Class. Book. ^ rycl HISTORICAL SKETCHES '" THE UNITED STATES, FROM THE PEACE OF 1815 TO 1830. BY SAMUEL PERKINS, ESGIUIRE NEW YORK: PUBLISHED BY S. CONVERSE. 1830. -i^ UisTRicT OF Connecticut, ss. BE it remembered, That on the fifteenth day of October, in the fifty-fiftii year of the Independence of the United States of America, Samuel Perkins, of the said district, hath deposited in this office the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as author, in the words following, to wit : "Historical Sketches of the United States, from the peace of 1815 to 1830. By Samuel Perkins, Esquire." In conformity to the act of the congress of the United States, entitled " An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, rharts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the limes therein mentioned ;" and also to an act, entitled " An act supple- mentary to an act, entitled An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprie- tors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned, and extending the be- nefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical and "t her prints." CHARLES A. INGERSOLL, Clerk of the District of Connecticut. A true copy of record, examined and sealed by me. CHARLES A, INGERSOLL, Clerk of the District of Connecticut. \\ 'J Sleight &. Robinson, Printers, ^6 William Street. PREFACE. The favorable manner in which a work, entitled •' A History of the late War/' has been received, has induced the writer to continue a history from the peace of 1815 to the end of the first session of the twenty-first congress, May 31st, 1830. Its objects are to give a correct and connected ac- count, 1st. Of the military and naval transactions, em •bracing the Algerine war; the measures taken to suppress piracy ; and the Seminole war : 2d. Of the proceedings of congress and the execu- tive relating to important subjects of general policy : 3d. Of judicial decisions on constitutional ques- tions : ^ih- Of diplomatic discussions: IV PREFACE. 5th. Of the affairs of Europe, and the repubUcs of Southern America, so far as they affect their relatione with this country. In the course of the fifteen years embraced in this history, many important constitutional questions have arisen, been fully discussed, and the opinions of the severaldepaitments of government expressed on them. Though most of the subjects are familiar to the com niunity, it is thought that a concise and connected view of the leading principles on which the govern ment has proceeded, during this period, might be useful. Few occasions have occurred to call into exercise American valor. Such as have, are highly honora- ble to the country. One object of this work is to pre- serve a record of them, and bring them to the recol lection of the citizens. They are now to be found only in the fugitive pubUcations of the day. The diplomatic discussions have been highly im portant and honorable to the nation. Their princi- pal object, on the part of the United States, has been, to obtain redress for injuries; on the part of other na- tions, to avoid or procrastinate the claims. Another object has been to place commercial intercourse on a footing of a fair and hberal reciprocity ; and a third, to abolish the slave trade, and the practice of priva rREFACB. leering; the government uniformly adopting- the Washington policy of avoiding all political connec- tions. A view of these discussions, which is attempted m this work, is interesting, as it affords a knowled-e of the feelings and policy of other nations toward. this. The work is not intended as an electioneering ob- ject. At the same time, it is not the wish, nor within the power of the writer, to conceal his views of the prominent measures of the several administrations wnhm the period, or to prevent the operation which a candid view of past transactions may have on pub- lic opinion. In expressing them, however, he trusts It has always been done with a sacred regard to pri- vate character. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. Peace establishment. Reduction of the army. Division into mili tary districts. War with Algiers. Its causes. Capture of an Algerine frigate and brig. Negotiation and treaty with the dey. British expedition against Algiers. Its result. Negotiations between Great Britain and tlie United States. Convention ot 1815 P^^^^^ CHAPTER II. First meeting of the I4th congress. Message. Repeal of internal duties. Sectional divisions on the tariff. Claims resulting from the war. Compensation law. State of the currency. Origin of banks. Defects in the American system. Bank of the United States. Provisions of its charter. Presidential election of 1817. Congressional caucus. Origin and effects of caucuses. Page 35 CHAPTER III. Pecuniary embarrassments, subsequent to the war. Emigration. State of parties after the peace. Claims of American citizens, on foreign governments. On France. Spain. Naples. Holland. Their amount. Princii .es by which they are supported. Page 57 CHAPTER IV. Second session of the 14th congress. Message. Compensation law repealed. Internal improvements. Their importance. Mr. Gal- latin's report on the subject. Bill for, passed both houses. Nega- tived by the president, on constitutional objections. Mississippi admitted. Electoral votes counted. Mr. Monroe's inaugural address. Principles of his administration developed, in a cor- respondence with GeneralJacfeon. His tour, o . . Page 72 V"l CONTENTS. CHAPTER V. Piratical establishment of Aury at Galveston and Amelia Island destroyed. Seminole war. Instructions to General Gaines, and to GeneralJackson. Indian villag-es destroyed. Arbuthnotand Ambrister taken. Their trial and execution. Floridas taken. Correspondence between General Jackson and the g-overnor of Georgia. Remonstrances of Spanish g-ovemment, and proceed- mg-s of cong-ress relating- to the Seminole war. . . . Page 91 CHAPTER VI. State of Europe. Progress of American principles. State of France. Disposition of the Bonaparte family. Cong-ress at Vi- enna. Holy alliance. Several meeting's. Their professions, views, and proceeding's. Revolutions in Piedmont, Naples, and Spain, suppressed by their orders. Their views in relation to Spanish America Pag-e 117 CHAPTER VII. First meeting of the 15th congress. Message. Revolutionary pen- sion law passed. Beaumarchais claim. Bank of the United States mismanaged. Its embarrassments. Directors changed Credit restored. Judicial decisions. Hunter's case. On state bankrupt and insolvent laws. Cohens vs. Virginia. Steamboat ""^^ Page 135 CHAPTER VIII. Negotiations with Spain. Cession of the Floridas. Delays of the Spanish government in ratifying the treaty. Communications to congress on the subject. Florida treaty ratified. Extension of the northwestern frontier posts. Mandan villages. Yellow- stone river. Application of a German adventurer to be employed mthe office of secretary of state. Mr. Adams' reply. Second meeting of the 15th congress. Matthew Lyon's case. Report of the secretary of war, oa roads and canals. . . Page 159 CHAPTER IX. First session of the 16th congress. Admission of Maine and Mis- souri. Missouri question. Origin of slavery, and its introduc- tion into the American system. Excitement on the subject. Tariff discussion. Separation of the committee of commerce CONTENTS. IX and manufactures. Report of committee on manufactures. Na- vig-ation act. Fourth census Page 178 CHAPTER X. Republics of southern America. Importance. Extent. Situation as to relig-ion, morals, education, and commerce. Progress of their revolution. Views of the government and people of the United States regarding them. European policy respecting them. Expulsion of the Spanish troops. Difficulties attending" their internal affairs. President's message relating to them. Recog- nition of their independence. Panama mission. . Page 195 CHAPTER XL Death of Commodore Perry. Duel between Decatur and Barron. Second session of the 16th congress. Proposition to reduce the civil list negatived. Reduction of the army. Situation of pub- lic lands. Relief of land debtors. Electoral votes counted, and result declared. Inaug^ iral address. . . . Page 215 CHAPTER Xn. Forty-fifth anni versa r). Mr. Adams' address. Death of Napoleon. Diplomatic discussions with France. Possession of Floridas under the treaty. General Jackson appointed governor. His proceedings. Principles of the United States, in relation to colo- nies, compared with European Page 226 CHAPTER XHI. First meeting of the 17th congress. Bankrupt bill discussed. Ap- portionment of representatives. Death of General Pinckney. Cumberland road bill. Discussion with Russia relating to the northwest coast. Deported slaves. Russian ukase against free- masons. Decoudray's expedition. Second session of the 17th congress. Page 233 CHAPTER XIV. Debts due for the sale of lands. Western banks. Charges against the secretary of the treasury. Report of a committee thereon. Piracies in the West Indies; their principal haunts. Armament for their suppression under Commodore Porter. Key West ; its situation. Foxardo affair. Charges against Commodore Porter ; X CONTENTS. his trial, defense, and poutence of the court. Appointed to the command of the Mexi ,n navy ; his proceeding's. Page 249 CHAPTER XV. (rreece. Commencement and progress of the revolution. Contri- butions for its relief. Views of European g'overnments, and of the United States respecting- them. Present state of that people. First session of the 18th congress. Tariff. Report of the com- mittee of manufactures. Final passag-e of the bill. Proceeding's in Great Britain to defeat its effects. Massachusetts claim. Bill to abolish imprisonment for debt. . . . . Pag-e 260 CHAPTER XVI. Presidential election of 1825. Cmdidates. Their respective claims. Propositions to amend the constitution on the subject. Org-anization of parties. Their exertions. State of the electo- )-al votes. Vote in the house of representatives. C'harg-es ag-ainst Messrs. Clay and Adams. Mr. Adams elected, Inaug-ural address. Formation of the cabinet. Second meeting- of the 18th congress. Review of Mr. Monroe's administration. . . Page 273 CHAPTER XVn. Lafayette's arrival, and reception in the United States. His tour. Reception in congress. Grants to him. Jealousies of the French government regarding his visit. Number and character of the free colored population. Conspiracy of the blacks at Charleston. American colonizaticni society. Its objects, proceedings, and success. Emigration of free blacks to flayti. . Page 291 CHAPTER XVm. Indians. Number. Title to lands. General character and cus- toms. Efforts to civilize them. Process of obtaining their lands. Principles of the government regarding them. Georgia and the Creeks. Treaty of the Indian Springs. Compact of 1802. Che- rokees. Their progress in civilization. State jurisdiction ex- tended over them. Principles and proceedings of the adminis- tration of 1829, regarding the Indians. . . . Page 310 CHAPTER XIX. State of parties consequent on Mr. Adams' election. First session of the 19th congress. Propositions to amend the constitution. CONTENTS. XI Report on discriminating- tonnag-e duties. Of eng-ineers on in- ternal improvements. Panama mission. Mr. Benton's report on executive patronage. Debate respecting compensation for slaves killed at New Orleans. . . ., . Page 362 CHAPTER XX. Fourth of July, 1826. Death of Adams and Jeflerson ; how no- ticed. Important principles settled during their political course. Freedom of the press ; of political and religious discussion and opinion. Amelioration of criminal law. Penitentiary system. Improvement in laws respecting the collection of debts, and the transmission of lands. Internal improvements. Project of a canal across the isthmus of Panama. Tea cases. Morgan's ab- ' duction. Page 343 CHAPTER XXL Second session of the 19th congress. Reports of committees of commerce on the British colonial trade. Value of that trade to the United States estimated. French spoliations before Septem- ber, 1800. Woolens bill lost. Harrisburgh convention to pro- mote manufactures. Columbia anti-tariff convention. Dr. Cooper's address. Mr. Calhoun's appeal to the house on the subject of a newspaper charge. A challenge resulting from it. Baker's case. North-eastern boundary. . . Page 367 CHAPTER XXII. First session of the 20th congress. Treasury report. Revision of the tariff. Committee of manufactures. Call for testimony al- lowed. Tariff bill passed. Mr. Chilton's retrenchment resolu- tions. Report of Committee thereon. Dissent of minority. Free navigation of the St. Lawrence discussed. Death of Gene- ral Brown, and appointment of successor. Excitement in the south respecting tariff. Views of the British government re- specting it. Fortification of the Canadas. . . Page 383. CHAPTER XXIIL Presidential election of 1829. Candidates. Preparatory measures. Nomination of General Jackson. Result of the electoral votes. Mr. Adams' last message. Reports of the secretaries. State of the nation at the close of the administration of 1825. Effects of contests for the presidency, . ' . . . Page 398 XU CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXIV. Commencement of the administration of 1829. Tenure of office- Meeting- of the senate. New principles in relation to appoint- ments and removals. Meeting of the Virginia convention to re- vise their constitution. Its proceedings, and result. First meet- ing of the 2 1st congress. Subjects recommended in the message. Debates on Mr. Foot's resolutions respecting public lands. De- bates on the Indian bill. Report of committee on U. S. bank. Proceedings of the senate relating to appointments and remo- vals. Veto on the Maysville road bill. New organization of parties Page 408 CONCLUSION. American system of education compared with European. Com- mon schools. Academies. Colleges. Their number, and an- nual meeting of graduates. Motives to exertion. Display of American talent. Annual executive messages and documents- Diplomacy • Page 435 INDEX Page 439 HISTORICAL SKETCHES, &c CHAPTER I. Peace Establisiiment—Objects for which a military force is maintained ia time of peace— Meeting of a board of general officers nt Washington, for reducing the aim y— Their instructions and report— A proposed meeting of disbanded officers at Harrisbuigli — Its objects— Division of the United States into military districts— War with Algiers— Its causes— Treatment of the American Consul by the Dey— Capture of several vessels ; and sla- very of their crews— Sailing of Decatur's squadron— Capture of an AI- gerine frigate and brig— Decatur appears before Algiers — Negotiation and treaty with the Dey— Decatur's visit to Tunis and Tripoli — Obtains satis- faction from those regencies for injuries to American commerce during the war with England— Arrival of Commodore Bainbridge witli the second division of 'he fleet— Return of the expedition— Its beneficial results- Loss of the Epervier— British war with Algiers— Lord Exmouth's expe- dition — Success, and treaty — American negotiations with Great Britain- British commissioners refuse to treat on the subject of neutral rights — Dispute reiaiing to the fisheries— British claims on the subject of the> colo- nial trade— Propositions of the American commissioners rejected— The subject postponed— Convention of 1815— Efi'ects of this negotiation on American policy. Peace establishment. The transition of any country from war to a state of peace, is attended with many embarrassing circmnstances. Those of the peace of 1815 in the United States were of apeculiar character. InEm-opean monarchies, military officers are appendages of the crown. Having once obtained a commission, the holder is an incumbent for life. If in arranging a peace establishment, his active service is not required, he retires on half pay, bound to repair to the stand- ard of his sovereign at any future call. The armies and- navies kept up in time of peace are so numerous, that their reduction to what is denominated a peace establishment at the close of a war, is attended with no serious difficulties. Not so in the United States. The genius of their govern- ment is essentially pacific. No useless corps of pensioned officers is to be retained. At the close of the war, they, with their soldiers, are to be discharged, and must resume the cha- racter of citizens, except only such numbers as a prudent ro- ■9. 14 niSTOHlCAL SKETCHES CH. I. gard to the preservation of peace renders it expedient to retain. The only objects for which an American army can be kept up in time of peace are, to garrison the fortresses on the sea-board with such numbers as should be necessary to preserve them from dilapidation ; to establish posts on the frontiers sufficient to protect them from Indian incursions; to preserve some knowledge of the military art ; and to form a nucleus around which an army may be collected in the event of a war. For these purposes a comparatively small number is necessary. The congress which were in session at the time when the treaty of peace was ratified, fixed the military establishment at ten thousand. The number of field officers then in service amounted to two hundred and sixteen ; and of regimental to two thousand and fifty-five ; of the former thirty-nine, and of the latter four hundred and fifty were to be retained. In making this selection the executive had a delicate and difficult task to per- form. The late war had called into active service a fine corps of officers, many of whom had distinguished themselves on various interesting occasions. The exchange of a military for a civil life is seldom desired by an officer ; with few ex- ceptions, all were anxious to be retained, and the claims among a grea! proportion were so nearly balanced, that a designation of the requisite number must necessarily dis- appoint the expectations, and wound the feelings of many. Board of General Officers. Generals Brown, Jackson, Gaines, Scott, Macomb, and Ripley, the first two with the rank of major general, and the last four as brigadiers, were retained in service, and ordered to repair to Washing- ton to assist in organizing the establishment. They v/ere instructed to recommend such only as were competent to engage an enemy in the field. Distinguished military and approved moral character was to form the basis of their selections. Where the claims of the candidates were in these respects equal, length of service, a capacity for civil pursuits, and their pecuniary circumstances might be taken into account. Where neither direct nor collateral circumstances furnished a distinction, their decision might be governed by lot. Under these instructions the board of general officers proceeded to make the selection, and early in May, reported a list of the requisite number of officers to be retained, which was approved by the president, and occasioned much less dissatisfaction than was apprehended. In publishing the orders for disbanding the army, Mr. Dallas, the acting secretary at war, remarks, "that the president 1815. OF THE UNITED STATES. 15 desires it to be distinctly understood that, from the designa- tion of the officers who are retained, nothing- more is to be inferred than his approbation of the designated individuals, without derogating, in any degree, from the fame or worth of those whose lot it is to retire. The American army of the war of 1812, has hitherto successfully emulated the pa- triotism and valor of the army of 1776. The closing scene of the example remains to be performed ; having established the innependence of' their country, the revolutionary war- riors cheerfully returned to the walks of civil life, many of them became the benefactors and ornaments of society, in the prosecution of various arts and professions , and all of them, as well as the veteran few who survive the lapse of time, have been the objects of grateful rpcollection, and con- stant regard. It is for the American army, now dissolved, to pursue the same honorable course, in order to enjoy the same inestimable reward. The hope may be respectfully indulged, that the beneficence of the legislative authority will beam upon suffermg merit. An admiring nation will unite the civil with the martial honors, which adorn its Iie- roes, and posterity in its theme of gratitude will indiscrimi- ' nately praise the protectors and the founders of American Independence." In pursuance of this advice, most of the disbanded offi- cers returned to their civil occupations without complaint. A number, however, who had resorted to Washington for the purpose of procuring themselves to be retained in service, attempted to call a general convention of their brethren at Harrisburgh in Pennsylvania, for the purpose of soliciting a further reward for their services from the government. Soon after the determination of the executive was known in relation to the persons to be retained^ a publication appeared in the National Intelligencer, calling upon the disbanded offi- cers to hold meetings in their respective districts on the 1st f)f September, for the purpose of appointing delegates to the proposed convention ; the objects of which were stated to be, To apply to the general government for such pecuniary emolument as would place the discharged officers of the late army on a footing with those of the revolutionary war : To obtain pensions for the individuals of any grade and rank, who, by their services and sufferings had merited them : To obtain from the next congress a grant of the land which had been proposed to be given them by the last : 1(5 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. T* And to endeavor to obtain an act of the government to secure to them a preference in any military corps hereafter to be raised. These propositions were immediately answered by a pub- lication from a disbanded officer through the same channel, in which the proposed convention is severely reprobated. The writer indignantly spurns at the idea of soliciting pen- sions from the government, except for those who have sus- tained wounds which disable them from labor. Those who have distinguished themselves in the late war. the writeKobserves, have the best guaranty for commis- sions in any future army, and it is highly unbecoming their spirit and dignity to solicit pensions or employment from the government. This timely and well written reply put an end to those complaints, and nothing further was heard ot the proposed convention. Military Districts. By an order from the war depart- ment, of the 17th of May, 1815, the United States, for mili- tary purposes, were divided into two districts : the northern;, comprehending all the country north of Virginia, and in- cluding the state of Ohio, and the territories of Indiana and Michigan ; and the southern, comprehending all the residue. The northern was assigned to General Brown, with Briga- diers Scott and Macomb ; and the southern, to Gen. Jackson> with Brigadiers Gaines and Ripley. Algiers. The situation in v^hich the United States were placed in relation to Algiers, forbade any reduction of their naval establishment. The' war in defence of maritime rights had scarcely closed, before it became necessary to commence another for the protection of American commerce and seamen against Algerine piracies. The northern coast of Africa, bordering on the Mediterranean, formerly the seat of commerce and the arts, has for several centuries been occupied by a mixture of several barbarous nations, disa- vowing the common principles which regulate the inter- course of civilized society. Mahometans in their religion, they consider all Christiarfs as enemies of the true faith, and deem it a meritorious act to plunder their property and enslave their persons, whenever they fall within their power. On these principles they carry on a piratical warfare against all Christian nations who do not purchase an exemption by tributary treaties. Divided into several regencies, with a population not much exceeding half a million in the whole, a single European power might subdue them with less expense, and more honor, than to pay them the t^- 1815. OF THE UMTED STATES* IT quired tribute ; but national interests and prejudices have hitherto prevented them from taking- this honorable course, and induced them to seek the protection of their commerce by disgraceful stipends. Encouraged by this policy, the Barbary powers have enriched themselves, gradually ac- quired strength, and reduced their piracy to a system. The regency of Algiers is the principal, and by far the most formidable of these powers. The dominions of the dey commence on the southern border of the Mediterra- nean, at about the meredian of London, and extend east- erly four hundred and sixty miles ; and in breadth from the sea to the desert, an average of seventy. This territory contains a mixed population of four hundred thousand, con- sisting of Turks, Arabs, Jews, and renegado Christians, one fifth of which is collected in the city of Algiers. This city is situated on the side of a hill, rising suddenly from the shore of a capacious bay, in the western section of the territory : it is surrounded by a wall thirty feet high, a mile and a half in circumference, and twelve feet thick ; its ap- proaches are defended by five hundred cannon. The houses are generally built of brick or stone, contiguous to each other, with flat roofs, so that a person may pass on their tops nearly from one end of the city to the other. The dey's palace and some of the principal mosques are mag- nificent buildings ; the whole makes a beautiful and com- manding appearance from the harbor ; this city is the only one of any consequence in the territor}^, and has a consider- able commerce ; but the principal source of its revenue and wealth, is the system of piraticalwarfare carried on against Christian nations. Algerine piracy. Soon after the close of the revolu-'* iionary war, the commerce of the United States began to extend itself to the Mediterranean, and being entirely un- protected, became an object of cupidity 'to the Barbary powers. Without any previous notice, and without any pretext other than that congress had not purchased their friendship by a tribute, the Algerine corsairs, between the years 1785 and 1793, captured and carried i ito Algiers fif- teen American vessels. The ships and cargoes were made prizes, and their officers and crews, amounting to one hun- dred and eighty, condemned to slavery in its worst forms. Under the confederation, congress had no means to pro- tect commerce, or to ransom their unhappy citizens. Their situation attracted the early notice of the American go- vernment under the constitution; but without a navy, 2* 18 HISTORICAL SKETCHES. CH» I and without an adequate revenue, it could do no more than adopt the European tributary system. First treaty with Algiers. Negotiations were set on foot under the direction of Colonel Humphrey, the Ameri- can minister at Madrid, which terminated in the year 1795.. in a treaty providing for the ransom of the captives, for ^800,000, being about eight thousand dollars for each per- son, then remaining alive, and the payment of an annual tribute of twenty-three thousand dollars in maritime stores, Sufficient funds were provided, but owing to the confused state of things in Europe, it became impossible to remit Ihem by the time stipulated in the treaty. This delay was made a pretext for further exactions. The dey refused to deliver up the captives, and his ultimate compliance was purchased by a further present of a frigate of the value of one hundred thousand dollars. The tribute continued to be paid, and peace with the dey preserved, until the com- jiiencement of the war of 1812. At this period his mari.