the hold of political " pulls " and jobbery which was the curse of all the adminis- trative services. For two years a set of very unfit commanders, appointed by court or family influence, with the King's son Cumberland as military dic- tator, played ducks and drakes with the English chances of gaining the chief heritage of the West- ern Hemisphere; and they would have lost it al- together but for the provincials whom they despised, belittled, and defamed — largely for their own re- pute and promotions, and to the fatal misleading of [8] English judgment as to an easy suppression of provincial revolt a few years later. Braddock, the first, appointee of Cumberland and head of the house- hold brigade, was by far the ablest and most cour- ageous ; but the remnant of his slaughtered regulars was saved by Washington's Virginians. A provin- cial governor, the energetic and sensible if tactless and over-confident Shirley, then held the field for a while, and the solitary success of nearly three years was achieved by Lyman's New-Engtanders ; it won a baronetcy and ^5000 not for the victor, how- ever, but for the late Admiral Warren's nephew, William Johnson, who despite the value of his In- dian diplomacy, had shown neither military conduct nor courage. His jealousy of Shirley's interference began a feud which was taken up by his kinsmen, the powerful De Lanceys; and Shirley was deposed through their influence with Cumberland, probably plus the interprovincial grudge between New York and New England which wrought so much evil in the Revolution. An English colonel, Daniel Webb, for no historically assignable reason, was then sent over as a place-warmer for two Scotchmen : James Abercrombie, another court favorite, who in turn was to be locum tenens for John Campbell, Earl of Loudoun, though all three were to remain as gen- erals. Loudoun had also the influential earldom of [ 9 ] Stair behind him, and had managed to lose nearly- all his command at Preston in 1745. Scotch noble- men were pertinacious place-jobbers and patronage- hunters, but the just repute of Scotchmen as fighters seems moreover to have bred an idea that all were competent commanders. The curious feature in this case was that the chiefs did not even exhibit the personal warlikeness which distinguished so many of their underlings. Loudoun had the hot temper and rough manners of the conventional Scot, and was valorous toward civilian magistrates; but he displayed no undignified haste to engage in actual conflict, and was easily persuaded of its infeasibility. Abercrombie, after his repulse at Ticonderoga in 1758, was stricken with a more cowardly panic than Braddock's mangled troops, as having infinitely less cause; and with a superior army fled from be- fore a fort which Montcalm said could have been taken with two cannon. They were no worse than Webb, however, who was in a qualm of apprehen- sion during his whole stay at Fort Edward; never risked his skin, and never moved without a huge escort; and after Fort William Henry and its garri- son had been captured through his own fears and incapacity, thought of flying to Albany and leaving the upper settlements to the torch and scalping- knife. [ io] These appointments again illustrate the con- tempt of the home government for provincial af- fairs, as needing little ability to manage, which alone would justify the Revolution. Respectable subordinates, or likely to be such, not one of these persons would have been dreamed of for a com- mander-in-chief of the smallest independent army in Europe; but almost any officer of regimental rank was good enough to plan and direct campaigns in America, with a few thousand regulars and a " mob " of provincials. Yet they would probably all have done decently well in Europe, for which they were trained; where nearly all battles were fought on open ground, with well-drilled and disciplined troops for at least a backbone, all marches were over mul- tiplex roads thoroughly mapped out and running through settled agricultural districts, supply depart- ments were fairly provided and officered, and prac- tically all contingencies could be forecast if the general had a brain and experience. But in Amer- ica, where none of these things were true, they were helplessly unable to construct a new system of ideas, and except Braddock they seem to have been physically daunted. The mere fact that pretty much all battles were fought in the zvoods, as were most of the Revolutionary battles, shattered all their notions of tactics. If you could not keep your [ ■' ] troops together, how could there be any fighting except a barbarian scramble without guidance, and how could they form and maintain columns when crawling through underbrush or making way around giant pines'? And the vast silent woods aswarm with skulking savages, or suddenly breaking into blood-curdling yells and screeches, evidently ap- palled their nerves, as they did those of the Amer- icans themselves wherever familiarity had not bred coolness or even over-contempt. They blenched as even Arnold could not prevent his troops from blenching when Burgoyne was marching from Skenesborough to Fort Edward, and not a hand was lifted against him in those trackless forests; as the forces of Willett and Gansevoort in Fort Stan- wix were well-nigh frightened into surrender in a well-stocked fort, by half their number of Indians and a handful of white men. Against this shifting series of second-rate military pedants was matched a Frenchman of first-rate abil- ity and adaptability, Montcalm, succeeding another of the same stripe, Dieskau; aided by subordinates to whom the forest life and the Indians were native or entirely familiar. The American sections they led were as ill-matched in the same direction. The English provinces disliked each other only less than the French, and dreaded each other more. Each [ 12] was afraid of doing too much, for fear of the rest taking the advantage to do too little; and those under royal governors were glad of every occasion of public danger and demand to tie their rulers' hands, not only for the present, but as a precedent for the future. None had or would permit any standing military force; each raised what it wanted for the year, disbanded it at the close, and could not get a new one into the field till toward summer of the next. Men, supplies, everything, were insuf- ficient, slow, and disunited. Canada was at least a single province, with only one governor and one gen- eral to fight and paralyze each other — which truly was enough. That in spite of all this the French made but little real progress during their time of superiority, and sank into irretrievable ruin as soon as the English put stronger men in power, is the best evidence of the incurable weakness of their colonial system. It was in fact not a colonizing system at all, except in old Canada. Outside of that it lacked the one thing needful — people; and, as even there save for a slender body, was merely a set of forts with practically no settlers behind them. The com- mand of a district hundreds of miles in extent rested on some one fort, or a few stockades; and as soon as they were reduced, the whole fabric went with them and went forever. The English control [ '3] was in solid ranks of farms and villages, which could not have been expropriated wholesale even if conquered, and which could lose a hundred frontier skirmishes and regain everything by a single victory. The operations of 1757, in which our diarist was a humble unit, need not be set forth in detail. Broadly, all forward movements and all plans for such had been suspended by the displacement of Shirley, and nothing could go on until Loudoun had decided what he wished to undertake. His plan was the old one of cutting off all French re- inforcements by capturing Louisbourg and com- manding the mouth of the St. Lawrence, as a pre- liminary to striking down what was left; but he showed his bad judgment by so stripping the centre for this purpose as to expose that to imminent de- struction before the starving system could work. This venturesomeness in plan could only have been redeemed by equal venturesomeness and energy in execution; but he showed neither. His supplies were dilatory, but so were everybody's always; and he did not reflect, like Pepperrell and his men and a thousand other minor leaders of his time, that the enemy's were sure to be so likewise. He would do nothing until he had a force to assure victory; before he received it, the French had become the stronger [ '4 ] at Louisbourg; and when his admiral would still attack, he would bear no part in it. Meantime Montcalm had gathered some six thousand regulars and Canadians and a couple of thousand Indians at Ticonderoga, to invest Fort William