- lime strength had considerably increased by his exactions from the United States and several European powers. He was induced to believe that a war between Great Britain and America, would annihilate the naval power of the latter, and render its commerce a rich and unprotected prey to his corsairs. He had then just concluded a treaty with Portugal, by which he had exchanged the privilege of pirating on the commerce of that na- tion for an annual tribute. About the same period his old enemies, the Sicilians, had purchased the protection ot England, by which he was deterred from pirating on them. The principal source of his revenue arising from a share in the prizes of his corsairs, was by these circumstances greatly diminished, and he was induced to seek a war with the United States to replenish his coffers, and give em- ployment to his marine. Pretences of the dey for the renewal of his piracies. With a power governed by principles like those of the dey of Algiers, little pretence or provocation was neces- sary. In the present instance his claims were ; that the cargo of the ship Allegany, which arrived at Algiers in July, 1812, with naval stores for the payment of the annual tribute, stipulated by the treaty of 1795, did not contain such an assortment of articles as he had right to expect : and that the year mentioned in that treaty, was the lunar year of the Mahometan calendar, embracing twelve revo- lutions of the moon, and a period of three hundred and 1815. OF THE UNITED STATES. * 10 fifty-four days only : this, in the course of the seventeen years that the tribute had been paid, made a difference of half a year. On this account the dey demanded an ar- rearage of twenty-seven thousand dollars. This was the first time that the distinction between the Christian and the Mahometan year had ever been claimed, and was now evidently brought forward as a pretext for exacting money, or declaring war. The dey gave orders to his minister of marine, that the cargo of the Allegany should not be re- ceived, that she should immediately quit the port, and that the American consul. Colonel Lear, should embark in her, as he would not suffer the representative of any government to reside in his dominions, who did not cause every article to be brought as he ordered. Every attempt to explain on the part of the consul was without effect, and he was given to understand, that unless the arrearage was immediately paid, he should be sent to the marine in chains, the Alle- gany and her cargo confiscated, every citizen of the United States in Algiers condemned to slavery, and war forthwith declared. After various ineffectual attempts to mitigate these demands. Colonel Lear received this definitive answer from the dey 's dragoman : that he should to-morrow niorning pay into the treasury twenty-seven thousand Spanish dol- lars, and immediately depart with his family and all the citizens of the United States, from the regency of Algiers. On failure of payment, that the penalties first threatened would assuredly be inflicted. This decision, delivered in a haughty and menacing tone, was viewed by the consul as conclusive ; and he, desirous of a averting the threatened^ calamities from himself and family, as well as from a number of his countrymen who were involved inthesamedununciation, made every effort to raise the money. As he was without funds, and under the severe displeasure of the dey, he found it difficult to procure the requisite sum. After nearly twenty- four hours spent in the most anxious solicitude, he found a friend who would accept his draft on the American consul at Gibraltar, and advance the money ; and by these means it was procured and paid into the treasury by the time limited in the dey's message. Having committed his concerns to the care of the Swedish consul, Col. Lear, with his family, and about twenty American citizens, embarked on board the Allegany for the United States ; and the dey immediately commenced a piratical warfare upon their commerce. On the 25th of August following, the brig Edwin, of Salem, on a voyage from Malta to Gibraltar, was 20 mSTOKICAL SKETCHES CII, 1. taken by an Alegerine corsair, carried into port, and con- demned as a prize. The captain and crew, ten in number, were made slaves. The dey's terms of peace. The president, solicitous to relieve these unfortunate captives, sent a confidential agent to Algiers with the means of effecting their ran- som, and with instructions to accomplish it, if it could be done at the rate of three thousand dollars per- man. To every overture of this kind the dey replied, he would not sell his American slaves for two millions of dollars. To an application made in a confidential manner to one of the dey's ministers, to know what terms he expected to ex- tort from the United States by holding their citizens in slavery, it was replied, that they must pay him two millions of dollars for the privilege of passing the straits ; and all arrearages of tribute which he claimed to be due on the treaty of 1795, in consequence of the cargo of the Alle- gany's not being received, and that, then the treaty of 1795 might be renewed. This seemed to place their prospects of deliverance at a hopeless distance. The war, which had just then commenced, shut out American vessels from the Mediterranean, and prevented any further attempts for the relief of the captives. Act of congress relating to Algiers. Immediately on the close of the war, the President called the attention of congress to this interesting subject. In a message of the 23d of February, 1815, he states, "that the hostile proceed- ings against the American consul at Algiers in 1812, had been followed by acts of direct warfare against the citizens of the United States, trading in the Mediterranean, some of whom are still detained in the most rigorous captivity." The message concludes with recommending a declaration of war against that power. Congress, on the 2d of March, in pursuance of this recommendation, passed an act for the protection of commerce against, Algerine cruisers. This act, though it did not in terms contain a formal declaration of war, authorized the President to send a sufficient force to the Mediterranean, and adjoining seas, to protect the commerce of the United States ; to capture, and send in as prizes, all Algerine vessels, and to commission privateers against them. Commodore Decatur's expedition. TJie provisions of this act were promptly executed by the president ; and on the 20th of April following. Commodore Decatur sailed from New York with the Guerriere, Constellation, and Macedonian 1815. OF THE UNITED STATES. '^1 friffates, accompanied with six small ships of war, for the Mediterranean. He touched for advice at Tangiers and Cadiz, and arrived in the bay of Gibraltar in twenty-five days. Here he learned that the Algerme squadron which had been cruising in the Atlantic, had returned and passed up the straits. This fleet containing nearly the whole ot the dey's marine, consisted of four frigates, six corvets, sixteen small vessels, and forty gunboats, carrying torn- hundred and sixty-three guns, and four thousand seven hun- dred and forty-five men, and were cruising in different parts of the Mediterranean, acting in concert, looking out tor American merchantmen, and depredating on the commerce of those nations who had not purchased the dey's friend- ship by tributary treaties. At Gibraltar the commodore also learned that some officious Englishman had despatched intelligence of his arrival to Algiers. The information re- ceived at Gibraltar determined Decatur to proceed without delay up the Mediterranean, in the hope of intercepting the enemy before he could rotum to Algiers or gain a neutral port. In this he was happily not disappointed. Capture of an Algerine frigate and brig. On the 17th of June, off Cape De Gatt, he fell in with the frigate Magouda of forty-six guns, under the command of Rais Hammida, ad- miral and commander in chief of the Algerine fleet. The Guerriere immediately brought her to action,and captured her, after a running fight of twenty-five minutes. On the first broadside the admiral was killed, on the second the enemy on deck left their quarters, ran below, and abandoned the ship to her fate. The Algerines had thirty killed, and four hundred and six, including the wounded, made prisoners. The commodore sent his prize into Carthagena, and con» tinned his search after more of the squadron ; two days after- wards off Cape Palos, he came up with a brig of twenty-two^ guns, and one hundred and eighty men. After a chase oi three hours she ran into shoal water on the Spanish coast, and was followed by four of the commodore's light vessels, to which she surrendered after a loss of twenty-three men. No Americans were killed or wounded. The captured brig, with most of the prisoners, was also sent to Carthagena. where she was detained by the Spanish authorities on the ground that she was taken within their waters. She was afterwards given up to be restored to the dey, the Spaniards claiming it as an act of generosity on their part towards him. *--'3 HISTORICAL SKETCnES CH. I. Negotiations with the dey. From Cape Palos the American squadron proceeded to the bay of Algiers, and made the harbor on the 28th of June, with a view of inter- cepting the return of the residue of the Algerine fleet, and opening a communication with the dey. T king a position out of the reach of the enemy's guns, the commodore made a signal for the Swedish consul to come on board ; and sent a flag on shore with a letter from the president, de- manding of the dey a release of the American captives, and satisfaction for his depredations. On the receipt of this letter, the captain of the port, accompanied by Mr. Nor- derling, the Swedish consul, came on board the Guerriere, In this conference the commodore, who, with Mr. Shaler, had a joint commission to negotiate a treaty, proposed as a basis on which alone they would agree to any adjustment, an ab- solute and unqualified relinquishment of any demand of tri- bute on the part of the dey thereafter, on any pretence whatever. This proposition was haughti y rejected by the Algerine minister. Do ycu know what tias become of your fleet ? inquired the commodore. They are safe in Bome neutral port,was the reply. Not all of them, answered Decatur, and gave him the particulars of the capture of the frigate and brig, and the death of the admiral. On the Alge- rine's expressing his disbelief of this story, Hammeda's lieutenant was called up, who confirmed all the particulars. He was then willing to negotiate on the proposed basis, but premised that he was not authorized to conclude a treaty, and requested the American commissioners to state more parti- cularly the terms they had to propose. This being done, the captain of che port requested a cessation of hostilities, and that the negotiation might be conducted on shore, pledging himself for their security while there, and a safe return to their ships whenever they wished. Neither of these propo- sitions were acceded to, and the dey's minister was given to understand, that the negotiation must be conducted on board the Guerriere, and that hostilities would be continued against the remaining ships, which were hourly expected into port, until the treaty was signed. The alternative now presented was most humiliating to the Algerine tyrant ; the loss of his whole fleet, or submission to the terms of the American commissioners. The port captain and Swedish consul then went on shore, and returned on the next day with information that they were commissioned to treat on the proposed terms. A treaty in form was then produced, tybicli the Algerine negotiator was informed would not b*,' 1815. OF THE UNITED STATES. 28 varied in any material respect ; he was also told that discus- sion was not only useless but dangerous on his part, for if the Algerine squadron were to appear before the treaty was signed, they would assuredly be captured. On examining the proposed treaty, the port captain was extremely anxious to have the article which provided compensation for property which had been previously plundered, dispensed with, repre- senting that it had been distributed into many hands ; that it was the predecessor of the present dey who had commenced the war, and it would be unjust to make him liable for the de- predations of the former dey. The article was retained. After various attempts to obtain a truce, as well as to gain time, it was at length agreed that hostilities should cease, as soon as a boat bearing a white flag should be seen putting off from the shore; the Swedish consul pledging himself that it should not be done until the treaty was signed, and the captives were safe in the boat. The Algerine minister and the Swedish consul then went on shore, a distance of five miles, and returned in three hours with the treaty executed, and all the captives. Their great despatch saved another of the Algerine vessels from capture. During their absence, a corvette hove in sight, which would have been taken, had ihere been another hour's delay. Terms of the treaty. The principal provisions of this treaty, which was wholly dictated by the American nego- tiators, w^re, that no tribute, under any pretext or in any form whatever, should be required ; that all American cap- tives should bo given up without ransom ; that compensa- tion should be made for vessels captured or property seized or detained at Algiers ; that the persons and property of citizens of the United States found on board the vessels of other nations, which might be captured by the Algerines, should be held sacred ; that the vessels of either party put- ting into the ports of the other, should be supplied with pro- visions at the market price, and if repairs were necessary, their cargoes might be landed for that purpose without pay- ing duties ; that if a vessel belonging to either nation should be shipwrecked on the coast of the other, she should not be given up to plunder; or if attacked by an enemy within cannon shot of a fort, she should be protected, and no enemy be permitted to follow the vessels of either party within twenty-four hours of their leaving port ; and that all citi- zens of the United States taken in war, should be treated after the manner of civilized warfare, and exchanged, or returned at the end of the war, without ransom. The rights 24 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. I. of American citizens on the ocean and land were fully pro- vided for, and the dey and regency of Algiers, in their in- tercourse with the United States, compelled to abandon their piratical system, and adopt the principles of civilized so- ciety. Immediately on the signature of the treaty, Mr. Shaler went on shore, and received a quantity of cotton which had ^ been left by the late Consul when he was driven from Al- giers in 1812, and ten thousand dollars as a compensation for property captured and destroyed.* General results of the treaty. The Algerine war was terminated in twelve days from the commencement of hos- tilities, by this treaty, so highly honorable and advantageous to the United States, without the loss of a man on their part. Its very favorable result, owing as well to the braveiy of Decatur and his men, as to the fortunate circumstance of the dey's fleet being at sea on the arrival of the American squadron, and his anxiety to prevent tlieir loss, was of the more consequence, as it led to the abolition of the disgrace- ful practice of paying tribute to the piratical states ; and induced a treatment of them more according to their de- serts. It was the first instance of a fair and honorable treaty's being made with Algiers without the intervention of tribute or presents, and furnished a noble example to other powers. The rencontre with the frigate and brig, and the subsequent negotiatiovis, clearly developed the character of this enemy ; severe and cruel to a prostrate foe, but a cow- ard in the face of manly resistance, haughty and insulting with the advantage on his side, but abject and submissive to a conquering force. The Algerine vessels restored. After the conclusion of the treaty, the American commissioners, as a gratuitous act on the part of the United States, agreed to give up the cap- tured vessels. They were induced to this by a considera- tion of the great expense it would require to put them in a condition to reach an American port, the impossibility of disposing of them in the Mediterranean, and the pressing* importunity of the dey, who represented that this would be the best method of satisfying his people with the treaty, and consequently the surest guaranty for its observance. The policy of the measure was the more obvious, as otherwise this dey would probably have fallen a victim to the indig- Dccatur ami Shaler's letter to the Secretarj' of State, July 4th, 1815. 1815. OF THE UNITED STATES. 25 nation of his subjects, and his successor would have sought his safety in disavowing the acts of his predecessor. Loss of the Epervier. Captain Lewis, in the brig Eper- vier, was immediately dispatched with the treaty to the United States ; several of the unfortunate captives took passage with him. The brig was lost at sea with all her crew and passengers. Decatur proceeds along the coast. The comraodorer having dispatched two schooners to conduct the captured ships from Carthagenato Algiers, and having left Mr. Shaler there as consul general to the Barbary powers, proceeded with the rest of the squadron to Tunis. Another object of this expedition, next in importance to a settlement with Al- giers, was to make a display of American ships of war along the Barbary coast, to convince those powers, that the war with Great Britain, instead of annihilating, had greatly aug- mented the naval power of the United Stales, and that they possessed both the means and the determination to protect their commerce in that quarter. The two heaviest ships of Decatur's squadron, and some of his smaller vessels, were prizes from the British navy. TJiis circumstance added much to the general impression made by the appearance of the American fleet in the Me- diterranean. Commodore Decatur was directed, after ac- complishing the ousiness at Algiers, to range along the Barbary coast, and touch in at the principal ports; and was to be followed by a relief squadron of heavier ships, under Commodore Bainbridge : both divisions contained seventeen ships of war, and nearly the whole strength of the Ameri- can navy.* Demand on Tunis. At Tunis Decatur learned from the consul, that during the war with Great Britain, two British merchant vessels, prizes to the American privateer Abieleno, having been sent into that port, had been taken out, and carried off, by a British cruizer ; and that a company of Tunissian merchants had been suffered to take the property of an American citizen, under pretence of purchase, at their own price, and much below its real value. He immediately addressed a note to the prime minister, demanding satisfac- * Decatur's squadron— Frigates Guerriere, Macedonian, Constellation; sloops Ontario, Epervier; schooners Spark, Spit-fire, Torch, Flambeau. Bainbiidge's squadron— Independence, seventy-four ; frigates United Stafe^ and Congress ; small vessels, Hoxer, Saranac, Chippewa, Eric, and Lj^nx. 3 20 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. I- tion for these injuries, and a full restoration of the property. The bashaw acknowledged the justice of the demands, and required twelve months to procure the money. This was refused. Satisfactory assurances were then given, that payment should be immediately made ; the commodore then landed, and received the visits of the diflterent consuls. The bashaw's agent arrived with the money, amounting to forty-six thousand dollars, at a time when Decatur was holding a conversation with the British consul ; throwing the bags down with indignation, and ad^^ressing himself to the Englishman, he said, *' See what Tunis is obliged to pay for your insolence ; you first violate our neutrality, and then leave us to be destroyed, or pay for your aggressions." The money was paid into the hands of Mr. Noah, the Ame- rican consul, and agent for the owners of the privateer ; and a messenger dispatched by the bashaw to England, to demand its repayment. Demand on Tripoli. After this visit to Tunis, the com- modore next proceeded to Tripoli, and made a demand for a similar violation of neutrality from that regency. The bashaw had permitted two American vessels to be taken from under the guns of his castle, and refused protection to an American cruizer within his jurisdiction. - Satisfaction to the full value of these vessels was obtained, and the mo* ney, amounting to twenty five thousand dollars, paid into the hands of the American consul. After the conclusion of this affair, the consular flag which Mr. Jones had struck in consequence of this violation of neutrality, was hoisted in presence of the foreign agents, and saluted from the ba- shaw's castle. Discharge of Danish and Neapolitan seamen. The commodore found here two Danish, and eight Neapolitan seamen, confined in slavery; and obtained their release without ransom. On leaving Tripoli, he touched at Messi- na, and landed the Neapolitans ; and then proceeded to the city of Naples : here he addressed a note to the minister of his Sicilian majesty, informing him of the liberation and return of his subjects, and received a highly complimentary reply, and the offer of any accommodation for his squadron that he wished. On the 31st of August he sailed for Car- 1 hagena, expecting to meet the relief squadron under Com- modore Bainbridge ; but not finding him there, he proceeded to Gibraltar, where he was joined by that ofliicer ; and having reported to him his proceedings, sailed in the Guer- 1815. OF THE UNITED STATES. 27 riere for the United States, and arrived the 12th of No- vember. Proceedings of Commodore Bainhridge. The second division of the Mediterranean fleet sailed from Boston on the 12th of June ; made a demonstration along the Barbary coast, stopping several days before Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli : finding that every thing which the honor and inter- est of the United States required from these powers, had been accomplished by Commodore Decatur, he proceeded to Gibraltar, and reached that port on the *M of October ; and from thence, leaving the frigate United States and se- veral small vessels to winter in the Mediterranean, he sailed for Boston, and arrived on the 15th of No', ..^mher. The timely exhibition of this force, and the promj^jt and effectual manner in which justice was demanded and enforced from the Barbary states, and their insults chastised, were produc- tive of highly beneficial consequences. The commerce of the United States, which before was exposed to imminent hazard in that region, was rendered secure ; the^American flag has since been so much feared and respected by those powers, that they have never dared to molest a single ship sailing under its protection ; and the national character ele- vated in the view of Europe. The infant navy of the United States, which had acquired great eel t in the late war, was now cherished with enthusiastic ardor by the citi- Eens. Ratifications exchanged. The original treaty which had been transmitted to the United States by the Epervier, was lost in that vessel. In the summer of 1816, a ratified copy was sent to Mr. Shaler, and presented to the dey for his acceptance; who affected not to understand why ano- ther treaty should be offered him ; complained that it was variant from the original, and msisted that it should be ac- companied with presents ; the appearance of Commodore Shaw in the bay of Algiers with a respectable squadron re- moved the dey's scruples, and induced him to accept the treaty without any further stipulations. Lord Exmouth's expedition. Notwithstanding the ill success of the regency of Algiers in their hostility against the United States, they ventured in the following year to adopt a similar course in relation to Great Britain. On a slight pretext, the dey seized and confiscated the goods and imprisoned the persons of a number of British subjects re- siding at Bona, an Algerine sea-port on the Mediterranean ; massacred some of them ; and confined the British consul *^8 HISTORICAL SKETCHES Clf. I, at Algiers in a dungeon. In August Admiral Sir Edward Pelew, then bearing the title of Lord Exmouth, was sent with five ships of the line and five heavy frigates, to demand satisfaction. Captain Dashwood was dispatched in the Prometlieus from Gibraltar, with a flag to obtain the release of the consul. The dey refused to give him up, or suffer his family to be taken away, determining to hold them re- sponsible with their lives for any hostility committed by the English. The British captain succeeded in getting off the consul's wife and daughter disguised in midshipmen's uni- form, leaving a boat to bring off their infant child. The surgeon gave it a composing draught, put it in a covered basket, and was proceeding to the boat; in passing the gateway, the little infant, unconscious of danger, made a noise by which they were discovered, in consequence of which the surgeon, three midshipmen, and the whole com- pany were seized, and thrown into a dungeon. The next morning, however, the dey sent off the child to its mother on board the Prometheus. On the 25th of August, Lord Exmouth, with his fleet, in conjunction with a Dutch squad- ron of five large sail, under the command of Admiral Ca~ pellon, appeared before Algiers. The British admiral immediately sent in a summons, de- manding the cautionary surrender of the Algerine fleet ; the release of the consul, the delivery to the admiral of all who had been concerned in Llie maasacro at Bona ; the re- newal of the former treaty, and the release of all European captives in his dominions without ransom. The dey, having obtained previous information of this armament, had taken every precaution to place himself in an attitude of defence. The clamor which the American treaty had excited among his subjects, had determined the dey to hazard a battle with the English and Dutch forces. His fleet was in harbor, and drawn up under the guns of the fortresses ; he had collect- ed an army of forty thousand Janizaries, and thrown up large additional works on both flanks of the city, and about the entrance of the mole. Relying on these preparations^ he sent an insolent denial to the requisitions of Lord Ex- mouth. On the reception of this answer, the admiral im- mediately bore up and anchored his flag ship, the Queen Charlotte, of one hundred guns, within fifty yards of the mole ; the other ships, with a gentle breeze, taking their appointed stations in line of battle. The firing commenced at three in the afternoon, and lasted, without intermission, until half past eleven. Four large Algerine frigates, fivo iS15. OF THE UNITED STATES. 29 corvets, thirty gunboats, several merchant vessels, and a great number of small craft, comprising nearly the whole of the dey's marine, were destroyed ; as were also his store- houses and arsenal. Six thousand Algerines were killed or wounded, the dey's palace was pierced with several shot, and many houses destroyed. The English and Dutch lost 128 killed, and 690 wounded. At two in the morning a J and breeze springing up, the ships v/arped off; and the next day a peace was concluded, as prescribed by the Eng- lish, stipulating the immediate release of all European slaves in the dominions of the dey ; the abolition of Chris- tian slavery forever ; a delivery to the British flag of all money received for the redemption of captives since the commencement of the year, and full reparation to the British consul for all the losses he had sustained in consequence of his confinement. These several chastisements successively inflicted on the Algerines by the Americans and British, and the destruction of their marine by the latter, obliged them to abandon for a considerable time, in a great mea- sure, their piratical system. Sweden, Denmark, Portugal, and Naples, however, still pay them an annual tribute of twenty-four thousand dollars each. Conquest of Algiers. To close the story of Algerine piracies, it is to be hoped forever, it may be added, that in consequence of an insult to the French consular flag, an armament consisting of thirty-five thousand land troops, under General Bourmont, accompanied by a large naval force under Duperre, sailed from Toulon on the first of June 1830; disembarked at a small port twelve miles east- ward of Algiers on the 16th, and commenced the bombard- ment of the city on the 4th of July. On the 5th the empe- ror's fort, the principal fortress, was abandoned, and blown up by order of the dey : and the French took possession of the city without further resistance. Algiers was reduced to absolirte and unconditional submission. Eighty millions of public treasure, a sum more than sufficient to remunerate the expenses of the war, was found. Private property and the rights of persons were respected. What disposition will ultimately be made of this conquest, remains yet to be determined. Newfoundland fisheries. The treaty of 1783, which terminated the war of the revolution, contained a provision, that the citizens of the United States might still enjoy the privilege of fishing on the British North American coast, and of improving the adjacent shores for the purpose of 3* 30 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. X- curing their fish, as they had done while British subjects. This privilege had been profitably improved to a considera- ble extent : and the fish thus taken and cured transferred to foreign markets, without the expense of a shipment to the United States. By these means the American merchant engaged in the fisheries was able successfully to compete with the British in the markets of Europe. The treaty of Ghent, being merely a treaty of peace, contained no pro- vision for the renewal of this article, and was entirely si- lent on the subject of the fisheries. The Americans claim- ed that this was a privilege which they had ever enjoyed in common with British subjects, not depending on the treaty of 1783, which was only a recognition of a pre-existing right ; and that the treaty of Ghent restored things to their former state, where there v/ere no stipulations to the con- trary ; and continued their fisheries on the coast in the same manner as before the war. The British ministry claimed that the separation of the United States from Great Britain deprived them of all privileges vv^hich they had ever enjoyed as' British subjects ; that the right claimed depended en- tirely on the treaty of 1783 ; that the declaration of war abrogated all the relations subsisting between the two coun- tries depending on former treaties ; and that the privilege contended for not being granted in the treaty of 1814, was lost. In pursuance of these principles, they issued an order bearing date the 17th of June, 1815, to Sir Richard Keats- the commanding officer on the Halifax station, to prevent the citizens of the United States from using the waters or shores of the British North American possessions for any purposes connected with the fisheries. This matter was afterwards the subject of negotiation, and the privilege ulti- mately obtained under some restrictions. Negotiations with Great Britain. The treaty of Ghent left the subject of commercial intercourse between the two countries unsettled, and contained no stipulations re- specting the rights of the parties, when one should be at war, and the other at peace. When the treaty was nego- tiated, the prospect of a long continued peace in Europe, rendered a definition of neutral rights a matter, although extremely desirable, yet of little immediate practical utility. Though the American principles on this head were strenuously urged on the British envoys, and at one time made an indispensable point in the instructions of the American commissioners, nothing could be obtained. In consequence of the return of Bonaparte from Elba, and his 1815. OP THE UNITED STATES. 31 resumption of the throne of France, the year 1815 opened with the prospect of another protracted European war. In such an event, the same grounds of controversy would ex- ist, and the same collisions spring up as had induced the war of 1812. The United States, having commenced a war in defence of their rights as neutrals, and having made peace without any satisfaction for their violation, orstipulation for their future observance, would, it was apprehended, be considered as having abandoned them. To prevent such a construction, and obtain, if possible, their recognition, as well as to arrange tlie subject of commercial intercourse, Messrs. Adams, Clay, and Gallatin, previous to their return from Ghent, were instructed to repair to London, and open a negotiation on these subjects. Alter considerable delay on the part of the British, and several interviews with the minister, a commission, c 'nsisting of Messrs. Adams, and Golburn, two of the Ghent commissioners, and Mr. Robinson, secretary of the board of trade, were designated to treat with the American envoys. Propositions of the American commissioners. At their first interview, the ministers of the United States being requested to bring forward the subjects on which they wished to negotiate,presentedtwo, which were left unsettled by the treaty of Ghent, viz. commercial intercourse and neutral rights. The first object they stated, embraced the direct trade to the British European dominions, and the trade to their possessions in the East and West Indies, and on the continent of North America. The other, the principles which should regulate the conduct of each nation, when one should be at war and the other at peace. The British commissioners inquired of the American, whether the two subjects were so inseparably connected, that a treaty could not be formed embracing the first, without touching the latter, giving them to understand, that in such an event, further negotiation would be useless, as they were not em- powered to treat on the subject of neutral, rights. The reply was a consent to treat on comm.ercial subjects only. The basis upon which the American government have ever been disposed to place their foreign commerce, has been to have the most free and unrestrained interchange of commodities ; to suffer any articles which the convenience of their citizens may require, to be imported in the ships of such nation as could afford them cheapest ; and their own surplus productions, to be exported in the same manner. '^Jiev sought to coosider the coramunitv of merchants 82 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH» I. throughout the world as composing one great family, grant- ing to all equal priviliges, and leaving capital, industry, and enterprise, to depend on their own exertions for success. These liberal principles, it is obvious, must be universally adopted, and be reciprocated, or be abandoned. They have been acceded to so far as relates to navigation, by several European powers, in their intercourse with the United States ; and treaties, founded on this basis, have been fomied with Sweden and Denmark. They are, however, altogether opposed to the British navigation system, the governing principle of which is to suffer no goods to be imported in any ships except their own, or those of the nation of which the imports are the production, and equally opposed to their protecting system, which excludes from their markets any foreign articles which shall interfere with their home industry. The direct intercourse between the United States and Great Britain, consisting principally of an interchange of the raw materials of the one, for the manufactures of the other, was adjusted without difficulty. The British commissioners were disposed to give to it every facility. All discriminating duties on the imports into either nation, whether in the ships of one or the other, were abolished. On the subject of an intercourse with their East India possessions, consisting principallv in an exchange of specie for the silk and cotton manufactures of that country, the British were willing to allow the Ameri- cans a participation in the trade, provided they brought their goods directly to the United States, not suffering them to be carried to the markets of Europe, without the expense of a double voyage. No arrangement could be made in relation to an intercourse between the United States and the British North American and West India colonies. The lumber, provisions, and live stock of the United States, are articles of the first necessity to the West Indies ; while the productions of the sugar cane, their staple, is an article of great consumption in the United States ; but since the acquisition of Louisiana, and the ex- tended and increasing cultivation of tlie cane in that region, their trade is comparatively of little consequence. In re- lation to the intercourse with the British North American possessions, their productions being the same with the northern sections of the United States, a traffic with them is very readily dispensed with. Still, however, the Ameri- can commissioners were willing to place the whole on a liberal footing. They were desirous of considering the 1S15. OF THE UNITED STATES. S3 whole British empire in a commercial view, as composing one great community, and of opening with it, a liberal, reciprocal, and unrestrained intercourse, British views. Not so the British ; they, steadily ad- hering to the principle of restraining their colonial trade to themselves, except when a partial and temporary admission of other nations to a participation of it suited their conve- nience, were willing to sacr fice the essential interests of the West India Islands to a temporary and uncertain benefit of the mother country. The colonial trade has ever since been the subject of legislative c;)ntest between the two govern- ments, each trying to out-do the other in embarrassing it, to the great injury of that portion of the British empire. Result of the negotiation. A temporary convention of four years, grounded upon the foregoing principles, was the result of this protracted and laborious negotiation. This meagre convention, obtained after much difficulty and delay, in a commercial view, was by no means worth the time and talents spent in obtaming it ; but the negotia- tion, as it unfolded to the view of the American government the principles upon which the Brit sh meant to conduct their commercial and maritime system, was attended with impor- tant results. Their refusal to treat on the subject of neutral rights clearly manifested a determination to improve their naval superiority in the European war, then expected to be renewed, to impose on neutral navigation, all the restric- tions and embarrassments to which it had heretofore been subjected. Paper blockades, impressments, searches, sei- zures, and unwarranted condemnations were again to be ex- pected, and the maritime rights of neutral nations were only to be measured by the spirit and ability manifested to sup- port them. This disposition, on the part of the British government, fortunately produced on the American, a deter- mination to pursue a system of naval preparation, adequate to resist the first aggressions on ..eutral rights. The re- newed European war terminated in the battle of Waterloo, on the 17th June, 1815. The spirit of defensive preparation continued in the United States ; and produced a navy of heavy ships competent to defend the coast, and of light ves- sels to assail British commerce ; so that in any future con- test with that nation, the advantage must be on the side of America. In a subsequent negotiation on the subject of the colonial trade, the parties differed only on one point. The Ameri- can government insisted, that the duties imposed on their 34 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. I. lumber and provisions imported into the West Indies, should be no higher than those imposed on similar arti- cles when imported from Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and the Canadas. The British rejected this proposition on two grounds — one, that the great abundance of these articles in the United States, and the facility with which they could be transported, would destroy a profitable branch of trade be- tween different portions of the empire ; the other, that they would not consent to regulate such trade at the suggestion of any foreign power. Soon after the commencement of Mr. Adams' presidency, this point was given up ; the Bri- tish then took other grounds, so that no arrangement could be made ; and a state of non^intercourse succeeded. 1815. OF THE UNITED STATES. ^5 CHAPTER II. First meeting of tlie 14th Congress— Message— Proceedings of Congress— Re > peal of the internal duties— Debates on the Tariff— Sectional divisions oil the subject of encouraging manufactures — Adjustment of claims resulting from the war — Claims of the Canadian volunteers — Of the crews of public armed ships for enemy's vessels captured and destroyed — Of persons con- nected with the army for losses of private property — Of the disbanded officers for a gratuitous allowance — Compensaiiiin law passed — National currency — Depreciated paper, its effects on the community — Origin and nature of banking institutions— Deiects in the American system of banks— Proposi- tion for a national bank — Constitutional objections — .' bill for its establish- ment passed — Its provisions — Debates on the bill relating to the convention with Great Britain — Law passed tor the admission of Indiana into the Union— Its provisions— Presidential election tor 1817 — Preparatory caucus —Proceedings and result ol it— View of the origin and effects of the caucus system. Meeting of congress. On the fourth of December, the period fixed by the constitution for the first meeting of the fourteenth congress, a quorum of bo h branches assembled, and the house of representatives organized themselves by the choice of Mr. Clay, spealvcr. On the 5th, the president sent his message, congratulating them on the successful termina- tion of the Algerine war ; a general pacification with the Indian tribes ; and the general prosperity of the country on the return of peace. Message. The measures recommended were, the proper arrangement of the finances, with a view to the receipts and expenditures of a permanent peace establishment : The adjustment of the impost duties to the objects of re- venue, and the encouragement of manufactures : The establishment of a corps of invahds, with a view to make provision for the aged, infirm, and disabled officers of the late army : The enlargement of the military academy at West Point, and the establishment of others in different sections of the union : A classification, and a new organization of the militia : The preservation, and gradual increase of the navy : A provision for the disbanded officers of the late army : The establishment of a uniform national currency ; And internal improvements by means of roads and canals. On the latter subject he remarks; "No objects within the 36 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. 11. circle of political economy, so richly repay the expense be- stowed upon them ; there ia none, the utility of which is more universally ascertained and acknowledged ; none that do more honor to the government, where wise and enlarged patriotism duly appreciates them. Nor is there any coun- try which presents a field, where nature invites the art of man to complete her work for his accommodation and benefit. These considerations are strengthened by the political effect of these facilities for intercommunication in bringing and binding more closely together the various parts of our ex- tended confederacy. While the states, individually, with a laudable enterprise and emulation, avail themselves of their local advantages by new roads, by navigable canals, and by improving the streams susceptible of navigation, the general government is the more urged to similar undertakings, re- quiring a national jurisdiction by the prospect of thus sys- tematically completing so eistimable a work. And it is a happy reflection that any defect of constitutional autho- rity which may be encountered, may be supplied in a mode which the constitution -tself has providently pointed out." Arrangement of the finances. There have been few meetings of congress since the organization of the govern- ment, at which a greater variety of interesting subjects pressed themselves uj)on tiie consideratioii of the national representatives. Among tiie first, was the arrangement of the system of finance to a state of peace. The leading prin- ciple has ever been to raise the ord nary revenue from im- post and tonnage duties, and sale of the vacant lands; and to resort to internal duties and direct taxes only upon extraor- dinary occasions, and for l>in;t'^f] periods. The difficulties experienced at the commencement of the late war in ar- ranging and bringing into speedy operation a system of inter- nal revenue, and the consequent embarrassments of the treasury, induced the secretary to recommend a continuance of the least exceptionable part of that system. His views were supported by many enlightened financiers in both houses ; but a majority decided in favor of the total aboli- tion of the system of internal taxation, with the least possi- ble delay. Tariff. The adjustment of the tariff produced many and long debates, principally of a sectional character. The double duties imposed during the war, were to be taken off, and a system adopted adequate to raise a competent reve- nue ; and at the same time, give proper encouragement to domestic industry. Almofist every item of impost had its ad- 181 5« OF THE UNITED STATES. 37 vocates and opposers, as it affected the interests of different portions of the union. The sections, into which the country divided itself on these questions, were the east, the south, ind the west. Views of the south. The large planters of the south formed the predominant interest in that section ; they, hav-^ mg valuable staples for exportation which commanded a ready market, and no important home manufactures, were uniformly opposed to high duties, laid with a view to the pro- tection of American manufactures. The principles they advocated, were, that imposts should be laid solely with a view^to revenue; that industry, enterprise, and capital should be left to seek employment in those channels which afforded the fairest prospect of reward ; that prohibitory and protecting duties operated in an unjust and oppressive man- ner in favor of the manufacturer, against the consumer, and were contrary to the spirit of the constitution. That the American manufactures were yet in an infant state, and in- capable of supplying the wants of the people ; that destroy- ing the competition between foreign and domestic produc- tions, subjected the consumer to purchase goods of an infe- rior quality, and at extravagant prices. The governments of Europe, having a dense population, and numerous subjects who find it difficult to procure subsistence and employment, might well adopt the policy, as they uniformly had done, of excluding from their markets, every foreign article which could be raised or manufactured at home. This policy car- ried to its utmost extent in Great Britain, it v/as admitted, had made on a small island, a great, rich, and powerful na- tion. The situation of the United States, the representa- tives from the south contended, indicated a different policy : possessed of a rich unappropriated territory of almost un- limited extent, the first object of government should be to people that region ; and instead of confining their citizens to the workshops and manufactories of the east, they should encourage their emigration and settlement on the vacant territory of the west ; or, at least, that they should leave them to employ their industry and capital on either object, uninfluenced by the financial operations of government. The eastern section was divided into agricultural, commer- cial, and manufacturing classes ; the commercial portion of this section, apprehending their interests on this question to be the same with the planters of the south, united with them in opposing, though for different reasons, heavy prohibitory or protecting duties. I 38 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. II, Claims of ihe manufacturers. The manufacturing in- terest represented in strong terms, that they had invested mi- iions of capital in their establishments ; that they employed thousands of laborers, principally women and children, who otherwise would be out of employment ; that they were able to make strong and substantial fabrics of cotton and woolen more durable, and in the end cheaper to the consumer, than foreign goods of the same class ; that the country is inun- dated with importations of cottons and woolens of an infe- rior quality, calculated by the mode in which they were finished to impose on the consumer, and ruin the American establishments; that however plausible in theory the doc- trine of a universsl freedom of commerce might be, the ex- perience of centuries had demonstrated the wisdom and policy of each nation's encouraging its own industry by imposts and prohibitions on foreign productions ; that while this policy was universally pursued by other nations, it would be the height of folly in the United States, to adopt a different sys« tem upon any visionary notions of universal freedom of commerce ; that any nation, to be rich and independent, must encourage the productive labor of its citizens, and prevent the exportation of its specie to purchase the pro- ductions of other countries ; that if the infant manufacturing establishments in the United States were left to struggle with foreign competition, without adequate encouragement, they must sink, their capital be lost, and thousands of citi- zens now usefully employed, be thrown into a state of idle- ness and want ; that with due encouragement, a domestic competition would be created, which would insure to the consumer, goods of a substantial fabric, and at reasonable prices. Views of the agriculturalists. The views of the manu- facturers were zealously seconded by the agriculturalists of the north, who found in the increasing manufacturing esta- blishments, a valuable market for the productions of their soil. The west, remote from foreign market, must evidently depend upon domestic manufactures for their principal sup- plies. Provisions, their chief production, would not bear the expense of transportation ; it was therefore an object of the first consequence with them, to establish a domestic market, and supply themselves with their clothing from their own resources. Their interests in congress found a power- ful advocate in Mr. Clay. Their influence was uniformly exerted in support of manufactures. Mr. Jefferson, whose opinions on subjects of political economy were deemed ora - m IS15, OF THE UNITED STATES. 39 cular, and who had once said, let the work-shops of America be in Europe, and described great manufacturing cities as so many sinks of corruption, communicated ;m opinion to the public, that the varied circumstances of the country now re- quired a different policy, and that manufactures ought to be encouraged. Protecting principle adopted. The united efforts of these interests in favor of manufactures, though checked and in some measure counteracted by opposing considera- tions, ultimately led to the adoption of the principle that protecting duties should be laid on such articles, the manu« facture of which, in the United States, had been brought to such perfection as to supply the demand ; and where it had not, but was progressing under favorable prospects, such duties should be laid as would afford encouragement, without subjecting the consumer to an unreasonable tax. The cotton manufactures were the most prominent objects ; more capital was invested in them than in any other. They were laboring under great embarrassments, owmg to the large importations of India goods of the same description, but of an inferior quality. By a judicious and gradual in- crease of duties upon these goods, until they amounted to a prohibition, a vast capital invested in these manufactures was preserved ; a great domestic market opened for the staple of the south, and a competition excited, which in- sured to the consumer a strong and substantial fabric, at a much cheaper rate than the foreign manufacture. The benefits which have actually resulted to the consumer, as well as to the manufacturer, from the operation of this principle in relation to cottons, show that it may safely be adopted as to others. Nails are another article, where a duty of five cents per pound, amounting to a prohibition, produced a domestic manufacture to such an extent as to supply the market at a much cheaper rate than before its imposition. The same principle has been found in a great degree applicable to the articles of hats, cabinet-ware, paper, window-glass and leather, on which a duty of thirty per cent, has been laid without injury to the consumer. In short, experience, the only sure test of any measure of economy, has fully de- monstrated, that wherever the imposition of a protecting duty has rendered the domestic manufacture profitable, the skill, enterprise, and capital of the American citizen, will be directed to the object until the market is fully suppHed. 40 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. 11. Woolen manufacture. Next in importance to cotton, is the woolen manufacture. This has not as yet experi- enced an equal degree of protection, owing to the belief that there was neither raw material nor capital employed sufficient to supply the demand. English goods of this class, of an inferior quality and at very cheap rates, con- tinue to be introduced in great profusion, operating to the depression of the woolen establishments, and must finally end in their ruin, unless the same protectmg principle which has preserved the cotton is extended to them. Claims resulting from the war. Another subject which occupied a large portion of the attention of congress, was the adjustment of the various claims made upon the justice and generosity of the government in consequence of the war. These presented themselves in a great variety of chapes ; few had suffered in their persons or property, but what thought they had a claim to remuneration from the government. Canadian volunteers. In the early part of the contest* a cons'derable number of inhabitants of Upper Canada^ principally emigrants from the United States, induced by the proclamation of General Hull, and the subsequent in- vasions of that country, joined the American standard, in consequence of which they were declared outlaws and traitors by the Brit'sh government, and their property con- fiscated. They presented a memorial to congress describing their merits and sufferings; and requesting a grant of land in the Indiana territory for their services. Their claim was resisted on the grouud of its immorality, as the allow- ance of it would have a tendency to encourage treason. After considerable debate their memorial was granted, and a large tract of land given them in that territory. Claims for vessels captured and destroyed. Another class of applicants were the officers and crews of the public armed ships of the United States, who claimed compensa- tion for enemy's vessels taken and destroyed by them during the war. A general provision was by law made for allowing them half the avails of prizes brought in; but where the captured ship could not be brought into port, their compen- sation was left to the discretion of congress in each case On these questions, the importance of building up the American navy, its great merits, and the policy of reward- ing the valor of its officers and men, were pressed into ser- vice with great effect, and produced liberal grants. Comr. modore Patterson and Colonel Ross were liberally rewarded 1815. OF THE UNITED STATES. 41 for the destruction of the piratical establishment at Bar- rataria. One hundred thousand dollars were given to Com- modore Decatur and crew, for the capture of the Algerine frigate, in consequence of her being given up to the dey. Claims for property destroyed in service. The claims of officers and soldiers, and persons connected with the army, for private property lost or destroyed in public ser- vice, were so numerous and complicated, that it was im- possible that congress should attend to them individually ; they therefore referred them to a commissioner of claims, with instructions to allov/ all those where private property had been used in public service, and was lost without the negligence or fault of the proprietor. Claims for vessels destroyed in harbors. Another class of applicants, were those whose vessels had been burn- ed in the harbors, or whose houses or other property had been destroyed, when not occupied and employed in public service. These claims were uniformly negatived. Claims of disbanded officers. The claims of the dis- banded officers for a gratuitous allowance, beyond their pay and emoluments while in service, from their number and amount, as well as the precedent which such a measure would establish, required the serious consideration of con- gress. They were supported by the president's recommen- dation in his opening message. It was urged in behalf of the officers, that they had left lucrative civil employments, and exposed themselves to danger and suffering, in defence of their country's rights ; that their property had suffered, and in many instances been lost in consequence of their absence ; that after three years service in the army, it was difficult immediately to resume the functions of civil life, and find employment adapted to their various talents ; that sound policy required a liberal provision for disbanded offi- cers, that when on any future emergency the country might, require military service, it might avail itself of the best talents. Objections to their claims. Against their claims it was urged, that the genius of the American government was pacific, and opposed to the mainteance of a pensioned band of officeis, ready to plunge the country into future wars, to gratify their ambition ; that it was desirable that this class of citizens should return to the pursuits of civil life, with no marks of distinction from their fellow-citizens , that the greater proportion of the officers now seeking a gratuity, are young men, who had not previously to the war been engaged in regular business, and had made no impor- ■4* 42 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. II, tant sacrifices to the public interest ; that they had no rea- sonable grounds to expect that their services would be re- quired for a long- period, or to consider the profession of arms as. an establishment for life ; that a pension or a bounty at the close of the war, would encourage idleness, and create in the recipients an invidious distinction between them and their fellow-citizens ; that their pay and emolu- ments while in service, were a liberal compensation for the duties performed ; that the numerous applications for ap- pointments at the commencement and during the continu- ance of the war, and the anxiety universally manifested at its close to be retained in service, afforded the most con- vincing evidence that the country never would suffer from a reluctance in officers to engage in military ser- vice. The charms of command, the various attractions of military life, and the expectations of finding opportuni- ties of acquiring glory in the field, always aflxjrd such in- ducements as will command the best talents. The genius of monarchal governments leads them to bestow high- sounding titles and liberal pensions on such of their sub- jects as have distinguished themselves in the field or the cabinet, that they might draw around their thrones a pow- erful aristocracy for their support. On the other hand, the principles of republicanism forbid the creation of privileged or pensioned orders. They require that the public func- tionaries should be liberally rewarded for the service ren- dered, and when that is no longer required, that they should return to private life, and mingle with ther fellow-citizens without any invidious badges of distinction. Considerations of this nature prevailed, and the proposition to make a gratuitous allowance to the disbanded officers was ne- gatived. In addition to these various classes of claims, were oth- ers not reduceable to any particular head, each depending on its individual merit. Compensation law. While congress were deliberating upon the various claims which pressed upon the trea- sury from every quarter, they by no means lost sight of what they deemed due to themselves as a legislative body. As the supreme national representation, the bu- siness of fixing their own compensation devolved upon themselves. The constitution, as a matter of necessity, provided, that the senators and representatives should re- ceive a compensation for their services to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United States-. 