Henry and Monro's twelve hundred at the head of Lake George, the less important of the two keys of communication from Canada to Albany. Webb the while was cowering at the ultimate key-post, Fort Edward, fifteen miles off: binding Putnam with an oath not to reveal the presence of the enemy when first discovered ; waiting for pro- vincial reinforcements which could not possibly ar- rive in time ; sending enough to Monro to be a heavy loss, but not enough to make successful re- sistance even probable; not daring to join him with full force lest the French should turn his rear and assail Albany, and not reflecting that if the upper fort was untenable, it was obvious common-sense to withdraw the garrison to Fort Edward, and leave the French an empty fort instead of lining it with good troops; refusing to let his provincials and in- coming militia march to Monro's relief when they begged it, countermanding the permission to a small body when given; acting, in a word, like a thor- oughly frightened man in presence of new condi- tions he could not handle — which was the truth. [ 15] Monro surrendered on promise of security; but Montcalm's Indians had engaged with him on prom- ise of plunder and would not have their prey escape, the fear of losing some part of their services as scouts was more insistent than humanity with some officers, and the prisoners themselves paid ransom in brandy which maddened the savage blood still more. The Indians butchered the sick and wounded at once, the Canadian officers very willing because it relieved them of a burden on their march ; dug up and scalped the corpses from the small-pox hospital, and were later decimated by the consequent epidemic ; dragged bodies of prisoners out of the marching column and slaughtered them, keeping some for eating at Mont- real; and before they were stopped by Montcalm and some others, had probably killed five hundred sick and well. The massacre, its numbers greatly exaggerated, is still one of the best remembered in- cidents in American history. Webb's expresses and appeals had already called out great bodies of provincial militia, which came pouring in just before and just after the disaster. Connecticut alone had sent some 5000, or about one-seventh of its entire fighting population on this single call, besides the considerable body of its reg- ulars already in the field, though its own borders were in no danger. As Montcalm's forces did not [ '6] advance, but withdrew to Canada a week later, these were soon recalled ; but meantime they were en- during great hardships from lack of food, tents, blankets, and cooking utensils, and many refused to remain without object, the New-Yorkers threaten- ing to shoot their officers if they interfered. At last all was settled; a small force was enrolled for win- ter guard and scouting : and both sides prepared for the next year's struggle, when Pitt had come into power and begun to send over very different officers. Connecticut's part in this war was one which may well be a source of pride to every citizen. She levied first and last over 27,000 troops, of whom some 14,000 were separate individuals, and 9,000 were regularly in the pay of the colony for full fighting years' services in the field, outside the militia call — even that showing her willingness to respond to the common danger and send her sons to the field. Now her population in the year 1756 was found to be 130,611. The highest proportion of males between fifteen and fifty-live known in any European country has been 280 per 1000; the lowest a little under 240. Even the latter, taken from old settled peoples, is probably greater than that in a half-settled colony where families were very large and the number of small children very great ; but in any event the number of such male [ i7] adults in Connecticut was not much above 36,000, and may have been below 31,000. Taking the supposition most unfavorable for our purpose, the colony furnished, for a war which did not directly endanger herself, and simply from common loyalty, nearly two-fifths of all her fighting citizens; on the more probable supposition, nearly one-half. Even apart from the militia sent to relieve Fort William Henry, it contributed certainly one-fourth, and proba- bly nearer one-third, of its entire adult citizenship for steady service in breaking the French power. In 1757 the General Assembly passed an act to raise 1,400 men, in one regiment of fourteen com- panies, to act in conjunction with Loudoun's reg- ulars. At its head was placed Phineas Lyman of Suffield, the eminent soldier who had won the bat- tle of Lake George eighteen months before, had won Johnson a title and wealth, and would have seized Ticonderoga for him if allowed ; had noted with unerring eye the best spot above Albany to command the road from Canada, and fortified it. Johnson, with an equally unerring eye for his own interests, suppressed Lyman's name in his dispatches and removed it from the fort. It was then the cus- tom, following the English fashion, for the colonel himself (English lieutenant-colonel, their colonels being titular figure-heads) to be captain of the first [ i8] or "colonel's company," and Lyman so acted. The other two regimental officers were respectively cap- tains of the next two companies: Lieutenant-Colonel Nathan Whiting of New Haven, second company, and Major Nathan Payson of Hartford, third com- pany. Of the others in order, the captains were Israel Putnam of Pomfret, Samuel Hubbell of Fair- field, David Waterbury of Stamford, Adonijah Fitch of New London, John Slapp of Mansfield, John Jeffries of Cornwall, Eliphalet Whittlesey of New- ington, Edmund Welles of Hebron, Ben Adam Gallup of Groton, Ephraim Preston of Wallingford, and Andrew Ward of Guilford. The present diarist, Luke Gridley, was a private in "Captain Major" Payson's company. He was from Farmington, of a numerous stock which also included a missionary, and members of which were on the committee to raise subscriptions for Boston after its closure by the Port Bill. It was allied to the Boston family which produced General Richard Gridley, the great military engineer who laid out the works which reduced Louisbourg in 1745, and the defensive works at Bunker Hill and Lake George. He was in no battles; but had he been, per- haps we should have had no diary. At all events, he marched with his company to Fort Edward, and was in camp there through the season till the troops [ 19] were discharged. He gives us a set of notes upon the camp life and the outside events that came to his ears, which afford some new information, correct some old, and add to the vividness of our picture of the situation from the soldiers' point of view. As examples, we note the ever-present whip as the tool of all work for instruction and emendation. From the horrible punishment of a thousand lashes for desertion to the enemy, or five hundred for de- serting from the forces of one colony into those of another (a most significant entry as a side-light on provincial separatism), or five hundred and being drummed out of camp with a rope around the neck for unspecified iniquities, we have all the way from three hundred down for arrears of a season's derelic- tion, for sleeping on guard (an unforgivable offense which wins the dreadful punishment of running the gauntlet also), for drunkenness (where, curiously, a " Yorker " gets three hundred to a regular's one), for selling rum without a license or to the In- dians, for insubordination, for playing cards (doubt- less swindling at them, as the camp was anything but puritanical), for wearing a dirty shirt on guard (quite properly, remembering what cleanliness means in a camp), for counterfeiting and passing the money, and so on; and we rejoice, with a wistful desire that our ancestors' customs were not dead, [ *>] when a dirty practical joker receives fifty well-earned lashes. Riding the wooden horse with heavy weights on the feet is also not disused. We note the con- stant labor of the officers to prevent or check vices, or inattention to the discipline needed for safety, for life or health : driving the worst camp-trulls out of the lines, regulating or stopping the sale of liquor, stopping the waste of stores, preventing the jaunts beyond the lines which were always liable to make one less soldier and one more scalp, punishing the shirks by making them stand guard at night, enforc- ing cleanliness, sobriety, obedience, and marksman- ship, and respect for private property. We note that a few true-blooded New-Englanders hold Sab- bath services even without a minister, in a camp where all sorts of " gaming, cursing, and swearing " are going on around them ; and that the Connecticut men observe "election day" even in camp, "toping off with Bisket." We note the never-ending scourge of small-pox which made dreadful havoc with the soldiers throughout the war, had already driven some bodies into disbanding outright, and filled the hospital which the deaths from it were constantly emptying. Rather curiously, we find pneumonia (" the Long feaver ") one of the worst foes in mid- summer. We note that the allowance of rum is missed only less sorely than that of food : in those [21 ] times it was thought impossible to keep a force in health and vigor except by regular if small rations of spirits. We observe that an Indian massacre of a scouting force is prevented by the vigilance of three or four, " the rest of the gard being asleep," — a monotonously regular tale in colonial affairs. We are reminded that the English side too had Indians serving it, the Iroquois being kept on its side through Johnson's influence ; but the " Mohocks " only bring in prisoners, not scalps, and seemingly behave with decency. We see also that the de- scendants of the Mohegans and even the Pequots are ready to take a share in the excitement of war; indeed, the roll of Fitch's company shows a quite extraordinary percentage of evident Mohegans with craggy or grotesque names. The negro is also well in evidence; an Afro-American could make a stir- ring picture of his race in the early wars. Other topics will suggest themselves, opened by the diary. The language of an untutored colonial is always of interest from its hints of contemporary phonetics, or its survivals of old names or shades of meaning or usage. The present diary is not without these. " Resigned " for surrendered, " while " for until, " pep- pered " for seasoned in general, instance the last- named sort; "sass" for green vegetables has no mystery for New England readers ; " skeel " for [ »] cleaning off the scale or rust is an interesting dia lectic survival which has missed the great general dictionaries wholly. In pronunciations, it is interest ing to observe that our Connecticut hero's name was apparently pronounced Lmmon, at least by some; " Moriall" for Montreal was certainly com- mon; "Camplain" may be a mere slip, or indicate the same attempt at pronouncing from a written word which produced "Glockster" on some tongues; " sursposed " and " Gaplop's " (Gallop's) are exam- ples of a phonetic law more remarkably exempli- fied in the astounding name of " Scockerromah," applied to Lake George, and but for the inserted " c " a quite careful catching of the French pronun- ciation of " Sacrement " ; "a Lewed " and " a Lew- ance " for allowed and allowance, and Teuchit for (probably) Toushet, illustrate the then frequent sur- vival of the pronunciation of ow as " oo," still usual in " wound," and once universal. " Willaim " and " Jeames " accurately preserve the accepted pronun- ciations of our fathers later even than this. " Poy- woy " for powwow and " boyl " for ball illustrate, like other colonial writings, the curious use of "y" to indicate the sound of " w," as " droy " and "soy " for draw and saw. " Er " as " ar," in " reharsth " and so on, is a matter of course. F. M. DIARY. March 29 th Ad 1757 Luke Gridly His Book Aprel 8 th this Day was musterd and took our oaths Mondy the 18 th Day: this Day Reseved wages: Bounty furst month wages & Biliting: 3=18=9=0' genneral Limmons Com[ ] 2 marcht ye 18 th April the 22 of Aprel we 3 marcth. mondy 25 th we marcht Licthfeel 26th to fegguts 4 In Kornwill 36 mi 5 the next day wich was y e 27 th we marcht to Landdard Robins The bounty this year was 42 shillings, the soldier to find clothes, powder-horn, and bullet-pouch ; the wages for a private, j£\ 12s. per month of 28 days; the allowance for billeting, 45. per week. This would make ^4 ioj. for the first month; but the clothes were probably furnished by the colony and deducted. 2 Lyman's personal company, the first. 3 Payson's company, the third. This first stage was from Farmington to Harwinton, through that part of Bristol afterward set off as Burlington. ♦ The Widow Sedgwick's. 5 From Farmington, not Litchfield. — The road from Litch- field to Cornwall was through Goshen. [ 24] in Carman to Dine 8 miles: from thence to Lan- dard Reeds In Solsbeary 6 miles 28 th we marcht 4 mils ' & 6 thrugh the nine Pardenners 2 and then 6 which was to Levenstones manners fourness 3 nb : we passed By whare 3 : men died : fmall pox a fortinnight Before haveing the wind of y e house 29 Day we marcht 20 miles & came to Clou- verreck 4 : all In helth. 30 th Day I went 3 miles & came to Rever 5 : Seeing my frinds well I pa[st] 5 miles up the River for Shad May I th wich was the Lords Day this Day we had a meating without any minister the 2 th Day our officssers Devided us Into fore parts In order to vittel them more Regiller 6 1 To the Connecticut line at the Oblong, on the west of Salisbury. 1 The Little Nine Partners, granted by New York in 1706, was the manorial estate next south of Livingstone's Manor : it was through this that the troops passed. The Great Nine Part- ners, south of this, had been granted in 1697. 3 Furnace (Ancram). The ore beds were part of the great Middle Berkshire deposit still heavily worked in Salisbury. ♦ Claverack, three miles southeast of Hudson, N. Y. s The Hudson. 6 "The Men Complain y e Most of Hunger yt Ever I Hered in my Life," says another diarist. The 3 th wich was tusday we had orders form gennerl Limmon to be Caled to geather at 7 oclock half In the morning : & 7 at night and not to Be absent haveing our hats Cocked up ours guns Bright & our gloths cleen : and a gard to Be keept : this fet ium of us to washing Quick : The 4th Day we trained Reseveing itricker orders The 5 D they trained But I was garding & fich- ing we Being ftraitened : for Proviccon : <& hungery : Johnnathan Beamman Eate 3 Raw nch : guts & all for 4 quarts of wine ■ The 6 D we trained haveing Rewls fo ftrick : that them Did not fute the ofescers was Train By themfeuelfs * Sattarday the 7 Day we 3 was all a Lowed to train afore foks But John forgoson & Shewble Reed : Gennerrall Limon Reseved orders from Lord 1 Such bestial wagers were not uncommon in this gross hard- living age. A generation or two later even than this, two men ate each a raw skunk on a bet as to which should keep his meat down the longest : a noted Windham tavern-keeper named Stan- iford was the winner. 2 This war was the first occasion when the colonial troops became a direct part of the British armies, and came under their system of discipline ; and in the last two years, officers like Lyman had become conversant with the official rules of drill and tried to enforce them, while the self-trained mass resented them. 3 I. e., Payson's company. [26] Lcudon to gard the ftors and get things to Cook in : The 9 th ' Day was the Sabbath : we d a meating without a minister 2 : one man out of Eevery Com- benny was lent up to Greean Bush 3 for pots and kittles : Cololol l : Pheinaas Limon : C 2 Whitelsy : C3P: Gallap: C4P: Putmans: 5 Captain Magor Pasons: 6 CP Slaps: 7 CP fitch 8 CP Gafas 9 CP Wells « Mondy the 9 th D I was on Gard we went to visiting & Captain hugabone 5 : our Landdard traind & haveing 4 men to press he gatherd 154 Dollers for them to List. 6 the 10 th Day I went on to the River to fiching [canceled : I fee a fturgen 6 foot Long] & thare was 'A slip for "8th." 2 This was special to a few high-grade New-Englanders. A New York officer said that Sunday had been packed away with the stores in Albany, and would not come up till the work was done. 3 This individual historic name is now obliterated in "Rens- selaer," city, which rolls several different things into one, and the railroad and postal station of "East Albany," which rep- resents nothing. « The numbering of these is not the official one, as will be noted from our list. s Hogeboom, of Johnson's New York forces. 6 That is, the men subscribed to pay bounty and hire the re- cruits instead of impressing them. r 27 j one of Cap Gaplops negros whiped for threting of killing a man. Wensday the 11 th Day we marcht 10 miles & Came to Landard vanalls 1 to Dine from thens 6 which was to Canterhook * : we Logd By ye meating : house The 12 th Day was Electfhon Day 3 we marcht 24 miles and Came to Greenbuch : we Loged Cap Dows Barn : the 13 th D toping up Electfhon with Bisket we marcht io miles & Came to Landard Skilars 4 : Jest a Bove y e flats 5 the 14 th D we had our Amannachtion & then we marcht 20 miles & Came to Scatte Cook 6 the 15 th D Gennaral Limon haveing his Chosie to Stay thaire : or Come back he Broute us Back to the River side 2 or 3 miles that Bostton folgers might go thare: 1 Elsewhere Fanall and Fondall. 2 Kinderhook. 