1815. or THE UNITED STATES. 43 In pursuance of this provision, the first congress under the constitution passed a law allowing to each member of either, house six dollars per day for wages, and the like sum for every twenty miles travel to and from their re- spective residences and the seat of government- Their object was to establish such a rate as would command the best talents, and at the same time not so high as to encou- rage bribery and corruption at the elections. That congress considered the subject of legislation to be of such a nature, that it could not with propriety be farmed out for a given sum by the year. At the first organization of the govern- ment, at the commencement of a war, or in other trou- blesome and difficult times, the public interest migh require congress to be in session the greater part of the time. After the government had been some time in operation, its course distinctly marked out, the system of finances arranged, and in times of peace and internal tranquillity, the objects of legislation were comparatively few. An annual session of three or four months would probably be sufficient for all le- gitimate and beneficial objects, and the members might re- turn to their usual occupations without further interruption. In the American system the whole subject of municipal law, the most difficult and perplexed part of legislation is con- fided to the state authorities, and the general government has little else to occupy itself about, but the maintenance of its foreign relations ; and the collection and disburse- ment of the revenue. Little, therefore, did any of the pre- decessors of the fourteenth congress think of constituting themselves permanent officers with an annual salary. So novel was the idea, and so much at variance with every ac- customed principle, that it never was before adopted by any legislative body. Different modes and rates of living, and the different value of money at different times, ought to vary the rate of compensation ; still a per diem allowance can be the only proper mode. What was an adequate com- pensation in 1789, might be very insufficient in 1815. Cir- cumstances required an increase of the sum at the latter pe- riod, to render it equal in value to the former. A bill was in- troduced, entitled '* an act to change the mode of compen- sation to the members of the senate and house of represen- tatives, and delegates from the territories," which granted to each member an annual salary of fifteen hundred dollars ; to the speaker of the house of representatives three thou- eand, and the like sum to that member of the senate who in the absence of the vice-president should be called to pre- 44 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. II. side in their deliberations. This bill passed through its va- rious stages, and became a law with much less debate than is usual for bills of this importance. Its advocates contended, that many of the members were professional men, whose absence from their business during the winter occasioned the loss of almost their whole support, in consequence of which many men of talents were obliged to resign their seats, or decline an election ; that the increased rate of living required an addition to their wages ; that the pro- posed sum would not greatly exceed in value the average amount of compensat on for ten years past ; that changing the mode would probably prevent much unnecessary and prolix debate, and shorten the session of congress to the advancement of the public interest. These and other con- siderations prevailed ; and the bill passed the senate, ayes 22, noes 11, and the house of representatives, ayes 81, noes 67. Public opinion. There was another party who took an interest in this bill, whose feelings were not easily quieted. The sovereign people expressed their disapprobation of the measure in unequivocal terms. The legislature of Rhode Island resolved almost unanimously, •* that while they disclaim all interference in the ordinary proceedings of the federal government, within the sphere of their constitutional powers, cannot avoid expressing the strong dissatisfaction which they feel, and which they believe is universally felt, at the late act of congress, appropriating high salaries to themselves out of the public moneys collected into the treasury by a course of burthensome taxes, and which the people were led to believe, and had a right to expect, would be applied to the discharge of the public debt." Similar sentiments, expressed in a great variety of forms by other state legislatures, grand juries, and other meetings of the citizens, together with the result of the elections to the 15th congress, clearly indicated the public sentiment on this measure. In a widely extended country, containing a po- pulation of every variety of character, manners, and opi- nions, it is very rare that any measure of government should be so universally obnoxious, as not to meet with some sup- port : aside from the small circle of legislators who passed this act, it found no advocates in the nation. State of the currency. One of the most important and difficult subjects which came under the consideration of congress, was the situation of the national currency. The little specie remaining in the country at the close of the 1815. OF THE UNITED STATES. 45 war, had found its way to England and the East Indies, in return for their imports, and the currency now consisted al- most entirely of the paper of banks chartered by the state authorities, over which the general government had no con- trol, and which had suspended specie payments. These corporations are formed upon principles somewhat different from institutions of the same name in Europe. A number of persons associate together, and subscribe a capital stock varying from fifty thousand to several millions of dollars^ according to their location, and the extent of the contem- plated business. On this capital they make loans, by dis- counting bills and notes on time. Their advances are usually made in notes of the bank, payable at their banking house on demand. These being generally for small sums» pass from hand to hand, and form the circulating medium of the country. The bank is also a place of deposit of mo- ney for safe keeping. Their charters usually limit the amount of bills allowed to be issued, or debts contracted, to fifty per cent, beyond their capital and deposits. Every bank conducted upon correct principles, has as many debts due, as it owes, with an accumulation of interest, and a capital stock of money paid in to the amount of two thirds of its outstanding debts, to meet the demands to which it is subject ; and with a moderate share of discretion in its managers, can seldom be embarrassed, and never insolvent. While bank bills are what they purport to be, the represen- tative of specie, and convertible into money at the pleasure of the holder, they furnish to all desirable purposes a con= venient specie medium ; and may be considered an impor- tant improvement in the commerce of society, rendering exchanges much moi^rapid and easy, and dispensing with a tedious and laborious process in the interchange of pro- perty. The facility too with which loans are made by the banks, to be repaid by easy instalments, greatly promotes the business and enterprise of the country. The first insti- tution of this nature was the bank of North America, es- tablished at Philadelphia on the suggestion of Robert Mor- ris, near the close of the revolutionary war. The public and private benefits resulting from this institution were Boon perceived, and the example followed by the principal cities in the union. The banking system continually in- creased, and extended to all parts of the country ; so that at the commencement of the war of 1812, there were se- veral hundred institutions of this character in the United States. Soon after that period, specie being out of the 46 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. II. country, the banks found themselves unable to continue their accustomed business, and pay their bills on demand, and were reduced to the alternative of discontinuing their ope rations, or suspending specie payments. Most of them adopted the latter, and discounted more liberally than ever, with an understanding that their bills should not be redeemed with specie. This course changed the circulating medium from specie to paper, more or less depreciated, according to the situation and credit of the bank from which it issued. It is obvious, that a promise which the public know will not be fulfilled in terms, can never be of par value, but is worth more or less, according to the opinion entertained of the honor of the maker, of his ability and disposition to pay, or of the legal means of coercion. The latter was out of the question. These corporations having no visible exist- ence, or tangible property, an execution against them could avail the creditor nothing. A power of issuing bills for a circulating medium not to be redeemed on demand, was liable to great abuse, and in the hands of unprincipled spe- culators, afforded a convenient opportunity for imposing on the credulity of the public. Several radical defects existed in the outset of the banking business. The property of the individual stockholder, beyond the amount of his capital, was not liable for the debts of the bank. The legislatures who created these institutions, either did not possess the means of restraining the hanks within their chartered limits ; or were extremely remiss in using them. Scarcely a bank could be found which had not greatly exceeded its charter in contracting debts. No effectual laws were passed punishing those who, under the cloak of a bank charter, conducted business on a ficti- tious capital, and perverted the funds pledged for the redemp- tion of their bills. While an individual who counterfeited a dollar of this paper was punished with the loss of liberty, and rendered infamous, a company of speculators might possess themselves of a bank charter, issue bills to an un- limited amount, without a dollar of real capital, and enrich themselves with the fruits of their fraud with impunity. No field for the perpetration of villainy can long remain unoc- cupied. Bank charters were obtained, a fictitious capital created by taking stockholders' notes for the amount of their subscriptions, without any other security than their shares, and on this baseless system, bank paper issued to an unlimited extent, with which the stockholders enriched themselves. 1815. OF THE UNITED STATES. 47 The bank was then declared insolvent, its doors shut, and the unsuspecting bill holder left to put up with the loss. Another mode was, where the original stockholders were men of probity and capital, and had actually paid in their subscriptions, for speculators to purchase a sufficient num- ber of shares to obtain the control of the bank, then draw- out the funds on their own security, and bankrupt the institu- tion. Instances of frauds of this description took place in different parts of the country, more were apprehended, and a general distrust of bank paper took place, which occa- sioned its further depreciation. That legislatures should have been so incautious, and regardless of the safety of the community, as to impart to individuals, they knew not whom, a power of issuing bills for a circulating medium, to an ex- tent which had no practical limits, without any personal responsibility, became matter of astonishment and regret, when its effects came to be felt. The delusion, however, pervaded every state in the union. Evils of the most seri- ous and alarming nature resulted from this state of things, both to the public treasury and individual credit. Specie was not to be had to discharge custom-house bonds, and other treasury claims ; the paper of the banks was at very different rates, at different times and places. No general etandasd value could be fixed below the nominal. Duties collected in different ports were paid in paper of very dif- ferent value, and when disbursements were required to be made at places remote from the place of collection, great losses were sustained. Difficulties of the same nature at- tended private transactions. Money was not to be had for the purposes of traveling, or distant remittances. Creditors exacting specie from their debtors could obtain their pro- perty almost upon their own terms : when willing to receive their demands in paper they had no means of ascertain- ing its value, or of determining whether it was worth any thing. . Proposition for a national bank. The secretary of the treasury, after giving a minute detail of the state of the finances, pointed out the embarrassments to which the trea- sury, as well as the community, was subject, in consequence of the want of a circulating medium of a uniform value ; and recommended the establishment of a national bank. The question whether congress possessed the constitutional power to create such an institution, had undergone many critical and elaborate discussions in congress, and before the highest judicial authorities ; and had resulted in a settled 4B HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. It. opinion in the affirmative. It was not claimed that there was any clause in the constitution, conferring this power on congress, in express terms. But under the clause in the preamble, declaring the object of the instrument to be, to promote the general welfare, and that clause in the body of the constitution, which confers the power of making all laws necessary and proper to carry into effect the powers specifically delegated, the power of creating banking insti- tutions was claimed to be included, as a necessary and proper measure, to conduct the financial concerns of the nation. The administrators of the government, in the construction of their own powers, have at all times given them the most liberal interpretation, and under these general clauses, have extended them to almost every case on which it was judged convenient to legislate. Charter o/1791. At the commencement of the govern- ment, the secretary of the treasury, in an elaborate commu- nication to congress, pointed out the utility, necessity, and constitutionality of a national bank ; which led to the esta- blishment of one, limited in its duration to twenty years, in 1791. At the expiration of that charter, the administra- tion of the government had passed into other hands. The general utility of the institution had been tested by experi- ence ; and the rapidly increasing commerce and re'^nue of the country seemed to require its continuance. But such a moneyed institution was found to possess an extensive politi- cal influence. The borrower generally finds it necessary to subserve the views of the lender. He very naturally ap- prehends that accommodations will more readily be granted him, when he favors, than when he opposes those views. The control of millions of dollars to be loaned for indivi- dual accomodation, at this bank, was now in the hands of the party opposed to the administration, and might, it was apprehended, be used to their disadvantage. The adminis- trators of the government in 1811, had, when out of place, been advocates for a limited construction of the constitu- tion. To quiet their fears, and prevent an extraordinary extension of the powers of that instrument, an amendment had been made, providing, that *♦ the powers, not delegated to the United States, nor prohibited by it to the states, were reserved to the states respectively, or to the people." Un- der this amendment they contended for a strict construction of the constitution ; and that no such necessity for a bank existed as the last clause contemplated, under which it was claimed the power was granted. An application, made to 1816^ OF THE UNITED STATES. 49 the congress in 1811, for the renewal of the charter, was un- successful, and it was suffered to expire without a substitute. During the extensive financial operations, to which the war, which soon afterwards ensued, gave occasion, the want of such an institution was severely felt ; but it was now to be created, if at all, by those who in 1791 opposed the measure fin constitutional grounds ; and in 1811 refused to renew the charter. Its manifest necessity, however, overcome constitutional scruples, and the pride of opinion, both in the legislative and executive branches of the government. Propositions for a new hank. At the third session of the thirteenth congress, a bill passed both houses for the esta- blishment of a national bank ; but owing to a difference of opinion between them and the president, relating to some of its important features, it failed of becoming a law. The plan now recommended by the secretary, did not essentially vary from that adopted by the last congress. The objects proposed, were, A profitable investment of a portion of the public stock : A safe and convenient deposit for the revenue : The transmission of the public moneys from the places of collection to those of disbursement, without expense or risk to the treasury ; And the establishment of a uniform circulating medium throughout the United States. On the general question, of the establishment of a bank, There was but little diversity of opinion. After much de- bate on its details, an act passed both houses, and was ap- proved by the president on the 10th of April, 1816, to esta- blish a national bank. Its principal features, were. Terms of the charter. That its capital should consist of thirty-five millions of dollars, seven in specie, and twenty eight in funded debt of the United States : That the secretary of the treasury should subscribe seven millions in behalf of the United States, payable wholly in public stock : That the subscriptions of individuals should be payable, one quarter in specie, and the residue in stock, thirty per cent, at the time of subscribing, thirty-five on the 1st of July, 1816, and thirty-five on the first day of the succeeding January : That the bank should be the exclusive depository of the public funds, and no other should be chartered during its continuance : 5 50 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. It. That it should be located at Philadelphia, under the super- intendence of twenty-five directors, five to be appointed by the president, and twenty by the stockholders ; the presi- dent of the bank to be appointed by the directors from among those who were appointed on the part of the govern- ment ; and, That the bank should have power to establish branches in any part of the United States, at the discretion of the di- rectors. For these exclusive privileges, the bank was to pay into the treasury, a bonus of one million and a half of dollars ; to perform the duties of the office of commissioner of loans, in the several states, and transmit the government funds to any placess in the United States where they might be required, free of expense to the treasury. Subscriptions filled. Subscriptions were opened at the seat of government, and at a principal city in each of the United States, on the 1st of July, and continued for twenty days ; on the return of the subscriptions to the commission- ers at Philadelphia, it appeared there was a deficiency of $3,088,300 to complete the required capital. This was im- mediately subscribed by Stephen Girard, of Philadelphia ; and the bank commenced its operations on the 1st of Janu- ary following. Debate on the commercial convention. When the sub- ject of the commercial convention between Great Britain and the United States came before congress, the senate passed a bill, in general terms declaring, that all laws incon- sistent with that treaty were repealed. In the house of re- presentatives, a bill was introduced incorporating the prin- cipal stipulations of the convention into an act of congress. The object and effect of both bills were the same ; but their different phraseology led to an interesting discussion between the two houses, on the subject of the treaty-making power, and revived, in some degree, the questions agitated in 1795, on the subject of Jay's treaty, when the house of representa- tives claimed of the president, an exhibition of the papers, relating to the negotiation, and insisted on the right of with- holding the appropriations necessary to carry that treaty into effect. In the present instance, the bill from the senate imported, that the treaty itself, independent of any legisla- tive provisions, repealed all laws inconsistent with its tenor ; that of the house, implied the necessity of a legislative re- peal of the laws, imposing discriminating duties in rela- tion to Great Britain. In a conference between committees 1816. OF THE UNITED STATES. 51 of both houses, some concessions were made on either part, and the act, as finally passed, amounted to little more than a declaration of the constitutional effect of the treaty. Admission of Indiana. An act was passed, authorizing the" people ofthe Indiana territory to form a state constitution, and providing for their admission into the union, with the privilege of one representative in congress, until the next census. The act provides, That one section of six hundred and forty acres in each township of six miles square of the unsold lands, should be granted to the inhabitants of such township for the use of schools : That all salt springs within the territory, with lands for the use of the same, not exceeding in the whole twenty three thousand and fifty acres, should be granted to the state for the use of the people : That five per cent, of the net proceeds of the sale of all the public lands in the territory, should he appropriated to making roads and canals ; three-fifths to be expended within the state, and the residue without, in roads leading to it, under the direction of congress. And, That two thousand live hundred and sixty acres be granted to the state, for the purpose of fixing the seat of govern- ment thereon, to be located m such place as the legislature should direct. These liberal provisions had a salutary effect in encouraging settlements, and enhancing the value of the lands still retained by the United States in the territory. Presidential caucus. The foregoing are the principal legitimate acts ofthe first session of the fourteenth congress. Their measures, with the exception of the compensation law, met with the general approb.ition of the' r constituents. One spurious and unhallowed act of a small majority ofthe members was considered by a large part of the community as highly derogatory to the rights of the citizens, and sub- versive of the best principles of the constitution. The second period of Mr. Madison's presidency would terminate on the 3d of March, 1817, and the appointment of electors in the several states for the choice of his successor would intervene between the first and second sessions ofthe four- teenth congress. It had become an established principle that the same person should not hold the office more than two terms, and in accordance thereto Mr. Madison was not considered a candidate. The approaching presidential elec- ion became a matter of deep interest. To a correct mind, 52 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. 11, uninfluenced by the splendors of royalty, the office of pre- sident of the United States appears the most honorable of any that can be sustained by man. There is no intrinsic merit or honor in being born a king, but to be elected to the chief magistracy often millions of people by their free suf- frages, is the highest attainment. The framers of the Ame- rican constitution manifested great solicitude to separate the legislative and executive branches of the government,, and render them mutually independent, that each might pro- ceed to the discharge of its high duties uninfluenced by the other. With this view the instrument ordains "that no senator or representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, should be appointed an elector, and that no member of either branch of the legis- lature should, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the Uni- ted States, which should have been created or the emolu- ments whereof should have been increased during such times ; and that no person holding any office under the United States should be a member of either branch of the legislature, during his continuance in office." While Wash- ington consented to preside over the destinies of the nation,, these provisions of the constitution were adhered to in their spirit as well as letter. Opposition to his election wae hopeless. On his retirement, the presidency, having in its gift several hundred lucrative offices, became an object of great intrigue and cupidity. Not only the candidate him- self but all expectants of office under him, became zealously engaged in the cause. The United States had become di- vided into, and nearly equally balanced between, two great political parties. In the succeeding presidential elections, it became a matter of interesting concern for each party to concentrate their votes on a particular candidate ; otherwise they were sure to fail. This formed an apology for the members of congress to overleap the spirit of the constitu- tion by interfering in those elections. Assembled from all parts of the union, they considered themselves possessed of the public sentiment, and able to give it a united direction. For this purpose the members of congress of either party assembled in what was denominated a caucus and designated their respective candidates for the presidency. The seem- ing necessity of the case, while there was a balancing of par- ties, kept out of view the hazardous nature of the measure ; and it was resorted to, when a new president was to be elected, in case danger was apprehended from a candidate 1S16, OF THE UNITED STATES. 58 of the opposite party. It requires but a slender acquaintance with the human character to learn, that ambition is a power- ful operator on the minds of men in high stations ; that this principle seeks the attainment of its object, by means adapted to the end, be they honorable or base, justifiable or criminal ; and that whenever mankind become enslaved, it is through the mad ambition of man seeking his own aggrandizement in the ruin of liberty. In the season of canvassing for the presidential election in congressional caucus, the candi- dates are always found at Washington : they are usually members of congress or of the cabinet ; but if not, they are sure to be there. They know the members most active in making the nominations, and the means by which their in- tegrity may be assailed. These may be expected to be ap- plied. The candidate having the highest honor that can be bestowed on man in view, must be something more thanhiu- man to withstand the temptation. While these congres- sional caucuses are endured, the people have no barrier to protect their liberties from destruction, but a fancied incor- ruptible integrity which does not exist in human nature. In the expected change of the presidency in 1817, the two prominent candidates were of the same political party, both high in the estimation of the people ; one at the head of the state, and the other of the treasury department, and stand- ing on nearly equal ground. The original reason for holding caucuses on the subject of the presidential election had ceased ;''and a respectable portion of the national represen- tation were desirious that the practice should cease with it. They correctly viewed it, as violating the spirit of the con- stitution, assuming to themselves a power wisely intrusted to other hands, and sacrificing the proper objects of le^sla^ _-"- tion to cabal and intrigue. The first congress under the constitution, with great sagacity, had provided that the elect- ors in the several states should be chosen withiri thirty-four days of the time fixed for giving in their suffrages, with the express view of preventing any intercourse between ihem and the candidates, but this precaution would most effec- tually be defeated, if the members of congress could erect themselves into an electoral college. While these self- created electors and the candidates were in the habit of daily intercourse, none could tell the bribery, the corrupt bargains, the great sacrifices of public interest that might be made at the shrine of ambition. Considerations of this nature had much influence, but did not entirely prevent a meeting on ^he subject of the approaching presidential election. 