3 The formal celebration in Connecticut. * Schuyler's. s Troy ; but the distances in this and the next march are not intelligible even by circuitous roads. They should be about six and twelve miles instead of ten and twenty. 6 Schaghticoke, east of the Hudson, a few miles southeast of Stillwater. [28] the 16 th D I went to hunting Dear a monday Being on Gard some of y e time & one of Limons men killed one & CP Whitelses another teuchit ■ killed one Before our offiscers had orders from Limon that no man went to hunting or passd over the River : or fpoyled any Boards 2 with out his Leave Allso that we f hould Be Examind how maney Car- thirigs we had & have an a Count took of how maney we had fpent: & for the future Every man that fhot a gun Gun with out his Leave was to Be Brough Before a cort marfhal & Be dealt with as an abuser of the Kings ftors & find for Every Car- terrig 3 Pence starting haveing But ten and one flint Deliverd him The 1 7 th D we traind I Beaing on gard : Enfine Ezekill Lewis was put under gard for not obeaying orders : the 18 D John ashley 3 was whiped for not obaying orders one of Limons men the 19 Day a thursday we had an a Larram 7 Ingins Runing after a boye, hwo was hunting pigons to scalp him fiuerd at him & fhot thrugh his fhirt 5 Boullet holes fume grasing his flefh Bing the west 1 Evidently an Indian, and apparently the same as Tousey (Toushet ?) or John Hatchet, found on the rolls. 3 Or houses, barns, or fences. 3 An incorrigible elderly "tough subject." fide of the Rever 100 Rods from us fume Duch York Cap Penders 1 his Comepantions fwonge thare hats a frited at Lenthe one went to his Releaf : thare was fcouts fent out as Ouick as Chould Be : & 2 men out of Each Compeney to Allbaney for more folgers: & Captain Putmans Rangers 2 : & 20 of us was fent over the River to gard 3 these Cowards teufet 4 was put under gard for not obaying orders & a whiping post fet up : we was all Brought Round In a Bodey : his fentance was to Be whipet 20 Lachis upon his Begeing faver & promising Reformation his honnor s with good Advice : & ftrick Directions to us all Repreaved him the 20 th Day the folgers traind & the offiscers Played boyl 6 Cornal Limon gave us orders to march to the forts as foon a we Could Conveineantly his honners Compeney passd over the River In order thare for the 21 Day we was to prepare and be In a Readyness to go over the River: to march: The Boston folgers Come hear 1 Carpenters. 2 These were a company raised by voluntary enlistment from among the Connecticut troops, for scouting purposes, and subor- dinate to Major Robert Rogers. 3 Guard against, he means — sc. the Indians, the "cowards." < The same as " Teuchit " before mentioned. 5 Lyman. & Ball. [30] Sabath Day 22 th aboute 9 o Clock In the morn- ing 7 compeneys marcht from hear & travild to the S[t]ill wartres * fort 6 mils: thare we Refresht our felfs: & marcht 7 mils and Picht our tenths which Came By water Day 23 which was monday we marcht 10 mils & Picht our tents at Suratoke 2 : thare we went Into the River & Chast 3 aboute 3000 Alewifes for our Super Day 24 th Tusday Leftanant wells Came heare & half our compeny traind and the Rest Chacths 3 and Salted : 3 Barrills of Alewifes I went to kill a Dear & Shot wid with my gun wet his honnor giveing no Leave to Skeel 4 It out Day 25th thare was one Dannail Boake 5 : one of Cap Gailaps men : Run the gandtelit thrugh 30 men for fleeping upon gard which Cryed Lord god have mercy on me the B[l]ood flying every ftroke this was a forrowfull fight: A[l]so one man was fintanced to Ride the wooden ho[r]se for not turning 1 Stillwater on the Hudson, twenty-three miles above Albany and opposite the mouth of the Hoosick. 2 Saratoga. 3 " Ketcht," not chased. 4 "Scale," or clean off rust, etc. ; an old dialectic word which has escaped all popular dictionaries. s Bogue ; a chronic offender, earning and receiving savage pun- ishments. [31 ] out fo loon as the Rest to train with 4 muskits tieed to his feet : But was Repreved Day 26 Aboute 9 o Clock In the morning we marcht and traveld 7 miles from hear which was half a mile above fort miserry ' and Refresht our felfs : then we marcht 7 miles & In Camped Jest Below fort Edward 2 Day 27 th we Passed over the River and Piched our tents at the norwest Corner of fort Edward Day 28 th fume to work highways : fume on gard fume garding te[a]ms to timber Day 29 th Sabath fume fcouting others garding & Regellateing there tents : the roil amarricans 3 the Blues 4 marcht to fort willaim henerry 5 1 A camp nickname of Fort Miller at the rapids of the upper Hudson, on the west side ; its name is still borne by a village there. 2 On the west side of the Hudson near its great bend, opposite the "Great Carry" (/. e., to Wood Creek, running into Lake Cham- plain). Originally Fort Lyman, built by Lyman in 1755, before the battle of Lake George ; renamed by Johnson to curry favor with George II., after his grandson the Duke of York, brother of the later George III. 3 A regiment of four battalions raised in America for this war, principally among the Pennsylvania Germans, but with Euro- pean officers. The famous Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Bouquet commanded one battalion. < The New Jersey regiment raised for this war and commanded by Colonel Parker. 5 Built by Johnson this year, and named for the Duke of Gloucester, another brother of George III. It was at the head or southern end of Lake George, close to the water and to the present wharf and railroad station at Caldwell or Lake George. [3» ] Day 30 th we By ye Post haveing heared that thare was : an army of fri[n]ch hard By william henerry thare was 70 men lent out to Rang ' : fume one way & fume a nother : thare was 2 men Con- vayed to the horspetall : the Dockters Judgeing them to have the lmall pox Day 31 th I was garding fume york Carpenders ■ Captain Putmans Rangers fet out for thare fcoute. June the 1 th Ad 1757 wensday was freed from Duety for a Coock : a party of men 3 was fent up to the Lake to gard teams. Day 2th we Being a going to worck In the high- way had half a gill of Rum a Lewed us a day have- ing the promis of a hwol gill: we marcht one mile & tay rayed that Night Day 3 th we fume of us worked hard : But them which was Laszy ware calld to gard us when It was night 1 These were Putnam's men, enlisted the day before ; but they did not perhaps start for a day or two. * Directing a working party in building a fence around the camp garden. 3 This consisted of thirty men each from Putnam's and another company of Rangers, with their captains and two officers and forty privates of the Connecticut troops. There is a confusion of a day or two about their starting, which is curiously reflected not only in another diarist of the camp, but even in the General Orders; un- less the seventy and the one hundred were different parties — but Putnam could hardly have headed both. [33] Day 4 th we hassend our Bisnes: finishing Before night: we Returned to the fort: we heard that fore men Being on gard Scattecook fhot: killed l frinch Indian & wounded a nother : 4 or 5 Run away : the rest of the gard Being afleep : ■ Day 5 th which was the Sabath: our Regellars had a Scurmige of fireing plattoons : thare was two of mager rogers 2 men Came hear which got Clear of thare Captivity at Canady & fayed thare would no frinch army Come hear this year they ware so ftratend for provison 3 Magor pasons arived hear. Day 6 th Captain putman's Rangers with fume of our men to afsist his fcouting fets of for the nar- rows 4 one of Captain Galops Indeains was whiped for ftealing a gun 60 Laches : we fhot at marks s 1 The usual condition except among the Rangers, and the source of many dreadful disasters. 2 Rogers, a noted woodsman and border smuggler, was first commissioned by Johnson in the fall of 1755 to command such a company for winter scouting, and again by Shirley the next spring for permanent work ; and gradually became the head of a num- ber of semi-independent companies. He evidently had a good eye for ability, as he selected Putnam and Stark for assistants at the outset. Stark as a fellow New Hampshire woodsman he may have known, but Putnam had been only a plain Connecticut farmer. 3 See the desertions to the English from hunger later on. * There were several familiar places in this region thus called. The one here meant was doubtless that of Wood Creek, near its mouth at Lake Champlain ; a favorite place of ambush to command the boat navigation of that useful stream. s As part of the ordered practice, not at will. [34] Day 7 th tusday to giting pine this day one Reg- eler Died with the Camp Deftemper thare was 6 men of the fcouts Came Back with a Drunken Indain hwo they Confind : Day 8 th fum of our picked gard fee whare 12 Indians had Lain a Boute a mile from fort Edward : we heard fume Ranngers from new york : fhot 3 frinchmen : of the Senterry About 2 miles Below ye narrows ' : allfo they killed 3 more : and 4 of thare one 2 wounded : Day 9 th one man was whiped 40 Laches for 1 iting Downe on gard : we had a fhower of Rain which made us uneasze : Day 10 th we had an a Larram 15 men Being fent out a Boute half a mile East of fort Edward to gard aboute as many Cappenders : was ferrounded with 100 frinch & Ind had a fhot fore of them Dead [in] fwamp : one Buckely & Martin hooker was two of them 3 : 5 more was mising iursposed to be taken Captive : they took a horse : gennarl Limon : with 20 men by them felves went & fhot upon them & firitend them fo that he got 2 Pikes 2 Dear fkins: fevearl fcalping knives & Packs Allfo thare muster 1 See note previous page. 2 Own. 3 These were of Whittlesey's company ; the other two were Rice Edwards and William Mortawamock (probably a Mohegan) of Slapp's company. The latter had his heart torn out. [35] Role which gave an a Count of thare Being 100 of them & 200 More a Coming & whare they was to fcoute : which was Reharsth r Both to the Lake & Surratoge with fpead. 2 Day 1 1 th fume of the peked gard fee 9 Inde- ains : and thare was a fcoute fent After them : but Cuould not find them: Day 12 th which was the Sabaths: we fume of us A Lewed to feace from our Labour: mary Rogers was Drumed out of the Camp 3 : & Gorge webster was put under gard for following her Drum magoir. Day 13 2 Packs & Read a man fhot was fur- sposed to Be taken was found Dead & Scalpt nearer then whare ye other was kild Day 14 Gennarl Limon with 300 men went out fcout 4 Day 15 Boston forses: 1800 of them Came hear 5 Day 16 th thare was one andris whiped 50 Lashes for f leeping on gard : Captain Putnan with his men 1 Rehearsed. 2 This skirmish is not reported by any one else. 3 Shortly after this there was a general medical examination of the camp women, who seem to have been of some number. * " Painted like a Mohog, as many other officers of the scout were," says another diarist. The scouts sometimes scalped the dead like Indians also. 5 Under Colonel James Frye. The famous Rufus Putnam was one of them. [3&] Brought Into fort Edward a frinch man which told us : fore men & 5 fcalps * was Carryed to riconderoge the 12 of June: that they Lost 7 of thare men the 10 of June wen these was Killd & taken : Allfo that thare was two Battalyens of Regelar troops at Ticon- deroge 2 & a Large army at Crowne Pinte Day 17 th one of the man that was taken with the fmall pox may 30 th Died with It: he took At Allbanney thinking he had it when he was yonge 3 Day 18 th we finishing our work at the tar kill made an oven : Day the 19 th which was the Sabath gennarl Limon with his fcout Came In with 1 gun 2 hats & 3 packs which he took from the Enemy: the Indeians killed one Regellar & wounded another a mile Below fort Edward : Boston forses had a farmmon preched By thare minester with few hearers In the forenoon : In the afternoon they fhot at marks: the Regellars f hot thare great guns At marks & made mery : &c Day 20 th thare was one Clark Robberd Knils 4 : 1 As only four men were killed, the Indians probably practiced a mild grade of the multiplication noted later. One of the men was David Campbell of Killingly. a Montcalm's grand rendezvous there for the movement against Fort William Henry was effected in July. 3 /. e., exposed himself recklessly. * Robert Niles, " dark " in Gallup's company. [37 J which came home from fcouting without his honnors Leave: Redueced to the Ranks: & whiped 100 200 hampf hire folgers 3 Comp ■ Day 21 th we had an a Count took of our names: haight & Age werather we had Been In the fervice before or no &c &c &c & whare we Blonged &c &c &c there was 2 Indeains whipd one a 100 Laches for giting Drunk fcouting : the other 50 for felling Bark when he was bid to get It for a gard house Day 22 lh one Bosston man Died with Camp Des- temper. I hear of one that Died Before orders to get things clean for genral webs : arivel & no man to go out of gun ihot of the fort 4 Regelars whipted 40 mohoacks' Brought In a frinch man which they took near Crown pint : they had a poywoy 3 of Re- joyceing over him &c he faid thare was 200 of his Compantions Beetween the forts 4 & as many more Between fort Edward & Surratoage Day 23 th Thursday we Comeing jest of from Dewty 100 of our men was Calld away to mend highways Between the forts a Regler was whipd 100 'From "No. 4" (Charlestown, N. H.), under Lieutenant- Colonel John Goffe ; part of 500 raised this spring by New Hamp- shire, under Colonel Nathaniel Meserve, and divided by Loudoun. 2 Johnson's influence kept the Iroquois on the English side in this war. 3 Powwow. See preface. 4 Edward and William Henry. [38] Lashes for hollowing & fearing the Ennemy when Gennerel Limon had them partly ambusht Day 24 th three men whipt Coming In from our work Gennarl web arived hear more Rodlland men Came hear Day 25 th one Regellar Died with the fmall pox. Day 26 which was the Sabath It Being Ranine uncomfortable weather 80 men of us went to gard ftreams ■ to the Lake & took up our Logeing In the woods In mefutes 2 Rigment : one Boston man whipt ^o 1 for pissing In a kittle of Peas. Day 27 th one of our men takeen with fmall pox an Exfpress Came from Lake Gorge giveing an a Counte that a fcout had Been to Crown pint & take- ing a vew of things Counld fee But few of the Enemy thare : Leftanant John Coun 3 & Cap Baker was taken By Indeins from Crown pint near fcattecook : Day 28 th Came 13 frinchmen & Rezined them felves up : faying they had [nothing] to eat for 7 or 8 Days : Allfo that thare a Lewance had Been one Pound Pork 1 1 Days. Six men taken fmall pox : we picth our tents the out Side of the pickets fo that 500 Green Regelars & 500 Roil amerrycans 4 the Blews might go with In them 1 A slip for " teams." 2 Massachusetts. 3 Cone, of Welles' company. * Both arrived this day. The "Green Regulars" were John- son's New-Yorkers. [39] Day 29 th we moved our tents haveing the Pleash- ewer of airing them & our felves : a fcouting Party of 200 men let out to go to the East Beay : * Day 30 th one Regelar died: July the 1 th day was friday Captain putmans came home & told us he furround 300 frinch & In- deians 3 mile above y e fouth beay 2 & fired at them 1 1 oclock 3 & fit till 4 In the morning & one of his men was killed By our men 4 : genral Limon with 300 men: went out fcouting one compeney Ran- gers 5 lent home one man killd 6 & 2 taken 7 30 1 Of Lake Champlain : the easternmost of the two prongs into which the long narrow southern portion divides in its extreme south- ern part, and into which Wood Creek empties, with Whitehall now at its mouth. a The western of the two prongs ; he means three miles above its head or southern end. The ambush was in fact on East Bay, at a ledge half a mile above the head. The hostile party were some five hundred, mainly Indians, under the celebrated French Canadian partisan Marin ; and were dreadfully cut up by Put- nam's band. They murdered one of Putnam's wounded, and carried off two others. 3 P. M. * Elijah Sweetland of Hebron, of Welles' company. Another party of scouts mistook Putnam's men for foes and fired into them; and Putnam told them they ought to be hanged for not killing more with so fair a shot. s Putnam's. 6 Henry Shuntup of Welles' company ; probably a Mohegan. His heart was cut out and a block of wood put in its place ; this eems to have been reserved for Indian enemies. 7 Jabez Jones of Fitch's company, John Kennedy of Slapp's. [4°] mohoaks came In with 2 fcalps from near Crown Pinte Day 2 th fix man taken with fmall pox : 2 men whipt for Being Drunk Day 3 th which was fabath It Raind But no fcaesa- tion of work But a day to Pay them for thare Labour : 4 frinch men Came hear from Crown Pint & Rezined them felves up ■ Day 4 th galard list Ranger 2 2 men Died with Camp Deftemper 3 1 Limons man the oth other of Bosfton forses : the number of men that have y e fmall pox 4 In y e horspetell about 50 Rod from the fort Is 101 : Day 5 th 18 men Listed to fired great guns a Raine day peperd with frech meat for Eating. 5 Day 6 th out of Boston forsis one Smith Died with the Camp Deftemper the Camp Driners 6 from 1 From hunger : this occurred repeatedly. 2 /. e., Charles Gaylord of Payson's company enlisted in the Rangers. 3 This seems not to mean any one disease, but pneumonia ("Long feaver"), dysentery, and other non-contagious ailments. 4 This epidemic heavily crippled the efficient force of the troops for two or three years, and drove some bodies of them home. 5 Probably from Albany : this grateful event was an important item to all. " We took our allowance partly in fresh provision," says another. 