5* 54 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH, II, Meeting on the 16th of February. On Sunday the 10th of February, an anonymous notice in a printed form, addressed to the republican members of congress, was handed to each one, stating- that a meeting would be held in the hall of the house of representatives on the following Tuesday evening to take into consideration the propriety of nominating per- sons as candidates for the offices of president and vice pre- sident of the United States. In pursuance of this notice fifty-eight members assembled, and having organized them- selves by the choice of a chairman and secretary, resolved, " that in order to obtain a more general expression of the re- publicans relative to the approaching presidential election, the republican senators, representatives, and delegates be invited and requested to assemble at this place on the next Saturday evening, and that this invitation be given by pub- lishing this resolution, signed by the chairman and secretary, in the newspapers of the city." At the second meeting, one hundred and nineteen members attended, and chose a new chairman and secretary. Mr. Clay introduced a reso- lution, declaring it to be '* inexpedient to make in caucus any recommendation to the good people of the United States of persons in the judgment of this meeting fit and suitable to fill the offices of president and vice president of the United States." The question on this resolution was determined in the negative. Mr. Taylor, of New York, then introduced a resolution declaring that the practice of nominating can- didates for the offices of president and vice president of the United States by a convention of the senators and represen- tatives in congress was inexpedient, and ought not to be continued. This was also determined in the negative, and the meeting proceeded to ballot. The result was for the presidency, sixty-five votes for James Monroe, and fifty-four for William- H. Crawford ; and for vice president, eighty-five for Daniel D. Tompkins, and thirty for Simon Snyder. The following resolutions were then introduced by Mr. Clay, and concurred in without opposition : " Resolved, That this meeting do recommend to the peo- ple of the United States James Monroe, of Virginia, as a suitable person for the office of president, and Daniel D, Tompkins, of New York, as a suitable person for the office of vice president of the United States, for the term of four years, commencing on the fourth of March, 1817. And " That the chairman and secretary be appointed to ascer- tain from the persons above mentioned whether they are dis- posed to serve in the offices respectively designated." 1816. OF THE UNITED STATES. 55 Effects on other elections. The most enlightened and virtuous portion of the American public, viewed this mea- sure as one of the most dangerous tendency. The exam- ple is contagious. The mischiefs of the caucus system pervade not only the presidential election, but all the subor- dinate branches of government. The honors and emolu- ments of office excite the strongest cupidities of the citizen. None are so insignificant as not to attract the attention of some. They are open to all, but all cannot be gratified. At the return of the election periods, the unsuccessful were constantly endeavoring to get, and the successful to keep possession. Hence arises a political warfare of a virulent cha- racter. To concentrate and marshal their forces, the leaders of the ins and outs hold these clandestine meetings, at which the question is not, what candidate is best quali- fied for ofiice, but who will best promote the views of the party. The candidate being selected, the next question is, by what means can his election be secured ; the character of these means is not regarded, so be it that they appear adapted to the end. Electors sworn to give their suffrages, as they in their consciences believe will conduce to the best good of the commonwealth, are seen pressing to the polls with the utmost eagerness to carry into effect the edict of some private caucus, whether the candidate is known to them or not, whether qualified for the office or otherwise. This forms no part of the inquiry. This disorder appears in some measure incident to the representative system, not peculiar to any party or period, and to be of such an incu- rable nature as to threaten the ultimate destruction of the body to which it is attached. The high minded citizen of every party, whose integrity and talents afford the best se- curity for the faithful discharge of public trusts, ashamed of the practice, retires from the scene, and leaves the field to the unprincipled, the ambitious, and designing. Offices ob- tained by corrupt means are seldom well executed : they are made to subserve private views ; the commonwealth suffers ; the people, becoming dissatisfied, require a change, and pre- fer any form of government to that which places their most important interests in the hands of such administrators. It was an unfortunate circumstance, that when this disorder was at its highest pitch in the United States, it should have been sanctioned by the example of the national legislature. Americans exclaim against the bribery and corruptions of English elections. Their rotten boroughs and tumul- tuous and venal elections, are proverbial with the people of ijVt HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. II. the United States ; but the latter should consider, that when they give their vote for a candidate imposed upon them by a caucus nomination, they as effectually barter away their rights and violate their oaths, as the Englishman who re- ceives a guinea for his suffrage. The difference is only in name ; the effects on the purity and independence of elec- tions, and the aid afforded to unprincipled and unqualified men to obtain office, are the same. Happily for the people, however, the remedy is in their own hands. Let them dis- card caucus nominations, and at the polls consider them as a disqualification for office ; and cabals, corrupt bargains, and a host of evils will disappear. 1816. OP THE UNITED STATES. 57 CHAPTER III. Pecuniary embarrassments subsequent to the war; their causes— Emigra- tion— Different classes of emigrants— t^tate of parties after the pi ace — Claims of American citizens on foreign governments— On England — France— Spain— Naples— and Holland— Their estimated amount — Negotia- tions for their settlement— The arguments by which they were supported and resisted. Pecuniary embarrasments. A variety of circumstances, as is usual, rendered the period immediately succeeding the war a time of great pecuniary embarrassment ; the con- sequence of which was a general chang-e of property from the possession of the improvident speculator and extrava- gant consumer, to the hands of the wary capitalist. Previous to the arrival of the treaty of peace, in Feb. 1815, the latest intelligence from the negotiators at Ghent, indicated the continuance of the contest for an indefinite period. Re- lying on a protracted war, large dealers exhausted their funds and credit, in attemptmg to monopolize the principal foreign articles of consumption The unexpected, and to them unwelcome news of peace, bankrupted hundreds of this character. The high prices wh;ch land, labor, and most of their productions had borne during the war, encouraged the con- tracting of debts; the debtors relying on a continuance of the same prices, when they should be called upon to dis- charge them. A sudden and unlooked for depression of nearly a hundred per cent. :'n the prices of most commo- dities, embarrassed this class of citizens to a great extent. The readiness too, with which the banks which had sus- pended specie payments, loaned their aper, brought to their counters a constant stream of customers, some to ob- tain loans for hazardous speculations; others to relieve their present wants. Here they exchanged their own notes with indorsers bearing interest, and payable in specie, for the depreciated paper of the bank, bearing no interest. The period had now arrived, when these banks found it ne- cessary to redeem their credit, by resuming specie pay- ments ; for this purpose they were obliged to curtail their discounts, and call upon the improvident borrowers for heavy instalments, when the productions of the country were low, money scarce, and the value of bank papei 58 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. II. rapidly rising. This was a period of general embarrass- ment among bank debtors. The failure of adventurous speculators and imprudent borrowers, excited but little sympathy. No real wealth was lost to the community. The operation was a mere transfer of property into more provident hands ; but in the depression of the manufacturing interest, a serious public loss was felt. Depression of manufactures . The United States, pos- sessing a rich vacant territory of almost unlimited extent, accessible to all, are an agricultural, rather than a manu- facturing nation. The Br tish manufacturer, aided by labor- saving machinery brought to the highest point of perfec- tion, and always able to procure laborers at the lowest wages that will support animal life, can supply manufactures at a cheaper rate than the American. Hence, antecedent to the period of the restrictive system, the great mass of manufactures consumed in the United States, was derived from Great Britain. During that period, and the conse- quent war, foreign goods were atta-nable only in insufficient quantities, and at high prices. The inconvenience of de- pending on a foreign supply, being severely felt, led to the investment of much unemployed capital in manufacturing establishments. The facility with which water power, suf- ficient for these purposes, was obtainable in various sections of the country, strongly invited to this object. During the war this capital was very productive ; but at its close the British manufacturers having large quantities of goods on hand, adapted and originally destined to the American market, poured them into the country to an amount far be- yond the wants of the people, or their ability to pay, with a double view of vending their goods, and ruining the rival establishments of the United States. Many of these goods, after being warehoused a considerable time, were sold at auction at less than their first cost, and often at little more than to pay the freight and duties. Improvident people, allured by the apparent cheapness of goods, were induced to make unnecessary purchases. The goods des- tined to the American auctions were handsomely finished, but of the cheapest materials and texture. The' operation had in a great degree its designed effect ; most of the con- siderable manufacturing establishments were obliged to stop, and many of the proprietors failed. This state of things commenced in 1815 ; its eff'ects were more severely felt in the two succeding years, and continued until con- 1816. OF THE UNITED STATES, 59 gress, by a judicious arrangement of the tariff, in some measure relieved the manufacturing interest, and the people learning wisdom by experience, retrieved their circumstances by substituting a prudent use of domes- tic articles, for an extravagant consumption of foreign. Emigration. Another characteristic of the period im- mediately succeeding the war, and occasioned in a great measure by it, was an unprecedented tide of emigration to the west and southwest. Those regions had been traversed in almost every direction by American troops in pursuit of Indians, by means of which they became acquainted with their value. The destruction or complete subjugation of the Indian tribes, rendered the country more secure from their incursions than at any former period. The lands were now obtainable on moderate terms, and long credit. jCongress had adopted the policy of selling them in small sections, to encourage settlement rather than speculation. Large por- tions of them were locating o satisfy the bounties promised to the soldiers at the close of the war. The citizen of the east, whose circumstances had be- come embarrassed in conseq lence of the war, or from other causes, looked to this region as a place of refuge from his troubles. He had to choose between remaining at home, harassed with debts, seeing his more fortunate neighbors enjoying affluence — himself and family in want, and before him the prospect of an old age of poverty ; and of abandon- ing his home, and the rem dning comforts of miproved so- ciety, in the land of his fathers, and seeking a refuge in the wilderness. The latter aUernative presented the prospect of years of hard labor and hard fare, but an ultimate compe- tency and independence. Tlr.s was the choice of many, who, saving a small sum from the wreck of their property, re- tired to the west, and there acquired the means of a com- fortable support. Many, whose circumstances were en- tirely hopeless, hid themselves from their creditors in the wilderness. Another class of emigrants were young, am- bitious politicians, who sought fame, distinction, and politi- cal honors in the new settlements, where competitors were less able and less numerous. The tranquil state of Europe, succeeding the peace of 1815, brought numerous cargoes of emigrants to the American shores, who sought a refuge from starvation in the unsettled regions of the west. From these and various other sources, six new states grew up in the course ^0 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. III. often years * The settlers at rirst formed a motley society, of every character and description, and of different and discord- ant habits and views. By a constant intercourse, frequent intermarriages, a community of wants, and associations for various purposes the inhabitants soon became acquainted with and assimilated to each other, and formed a general charac- ter, compounded of the whole mass. Many times, indeed, large companies emigrated from the same neighborhood, settled in the same town, and gave to their society the pe- culiar cast of the region from which they removed. Vari- ous advantages resulted from this mode. The emigrant still found himself among his neighbors and friends ; a propor- tion of necessary mechanics and school andrehgious teach- ers usually formed the company. Associations were rea- dily formed, which secured to the emigrants in their new- settlement many of the advantages of the old. In general, the rapid improvement of their own lands, and of the coun- try around them, and the prospect of acquiring a permanent support for themselves and flimilies, reconciled the emi- grants to their situation, and rendered them contented and happy. Sometimes, indeed, individuals were to be found, who, not being able to bring themselves to submit to the inconveniences and deprivations incident to a new settle- ment, would retrace their steps, and, returning disappointed and impoverished, picture in frightful terms the horrors ot the western wilderness. The settlers, anxious to increase their numbers by new em-grations, would represent their country as the garden of the world. The new settlements rapidly advanced. Convenient roads, mills, mechanics ot various kinds, school houses, churches, and the other inci- dents of improved society, soon began to appear, and assi- milate the condition of the new country to the old. Amelioration of party spirit. The great political par- ties into which the United States had been divided from the commencement of their government, began soon after the close of the war to lose much of their asperity ; and to unite in supporting the administration. Few or no ques- tions arose to revive old controversies. The affairs of the nation, though almost exclusively managed by one party, it was claimed by the other, were now conducted upon princi- ples which they had always advocated. The period seemed at length to have arrived, which was viewed by a former pre- sident as a future event devoutly to be wished, when the only * Louisiana, Indiana, Misssssippi, Illinois, Alabama, Missouri 1816. or THE UNITED STATES. 61 inquiries relating to a candidate for office might be, " Is he honest? Is he capable !" and when integrity and talents should be the indispensable requisites. Both parties now agreed that the constitution was the most perfect instrument ever devised by man. One had administered it twelve, and the other sixteen years. On most great national questions they had acted alike. Both had established a bank, and had extended their powers by implication, to every subject on which they found it convenient to legislate. The useless offices, and high salaries, which once afforded a fruitful theme of declamation against the party in power, their suc- cessors had increased. The two great European powers to which each party accused the other of being attached, to the prejudice of their own country, had become friends ; the various questions to which the late war, in its origin and pro- gress, had given rise, had ceased to be of any practical im- portance. Both parties sincerely rejoiced at the return of peace. One indeed claimed that the war had terminated gloriously, and that America had obtained every thing for which she fought ; while the other contended that nothing had been obtained ; no satisfaction for past injuries, or re- cognition of neutral rights, which should be a protection in future wars ; and that even a positive loss had been sus- tained in regard to the right of fishing on the British North American coast. These, however, had now become ques- tions of mere speculation, tending to no practical result. The treaty had been negotiated by distinguished individuals of both parties : it was the best that could be obtained, and far preferable, in the opinion of all, to a continuance of the war. Both parties agreed, that the country ought to be placed in a respectable attitude of defense. That it was unsafe to rely upon a system of commercial restrictions, or a navy of gunboats for the protection of neutral rights ; but that a chain of fortifications, at the most assailable points, and a respectable navy, afforded the only adequate security. That in its foreign relations, the nation should do equal and exact justice to all, without submitting to the unfounded pre- tensions of any. It seemed to be admitted, though with some reluctance on the part of the opposition, that govern- ment, in the general tenor of their measures, were pursuing these objects. Party spirit then resolved itself into a mere question of office holding, and was kept alive only for the purpose of aiding those who were seeking to obtain or hold the lucrative offices of government. 6 62 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CHr III, Claims for spoliations. The claims of American citi- zens for commercial spoliations on the belligerent Euro- peans, attracted the early and constant attention of their government. In the early stages of the European contest, the two great belligerents adopted a principle in relation to neutrals of a character the most iniquitous and subversive of their rights, viz. that when one belligerent violated the rights of a neutral nation, to the injury of his antagonist ; if the neutral submitted to it, rather than go to war to obtain redress, the other might retahate on the neutral for such in- jury. In consequence of this principle being carried to a most alarming extent, and of the utter disregard which France, England, and the subordinate powers in other particulars, paid to neutral rights, during the long period that the United States maintained their neutrality, these claims accumulated to an amount, variously estimated, from thirty to fifty mil- lions of dollars. They had been repeatedly pressed upon the belligerents, in almost every shape, without success, England, in consequence of her naval ascendancy, was much the greatest aggressor. One of the prominent objects of the war of 1812, was to obtain satisfaction from her. That war extinguished the claims, without compensating the suf- fering merchants. In settling the terms of a general pacifi- cation in 1815, the European powers adopted and enforced the principle against France, that the injuries which one go- vernment committed, or suffered its subjects to commit against the rights of another nation or its subjects, should be compensated by the nation under whose authority the injury was inflicted ; and that the obligation always conti- nued against the persons in possession of the sovereign power, notwithstanding any revolutions which might have taken place in the government. On this principle, the allied powers taxed France, under Louis the XVIII. , not only with the sum of seven hundred millions of franks, the estimated expense of his restoration, but obliged her to make com- pensation for losses sustained, and injuries done to the sub- jects of other states, in all stages of her revolution. Eng- lishmen were remunerated for losses sustained by assignats, while France was governed by the executioners of her for- mer sovereign. The capital of the bank of Hamburgh, one of the richest in Europe, which was carried off by Davoust, under the orders of Napoleon, was restored by Louia the XVIII. Instances were almost without number, where the claims of European powers and their subjects against France, originating under every form of her government, were en- 1816. OF THE UNITED STATES. 63 forced against her present monarch with a rigorous exact- ness. Claims against France. The American nation were highly gratified to see principles so congenial to justice, and so favorable to their long existing claims, adopted by the European powers, and cherished the hope that their just demands, so often evaded and so long delayed, would be sa- tisfied. The claims for French spoliations were of two classes. one prior, and the other subsequent to the convention of 1800. The first had arisen to a considerable amount pre- vious to the year 179S,and the subject of them, together with the manner in which the envoys who were sent to enforce them were treated, constituted the causes which led to a species of war between France and the United States in that year. In the negotiations which terminated in the conven- tion of 1800, by which that war was closed, France met these claims by a list sf counter-demands against the United States, the most prominent of which was, that by the treaty of alliance of 1778 America had bound herself to guaranty to France her West India possessions, and that Great Bri- tain had wrested them from her without an effort on the part of the United States to prevent it. The French commis- sioners claimed that the guaranty being general, the gua- rantor was bound to protect the warranted property with all his force ; and that the United States had seen these pos- sessions in their immediate neighborhood taken from France without even uttering a remonstrance against it. After many fruitless attempts to adjust pre-existing claims on either hand, the negotiators postponed the whole subject, and formed a convention regulating only the future conduct and relation of the parties to each other. The second arti- cle, as it was originally drawn and accepted by Bonaparte, provided that a negotiation upon the subject of past claims should be resumed at some future period. The senate re- fused their assent to this article, and advised to a conditional ratification by which it should be expunged. Bonaparte accepted this ratification on condition that the expunging of this article should be considered as an abandonment of all claims on either side prior to the date of the convention. This proceeding barred all claims which the citizens of the United States had on the French government prior to Sep- tember, A. D. 1800. This class of claimants now press their demands upon their own government. They say their just claims on France have been bartered away by the United States for a 64 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. III. relinquishment of the West India guaranty. That this was a subsisting claim of great magnitude, and exceedingly onorous to the United States as they could not refuse it with honor, or fulfil it without hazarding a war with Great Britain ; and that a discharge from this liability would be cheaply purchased by a sum sufficient to satisfy all their claims. These demands have been resisted by congress on the ground, that the duty of the government to protect its citizens in their pursuits, when they chose to go beyond the limits of the national domain, extends no further than to remonstrate and demand satisfaction of the nation commit- ting the injury. That no principle of public law obliges the nation to which the sufferer belongs to pay for the spolia- tions, or to go to war to obtain redress. That in this case the government had done every thing in their power, and more than upon any principle they were bound to do for these citizens : they had remonstrated until their envoys were sent away with disgrace ; and then commenced a na- val warfare at a great national expense in support of their claims ; that they had become entirely hopeless and of no value, at the time the convention was formed. The ques- tion between the government and these claimants is still undecided. The spoliations from 1800 to 1803 were provided for in the Louisiana treaty, one stipulation of which was, that the United States should pay their citizens five millions of dol- lars as part of the purchase money in satisfaction of those claims. The demands subsequent to that period, arising from illegal captures and condemnations, under the Berlin and Milan decrees, burning vessels at sea, and various other sources, are still a subject of negotiation. Mr. Gallatin^ s negotiation. In the year 1816, Mr. Gat- latin was appointed minister plenipotentiary to the French government and specially charged to enforce these claims. The ministers of Louis XVIII. reluctantly admitted the principle that their monarch was liable for injuries done while his enemies held the reins of government. Their first excuse for not attending to the American claims, was that the European demands were so much more pressing and even compulsory upon them that they had no time for the consideration of the other. After those had been al- lowed, and provision made for their extinguishment, Mr. Gallatin again pressed the subject with great earnestness, urging that the period had arrived, when, according to the French minister's own suggestion, the American claims 1816. OF THE UNITED STATES. 65 were to be taken into consideration : that they were fully embraced within the principles adopted in relation to other nations : and that their magnitude, and long standing enti- tled them to a speedy adjustment. This application was met with a reply, that the European claims, which they were compelled by a superior force to admit, so far exceeded in amount anything that was contemplated, that their trea- sury was altogether unable to meet any further demands. To this objection Mr, Gallatin answered that the American claims were entitled to, at least, an equal degree of consi- deration : that their fiscal embarrassments, could form no objection to an adjustm.ent of the claims, postponing the time of payment, to a period, which should better suit the state of their treasury. This proposition was also refused ; and every artifice resorted to by a succession of French ministers, to avoid the demands. A protracted negotiation, of several years, conducted with great ability, on the part of Mr. Gallatin, terminating unsuccessfully, afforded little hope of an ultimate remuneration. France having no territory accessible to the United States, and no vulnerable points, compulsion cannot be resorted to, and a reliance on a sense of justice in the French ministry, promises but little. Claims on Spain. The claims on Spain, also divided themselves into two classes. One for spoliations, com- mitted by the Spanish government, or its subjects, by its authority. The question as to the liability of the nation, under one set of rulers, for injuries committed while go- verned by another, being disposed of, no subject of discus- sion remained, in relation to these claims, but as to the amount, and mode of payment. The other class related to the seizure, and capture of American vessels, by French cruisers in Spanish waters ; and their condemnation by French consuls, holding prize courts, in Spanish ports. During the greater part of the period, in which Great Bri- tain and France were at war, and while both powers were depredating on American commerce, Spain was under the control of France. The legitimate Spanish monarch, with his family, and heir apparent, was enticed into France, un- der the pretence of friendship, there made prisoners by Na- poleon, and Joseph Bonaparte placed on the throne. The Spanish American coasts, and borders, were made use of by French cruisers, to depredate on American commerce. More than two hundred vessels fell a sacrifice to this sys- tem, and were libeled and condemned by French consuls, on Spanish territory. This proceeding was without pretext 6* 66 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CU. III. on the part of France. Vessels taken on neutral ground, where even one enemy cannot attack another, without a breach of the law of nations, could, on no pretence be sub- ject of cendemnation. These claims pressed themselves on the French government with peculiar force : and it would seem mnch more consonant to the principles of jus- tice, to seek redregs from the nation which had committed the injury, and was enjoying its fruits, than from one, who had merely suffered it to be done within her territory, and who was wholly destitute of the means of preventing it. But the prospect of obtaining satisfaction from France was hopeless ; and America must put up with the loss, or make reclamation from Spain. In resorting to this nation, the prospect, on many grounds, promised a favorable result. She had rich territories, which she was unable to defend, within the reach of American arms ; and a valuable com- merce, passing near the coast, and affording an extensive field for the enterprise of American citizens. Poor, ex- hausted Spain must pay for French depredations, within her waters, which she could not prevent ; or hazard a war, in which the loss of a fair portion of her territory, must be the inevitable result. Ground of claims on Spam. The American government grounded their claim for remuneration from Spain, on a principle of national law, which entitles the property of a stranger, within the jurisdiction of a country in amity witli his own, to the protection of its sovereign by all the means in his power ; and upon an express stipulation in the treaty of 1795, which provided, "that each party should endeavor by all the means in its power, to protect and defend all ves- sels and other effects, belonging to- the citizens or subjects of the other, which shall be within the extent of their juris- diction by sea or land, and shall use all their efforts to re- cover, and cause to be restored to the right owners, their vessels and effects, which may have been taken from thani within the extent of their jurisdiction, whether they are at war or not with the power, whose subjects have taken pos- session of their effects," This article, the American negotiator claimed as expressly designed to explain, and enforce the principle of national law, and to provide for the cases in question. When American property was taken by French cruisers, and brought within the jurisdiction of Spain, she then had the power of restoring it to the right owners, and not havino- done it, she was bound to make them compensation. 