6 Very plain, but of course meaning "Drivers." [41 ] Allbany Arived hear with thares new Recruts one ofesor taken with the fmall pox Day 7 tn Johnathan Tilor John Willfbn : Charis Galard Left our tent for Rangers ' thare Compenney was Sursposed to Be verry good But thare Room much Better Day 8 th one man wipt 100 Lashes Day 9 th one man whipt Day io th which was the fabath 18 ot Cap Rogers men killed & taken near Crown pint 2 one frinch prisner 3 Day 11 th one of genral Limons men Died with the Camp Destemper Being Able to woak a Bout yersterday Johnnathen Rementon of SufFeld Limons Compenney : Day 12 th Dainal Boke & John Ashley 4 whipt again 1 Tyler, Wilson, and Gaylord were all ot Payson's company. Six companies of Rangers had been organized on the 5th: headed by Captains Putnam and Safford of Connecticut, West and Learned of Massachusetts, Wall of Rhode Island, and McGinniss of New- York. 2 This affair cannot be further identified. Rogers makes no allusion to it. s Brought in by the Indians of Stockbridge, Mass., where Jonathan Edwards then was. * Bogue had been in the guard-house for three days, and now received fifty lashes, after his frightful experience seven weeks before. " Old Ashley " received fifteen. I 42] Day 13 th : 6 great guns was fired of 6 times a peace Day 14 th thursday one man Died with the Camp Disstemper Day 15 th one man Died the Bloody flux: another y e i mall pox : 4 men whiped one of them 200 Lashes In the morning & 200 at night thare was one man of the Bosfton forses Runing with one of his mates ' fell Down Dead Emeadeately Day 16 th our tent mates had thair tents took from us & we put Into other tents Day 17 th which was the fabath one Drumer whipt for playing Cards' 200 of the Rangers let out for a 12 Days fcout In order to go to the vance gard which the frinch fet out Below the narrows 3 Day 18 th a number Bosston men went to mend- ing high ways Down to ftill waters [*? Day 19 th ] one man & one woman Died Day 20 th Levi Strong & John Rogers Conveyd to the hors : petell Tick Day 21 th one man 4 fhot to Death for Defarting to the frinch a fcoute of 40 men Came In & gave : 1 Playing ball. 2 Probably for card-sharping, as there was great license in gaming. 3 Of Wood Creek as before. < A Dutchman named Peck. [43] an a Counte that fume Indeins fired upon them & killed Leftennant Donet l & others 2 the main of them Left thare packs and Run home from f[o]uth Bay oxford 3 was whipt Ninety Lashes for felling Rume 4 & telling fortins to the Regelers Ceucip s Indean Died with pox Day 22 th Josepth Spencer & 6 more of our Corn- penny fet out for the ftill waters 6 one John Tom- mus a Rodllander aboute 9 oClock In the morning for Passing f ilver mony 7 wich he made himfelf was whipt 300 Lashes. Day 23 th Aboute 9 oClock In the morning a Considerrable number of frinch & Indeains furronded our Capenders with thare Covering party & they had a hot In gagement : for half an ouer aboute half 1 Of Massachusetts; probably Domett or Donnell. The Mas- sachusetts rolls of this war are not published. 3 Another account says the lieutenant only was killed, and the rest all ran away as here told. 3 A negro from East Haddam, in Welles' company. * Sergeant Joseph Comstock and Drummer John Chappell of Fitch's company were punished with him for the same offense, the former being reduced to the ranks. s Probably Cujep or Chuchip, a Pequot from Groton. There were several generations of this name. 6 Part of a large detachment to relieve the forces there and at Saratoga. 7 Spanish dollars. [44] a mile East of the fort 1 1 men was killed ' which was Brough In & Buryed 6 men was fum of them Badly wound : & Seaverral more missing 2 Picpen 3 one of these wounded men of putmans Died at fun let : the Regelers from Surratoage Came hear 10 men Carryed to the horspetill with ye fmall pox Day 24 th which was y e Sabbath one more of these wound men 4 Died : one Captain hardin Died with y e fmall pox. Day 25 th Genaral web was aided up to Lake Gorge with 1000 s men to wate upon his honnor Levi Strong one of our Compeney wich Belonged to Boston Died with ye Long 6 fever : one man haveing the fmall pox was Carryed to the horspetill : Aboute 100 Regellars a Rived hear from ftill warters Jeams Tuler 7 of Simsbeary Corl Limons Compeny Died * And another mortally wounded. The Indians divided the eleven scalps they carried so as to claim pay for thirty-two ! The as- sailing party was 150 Indians and a few Canadians. 3 Only one was carried prisoner by the Indians ; the others scattered in the woods. 3 Probably Pitkin ; the roll of these wounded men is lost. * Amos Bibben of Slapp's company. s Other accounts say the escort was Putnam and 200 Rangers. The diarist may have exaggerated, as he elsewhere does with the Royal Americans ; but Webb's conduct makes us suspect that he took as large an escort as possible. 6 Lung : pneumonia. 7 Tuller. [45] with the Long feaver: Likewise one more of our foreces Day 26 th one man was killed By another mans gun which went of when : he was a fcouring of It ' one man taken with y e fmall pox we hear that a fcoute- ing party of 350 men 2 went out from Lake Gorge to y e weast Bay 3 & was fur Round with a number of frinch & Indeins which killed and took 250 of them 100 Eiceaped them Day 27 th Johnnathen Roberds coparl & Jonnathan Word & Hezekiah Deman 4 was taken to y e hors- petill : fick : one man Died thare with the Long feaver: one 100 & od of Cunnectecut & Bosston men Set out to Releave fum Regelars at half moon 5 3 of [his] our Compeney went thare 1 In another tent. 2 As another diarist of the regiment says the same, Parkman's 300 is probably wrong. They were chiefly Jerseymen sent from Fort William Henry by Parker, and were ambushed at the Lake George narrows by a superior body of Indians under the French Canadian Corbifere. The Indians shot some, speared others in the water, and ate three on tne spot ; but carried most of them cap- tive. 3 Of Lake George, west of the peninsula in the southern half; also called Northwest Bay. But in fact they were some miles further north, near Sabbath Day Point. * Deming. These were all from Payson's company. s The peninsula at the junction of the Hudson and Mohawk, afterwards Schuyler's camp in the Revolution. [ 46 ] Day 28 th one man Died & one taken with the fmall pox : & 5 Regelars whiped 1 Day 29 th all the Capenders & Battwo a men In y e camp fet out to work at Lake Gorge : gennaral web Returnd Back to fort Edward : 3 one Regelerr Died : one man taken with the fmall pox one Hezekiah Deman died fudenly with y e Camp Disftemper : Day 30 th one man Died with y e Long feaver Day 31 th which was y e Sabath : one man Died Dockter Lord 4 got in Readeness to go houm Awgust y e i th Ad 1757 one man Died & one taken with y e fmall pox Day 2 Dockter Lord went houme for more things the Boston foresses and 500 Roil amearicans 5 marcht up to fort willaim henorry Day 3 th the greate guns Begun to fire at 4 a Clock In the morning at Lake gorge and keep going at times and turns: thare was fpies fent up thare Day 4 th these fpies 6 Brough In a frinch man 1 One a second time, for losing his blanket and contumaciously asserting that he had received none. 2 Bateau. 3 Under the same escort. 4 Elisha Lord of Farmington. s Only 100 in fact, with Captain Crookshank's independent company and 823 of Frye's Massachusetts regiment, all under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Young of the 60th. 6 James Collier, of Gallup's company. He deserted ten days later. [47] hwo they took near Lake gorge : which was killing an ox hwo faid that y e army which ware fegeing Lake gorge was 1 1 ooo ' they had 32 Cannon & 12 morter peases Day 5 th we heared fort william haner was fur- round with frinch & Indeains 2 Cap putmans Ran- gers went up & Got Into y e fort Day 6 th 2 men got away from thare which gave us an a Counte that y e frinch was Digeing trinches for thare fafte 3 : But had not fired any cannon at y e fort: 3 men Died with fickness Day 7 th which was y e fabath gennarl gonson 3 ariveed hear with ] 500 men : an Express came from y e Lake which faid they were In good fperits thare haveing Lost But 5 men allfso that they [keap] could keap them of with thare Bums fevearl Days 4 : that they would not have gennarl web fend them any healp while 5 he Could Cume with a party ftrong 1 He said there were 6000 regulars and 5000 Canadians. There were in fact about 8000 in all, of whom some 2000 were Indians. a Safety. 