1816. OF THE UNITED STATES. 67 Spanish objections. The Spanish minister resisted these claims, on the ground, that his government had done all in its power to prevent the injury complained of: that France and Spain, being then in alliance, and both at war with Great Britain, her ports were necessarily open to French cruisers. That if French consuls had, in some instances, condemned American vessels in Spanish ports, as English appeals frequently had been, and might always be taken, to the higher tribunals in France, from whence the injury originated, and where it was consummated. That nation, not being at war with the United States, her courts were always open for redress of injuries committed by her sub- jects on their citizens. The Spanish minister further claimed, that for all injuries antecedent to the year 1803, satisfaction had been obtained from France, by the Louisiana treaty, and adduced the declaration of the Frencli minister Talleyrand to that effect ; and offered the friendly offices of Spain to obtain from France indemnity for the injuries, which still remained unsatisfied. He also adduced a long list of counter claims against the United States, and offered to submit all the subjects of controversy between the two nations, tu the mediation of some friendly power ; whose decision should be conclusive thereon. Reference to a third power refused. The American government declined this reference, on the ground that it had ever been the policy, both of Europe and the United States, to keep aloof from the general federative system of each other, and that the European states were combined together by a multitude of important interests and relations, with which the United States had no concern, and had no disposition to interfere, and of which no communication having been made by these powers, the United States had uo information competent to enable them to estimate their extent and bearings. Floridas. The American government had always looked to the Floridas, as the means of obtaining satisfaction fropi Spain. Circumstances were constantly occurring which rendered those provinces less valuable to Spain, and the possession of them more important to the United States. Towards the close of the negotiation, the Spanish authority in those provinces, had to every practical purpose ceased ; and they had become the receptacle of a mixed population of an abandoned character, calculated to annoy the settle- ments of the United States, approaching the Florida border. A protracted negotiation of t wenty years terminated in a 68 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CII. II. treaty, by which the Floridas were ceded to the United States, for which they were to pay their citizens five millions of dollars, in satisfaction of all their claims on Spain. Claim on Naples. In the year 1809, while Murat was tenant of the kingdom of the two Sicilies under Napoleon, his minister of foreign affairs addressed a note to the consul of the United States, giving an official invitation to Ameri- can vessels, with regular papers, to visit his ports. A num- ber of them being decoyed into his power by this stratagem, they were seized and sequestered, under the Berlin and Milan decrees, their cargoes sold for the benefit of the government, and some of the vessels taken into public ser- vice, where they remained until the restoration of Ferdinand. The American property in this condition, amounted to seve- ral millions of dollars. On the re-establishment of tranqui- lity in Europe, the American government perceiving, as they supposed, some flattering indications of a return to correct principles, determined on a special mission to Naples, to make reclamation. Mr. Pinkney's mission. Mr. Pinkney of Baltimore, was selected for this purpose, and at the same time appointed minister to Russia. He arri'/ed at Naples in July, 1816, in the Washington 74, and on the 27th of that month, ad- dressed a note to the Marquis di Circello, informing him of his arrival, and the object of his visit. The appearance of an American 74, in the bay of Naples, bearing a minister of Mr. Pinkney's character, on such an errand, occasioned very unpleasant, and somewhat alarming sensations in the Neapolitan governmejit. Couriers were immediately de- spatched to the Emperors of Austria and Russia, to ascer- tain whether they would support Naples in refusing to pay the American claims. In the mean time, Mr. Pinkney was to be amused with the semblance of a negotiation. On the 31st of July he had his audience ; and on the 28th of Au- gust presented a note containing a minute statement of the claims of his countrymen, and the grounds on which they rested. After waiting a month without receiving an answer, he obtained an interview with the minister, who told him that a reply had necessarily been delayed, for the purpose of collecting the papers relative to the confiscations com- plained of, and to ascertain their amount, which could not be under several weeks. Mr. Pmkney waited until the 31st of October, when he was obliged to leave Naples for the place of his ultimate destination, without receiving any an- swer to his demands. In the mean time, the Neapolitan go- 1816. OF THE UNITED STATES. 69 vernment received such advice from the courts of Austria and Russia, as induced them to reject the American claims. Immediately after Mr, Pinkney's departure, the minister's reply was finished, and transmitted to Petersburgh, where it arrived some days before him. It was also sent to Mr. Gal- latin, at Paris. Reasons for their rejection. It contained a refusal, on several grounds, first, that Monsieur Murat, as he was termed, was a usurper, and that the legitimate sovereign was at war with him, and not bound to discharge his obli- gations ; secondly, that the confiscations for which indem- nity is sought, were not the acts of Murat, but were forced upon him by the violent interference of Napoleon ; thirdly, that the proceeds of the confiscated property never reached the national treasury, but went into the private chest of Murat, to furnish the means of his profusion. The king of Naples, a man of blunt and familiar manners, used to say to the American consul, when pressing these claims, "Why, Monsieur Murat took your ships its true; but he also took my kingdom. I suifered more than you did. I lost all ; and shall I besides my own losses, have your's to bear also V The substance of the Neapolitan dispatches, though not opened by Mr. Pinkney, found their way into the gazettes of Petersburgh and Vienna. The government of the United States having no means of enforcing the claims of their citizens, but by a hazardous and unprofitable contest with the king of the two Sicilies, supported, as he doubtless would be, by the emperors of Russia and Austria, can do nothing more than to keep up a perpetual demand ; for this purpose Mr. x\ppleton has recently been dispatched to Naples ; but the prospect of success diminishes in pro- portion to the distance of time from the date of the in- Claims on the Netherlands. In the year 1815, Mr, Eustis was appointed minister to the king of the Nether- lands, and instructed to claim indemnity for the confisca- tions in the years 1809 and 10, under Louis Bonaparte. In his first note upon the subject, without entering into an ar- gument, he simply stated that the American claims rested on the principle so fully recog lized by the governments of Europe ; that nations were responsible for the acts of their ' rulers ; and that any changes in the forms of their govern- ment cannot diminish the force of the obligation. The Dutch minister. Baron Tie Nogell, refused to acknowledge the claim on two grounds ; first, that the acts complained 70 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. III. of were not done by the Dutch government, but by Napo- leon, who had the benefit of the confiscation, and whatever claim the United States may have, it must be against his successor, the present king of France ; secondly, that if the seizures were to be considered as done by Louis Bona- parte, they were the acts of a usurper, for which the legiti- mate sovereign is not responsible. In the spring of 1816, Mr. Eustis was again instructed to renew the claim, and enforce it on the principles of indemnity, of which the go- vernment of the Netherlands had recently experienced the benefits. A correspondence immediately ensued, in which the American claims were ably enforced, and two of the most prominent cases selected for consideration. One, the ship Bacchus, which being ordered off by the Dutch govern- ment in 1809, was wrecked in getting out of the harbor. Her cargo being saved, it was sequestered, and finally ceded to Napoleon. The other, the Baltimore, which, after having received a protection, and license to enter a Dutch port, was seized, and her cargo, consisting of colonial produce, ceded to France. The Baron De Nogell now resisted all claims of this character, on the ground, that at the time the seizures were made, there in fact existed in Holland no government distinct from that of France, claiming that Louis was so much under the control of Napoleon, that he could in no sense be considered as the king of Holland. In the year 1819, Mr. Everett, the successor of Mr. Eustis, renewed the claim, bringing into view the authorities de- rived fi'om the most approved writers on the subject of na- tional law. To these authorities the baron replied, that inductions and analogies derived from the principles of the lav/ of nations, led naturally to endless discussions, as it was always easy to oppose authority to authority. After intimating that the principles of national law were not to govern in this case, he endeavors to show, that it does not fall within any of those analogies, nor within the principles of the French indemnities. Without eflfecting any thing in Holland, the discussion of the subject was, at the sugges- tion of the baron, transferred to Washington, where, after a further fruitless attempt, it was suspended, in consequence of a suggestion from the Dutch minister, that it was the wish of his government, that the further discussion of the subject should not be urged at present. The uniform ill-success with which these claims have been pressed upon the European governments, affords little pros- pect that any satisfaction will ever be realized, unless indeed 1816. OF THE UNITED STATES. 71 some of them should find that it was cheaper to make com- pensation, than to incur the displeasure of the American government. A sense of justice or a regard to the princi- ples of national law, have little influence, where the means of obtaining- redress are not in the power of the injured party. Spain affords the only instance where any satisfac- tion has been obtained, and that not from any superior re- gard to principle, the claims having been delayed to the last moment, but merely because Cuba and the Floridas were within the reach of the American arms. T2 historical sketches on. iv. CHAPTER IV. Second session of the fourteenth congress— Message— Compensation law re pealed— Proceedings of the commissioner of claims regulated— American navigation act passed— Internal improvements of a national character — Their importance — Mr. Gallatin's report upon the subject — A bill having passed both houses of congress making appropriations to this object, is ne- gatived by the president, on the ground of its unconstitutionality — The president's objections — The bill lost — Arguments in favor of congress pos- sessing the power by the constitution, as it now is — Presidents Madison and Monroe recommend an amendment of the constitution, conferring the power— Both houses adhere to the opinion, that such an amendment is un- necessary, and refuse to propose any— Provision made for the admission of the state of Mississippi into the union— Electoral votes counted ; and the result declared — Mr. Monroe inaugurated— His address — The princi- ples of his administration in relation to appointments developed in a pri- vate correspondence with General Jackson — The president's tour through the northern and western sections of the union-^General Jackson's order of the 22d of April, 1817. Meeting of congress. The second session of the four- teenth congress, as provided by the constitution, commenced on the 2d of December, 1816. On the 3d, the president transmitted his annual message, giving a favorable account of the foreign relations, and of the finances of the United States. The receipts, including the balance in the treasury at the commencement of the year, he estimates at forty- seven millions, and the funded debt at one hundred and ten millions. The customs received in 1816, owing to the ex- cessive importations immediately succeeding the v^^ar, far exceeded any former year. The tranquil state of Europe, and the prosperous circumstances of the country, furnished little of interest for the president's message, or the attention of congress. Compensation law repealed. The compensation la^r of the last session had excited general dissatisfaction, and been the occasion of preventing many of the members of the present congress from being elected to the next. Early in the session, a committee was appointed to inquire into the expediency of repealing or modifying the act. The com- mittee, after remarking on the delicacy of the task assigned to the representatives of the people, of determining on the value of their own services, say that the compensation of 1817. OF THE UNITED STATES. 73 the members of the national legislature ought to be such as to command the first talents. That the value of money, considered as the means of living at this period, had depre- ciated nearly one half, compared with the time when their wages were first fixed at six dollars per day. That that sum is not now an adequate reward for persons qualified to discharge the duties of legislation, to compensate them for leaving their business, and devoting a considerable portion of the year to the public service. That it necessarily de- ranges their business for the remainder. And that the ob- vious consequence of an inadequate compensation will be an incompetency of talents in the national representation, or the perversion of the office to sinister purposes. After stating some reasons, why in their opinion an annual salary would be preferable to a per diem allowance, the committee, in deference to what they deem to be the public sentiment, report a bill in favor of the latter, leavin:> the sum a blank, to be filled by the house. The subject of filling this blank oc- cupied much of the session, the sum varying from six to twelve dollars. In the end, none could be agreed on, and towards the close of the session a bill was passed, repealing all laws upon the subject, after the rising of the present congress. The effect of this measure was to give each member of the fourteenth congress three thousand dollars for two hundred and forty days service, or twelve dollars and an half a day, and leave to their successors the un- pleasant task of fixing their own compensation. Proceedings of the commissioner of claims. The com- missioner appointed under the act of the last session on the subject of claims, for property lost or destroyed by the ene- my during the late war, adopted a principle in relation to houses destroyed, which embraced claims to a great amount, which were supposed not to be within the purview of the law. The particular case which occasioned the greatest animadversion, was the house of Mrs. Carson, of Wash- ington, from which a gun was fired at General Ross, and was burned by the enemy, as was supposed, for that reason. The commissioner decreed her a compensation, on the ground that it was occupied as a military station, which occasioned its destruction. The principle of this case em- braced many others, which were also allowed. The presi- dent, apprehending that the commissioner was proceeding upon a mistaken construction of^the law, suspended his functions, and referred the subject to congress. The result was the passing of a law explanatory of the former act, 74 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. IV, and limiting its operation in regard to buildings, to such only as were occnpied for military purposes by order of the com- manding officer of the station, and directing the commis- sioner to report the facts in each case, with the testimony, to congress, for their ultimate decision. Navigation act. A law was passed this session, bot- tomed upon the principle of the British navigation act, pro- hibiting the importation of any goods, except in ships of the United States, or of the country producing them, ap- plicable to those nations only whose navigation laws were founded on similar principles. England and Sweden were the only nations that came within the provisions of the act. Bill relating to internal improvements. In the course of the session a bill passed both houses, after much discus- sion, which set apart all the interest of the government in the bank of the United States, including the premium given for the charter, and all dividends accruing on the shares subscribed by the secretary of the treasury, "to constitute a fund for constructing roads and canals, and improving the navigation of water-courses, in order to facilitate, promote, and give security to internal commerce among the several states, and to render more easy and less expensive, the means and provisions for the common defense ; such im- provements to be effected with the assent of the several states within whose limits they should be made." The pre- sident refused his assent to the bill, on the ground that it was a subject of legislation not embraced within the provi- sions of the constitution. This brought on an interesting discussion between the legislature and the executive, in re- lation to the powers of the general government regarding internal improvements. Both concurred in the opinion that it was a power highly beneficial and important to be exer- cised. The executive supposed it must be obtained only by an amendment of the constitution to that effect ; the le- gislature claimed that it was already provided for in that instrument. Reasons in favor of the system. The geographical situation of the United States strongly urged internal improvements of a national character to unite their different sections. A high ridge of mountains and a wilderness, in a great measure unin- habited, separated the Atlantic states from the valley of the Mississippi. These impediments are too great to be overcome by individual or state exertion; objects of high national impor- tance, require that the intercourse between these two great 1S17. OF THE UNITED STATES. 75 sections of the country should be facilitated as much as possible. The most obvious are, the increasing the value and promoting the settlement of the government lands, by rendering them accessible ; the increase of the impost du- ties, by enabling the inhabitants of the west to obtain foreign goods on more easy terms ; facilitating the opera- tions of the government, by opening a more convenient com- munication v^ith the city of Washington ; the more safe and expeditious transportation of the mails ; and strengthening the bonds of the union, by rendering its remote parts accessi- ble and known to each other, and increasing their mutual de- pendence. As a means of defense m case of any future war, the subject v/as all important. The experience of the last had shown that military operations cannot be success- fully carried on in the west, without an easy and expe- ditious communication with the east. In time of peace, much the greatest portion of the military force must be sta- tioned on the western border to control the Indian popu- lation. Most of the reverses of the American arras on the Canadian border, during the last war, are to be traced to the difficulties of transportation from the Atlantic to the northwestern frontier. Considerations like these, added to the immense private benefits to be derived from internal improvements, pressed the subject upon all branches of the government with great force. Early m the presidency of Mr. Jefferson, he recommended to con"f„«^Xst7es''?"' tect and defend the constitution of the United btates. Mr Monroe's policy regarding "VVO^ntments Ut Monroe commenced hisldministr-ation under very favorable - r&rrot^";vi:S:h^Xun"^^^ =E^r^Sinf?.arf>??hSiS the cabinet under the ^'^w admmistration M^^^^ pvi^ted esneciallv among the candidates for othce, as to mt ?.ourse the n^^^^^^ P^^^^^ "' his nominations^ the importance of preserving un^onij^^^^ ^,^^^^ necessity "^ ha™g the ^hiet ^ S thwart his views, ^npoufpjr^d.^^^^^^^^^^ '-^Lrof ernce £w|h^t,.e P^r.. f .^red, the ^c:ntSon,ttat^hS:aXnSC^n/ofchieY 1817. OF THE UNITED STATES. 81 magistrate of the whole nation, rather than to consent to be an instrument to perpetuate party animosities. Correspondence between Monroe and Jackson. Among the many curious incidents attending the contest for the presidency, in 1825, was the disclosure of a confi- dential correspondence, between Mr. Monroe and a distin- guished military officer, on the subject of forming the cabi- net of 1817. It is to be regretted that any circumstance should lead to a scrutiny of the private and confidential cor- respondence of any individuals ; but as these letters were finally published with the full consent of the writers, they have become the property of the public, and are interesting as they develope their views on an important subject. A principal object of the correspondence on the part of Gene- ral Jackson, was to recommend Colonel William Drayton of South Carolina, a decided federalist, to the office of secre- tary at war, and to decline it himself. In a letter of the 12th of November, 1816, the general, an undeviating repub- hcan himself, remarks : " Your happiness, and the nation's welfare, materially depend on the selections which are to be made, to fill the heads of departments. Every thing de- pends on the selection of your ministry. In every instance, party and party feelings should be avoided. Now is the time to exterminate that monster, called party spirit. By selecting characters most conspicuous for probity, virtue, capacity, and firmness, without regard to party, you will go far to, if not entirely, eradicate those feelings, which, on former occasions, threw so many obstacles in the way of government, and perhaps have the pleasure and honor of uniting a people heretofore politically divided. The chief magistrate of a great and powerful nation should never in- dulge in party feelings ; his conduct should be liberal and disinterested, always bearing in mind that he acts for the whole, and not a part of the community. By this course you will exalt the national character, and acquire for your- self a name as imperishable as monumental brass. Consult no party m your choice. Pursue the dictates of that unerr- ing judgment which has so long and so often benefited the country, and rendered conspicuous its rulers." In another part of his communications upon that sub- ject, the general seems to thmk, that some of the fede- ralists had rendered themselves obnoxious to military exe- cution, as spies and traitors, in consequence of the senti- ments they entertained, and the course they took in relation to the war ; and had they fallen within his precincts, he 82 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. IV. should have subjected them to martial law : notwithstanding which, as a body, he is of opinion their errors ought to be forgiven, and they restored to an equal standing with their political opponents. The constitution, he thinks, which proscribes religious tests as a qualification for office, ought in its spirit to be construed to exclude political ones, also, when they are made use of merely for the purpose of accu- mulating offices in the hands of a particular party. No man, since the Washington administration, has had the firmness to resist party considerations. The language of General Jackson, aside from his sentiments in relation to the military execution of certain federalists, is the language of General Washington, happily illustrated by his example. How the hero of New Orleans would have conducted under like circumstances, had not then been tested. Twelve years afterwards, Mr. Monroe's confidential ad- viser became his successor ; and the people over whom he was called to preside, looked with anxious expectation to see these noble principles exemplified in practice. It was not believed possible that a man who entertained such ex- alted sentiments, would ever prostitute the office to the pur- pose of rewarding partisan editors, and other instruments of his elevation. The- pro criptions of 1829-30 created the more surprise, as proceeding from such a source ; and led to the belief that their ostensi'-le author had lost his energy of character, and given himself up to the guidance of unprm- cipled advisers. Mr Monroe, though a military officer of the revolution, seems not to have possessed the moral courage necessary to carry so noble a principle into effect. In a letter ot the 14th of D-cember, in replv to General Jackson's, he admits the correctness of the principle, but thinks the time had not then arrived when tbe obiect could be fully accomplished. "I ao-ree with you decidedlv," he says, <'that the chief ma- ffistrSte of the countrv ought not to be the head of the party, but of the nation itself. In deciding, however, how a new administration is to be formed, many considerations claim attention, as on a proper estimate of them much may de- nend of the success of that a^lministration, and even ot the republican cause. We have heretofore been divided into two ?reat parties ; the contest between them has never ceased from its commencement to the present time, nor do I think it can be said now to have ceased. To give effect to ^ree government, and secure it from future danger, ought not its decided friends, who stood firm, to be principally re^ 1S17. OF THE UNITED STATES. 8^ lied on? Would not the association of any of their oppo-^ nents in the administration, itself wound their feeling-s or at least of very many of them, to the injury of the republican cause ] Might it not be considered by the other party as an offer of compromise with them, and have a tendency to revive that party, on its former principles 1 My impression IS, that the administration should rest strongly on the repub- lican party, indulging towards the other a spirit of modera- tion, and evincing a desire to discriminate between its mem- bers, and to bring the whole into the republican fold, as qui- etly as possible. The first object is to save the cause, which can be done by those who are devoted to it, only, and of course by keeping them together ; or in other words, by not disgusting them, by too hasty an act of liberality to the other party, thereby breaking the generous spirit of the re- publican party, and keeping alive that of the federal. The second is, to prevent the reorganization and revival of the federal party ; which, if my hypothesis is true, that the ex- istence of party is not necessary to a free government, and the other opmion which I have advanced is well founded that the great body of the federal party are republican, will not be found impracticable. To accomplish both objects, and thereby exterminate all party divisions in our country, and give new strength and stability to our government, is a great undertaking, not easily executed. I agree perfectly with you in the grand object, that moderation should be shown to the federal party, and even a generous policy adopted towards It ; the only difference between us seems to be, how far shall that spirit be indulged in the outset. .V, f i ^°^"^^t^«" of an administration, it appears to me that the representative principle ought to be respected, in a certain degree, at least, and that a head of a department, here being four, should be taken from the four great sec- ITJ T^^ ""'«"'. the east, the middle, the south, and the west This prmciple should not be always adhered to • great emergencies, and transcendant talents, would always iffeP^^o ffr^^"f .f«^ it; but it would produce a good effect, to attend to it when practicable. Each part of the union would be gratified by it, and the knowledge of oca' details and means, which would thereby be brought into the cabmet, would be useful. I am in no wise compromitted if IfJuffu^u""^ ^^^ ""^^^^r ^^"^^^ ^^ t^i« correspondence. It should be borne m mmd, that General Jackson was theo- 84 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. IV. rizingupon what, on general principles, would be proper, and with a view to introduce a particular friend of his,belong- inff to the federal party, into the administration ; while Mr. Monroe was anxiously engaged in marking out to himselt a course of policy, for a situation in which he must soon be "^ Vhe department of state was intrusted to Mr. Adams ; Mr Crawford was continued in the treasury. The war de- partment was first offered to general Jackson, then to go- vernor Shelby, next to Mr. Clay, and afterwards to Mr. Calhoun, who accepted. Smith Thompson, of New York, was appmnted to the navy department. In all the impor tint nominations, the president strictly adhered to the principles, which he prescribed to himself m the foregomg /^PrSi'det^rtoMr. Having made the necessary arrange- ments for the commencement of his administration, the presi- dent determined on taking a tour through the states, north ot the Potomac, the ostensible object of which was, to visit the works of defense on the sea-board. From the cursory view o. these works, to which he would necessarily be limited, no im- ^oTantresults could beexpected. But other objects of con seauence would probably be accomplished. The citizens would be Ratified with an opportunity of manifesting their iespect for the president ; he would learn the state of public feeW n an important section of the country, opposed to his ekction. It would have a tendency to soften the aspe- riv of party feeling, and to reconcile the different political sects to each otherfand to the chief magistrate of the union. On the 31st of May, the president commenced his journey, accomnanied only by Mr. Mason, his private secretary. At Smore he was joined by general Swift, chief of the corps Tf eSers, who iccompamed him through his tour on the sea-board, for the purpose of making observations of a miU- ta?v nature, on the works of defense. Notwithstanding the p'aL and republican manner in which the president set out on t"iis iourney, professedly a tour of busmess only, there was a unTversI determination to show him every mark of iespect The cities, towns, and villages, which lay in his ou'te vied with each other in their exertions to hone.- U^e chief magistrate. The exhibitions were all of the same characTe' but more or less splendid, according to the -m- ber wealth, and ambition of the citizens. One of the most pleLlS circumstances attendingthesedemonstrations^ the union of all parties. Political enemies, who had scarcely IS17, OF THE UNITED STATES. 85 been upon terms of common civility with each other for years, umted m the,r congratulations, and festivities upon gooVfeerg^: '' "'' «">PhaticalIy denominated the era of Manner of his reception. His approach to a particular town being announced, the best lodgings were provMed to which he was escorted by the civil and military authorities and citizens of the place. A committee of arransements were appointed who selected one of the ablest and molt accomplished of their number, to deliver a congrltuIaTorv address These were more or less polished, flSnto! bombastic, accordmg to the talents, and feelings of they're spective authors. The objects of allwere the same Th«,,hf; he.president a cordial Welcome to S viUagrexpressed heirhighsenseofthehonorhehaddonethemjfomphmented him on his past services, and exertions for the 3c sood and^f ?^f "^ ''"" '""' "'^'"^elves on the national prosferi?; H^t If » "■■' f'"'^"'' ■' expressed their confident eXI^ tions of a wise and impartial administration under his ausni Td'happwl T'J!er''''"'p™^p^'r=j-™^^-^^ ana nappy hie These were answered with as much variet? as the ingenuity of the president could suo-gest but IZHl with a reciprocation of good feelings bv a notW ^f ^ important event to the holior of theTce.'^^f any was withi? his recollection ; by many thanks to the cit*"en7for heh^ M^l' 'f 11 '^^ '»"'»i«ee, for the po te minner i ;tfw*i^KJhT;rpr;Tttt^^^^^ entertainment was then P?ovided!of the best the Htv»ff''T'i' at which the president occupied ttechirf seat InSth'f''-' tizens arranged themselves on each hfnd „p»r»f^ remote, in proportion to thei? respective' d"gnties The entertainment was concluded with wropriatf SmJT^/ ttcrs^^fritnTtufttS €uSn Thev haH J^""^ ^ ""^"^^ °^" considerable spe. ' ^^^y ^^^ ^^ven a unanimous vote against him.. 86 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. IV, While acting as secretary at war, he had opposed with great talent, and no small degree of severity, their favorite doc- trine, in relation to the control of the general government over the militia. The state government, and the municipal authorities of the town were still his political opponents. Considerations of this nature, however, were entirely laid aside, and they determined to show him the most marked attention. The contest for the presidency being ended, and Mr. Monroe constitutionally placed in the chair, they were willing to receive and recognize him as the head ot the nation. Governor Brooks directed his first aid, colonel feumner, to meet the president at his entrance, attach himself to his suit, and attend him through the state. Major General Crane was directed to procure a suitable military escort. The inhabitants of the town of Boston, chose a large com- mittee of both political parties, to make the necessary ar- rangements for his reception. The discharge of a park ot artillery, and the ringing of bells at twelve o'clock, on the 2d of July, announced his arrival at the entrance of the town, where he was met by the committee of arrangements, and escorted through the principal streets, by a procession of citizens, of more than a mile in length, to a suite of rooms, provided for him at the Exchange Coffee House. He re- mained at Boston until the 8th of July, viewing the various obiects worthy of notice, in the metropohs of New England, and its vicinity ; and receiving and reciprocating the com- pliments of his fellow-citizens ; each striving to obliterate party distinctions in the general festivity of the occasion. The scene had a happy effect in harmonizing the citizens ; to the president, it was a high gratification, to be recog- nized and treated as the chief magistrate of the whole na- tion, in the midsc of his political opponents ; and to Europe, it presented the imposing aspect of a united and powertul commonwealth. Complimentary addresses, of a formal character, had multiplied upon him so much, since his arri- val at Providence, that at Salem he was obliged to halt, and seclude himself from his fellow-citizens some days, to construct appropriate replies, and discharge the tax on his ingenuity, which they had imposed. Remarks on these civilities. Many citizens living with- out the sphere of the excitement occasioned by the presi- dent's tour, viewed these extraordinary attentions with some degree of dissatisfaction. They were disposed to consider them as hostile to the principles of liberty and equalit}', the 1817. OF THE UKITED STATES. 87 distinguishing characteristics of republicanism ; as having too much of a monarchal tendency ; and bearing too strong a resemblance to the pageantry, usually attendant on the journey of a European sovereign through his dominions. Some jealousy was also excited, lest these distinguished marks of respect, in the only section of the Union opposed to his election, should induce a partiality in favor of his new friends, to the prejudice of his old ones, in his future desig- nations to ofRce. Mr. Monroe they considered a plain, honest, good citizen, of sound sense and judgment, who had served the people in several important stations, with reputa- tion to himself and advantage to his country. His talents, and acquaintance with the concerns of the nation, qualified him to discharge the duties of the high office to which he had been elected. There were, very probably, several hun- dred of his fellow-citizens who could have done the same as well, had the choice fallen upon them. A chain of events beyond his or their control, had made him the first man of the nation, and left them in subordinate stations or in the, shades of retirement. This circumstance, while it entitled him to respect, did not in their opinion, justify so great an exhibition of congratulations, compliments, and parade, as attended him through his tour. Notices of editors. The editors of several respectable papers entertained their customers with severe, and sarcas- tic remarks on this exhibition. One proposes to publish *' the flowers of newspapers, embracing all the beauties of the north- ern prints since the commencement of the president's tour, their minute description of his diet, drink, and dress ; the roses which were showered upon him, the smiles of the ladies on his appearance ; his breakfasts, refreshments, dinners, tea parties, and suppers ; the great men who attended his excellency, and the old ladies whom he visited, with a great variety of very nice and minute anecdotes, accompanied with a number of engravings representing these brilliant scenes.*" Another very gravely apologizes to his customers for occupying so much of their time with these trifling scenes, but he thinks it belongs to history to describe them, as indicative of the manners, customs, and feelings of the times. His own views, he states, were so much opposed to these pompous proceedings, that when the President visited Baltimore he carefully avoided falling into his train. To Riclnnond Enquirer, July 29tl], 1817. 88 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. IV, him it seemed impossible, that Mr. Monroe, encompassed by a crowd at every hour, intruded upon, and beset at every corner by an idly gazing multitude, could perform his public duties so faithfully, or enjoy himself as a private gentleman would wish, on such a tour.* Journey loestward. The President reached Portland, the eastern limit of his journey, on the 15th of July. Thence across the states of New Hampshire and Vermont, to Bur- lington on lake Champlain, where he arrived on the 24th. At Plattsburgh he had an opportunity of viewing in the bay, and on the shore, the theatre of the memorable events of the 11th of September, 1814; and of complimenting the citizens on their valor, displayed on that occasion. From that village to Sacket's harbor, he proceeded on a rout which he afterwards designated for a military road,to connect the two principal naval stations on lakes Champlain and On- tario. From Sacket's harbor, the president proceeded up the lake, and visited the fort at the mouth of the Niagara, the falls, and the principal scenes of military operation on that frontier, his suite passmg on the British side of the river. From Buffalo he proceeded to Detroit, the western limit of his jouruey, where he arrived on the 12th of August ; and having visited the works of defense, and the scenes of Hull's campaign, he commenced his return, taking some of the principal towns in the state of Ohio in his route, and arrived at Pittsburgh on the 5th of September. The same distin- guished marks of attention were shown him in the west as in the east. He reached Washington on the 18th, having performed a tour of more than two thousand miles, and been absent from the seat of government, three and an half months. Military order of the 22d April. According to the strict rules of military etiquet, in ordinary cases, when a parti- cular service is required of a subordinate officer, the order requiring such service, is to be communicated from the war department to the general commanding in the district where the service is to be performed, and by him to the officer of whom it is required. To this general rule there are necessari- ly many exceptions, as in all cases, where the transmission of the order, through the commanding general, would occasion a delay prejudicial to the service; but in such cases, the ^ely fled to the towns, and gave the alarm. The American troops arrived at sunset, killed ele- ven Indians and negroes, and took two prisoners. The next day the towns were destroyed ; a considerable quantity ot corn and cattle secured, and the adjacent country tra- versed in pursuit of stragglers. Arbuthnot's schooner was captured at the mouth of the Sawaney river, and employed n fvf ®^i J'l^^^®''^^' ^"^ baggage ofthe army, to St Marks, un tne iwth, General Jackson made prisoner of Robert C Ambrister, late a lieutenant of marines in the British ser- i^ice, under Nicolls. lOG HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. V. Return to St. Marks. The proceedings at Sawaney, the general considers as having terminated the Seminole war ; which, as he states, had been rather a war of movements than of battles. The overwhelming force called into service upon this occasion, precluded the necessity of fighting ; the enemy thought of nothing but securing their safety by flight. The Georgia militia and M'lntosh Indians were discharged; and on the 21st of April, the general, with the regular troops and Tennessee volunteers, commenced his return to St. Marks, and reached that place on the '25th, having performed a march of lO"^ miles, through the wilderness and swamps of East Florida, in five days. Ambrister. The next object was the disposition of the prisoners, Arbuthnot and Ambrister. The nature and mag- nitude of their offences against the United States, appears from the following relation. In June, 1817, Arbuthnot had obtained a power of attorney from twelve Seminole chiefs, in very general terms, authorizing him to act in the affairs of their nation, as he thought firoper. He had represented to the Red-st cks, or fugitive Creeks, and induced them to believe, that they would be supported by the British govern- ment, in a war with the United States?, for the recovery of their lands. He bad written to the British ministry, to their ambassador at Washington, and to the governor general of the Bahamas, soliciting assistance for this object. In his capacity of trader, he had sold the Indians powder and ball, which might be applied to the purposes of war, as well as of hunting. He had induced the Indians to make prisoners of Hambly and Doyle, two Spaniards, settled on the Apalachi- cola, friendly to the Americans, by representing that they were instrumental in bringing upon thf^m the forces of the United States. While the army was on its march from Mickasuky to St. Marks, x\rbuthnot being at the latter place, wrote a letter to his son, advising him of its approach, and that it was probably destined for Sawaney ; and directing him to take the measures necessary to secure his property ; to give information to the inhabitants, and advise them by no means to attempt to fight the Americans, but to save themselves by an immediate flight. In January, 1818, he wrote a letter to Governor Mitchel, American agent for the Indians in the southern department, endeavoring to avert the impending war, claiming that the Indians were not the aggressors, and praying that the excesses of which they had been guilty, might be orerlooked, as the effects of an indig- nant spirit against an invading foe. Governor Mitchel 1817. OF THE UNITED STATES. 107 was so far convinced of the truth of these representations, that in his testimony in answer to an inquiry from the com- mittee of the Senate, as to the causes of the Seminole war, he stated, that previous to the attack of Fowltown, aggres- sions were as frequent on the part of the whites, as of the In- dians ; and that that attack, in his opinion, was the immedi- ate cause of the war. Robert C. Ambrister was a young man man of twenty- one, who had borne a lieutenant's commission in the Bri- tish service, under Nicolls and Woodbine, and had re- mained in the Floridas as a kind of successor and agent to them. He had resided a considerable time at Sawaney, and pursued the same general system of measures in relation to the negroes and Indians as Arbuthnot had done, though not to the same extent, or in concert with him. When the alarm was given of the approach of the American troops, he put himself at the head of what Indians and negroes he could rally, broke open Arbuthnot's store, and distributed its contents, among which were some powder and ball, to his followers, and attempted to organize a party to go out and fight the Americans. Except in this attempt, in which he entirely failed, neither of the prisoners had borne arms, or committed any hostility, against the United States. Principles of warfare with Indians. Notwithstanding the manner in which the Indians carry on their wars, by an indis- criminate murder of all who fall within their reach, authorizes any mode of retaliation which their enemy may think pro- per to pursue ; the United States, in their hostilities with them, have never carried the principle any further than to destroy their habitations and means of subsistence, and in this manner intimidating them, and compelling them to re- tire at such distances from the frontier, as that they would be unable to renew their ravages. Death or corporal punish- ment in any shape had never been inflicted on a prisoner, with the consent of the government. A foreigner, taken in arms, is justly considered in the same light as an enemy with whom he is associated. Admitting that Arbuthnot and Ambrister, by their conduct, though neither of them were taken in arais, deserved the same treatment as the sa- vages with whom they had connected themselves, there was no pretence for considermg them in any more unfavorable light, or taking their lives, upon any principle of civilized or savage warfare. After the Indians and negroes were com- pletely subdued, and not an enemy was to be found in arms in the Floridas, it remained a question exclusively for govern- 108 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. V. merit to determine, in what manner these two Englishmen were to be disposed of. The commanding general, however, did not think it necessary to trouble either congress or the executive with any questions on this subject. Court martial. On the 26th of April he detailed a court martial, consisting of General Gaines as president, and six officers of the regular troops, and an equal number of Ten- nessee volunteers, as members, with orders to meet at twelve o'clock on the same day, " for the purpose of inves- tigating the charges exhibited against Arbuthnot and Am- brister, and such others, similarly situated, as might be brought before them , and to give their opinion as to the guilt or innocence of the prisoners, and what punishment, if any, should be inflicted." Trial of Arbuthnot. The charges preferred against Ar- buthnot, were, 1st. " Exciting and stirring up the Creek Indians to war against the United States, he being a subject of Great Bri- tain, with whom they were at peace : 2d. Acting as a spy, aiding, abetting, and comforting the enemy, and supplying them with the means of war : And, 3d. Exciting the Indians to murder and destroy William Hambly and Edmund Doyle, and causing their arrest with a view to their condemnation to death, and the seizure of their property, on account of their active and zealous exer- tions to maintain peace between Spain and the United States, they being citizens of the Spanish government." The facts with regard to Arbuthnot's connection and in- tercourse with the Indians, as before related, were proved. Hambly was admitted to testify what the Indians told him in relation to the prisoner's conduct ; and Ambrister was re- jected as a witness, on the ground that he was under arrest for similar charges. The court decided, that the third charge was not within their jurisdiction ; that the first and second were proved ex- cept acting as a spy, and sentenced the prisoner to be hanged. Trial of Ambrister. On the 27th the court proceeded to the trial of Ambrister, on the following charges : " 1st. Aiding, abetting, and comforting the enemy, and supplying them with the means of war. And, 2d. Leading and commanding the lower Creeks, in car- rying on a war against the United States." To the first charge, the prisoner pleaded not guilty. On the second, he admitted the fact, but denied that it was a 1817. OF THE UNITED STATES. 109 crime, for which he was liable to be arraigned and tried by a court martial. The facts, as have been before related, respecting Ambrister's conduct, were proved. The court, in the first instance, sentenced him to be shot ; but on recon- sideration, revoked that sentence, and ordered him to receive fifty lashes, and to be confined to hard labor, with a ball and chain, for a year. On the 29th, general Jackson approved the sentence of the court, in the case of Arbuthnot, and ap- proved the first sentence, as he termed it, of the court in the case of Ambrister, and disapproved of their reconsideration, and ordered both the prisoners executed the same day. In passing final sentence upon Ambrister, the general remarks, '*it is an established principle of the laws of nations, that any individual of a nation making war upon the citizens of another nation, forfeits his allegiance, and becomes an out- law and pirate." The institution of this court, its proceedings and result, and the proceedings of the commanding general in relation to Ambrister, in annulling the final sentence of the court., and substituting one which they never had passed, were matters of much animadversion. However the victims might have deserved their fate, and although the United States might be benefited by making them an example, this was a proper subject of consideration for the government, and not for a court martial ; and it w^as a matter of great re gret that a tribunal, established by law, for very different purposes, and having jurisdiction over the lives of American citizens, connected with the army, should be made the in- strument of inflicting capital punishment upon persons, who could, under no pretence, be considered liable to such a sentence. Capture of Pensacola. At St. Marks, the general learned that some of the fugitive Seminoles had crossed the Apala chicola, and taken refuge in West Florida. Adopting the principle that no hostile Indian was to be tolerated in any part of the Floridas, he determined to pursue his search through that province. Having garrisoned St. Marks with two hundred men, under major Fanning, he proceeded, on the 29th, to fort Gadsden, arrived there on the 2d of May ; on the 10th, crossed the Apalachicola, and after a march of twelve days, without finding an enemy, arrived on the banks of the Escambia, a short distance above Pensacola. Here the general received a spirited remonstrance from the go- vernor of West Florida, against his entrance into the pro- vince, and approachinsr the town, as a violation of the rights 10 110 JIISTOBICAL SKETCHES €H. T, of Spain, amounting to an act of direct war, and threatening^ to resist him with all his force. The general had learned that some fugitive Indians from the east had passed through the town, obtained some provisions there, and escaped across the bay. This circumstance, together with a disposition to show the governor that his remonstrances were unavailing, induced him to march into Pensacola. On the 24th, he took possession without resistance, the governor and all the mili- tary force having sought refuge in the fortress of the Baran- cas, at the entrance of the bay, six miles below the town. On the 25th, the general invested the fort, and after a bom- bardment which continued, with some. intermission, until the evening of the 27th, it was surrendered to the United States, The Spanish civil and military authorities, were transported to Havana ; the American flag hoisted at Pensacola and the Barancas ; and the province, occupied by general Jack- son's troops. Colonel King, of the 7th infantry, was ap- pointed civil and military governor, and captain Gadsden, collector of the port of Pensacola. The subordinate officers were to be appointed ; the revenue collected, and the laws administered under the direction of Colonel King. The general and his troops effectually scoured the eastern part of the province. Captains M'Girt, and Boyle, of the Alabama militia, were directed to raise a company of sixty mounted men each, and complete the destruction of the In- dians in the western. Having made these arrangements, the general discharged his Tennessee volunteers, and re- turned to Nashville, leaving general Gaines in command. Orders to take St. Augustine. On the 7th of August, he issued an order to general Gaines, that in case he could find proof that hostile Indians had been entertained, and supported by the Spanish authorities, at St. Augustine, the only remaining post in either of the Floridas, unoccu- pied by American troops, to march directly to that place. In communicating his proceedings to the war department, the general strongly recommends the retention of the Flo- ridas, and the establishment of a cordon of posts in the ter- ritory, sufficient to crush any hostile movement. Proceedings of the executive. On receiving official in- telligence of these operations, the president called a cabinet council, consisting of the secretaries of state, treasury, and war ; and proposed, for their consideration, the following questions : «^eized, and put under the military occupation of the United States. The pecuHar characteristics of this war rendered It a subject of deep interest. On the one hand, the United States received great and essential benefits^ The very ex- tensive and exposed southern frontier was rendered secure from Indian depredations. The exemplary severity exer- cised upon the savages and their unprincipled advisers, were well calculated to strike terror upon tribes remote from the scene of action, and to deter savage whites from associating with Indians for the purpose of plunder and devastation. But these advantages were purchased by a sacrifice of principle, which Americans hold too dear to be bartered for any such objects. They have a constitution, framed with great circumspection, to guard their rights from the en- croachments of power. Every violation weakens its au= thority, and affords a precedent which may be perverted to the worst purposes. The danger increases in proportion to the high standing and popularity of the person by whom it IS transgressed ; and is much greater when done by a mili-^ tary than a civil officer. Pretenses of necessity, and an os tentatious zeal for the public good, are never wanting to jus . 10* 114 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. V. tify the arbitrary exercise of power. That part of the con- stitution which delegates the power of the sword to the ge- neral government, is guarded with peculiar caution, and ma- nifested in the sages who formed, and the people who adopted it, a great jealousy of military power. The militia are to be trained and officered by state authorities, and to be called into the service of the United States only in three specified cases. Congress alone can make w^ar, and raise and support armies, and even that body can make no appro- priation of money for that purpose for a longer term than two years ; so that the necessity and expediency of war, and of raising and supporting armies, may pass in review before the immediate representatives of the people on every change of that body. When the Tennessee volunteers were called into ser- vice, there was no law to authorize raising such a corps. The persons assigned to their command, having no legiti- mate commissions from the general government constituting them officers of such troops, could have no lawful authority to command them, or hold courts martial for the trial of capital offenses. The trial, condemnation, and execution of the two Englishmen found in the Floridas, for the charges alledged against them, was without authority either from the consti- tution and laws of the United States, or the principles of national law. The execution of the two Indian chiefs was unauthorized by any principles ever adopted by the United States towards tiiat people. The military occupation of the Floridas was an unequivocal act of war upon Spain, without the shadow of authority either from congress or the execu- tive, contrary to his express orders, and a measure which involved the United States in serious difficulties with that nation. On receiving intelligence of this event, the Spa- nish government demanded, that the act should be expli- citly disavowed ; that every thing should be restored to the state it was in before General Jackson entered the Floridas ; that satisfaction should be made for all losses sustained, and the commanding general punished ; and declared a suspen- sion of all diplomatic intercourse until these demands were complied with. Mr. Adams^ defense. Mr. Adams, the American secretary of state, in a letter to Mr.Erving, the substance of which was to be communicated to the Spanish ministry, entered into an elaborate justification of the proceedings of his government. By the treaty of 1795, Spain had expressly stipulated to re- strain, by force if necessary, the Indians within the limits of 1817. or THE UNITED STATES. 