3 Now Sir William. Other accounts say he arrived the day before. •♦Monro is reported by Jabez Fitch, Jr., one of the " Bosston forces " here, as saying that he was "as well pleased as if he was in his own country among y e pertaters " ; but that was because he expected speedy relief from Webb. 5 Until. f 48 ] a nought to Drive of fo great an army of frinch ' Day 8 th mon the great guns keep fireing very fast at fort william henerry one Johnnathen worden of Simsbery one of our Compeney Died with y e Bloody flux Day 9 th fort willaim henerry was Refined upon these Condishons our men what was Left of them was to sease Lif [t]ing up arms against y e frinch for 18 months they 2 Brock their artecles & took away thare 3 Packs & Colors & a great many of thare guns & the Indeans killed more of our men when ye frinch was garding them Dwown to fort Edward then in y e fight 4 Day 10 th our fick fet out for allboney ye Re- mainder of y e Command of fort willaim henerry Come Down Being Striped of thare Coleres wounded & Lame Day 1 1 th one nethanel Rogers of our Compenny Dyed with y e Bloodey flux more of these priseners * This was probably camp gossip, as Monro's existent letters to Webb contain nothing of the kind ; but it would have been good sense, as any less reinforcement simply swelled the number to be sacrificed. Webb had already done exactly that, his ** relief" forming part of those surrendered and partly massacred. 2 The French. 3 The prisoners'. •* A very mild statement. [49] Came fcatcring In * : fume Connecttecut men from y e uper towns Came hear Day 12 th one Clark Steal Died with fmall pox haford a troops came hear Day 13 th one man Died Day 14 th which was y e Sabath two frinchmen Came In hear & one frinch ofesser with y e flags truce y e time of y e Sun Cleps 3 Day 15 th one John fouster was whipt 150 Lashes our men Brought one Cannan from y e Lake & 400 men came from Lake Camplain which the french [held ?] for thare fafty : while * they Could Cary away y e fpoil which they took thare 1 A signal gun was fired once in two hours to guide those es- caped from the massacre wandering in the woods. 2 Hartford. 3 That is, late in the afternoon ; " This night about gun firing," says Fitch. This eclipse was an annular one of great interest, but the afternoon was " So clouded that we Could Scaircely Perseve It." Nathaniel Ames' Almanack (Boston) for 1757 has the fol- lowing prediction: " Of the Sun, Auguft 14th, vifible, and the most remarkable Eclipfe feen by us this Age ; and the Curious are defired to be careful in the Obfervation of it; the Semidiam- eter of the Moon being lefs than that of the Sun, it cannot be total but will be Annular, i. e., it will appear like a Gold-Ring." It was to begin 4. 50 p.m.; begin to be annular 5.55. 15 ; cease to be annular 5.58; cease altogether 7.02. Sunset was 6.55, seven minutes earlier. * Until : the diarist's regular use. Day 16 th y e maleshe killed two Bars Day 17 th the meleshe ' let out tor home 150 of our forses went Downe to iurratoge a Day 18 th one Drumer whipt Day 19 th a number of y e Rangers Came over y e River to help Ease our Duety Day 20 th 4 men whipt Day 21 th which was the iabath a number of men went to Surratoge one Leftennant Cone 3 which was taken By Indeains the East fide of the River at Scattecook the 27 th Day of Last June and a nother man : makeing thare Efcape from moriall 4 In Canna- day: Came In hear and Said that a most all Can- naday that ware able to go to war came Down at the takeing of fort william henery Day 22 th two Regelars Died our a Lewance of Rume falling from one gill to a Quarter of the fame feased Day 23 th I heared that Dockter Lord was fick with the fmall pox at Allbany 1 Connecticut militia; by orders. 2 Of the number of militia that poured in just in time not to save Fort William Henry, many returned at once on hearing the news; some remained a short time in great hardship, without tents, blankets, or cooking utensils, then went home despite their officers, whom the " Yorkers " threatened to shoot if restrained. 3 John Cone of Welles' company. « Montreal. [ 5< ] Day 24 th fore men Came from Cannaday one of them was Cap Erlehighs ' our Agetents waiter Last year his name Is vain Day 25 th 2 men whipt one for Drowing Rum out of the ftores ye other: fleeping on gard 2 Day 26 th 2 of Captain Putmans men Brought In a Regellar hwo had Dafarted from our Campe. Day 27 th 4 of Captain Putmans men Came In 2 of them was fick they fet out y e 21 th Day of august they went with In 10 or 11 miles of Tyconderoga & fee no lines of [Indeans] frinch or Indeians : 4 Yorke Defarters Brought from Albany Day 28 th one man Died one woolcut 3 of our Companey was taken with y e fmall pox Day 29 gennarl Limon with a partey of men went out & killed 7 or 8 Dear & one Bare Efarram flent Died 4 Day 30 th one frinchman Came In : Captain put- man with his Scout Came In : not haveing feen any fyne of y e Enemy : one man whipt 1 Timothy Hierlihy of Middletown ; entered as clerk to the adjutant in 1755, became captain and adjutant, and served through the war. 2 These were Peter Davis and Robert Jaquish of Gallup's company. Samuel Chapman of Welles' was included. 3 Alexander Wilcutt ; died Sept. 7. 4 Or Aug. 3, as on the rolls. Day 31 th two Regellars was whipted 75 Lashes for whareing a Durty fhirt on gard September y e 1 th thursday Day 1 th Ad 1757 2 presenars Came In from Cannady the Regelars ware whipt again J Dockter Lords goods came Day 2 th new Beden " Came from allbany and many pots & kitells Day 3 th our a Lewance half a gill Came again Day 4 th which was y e Sabath Came In 6 frinch Deserters one of them fursposed to Be a Jew one Bosston man 3 In a fit fell Down & Died iudenly. Day 5 th two Regelars 4 ware fhot to Death for deserting to the frinch one of Colonal Limons men was whipt 500 Lashes for Listing Into the york forses 5 Day 6 th a Comemand of 200 men went Downe Surratoge to : toreleve those which ware thare : Day 7 th one of the yorkers was whipt 500 Lash & Drumed out of the Camp with a Rope : abute his neck : one Regelar 500 Lashes for muteny Day 8 th thursday twelve men 6 Came from num- 1 Not explainable. * Bedding. 3 Wicks. 4 Corporal Dorman (Catholic) and Rice Llewellyn, of un- known localities. 5 This was counted desertion. See Preface. 6 Under Ensign Butler. [53] ber fore J and told us that Coronal whiten with his 500 men 2 ware a Comeing to fort Edward allfo that they had not Lost one man with f ickness 3 had Been killed Day 9 th we had orders that [no] man went out of the Lines at Suratoge upon any a Conte what fo Ever with out Leave of the Comemanding offescer: Day 10 th two men whipt one 300 Lashes for Disarting: one 200 for going with out the Lins to fhiching. Day 1 1 th which was the fabath hear was many forts of gameing as well as cursing & Swareing. Day 12 th more of the Sick went Downe to All- ban ney Day 13 th one yorker whipt 300 Lashes for get- ing Drunke a Regelar for ye fame 100 Day 14 th two men fhot to Death at fort Edward Day 15 th a party of men Came hear Bound for Still waters 25 of them went to Scaticook to make hay Day 16 th two thousand Regelars 3 Came hear for Fort Edward Bound. 1 Fort No. 4, on the Connecticut, at Charlestown, N. H. 2 Colonel Nathan Whiting, lieutenant-colonel of Lyman's regi- ment, had been ordered with 500 men to No. 4, to replace Lieuten- ant-Colonel Goffe and his 200 previously mentioned, ordered by Loudon to Fort William Henry. 3 Forbes' and Blakeney's regiments. [54] Day 17 th : 500 high Landers 1 was hear for our Releaf Day 18 th which was the fabath we marcht up to fort Edward : Day 19 th mr Pomerry went home 2 : fore men whipt Crueley one Drumed out of the Camps with a Rope aboute his neck 3 Day 20 th one Bare & one Dear was killed By hunters Day 21 th Dockter Josepth Bouth 4 Died. Cap Rogers with his Rangers Came hear Day 22 th 7 Barlels of Rum was Brought for Connecttecut youse 1 This was the famous 42c! Regiment or Black Watch, formerly employed in keeping the Scotch Highlands in order after 1745. Its major was Duncan Campbell of Inverawe, the hero of one of the most weird and romantic of second-sight legends, with " Ti- conderoga " for its basis: told by Parkman in "Montcalm and Wolfe," by Constance Gordon-Cumming in the Atlantic Monthly (September 1884), and elsewhere. He was killed in the attack on Ticonderoga in 1758. 2 Rev. Benjamin Pomeroy of Hebron, chaplain from Aug. 8 on ; but he evidently did not go far, as he preached a week later. 