115 her territories from committing acts of hostility against the citizens of the United States. Mr. Adams produced a series of undisputed facts, which clearly proved that the Spanish authorities in Florida, so far from regarding this stipulation, had instigated and encourage ' the Indians and negroes within their limits to the most barbarous acts of murder and rapine ; had furnished them with the means of annoyance, and protected foreign miscreants in aiding the savages in their work of destruction. This, Mr. Adams claimed, was a full justification to the Spanish government, for every measure which the American had adopted in rela- tion to the Floridas, and would warrant any further repri- sals which the safety of the citizens of the United States might require : and concluded with demanding satisfaction for the heavy expenses incurred in prosecuting the Semi- nole war, and the exemplary punishment of the Spanish officers under whose authority these events had taken place. Arbuthnot and Ambrister being foreign emissaries, and principal instigators of the massacres done by the savages, their being put to death by an American officer, Mr. Adams contended, furnished no ground of complaint on thepart of Spain, though done within her jurisdiction. They being British subjects, their case was taken up and discussed in the British parliament ; and the view there taken of it was, that as they had voluntarily left their own country, and joined the ehemies of another, if taken, they were lia- ble to be treated in the same manner as those with whom they were associated ; and their military execution furnished no cause of complaint by the British, against the American government. Proceedings of congress relating to the Seminole war. Soon after the commencement of the session of congress in December, 1818, the president communicated to both houses all the papers relating to the Seminole war. In the senate, they were referred to a committee of five, Burrell, Lacock, Eppes, King of New York, and Eaton. The three first concurred in a report censuring in severe and unqualified terms the conduct of General Jackson throughout. The two latter justified him. The report was made to the senate near the close of the session, and no vote taken upon the subject. In the house of representatives, the papers were referred to the committee on military affairs, consisting of seven members, four of whom concurred in a report of a similar character with that made to the senate. The other ^hree presented a statement approving the general's con- IIG HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. V. duct, and concluding- with a declaration, tiiat he deserved the thanks of the country. The subject afforded matter oi discussion in the house for a considerable period of the ses- sion ; and on the final vote, the report of the committee was disagreed to, and the general's conduct approved by a majority of 100 to 70. The approbation of the president and senate has since been manifested, in his appointment to the offices of g-o vernor of the Floridas, and minister of Mexico ; of the legislature of Tennessee, in appointing him to the senate of the United States ; and of his feliow-citizens, in thr- electoral votes of 1824, which placed him highest on thr- ist of candidates for the chief ma^istracv of the nation. 1817. OF THE UNITED STATES. IT CHAPTER Yl. View of the state of Europe — Comparison between the European and Arne rican principles of civil government — Progress of American principles in Europe— State of France after the battle of Waterloo— Disposition of Bo- naparte, and ])is brothers — Meeting of a congress of European powers at Vienna, to adjust their claims to territory— 'I'reaty of the holy alliance— The professions and views of the parties to it — Tiie occasion of its being formed — The meeting of the allied sovereigns at Troppau, at Laybach — Their proceedings — Revolutions in Naples and Piedmont suppressed by Austrian forces — Meeting of the holy alliance at Verona — Their proceed- ings in relation to Spain, South America, and Greece — Conduct of Eng- land — Revolution in Spain suppressed by the French. American principles compared with European. The family of civilized nations have so many interests in com- mon, and the affairs of one are so often blended with those of another, that in order to a correct understanding of the history of any particular state, tlie most important cotom- poraneous transactions of others must be kept in view. The battle of Waterloo, the occupation of Paris by the allied powers, and their arrangements consequent thereon, put an end to a war of twenty-four years, the most exten- sive and sanguinary, as well as the most important in its consequences, that Europe ever witnessed. During this whole period, the correct principles of political economy, which had been established by the American revolution, and transplanted to Eurooe at the close of the war of indepen^ dence, had been making a gradual advance in the minds of the people of that continent ; and had taken such hold of their affections, as to render it impossible they should ever be eradicated. Scarcely had the European armies returned from the American contest, and been suffered to mingle with the people, than popular risings in favor of the princi- ples of political liberty began to appear. These assumed a more or less formidable aspect, in proportion to the degree of information, and the means of resistance possessed by the people. They produced a uniform determination on the part of the ruling powers, to suppress them, not only each one in his o\yn dominions, but by a combined and general effort 118 HISTORICAL SKETCHES €H. VI- The governing principles which sprang up in Europe in the dark ages, and prevailed under the denomination of the feudal system, were : That the prince was the proprietor of all the territory of his kingdom : that the people held all their lands under him; That they were his vassals, and owed him a perpetual and unalienable allegiance ; That the ultimate disposition of their persons and property was subject to his will ; That either with or without the authority of the pope, the rnonarch was the head of the church, and in that capacity had right to prescribe creeds and forms of worship for his ^^ubjects, and compel a conformity by such pains, penalties, and disabilitieo, as he should think proper ; That he possessed these high prerogatives, not by the 'ionsent of tJie people, but by a certain, hereditary, indefea- sible, and divine right, subject to no control, and accountable, to none for the manner in which he exercised his autho- rity; That every privilege and franchise enjoyed by th€ sub- ject, was from the free grace and bounty of the sovereign. As a necessary appendage of this system, the press, and all other sources of information, were subject to the control of the government, who were careful that no instruction in- consistent with these principles, should ever be communi- cated to the people. The act which separated the American colonies from their parent state, placed an enlightened and intelligent commu> nity of three millions, in a situation to establish a govern- ment for themselves, no individuals, class, or description of men, having any exclusive rights, privileges, or claims of superiority over their fellows. A situation so novel, and so happily adapted to the liberation of the people from the manacles of European despotism, was wisely improved by the framers of the American systems of government. They laid aside at once every thing savoring of the monarchal notions of the eastern continent ; and adopted the simple principle of perfect equality of rights among all the citizens. Their leading features were : That all legitimate civil government emanated from the people, and was designed for their good. That those selected to administer the government, had no powers but what were delegated to them by the people ^ •mder the constitution from which they derived their autho i817. OF TJIE UNITED STATES. il»J r'lty, and were themselves amenable to the laws which they should enact. That there should be no privileged orders, of any descrip- tion. ^ That the enjoyment of religious opinions and worship should be perfectly free, and no citizen should be subject to any penalties or disabilities, on account thereof. And, as a necessary appendage of this system, that the press, and all other sources of information, should be unre- stricted. The contest between these systems, the measures which the sovereigns of Europe have taken to establish their own, and extirpate the opposite, and the manner in which they have been resisted, form an interesting portion of American history. Confinement of Bonaparte at St. Helena. On the re- turn of Bonaparte from the battle of Waterloo, a short ne- gotiation took place between him and the existing authori- ties of France, in which he attempted to confer the crown on his son ; but which ended in an unconditional abdication of the throne. In that negotiation it was stipulated that hp should be provided with two frigates, to convey himself, his adherents, and his effects, to the United States. The ships were provided, but the vigilance of the English cruisers prevented their putting to sea. Bonaparte, as a choice of evils, rather than fall into the hands of his enemies in l^rance, voluntarily put himself on board the Bellerophon, a British seventy.four, under the command of Captain Mait- land. This event presented a new and singular question for the consideration of the allied sovereigns. In what man- ner should the person of the ex-emperor be disposed of t or twelve years he had belonged to the family of kinffs, and been recognized by them, as one of their number. Peace being established with France, he could in no sense be con- sidered a prisoner of war ; the detention of his person, there- iore, could not be justified upon any acknowledo-ed princi- ples of national law. He could not be landed on°the British shores, or brought within the jurisdiction of their courts without being liberated by a process which sets at liberty every person detained in custody, without legal authority In this instance, the great law of self-preservation super- seded all other considerations. To release him, would pro- bably produce further convulsions in Europe. The com- mander of the ship to whom he surrendered, was ordered not to approach within three leagues of the shore, and the 120 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. VI. British government, in concert with their allies, ultimately determined on the perpetual detention of his person. The island of St. Helena was selected as the place of his con- finement. He was conducted to this spot, a rock ot about thirty miles in circumference, in the Atlantic ocean, twelve hundred miles from any continent, in the southern tropics, by a squadron of British ships, and there conrined, with halt a dozen attendants, during the remainder of his hte. fo- reign ships were prohibited access to the island. Irencft, Russian, Austrian, and Prussian commissioners constantly resided there, to witness his safe custody. Twenty-five hundred men, under the direction of Sir Hudson Lowe, civil and military governor of the island, and a squadron ol British ships, under the command of Admiral Cochrane, were employed to guard his person. This extreme solici- tude, on the part of the allied sovereigns, to confine the per- son of Bonaparte, bore the highest testimony in favor ot his talents, and at the same time indicated, in uneqnivocal terms, the precarious tenure by which, in their own estima- tion, they held their authority. Restoration of the Bourbons. The next consideration of the allies, was the organization of the French govern^ ment, in such manner as most effectually to eradicate revo- lutionary principles. To this end, the Bourbon dynasty, with all its appendages, was to be restored. According to the European theory of the monarchal system, the stroke which terminated the life of Louis XVL, devolved the crown on his son, the dauphin, who, in the dungeons of the Con ^ crecerie, became king of France, under the title of Louis XVn This unfortunate youth, m a short time loUowed his faiher to the tomb of the Capulets ; and the regal seep- tre, with all its hazards, came to the hands of the eldest brother of Louis XVF., then residing as a private gentleman at the village of Hartwell, in England, who became king ot France, un°der the title of Louis XVHI. He continued his residence at Hartwell, enjoying the title, without any othei appendages of royalty, until the expulsion oj Bonaparte to the island of Elba, in 1814, when, by the aid of the allied pow- ers, betook possession ofthethrone Withm a year, he yield- ed it to Bonaparte, without a struggle. The last reign of the emperor continued from April to June, 1815, when Loms was again called from his retreat, to the monarchy of ^Treaty of Paris. The numerous revolutions, \vhich fol- lowed each other in quick succession, had shaken the belief a'81^. OV THE UNITED STATES. 121 ■of the people of France, in the divine right and hereditary succession of kings. The energy of Napoleon had exhi- bited a striking contrast with the v/eakness and inactivity ■of the Bourbons. The revolutionary flame, though smo- thered, was by no means extinguished. By the treaty of Paris, of the 20th of November, 1815, between France, Great Britain, Russia, Austria, and Prussia, the limits of France, with few exceptions, were reduced to the state they were in before the commencement of the revolution. Louis XVIIL, as the price of hia restoration, and to defray the expenses of supporting a foreign army in France, stipulated ^o pay th& allied powers seven hundred millions of francs;* and the allies, on their part, engaged to furnish an army of one "hundred and fifty thousand men, under the command of the Duke of Wellington, to occupy the principal posts in France, for five years, for the purpose of keeping down the revolutionary spirit, maintaining the royal authority in the Bourbon dynasty, and preventing the spread of anti-mo- narchal principles. The remains of the French imperial army, which survived the battle of Waterloo, were dis- banded. Marshal Ney, and General La Badoyere, were shot, and several other officers of distinction exiled, for their fide- lity to the emperor. The FrencJi people, overawed by these measures, and exhausted by revolutions, submitted : and the opposition to the ancient despotism was so effectually sub- "Jued, that the allies, at the end of three years, ventured to withdraw their troops. Disposition of the Bonaparte family. The family of Bonapartes, which Napoleon had raised from obscurity to kingly -authority, were glad to seek their personal safety in retirement. Joseph, king of Spain, found an asylum in the United States, at the village of Bordenton, on the left bank of the Delaware, where, with the title of Count de Survelliers, he enjoys a dignified retirement ; and inter- meddling in no shape with the politics of the country, sustains the character of a respectable citizen, and an amiable pri- vate gentleman. Louis, and Jerome, ex-kings of HollancT,, and Westphalia, became private citizens in different parts of Europe. Murat, their brother-in-law, in endeavoring to regain his kingdom of Naples, was seized by the inhabitants f Calabria, condemned by a* military tribunal, and executed. Lucien, the only one who had not been vested with kingly ' One hundred and thirty-one millions of dollars. 11 122 HISTORICAL SKETCHES CH. VI. authority, remained at Rome until March, 1817, when he applied for passports to the United States. A solemn con- ference on this subject was held at Paris by the allied pow- ers of England, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, when it was determined that his removal to America would be hazardous to their repose ; that neither he nor any of his family should be permitted to leave Europe, and that to prevent their es- cape, they should be removed from Rome into the interior. What this isolated individual, without friends or funds for any important enterprize, could do to jeopardize the monar- chies of Europe, is difficult to conceive. The anxiety of the allied powers on this occasion, formed a striking contrast with the liberal spirit of the American republic, which freely permits its citizens to depart whenever they please, and in- vites to its shores, emigrants of every character, entertain- ing no fears that their machinations can disturb th« founda- tions of its government. Congress of Vienna. After settling the affairs of France, the allied monarchs held a general congress at Vienna, to regulate the concerns of the minor European governments. With little regard to the interests or wishes of the people, they were transferred from one to another in such manner as in the view of the allies, would most effectually prevent the further progress of revolutionary principles. The Bel- gic provinces were united with the states of Holland, both constituting the new kingdom of the Netherlands, and given to the prince of Orange, the former stadtholder of Holland, who had distinguished himself in the cause of the monarchs and who now became one of their number, under the title of king of the Netherlands. Various dispositions were made in relation to the principalities of Germany ; the Italian states were placed under the tutelage of Austria ; and the Russian autocrat took charge of the despotism of the north. Previous to their leaving Paris, the emperors of Russia and Germany, and the king of Prussia, personally entered into a solemn covenant with each other, denominated the HOLY ALLIANCE. This memorable instrument bears date at Paris, the 26th of September, 1815; signed, Francis, Frede- rick William, and Alexander. They solemnly declare, that ** they have no other object in vffew, than to show, in the face of the universe, their unwavering determination to adopt for the only rule of their conduct, both in the administration of their respective states, and in their political relation with 1817. OF THE UNITED STATES. 128 every other government, the precepts of justice, of charity, and of peace." They stipulate, " 1st, That in conformity with the words of the holy scrip- tures, which command all men to regard one another as brethren, they will remain united by the bonds of a truce and indissoluble fraternity ; and considering each other as co- patriots, they will lend one another on every occasion, and in every place, assistance, aid, and support, and regarding; their subjects and armies, as the fathers of their families, they will govern them wiih the spirit of fraternity, with which they are animated, for the protection of religion, peace, and justice. *' 2(1. The only governing principle between them and their subjects, shall be that of rendering reciprocal services ; of testifying by an unalterable beneficence, the mutual affec- tion with which they ought to be animated, of considering all as only the members of one Christian nation, the three allied princes looking upon themselves as delegated by pro- vidence to govern three branches of the sam;^ family, to wit, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, confessing likewise, that the Christian nations, of which they and their people form a part, have really no other sovereign than him to whom alone power belongs of right, because in him alone are found all the treasures of love, of science, and of wisdom ; that is to say, God, our divine Savior Jesus Christ, the Word of the Most High, the Word of life. Their majesties therefore re- commend with the most tender solicitude to their people, as the only means of enjoying that peace which springs from a good conscience, and which alone is durable ; to for- tify themselves every day more and more, in the principles and exercise of the duties which the divine Savior has pointed out. "3d, All powers which wish solemnly to profess the sa- cred principles which have dictated this act, and who shall acknowledge how important it is to the happiness of nationSj too long disturbed, that these truths should henceforth exer- cise upon human destinies all the influence which belong to them, shall be received with as much readiness as affection in this holy alliance." The king of France soon became a party to this strange combination. The British ministry, jealous of the increas- ing power of Russia, and not fully understanding the precise import of a treaty containing only general expressions of ^ood will to the human family, declined becoming a party I2f4 HISTORICAL SKETCHES Oil. VI. to it. Philanthropists, in Europe and America, hailed it as> a new era in which the sovereigns of three great enipires,. controlling the destinies of the eastern continent, had asso- ciated together, under a solemn covenant, to make the hap- piness of their subjects., and the peace of Europe, their ulti- mate object, and the gospel the rule of their conduct. The more cautious politician considered, that the views of these monarchs, in making this ostentatious declaration of their philanthropy, could only be learned by its future results, Francis, Frederick William, and Alexander, were doubt- less inferior, in point of talents, to hundreds of their subjects ; but by virtue of principles, growing up in ages of ignorance and barbarity, having for their foundation the hereditary and divine right of kings^ possessed each a personal income for his own private emolument, of greater amount than the whole civil list expenditure of the United States. They en- joyed a complete exemption from all accountability to^ human tribunals. They possessed the power of making war and peace at their pleasure, and of commanding the re- sources, and population of their respective nations for the purposes of their own aggrandizement. The principles of civil liberty vt^hich must eventually destroy this baseless fab- ric, had been implanted in the United States, and flourished for nearly half a century. Every year increased their ex- tent, and permanency. They had sprung up in South Ame- rica, were beginning to appear in Greece, and though the arms of the allied powers had crushed them for a season, in France, they still existed in the hearts of Frenchmen. Men of intelligence and reflection, in every part of Europe, felt their force, and the sentiment was becoming generally pre- valent, that though it might not be prudent or proper to throw off" at once the shackles of the' monarchal system^ yet its operations ought to be restricted by legislative as- semblies, elected by the people. A fortuitous concurrence of circumstances had brought together, at Paris, the three principal despots of Europe, who held its destinies in their hands ; and they were not disposed to separate without tak- ing some measures to perpetuate their power, and arrest the progress of public opinion. Under the specious pretext of a holy alliance, formed for the repose and happiness of Europe, their union was in truth a conspiracy against its li- berties. South America has been threatened, and several of the minor European powers have experienced the direful effects of this misnamed holy alliance. The guardian genius of the United States induced a deck 1817. OP THE UNITED STATES. 125 ration on their part that this conspiracy of kings must in no wise interfere with the estabhshraent of the sacred principles of American liberty, in the western continent. A connected view of the proceedings of the holy alliance, so far as they were directed to the extirpation of American principles of free government, down to the year 1822, is thought prefera- ble to an interrupted narration.. Meeting at Troppau. After the separation of the parties to the holy alliance, in 1815, no forma] meeting of the body was held until 1820. Each monarch contented himself with individual exertions within the sphere of his influence to promote the main object. On occasion of the formation ot a constitution in France, similar in its principles to the English system, the king, under the direction of his asso- ciates m this alliance, rejected it, discarding altogether the Idea ot the people's forming a constitution for themselves Ihe state of the national feeling, however, compelled him' to grant his subjects, as a mere gratuitous act, the form of a ftonstitut on, containingfewof the principles of civil liberty On the breaking out of the revolutionary spirit in the south of Europe, in 1820, the emperor of Russia called a meelmg of the holy alliance at Troppau, a city of Austrian Silesia, on the 26th of October, 1820. The European powers who had not, in form, joined this league of sove- reigns, were mvited to attend. After a conference of a ew weeks, they published a manifesto, in which they state, hn!; "r H ^P^'' ^'^^ "^cf «,ar^ly increased the cares and la- bors of the powers who had combated the revolution and convinced them of the necessity of putting a check ^i ?he new calamities with which Europe was threatened With! out doubt," they say '' the powers have a right to take n common, general measures of protection ag-ainst those states whose reforms, engendered by rebellion, are opposed to e gitimate government." They profess to desire onlv to l7lZlZT.'''''''%^ '^ ''''r Europe from the scourgUf "ronn^Th 'if "? P'^^'^."^ ^^^^^ ^' ^^^ ^« Possible. They ground their right of interference in the affairs of other n? nons, upon treaties between themselves, to which these na' SaLTon'the^r"^ : a proposition ^hich befrs t o^w" to T Tvi^Ph * f ^'^. ^^'^.- ^^'^ ^^"^^««s then adjourned 'ly o^f vLn^ niyria forty miles northwest presentation .'nft^ ^"'P^'^ of obtaming a more full re- presentation, and taking more effectual measures to check the rising spirit of liberty in the south of Europe 11* 126 HISTORICAL SKKTCHES ClI. VJ, Meeting at Layhach. This meeting assembled in January, 1821, and composed one of the most august assemblies ever convened in Europe. The emperors of Russia, and Ger- many attended in person, the former assisted by eleven- and the latter by six of his ablest counsellors. England, France, and the two Sicilies sent three ministers each : Prussia and Sardinia two ,' and Tuscany, Modena, and the states of the church one each. The business of this con- gress, as it respected the rights of legitimacy, was of mighty import. In the year which had just closed, the contest be- tween the right of self-government in the people on the one hand, and the monarchal claim of an hereditary right to govern on the other, had assumed an interesting character, and appeared to be commg to a crisis. Spain, Portugal, and the whole of Italy, except the states of the church, ancc the Austrian dominions, were in a progress of revolution, and with less internal commotion than usually attends such 'events, were rapidly advancing to a condition in which the people would enjoy a portion of civil liberty. It was obvious- that this system, unchecked, would soon diffuse itself into other nations, and eventually put down the hereditary raonar- chal system. It was the business of the congress ol Laybach to arrest the progress of this spirit. To aid theni in this work, they had in the 1st place, a numerous and powerful hereditary nobility, whose title to honor and distinction rested on the same basis with their sovereign. . . *t, 2d. A numerous host of office holders, dependent on the crown for employment and bread. i r j u +v, 3d. Large standing armies, officered, paid, and ted by tnc prince, and ever obedient to his will. . 4th Extensive religious establishments, deriving theii^ authority and support from the crown, employed to keep the people in ignorance of their rights, and to inculcate the doc- trines of passive obedience to the will of the sovereign, and implicit faith in the dogmas of the church. 5th A numerous class of public creditors, whose property in the funds depended upon the existence of the govern- ment, in its present form. Opposition to revolutionary principles, ihe progrcb. of political reformation had also to contend with the appre- hensions of men of property, that a revolution would render their possessions insecure ; and with the fears ot all, tnai anarchy, misrule, or a more confirmed despotism, might be