3 Francis Fleming of Lyman's company. Lyman evidently had a general court-martial to clear his guard-house and settle up arrears. " Old Francis Fleming received the remainder [!] of his punishment 500 lashes; " John Shaw of Fitch's "was whipt 300 lashes for his summer's work " ; Samuel Crandall of Gallup's got 250 ; and "one Wood" of Lyman's (not on the roll) 30. * Of Farmington ; a private, probably a local horse-doctor, etc. {.55 1 Day 23 th 5 of the Roil americans was whipt Day 24 th three frinch men Came In hear Day 25 which was Sabath y e fabath teams Came from Surratoge mr pomerry Preched with us D 26 th a Duch wagenner haveing apels to fel fold them for a pany apeace But aboute a dussen of Cap putman's Rangers fpelt a bushel & a half and eate them up Day 27 th teams Came from Surratoge Day 28 th Came In two frinchmen from ticon- deroga which told us that thare was 1500 frinch- men at the Lake : Buts a Lie x Day 29 th we had two Ears of green Corn amongst fcaven men Each man a bet about as Long as my thum Day 30 th our post Came hear with few Leters October the fiirst day Day 1 th the Rangers killed 2 Dear & one Bare Day 2 th which was the fabath one man Died one taken with y e fmall pox the teams Came hear from Surratoge : one frinch man brough In hear from Crown Pint Day 3 th a bosfsten Leftannant 2 had his Sword Brok over his head for Disabligeing Langweg: a party of our men went up to y e Lake to fee what 1 It was. 3 Knowles. [ 5&] they could find : they took a frinch Defarter & a grate Deel of fase J Day 4 th 4 men whipt the Regellars Began to Clear up the hill the wast fide of the Eiland Day 5 th one man Died Ashbell moses went to the horspettall: two Bares killed Day 6 th teams Came from Suratoge one Regelar Cashed a rich that wayed 16 pounds & gennaral web gave him a Doller for it : Day 7 th three men Came from molbeary 3 to fell Chease Day 8 th one man Died Day 9 th which was y e fabath : those which had the Rumatis & the worst of the fick 3 ware Cayryed Down to Allbanny from hear thare by wather one man Died with fmall pox: & one with Camp Des- temper 4 Day 1 o th one negro whipt s for f leeping on gard : a flag Truce Came Down from y e Lake Day 11 th a comemand of our men went up to the 1 " Garden sass " : green vegetables. 2 Marlborough. 3 Five of them. ■♦There was but one — Sergeant Ebenezer Jackson of Fitch's company ; he died of the " distemper " in the small-pox hospital, after recovering from the latter disease. 5 Thomas Henry of Fitch's company, 50 lashes. [ 57] Lake and Brought Down from the Lake 40 priseners & one wo[man] we furspose they (toped thare to make f hure of a grate Quantety of face which they had not yet got the number of men which ware killed : Captivated and Died with Destempers out of Colonal Phennies Limons Rigement Is 51 : & 12 Deserted: 10 men from num4' Day 12 th one Ashbel moses a Simsbery man Died with ye Long feaver Being Being the 10 th man has Died with Deftempers out of our Compenney Day 13 th the Companny of york Regelars gran- naders : marcht for home Capt putman & 5 oficfcers kild 9 Dear & one Bare Day 14 th the teams carted wood over the River: Day 1 5 th Comrs 2 went home Day 16 th which was the fabath we had a hard Storm of Rain: one Dear killed Day 17 th magors Rogers Sent out a fcouteing party with 7 of Capt putmans men for an eaght Days f cout 1 Arrived, not deserted. It was another party under Butler. a In 1755, commissioners from the colonies which furnished troops to the war had met at Albany, to direct the movements, ap- point regimental officers, assign drafts, etc. As there is no record of their appointment by the Assembly (of Connecticut at least), they were probably appointed by the governor and council ; and we may presume from this entry that the same thing was done this year. No other published document speaks of them. [ 58] Day i8 th ,\John gafit 1 was whipt: 100 Lashes: for the Confeatatsy 2 of Stealing a gun Day 19 th a grate number of the lick Regelars with the teams we heard that we fhould march for home the 27 th Day of October Instant &ccc Day 20 th two Roil amearacans 3 was hanged fo[rj Desearshon : 4 3 more Reseved a tousand Lashes & Drumed out of the Camps Asel Andderis 5 taken to hospetill Day 21 th Conolan Liman with his fubottons 6 and aboute 500 men marcht up to Lake Scockerromah 7 to take a vew of the Reue[n]gs of the fort 8 one man Died: Day 22 th Colonan Limon with his men Came home one man Died Day 23 th which was y e Sabath two yorkers Be- ing lent to Look up fbme fheep one of them was 1 Japhet, of Lyman's company : Indian or negro. 2 Qy. confederacy = collusion ? 3 John Rhodes and Andrew Westerman. * Another account says for stealing. 5 Asahel Andrews, of Payson's company. 6 Subalterns. 7 Lake George. Gridley's name is a creditable phonetic effort at spelling the French pronunciation of their term for it, Lac Saint- Sacrement : the last word would sound to him like " Sockr-romah," and his inserted extra " c " makes Scock'erromah. 8 William Henry. [59] killed & fcalped Jest Below the Brick kills : the other furl posed to Be taken By fume (bulking In- deains two Dear was killed Day 24 th they found this other man Dead and fcalpt Day 25 th a considerable nomber which ware week and poor ware fent Down In Carts and wagons one man Died: Day 26 th our wood was Cleeand off from the Hand fo that we Began to peck upon the Stubs: Day 27 th the teams Came from Sirratoge: one Dear was killed : one man Died Day 28 th gennarl Limons horse had a ftable made for him : Eleven teams went Down to Scatecook for heay for him & nothing In it. our teams carted wood By the Brick kills: Day 29 th It Began to ihow at 9 oclock In the morning farjant abner meachum Died Day 30 th which was the fabath fifteen of our Rig- ment fet out for home & marcht furrotoge Day 31 th we fet fail 1 two oclock & went Cap Lam sons November Day 1 th from thence we marcht to y e half moon 1 The rapids at Fort Miller prevented going by barge from Fort Edward. [6o] Day 2 th from thence we marcht & taryed 6 miles above allbany Day 3 th from thence we thraviled to Green Bouch : Colonal manrow 1 Died one man was fhot to Death three of our f ick 2 Died : Day 4 th from thence we marcht 12 miles & Lay at the half way house Day 5 th we marcht 18 miles and Came Into Canterhook & Lay 2 miles north of the ftone house Day 6 th which was the Sabath we marcht 12 miles and Lay at nobles town 3 Day 7 th from thence we marcht 25 miles & Lay at Captain Coles In Cannan Day 8 th from thence we marcht 12 miles & Lay at Landard Joashes In goshon Day 9 th from thence we marcht 15 miles & Lay at Landard wiyers 4 Day 10 th I got home 2 oclock In the year 1758 August the 13 th I Layed at Landard Larraneces In canan 1 Monro, ex-commander of Fort William Henry. He was stricken with apoplexy in the street. 2 Stephen Deming of Lyman's company, Benjamin Hulbert of Payson's, and a third not identifiable. 3 Northeast of Livingston's Manor. « Probably Wiard's in Harwinton. [6i ] The 14 th Day I passed to the new England ter- ven x Jeft above allbanny Citty the 15 th Day I pasd with Dilligente Inquierry to Surratoge & waited for a garde the 16 th Day I passed to fort Edward the 17 th Day I heard of the Lementable of the Death of Elisha gridly Day 19 th arived at fort miler 12 o Clock from thence to fcaratoga the news of Cabretones* being tak[en] a firing Day 20 which was the Sabath : I treveld to the next house above Coronal Scilars 6 miles above Albaney Cyty Day 21 th Came to Landard Saxstons met J Royce Below Love Joys 3 Day 22 th throm thence I treavild to Mr newels 4 In Goshon : Day 23 th I got home at night 5 1 Tavern. This or a successor of the same name was existent nearly a century later. 2 Cape Breton's ; /. e., Louisbourg. 3 Lovejoy's Tavern, in Albany. * Rev. Abel Newell. s This was about 1 40 miles in three days, over bad roads, largely across mountainous country and through the woods ; a severe though not impossible journey. [62 ] An a Count of the men of each Government Bosstone 8-0-0 Connecticut O -9-0-0 the Blews govt Jerszy hampfhir Rodlland 1 ■ O- O- ■5-0-0 2-5-0 ■4-5-0 Regelars Yorkers 2 - O- ■0-0-0 2-0-0 [Elafas Clarck Steal fma pox] 1 Johnnathan word 2 Elasesander wolcut 3 Small pox John Keperoge Levi Strong Nethannal Rogers Hezekiah Demman 4 5 6 7 Efraam Hunt 8 Esara Rodden 9 Ashbel moses 10 John willson pox 11 Sarjant abner mecham 12 Harford: 1 April 23 th Ad Farmington : l 7S7 1 Hartford. [63] Harrington : * Lichfeald : Gofhen : Comwill : Canan Solsbeary : oblongs : 2 Ancrom : Clavrick : 29 of Aprill : Canterhook : 1 1 D of may wensday Greenbuch 22 Scatacook we marcht from hear Still waiters Suratoke fort Edward Its 54 mils out of Connecticut from thare Its 32 to Claverick tis 70 miles from thare to Scattecook & tis 37 miles from thare to fort Edward And tis : 193 miles from farmington to fort Edward: 193. * Harwinton. 2 The Oblong or Equivalent Tract was the strip if miles and 20 rods wide, parallel to the Hudson along the entire western boundary of Connecticut, from Rye, N. Y., upward. It was ceded to New York by Connecticut in 1683, in return for the towns of Greenwich, Stamford, Darien, New Canaan, Norwalk, and part of Wilton. [6 4 ] Sarratoge September y e 13 th day A.D. 1757 I Receved one vommit and one pil to take at Bed time: OCT 21 ; LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 011 696 359